',l> mm\\w' liii : ; DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Treasure "S^om GIFT OF W. B. Bell Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from Duli>Lc^ THE FIRST EDITION AVhen I nnd(n't()()k llic "Work which is now siih- niittcd to the riiblic, 1 did not overlook the difficulties of the execution, nor over-rate my OAvn powers. I fully appreciated tlie delicacy of detailing- the annals of a living- Soa creign, and of descanting on the conduct and motives of men who yet survive, or who have been recently reniovc^l from the busy scen(\ I was aware that bitter calumny or fulsome adidation had disfigured most of their characters ; and that the real image of pcM-sons, as well as the true colour of CA'ents, could with (hfficulty be discerned through the noxious mist or splendid vapour. I knew that other writers had executed the same task, and had cA'en extended their labours to a nearer and consecpiently more interesting period than that which it was my intention for the present to occupy ; and, as my manner of estimating characters and considering events dif- fered materially from theirs, I did not disguise from myself the reasons for apprehending that my Work would be exposed to some disadvantages from the effects of prepossession. History has been termed, by a just and well- known definition. Philosophy, instructing by exam- ples; but the nature of the doctrine will always be considerably influenced by the temper, views, and prejudices of the historian : and that writer must be highly cidpable, who, before he undertakes the task of directing the opinions of mankind on the most A 2 154445 IV PREFACE. important subjects, omits examining with diligence and candour the feehngs, limits, and bias of his own mind, estimating his means of information, and ear- nestly seeking to discover, Avith a Adcw of mitigatmg, their effects, the predilections, antipathies, hopes, and fears by which he is actuated. If these are suffered to operate in discolouring the narrative, which ought to be given with the utmost candour, the Author is guilty of a fraud in announcing his work as a History ; it is, at the utmost, but an Historical Essay, in which the writer, assuming the part of a disputant, bends facts, characters, and circumstances to his own views ; falsifies, suppresses, or perverts them, to suit his pur- poses ; and, instead of informing, seeks only to per- suade, seduce, or corrupt the reader. Works written in this manner, and published under the denomination of History, are filled with redundant and indiscriminate praise of some indi- viduals; while others are loaded with malevolent and unsparing abuse. To justify these extremes, Authors imagine for the personages of their narra- tives, a consistent uniformity of intention and con- duct, which truth never has been able to pourtray, nor a careful inspector of human life to discern. That men should be stedfastly patriotic, and, in their pursuit of the public good, always temperate, just, and self-denying, is very desirable ; but the historian feels, with regret, the necessity of recording the aber- rations of the most elevated minds ; and that work must be a romance, not a history, which fails to shew that individuals, whose general views have been di- rected to the benefit of their country, have been, in occasional acts, rash, vain, factious, arbitrary, or absurd. Such are the materials presented by the course of events, that a party writer, taking the bright or the clouded parts of characters, receiving with avidity the vehement assertions of panegyrists or detractors, and suppressing the facts or observations on the other side, may, for the moment, make almost any impres- sion without foregoing the appearance of candour; PREFACE. but truth will, in time, forcibly appeal against such misrepresentations ; and the gloss of exaggerated ap- plause, and the blots of unmerited censure being re- moved, her interesting features will be contemplated with a regard heightened in consequence of the tem- porary concealment. It may be doubted whether the period is yet ar- rived when the conspicuous persons of the present reign can be so impartially reviewed. The heat of party contest has rendered the public so familiar with calunniiatory declamation, that tlu^ historian incurs some risk in venturing to dismiss from his a ocabulary certain abusive phrases, or in presuming to doubt of certain supposed political facts so grav(>ly advanced, and so forcibly urged by the wise and the eloquent. He exposes himself to a still greater hazard in attempt- ing to rescue from long accredited imputations, cha- racters, whom the enmity of faction and the greedy credulity of the pubhc have consecrated to obloquy ; and in venturing to shew, that in many instances unblushing calumny has been mistaken for sober truth, faction for patriotism, and selfishness for public spirit. (Such has often been the nature of my task ; in the execution of which, it has been my endeavour to avoid a too common error ; I have not, in order to illustrate the principles and conduct of one man whom I thought injured, retaliated on his opponents. I have been slow in imputing to individuals those base designs against either Liberty or Government, which have been so profusely assigned to them. I have generally found in the state of party connexions, and the legiti- mate objects of honourable ambition, sufficient means of accounting for the actions of men either possessed of or struggling for power, \\dthout feigning, as a cause of tlieir conduct, an excess of mental dejira- vity or political turpitude, which is characteristic neither of the nation, nor the times on which I have treated. I will not affect to conceal, that a regard for the VI pkefa{;e. constitution of my country, both in Churcli and State, ever present to my mind, has diffused itself tln'ough my Work. I have treated that constitution not as a project, but as an estabhshment, entitled to veneration from every observer, and to support from all those whom birth or accident has made partakers of its blessings. I have not therefore lent my approbation to crude reforms, or to the conduct of individuals, who, for purposes of ambition, have endeavoured to unsettle that which was fixed, and more than once succeeded in exciting the public mind to a dangerous ferment of disaffection. But in that attachment to the constitu- tion, I have not, I trust, betrayed an indecent violence against those whom I considered its assailants ; I have endeavoured to assign to them and to their opponents, indeed to every man, whether exalted or obscure, illustrious from merit, or degraded by crime, his real motives and true course of conduct. I have never been able, nor has the course of my reading given me the inclination, to coincide with those authors or orators who are pleased to inveigh, with almost indiscriminate severity, against the foreign and domestic government of Great Britain. These highly seasoned invectives may be gratifying to some readers ; and to them the more plain, tranquil narra- tive of undisguised fact may seem insipid ; but repu- tation derived from such sources has never been the object of my desire ; I confine myself, with strict for- bearance, to the paths where I expect to find certain truth, and do not, in order to be thought courageous, attack where I am sure not to be encountered, nor calumniate those who by station, cirumstances, time, or death, are rendered undesirous or incapable of re- sentment. Far from envying the applauses obtained by those disciples of Thersites, who claim the merit of wit and courage by rancorous abuse on the sovereign, government, and constitution of the country, I can without hesitation declare my opinion, that, in the period on which I have written, the throne has been filled by a monarch who has sought the love of his PREFACE. Vll subjects through the means of public spirit and pri- vate virtue ; and who has tempered a noble desire to preserve from degradation the authority he inherits, with a firm and just regard to the constitution and liberties which conducted him to the throne, and which will ever form its best supports. Far from thinking that the aims of successive administrations have been directed to overthrow the libc^rties and constitution of the country, I am persuaded that liberty has been better understood, and more effectually and practically promoted during this period, than in any which pre- ceded ; and that the affairs of government have been always honestly, though sometimes imprudently, and in the conspicuous instance of the American war, un- successfully, administered. But whatever credit may be given, or whatever censure directed, to the motives or intention of an historian, the information he imparts will contribute more than any other cause to the permanent esta- blishment of his character. Opinions vary, fade, are forgotten; applause and blame are transferred from public characters, according to the mutability of gene- ral opinion ; but the narrative of fact will ever claim attention ; and the historian, who has bestowed the greatest portion of diligence and judgment on this part of his subject, will be most permanently esteemed. In the honest hope of this approbation, I have exerted every faculty of my mind ; adverted to every attainable source of intelligence within my knowledge, and omitted no labour of inquiry or comparison, to furnish a performance satisfactory to the reader and creditable to myself. For the general mass and outlines of events, I have explored with chligence the diurnal, monthly, and annual stores of information ; repositories in which, if there is much to reject and contemn, there are also copious, useful, and certain details, important records of sentiments, transactions, and publications, and a large stock of indispensable information, though not in itself sufficient to form the materials of history. viii ru r.FA("E. in aid of tlitsc. 1 linvc rcfmod to an ample col- lection ofpaniplilrts, narratives, historical and i>olitical tracts, which the freedom of the press has copiously afforded in ixratification of the public curiosity. In testimony of the authenticity of my narrative, 1 have been scrupulously exact in citing my authori- ties, cjenerally at the page, but at least at the chapter or section of the works referred to. In this I consulted my own n^putation, not for extensive reading, but for veracitv of narration ; for, had an ostentation of labour been my object, I coidd easily have swelled into tedious- ness the catalogue of works I have been obliged to peiiise, without deriving from them any fact sufficiently im})ortant for commemoration. The principal exceptions to the rule of precise citations are the common facts which are well known and undisputed : and w hich are preserved in all the periodical compilations. An apology may perhaps appear necessaiy for the lengtli at which some of the parliamentary debates are recit(xl ; but those who consider the great eftbrts em- l)loyed in the senate, during the wdiole of this reign, and the effects of parliamentary eloquence in guiding the public mind, will not think the narrative of these discussions too minute. No part of my task has been more laborious, more difficult, or deUcate, than that of sel(>cting the most forcible reasons urged on each side, and impartially giving to both their utmost in- terests. In peiforming this part of my undertaking, I have found nuu;li previous misrepresentation to cor- rect ; nuuiy arguments, given as unanswered, ably refuted ; many assertions and speculations attributed to particular speakers, unrecorded, uttered by others, or accompanied by qualifying additions, which totally vaiied the sense from that which is impressed on the public. In general, I have preferred the historical mode ; recapitulating the chief arguments on each side in a mass ; but from this practice, the reader will find occasional deviations; first, where any member has, from peculiar circumstances, or a celebrated dis- PREFACE. IX play of eloquence, rendered himself eminently con- spicuous ; secondly, where the nature of the question has been such as to render the sentiments of each speaker, and his mode of enforcing them, worthy of specific notice. The debates on those measures against the town of Boston, which occasioned the American war, are the most prominent examples of the latter mode of detail. For these discussions, I have been obliged to rely on the collection of debates published by Almon and Debrett ; a work which is in many instances tmged with party prejudice, and, in some, disfigured by negligence, but which is nevertheless the only permanent and regular record of those inte- resting exertions which have given a character to the foreign and domestic acts of the nation, and which the historian is indispensably obliged to relate. The votes, journals, and reports of parliament, have formed a valuable addition, and frequently furnished the means of correcting the mistakes of the Parliamentary Register. In narrating the progress of the American war, I have relied in great part on Stedman's history of that contest ; though not so implicitly as to omit con- sulting other printed authorities, which the reader will see refen-ed to in every chapter. But I have been enabled to obtain documents on this subject which were never before thrown open to the historian, and private information from persons of the first talent and character, who possessed the most ample means of imparting intelligence. Many hitherto unnoticed narratives of transac- tions in Ireland are preserved in periodical compila- tions ; of these I have diligently availed myself, but have derived much more important information from valuable unpublished documents with which I have been favoured. On the aff\iirs of India, I ha^•e diligently consulted and placed my chief reliance on the reports published by parliament. The events of Mr. Hastings's govern- ment are omitted in the present Work, as I considered X rUEFACE. , their nioro natural and proper situation to be in the int«'rval bt'twoen tlio peace of 1783, and the period when new rej^ulations were adopted for the govern- ment of the Asiatic territories. These transactions will engage my early attention, when I proceed in continuation of my present AVork. I have on many occasions referred to private infor- mation, and epistolary documents. On this head I am peculiarly obliged to Henry Pcnruddock Wynd- ham. Esquire, ]\I ember of Parliament for the comity of AVilts, f(L)r his liberal communication of the Mel- combe Papers, which afforded much new and interest- ing information on the cliaracter and conduct of Lord Bute, and from which I have been enabled to insert some valuable letters in the Appendix. I am also proud to ex|)ress my grateful acknowledgments to the Reverend AVilliani Coxc, for giving me unlimited access to his valuable and extensive collection of state papers and historical documents. Nothing could be more gratifying to my ambition, or more honourable to my cliaracter, than a distinct recapitulation of the other persons to whom I am obliged on these subjects ; but their delicacy forbids the public homage of gratitude, and T should shew myself unworthy of confidence, if 1 suffered hints or descriptions to escape me which would lead from conjecture to certainty, and indirectly baffle the wish(\s of those who in this instance have a right to command. I have, however, in a short appen- dix to each volume, given a few papers extracted from the ])rincipal correspondence to which I have had recourse, not as containing the whole body of that evidence in support of the fiicts advanced, but as a test of my veracity, and as an object of reference, through whicli, by consulting with living witnesses, the reality of my authorities, and my fidelity in reciting them, may be fully established. The length of this preface will shew, that which I have no desire to conceal, my solicitude for the favourable reception of this Work. I do not court the aid of party to rescue it from censure ; for it is so PREFACE. XI composed, that I know not to what party I should apply; but I depend with confidence, though not without anxiety, on the candid judgment of all parties; resting my principal hope on a consciousness of my own good intentions, and on a recollection of the pains I have taken to procure accurate and copious informa- tion, and to relate with proper temper the progress of political contests, unprecedented both in their nature and effects. ADDITIONAL PREFACE. AViTH feelings of anxiety, not less than those wliich I experienced when first I presented these volumes to the public, I now again send them into the world. The favourable opinion which I then sought for, and obtained, I still hope to preserve, conscious that I have neglected nothing which care and industry could achieve to render my work more perfect than it was at first. Since my last edition was published, I have been enabled to add considerably to my narrative, by means which I shall shortly notice. To begin with the debates in Parliament. The collections of Almon and Debrett, on which I formerly relied, have been methodized and amplified in the publication entitled " The Parliamentary History of " England ;" the Editor of which has exj)lored many sources of information not before known or resorted to, and detailed their contents with accuracy and fidelity. The same \vi-iter has also furnished a large stock of information, by his edition of the Memoirs and Correspondence of the Earl of Chatham ; a work, in the collecting, arranging, and illustrating of which with copious references, judgment, correctness, and good taste, are equally conspicuous. From numerous other biographical and epistolary compilations I have derived much knowledge. To enumerate them all would be tedious ; but, as a specimen, I may mention the names of Mr. Flood, Lord Charlemont, Lord Bar- Xiv ADDITK^NAL I'KKFACE. rin^ton, Mr. (i rattan, l-ord Dover, Lord Orford, Dr. 'loiiilinc, IJishop of A\'iiichcster, Barrow's Lives of Lord Macartney, Lord Anson, and Lord Howe, 8ir John Malcolm's Life of Lord C'livc, and the biogra- phers of Mr. Burke. On the origin and progress of the contest with America, I have obtained much new and interesthig inf(jrmation from recent publications, particularly the Memoirs and Correspondence of Dr. Franklin and ]\Ir. Jefferson, the Memoirs of General Washington by Judge Marshall, and the Lives of the same dis- tinguished individual, and of Gouverneur Morris, by Jared Sparks ; and to these a great number of other works may be added. By increasing considerably the bulk of these volumes, I have been enabled, not only to introduce much additional matter in the narrative, but also to complete the history of the period comprised in them, by relating the events in India up to the determina- tion of Mr. Hastings's government. On this subject, the authorities furnished by the Ileports of the Com- mittees of the House of Commons are most abundant; and several writers on that and the immediately pre- ceding period are referred to. A portion of that which, at the time of my first publication, I considered as private information, has now been laid oi)en to general view, in the collection of Manuscripts in the British Museum. To that truly valuable repository I have diligently referred, and, from the portion termed the Mitchell Papers, have derived many correct, and, I believe, hitherto imdisclosed particulars of transactions, both domestic and foreign. Beside the Mitchell Papers, there is a large mass of miscellaneous information, and, par- ticularly, in the portion called King George the Third's C/ollection, a series of letters written by Dr. Franklin and other persons, which throw much light on the beginning of the American contest. By the kindness of Lord John Russell, I have been allowed access to the State Paper Office, and per- ADDITIONAL PREFACE. XV mitted to avail myself of inestimable documents, com- prising the letters of our ambassadors and ministers to all the Courts of Europe. This permission extends only to the correspondence during a limited period ; but restricted, as most properly it is, I feel sincere gratitude for the liberal and ready manner in wliich it was conferred on me ; and it is rendered additionally valuable by the kindness and attention which, under the management of the llight Honourable Henry Hobhouse, have facilitated my researches. I have reprinted the Prefjxcc which I published thirty-eight yc>ars ago, because, in that long period, and amidst the astonishing events which it has pro- duced, I have found no reason to desert any principle whicli I tlien professed, or to dc^part from any opinion I then advanced. I do not deny that I liave written under the in- fluence of strong and decided opinions on men and measures ; tame and insipid must be the production of the historian who does not; but the character I claim for myself is tliat of never having purposely imparted a false, or led to a mistaken, judgment. In viewing the characters and conduct of men, I liave en- deavoured to place myself in their day, and in their society, and to estimate their acts according to the means of knowledge they possessed, and the influence pro- duced on their minds by association or opposition ; and, in treating on the stupendous events which form the subject of my narrative, my constant endeavour has been to collect facts mth care and dihgence ; to draw inferences with reserve and moderation ; to guard my mind against every impulse of passion or partiality ; and, relying onl} on copiousness of information and clearness of narrative, to leave the reader to form his own judgment, without attempting either to dictate, or to court his applause or his condemnation of any person, or any course of proceeding. I have long enjoyed the satisfaction of knowing that the revered Sovereign whose reign formed the subject of my narrative, regarded my labours with XVI ADDITIONAL PREFACK. Hvowcd approbation : and I now experience with the highest gratification the effect of that favourable opinion, in the spontaneous and gracious patronage of all the Members of his Family ; of every one of his royal offspring, and of the illustrious Successor to his throne. I may add, with a justifiable pride, that the public has shewn its approbation by the purchase of four large editions ; the critics most opposed to me in poli- tical and religious opinions have acknowledged that I have stated the facts in which they felt most in- terested, \vith candour and temper ; my work has been reprinted in America, and a translation of it into the French language has been executed by, or at least under, the inspection of, one of the distinguished mem- bers of the Institute. These observations apply exclusively to the volumes which have akeady appeared. In the continuation, I shall probably introduce particular periods with a short preface ; and I permit myself to hope that in that por- tion of my laborious and arduous undertaking, I shall not be found to have abated the industry and care I have already employed, or to have deviated from the Une which I had successfully pursued. SUBSCRIBERS. HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY THE QUEEN HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN DOWAGER HER ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUCHESS OF KENT HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF HANOVER HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF SUSSEX HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE HER ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DOWAGER LANDGRAVINE OF HESSE HOMBOURG HER ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUCHESS OF GLOUCESTER HER ROYAL HIGHNESS THE FRINCESS AUGUSTA HER ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCESS SOPHIA. 'I'lic Royal Prussian Ministry His Excellency the Baron Miincliliauscn His Excellency the Baron Bulow His Grace the Archhishop of Canterbury His Grace the Duke of Northumberland His Grace the Duke of Marlborough His Grace the Duke of Sutherland His Grace the Duke of Buccleugh His Grace the Duke of Portland The Most Hon. the Marquis of Salisbury The Most Hon. the Marquis of Exeter The Most Hon. the INIarquis of Camden The Most Hon. the Marquis of Northampton The Most Hon. the Marquis of Bute The Most Hon. tlie Marquis of Normanby The Rt. Hon. the Earl of Derby The Rt. Hon. the Earl of Hardwicko The Rt. Hon. the Earl of Devon The Rt. Hon. the Earl of Lonsdale The Rt. Hon. the Earl of Fife The Rt. Hon. the Earl of Eldon The Rt. Hon. the Earl of Stamford and Warrington The Rt. Hon. the Earl of Jermyn, M.P. The Rt. Hon. the Countess Dowager of Pembroke The Rt. Hon. Lord Viscount Sidmouth The Rt. Hon. Lord Viscount Melbom-nc The Rt. Hon. Lord Viscount Palmei-ston The Rt. Rev. the Lord Bishop of Durluun The Rt. Rev. the Lord Bishop of Llandaii' The Rt. Rev. the Lord Bishop of Carlisle The Rt. Rev. the Lord Bishop of Lincoln I The Rt. Rev. the Lord Bishop of St. DavidV The Rt. Hon. Lord Kenyon The Rt. Hon. Lord RoUe The Rt. Hon. Lord Ellenborough The Rt. Hon. Lord Arden The Rt. Hon. Lord Carbery The Rt. Hon. Lord Ashbiu-tou The Rt. Hon. Lord AVynford The Rt. Hon. Lord Lyndhurst The Rt. Hon. Lord Tentcrdcn The Rt. Hon. Lord Bexley The Rt. Hon. Lord Skelmersdale The Rt. Hon. Lord Chief Justice Denman The Rt. Hon. Lord Langdale The Rt. Hon. Lord Francis Egcrton, M.P. The Rt. Hon. Lord Granville Somerset The Rt. Hon. Lord Chief Justice Tindal The Rt. Hon. Mr. Justice Bosanquct The Rt. Hon. Mr. Justice Coleridge The Rt. Hon. Mr. Justice Erskinc The Hon. Mr. Baron Gurney The Hon. Mr. Justice Littledale — 2 Cujnc.t The Rt. Hon. Mr. Baron Parke The Hon. Mr. Baron Rolfe The Hon. Mr. Justice Pattesou The Hon. Mr. Justice Vaughan Sir William BoUand The Rt. Hon. 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John Hampden Gurney Russell Gurney, Esq. Sidney Gurney, Esq. Robert Blagden Hale, Esq., M.P. Sir John Hall, K.C.H., Consul General to the King of Hanover Otlio Hamilton, Esq. Sir John Hanmer, Bart. William Harrison, Esq., Q.C. John Hawkins, Esq. Robert Hawthorn, Esq. James Hay, Esq. Rev. Gilbert Heathcote Bernard Hebeler, Esq., His Prussian Ma- jesty's Consul General, K.R.E. M. Frederick Hebeler, Esq., Dantzig Andrew Henderson, Esq. Gilbert Henderson, Esq. The Hon. Sidney Herbert, M.P. The Rt. Hon. Henry Hobhouse William Hogan, Esq., New York The Rev. J. H. Hogarth, D.D. \ SUBSCRIBERS. Robert S. Holford, Esq Henry Thomas Hope, Esq., M.P. J. T. Hope, Esq. William Hoskins, Esq. Rev. Edward Arthur IllingAvorth Sir Robert Harry Inglis, Bart., M.P. Robert Ingham, Esq., M.P. Jcrvoise Clarke Jervoise, Esq. Charles Jones, Esq. The Junior United Service Club Fitzroy Kelly, Esq., Q.C.. M.P. Vicesimus Kiiox, Esq. • Joseph Lamb, Esq. Rev. H. Law Thomas Le Blanc, Esq. 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Mr. Alderman Thomas Wood Wadham Wyndham, Esq. M.P. CONTENTS OF THE FIRST V C) L U M E CHAPTER I. 1760—1761. The King's accession, 1. — Retrospect of his education and connexions, 2. — Brief account of the principal persons composing the ministry, .5. — Fii'st transactions on tlie death of George the Second, 9. — The King's address to the council, 10. — The Duke of York and Lord Bute privy counsellors, 11. — The King's friendship for Lord Bute, ib. — Character of that nobleman, ib.^ — New system of govern- ment planned, 13. — Popularity of the King, ib. — Meeting of parliament, 14. — The King's speech, ib. — Addresses, 16. — Civil list, 17. — Supplies, ib. — Commissions of the judges made permanent, and their salaries increased, ib. — Speaker Onslow retires with a pension and honours, ib. — Favourable opinions formed of the King, IS. — His desire of peace, 19. — Causes of the popidarity of the Avar, ib. — Arguments against it, ib. — The King's patriotic disinterest- edness, 21. — Mr. Pitt zealous in prosecuting the war, ib. — Changes in the ministry, 23. — Tumultuous disposition of the populace. 22. — Lord Bute secretary of state, 23, CHAPTER II. 1761. State of the belligerent powers, 26. — France, ib. — Sweden, 27.— Russia, 2S. — State of the King of Prussia, 29. — Congress pi'oposed, 31. — Progress of the campaign, ib. — Captuie of Schweidnitz ])y the Austrians, ib. — Battle of Fillingshausen, 32. — Capture of Belleisle, ib. — Address of VOL. I. b XVIU CONTENTS. the city of London, 33. — Capture of Dominica, ib. — Re- duction of the Cherokees, ib.^ — War in India, ib.- — Capture of Mihic, ib. — Invasion of Bengal by the Shah Zaddah, 33 — who is defeated, 34.— Exploits of D'Estaing, ib. — Tranquilhty of Great Britain, ib. — The King declares his intention to marry, ib. — His marriage, 35 — and corona- tion, ib. — Negotiations for peace, ib. — Terms proposed by the French, ib. — They introduce the discussion of Spanish affairs, 3S. — Spirited conduct of Mr. Pitt, 39. — Answer to the French propositions, ib. — Family compact signed, 41. — Mr. Pitt's instructions to Lord Bristol, ambassador at Madrid, ib. — Lord Bristol's explanations with the Spanish secretary of state, ib. — Mr. Pitt proposes to declare war against Spain, 43. — He and Lord Temple determine to resign, ib. — Observations, 44. — INIr. Pitt's resignation, 46. — Gracious behaviour of the King, ib. — Mr. Pitt receives a pension, 47. — Lord Bute considered at the head of the administration, 48. — His sentiments on Mr. Pitt's resigna- tion, 49.— -Popular opinions on Lord Bute and Mr. Pitt, ib. — Their reception in the city, ib. — Meeting of parlia- ment, .50. — The Queen's dowry settled, 51. — Recess, ib. CHAPTER III. 1761 — 1762. Progress of the negotiation with Spain, 52.— Disposition of the British cabinet, ib.— Lord Bristol makes repeated in- quiries respecting the family compact, but without effect, 5'3. — Conduct of the ministry, 55. — Preparations in Spain, 56.— Lord Bristol quits Madi'id, 58.— Memorial of De Fucntes, ib. — Declaration of war, 59. — Spain and France attempt to engage Portugal in their cause, 60 —but failing, declare war against that kingdom, 61. CHAPTER IV. 1762. Proceedings in parhament, 63.— Motion for papers, 64.— Assistance granted to Portugal, 66.— Conduct of Mr. Pitt, ib.— Of Colonel Barr6, a new member, 67. -Prorogation, ib.-— Disunion of the cabinet, ib.— The Duke of Newcastle resigns, 69.— Lord Bute's ministry, ib. -He discontinues the Prussian subsidy, ib. — Course of proceedings on that COTCTENTS. XIX subject, ib. — Friendly treatment of the King of Prussia during the negotiation with France, 73. — Disputes with him, ib. — Death of Elizabeth Empress of Russia, 74. — Peter III. friendly to the King of Prussia, 7.5. — Peace between Russia and Prussia, 76. — Report of Lord Bute's clandestine negotiations with Russia and Austria, examined and refuted, 79. — Revolution in Russia, 81. — Disposition of Catherine II., 82. — The King of Prussia retakes Schweidnitz, 83. — Cassel taken, ib. — Expedition against Martinico, ib. — Capture of Grenada and its dependencies, 84. — The French take the to^^^l of St. John's, XeA\'found- land; which is re-captured, ib. — War in Portugal, ib. — Rapid success of the Spaniards, 85. — Arrival of the British troops, 86. — General Burgoyne takes Valencia, 87. — Beats up the enemy's quarters at Villa Vellia, ib. — Retreat of the Spaniards, 88. — Expedition against the Havannah, ib. — Progress and success of the siege, ib. — Expedition against the Philippine Isles, 90. — JNIanilla taken, 91. — Capture of the Santissima Trinidad and the Hermione, 92. — Un- successful expedition against Buenos Ayres, ib. CHAPTER V. 1762—176.3. Birth of the Prince of Wales, 94. — AddiTsscs on the occa- sion, ib. — Negotiations for peace, 9.5. — State of the public mind, 96. — Honours conferred on Lord Bute, ib.— Changes in the ministry, 97. — Proceedings in the city of London, ib. — Beckford made lord mayor, 98. — Progress of the treaty of peace, 99. — Preliminaries signed, ib. — Examina- tion of the terms, 100. — Objections, and observations, 103. — Discussion of the preliminaries in parliament, 106.— Definitive treaty signed, 108. — General pacification, 109, CHAPTER VI. 1763. Formation of opposition, 110. — Proceedings in parliament, 111. — Cyder tax, ib. — Petitions of the city of London and other places, 112. — Relief granted to the Americans, 113. — Resignation of Lord Bute, 114. — His character, 119. — Virulence of political publications, 121. — The North Briton, 122. — General warrants issued, ib. — Mr. Wilkes b2 XX CONTENTS. arrested and committed to the Tower, 1 '23.— Proceedings thereon, 124. — He is discharged, and deprived of his commission, 125. — Lord Temple dismissed, ib. — Mr. AN^ilkes's intemperate proceedings, ib. — Death of Lord Egrcmont, 120.— Negotiation Avith Mr. Pitt, ib. — Duke of Bedford's ministry, 129. — Mr. Wilkes publishes sundry- libels, and goes to France, ib. CHAPTER VIL 1 703— 1764. Meeting of parliament, 131. — Proceedings respecting Mr. AV^ilkes, ib. — Riots on burning the North Briton, 135. — Furtlier proceedings in parliament, ib. — Actions ti'ied against the messengers, 130. — Observations of Lord Cam- den, 137. — Frantic attempt to assassinate Mr. Wilkes, 138. — He returns to France, ib. — Marriage of the Princess Augusta, ib. — Mr. Wilkes expelled the House of Com- mons, ib. — Debates on privilege, and on general warrants, 139. — Mr. Wilkes's trial and outlawry, 141. — Supplies, ib. — Resolutions for taxing America, 142. — Prorogation of parliament, ib. — View of American affairs, ib. — Govern- ment of Canada, 147. — Intrigues of the French in Canada, 148. — Indian war, ib. — Regulations for prevention of smuggling, 150. Conduct of the Ncav England provinces, 152. — Dr. Franklin sent to England as agent, 153. — His character, ib. CHAPTER VIIL 1765. State of Ireland, 155. — Retrospective vicAV of its constitution and government, 150. — State of parties at the King's ac- cession, 101. — Disputes in the cabinet, ib. — Conduct of Lord Halifax, the lord lieutenant, 102. — Outrages of the lower class of people, 104. — The Earl of Northumberland lord lieutenant, 104. — Debates on the pension Hst, ib. — State of foreign powers, 100. — The French seize and re- store Tortuga, ib. — Spain commits irregularities, 107— but makes satisfoction, ib. — Affairs of Poland and Russia, ib. — Meeting of the British parliament, 170. — On informations ex-officio, ib. — The Isle of INIan annexed to the realm, 173. . — Regency act, 175. — Insurrection of silk weavers, 177. — CONTENTS. XXI Negotiations for a change of ministry, ib. — ISIceting of the ministry in Downing-street, and terms projjoscd by them to the King, 179.- — Rockingham administration formed, ISO. — Death of the Duke of Cumberland, ib. — and of Prince Frederick, 181. CHAPTER IX. 1765-1766. Examination of the motives for opposing the stamp act, 1^3. Formation of parties in America, 184. — Exertions of the Presbyterians, ib. — Discontents on the arrival of the stamp act, 186. — Proceedings in Virginia, 188. — Their assembly dissolved, 189. — Conduct of New England, ib. — Prepara- tions for holding a congress, 190.— Combination against the use of stamps, ib. — Riots, ib. — At Boston, ib. — Meeting, proceedings, and dissolution of congress, 191. — The deli- very of stamps prevented, 193.— Observations, 194. — Pro- ceedings of the ministry, ib. — oNIeeting of parliament, 19.3. King's speech, ib. — Address in the House of Lords, ib. — Amendment moved, 196. — House of Commons, ib. — Recess, 197. — Consultation of the ministry, ib.— Meeting of Parliament, 198. — Debate on the address, ib. — Argu- ments of Mr. Pitt, 199.— General CouAvay, ib. — Mr. Grcn- ville, ib. — Mr. Pitt in reply, 204.- — Papers presented and referred to committees, 20S. — Evidence before the house, 209. — Resolutions proposed, ib. — Debate on the first in the House of Lords, 210. — The Duke of Grafton, ib. — Lord Shelburnc, ib. — Lord Littclton, ib. — Lord Camden, 211. — Lord Chancellor Northington, 212.— Lord Mansfield, 213. — Declaratory bill and stamp act repealing bills brought in, 217. — Declaratory bill. — Speech of Lord Camden, ib. Lord Mansfield, 219.— Lord Egmont, 220.— On the repeal- ing act, ib.— Act of indemnity, 221.— Cyder act repealed, ib. — General warrants declared illegal, 222. — Act for re- straining the importation of silks, ib. — Other acts of the ministry, ib. — The King's message on the Princess Caroline Matilda, 223. — The Dukes of York and Gloucester, ib. — Address, ib.— Prorogation, ib. — Feebleness of the ministry, ib. — Duke of Grafton resigns, 224. — Intrigue of the Lord Chancellor, 22.5. — Affairs of Canada, ib. — Lord Northing- ton resigns, 227. — Overtures made to Lord Shelbm-ne, Colonel- Barr6, and ]\Ir. Pitt, ib.— The King writes to Mr. Pitt, 230. — Mr. Pitt's answer, ib. — Difference between Lord Temple and Mr. Pitt, ib. — ^Ir. Pitt quarrels with XXU CONTENTS. Lord Temple, 231. — Mr. Pitt's ministry, 232.— He is made a peer, 233. — Rockingham administration dismissed, ib. — Compliments paid to the Marquis of Rockingham, ib. — Efforts to render Lord Chatham unpopular, ib. CHAPTER X. Retrospective view of the affairs of India, 235.^ — Origin of territorial acquisition, ib.— Distractions of the Mogul em- pire, 236.— Ambition of the French, 237. — Hostihties between them and the English, ib. — Arrangements at- tempted, ib. — Events of the war, 238. — Arrangements at the peace, ib. — Observations of Lord Clive, 239, — Dis- putes of the native princes, ib. — Influence of the English, ib. — Subversion of the Mogul power, ib. — Destruction of Delhi, 240. — The independence of the nabobs established, ib. — Affairs of the Carnatic, 241. — Of Bengal, ib. — In- trigues of Mir Jaffier, ib. — Offers of the Shah Zaddah, 242. Lord Clive returns to England, ib. — Siege of Patna, ib. — Treachery of the young nabob, 243. — The Shah Zaddah marches to Moorshedabad, 244. — Returns to Patna, ib. — his defeat, 245. — War with the rajah of Purneah, ib. — Negligence of Miran, ib. — his sudden death, ib. — Colonel Caillaud goes to Calcutta, 246. — Position of Mir Jaffier's affairs, ib. — Shah AUum Great ISIogul, 247. — State of the English, ib. — Interview with Mir Cossim, ib. — Expedition to Moorshedabad, 249. — IVIr. Vansittart's interview with Mil* Jaffier, ib. — Arrival of Cossim, ib. — Revolution in Bengal, 250. — Mir Jaffier departs for Calcutta, 251. — Cossim proclaimed nabob, ib. CHAPTER XL 1760—1763. Affairs of India continued. — Conduct and character of Mir Cossim, 253. — Defeat of Shah AUum, ib.— Cossim's efforts to destroy the Rajah Raninarain, 254. — Differences in coun- cil respecting the revolution, 255. — Conduct of the EngUsh to Cossim, 256. — He removes his court to Monghir, 257. Increases and discipHnes his troops, ib. — Restrains the trade of the Enghsh, ib. — Alarm of the council, ib. — Mr. Vansittart goes to Monghir, ib. — and concludes an impro- vident treaty, 258.— Rigid execution of the treaty, ib.-^ Complaints and exertions against it, 259. — Deputation sent CONTENTS. XXIU to Monghii', ib. — Their treatment, ib. — Departure, 260 — and assassination, ib. — Alarm at Patna, ib. — The city taken by the English, 26 1 — and recaptured, ib. — Mr. Ellis and his party made prisoners, ib. — Mir Jaffier restored, ib. — Commencement of military operations, ib. — Successful en- terprises of Major Adams, 262. — Battle of Nuncas Nullas, ib. — Siege and capture of Auda Nulla, 263. — Capture of Monghir, ib. — Massacre of the English at Patna, ib. — Patna taken, 264, — Total conquest of Bengal, ib. — Flight of Cossim, ib. CHAPTER XII. 1764—1766. Affairs of India continued. — Disputes at the India House, 265.- —Lord Clivc sent to India as governor-general, 2()6. — Cossim received and protected by the Nabob of Oude, ib. — who makes hostile preparations against the English, 267. — Death of ]\Iajor Adams, ib. — INIutinous state of the army, ib. — Battle of Buxar, 268. — Shah AUum escapes to the English camp, 269. — Failure of Munro at Chandcr Gcer, ib. — Sujah id Dowlah solicits peace, 270.— Harasses the British troops, ib. — Munro recalled, ib. — and succeeded by Sir Robert Fletcher, ib. — who puts the enemy to flight, 271.— Surrender of Chander Geer, ib. — Allahabad taken, ib. — Death of Mir Jaffier, ib. — The council declare Najim xil DoM'lah his successor, 272. — Arrival and regulations of Lord Clive, 273. — INIilitary proceedings, ib. — Defeat of Sujah ul DoAvlah, and of the INIahrattas, ib. — Sujah ul Dowlah surrenders himself, 274. — Treaty of peace nego- tiated, ib. — Terms adjusted, ib. — Advantages to all parties, 27.5. — Efforts of Lord Clive to restore order and economy, 276. — INIutiny of the military, 277. — Suppressed by Lord Clive, 278. — Satisfaction of the Directors, 279. — Dividends augmented, ib. CHAPTER XIII. 1766— 1767- -1768. Transactions in America, 280. — Effect of repealing the stamp act, ib. — Of the declaratory act, 281. — Proceedings in Mas- sachuset's Bay on the compensation act. ib. — In other Pro- vinces, 282. — Umvillingncss of the Ncav York Assembly to Xxiv CONTENTS. provide for the military, ib. — Conduct of other provinces, 283. — Disasters in the West Indies, ib. — Scarcity of grain in England, ib.- — Embargo laid, 284. — Meeting of Parlia- ment, ib. — Debate on the address, ib. — Indemnity bill, ib. —The Earl of Suffolk, ib.— Lord Chatham, 285.— Lord Northington, ib. — Lord Mansfield, 216.— Lord Camden, and other Peers, ib. — House of Commons, ib. — Alderman Beckford, ib. — The ministry defended by Lord Camden, 287.— Opposed by Lords Mansfield, Temple, and Lyttelton, 288. — Lord Chatham's efforts to gain adherents, 291. — Partial change of the ministry, 292. — Chagrin of the Duke of Bedford, ib. — Embarrassment of Lord Chatham, 293. — Attempt to form an alliance with Russia and Prussia, ib. — Lord Chatham's ill health, 298. — Want of union in the cabinet, 299. — AfFaii's of the East India Company, ib.— Dividends increased, 301. — Regulating and restraining bills, ib. — Suspension of the legislature of New York, 302. New duties on exports to America, ib. — Commissioners established, ib. — Attempts to form ministerial arrange- ments, 303. — Projects and death of Charles Townshend, 304. — His character, ib. — Lord North chancellor of the exchequer, 306. — His character, ib. — Grafton administra- tion, ib. — Meeting of Parliament, 307. — Restraint on grain, ib. — Restriction of dividends on East India Stock, ib. — NuUum Tempus bill, ib. — rejected, ib. — Occasion of the motion, 308. — Prorogation, 311 — and dissolution of parlia- ment, ib. CHAPTER XIV. 1767—1768. State of Europe, 312. — Power of the Jesuits, ib. — Their ex- pulsion from Spain, 313 — ill treatment, 315. — They are expelled from Naples; and the order suppressed, 316. — Their reception in Prussia, ib. — State of France, 317. — Seizure of Avignon, 318. — Wax in Corsica, ib.-— War be- tween Russia and the Porte, 320. — Affairs of America, 321. Exertions against the new taxes, ib. — In Massachuset's Bay, 322.— Disputes between the legislature and the go- vernor, ib. — Non-importation agreements, ib. — Proceedings of the general court, ib. — Their circular letter, 323 — Dispute respecting Lord Shelburne's letter, ib. — Libel on the governor, 324. — Prorogation of the assembly, 325. Instructions from the secretary of state to the governor, ib. — Proceedings on the subject, ib.— inflexibility and dis- CONTENTS. XXV solution of the assembly, 32G. — Temper of the people, ib. — Seizure of Hancock's sloop, ib. — Town meeting, 327. — Troops ordered, ib. — Second Town meeting, ib. — A con- vention resolved on, 328. — Prudence of the inhabitants of Hatfield, 328. — Proceedings of the convention, 329. — Arrival of the troops, ib. — Tranquillity of New York, 330. Affairs of Ireland, ib. — Brief retrospect, ib. — The Lord Lieu- tenant obliged to reside, 331. — Efforts to alter the consti- tution of parliament, ib. — Lord To^\Tishcnd appointed lord lieutenant, ib. — Octennial bill passed, which receives the royal assent, 333. CHAPTER XV. 1768-1769. Retrospect of the transations of the reign, 3.35.— Conduct and disposition of the King, ib. — Private character of the King, 336. — His patronage of the arts, ib. — Uneasiness in conse- quence of opposition, ib. — Deaths and separations in the royal family, 337. — Efforts previous to the general election, ib. — Condvict of the magistrates of Oxford, ib. — Wilkes returns to England, ib. — Retrospect of his conduct, 338. — He is candidate for London, ib.- — but rejected, 339 — is re- turned for Middlesex, ib. — Meeting of parliament, ib. — Proceedings against Wilkes, 340. — He is committed, ib. — Rescued by the mob, ib. — surrenders himself, ib. — riots, ib. — daily repeated, ib. — Dangerous tumult near the King's Bench prison, 341 — a youth killed, ib. — The soldiers fire on the people, ib. — Rage against the military, ib. — increas- ing violence of the people, 342. — Sentence of the Court of King's Bench on Wilkes, ib. — Prosecution of Mr. Gillam, 343 — and of two soldiers, ib. — Resignation of Lord Chat- ham, ib. — Serjeant Glpi elected for INIiddlesex, 344. — Meeting of parliament, 345. — Wilkes's petition, ib. — Pro- ceedings thereon, ib.— INIotion respecting privilege, ib. — Wilkes brought before the House of Commons, ib. — His complaints declared frivolous, 346. — Wilkes's letter to Lord Wepnouth; Avho complains of a breach of privilege, ib. — Wilkes expelled, ib. — Observations, 347. — Character of Wilkes, 348. — His cause espoused by the freeholders of Middlesex, ib.--Hc is re-elected, ib. — Declared incapable of sitting in parliament, 349. — Wilkes strenuously sup- ported, 350. — Meeting of merchants, who are insulted by Wilkes's party, ib. — Their progress to St. James's, ib. — Wilkes again elected, 35 1 . — The election declared void, ib. XXVI C•O^TENTS. Colonel Luttrcll opposes Wilkes, ib. — The election, ib. — A\^ilkes returned, ib. — The retuin altered, ib, — Petition of the freeholders, 352. — Observations, ib. — Proceedings in parliament relative to America, 355. — Petitions, ib. — Kcsolution, ib. — Debates on the conduct of the legislature of Massachuset's Bay, 356. — Resolutions carried, 358. — Debates on reviving an obsolete statute, ib. — Debate on the right of taxing, 359.— Debate respecting Corsica, 360. — Nullum Tempus Bill passed, ib. — Arrears of the civil list discharged, ib. — Agreement with the East India Company, 361. — Prorogation of parliament, ib. CHAPTER XVI. 1766—1770. Affairs of India ; conduct of Lord Clive, 362. — State of the Company's possessions in India, 363. — Mode of letting lands, ib. — its effects, ib. — Reform attempted, ib. — Dis- contents and complaints, .365.- — Difficulties of the company, ib. — ^Mismanagement in India, ib. — Immense exportation of bullion, 366. — Gold coined in India, 367. — Regulation of the inland trade, ib. — Prudent conduct of Lord Clive, 368. — He returns to England, 369. — Account of Hyder Ally, ib. — His enmity against the English, 370. — The Nizam of the Deccan declares war jointly Avith him, ib. — They are defeated, ib. — The Nizam makes peace, ib. — Capture of Mangalore, ib. — Error of the English com- mander, ib. — Sagacious conduct of Hyder Ally, ib. — Failure of the British at Muhv^aggle, 371. — Engagement between Colonel Wood and Hyder Ally, 371. — Observations on the conduct of the war, 372. — Effects, ib. — Alarm in England, 373. — Depreciation of India Stock, ib. — Supervisors ap- pointed, 373. — Disputes in the India House, ib. — Claim of government, ib. — Correspondence on the subject, 374. — Final adjustment, ib. — Perturbation of the public, ib. — Middlesex petition, 375. — London petition, ib. — Publica- tion of Junius's Letters, ib. — His libel on the King, 377. — Beckford elected lord mayor, ib. — Affairs of Ireland, ib. — Augmentation of the military establishment, 378. — Money bill rejected, ib. — Lord lieutenant's protest, 379. — Pro- ceedings thereon, ib. — Prorogation of the Irish parliament, ib. — Inconveniences of the measure, 380. — Motion in the English parliament, ib. CONTENTS. XXVll CHAPTER XVII. 1770. Meeting of parliament, 3S2. — The address opposed by Lord Chatham, 383. — Supported by Lord Mansfield, 385. — Lord Chatham's reply, 380. — Speech of Lord Camden, 390. — Addi-ess in the House of Commons, which is opposed, 391. — but carried, 396. — Second debate, ib. — Strength of the opposition, 396. — Conduct of Lord Camden, ib. — His dis- mission, 397. — Mr. Yorke appointed lord chancellor, ib. — his death, ib. — and character, ib. — The great seal put in commission, 398. — Resignations, ib. — Marquis of Rocking- ham's motion for a committee on the state of the nation, ib. — Speeches of the Duke of Grafton and Lord Chatham, ib. Change of ministry, 403. — Committee on the state of the nation in the House of Commons, ib. — INIotion by Serjeant Gl^^ln to withhold the suppHes, ib. — Mr. DowdeswcU's motion in the committee, 405. — His subsequent motion, 406. —Committee dissolved, ib. — The Marquis of Rockingham's motion, ib. — Speech of Lord Sandwich, ib. — Lord Chatham, 407. — Inquiry terminated, 409. — Motion of the Earl of Marchmont, ib. — Observations of Lords Mansfield and Egmont, ib. — Lord Chatham, ib. — Altercation respecting the official conduct of Lord Camden, 410. — He is defended by Lord Chatham, ib. — Bill respecting expulsion, 4 1 1 . — With- drawn, ib. — Turbulence of the city, ib. — Proceedings of the Common Council, ib. — In the Common Hall, ib. — Remon- strance to the King, ib. — Dehvered to the King on the throne, 413 — Iris answer, ib. — Proceedings in parliament, ib. — The House of Commons express disapprobation of the remons- trance; and jointly with the Lords address the King, 414. — Remonstrances of Westminster and Middlesex, ib. — Wilkes discharged, ib. — Lord Chatham's Bill for re\'ising the adjudi- cation of the Commons respecting Wilkes, 415. — Opposed by Lord INIansficld, ib. — Supported by Lord Camden, 416. — The Bill rejected, ib. — Protest, ib. — Lord Chatham's motion on the King's answer to the remonstrance, 417. — Opposed by Lord Pomfret, ib.— Lord Chatham's motion for a dissolution of parliament, 418. — Mr. Dowdcswell's motion to disqualify revenue officers, ib. — Law for annulling the protections granted to servants of peers, ib. — Speech of Lord Mansfield, 419. — Mr. Grenville's Bill for deciding petitions on controverted elections, ib. — Inquiry into the civil list, 421 — in the ITppcr House, 422. — Petition from the American merchants, ib. — Repeal of duties, except on XXVlll CONTENTS. tea, 423 — Motion for papers, 424. — For examination of the instructions to governors, 425. — Motions in the Lords, ib. Discussion on the prevention of burglaries and robberies, ib. — Prorogation, 426. CHAPTER XVIII. 1769—1770—1771. View of America, 428. — Effect of reviving the statute of Hemy VIII., ib. — In Massachuset's Bay, ib.- —Proceedings of the legislature, ib.— Proceedings in other provinces, 429. Non-importation committee formed, ib. — Examination of the conduct of ministry, 430. — Conduct of the people of Boston toward the military, 431. — Riot in Boston, 432. — Town meeting, 434. — Soldiers removed, ib. — Efforts to inspire revenge, 435. — Indictment, trial, and acquittal of the military, ib. — General Court removed to Cambridge, 436. — Unpopularity of the non-importation agreement, ib. — wliichis renounced on the repeal of duties, ib. — Remonstrance of the City of London, ib. — The King's answer, 437. — Beckford's reply, ib. — his conduct approved, 438.— Address on the birth of a princess, 439. — Alderman Harley insulted, ib. — Address of the City to Lord Chatham, ib. — his answer, ib. — Death of Beckford, 440. — Prediction of Lord Chatham, ib. — Account of Falkland's Islands, 441. — Settlement made by the French, 443. — but ceded to Spain, ib. — Settle- ment by England, ib. — Arrival of a Spanish Schooner, 444. — Remonstrance of the Spaniards, ib. — Arrival of two Spanish Frigates, 445. — Captain Hunt sails for England, ib. — Arrival and proceedings of a Spanish armament, ib. — The English expelled, 447. — Arrival of Captain Hunt in England, ib. — Intelligence received from the British charg6 d' affaires in Spain, ib. — and from the Spanish ambassador in London, ib. — Observations, 448. — Conduct of the minis- try, 449. — Opposition, ib. — Westminster meeting, 450. — Meeting of parliament, 451. — Debate on the address, ib. — Motions for papers, 4.56. — Further efforts, 461. — Progress of negotiation, ib. — Mr. Harris ordered to leave Spain, 464. — Unwillingness of France to make war, ib. — Concession of Spain, 465. — Conjectures on the subject, ib. — Changes in the ministry, 466. — Proceedings on the Spanish dispute, 467. — Motion by the Duke of Manchester, ib. — by the Duke of Richmond, 468. — House of Commons, ib. — Further effort;s, 469. — House of Lords, 470. — Governor Pownall's motion, ib. — Dispute between the two Houses, ib. — Trials of CONTENTS. XXIX various printers for libels, 472. — Captain Phipps's motion, 473. — Discussion of Lord Mansfield's doctrine in the House of Lords, 474. — Serjeant Glpin's motion, 475. — Mr. Fox's speech, 476. — Lord Mansfield leaves a paper with the clerk of the House of Lords, 477. — Disfranchisement of electors of New Shoreham, 478. — Nullum Tcmpus Act, 4S0. — Rights of electors, ib. — Motions arising out of the Middlesex election, ib. — Adjournment, 481. CHAPTER XIX. 1771-1772. Dispute between the House of Commons and the City, 484. — mode of publishing the debates, ib. — Colonel Onslow's complaint of a breach of privilege, ib. — Printers ordered to attend at the bar, 485. — Their contumacy, ib. — Order for taking them into custody, ib. — Proclamation for apprehend- ing them, ib. — They are arrested and discharged, 486. — Complaints against other printers, ib. — Their conduct, ib. — Contumacy of Miller, ib. — Conduct of the minority, ib. — The messenger arrested, 487. — Carried before the lord mayor, ib. — and holden to bail, 484.— Proceedings in the House of Commons, ib. — Acts of the lord mayor declared breaches of privilege, ib. — Alderman Oliver and the lord mayor committed to the Tower, 489. — Zeal of the popu- lace, 490 — Homage paid to the lord mayor, 491. — Pro- ceedings of the Common Council, ib. — Observations on Crosby's (the lord mayor) conduct, 492. Addi'ess of Wilkes, 493. — Committee appointed, ib. — Their report, ib. — De- bates on the Durham Yard Bill, 494. — Allen's petition, 495 — refused, ib. — Lottery Bill, ib. — Divorce Bill, ib. — End of the session, ib. — City petition, 496. — The King's answer, ib. — Divisions in the City party, 497. — Increasing strength of administration, 498. — Death of Lord Halifax, and consequent changes, ib. — State of the opposition, ib. — Meeting of parliament, 502.- Augmentation of the naval establishment, ib. — Petition for relief from subscri^ition to the articles of religion, 503. — Church Nullum Tempus, ^ 508.^ — Dr. Nowell's sermon on King Charles's martyrdom, ib. — Debates on the vote of thanks to the preacher, 509. — INIotion for abrogating the observance of King Charles's martyrdom, 511. — Efforts of the Dissenters, 511. — Motion for repealing the test laws, 513. — Bill passes the Lower House, 514 — but rejected by the Lords, ib. — Mr. Fox's Bill to repeal the Marriage Act, ib. — Marriage of the XXX CONTENTS. King's brother, 515. — The King's message, 516. — Royal marriage bi[l, ib. — Debated in the House of Commons, 517.— Close of the session, 521.— Strength of administra- tion, ib. — Misfortunes in the royal family, 522.— Death of the Princess Dowager of Wales, ib. — Revolution in Den- mark, ib. CHAPTER XX. 1770—1774. Official changes, 527. — Affairs of India, ib. — Causes of mis- management, 528. — Loss of the Supervisors, ib. — Famine in India, ib. — Monopoly, ib. — Extreme distress of the natives, 529. — Prodigious mortality, ib. — Retention of the sums stipulated by treaties, 530. — Effect of these events in England, 530. — Impotence of the Company, ib. — Diffi- culties in regulating their transactions, 531. — Improvidence of the Company, ib. — Select committee appointed in the House of Commons, 532. — Increasing distress of the Com- pany, 533. — They negotiate a loan, ib. — Appoint Super- visors, ib. — Notice of their affairs in the King's speech, ib. Secret committee appointed, 535.— Select committee con- tinued, ib. — First report of the secret committee, ib. — Debate on the motion for a bill to prevent the sending out super- visors, 53G. — Proceedings of the Directors, 537. — Their petition against the biU, ib. — Mr. Burke's speech, ib. — Bill passes the Commons, 538. — Opposed in the House of Lords, ib. — Petition, ib. — Bill passed, 539. — Dividends re- duced, ib. — Application to Parliament for a loan, ib. — Petition, ib. — Lord North's motion, 540. — Restrictions on the Company, ib. — Leave granted to export tea, duty free, to America, 541. — General regulations, ib. — Opposition to these measures, 542. — In the Lords, ib. — Attack on Lord Clive, 543. — His defence, ib. — Reply by Governor John- stone, 54G. — Renewed attack on Lord CHve, ib. — Third Report of the Select Committee, ib. — General Burgoyne's motion, 547 — and charge against Lord Clive, ib. — His defence, .548. — Exculpatory resolution, 550. — Continued rancour against Lord Clive, 551.- — He is ably defended by Mr. Wedderburne, ib. — Death of Lord Clive, 553. — Con- test with the Carribs of St. Vincent's, ib. — Early history of the island, 554. — Distinction between Red and Black Car- ribs, ib. — The French obtain a settlement, ib. — Arrange- ments in the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 555 — at the peace of 17G2. — Proceedings of the British government with CONTENTS. XXXI respect to the lands, 556. — Conduct of the Carribs, ib. Mr. Young's memorial, ib. — Survey ordered, 557. Pro- ceedings of the commissioners, and hostility of the Black Carribs, ib. — Arrangement, ib. — Their fiu-ther violences, .55S. — Artifices of the French, ib. — Alarms and remon- strances of the planters, 559.— Efforts of the lieutenant- governor, ib. — Orders of the government, 560. — Increasing insolence of the Carribs, ib. — Representations of the planters to the King, 561. — Deputation of the Carribs to Grenada, ib. — Interview between the British Commis- sioners and the Carribs, .5()2. — Report of the Commissioners, ib. — Treachery of the French, .563. — Remonstrances from the island, ib. — Hostile operations against the Carribs, 564. — Discussions in the House of Commons, 565. — Wit- nesses examined, ib. — Mr. Townshend's motions, 56G. — Termination of the contest, .567. — Increase of pay of cap- tains in the navy, .568. — Promotion of military officers, ib. Bill for relief of dissenters rejected, 596. APPENDIX I. Letters between Lord Bute and Lord jNIelcombe, on the state of parties and politics, pre\TLOUs to and during Lord Bute's administration, 57 1. APPENDIX II. Correspondence relative to the discontinuance of the Prussian subsidy, 575. APPENDIX III. Correspondence respecting Ireland, 589. XXXll CONTENTS. APPENDIX IV. On the Isle of Man, 595. APPENDIX V. Letter from a person in high office in America, to an English nobleman, on the temper of the people and course of politics, 597. APPENDIX VI. On the establishment of the Royal Academy, 601. THE HISTORY OF ENOLAND. GEOEGE THE THIRD. CHAPTER THE FIRST. 1760—1761. The King's accession. — Retrospect of his education and con- nexions. — Brief account of the principal persons composing the ministry. — First transactions on the death of George II. — The King's address to the councih — The Duke of York and Lord Bute privy counsellors. — The King's friendship for Lord Bute. — Character of that nobleman. — New system of government planned. — Popularity of the King. — ISIect- ing of parliament. — The King's Speech. — Addresses.— Civil List. — Supplies. — Commissions of the Judges made permanent, and their salaries increased. — Speaker Onslow retires with a pension and honom-s. — Favourable opinions formed of the King. — His desire of peace. — Cavises of the popularity of the war. — Arguments against it. — The King's patriotic disinterestedness. — Mr. Pitt zealous in prosecuting the war. — Changes in the ministry. — Tumultuous dispo- sition of the populace. — Lord Bute secretary of state. 17G0. George the Second was succeeded by his grandson, the son of Frederick Prince of Wales, and of Augusta The King's Princess of Saxe Gotha, who had recently completed bet. -25111'. his twenty-second year. VOL. I. B HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. Since the death of his father (20th March, 1750), the Heir Apparent had resided entu-ely ^^ith the Prin- u.trosptct of cess l)owaj.?er, who attended to his education with '"Vr !"*'""" "i^^^'i'^'^l sohcitude. The party, which, during the life ) lu-xions. of Trince Frederick, had been considered as devoted to his interest, was, since his death, entu-ely dissolved. The Princess herself did not encourage any opposition to government ; and the individuals, whom hope or affection attached to the late Prince, had retired from the field of politics, or formed new connexions. Yet the education of a Prince, who was in time to govern a mighty kingdom, was not regarded with in- difference by those whose interests might be affected by the ascendancy of rivals, or who feared that, if the Princess herself retained the influence which might be naturally expected, new arrangements would be made, unfavourable to their views and adverse to their oi)inions. Unfortunately, George 11. entertained a constant jealousy and suspicion of the Princess, which, long cherished, had grown into dislike, and made those who were desirous of his favour, carefully avoid all ap-i parent intercourse with his daughter-in-law ; conse quently, the young Prince was wholly unacquaintedt AA-ith tlie sentiments and manners of those who formed his grandfather's court. This neglect extended even to the royal family ; and the Duke of Cumberland and Princess Amelia shewed no marks of attention and respect to the lleir Apparent and his mother*. i Encouraged by these circumstances, and actuated by views of ambition, Lord Ilarcourt, who had been appomted governor to the young Prince, and Drj Hayter, Bishop of Norwich, who filled the post oi ]n-(^ceptor, not only exerted their influence to detach his affections from all who had enjoyed the favour ol his deceased parent, but also, by their example and discourse, im]>arted sentiments of disrespect toward the Princess Dowager ; for which, at a subsequent period, the Prince acknowledged his error with honesi * L(n-(1 Mekonibr's Diiiry, p. 175, 217, cl passim. . GEORGE III. contrition, and suitable apologies*. In consequence chap. )f these efforts, divisions arose among those to whom :he instruction of the Heir Apparent was confided, md a representation was made to the King, that Mr. Stone, sub-governor of His Royal Highness, was an mproper person to be intrusted with his education; i'52. le was stated to be a Jacobite, and accused of having, jti company with Dr. Johnson, Bishop of Gloucester, md Mr. Murray, the solicitor-general, afterward Earl )f Mansfield, drunk the health of the Pretender and Lord Dunbar. The matter was referred by the King the cabinet council. Fawcett was examined ; but :he charge was so fri^•olous, and the prevarications of Fawcett so gross and evident, the denials of Mr. Murray and Dr. Johnson so clear, precise, and satis- e factoiy, that the lords unanimously represented to the King, that there was no foundation for any part of the :hargcf. Upon this decision, Lord Harcourt and the Bishop 3f Norwich declared their resolution to resign, unless Mr. Stone, Mr. Scott, sub-preceptor to the Prince, and Mr. Cresset, secretary to the Prmccss Dowager, were dismissed ; for they, it was said, cherished Jaco- ilbite principles, and instilled arbitrary notions into the Prince. The King received this unfounded complaint with due indifference, the proffered resignations were accepted, and, not without some hesitation on his part, Lord Waldegrave was appointed governor ; the Bishop of Peterborough;]: was nominated preceptor. To interest the public in this dispute, an anonymous letter w^as transmitted by the pemiy post to a popular preacher§, advising him to notice in the pulpit the iflPrince's dangerous education ; and to Lord Ravens- liiworth. General Hawley, and a few other persons, pur- porting to be a representation or remonstrance from the Whig nobility and gentry, contaimng many injurious * Lord Melcombc's Diary, p. 29. t From private information, and Lord Melcombc's Diary. it 1 Dr. John Thomas, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury and Winchester. § Dr. Newtc.)!!, of St. George's, Hanover Square. See Lord MclC')mbe's Diary, p. 199. B 2 4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. reflections on the education of the Prince, and the j ' principles of his attendants*. This paper was fabri- i 1752. catedby Horace Walpole, afterward Earl of Orfordf ; j - the apparent motive for sending it was, a hope that it would be gixeii to the Duke of Cumberland to lay- before the King, and make impressions favourable to the views of the supposed writers. The accusation against the Bishop of Gloucester, i/.'j?' ' Mr. ]\Iurray, and Mr. Stone, was subsequently discussed in the House of Lords, on a motion for an address, praying His Majesty to submit to the House the whole proceecUng before the privy council. The business was fully and freely investigated, as the King had granted to the members of the cabinet dispensations from the obhgation of their oath as privy-counsellors ; but, after a long and heavy debate, the House coincided in opinion with the council so entirely, that only three peers and one bishop offered to divide with the Duke of Bedford, who made the motion^. The public, whom this discussion Avas principally intended to alarm, easily discerned that the chief ob ject was to remove the Pelham ministry, and to sepa- rate the Prince from the person and care of his parent ; but all good men were satisfied that he should continue' under her direction, and that she should preserve that influence over him which natiu'e and policy equally declared to be her due§. From the satisfaction A\ith which the Prince re- * Lord Melcombe's Diarj', p. 189 to 201 ; and see the memorial in the same •work, p. 487, and Lord Orford's Memoirs, vol. i. p. ■/62. t See his Memoirs, vol. i. p. 261. J Lord Melcombe's Diarj', p. '2"29. A long and minute account of this transaction is gi^ en by Lord Orford, in his Memoirs, vol. i. p. 247 to 290, and some i)articulars are mentioned in his Letters to Sir Horace Mann, vol. iii. p,' 70 to K(). The noble editor of the latter work, Lord Dover, says, verj' justly, " This insignificant and indeed ridiculous accusation against Murray and Stonf is magnified by Walpole, bcjth here and in his Memoirs, into an important trans- action, in consequence of the hatred he bore to the persons accused." Tvrc copies, varying in some slight particulars, are in the BrilLsh Museum. Additional MSS. G271. As a si)ecimen of its style and spirit, it says, " To have a Scotch- man of a most disallected family, and allied in the nearest manner to the Pre- tender's first ministers, consulted in the education of the Prince of Wales, and intrusted with the most important secrets of government, must tend to alai-m and disgust the friends of the present royal family, and to encourage the hopes and attempts of the Jacobites." i An accth of his ad- ... . . ' • . mmistration, silenced parhamentary opposition ; the people viewed him with an admiration bordering on idolatry ; and George II. higlily gratified at the prose- cution of his favourite measures, and the unprecedented tranquilhty of the kingdom, yielded, ^vith implicit con- fidence, the reins of government to his directionf. * Dec. 17.% to Aiuil 1757. t Mr. Pitt's chiiractor is disiiliiy.^il by Ilonu'c Wiilix.lc, in his IMcmuirs, vol. ii. \i\). 271, '.^73, and with unfavoiuiiblc additions in p. 31G. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. (^■HAiv ^i,-. i^itt was supported in the cabinet by his " biotlier-in-law, Lord Temple, who succeeded to the Loni intiuence and estate of his uncle, Lord Cobham. He Ttmpic. ^^..j^^ distinguished for his parliamentary abilities, and much respected and belo^•ed by his adherents, j^^j Lord Granville, better known under the title of GraiivUio. Lord Carteret, was president of the council. At an early period of life he was secretary of state, and lord lieutenant of Ireland. Being dismissed in the reign of Georfj^e I. he joined the opposition against Sir Robert Walpole; and, on the resignation of that minister, was restored to the office of secretary of state, became the favorite of the King, and took the lead in the conduct of foreign affairs. After an mef- fectual struggle with the Duke of Newcastle for pre- eminence, he resigned in February 1745. In 1751 he was appointed president of the council, and retauied that office till his death. He was a man of great talents and Hterary acquirements ; indefatigable in business, of commanding eloquence, and conversant in foreign affairs. Him, Mr. Pitt, when Lord Chat- ham, characterized as one whose abihties did honour to the House of Peers ; one who, in the upper depart- ments of government, had no equal ; and he took pride in declaring, that from his patronage, friendsliip, and instruction, he owed all he could be said to possess*. To those who considered his eminent capacity, and arrogant disposition, it was a matter of surprise that he submitted to the ascendancy of the Pelhams, and accepted a situa- tion which, though more elevated m dignity, was of inferior importance. Mr. Fox, paymaster of the forces, was a fiiend and active supj)orter of Sir Robert ^Valpole ; and from his first entrance into parhament had almost uniformly ])romoted the measures of government. Under Mr. Pelham, he acted in the capacity of lord of the treasury and secretary at war; he was then content to fill a subordinate department in the House of Commons ; but, on the deatli of Mr. Pelham, thought himself enti- tled to manage that body, and contended with Mr. Pitt * PailiaiiicjiUiry History, vol. xvi, p. 1097. Mr. I'ox. GEORGE III. 9 for pre-eminence. After a long series of cabals, he ciLvr. gained a momentary ascendancy, and on the 14tli of ' November, 1755, was appointed secretary of state; but in November, 1756, he resigned, and on the 5th of July, 1757, became papnaster of the forces. Mr. Fox was of an acute and penetrating genius, and active in business. His speeches were replete with information, method, and sense ; but he wanted that nervous and irresistible eloquence which characterized Mr. Pitt. His manners were conciliatory, and few men had more personal friends*. Several of the remaining members of administra- tion were highly respectable for talents and integrity ; amongst whom must be noticed lord keeper, afterwards lord chancellor, Northington; the Duke of De^•onshire, lord chamberlain; JNlr. Legge, chancellor of the exche- quer,- Lord Anson, first lord of the admiralty* and Lord Holderness, secretary of state. Although this ministry had for some years been connected in strict political union, and co-operated heartily in the management of public affiiirs, there existed among individuals many feelings of jealousy and distrust. They led to no immediate consequence, but were not without their influence in subsequent unions, separations, and ar- rangementsf. Although the advanced age of George II. rendered I'GO. his decease not improbable, yet that event was entirely tjo^j^ 01^111^' unexi)ected. He was afflicted with no visible or known f'tnith of disease, testified no uneasiness of mind or depression of ^"^^^^ spirits, but shewed his usual cheerfulness and alacrity ; and from the great success which had attended his late measures, the blaze of constant victory, and the popu- larity of his ministry, perhaps there never was a mo- narch whose death was less desired J. * In dc'linoating these cliaracters, mueh information has been derived from the Memoirs of Sir Kob(>rt Walpolo, and from the personal communications of tile author of that exceUcnt Avork. t Letter from Lord Hohlerness to Sir Andrew Mitchell, 28th November, 17G0. Mitchell Papers, British Musemn, No. 6832, fo. 234. I Sec Works of Lord Orl'ord, vol. v. p. 417. His Memoirs of the last ten years of George II., vol. ii. p. 454, and his Letters to Sir Horace Mann, vol. iii. p. 453. And he relates the event in nearly the same words, but witJi a mixture of unbecoming levity, in a letter to G. Montiigue, Esq. Letters to him, p. 213. 10 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. THAI' I. 1700. Till' Kind's aildri'SM to tlie coiuicil. 26th Oct. KiiiR pro- claiiiKd. Tlic event ocrnsioncd much consternation at court, and the intelligence was immediately carried to the secretaries of state. The great officers of the crown were convened, and ^Nlr. Pitt repaired to Kew for the ])uii^ose of announcing to the new Sovereign his acces- sion. The King, prepared by some intimation already received, immediately })roceeded to London. Meanwhile a council, assembled at Saville House, was directed to attend at Carlton House, the residence of the Piincess Dowager, where the King met them, and transacted business of form ; he appeared agitated and embarrassed by the novelty of his situation, and want of acquaintance with the persons by whom he was surroimded ; yet his conduct gave general satisfac- tion, and afforded the presage of a prudent and happy reign. His address to the council, which was published by their request, is a specimen of cUgnified modesty and luiassuming fuinness : " The loss that I and the nation " have sustained by the death of the King, my grand- "• father, would have been severely felt at any time ; " but coming at so critical a juncture, and so unex- " pected, it is by many circumstances augmented, and " the weight now flilling on me much increased : I feel " my own insufficiency to support it as I Avish ; but, " animated by the tenderest affection for my native " country, and depending upon the advice, experience, " and abilities of your lordships ; on the support of " every honest man ; I enter with cheerfulness into " this arduous situation, and shall make it the business " of my life to promote, in every thing, the glory " and happiness of these kmgdoms, to preserve and " strengthen the constitution in both church and state ; " and, as I mount the throne in the midst of an expen- " sive, but just and necessary war, I shaU endeavour to " prosecute it in a manner the most likely to bring on " an honourable and lasting peace, in concert with my " alHes." The King, having been proclaimed in the usual The fiivnmstanccs uiid causes of his death arc fairly and correctly stated by Smollett, History, vol. v. p. 366. GEORGE III. 11 form on the day after his accession, held a conncil at chap. St. James's on the ensuing day, when liis brother, the ' Duke of York, and the Earl of Bute, were sworn in as i760. members*. The liturofv' was also directed to be altered H,'*'^- , ^ 1 no I 111 kp oI in those parts where prayers are said for the Royal Yt^rk and Family. These circumstances in themselves woidd not ^'-^'^ ^"*® clami any notice, but some offence was taken at the scUora. time ; and it was aftenvards a source of frequent animad- version, that the Duke of Cumberland and the Princess AmeUa, who were before particidarly mentioned, were now only included in the general term, and all the Royal Fafuily. This change was merely a point of etiquette, and not made in consequence of any chslike which the Princess Dowager entertained against the Duke and Princess ; but the popularity of the Duke of Cumberland became a medium through which much abuse, vented against the King and the Princess Dow- ^ ager, was afterwards rendered agreeable to the public f. ^/'"^ The King's friendship for the Earl of Bute led to charactor of extensile and permanent consequences. John Earl of ^"''^ ^"^'^'" Bute was son of James second Earl of Bute, by Anu Campbell, daughter of Archibald first Duke of Argyle. He received his education at Eton ; and at an early period of his Kfe became a lord of the bedchamber of Frederick Prince of Wales. On the death of the Prince he retired, and took no share in pohtical trans- actions, although often consulted by the Princess. On the estabhshment of the young Prmce's household, * The early introduction of Lord Bute to the privy council has been descanted on by many A^Titers as a singular circumstance ; but it is not in the letist extraordinary : it was customary for the King to continue liis liousehold servants in the same capacities whicli they held luider him while Prince of Wales; Lord Bute being groom of the stole to the Prince, was therefore con- tinued by the King, and the holder of that office is always constituted a privy- counsellor. t The words in the prayer referring to the Duke of Cumberland and Princess Amelia were " The Duke and Princesses :" but the rank of the Koyal Family I (except the Prince of Wales, who always stands next the King, as Heir Apparent) i is regulated by their proximity to the Sovereign on the throne : thus tlie Duke of Cumberland and Princess Amelia, as children of George IL, took precedence during his reign, of the youngest children of Prince Frederick : on the accession of George HI. their positions were altered; the brother of the Sovereign then preceded his uncle in rank : consequently it would have been absurd to retain in the prayer the words " The Duke and Princesses," without first inserting some words equally descriptive of the King's brothers and sisters, which would have been not only unusual, but inconvenient, and made the prayer, in the eyes of some persons, ridiculous. 12 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. ho was appointed groom of the stole, and so continued '• after his accession. He had not occupied any public i7o(). office; was unacquainted with the business and in- trigues of state ; and although he possessed an active mind, replete ^^ith elegant and abstruse learning, and was well acquainted with the theory of the British con- stitution*, he was not competent to the task of instruct-" ing a future Sovereign in the practical science of governing a kingdom, where the component parts of the legislature were so nicely balanced, and their respective powers and operations so strictly guarded. It could not afford ground of surprise that the Kmg, young and unacquainted ^^dth the persons of those Avho formed a successful and popular administration, should place among his conficlential servants a nobleman whom he had long esteemed, and who possessed the confidence and good opinion of his parent : it could not be a sub- ject of animadversion, that such a person should obtain a portion of the King's regard ; nor would this circum- stance have affected the course of pohtical affairs, had not a new system followed his introduction into the cabinet. The last two monarchs, being foreigners, and op- posed by a native Prince who had numerous adherents, as well among the people as in some of the most illus- trious houses, entrusted a large portion of their power to a few distinguished families, in order to secure pos- session of the crown. These families, strengthened by union and exclusive influence, became not only inde- pendent of, but in many respects superior to, the throne. Swayed by a predilection for their continental dominions, the first two Sovereigns of the House of Hanover incurred severe animadversions from the mcnnbers of opposition ; and the necessity of frequent justifications rendering them still more dependent on the leaders of the ministerial party, reduced them almost to a state of pujoilage. * The King derived from the conversation of Lord Bute his principal knoAv- Icdge of the constitution : and Lord Bute obtained from Blackstone the most interesting parts of his Commentaries on the Laws of England while in MS. and laid them before the Prince for his instmction. GEORGE III. ^^13 But the new King, being exempt from foreign ^^ chap. partialities, ascending the throne at a period when the -' claims of the exiled family were fallen into disregard, ugo. was enabled to emancipate himself from the restraint ^Z"^' '^y^'^'™ to whicli his predecessors had submitted. 1 lie Laii mcnt of Bute formed the plan of breaking the phalanx p^^^^"^*^- which constituted and supported the ministry, and of securing the independence of the croAm, by a moderate exertion of constitutional prerogative. This plan in itself was well conceived, and necessary ; but the Earl of Bute was not a proper person to carry it mto effect. He was not connected, cither by blood or by familiar intercourse, witli tlie leading families in England ; he was not versed in the arts of popularity, nor used to the struggles of parliamentary opposition ; and liis manners were cold, reserved, and unconcihating. He had not, as a measure preparatory to the assumption of power, secured an interest in either house of parliament, or among the people*. Prejudices were easily excited agamst him as a native of Scotland ; for it is to be recollected, that only fifteen years had elapsed since a rebellion begun in that country, liad raged m the very heart of England, and he coidd only oppose to a popidar and triumphant administration and a long established system, such friends as hope or interest might supply, and the personal esteem of the Kmg, which was rendered less valuable by the ocUum attached to the name of favourite. -^ At liis accession, the King was exceedingly popular ; I'^H-iii'y his court was observed to be free from the gloomy stiff- King. ness Avhich, during the late reign, had displeased so many, and to which his polite and gracious manner afforded a delightful contrast; loyal and affectionate addresses poured in from every part of the realm, and were recciA ed in a manner which made the most ad- vantageous impression. Yet, if the conflicts of party were not immediately commenced, it was ob\ious tliat tliey were only suspended ; and, in the city of London, tokens of hostility were broadly disclosed, by a paper * Lord Orford's Letters to Mr. MoiUagiic, p. 217. 14 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. 1 17G(1. 2G(h Oct. Meeting of Parliament. ISlh Nov. The King's Speech. fixed on the Royal Exchange, denouncing " petticoat government, a Scotcli minister, and Lord George Germain*." Parhament met immediately on the King's Ac- cessionf ; and after a short prorogation:|:, to give time j for previous arrangements, the King opened the ! session. It was remarked, that there never was in the ' memory of tlie oklest persons such a numerous con- course of all ranks on any similar occasion§, nor such unanimous testimonies of applause. The public pre- possession, increased by the King's affable and gracious demeanour, was carried to the greatest height by the patriotic sentiments contained in his speech. He began by expressing liis regret at the death of; his grandfather at so critical and difficult a conjuncture, - as he was the great support of that system, by which alone the liberties of Europe, and the weight and in- fluence of these kingdoms, could be preserved, and ga^e Hfe to the measures conducive to those important ends. After declaring his rehance on the affection of his people, and the goodness of Providence, His Majesty used these words; " Born and educated in this " country, I GLORY IN THE NAME OF Briton I and the " jiecuUar happiness of my life will ever consist in pro- " motinf) the ivelfare of ajieople^ whose loyalty and warm " affection to me I consider as the greatest and mostj)€rm£i- " nent security of my throne \\ ; and I doubt not but their' * Lord Orford's Lctter.s to Mr. Montagiic, p. 221, 225. t It met on Sunday, in pursuance of a statute of William III. the substantial i parts of wliicli are re-enacted in one of Queen Anne, requiring the Parliament to meet, convene, and sit, immediately on the death of a Sovereign. See Hatsell's Precedents, vol. ii. pp. 107, 286. X From the &th to the 18th November. ^ Mr. Pitt was prevented by illness from attending. II After the draught of this speech had been settled by the cabinet, an addition was made to it in His Majesty's own hand, which became the subject of some animadver.sion ; it was compared by many of the most zealous of the Whig party to the concluding part of the iirst speech of Queen Anne, after her accession. (See Journals and Smollet's Continuation of Hume, vol. i. p. 447.) But at this dis- tance of time, when the question may be more impartially considered, and dis- tinctly from other circumstances, there does not appear any reason for imputing to the declaration of the King, that " born and educated in tliis country, he gloried in the name of Briton, " an intention of reflecting on the mcmorj- of his grandfather. In fact, the origin of that passage has been disputed. Some say it was suggested by Mr. Pitt ; some that it was composed by Lord Bute ; whilei GEORGE III. 15 " steadiness in those principles will eqnal the firmness chap. " of my invariable resolution to adhere to and " " strengthen this excellent constitution in church and i760. " state ; and to maintain the toleration in^'iolal)le. The " civil and rehgious rights of my loving subjects are " equally dear to me ^\dth the most valuable preroga- ' tives of my crown, and, as the surest foundation of " the whole, and the best means to draw down the divine favour on my reign, it is my fixed purpose to countenance and encourage the practice of true religion and virtue." In the progress of his speech, the King descanted, >vith becoming satisfiiction, on the prosperous efforts of the British force in C'anada and India, and on the suc- cessful exertion of the allied arms in Germany; he mentioned, in strong terms of approbation, the benefits which the national commerce had derived from the judicious dis]iosition of the na-s^, and paid a just and honorable tribute of applause to the valour and intre- pidity of the officers and forces both at s(\a and land. Having thus completely reviewed the state of the nation, the King said, " In this condition I have found " things at my accession to the throne of my ancestors ; " happy in viemng the prosperous part of it ; happier " still shoidd I have been, had I found my kingdoms, i" whose true interest I have entirely at heart, in full " peace ; but, since the ambition, injurious encroach- " ments, and dangerous designs of my enemies, ren- " dered the war both just and necessary, and the " generous overture made last mnter towards a con- " gross for the pacification has not yet produced a " suitable return, I am determined, vdth your cheerful " and powerful assistance, to prosecute this war mth vigour, in order to that desirable object, a safe and •' honourable peace. For this purpose it is absolutely " incumbent upon us to be early prepared ; and I rely ' u]ion your zeal and hearty concurrence to support ^ the King of Prussia and the rest of my allies, and )lhoi-s as5?ort, (hat. -vvlion Iho council met to settle this s]ioech, the King pi"i- umnecd it us his own, ami it -was adopted without reference to any other luthority. 16 CHAP. I. 1 700. Addres.scs. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. " to make ample proAision for carrying on the war, as " tlie only means to bring our enemies to equitable " terms of accommodation." Then addressing himself separately to the House of Commons, the King, after lamenting the greatness of the national burthens, expressed his reliance on them to provide adequate supplies, and to make a proper provision for supporting the civil government with honour and dignity. In conclusion. His Majesty reminded both houses that the eyes of all Europe were upon them, and in- voked a due regard to their own reputation, and the protection of the Protestant interest. He recommen- ded vigour, unanimity, and dispatch, as the best means of frustrating the ambitious and destructive views of his enemies ; and added, " In this expectation I am the " more encouraged by a pleasing circumstance, which " I look upon as one of the most auspicious omens of " my reign. That happy extinction of divisions, and " that union and good harmony, which continue to " prevail among my subjects, afford me the mostagree- " able prospect. The natural disposition and wish of " my heart are to cement and promote them ; and I " promise myself that nothing will arise on your part " to interrupt or disturb a situation so essential to the " true and lasting felicity of this great people." The sentiments contained in this speech were no less acceptable to the people at large than to the mem- bers of the two houses. The King's youth, dignity of deportment, and propriety of enunciation, gave the highest satisfaction ; and those who had been accus- tomed to the speeches from the throne in the former reign, were relieved and gratified by hearing His ^Majesty deliver himself in all the purity of EngHsh pronunciation. f Loyal addresses were unanimously voted in bothj houses*, and the commons exceeded the ordinary manii * The foIlo^^■ing expression in the address of the Lords Avas peculiarly elegant and hap])y : " We are penetrated with the condescending and endearing manner " in which Yom- Majesty has expressed your satisfaction in having received yo' '■' birth and education among us. What a lustre does it cast upon the name " Britcm, when you, Sire, arc pleased to esrtccm it among your glories !" 1. GEORGE III. 17 festations of attachment by presenting a second address, thanking His Majesty for the gracious manner in which he received the first. The principal business transacted in this session related to the ci\il list, and to the supplies*. The civil list was fixed at eight hundred thousand pomids, the King having signified his consent that such disposition miglit be made of the hereditary revenues of the crown, as sliould best conduce to utility and the satisfaction of the j)ubhc. The supplies amounted to nineteen millions six hundred and sixteen thousand one hundred and nine- teen pounds, to pay the interest of which several taxes were continued, and a new duty of three shillings per barrel imposed on beer and ale. On granting new commissions to the judges, the tenure of their office fell under consideration. The King, anxious to insure their independence and uprightness, recommended, in a speech from the throne, that pro- vision should be made for securing the enjoyment of their offices during their good behaviour, notwithstand- ing the demise of the crown; and requested that lie might be enabled to grant proper salaries to be abso- lutely seciu'ed to them during the continuance of their commissions. This vvise and patriotic suggestion was received with merited attention ; and an act passed, fully providmg for the important objects of His Majesty's recommendation f. When the end of the sessions approached, ]\Ir. Onslow, who for more than thirty years had filled the situation of speaker, with unshaken integrity, signified his determination to retire : a vote of thanks was unani- mously carried, and an address presented, requesting the King to confer on him some signal mark of favour. A pension of three thousand pounds was accordingly settled on jNIr. Onslow, with benefit of survivorship to CHAP. 1. 17G0. Civil List, 'ifjth Nov. Supplies. 17f)l. 3d March. Judges made permanent. And their salaries aug- mented. 18th March. Speaker Onslow retires, with a pen- sion and honours. * No act of grace was proposed, but a bill was passed for the relief of insol- vent debtors, in which was a permanent clause, compelling them to subscribe, on the requisition of any creditor, a schedule of their cfi'ects, and upon doing so, and giving them up, tliey were to be discharged. This provision was dictated by humanity, but its regulations were so much abused, lliai it was soon repealed. t Blackstone's Commentaries, vol. i. p. '2Gh. VOL. I. C 18 HISTORY OF EXGLAXD. fllAP. I. 1 701. ■th Mav. Dissuhuiiiu of Parlia- ment. 19lh March. 21st. Favourable opinions Ibmied of the Kinsr. liis son. This testimony of regard to experienced merits and long services, was extremely agreeable to the public ; and the common council of London com- plimented the late speaker mth the freedom of the city in a gold box. The public business having been performed with perfect unanimity, the King closed the session, and the parliament was immediately dissolved*. Uj) to this period, great predilection for the King Avas eWnced both at home and abroad. " Happy the nation," the people of Prussia observed on reading the King's speech, " destined to be governed by such a " Prince, for from such an outsetting every thing may " be expected. It is not only a cordial, but a cure for " despair f." To his demeanour and talents for busi- ness, testimony is borne by one of his ministers in a confidential communication. " Our young man," he says, " shews great attention to his affairs, and an " earnest desire of being truly informed of the state of " them. He is patient and diligent in business, and " gives evident marks of perspicuity and good ^sense. " There is a grace and affability in his manner that is " vastly engaging, and which is properly tempered A\ith " a becoming chgnity of representation. I protest to " you, this picture is dra^^n without the least flattery, " and rather under than over the mark:|:." * No memorials are prescncfl of debates in this sessio7i ; the account of th(! proceedings is derived from the history and proceedings of Parliament pub- lished bv Debrett ; the Parliamentarv History, vol. xv. ; and from tlie Journals. t Mhehell Papers, vol. v. No. 2(J1, p. 148. X Letter from Lord Iloldernesse t^) Sir Andrew Mitchell, 28lh Nov. 1760, sanu' collection, No. 6832, fo. 234. In support of the opinion expressed by Lord Iloldernesse, may be cited those of Sir Joseph Yorke a>id Lord Banington, in letters to the same minister. " The young monarch," Sir Joseph obsen^es (3d Jan. 1701), "has ascended the throne in tlie happiest era of the British " natiuii. The first of his family born in England; in the prime of life; "^^ith " a good constitution, and with the good opinion of his subjects. He has many " amiable and virtuous qualities; is rather timid, but since his accession, I am " told, he represents well, and spoke his speech with gi'cat grace and dignity." " Nothing," .says Lord BarriiigU)n (5th Jan. 1701), " can be more amiable, " more virtuous, better disposed, than our present monarch. He applies him- " self thoroughly to his affairs ; he understands them in an astonishing degree. " His faculties seem to me equal to his good intentions, and nothing can be more " agreeable or satisfactory than doing business with him. A most uncommon " attention, a quick and just concei)tion, great mildnt^ss, great civility, which " takes nothing from his dignity; caution and iirmuess are conspicuous in the " hidiest de'giee, aiul I reallv think none of tJiem are over or under done." Mitchell Papers, Book 0834, fo. 27 and 14.j. GEORGE III. 19 Although, in the declaration to the council at his chap. accession, and in his subsequent speeches at the meet- " ing and prorogation of parliament, the King expressed i76i. a determination to prosecute the war, it was his first 'P^^. ^"^'"s'^ 1 ' di'siie of and most earnest Avish to restore to his subjects the pcate. blessings of peace*. The paragraph in the declara- tion to council referring to the war, was not originally expressed in such a forcible manner ; but an alteration was made by Mr. Pitt, which implied a decided appro- bation of the German measures, instead of mentioning them, as the King intended, in terms of coldness f. The King was thus induced to give up his own opinion, and renewed a subsidiary treaty with tlie King of Prussia, similar to those concluded by George H.^ The energy of Mr. Pitt, the celebrity of the l^ig Causes of the of Prussia, the success of Prince Ferdinand, the in- }iu?war!^° creasing glories of the British arms, and the depression of the French power, contributed to render the war in the higliest degree popular; yet many politicians apprehended fatal consequences from its continuance, even should success attend the allied arms. They blamed the project of carrying on a German, Aifriimenis instead of a maritime, commercial, and colonial war, ^s^^^^^^ '*• which was best adapted to the situation of this comitry, and in ■\^•hich we were always superior to our enemies. France, they said, could prosecute the contest in Ger- many for ten years, without increasing her debt five millions sterling, while we could not carry it on for the same period, without increasing ours upwards of fifty millions ; and all the advantages which might be gained over France, would not compensate for such an enormous expenditure. They treated the popular enthusiasm for a German war as a dangerous delusion. The merchants, who greatly contributed to raise it, particularly in London, were interested; but the land- holders suffered. The glory and advantage of sweep- ing the sea, cost the land four or five millions a year. They suggested, that when th(^ merchants should lose * The Kiiifr's speech to rarluuiiciit, N.iv. 17G3. t From a menioraiulum liy l^oid Meleoinbe. X This treaty was signed lilh Dicember, 1700. c 2 20 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. tlic advantage of contracts and furnislimcnts, they would ' repent of their ahicrity, and wish they had used their 17G1. interest in inducing government to desist, when the national honour was vindicated, and the national pos- sessions secured*. The press, too, uttered without reserve the same sentiments. The absurdity of the manner of warfare wliich this country had adopted was exposed in striking colours. It was asserted, that, by maldng Germany the seat of hostility, France could ruin this country, without materially injuring herself. The quarrels of any two states of Europe, for whatever cause, were always favourable to the interested and ambitious views of the French, who would espouse the weaker side with a partial exertion of strength, increasing their efforts in proportion as other countries favoured the opposed cause. The military force of France was alleged to be superior to that of any other power in Europe; and by her address in confining the war to Germany, England, who was her only opponent, was reduced to fight at an immense expense, in a country, where victory itself, while it weakened and dispirited the friendly natives, could never distress the French; they only retired, after defeat, to their own frontier, whither we durst not follow them, and always returned to the next campaign with a force superior to all the efforts of British gold, and German exertion. Nor were our efforts really beneficial to the Protestant interest, which, in fact, was not endangered. The defence of Planover was alleged to be a futile pretence for carrying on the war in Germany; the French could not annex it to their dominions, without taking possession of several other electorates, which the con- stitution of Europe would not permit ; and even if they entertained such a scheme, the way for England to oppose it was not by sending armies to Germany, but by turning to the utmost advantage her decided naval superiority ; thus she might obtain possession of the French West India islands, and hold them as a deposit or guaranty for the security of Hanover. * These sentiments are amply detailed in Lord Melcombe's Correspondence. GEORGE III. 21 The subsidy or tribute to the King of Prussia was chap. represented in a most injurious light ; he received six liundred and fifty thousand pounds a year to fight his iroi. own battles, whilst England was bound to defend him without the slightest stipulation on his part. This was contrasted with the important and valuable assist- ance which King William had prudently secured against France, from the most considerable powers of Europe, for a less sum than was now paid to the King of Prussia alone*. Such were the opinions professed in private, and Tiio King's patronized in public, by the Earl of Bute and his liLinterest- adherents. The King had, from his infancy, been cdness. accustomed to hear the connexion of this country with Germany condemned and reviled by men who were considered eminently enlightened and truly patriotic. He had so little attachment for his German dominions, that no doubt was entertained of his being induced to abandon tlie defence of them, that the money hitherto uselessly lanshed on that object might be employed in distressing the French in other quarters, for the pur- pose of com])elling them to make peace. A proposal so flattering to the prejudices of Englishmen, it was supposed would confer extensive and permanent popu- larity on those who should have the virtue to recom- mend, and the interest to enforce it ; and some jea- lousy was entertained, lest the ministry, who had hitherto conducted the war, should insure the con- tinuance of their power and popularity after a peace, by being the first to adopt the planf. Mr. Pitt, however, was not disposed to become a m^. ritt candidate for increased popularity (if an increase of his proJeiuting popularity was possible) on such terms. He had con- ^^^ "^^'^'■• certed the war on a system suggested by the King of Prussia, improved by himself, and fully sanctioned by George 11. , who was supposed to be a competent * Considerations on the present German war, by I. Mandnit, Esq. Tliis pro- duction Avas generally read, and tlic author aftcr\Yards received a pension. History of the late Minority, p. 13. t Lord Mel(;ombc's Diary, p. 422 ; and the same sentiments an; more fidly expressed and enforced in a paper of Lord Melcombe's, dated 16th Jauutiry, 1701, and cjidoraed " Paper read to Lord Bute." 22 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ciiAr. judge of military matters. The success of the allied '■ arms had hitherto silenced opposition, and excited 1701. universal admiration; and France was so enfeebled and humbled, that her further efforts were not con- sidered objects of dread. The people, amused by the s|)lendid exhibitions attendant on victory, and flattered by the merited encomiums bestowed on the valour and liberality of the countiy, disregarded the load of debt created by the war, and despised the accumulation of taxes. The capital, which by its exertions and cla- mours generally gives a pohtical bias to the rest of the kingdom, was impHcitly devoted to the minister, and he was so far from entertainmg a notion of abandoning the continent, that the friends of that project pro- nounced him more mad than ever*, 'i-umuhuous On his accession, the King had received all his <.rihe' '*"" grandfather's ministers most graciously, and pressed populace. them to continue in his service. Some of them, par- ticularly the Duke of Newcastle, were mchned to retire ; but they were persuaded by the great body of the Whigs to remain in office. They consented. < but still the Earl of Bute was an object of jealousy, and his conduct was \dgilantly scrutinized-j*. As he was expected soon to obtain a place in the mmistry, many efforts were made to inflame the national prejudice against the Scots, and the people were taught to believe that every unpopular act was the result of his advice. The King had not completed the foiu-th '2<] Vvh. month of his reign, when the ungovernable and Hcen- tious spirit of the mob was displayed in a riot while he was at the play-house ; the tax on beer was imputed to * Lord Melcombe's Diary, p. 427. t A subject of successful invective and permanent misrepresentation arose in the pift of the rangership of Richmond Park to Lord Bute. This office was held by the Princess Amelia ; and it was boldly asserted that the gratification of the favourite, and the mortification of the Princess, were equal motives for the change; but, in fact, the Princess held the appointment /or ,^rr /?"/>, and there- fore could not be deprived of it but by her own consent. The Princess at first proposed to make Richmond her principal residence, and the gi-eat stone lodge was directed to be prepared and enlarged for that purpose ; but diuing the pro- gress of the work, a decision at law was luade contrary to her wishes, relative to a riglit of stopping the foot-way ; she then became disgusted, suspended the execution of her orders, and, on receiving an ample equivalent, cheerfully resigned an appdinlment which no longer gratified her imagination, except as an object of emolument. GEORGE III. 23 Lord Bute, and this was their mode of expressing dis- chap. approbation*. " Whatever efforts might be made in the way of i76i, popular clamour, it was obvious that Lord Bute could not long remain without official employment, and he removed some obstacles to his advancement by judi- cious arrangements. He met the Uuke of Argylc, witli Avhom he had an old misunderstanding, and in one hoiu' an explanation adjusted their diiferencesf. He also settled measures with INIr. Pitt, and his acceptance of office was agreed on;}:. The retirement of Lord Holder- nesse was the means by which Lord Bute acquired the March 25th. place of secretary of state. The measure appears to Lord Bute have been arranged with considerable art and dupli- sStc ''^^^ "^ city; but Lord Holdernesse (Ud not comjilain ; he was gratified with a pension, and a grant in reversion of the wardenship of the cinque ports§. Mr. Legge was also changes in dismissed from the chancellorsliip of the Exchequer, ^^ '"""" '^' and his office given to Lord Barrington, who accepted it on the earnest solicitation of the Duke of Newcastle||. Several other removals and advancements of k^ss im- portance were made, and the Duke of llichmond, dis- gusted with a military promotion which he considered injurious to his brother, Lord George Lennox, resigned the i)ost of lord of the bed-chamber**. In making this acqiusition of power, the friends of Lord Bute, who understood the true position of pubHc * Tlie inhabitants of Hexham (9th Marcli) evinced a more fonnidable dis- position to tiunnlt ; on tlie ballotting for militia-nien, they assembled in snch nninbers, and I'ommittod such excesses, tliat it became necessivry to employ the military ; and a special commission having been afterwards issued, several of the rioters -were tried, and one executed. t Letter from Sir Joseph Yorke to Sir Andrew Mitchell, Papers, Book 6834, fo. 27. X Same Collection, Book 6839, fo. 215. { Lord Melcombe's Diary, p. 416. II Political Life of Lord Barrington p. 69. ** It is asserted in Lord Melcombe's Diary, p. 417, that the Duke of Rich- mond, after speaking disrespectfully of Lord liute and the Scotch nation, had solicited the bed-chamber. The Duke has denied these facts in a letter printed in the sann; work (p. 500). The transaction, in whatever light it is viewed, reflects no disgiace either on the Duke or Lord Bute. If we refuse Lord Bute credit for magnanimity in favoring the Duke's wishes, after he had spoken dis- respectfully of him and his counlry, it appears at least that he did not oppose tliem, although his (Jvacc had declared his unwillingness to connect himself with any ministry. The Duke's resignation, in compliment to the feelings of his brnfher, was spirited and pn)per. 24 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ^"A.r. affairs, could not fail to perceive that he had acted ratlier a bold and generous than a prudent part, quit- 1701. ting a secure haven for a turbulent and tempestuous sea ; but he was deluded by interested indi^iduals into a behef that he possessed a considerable portion of the public esteem, and that the popularity of Mr. Pitt was declining. They strongly represented to him that he was bound by every motive, public and private, to take an active part in the government*, and he yielded to suggestions according mth his ^dews of weakening the party, which, in his judgment, maintained a dangerous ascendancy. Even they who did not beheve that his popularity would supersede that of the long-estabhshed favourite, thought that the pubUc must be gainers ; for so long as the Duke of Newcastle, Lord Bute, and Mr. Pitt acted in concert, the administration of public affairs could meet no obstruction f. The prorogation and dissolution of parliament were delayed, to afford time for Lord Bute to make the arrangements necessary to strengthen his interest : but when the Duke of Newcastle was prevailed upon to remain in office, he was promised the direction of the new elections, -with all the other influence he had for- merly enjoyed. Measiues had been accordingly taken with so much alacrity and effect, that the influence Lord Bute expected to derive from the King's con- fidence was engrossed by others, who had taken their measures unkno^vn even to the King himself. He was early apprised of this, and cautioned agamst it ; yet he took no measures to counteract those ministers who were resolved to seciue parhamentary adherents by means of government interest, but entirely indepen- dent of the crown;]:. It became a fashion to say that * Lord Mclcombe's Diary, p. 416 ; and his letters to Lord Bute, pantim. t Letter from Mr. Symmer to Sir Andrew Mitchell, 17th March, 1761 ; Papers, Book 6839, fo. 215. X Lord Melcombe's Diary, p. 432. In a letter to Lord Bute, dated the 26th November, 1760, Lord Melcombe, after expressing his zeal for the King's service, and anxiety to see him entirely independent, says, " It is not my wish " that his Majesty should interpose, directly or indirectly, where the interest is " in any private gentleman, as such ; but during the two last reigns, a set of " imdertakers have formed the power of the crown at a price certain ; and, " under colour of making themselves responsible for the Avhole, have taken the " bolc direction of the royal interest and influence into their own hands, and GEORGE III. 25 the new parliament would be of the peoples' own chap. choosing : a specious term, under which it was fore- seen that new difficulties would arise, and new cabals i76i. would be engendered^ . " applied it to their own crocatiiros, ^^^thout consulting the cro^vn, or leaving any '• room for the royal nomination or direction. Tliis should be prevented before " any pretence of promise can be made," &c. t Letters from Sir Joseph Yorke to Sir Andrew Mitchell already referred to. 26 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP, II. 17G1. State of France. CHAPTER THE SECOND. 1761. State of the belligerent powers. — France. — Poland. — Kussia. — Austria.— State of the King of Portugal.— Congress pro- posed. — Progress of the campaign. — Capture of Schweidnit2 by the Austrians. — Battle of Fillingshausen. — Capture of Belleisle. — Addi-ess of the City of London. — Capture of Dominica. — Reduction of the Cherokees. — War in India. — Capture of Mihie. — Invasion of Bengal by the Shah Zaddah. — His defeat. — Exploits of d'Estaing. — Tranquillity of Great Britain. — The King's marriage. — Coronation. — Negotiations for peace with France. Terms proposed by the French. — They introduce the discussion of Spanish affaii-s. — Spirited conduct of Mr. Pitt. — Answer to the French propositions. — Family compact signed. — Mr. Pitt's instructions to Lord Bristol, ambassador at Madi'id. — Lord Bristol's explanations with the Spanish secretary of state. — INIr. Pitt proposes to declare war against Spain. — He and Lord Temple determine to resign. — Observations. — Mr. Pitt's resignation. — Gracious behaviour of the King. — Mr. Pitt receives a pension, — Lord Bute considered at the head of the administration. — His sentiments on Mr. Pitt's resig- nation. — Popular opinions on Lord Bute and Mr. Pitt. — Their reception in the City. — Meeting of Parliament. — The Queen's dowry settled. — Recess. If peace was desirable to the English nation, it was still more so to all the other belligerent powers, except the Empress Queen. France severely felt the miseries of unsuccessful warfare, and was fallen, from an alarming state of power and greatness, into one of poverty and impotence. Her military operations had been unfortunate in every quarter of the globe ; the merchants and planters had, for more than two years, GEORGE III. 27 ^ceased to derive any advantage from the few colonial ^^}^^' possessions which yet remained ; she was without ' trade, and without credit ; stopping payments, retiun- i76i. ing bills protested, and in exery respect a bankrupt nation* ; the King, the princes of the blood, the no- bility and clergy, were under the necessity of sending their plate to the mint, to furnish specie for immediate use. The alliance with Maria Theresa had ceased to be popidar ; and the nation, feeling the pressure of the war, loudly com])lained of a system which involved them in misery, merely to benefit the house of Austria, their ancient, hereditary enemy. Yet any general conclusion, drawn from these appearances, that the French must be driven to seek peace on cUshonorable terms, coidd not fail to be erroneous. The proud spirit of independence which distinguishes that nation was sufficient to prevent any mean or degraduig ad- vances ; and if their government was obhged to avow circumstances which could not be concealed, still they always declared themselves able and ready to meet the expenses and contingencies of another campaign ; and, although they chd not disguise a desire of peace, they always maintained the sentiments worthy of a nation which could be poor without degrading humbleness, and could desire peace without condescending to im- plore itf. Early in this year, Louis XV. declared to his aUies, that France, ha^ing for four years, in conjmiction with other powers, prosecuted the war in hopes of rmnmg the King of Prussia, but without success, was severely injm-cd by the enormous expenses of the contest. He represented, that a continuance of the war would com- plete the devastation of Germany ; and ad\ised the other powers to renounce their ^dews of aggrandize- ment, and concur in the re-cstabhshment of peace. The same declaration was made, in terms still Sweden. stronger, at Stockholm, where the French faction in the senate had been vigorously attacked by the coiu't party, and hopes were entertained that, in another * Letter to Two Great Men. t Letter from Sir Joseph Yorkc to Mr. ^Mitchell already iiuotcd. 28 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. campaip:ii, Sweden would no longer be numbered ' among the enemies of the King of Prussia. 17G1. The King of Poland, tii'ed of a destructive war, Puiand. listened with satisfaction to intimations of peace, and hoped by negotiation to obtain some mdemnity for his losses. Russia. EUzabeth, Empress of Russia, whom pride and the arguments of her counsellors alone induced to contmue at war, was not averse to a pacification, as it would leave her to the enjoyment of that repose which now constituted her greatest pleasure. She en- tertained an inveterate animosity agamst the King of Prussia ; but still hopes, however vague and feeble, were entertained of detaching her from the grand al- liance. The means by which Frederick proposed to achieve this important object are characteristic of his sanguine temper, and of the facility with which he could employ engines apparently feeble and insignifi- cant in the furtherance of great designs. A private individual, named Badenhaupt, residing at Berlin, had a brother living at Petersburg, a physician, m the em- ploy of Peter Schuwalow ; the brother from Berlin was to be sent to the Russian capital, imder pretence of a mere fraternal \dsit, but, in reahty, to discover, through his brother's means, whether, by the interven- tion of Schuwalow, a separate negotiation might not be attempted. As the Enghsh government had always been ardently desirous of seeing this separate peace established, and had, at an earlier period, offered to remit twenty thousand pounds to be judiciously dis- tributed in largesses, no hesitation was felt by Sir An- drew Mitchell, the English minister at the Prussian court, m givmg, at the King of Prussia's request, let- ters, introducing Badenhaupt to Mr. Keith, our minister in Russia, accompanied "with instructions to intimate, that if the court of Russia was desii'ous of making acquisitions on the side of the Nieper, it would more easily be effected by making a separate peace with Prussia, than by the aid of Austria, and that a sepiirate peace would be more conducive to that end than a general one, m the negotiation for which, such GEORGE III. 29 a proposition would not be well received*. The at- chap. tempt was not attended with success. ' Other attempts at pacific negotiation Avere made, ijoi. or instigated by the Kins: of Prussia, whose situation ';A''*'' "'' ^^^ rendered it highly necessary for him to extricate him- Pmssia. self, if possible, from the dangers with which he was surrounded. The momentary gleam throAvn over his arms by the battle of Torgau-j* had not the appearance or the promise of a brightened day, but left the horizon enveloped in clouds, which tlireatened him with de- struction. The recovery of Saxony, the successes of Prince Ferdinand, and the increased enthusiasm of his followers, could neither avert or palliate tlie horrors of his position. His enemies, although enfeebled, were not as he was apparently, exhausted. Men, stores, and money were alike deficient. His struggles, even his victories, had made dreadful havoc in liis armies ; and the limited population of his dominions did not afibrd him the means of recruiting, without haAuig recourse to the most -violent measures. De- serters, prisoners:}:, peasants, and even boys of tender age, as low as fourteen years, without regard to family or station, were compelled to augment his ranks ; and his wants were supplied, in part at least, by the se- verest acts of military extortion. With all his efforts, it was ob\ious that his next campaign, if he were doomed to enter upon it, must be entirely defensive ; self-preser-sation must be liis aim, without any hope of acquisition. His endeavours to negotiate mth Russia arose from 1760. these circumstances ; his ministers in London, -Messrs. His plopo- Knyphausen and Michel, laid before Lord Holder- sals tor peace. * Letters from the Kinhat would satisfy the ambition of the one, or produce an arrangement with the other. But, as it might happen that a separate peace between Great Britain and France might take place, which would totally change the nature of the war in Germany, it was required to know, what pecuniary assistance, including his present subsidy, the Kmg of Prussia would require to maintain the German troops which might come into his pay. In the correspond- | once which ensued, the King of Prussia affected to consider, that in acceding to the proposal of a separate peace, he was lending himself to the views of England, although it was shown that all such propositions ori- ginated -with himself, and were for his sole benefit ; and, as a compensation for consenting to such a treaty, he required that England should engage for his assist- ance all the German troops acting in the army of the allies. It is needless further to pursue the discussions to which this most extraordinary proposition gave rise ; all the British ministers, including Mr. Pitt and his immediate friends, concm-red in rejecting such terms ; and, as no treaty such as was anticipated did take place, the fact is only of importance as it shews the temper of Frederick, and the origin of sentiments which afterwards operated in his mind, to the utter extinguishment of all esteem and gratitude toward * See this declaralion in Jenkiiison's Collection of Treaties, vol. iil. p. 85, GEORGE III. 31 the nation wliich, in the day of his greatest adversity, chap. had rendered him snch important ser^'ices*. ' The Empress Queen alone appeared desirous of Austria. prolonoino- liostiUties, by wliich she expected to destroy *^""^*'''f ner greatest enemy ; yet, ni compliance with the wishes -imi March. of France, she proposed a general congress, to be holdeii at Augsbourg. 'J'he English monarch, on re- ceiving a communication of this arrangement from ]\1. de Choiseul, disclosed it to the King of Prussia, to- gether with another intimation from France, tliat mi- nisters should be sent to their respective courts, for the purpose of negotiating a separate peace ; Frederick offered no objection, and the British ministry agreed. As it was the interest of France to obtain time for recruiting her annies, and refitting her fleets, she also required an immediate cessation of arms ; but England, having already incurred the expense of a new cam- paign, and made immense maritime preparations, was not duped by this insidious offer. France entertained great hopes of deriving advan- Failure. tage from the negotiations at Augsbourg ; but the meeting was prevented by a punctilious objection : the 'Emperor, it was said, could not send an ambassador, because war was declared against the Empress Queen, and not against the head of the empiref. During the winter, a few trilling skirmishes only Warouiiu- took ])lace between the Kmg of Prussia and the allies, *^'"^''"''"^- but offensive operations Avere now seriously resumed. Frederick II. maintained with spirit, vigour, and skill, an unequal contest against the overwhelming armies of the two empires. He was obliged to consider safety fortunate, and to maintain his political situation by address in temporizing, rather than risk everything by a desperate effort in battle. His distress was increased oth Sop(. by the unexpected capture of Schweidnitz, a strong s|!i\\'"!ij,',f,z. city in Silesia, from which he had hitherto drawn con- jq^j^ p^.^, siderable supplies. His affairs were generally uiipros- • Mitcholl Piip(M-s, G818, vol. V. fo. 235 ; 6819, fo. 11. t aCuvrrs ooniploltos de Frederic II. Roi dc Prusse, vol. iii. cha\). 13; Hisiorieal Moniorinl of the Negotiation, published in Paris by aulhority ; also in Jeukinson's Collection of Treaties, vol. iii. p. 80 lo KJG. , 32 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. II. 1761. Battle of Fillings- hausen. 15tli and IGth July. Capture of Bellcislc. 29tli March. 8th April. porous in Silesia, Pomcrania, and Saxony ; and he kept the field with difficulty and disadvantage, till his troops went into winter-tpiarters. Prince Ferdinand, on the other hand, made a bril- liant and successful campaign : at an early period, he fortunately cut off some supplies, and, availing himself of the inaction occasioned by this event, strengthened his own position at Kirch Denckern. He Avas, how- ever, attacked by the French : the conflict was severe, and continued two days : the enemy for a time seemed victorious ; they compelled part of the British troops under Lord Granby to retire, and possessed themselves of the village of Fillingshausen ; but at length, by a masterly manocu\Te, Prince Ferdinand and the British general turned the fortune of the day, and secured a most important victory*. The career of success was uninterrupted till the end of the campaign, which covered both generals with gloryj-. Nor were the British arms less prosperous in other quarters. Among the most promising enterprizes of the year, was a secret expedition to attack Belleisle, near the coast of Brittany, which had been planned ; and the means of effecting it most judiciously arranged by Lord Anson, before the death of the late Kmg;}:. A fleet of ten ships of the line, beside frigates, fire- ships, and bombs, and one hundred transports, convey- ing nine thousand men, -with a tram of artillery, sailed from Spithead, in three divisions, under the command of Commodore Keppel. The troops, led by Major- General Hodgson, were repulsed with loss in an at- tempt to land on the south-east of the island, in a sandy bay, near Lomeria Point ; but after some days they were more successful in another effort near the same spot, in a place where the enemy, trustmg to the * This battle, accordiug to Dumimriez, Avas lost tliroiigh the precipitation of Broglio, who, in order to piiu the victory by his own army alone, made the at- tack a day too soon, and tluough the criminal jealousy of Soubise, who sacrificed the glory and interest of France to the pleasure of mortifying his rival. Life of Dumouriez, vol. i. p. 36. t CEuvres du Roi de Prussc, vol. iii. chap. 14 ; and for an animated and correct account of the whole campaign, derived from the best authorities, see Lord Dover's Life of Frederick II. vol. ii. p. 239. X Barrow's Life of Lord Anson, p. 316. GEORGE III. 33 natural impediments, had been less solicitous to form chap. an artificial defence. Ha\dng surmoimted considerable difficulties, they laid siege to Palais, the capital of the i7G1. island, and compelled the governor to capitulate, after 7ih .luue. a resistance of five weeks, ui wliich he lost nine hun- di-ed and twenty-two men ; while that of the invaders, in killed and wounded, exceeded eight hundred ; and, in consideration of their gallant defence, the garrison were allowed to retire into France, and marched out with all the honours of war*. The news of this conquest occasioned general ex- ink Juno. ultation. A loyal address was mianimously voted by Address of the city of London: and great expectations were 1?'^" '^'^y "' formed, that the capture of Belleisle would enable ministers to obtain the most favourable terms of peace ; but the demolition of the works seems to have been the principal object of the enterprize, and that was effectually accomplished. The French afterwards, i^thOoe. made an attempt to burn the British fleet m Basque Road, near Aix : the project was well conceived, but failed through the precipitation and unskilfulness of those to whom it Avas intrusted. In the AVest Indies, Dominica was cai)tured by Capture of Lord Rollo ; and the Cherokee Indians having taken ^ii"juli*(f; up arms at the instigation of the French, Sir James Reduction of Douglas and Colonel Grant, at the head of two thou- ]^^es. sand six hundred men, ravaged their country, and compelled them to sue for peacef. In the East Indies, the British power, which had India. been strengthened on the coast of Coromandel by the possession of Pondicherryij:, was still further secured on that of INIalabar by the captui-e of Mihie, by Major Hector Alanro. An adventurer, named Law, nephew invasion of of the famous projector, having assembled a corps of tiie suai/ French fugitives, persuaded the Mogul, who in the ^^i^idah, preceding year had been known by the title of the Shah Zaddah, to invade the kingdom of Bengal. The united force consisted of eighty thousand natives, and • Barrow's Life of Lord Anson, p. 372. t Beatson's Naval and Militan*- Memoirs, vol. iii. X Sec Smollett's Cuntinuaticu ol' Hume. vol. v. p. 363. VOL. I. D 34 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. II. 1761. who is de- feated. Exploits of d'Estiiiiig. Tranquillity of Great Britain. 8th July. The King doclarf.s his intention to niarrv. about two hundred French ; but Major Caniac, with twenty thousand blacks, and five liundred Enghsh soldiers, totally routed this vast army, and captured the ^logul and his European coadjutor*. D'Estaing, who, in violation of his parole, infested the Indian seas with two frigates, sailing to Sumatra, reduced Bcncoidi, Tappanapoli, and Marlborough fort. While war was thus vigorously, and ^Nith various success, carried on in all quarters of the globe, the pe()i)le of England enjoyed, not only an absolute tran- quillity, but partook of the pleasures incident to a new reign, and shared the festivals to which the season ga^e birth. The King, having summoned a council extraordi- nary, declared his determination to marry the Princess Charlotte of jNIecklenburgh Strelitz ; a communication which was received with some surprise, as the King's intention was a profound secretf. His conduct w^as liighly ]irudcnt, for it prevented discussions wliich, besides their extreme indelicacy, might on this occa- sion have been pecidiarly unpleasant. The late King was, at one period, supposed to entertain an intention of marrying him to a Princess of Brunswick, niece to the King of Prussia ; but the match was disagreeable to the Princess of Wales^ ; and those comparisons A\hich the public interest in the event could not fail to produce, had the King's intention been early an- nounced, must have given great uneasiness at court. Other guesses were made, according to the genius which prevails on such occasions ; but although, under the act of settlement, the choice of the Sovereign was limited to a very few ]iersons, no thought of the Prin- cess who really was to be the object of his choice seems to have been entertained. Indeed, w hen it was kno^vn, much sui-]nise was expressed that the King should marry into the House of JNIecklenburgh Strelitz, instead of that of Brunswick, fonning, by such means, a double * See chap. x. t Lord Orford's Works, vol. v. p. 75. J Lo.d Melconibo's Diary, 354. GEORGE III. 35 alliance ^vith Princes who had deserved so well, and chap, three of whom were actually fighting in our wars*. for peace. 31st March. The proper arrangements being made, Lord Anson, i7gi. first Lord of the Admiralty, conducted the Princess to !J{^ 5!Jj^J"^^' England, where, after a dangerous and difficult pas- g, ^/^ sage, she arrived in safety, attended by her own ser- and toroua- vants, and the King met her at Greenwich. The t'*^" '•^'•^'^• ceremony of marriage was performed the same day, and soon afterward the coronation-j*. One of the most interesting and important transac- J^rl^-!!^!!*'"^ tions of this year, was the negotiation for peace be- tween Great Britain and France. In consequence of the desire expressed by the court of Versailles, M. do ^ith and Bussy was received in London, and ]Mr. Hans Stanley at Paris, as ministers. After some delay, the princi- ples were fully arranged. These were, — That the conquests made on each side shoidd be considered as the property of the conquerors, and either retained or exchanged according to their \alue ; certain periods were also fixed, though not without great discussions, at which the effect of tliis stipulation was to begin ; and it was agreed that all arrangements between the two crowns should be conclusive, independent of the fate of the congress then expected to take place at Augsbourg. These proposals were made by the French minis- ters ; but there is no room to believe that they were e^en yet sincere in the wish for peace. M. de Bussy spoke in a tone and in a manner very different from M. de Choiseul, who appeared eager to conclude a treaty on reasonable terms, while a party wlio go- • Mitchell Papers, 6852, fo. 91. t For a spirited account of these events, see Lord Orford's Works, vol. v. pp. 80 and S3. His Lordship speaks very favourably of Her Majesty's personal appearance ; and the following description of her was WTittcn by a lady of high rank in Gennany to one in England, 21st July, 1761. British Museum MSS, 4234 B. fo. 58. " Vonlez vous le portrait de votrc future reiue tel qu'il m'a ^te " fait par une amie, actuellement a Strelitz avec clle ? Cette Princesse est de " menue taille, plulot gi-aude que petite ; la taille fine, la demarche aisee ; la " gorge jolie, les mains aussi ; Ic visage rond ; les yeux blues ct doux ; la bouche " grando, mais bien bordee, d'un fort bel incarnat et le plus belles dents du " mondc, que Ton voit toutes des qu'elU; parle ou rit, cxtrcmenieut blanche ; " dansant tres bien ; I'air extnnnonient gracieux et accueillant rm grand air de "jeunesse, et sans flattcrie, elle pent passer pour luie tres jolie personne. Son " caractere est excellent ; doui:, bon, rompatissant, sans la moindre ficrte." D 2 36 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. vomofl the proceedings of M. de Bussy were not equally " solicitous for that event. They entertained great hopes 1761. of inducmg Spain to engage in the quarrel, and there- fore ostentatiously submitted to make humiliating at- tempts at conciliation, judging this to be the most certain mode of alarming the court of Madrid, and inducing the Spanish minister to prevent the conclu- sion of peace ^^dth Great Britain, by an early avowal of hostility. Spam had declared that France was suf- ficiently humbled, but must not be ruined*; and therefore every appearance of immoderate concession coidd not fail of exciting great emotion. The British mmistry did not entertain sanguine hopes of a successful issue of the negotiation, since the expedition against Belleisle was undertaken after its commencement. M. de Choiseul contrived to impress on Mr. Stanley's mind, the necessity of keeping the extent of the in- tended compensations an entire secret, not only from the ministers of the allies of England, but even from M. de Bussy himself j* ; and, after much debate, agreed that France should make a specific proposal. The articles dehvered by the French minister were ; 1. The cession and guaranty of Canada to England, under four conditions ; viz. The allowance of the free exercise of the Catholic religion by the colonists : per- mission for French subjects to quit the colony : the correct settlement of the limits : and permission for the French to take and dry fish on the banks of New- foundland ; for the benefit of this fishery. Cape Breton was to be restored to France, but no fortifications to be erected. 2. France was to restore Minorca and Fort St. Philip ; and 3. England to return Guadaloupe and Marigalante. 4. Dominica and St. Vincent's to be in the posses- sion of the Carribs, under the protection of the French ; St. Lucie to be restored to them ; and Tobago, under * Lord Orford's Works, vol. v. p. 75. t Private Letter from Mr. Stanley to Mr. Pitt, 28th August, 1761. GEORGE III. 37 certain conditions, to remain the property of Eng- chap. land. 5. Assuming as a principle that it woidd be advan- i76i. tageous for the two countries to abstain from all mili- tary views of conquest in India, it was proposed that tlie treaty between Godeheu and Saunders, in 1755, should serve as a basis for the re-estabhsliment of peace in Asia. 6. England to retain either Senegal or Goree, but to give up one of them to France ; and to restore Belleisle, Avith the artillery which was there at the time of the conquest. 7. In consideration of these cessions, France stipu- lated to evacuate Hesse, Hanau, and so much of the electorate of Hanover as was occupied by her troops. 8. That the separate peace might not be preju- dicial to any treaties, or disadvantageous to the Empress Queen, the King of England ^Aas to undertake that no part of Prince FercUnand's army shoidd join the King of Prussia ; and, on the other hand, Broglio and Soubise were to retire, the former occupying Frankfort, the latter Wesel and Gueldres. The countries on the Lower Rhme, belonging to Prussia, being conquered, and actually governed in the name of the Empress Queen, the French Kmg could not undertake to evacuate them till the close of the negotiations at Augsbourg; but agreed to remove double the number of troops Avithdrawn by England. 9. Naval captures made before the war, to be restored; this was not, however, insisted on as an essential stipidation, but to be referred to the justice of the King, and the English tribunals. The other articles were not of much importance. These proposals, although in some respects liberal, observations could not form the basis of an honourable treaty, as many claims of France were exorbitant, and presump- tuous. In India, particularly, it was proposed tliat Great Britain should resign valuable and extensive conquests, without an equivalent, and merely in com- pliance with a principle of policy, not of law or justice, dictated by an enemy. The requisition for the restitu- 38 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CIlAl' II. 17G1. Affairs of Spain intro- duced by France. tioii of prizes, although recommended by some show of moderation, was, in fact, equally arrogant, as it affected to make a distinction between the French nation and individuals composing it, and concluded with a clamourous appeal to the law of nations, and an assertion that the arguments advanced on the part of France were unanswerable. The articles respecting the conquests made from the King of Prussia were no less insidious and presumptuous; if the congress of Augsboiu'g failed of producing an immediate pacifica- tion, that monarch must, in all probabihty, have been crushed by the powerful combination of liis enemies ; an event which France knew Great Britam would not permit. It is very doubtful if the proposals could have been so modified as to produce a good system of pacification: but, perhaps, before they were made, the French had secured the alhance of Spain, and even planned the treaty which was afterward carried into effect, and the operations which resulted from it. This conjectm'e is rendered more probable by the delivery of another memorial on the affairs of Spam, in which the French Kmg, more than equivocally, intimated the hostde disposition of the court of Madrid*, and required, as the means of securing a sohd peace, — 1. The restoration of some captui'es made during the war. 2. The privilege for the Spanish nation to fish on the banks of Ne^vfoundland ; and 3. The demohtion of the Enghsh settlements in Honduras. Such proceedings sufficiently evinced that France was not desu'ous of peace : but, to aggravate the im- propriety of the previous demands, a thii-d memorial was delivered, stating the consent of the Empress Queen to a separate pacification between France and England, provided she might retain possession of the coun- tries conquered from Prussia, and none of the aux- * He says, " The King will not disguise from His Majesty (of Great Britain) I' that the differences of Spain with England fill him with just apprehensions, and J give him room to fear that, if they are n<;t adjusted, they will occasion a fresh war in Eiu-ope and America." GEORGE 111. 39 iliaries in alliance with Hanover should join with ^"f^^' Frederick. ' Mr. Pitt resolutely declared, both in conversation i7f)i. and writing, that the King would not suffer the differ- y^^'j^id^^' ences with Spain to be blended in the cUsputes tlien ( (nuinct of under discussion ; a further mention of them, he said, ^''' ^''"' would be considered an affront to His INIajesty's dignity, and incompatible witli the sincerity of the negotiation ; and he returned the memorials relating to Spain and Prussia, as inadmissible. This spuited conduct was acknowledged with due respect by Frederick. jNIucIi duplicity appears to have been used on this occasion, as the King of Spain complained of hard treatment in the negotiation concerning Honduras ; and caused it to be intimated tliat by arranging that dispute and entering into a closer union with Spain, England would preclude France from uniting with her after peace, when the alliance between the courts of Vienna and Versaihes would be at an end*. These intimations were made to a British minister, by the Marquis Tesmeci, a person high in the King of Spain's confidence, at a time when France was preparing to champion his cause, and when the treaty between the two countries for united hostility against Great Britain must have been in progress. He afterwards answered the French propositions, 29th July, and insisted on terms, more consistent, perhaps, with thTpmich the situation in which this country stood from the ad- rropu^sitions. vantages of conquest, than with the pacific senti- ments which were supposed to give rise to the treaty If France had acceded to them, she surrendered all sources of wealth and poUtical importance in America, Africa, and Asia. The demolition of Dunkirk was peremptorily demanded, as the price of liberty to fish on the banks of Ne-vvfoundland ; and that permission was rendered less valuable by a refusal to cede Cape Breton. Belleisle was offered as an equivalent for Minorca. Guadaloupe and ^larigalante were to be restored ; but, as the min- * LcUer from Sir James Groy tu Mr. Pitt, 19th May, 17G1 ; Correspondence of Lord Chatham, vol. ii. p. 119. 40 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP II. 1761. Oben'alious. Negotiation continued. 5th Aua. ister refused to part mth Senegal or Goree, the difficulty of obtaining negroes would have rendered the French AVest India islands of little value. Canada was to be retained, but the limits were not accurately defined. The question concerning conquests in India was left to the discussion of the English and French East India Companies. The restitution of prizes was refused; and the King would continue, as an auxiliaiy, to assist the King of Prussia in the recovery of Silesia. From these demands it appears that Mr. Pitt was not truly desirous of peace. It might be easily proved that the proposed terms were no less injudicious than immoderate. The equi- table end of war is not the pohtical annihilation of an enemy, but the termination of disputes, and the secur- mg of an honourable and permanent peace. Neither of these objects could be attained by this pacification ; and France, however reduced in finance, could not be ex- pected to receive such disgraceful conditions, while she had yet the means of prolonging a contest, which might produce a change in her favour, but could hardly re- duce her to a more deplorable state of necessity. The minister, therefore, did not act with his usual wisdom in gi\dng his opponent the advantage of com- plaining that his haughtiness rendered the treaty im- practicable ; and he fiunished Spain with some pretence for the conduct she resolved to adopt. The minister from that countiy avowed the offensive memorial de- livered by M. de Bussy, and Spanish gold began to be coined on the frontier towns for the benefit of France*. Yet, as matters were not ripe for an open rupture, the farce of negotiation was contmued ; an ultimatum was delivered from the court of France, replpng to the propositions of England ; and memorials were sent re- specting the prizes ; which, mth the dubious conduct of Spain, necessarily occasioned some delays. M. de Choiseul amused Mr. Stanley with equivocal declara- tions, and even induced him to believe that the intro- * Lord Oilord't; Works, vol. v. p. 82. GEORGE III. 41 duction of Spanish affairs was not a voluntary act, but chap. extorted by the exigencies of his situation*. ' At length the famous treaty, called the Family 1761. Compact, was secretly signed; and althous^h it was not l?^'Vi^"s- 1 1 !• • 1 nr o 1 ramily Corn- ratified, and the conditions unknown, yet JSlr. otanley pact signed. received obscure intelligence on the subject, which he ^suf g^^'t communicated to Mr. Pitt. The French ultimatum was peremptorily rejected ; the negotiation abruptly terminated, and M. de Bussy and Mr. Stanley returned to their respective courts^. Indignant at the interference of France in the dis- Mr. Piti's putes between Great Britain and Spain, IVtr. Pitt, im- lo^i^^rd"^"'^ I mediately dispatched to the Earl of Bristol, ambassador Bristol. at Madrid, a letter, complaining, in unqualified terms, ^ ^' of the conduct of both those powers. " The memorial i " delivered by Bussy," he said, " will best speak its own " enormity, and the extreme ofFensiveness of the mat- " ter it contains." In apprizing Don Ricardo Wall, the Spanish secretary of state, of this paper, T^ord Bristol was directed to remonstrate, with energy and firmness, on its irregularity, and to state, that the King would by no means add focilities for the satisfaction of Spain, in consequence of any intimation from a hostile power, of union of councils, or of present or future con- junctions. At the same time, as the court of France might possibly have exaggerated, if Lord Bristol per- ceived a disposition in M. Wall to explain away and disaA'ow this ofi'cnsive transaction, he was instructed to open to the court of Madrid a handsome retreat. AYhen Lord Bristol waited on the Spanish minister l^^i Bji^. for the purpose of enforcing these topics, he found M. toi's expiana- Wall already apprised on the subject by the French neraiwaii. ambassador. To the remonstrance, which was made with firmness and spirit, M. AVall answered, that France had voluntarily proposed to attempt the accommoda- tion of diflferences, and spontaneously tendered, in the event of a ruptui'e, the aid of her forces, to prevent the • Letter from Mr. Stanley to Mr. Pitt, 20th Aug:ii.st, 17G1. t For lh(^ history of this negotiation, have been consulted, the papers relative to a rupture with Spain, laid bei'oi-c the House of Commons ; tlie historical memorial published by the court of France ; given in Jcnkinson's Collections of Treaties, vol. iii. p. iSU ; together with many painphlct.s, and periodical publications. 42 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP English encroachments on His Catholic Majesty's . territories in America: an offer which the Spanish 1761. monarch had received mth all the cordiality due to a friend, who was determined even to involve liimself in a fresh war in liis defence. Spain, however, had no in- tention to provoke Great Britain, especially at a time when the court of London was in a most flourisliing and exalted situation, occasioned by a series of unpa^ raUeled prosperities. M. Wall made many general professions of pacific and amicable intentions, placed the interference of France m a point of view entu'ely inoffen- sive, and expressed surprise that Great Britain should take umbrage at the naval armaments carrying on in the ports of Spain ; the Avhole number, including ships of the hue and frigates, did not, he said, exceed twenty: they were employed in saihng between Spain and Naples ; in convoying flotas and register ships ; and maintaining a check on the corsairs of Barbary. The dispatch from Lord Bristol containing this ac- count, which forms the substance of five conferences, was accompanied with a paper dehvered to him by General Wall, in which, after renewing lus complamts, avowing the aUiance mth France, and extolhng the moderation and candour of the coiu't of Madrid, the followmg ex- pressions are used : " The King of Spam will say, as " the King of England does, that he will do nothing " on account of the intimation of a hostile power, who " threatens an union of comicils, and gives to under- " stand a future war ; for the CathoHc Kmg approves " of, and esteems in other monarchs, those sentiments of ' " honour he feels himself; and if he had thought that " the dehvery of the memorial had been construed as a " threat, he would never have consented to it. Why " has not England made the trial of concluding a peace " with France, without the guaranty or intervention of " Spain'? and adjusted her differences with Spain, " without the knowledge of France '? Then she w^ould " have experienced that their union was not an ob- " struction, but only tended to tranquillity. AVith " respect to Spain, it is now repeated, that as the King " of Great Britain, notwithstanduig the memorial, was GEOllGE III. 43 •' inclined to satisfy the Catholic King, and ready to chap. " terminate, in a friendly manner, Avhatever might oc- ' ■' casion a coolness between the two kingdoms, His ^ygi •' C'athohc Majesty esteems and corresponds mth such '• good purposes*." This letter from Lord Bristol was dated the 31st of August, and received the 11th of September. It con- tained nothmg which could justify any hostile intention against Spain, but afforded room to hope for an adjust- ment of differences, on advantageous terms. The Spanish minister did not attempt to disguise the terror of his court at the vigour and energy of the Britisli arms, and seemed ready to forego every claim which, consistently with the dignity of an independent nation, could be surrendered, to avoid a rupture with so for- midable an adversary. To the surprise, then, of all who were unacquainted i8th Sept. witli liis motives, Mr. Pitt, in a week after the receipt p'soswlr^™" of this letter, proposed in the cabinet to order Lord ^vial Spain. Biistol to withdraw from Madrid ; and presented a bold and extensive plan of operations against the trade, colonies, and wealth of Spain. This proposition was delivered in writing, and signed by ]Mr. Pitt and Lord Temple, as advice to the Kmg. It was debated M-ith great warmth at three several councils, called for the express purpose ; but, the cabmet remaining uncon- Lord Temple vinced by the arguments adduced in favour of the plan, detennine to INlr. Pitt and Lord Temple declared their resolution to "design, nvsign. Mr. Pitt said, " he was called to the ministry " by the voice of the people, to whom he considered *■' himself accountable for liis conduct : and he would " not remain in a situation which made liim respon- "• sible for measiu'es he was no longer allowed to guide.'' To this intemperate and unwarrantable declaration, Lord Granville, president of the council, replied, " I '' can hardly regret the right honourable gentleman's " determination to leave us, as he would other^Ndse " liave compelled us to leave liim ; but if he be re- " solved to assume the right of advismg His Majesty, • Papers relative to the rupluix' with Spain. 44 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. " and directing the operations of the war, to what "• " pui-pose are we called to this council? When he 1761. " talks of being responsible to the people, he talks the' " language of the House of Commons, and forgets ^ " that at this board he is only responsible to the King. " However, though he may possibly have convinced " himself of his infallibility, still it remains that we " should be equally convinced, before we can resign " our understandings to his direction, or join with him " in the measure he proposes*." In tliis extraordinary division of the cabuiet, ^Ir. Pitt and Earl Temple stood alone; opposed to them in opinion, amongst others, were the Dukes of Newcastle and Devonshire, the Earls of Hardmcke, Gran^dlle, and Bute, and Lords Mansfield, ligonier, and Anson|. obsenations. Mr. Pitt's resolutiou to resign has been censured, and defended, with a warmth proportioned to the magnitude of the object: for certainly the character of a great man, acquired by long and arduous exertion, cannot be considered as deficient in importance or interest; and the attempt to establish the extraordi- nary principle, that a minister is entitled to abandon the cabinet, because he is not allowed to guide it, requu'es more than common support both from fact and argument. Mr. Pitt himself declared, "that his " opinion was founded on what Spain had akeady " done, not on what that court might further intend to " do;]: ;" tliis declaration must obviously allude to some intimation he had received of the execution of the Family Compact ; and Lord Temple afterward avowed this to be the pomt on wliich their vindication rested§. 15th Aug. In fact, the Family Compact was signed and ratified 8tii Sept. before Mr. Pitt proposed the attack on Spain ; and it is affirmed, that the Lord Mareschal Keith, who not long before had been in Spain, and who, at the inter- * Histoiy of the late Minority, p. 32. t Letter from Lord Barrington to Sir Andrew Mitchell, 5th October, 1761, Paper 6834, fo. 31. The noble vniter treats the resignation as an important and fortunate event. X Letter from Mr. Pitt to , in the city. See Histoij of the late Minority, p. 37 ; Annual Register for 1761, p. 300: Gentleman's Magazine, 1761, p. 465. ^ History of the late Minority, p. 83. GEORGE III. 45 rrssion of the Kiiiff of Prussia, was restored to his chap. . . II property in Scotland, in gratitude, communicated to " ■Mr. Pitt tliis remarkable treaty ; but tliis fact, if it i/gi. existed, was not disclosed to the cabinet. Mr. Stanley sent to ^Mr. Pitt, from Paris, a letter, rontaining information that some treaty had been entered into between France and Spain, and, from iiicnnory, detailed Avhat he understood to be tlie tenth article; but this information was so vague and indeh- nite, that no minister could, by the production of it, have justified a declaration of war*. Mr. Stanley, perhaps, thought this the tenth article of the Family Compact ; but, in fact, it contains no such article. This letter was laid before the cabinet, and copies per- mitted to be taken by the ministers and their friends ; they deliberated on it, and rejected the proposal it was intended to justify. Had this letter been avowed as the only intelligence, which could warrant the com- mencement of hostilities, all Europe would have been alarmed; the violence of the measure would have destroyed every principle of national security ; and the feith of Great Britain would have received an mdelible stain. Nor were the ad^^antages to be derived from such an effort so great as have been supposed. The whole marine force of Spain was inadequate to oppose the victorious and well-appointed navy of England. Her colonies were open to attack, and the small period of delay requisite to obviate the charge of precipitation and injustice could make no effectual alteration in that respect. The flota, which it was part of the project * Mr. Stanley's letter is in these words : " I have secretly seen an article drawn np between France and Spain ; in which the former engages to snpport " the interest of the latter, equally with her own, in the negotiation of peace with " England. It was intitled, Article lOth. — I am as yet a stranger to the other nine, but shall endeavour to get them. — Tliis was on a separate piece of paper. — I read it twice over ; but it was not left me long enough to copy.— I conceive " it to be very recent ; for it was communicated in a letter, dated August lOtli, \" to M. de Bussy. He was directed not immediately to sign the peace, if it " could be agreed with England; perhaps in order to get oil' from Spain more ". decently. I question whether tliis article has been signed, or totally concluded ; " but he was not allowed to proceed contrary to it. Spain has been pushing her " negotiation ever since I came here, and had about this time gained great " ground." See the Family Compact at large in Jenkinson's Collection of Treaties, vol. iii. p. 70. Afi HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. to intercept, miglit, at the very period the proposal was ^^' made, have been expected in port ; but certainly there' 1761. was every reason to believe, that before Lord Bristol coidd receive orders of recall, and a force be dispatched! to effect the capture, the intended prize would have' been secure from danger*; even if the entei-prize had succeeded, the value of the acquisition would have afforded but small compensation for the sacrifice of national honour, by an act differing very Httle from pii-acyf. Spain had committed no avowed act which could justify Great Britain in a declaration of war ; nor was the intelligence which had been obtained of her private measures sufficient to afford a pretence for hostihty, If a conjecture may be hazarded, it seems not impro- bable that the communication made to Mr. Stanley was a refined piece of finesse in the French ministry, who, being extremely anxious to effect the rupture, and perhaps expectmg that the British minister would, immediately on receiving the intelHgence they had permitted to transpu'e, take steps which he woiild be utterly unable to justify, hoped to make the cause of France and Spam the common interest of Europe. 5th Oct. Mr. Pitt, in pursuance of his resolution, went to Mr. Pitt's g^ James's and resis^ned the seals, which the Kin^r resignation. .,., t n -i . The King's rcccivcd With casc and firmness, "without requesting behaviour. j^-^^^ ^^ resumc liis office. His Majesty expressed con- cern at the loss of so able a minister ; and, to shew the favourable sense he entertamed of his services, made him a gracious and unhmited offer of any rewards in * Mr. Pitt's resignation, in consequence of his proposal not being compHed •Nvith, took place the 25th of October. On the 2d November, Lord Bristol wrote a letter to his successor, containing this paragraph : " Two ships have lately " amved at Cadiz, with verj' extraordinarj' rich cargoes, from the West Indies ; " so that all the wealth that was expected from Spanish America is now safe in " Old Spain." From this it appears almost impossible, had the utmost celerity beeu used, that either of these ships could have been intercepted. Indeed, their being yet to arrive could hardly be expected, since Lord Bristol, in a dispatch dated 21st September, and received the 16lh October, announced the anival of the flota in the bay of Cadiz, and mentioned the King of Spain's disappointment at the small quantity of treasure on board. t The King of Pmssia pays Mr. Pitt the compliment of having penetrated the intentions of Spain like a real statesman ; but Mr. Pitt possessed no informa- tion wliich could justify him in declaring war, and the King of Prussia was totally unacquainted with the government, parties, and politics of Great Britain. CEuvres du Roi dc Prusse, vol. iv. p. 60. GEORGE III. 47 CHAP. II. 1701. ' the power of the crown to bestow ; at the same time he avowed himself satisfied witli the opinion of the majority of the council, and declared he should have found himself under the greatest diflficulty had they concurred as fully in supporting as they had in reject- ing the measure proposed. jNIr. Pitt was sensibly touched with the grandeur and condescension of this proceeding; " I confess, Sire," he said, " I had but ' too mucli reason to expect your Majesty's displea- ' sure. I did not come prepared for this exceeding •' goodness — pardon me, Su-e, it ovei'powers — it op- presses me." He burst into tears*. At a subse- quent period, paying a due tiilnite of gratitude to the generous demeanour of the King, he says, " Most ' gracious public marks of His Majesty's approbation ' of my services followed my resignation. They are ' unmerited, and unsolicited ; and I shall ever be '' proud to have received them from the best of sove- ' reigns'l'." The next day, arrangements were made for ]SIr. itt's retreat from office:}:. A pension of three thousand pounds a year for three lives was settled on him, and a pension title conferred on his lady and her issue. Lord Bute nterested himself actively and sincerely in obtaining or Ml'. Pitt his ^^•ell-merited rewards ; and the retiring (■)iii. Mr. Pitt rocoivcs a * Copied vorhatim from tho Annual Rcgislor, l/Gl, p. 14 ; Sec also Gentle- nan's Miiiiazine, IJtil, p. 546. t Letlcr (i) — , in the eily. J The i'ullowinp; eirevimstanee would not deserve notice, hut it serves to show 'f' low easily cahininioiis reports are received, and liow eavefidly preserved and rc- i| )eated, till the sources ol" history are entirely polluted. The account of these ransactions was not pnlilishcd in the Gazette till (he 10th of October, when it va.s accompanied with an article from Ma rid, showing the pacific disposition of he court of Spain. An anonymous author relates the event in these words: ' The Gazette itself wa.s prostituted to serve his (Lord Bute's) low and base ' artifices ; Ac ptirposelij postpmit'd ihc accminl of Mr. Pitt's resiipiatiimfor several ' 'lai/s, in order that (me of the soothing declarations of the coiu-t of Spain might ■ appear along with it, by way of giving the lie to Mr. Pitt's opinion of the ' Spanish intentions." (History of the late Minority, p. 35.) The .same account, hough not in terms quite so har.sh, is repeated in the Life of Lord Chatham, i>l. i. p. 327. The fact stands thus: ]Mr. Pitt waited on the King to resign on ^londay, but the arrangements were not iiually made till Tuesday, which being he day th(> (Jazette is regularly published, Mr. Pitt's resignation and pension ould not have been announced earlier than Saturday the 10th, unless it had leen considered important enough to issue an extraordinary Gazette on the oc- asion. There was no necessity to delay the intelligciue till a soothing declaration roin llic court of Sjiain should arrive; for, on the ^ery day Mr. Pitt resigned, a utter was received from Lord Bristol, which was published among the papers 48 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. H. 1761. 25th Nov. Lord Bute considered at the head of adminis- tration. minister expressed, in the warmest terms, his gratitude for his sovereign's bounty*. Lord Egremont was ap- pointed his successor; and, shortly afterward, the Duke of Bedford lord privy seal. Mr. Pitt might, perhaps, feel some disappointment, when he found that Ms example was not followed by several of his colleagues ; but notmthstancling the great weight he derived from his unbounded popularity, he had few personal adherents in the cabinet. The Duke of Newcastle in particular, had always been jealous of his ascendancy, and saw with envy the success of those measm-es, in which, although he held a distmguished place in administration, he was considered merely as an | inferior coadjutor-|*. Theu* union had never been sin- cere, and probably the Duke hoped, on Mr. Pitt's resignation, to gratify his ambition by the resumption of pre-eminence:}:. In this expectation he was disappointed ; Lord Bute was considered the head of administration ; and those who expected to obtam favour by connecting them- selves with the favourite of their sovereign, were ex- tremely assiduous in their court to him, and profuse in their expressions of attachment. Lord Melcombe was among the foremost to congratulate him on being de- relati\e to the nipture, and amply shewed that Spain, at that period, was not disposed to assume an hostile position. Letter from the Earl of Bristol to Mr. Secretarj' Pitt, dated Segovia, Sept. 14th, 1761, received October 5th. " Sin, I " General Wall has acquainted me that M. Manso, governor at Sanroque, I " had, in consequence of the orders transmitted to him, been at Tariflfa, where ' " (after examining into the conduct of the inhabitants of that place, and reproving '■ tho.se who connived at the proceedings which occasioned such repeated com- " plaints from me concerning the illegal protection granted to the French row- " boats, imder the cannon of that port), he had taken such measures as would " put an eflectual slop tu any further remonstrances on that subject. " The Spanish minister likewise infonned me of his having heard that several •' additional works are going forvvard in order to strengtlien the fortifications a! "Gibraltar; wliich, he said, Avill naturally confirm the report, too universally " spread, of an approaching rupture between om- courts. His Excellency " asked me, whether Great Britain could seriously entertain any apprehension^ ' of such an event; and, without giving me time to answer, added, that tht " Catholic King had at no time been more intent on cultivating a good corres- " pondence with His Majesty than at present," &c. &c. * Lord Chatham's Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 14G to 153. t See Lord Orford's Works, vol. i. p. 70. 1 History of the late Minority, p. 74. GEORGE III. 49 livered from a most impracticable colleague ; His Ma- *^^|f ^" jesty from a most imperious servant ; and the country ' from a most dangerous minister*; but Lord Bute did i7gi. not exult in the event, and wliate\er moti\es of un- ^i'~' ;■"■"ll- ^ , i . , , . . . . menls on easiness he had m the late administration, he was lar Mr. Pitt's from thinking the dissolution of it, in the present '''s'S"*^°°- minute, favourable to the King's afFairsf. The press teemed with iiublications on the unex- r*<^r"iar 1 \ , 1 *•.. iTi-n opimons on pected change, and the cx-minister and Lord Bute Lord Bute were attacked by their respective opponents with viru- '"'^ ^^r- I'l"- lent defamation, and rancorous abuse. Mr. Pitt was reviled for accepting a pension and honours, though these could less be considered an adequate reward for j his services, than a tribute of respect to his virtues and exertions ; and Lord Bute was censured for having occasioned a resignation, which, in fact, filled liim with uneasiness. INIany persons of extensive political in- formation, and sound jiidginent, anticipated, from the honours and rewards showered on Mr. Pitt, a decline of his influence with the piibhc, and, accor(hng to their feelings of respect or of hostility, treated the matter with regret, or with derision :|:. His popularity did suffer a momentary decline in the city, and might have been transferred to another, had a competitor appeared ; but, as there was none, it soon flowed back into its ac- customed channel ; this was facihtated by an expla- natory letter which he wrote to the Lord ]Mayor§. The ^^"^ O'*- common comicil of London presented a vote of thanks ; and, on the Lord Mayor's day, when the King and !j!j^ ^''"• Uueeii dmed m the city, they were received by the tion in the people with incUfference, and Lord Bute was assailed ^"^' with all the insolence of vulgar malignity. If his flat- terers had deceived him into an opinion, that he was less unpopular than he had been, the experience of the day must have removed the delusion, and convinced him that it would have been more prudent to avoid the * Letter from Lord Melcombc to Lord Bute, 6tli October, l/Gl . t Lord Bute's anwscr to Lord Melcombe, 8th October. Aiipendix, No. 1, Article 4. J Lord Orford's Works, vol. v. p. 84, et seqq., and Letter from Sir Joseph Yorke to Sir Andrew Mitchell, 'iOlh Oct. 17G1. Papers, No. G83(), fo. 149. ^^ Cliadiaui Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 158. VOL. I. E 50 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ( iiAi'. visit. As soon as he was recomiized in the streets, he II ~ . . . " was insulted with hisses and exclamations, his chariot 17G1. was assailed by the mob, and his person was protected from violence only by the interference of his near rela- tives. The presence of royalty in the Guildhall did not restrain the display of unmannerly hostility, and the day of fcsti^ity passed oft' in general gloom*. Mr. Pitt, on the contrary, was gratified with luibounded marks of applause. Sni Nov " '""^ '^^^^ ^^^^^' Parliament met while the public mind Mtitiiip of was thus agitated ; and the House of Commons, on the gOl. '"'" ^ motion of jNIr. George Grenville, seconded by Lord Bar- rington, rmanimously elected as their Speaker Sir John Cust, Baronet, whose integrity and abilities rendered him highly worthy of that distinguished office. The king, in his speech from the throne, after mentioning his happy marriage, adverted to the failure of his efforts at paci- fication, and stated, as matter of consolation, that the continuance of v/ar, and further effusion of C'hristian blood, could not, mth justice, be imputed to him. He spoke in animated terms of the successes which had distinguished the year; and w\is persuaded both houses would agree Avith him in opinion, that the steady exer- tion of our most \dgorous efforts, in every part where the enemy might still be attacked with advantage, could alone be productive of such a peace as might with reason be expected from our successes. "It is " therefore," he continued, '• my fixed resolution, with " your concurrence and support, to carry on the war in " the most effectual manner for the advantage of my " kingdoms, and to maintain, to the utmost of my " power, the good faith and honour of my crown, by " adhering firmly to the engagements entered into " with my allies. In this I will persevere until my " enemies, moved by their own losses and distresses, " and touched -with, the miseries of so many nations, " shall yield to the equitable conditions of an honour- " able peace ; iiy^iich case, as well as in the prosecu- * ^^"^"^.001" ^^- ^"■'^^^^ '° ^'•^"1 Roystf.n, Birch Papers, MSS. British Mii- semn, No 4324 Jo. 139; Lcder from Thomas Nulllall (« Lady Chatliam. Correspondence of Lord Chatham, vol. ii. p. KiG. k GEORGE III. 51 " tion of the war, no consideration whatever shall make ^ Yi'^^' " me depart from the true interest of my kingdoms, ' " and the honour and dignity of my cro^vn." i7gi. In addition to the other necessary supplies, His Majesty recommended the making an adequate and honourable provision for the support of the Queen, in case she should sun-ive him ; and in conclusion, added, " that there never was a situation, in which " unanimity, firmness, and dispatch, were more neces- " sarv for the safety, honour, and true interest of Great " Britain." As it was known that Mr. Pitt would speak on the motion for the address, a great croAvd was assembled in the House of Commons. To the disappointment, no doubt, of many, he delivered himself, with great temper and moderation, recommending unanimity, rather than encouraging opposition. In a tone of be- coming firmness, he entered upon a justification of his OMii conduct while in office, but deferred the details. His general system, he said, had been to assail the French wherever they could best be attacked, in Europe and in their colonies, and he was not to be checked by the apprehension of a war with Spain*. Botli houses voted loyal and affectionate addresses ; one of congratulation was presented to the Queen ; and j^VnIv the Commons resolved, that, in case of her surviving Addresses. His ^lajesty, she should enjoy a pension of one hun- dred thousand pounds per annum, together A\dth the lOth. palace of Somerset House, and the lodge and lands at Q'^'''^"''' *- ^ tJ UOWTV sot- Richmond Park. An act framed to this effect passed tied. " unanimously. When it received the royal assent, the Queen was in the House of Lords, and testified her ^'^"^ ^'''"" satisfaction and gratitude by a graceful obeisance to the King. The supplies for the current year amounted to eighteen millions ; twehe millions of which were raised by annuities chargeable on the sinking fund ; and the most material business being cUspatched. botli houses Recess, adjourned for the Christmas holidays. * Letter from Mr. Svuniiev to Sir Audn-w MitclioU. 'iOth Nov. 17G1. Papers, No. 68.39. fo. 'lOH. E 2 n3 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.. I CHAP. HI. 171.1. Sept. 21.st and '^stli. Pacilic ap- l)farance of Spaiiu Oct. fjlh. O isiw.sition of tlm lirilish cabinet. CHAPTER THE THIRD. 1761—1762. Progress of the negotiation with Spain— Disposition of the British cabinet. — Lord Bristol makes repeated inquiries respecting the Family Compact, but without effect. — Con- duct of the Ministry. — Preparations in Spain. — Lord Bristol quits Madrid. — Memorial of De Fuentes, — Declara- tion of war. — Spain and France attempt to engage Por- tugal in their cause. — But failing, declare war against that kingdom. For a short period after Mr. Pitt's resignation, the Earl of Bristol continued convinced of the amicable dispositions of the court of Spain. He even declared, that General Wall had ever acted in too ingenuous a manner to justify a suspicion of clupUcity, and inti- mated that every dispute might easily be adjusted, if a slight concession, not inconsistent with justice or na- tional dignity, was made by yielding some of our most recent encroachments in America. The court of Spain expressed regret at the termination of the treaty for peace with France ; but indicated no displeasure, nor the slightest design of interference. The British cabinet was disposed to cultivate amity, and gratify the punctiliousness of Castihan honour; but as, according to the assertions mdustri- ously circulated by France, Spain was on the point of engaging in the war, and the purport of the treaty which had been entered into was hostile to Great Bri- tain, it became necessary to require an expHcit declara- tion. Had they omitted this demand, the ministry would have been exposed to just censure ; and if they had proceeded in a negotiation, while a compact of such supposed importance remained in a state of in- GEORGE III. 53 scrutable mystery, their pusillanimity would have been chap. without justification or excuse. " Accordingly, Lord Bristol was directed to use his i7gi. most pressing instances to obtain a communication of 28th o. t. the treaty acknowledged to have been lately concluded ^^^^0^.,^?,"^*°^ between the courts of Madrid and Versailles, or of such make in- articles as could, by particular and explicit engage- cernhTg tile ments, immediately relate to the interests of Great Family Com- Britain. At the same time, Lord Egrcmont, who ^^^^' wrote these instructions, stated, that although the King, conficUng in his Catholic Majesty's assurances of friendship, was unwilhng to sup])ose it prejudicial to Great Britain, yet, as the declarations of France had been diligently and successfully propagated, an explanation with regard to this already too much cre- dited report, became equally necessary to the honour of his crown and the interest of his people. Lord Bristol was to urge tliis matter in the most friendly terms, and, after gently insinuating the arguments contained in the dispatch, to shew that His Majesty ought to be satisfied in this before he should proceed to other points : but, on the other hand, he was di- rected to give the Spanish minister the strongest assur- ances, that, this obstacle once removed. His Majesty was cordially disposed to enter into an amicable dis- cussion of other matters in dispute, trusting that a confirmed reciprocal confidence would indicate expe- dients to save the honour of both Kings, efi'ect a satis- factory adjustment, and establish an advantageous and permanent harmony. In a " secret and confidential " dispatch, it was left to Lord Bristol's judgment to decide the mode of com- mencing this important and delicate discussion ; if he found insuperable objections to the required communi- cation ; and if it should be proposed, in lieu of it, to give solemn assurances of the innocence of the treaty with respect to the King's interest, he was not utterly to reject the alternative, but take it ad referendum, to be transmitted to the court of London ; " Provided " always, that the said assurances should be given " upon His CathoHc Majesty's royal word, signified in L '2d Nov. 54 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. '. writing, either by the Spanish secretary of state to " '' Lord Bristol, or by the Concle de Fuentes to the 17G1. " secretary of state in London, and not otherwise." Altered 1j(>- Bcfore the arrival of this dispatch, Lord Bristol, tS-Spanish fiiitling General Wall's behaviour greatly altered, had minister. sent a mcsscnger express to London. This alteration amse, most probably, from the intelligence of Mr. Pitt's resignation, and its motives, which occasioned great fermentation. The court of Madrid was at a loss to conceit e how the declaration of war should ever have been mo^ed in His Majesty's council, since they always considered themselves the aggrieved party, and never could imagine that the English would commence hostilities. Lord Bristol, alarmed at the prevaihng reports of an approaching rupture, and entertainmg some appre- hensions of an agreement to that effect between their Catholic and Christian Majesties, declared to M. Wall, that he could neither hear such reports with indiffer- ence, nor give credit to them without an exphcit avowal from himself. Instead of a specific answer. Wall began a reca- pitulation of the Spanish complaints, affirming that Great Britain, intoxicated with success, had contemned the reasonable concessions of France, with a view to ruin that power, that she might more easily sieze all the Spanish possessions in America, and thus gratify her unbounded thirst of conquest. He added, with uncommon warmth, that since the King's dominions were to be overwhelmed, he would advise him at least to arm his subjects, and not continue, as he had hitherto appeared, a passive victim. Lord Bristol, astonished at this discourse, and con- vinced he should obtain no effectual answer to his inquuies at that conference, desisted ; but, again intro- ducing the subject when M. Wall was not so much exasperated, by dint of perseverance obtained an avowal, that " his King thought it time to open his " eyes, and not suffer a neighbour, an ally, a relation, " and a friend, any longer to run the risk of receivmg '" such rigid laws as were prescribed by an insulting the British miuistrj'. GEORGE III. 55 " victor." The Spanish minister further acknow- ^^rf^ ■ ledged, that His CathoHc ]Majesty had judi^ed it expe- ' dient to renew his Family C'ompacts >yith the Most ' i76i. Christian King ; but refused an answer to Lord Bris- tol's inquiries concerning their nature and extent. The British ministry coidd not, after ]\[r. Pitt's conduct of resignation, receive this intelligence ^^^th indifference. By resisting his ad\ice, they had exposed themselves to the charge of timi(Uty and want of foresight, and, in the last dispatch to Lord Bristol, had taken particular pains to obviate the effect of such a supposition in Spain, by observing, that the measures of government would suffer no relaxation on account of ]\Ir. Pitt's quitting the cabinet: far from its being true that the Avliole spirit of the war had subsided with him, the present ministry were resolved, by a vigorous exertion of tlieir powers, to avoid every imputation of indecision or in- dolence, and would stretch every nerve toward forcing the enemy to accede to a safe, honourable, and, abo\ e all, a lasting peace. The dispatch also stated, that the most perfect harmony, mutual confidence, and imanimity, reigned in the council ; with a thorougli determination to push the war with such vigour as would, under Providence, procure still further success. Influenced by these just and dignified sentiments, i9tii >,-„v Lord Egremont, in a dispatch to Lord Bristol, after due commendations on his moderation, and some pointed remarks on the intemperance of the Spanish secretary, observed, that the result of his inquiries was unsatisfiictory ; he was, therefore, expressly com- manded, without loss of time, to demand an imme- diate, clear, and categorical explanation of the inten- tions of Spain, and assiu'e ^L Wall, in explicit terms, that any procrastination, ambiguity, or evasion, woidd be considered sufficient ground for authorising His Majesty to take proper measures for the honoiu' of his crown, and protection of liis people. At the same time. Lord Bristol was directed cautiously to avoid harshness of manner, and not to mix any thing in his conversation which could have th(> least tendency to indispose or irritate the Spanish minister, as the King's 56 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. desire of peace was sincere, and the continuance of it " would give him unbounded satisfaction. 17G1. This dispatch, which Lord Bristol was instructed to use as he shoidd think proper, Avas accompanied by two others, in which was directed, if he did not receive the satisfaction required in the letter of the 28th of Octo- ber, or the explanation which he was then permitted to take ad referendum ; or if the Spanish minister should acknowledge any agreement with, or any inten- tion of joining, France in the war; to quit Madrid Avithout taking leave. And he was directed to signify to M. AVall, that a peremptory refusal of giving satis- faction, or of disavowing any intention to take part with our inveterate and declared enemies in the present contest, could not be considered by His Majesty in any other light, than an aggression, and an absolute de- claration of war. Meanwhile great exertions were made throughout h/s^it!."*"'' Spain for increasing the military and naval estabhsh- ments, and large quantities of warhke stores were em- barked for the West Indies. Lord Bristol, continuing to press for satisfaction on the subject of the treaty, had succeeded in restoring M. Wall to his accustomed temper; and assurances of pacific dispositions were reciprocally given. The King's speech at the opening of the session of Parliament, and the address of the House of Commons, were communicated to the Spanish minister, who highly approved of the patriotism, mo- deration, and wisdom which they displayed. Still no satisfaction could be obtained on the prin- cipal subject of inquiry. In a memorial transmitted *2ist Dec. from Spain to the Conde de Fuentes, ambassador in London, and delivered by him to Lord Egremont, the claim of Great Britam to be informed of the nature of the treaty, and the manner in which that claim had been urged, were treated Avith great loftiness. Soon after receiving the dispatches of the 28th of 3rd Dec. Octobcr, Lord Bristol held a conference wdth M. Wall, S' Wall "^ ^^^ assumed a cold and distant deportment, treating the assurances of a pacific disposition with disregard ; and observing, that although such expressions could GEORGE III. / never be received but with sincere satisfaction, yet, as ^\iY' the British ambassador had been so often directed to liold the same language, unaccompanied by any proofs i7gi. of those dispositions, it could not seem extraordinary if i Spain still pressed for the redress of grievances so long I'depending. With regard to the treaty, he said, his royal [master deemed it inconsistent with his dignity, either to grant a communication, or satisfy British curiosity in relation to any of the articles ; yet he added, as from himself, he could, with the utmost facility, give a po- sitive answer to Lord Bristol's incpiiry. — Here he abruptly terminated his discourse, nor could Lord Bris- tol obtain any satisfactory assurance, but received, instead, a copy of INI. Wall's dispatch to the Conde de Fuentes. These circumstances made a strong impression on j^^^.^ ^^^^ the mind of the British ambassador, and he was pre- tui's final paring dispatches on the subject, when he received ^vi,h\vriii. Lord Egremont's last official letters, and immediately waited on General Wall, who was confined to his chamber, stating the effect which his angry declara- tions had produced in liOndon ; but, availing himself ^[|| ^^'*^- of the discretionary power with whicli he was in- ] trusted, he dwelt only in general terms on the inten- tions of Spain with regard to England. The reason he gives for this conduct marks his good sense and moderation : " I perceived General Wall's tone to be ; " of so conciliating a nature, he expressed his wishes " so strongly tliat some method might be found for an " amicable adjustment, and was so far from cU'oppmg \ " the least word that could make me imagine Spain I " intended to act hostilely, that I began to flatter myself \ " I miglit obtain the categorical answer I was instructed ' " to demand, without the Spanish minister's suspecting ! " my ultimate orders. W^hen I was going out of his " room he took me by the hand, and said, with a smile, " he hoped ; but there he stopped. I asked " him what he hoped, that I might also hope, and that " all might concur in the same hopes ] but his Excel- " lency only bowed, and took leave." These pleasing illusions vanished the next evemng, '^^' ^^^- 58 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ciiAX. \\]\vn liOrd Bristol received from the hand of M. Wall.i III T- ... ' ' a coniiminicatioii of the King's answer m Avi-iting, eX' 17G1. prcsshig, in general terms, esteem for the King, and referring to the dispatch to Fuentes; and this was declared to be the only answer the CathoHc Kmg judged it expedient to give. Lord Bristol reminded tlie Spanish minister of the pressing endeavom-s he had emi)l()} c'd to procure a satisfactory explanation ; andi observed, that as he found himself unable to obtain a I communication of the treaty, or the alternative which he had proposed, he was now authorized to ask, — ■ "\Miether the Catholic King intended to join the French, or to act hostilely ? or woidd in any manner depart! from his neutrality 1 To these interrogatories he re- quired a categorical answer; addmg, that a refusal would be deemed an aggression, and a declaration of war. The minister w^as unprepared for this resolute ap- peal. " I cannot describe," Lord Bristol says, " the " sui-prise ]\I. AA'all expressed. He only brought out " these words, AVhat is to follow 1 you are then dii'ected " to withdraw from hence?" The ambassador acknow- ledged that such were liis orders, but omitted no re- presentation which might mduce Spain to prevent the miseries of war, and even pressed M. Wall to conquer the effects of his indisposition, so far as to attend the King himself, and set forth the fatal consequences which must result from withholdmg a precise reply. L..ni Bris- Lord Bristol's demand bemg reduced to writing, s laiir*^'* M. Wall, in conformity to his ad^dce, attended the King, and returned for answer, that the spirit of haughtmess luoi Dl'c. and discord which dictated this inconsiderate demand, and which, for the misfortune of mankind, still reigned so much in the British government, was what made, in the same instant, the declaration of war, and attacked the King's dignity. Lord Bristol was allowed to retii-e when and in what manner might be most convenient, and no other answer was to be given. These transactions were announced to De Fuentes from his court, with directions to depart from London : but he first dehvered a memorial to the British ministry, declaring that the horrors into which the two nations Memorial of Dc Fuentes. GEORGE 111. 59 ^ere going to plunge themselves, must be attributed i'hap. )nly to the pride and unmeasurable ambition of him who formerly held the reins of government, and who i76i. •'ippeared still to hold them, although by another hand. i^t^^Dec. . I le justified the King of Spain for not giving an an- i swer respecting the treaty, on account of the insidting manner in which all the affairs of Spain had been treated during Mr. Pitt's administration ; that minister, he said, finding himself convinced of the justice Avhicli supported the Catholic King's pretensions, veliemently asserted, " that he would not relax in any thing, till the Tower of London was taken sword in hand." De Fuentes voluntarily declared the obnoxious treaty had •ino relation to the present war; and, although His il [Catholic Majesty had reason to be offended by the [irregular manner in which the memorial was returned to INI. de Bussy, he had dissembled, and, from his love of peace, caused one to be delivered to Lord Bristol, evidently demonstrating that the proceechngs of France, which occasioned so much ill-humour in the minister Pitt, did not affect the laws of neutrality, or the sin- cerity of the two sovereigns. The King of Spain had offered to waive the Family Compact for the present, if it was found an impediment to peace ; but when the French minister continued his negotiation without mentionmg Spain, and proposed conditions greatly to the advantage and honour of England, Pitt, to the astonishment of the universe, re- jected them with disdain, and shewed his ill-will against Spain, to the great scandal of the British council. This feeble attempt to create discord in the cabinet, ,^ , , I and excite discontent in the nation, failed in producing against Spain . those effects ; It was answered in a masterly manner \]^^ j^|;*^" by Lord Egremont. War was declared against Spain, 1702. and a counter declaration issued in that country*. It is easy to perceive, from the conduct of this negotiation, that Spain was desirous to avoid war; • Papers relative to the rupture with Spain. The transactions thus minutely recorded, shew that Great Britain was not open to ccnsiu-e, on tlie one hand, lor ' wantonly and unnecessarily engaging in a war ; or. on Uic other, for deferring hostihties till it was tuo late to prosecute them with effeet. 16th Jan. f)() HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ciiAi'. but, (luiH^d by Franco, adopted those measures whiclj "'■ could not fail of producing it. Spain, anxious tha^ 1702. the power of France should not be too much reduced, -svould liave attacked Great Britain in order to obtaii^ favourable terms of peace, if she coidd have hoped tq do it witli a(hantage. But the Spanish minister was not convinced that that period was arrived ; even hi^ anger bore the characteristic marks of fear and pre cipitntion, and his most violent declarations seemed to be produced less by hope than despair. France, by the terms in which the claims of Spain had been men-^ tioned in the cousse of the last treaty for peace, suo ceeded in exciting a jealousy of the court of Madrid; and the colour given to the Family Compact com- pleted the mistrust, and roused the vigilance of thei British court. Nothing remained but to exasperate the two countries to a sufficient degree. To inflames the courage of Spain, the King of Prussia's aflairs were represented in the most unfavourable light; and the admonitions of prudence were repelled by assurances that Great Britain would never dare to contend against the united efforts of the house of Bourbon. The Fa- mily Compact obliged Spain to guaranty the safety of all such possessions as should remain to France after the war* ; and, to give the utmost beneficial effect to the treaty, the court of Versailles, with crafty poUcy, instantly involved Spain as a principal in the contest. Con-hictof Spain, liaving thus thrown herself into the arms of Sds Pur- France, adopted all measures calculated to forward the tupii. interest of her ally. It was hoped that, by producing a rupture with Portugal, Spam would have the tempt- ing inducement of an easy conquest to engage with spirit in the war ; and the injury done to the com- merce of Britain would more than counterbalance those ad\antages which made the English ministry insist on- terms which were deemed so humiliating, as the price of peace f. As there was no pretence of justice for this attack, little attention was paid to appearances in the mode * Sec Article II. f CEuvrcs du Roi clc Prubse, vol. iv. p. 59. GEORGE III. 61 tf commencing it. Large armies were assembled on chap. ■he frontiers of Portugal; and the commerce of corn " iwith Spain was prohibited. The Spanish ambassador i7G2. ' Hid French pleni})otentiary suddenly delivered a joint I'liii m^u-. memorial to Joseph, King of Portugal, stating that the two monarchs had found it proper to establish reci- [)rocal obligations, and take other indispensable steps to curb the pride of Britain; and the first measure "^ they agreed on was, to include the Most Faithful King ^){in their alliance ; they, therefore, required him forth- '■ with to declare himself united with their Catholic and Most Christian IVtajesties, in the war against England, and to break off all correspondence and commerce with that power, as the common enemy of all three, and of all maritime nations. A categorical answer iwas demanded in four days, and a delay was to be considered as a negative. On this memorial it is unnecessary to make a sin^T^le i'"i''>P;''1 comment : ni the language ot JNir. 1 itt, " it speaks its dochue war. " own enormity." Within the time limited, the King of Portugal returned an answer, declining, with decent ^^^^^ ^'^^^ firmness, all interference in the existing quarrels, unless his perseverance in the hue of neutrality should entitle him to the character of mediator: he displayed his motives ^Yith. candour and temperance, and in the whole paper gave not the slightest instance of irrita- tion, or ostentatious inflexibility. The Bourbon mi- nisters, in reply, attempted, with despicable sophistry, to invalidate the subsisting treaties between Great Bri- 1st April. tain and Portugal, and to convince His Most Faitliful Majesty, that justice, no less than interest, ought to induce him to engage in the war. The answer to this insidious and insolent paper breathes the spirit of an indignant monarch : after refuting the arguments ad- . duced, the King concludes, " His Most Faithful j\Ia- " jesty declares, finally, that it would affect him less " (though reduced to the last extremity, of which the " Supreme Judge is the sole arbiter) to let the last tile " of his palace fall, and see his faithful subjects spill the " last drop of their blood, than to sacrifice, together with " the honour of liis crown, all that Portugal liolds rjth. It 62 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ^ iit^ " ^^^^^ de^Y, and submit, by such extraordinary means ' " to become an unheard-of example to all pacific 1762. " powers, who will be no longer able to enjoy the be- " nefit of neutrality, whenever a war shall be kindled " between other nations, with which the former are " connected by defensive treaties." This resolution „/ ^"^^ ' decided the aUied monarchs, who concluded an angry 27tii. memorial by requiring passports for their ambassadors 18th May. The King of Portugal delivered a justificatory paper; 16th and the safc-couduct was guaranteed ; the ambassadors de- 20th June, parted; and war was, on both sides, formally declared. GEORGE III. 63 CHAPTER THE FOURTH. 1762. Proceedings in Parliament. — Motion for papers. — Assistance granted to Portugal. — Conduct of INIr. Pitt.— Of Colonel Barre, a new member. — Prorogation. — Disunion of the cabinet. — The Duke of Newcastle resigns. — Lord Bute's ministry. — He discontinues the Prussian subsidy. — Course of proceedings on that subject. — Friendly treatment of the King of Prussia during the negotiation with France. — Dis- putes xnih him. — Death of EHzabeth Empress of Russia. — Peter IH. friendly to the King of Prussia.— Peace between Russia and Prussia. — Report of Lord Bute's clandestine negotiations with Russia and Austria, examined and refuted. — Revolution in Russia. — Disposition of Catherine IL — The King of Prussia retakes Schweidnitz. — Cassel taken. — Expedition against ]\Lartinico. — Capture of Grenada and its dependencies. — The French take the town of St. John's, Newfoundland : which is recaptured. — AVar in Portugal. — Rapid success of the Spaniards. — Arrival of the British troops. — General Burgoyne takes Valencia. — Beats up the enemy's quarters at Villa Velha. — Retreat of the Spaniards. — Expedition against the Ha vannah.— Progress and success of the siege. — Expedition against the Philippine Isles. — Manilla taken. — Capture of the Santissima Trinidad, and of the Hermione. — Unsuccessful expedition against Buenos Ayres. When Parliament met after the recess, the King, ^'"y ^' in a speech from the throne, informed the houses of the rupture with Spain, and with great force and pro- i7bi. priety exculpated himself from all blame in the trans- i9th Jan. action. The House of Commons made a dutiful answ(n', i„''i>;ivUa"^ and promised their firm support. »"ent. 04 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. Before the recess (11th December), a motion waa ' made in the House of Commons to address the Kmg 1702. for copies of all memorials delivered by the Spanish Motion for ambassador ; and as it was supported by Mr. Pitt, his con- papers. duct in resigning was rendered an object of discussion. He insisted that every paper wliich had passed during the six years' negotiation with Spain, relative to the existing disputes, should be laid before the house ; but the proposal was rejected. Motions to the same effect being renewed, the same topics were necessarily introduced : Lord Temple vin- dicated the conduct of himself and Mr. Pitt in resign- ing, and intimated that a knowledge of the existence of the Family Compact was the foundation of their ad\'ice. Lord Bute, positively asserting that there was no intelligence of such a fact, so constituted at that time as to be depended on, challenged him to produce it, and required to know Avhere it might be found, that he might request the King to order it to be laid before the house. Lord Temple, quitting his seat, said he was not at hberty to pubhsh that inteUigence, but would refresh his Lordship's memory m private. A short wliispering took place between the two peers. It is averred, on the one hand, that Lord Bute was perfectly satisfied of the correctness of Lord Temple's assertion ; on the other, and with more appearance of probability, that the result of their conversation was not productive of such conviction. It naturally occurs on such an occasion to ask, why Lord Temple did not justify liimself in his place ] why he did not persevere in stating to the whole house that he had the means of pro\ing what he advanced, if Lord Bute would procure His Majesty's dispensation from the effect of his oath as privy-coun- sellor "? It is even averred, that the assertion which gave rise to this extraordinary scene was often repeated in the course of the debates on the production of papers ; 29ih Jan ^^^^ Hcvcr, in any manner repelled by Lord Temple*. The papers were laid before Parhament, and printed. * See History of the late Minority, p. 33. The contrary statement is taken from a paper of memorandums among' the MSS. of Lord Melcombe. GEORGE III. 65 The conduct of the war did not escape animadvcr- chap. sion. AVhen the King's speech came under considera- war in Ger- niany. tion, a motion was made by the Duke of Bedford, i762. reprobating the expense of campaigns in Germany ; Jj|^,,j|^,^^^^- affirming that the French force was greatly superior spcctinff the to any that could be maintained by Great Britain ; and recommending that the troops employed abroad should be brought home for the protection of Great Britain and Ireland, and for the purpose of cUminishing the national burdens. Of the arguments by which this question was supported or opposed, nothing is j)re- served, beyond a note or memorandum by the Earl of Ilardwicke*. From this it appears that the noble mover made an able and statesman-like speech. He maintained that a continental war is never proper for England, unless sui)ported by a grand alliance ; that we were without an ally, for the King of Prussia, not being at war with France, could not be so considered ; nor did France wish to crush him. His Grace also considered our superiority at sea as a better diversion of the enemy's force than could be effected in Ger- many, and adverted to the difficulty of raising men, and the enormous load of the national debt ; it Avas upwards of seventy millions, and, therefore, measures which would otherwise be prudent and right became destructive. In answer, Eord Bute said, that were he to consult only his own security, he might, perhaps, shelter him- self under such a resolution ; but the motion was more than improper ; even to enter into it was highly dan- gerous. " The nations of Europe," he said, " stunned " -with this league of Bourbon, have not had time to " convey their sentiments to us. To recall our troops " at this juncture would be attended mth disgrace, " infamy, and destruction. Eet us lessen our expenses, " and, in due time, bring the war Avithin a proper " compass. But this is not the time." Earl Temple made some pointed observations on the same side. The motion was negatived by a large * Piulianiontary History, vol. xv. p. 1217. VOL. I. ^^ 66 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. IV. I/f.-i. Assislann; (rranU*ublic affairs had been well administered, but not to excite odium against his successors, or create impa- tience for his return to power. When absent, some persons attacked him, and when present, he was * Contents, 16. Non-contents, 105. t A similar question was debated in the House of Commons (Dee. 9th), when tlic House was so crowded ^^^th visitors, that the members found difficulty in taking their seals. The order for excluding strangers Avas enforced during the remainder of the session. GEORGE III. 67 CHAP. IV. 1762. Of Colonel BaiTc. doomed to endure reproaches made in a tone not usual in parliament, or generally tolerated in polite society. Colonel Barre, a native of Dublin, a man of humble extraction, but considerable eloquence, who had been brought into Parliament by the influence of Lord Shelbm-ne, began his career with a ferocious invective, which the abilities, the reputation, and the age of the great man against whom it was uttered, equally ren- dered improper. Speaking of Mr. Pitt's manner in addressing the house, he said, " There would he stand, " turning up his eyes to heaven that witnessed his pcr- " juries, and laying his hand, in a solemn manner, " upon the table — that sacrilegious hand that had been " employed in tearing out the bowels of his mother- " country*." Mr. Pitt did not condescend to reply, nor did the house intei-fere ; but the impression he had made was shewn by the eagerness of members to quit then- places when he rose, and the undisguised impa- tience of those who remained. In closing the session. His Majesty mentioned the 2d June. hopes he still entertained of seeing the conflicts which I'rorogation. agitated Europe happily terminated ; and assured Par- liament he would return their zeal and afl"ection for his person and government, by a constant attention to whatever might contribute to the ease of his subjects ; and it was his ardent wish to found the glories of his reign on the union of his people, and the welfare and prosperity of his kingdoms. Since the retreat of Mr. Pitt, the ministry had pre- served no appearance of unanimity. Great jealousies Disunion of subsisted between the Duke of Newcastle and IvOrd Bute, occasioned no less by the desire of pre-emmcnce than by a radical difl'erence of principles and politics. The Duke of Newcastle, on his entrance into public life, enlisted under the banners of party, and was sup- ported through the long period of his ministerial career by party and family alhances : Tord Bute, pur- thc Cabinet. * Letter from Mr. Symmcrto Sir Andrew Mitdiell, 29th Jan. 17G2; IMitcliell Papers, v. 6839, fo. 200 ; also. Correspondence of Lord Chatham, vol. ii. pp. 170, 171, 177, where the Mitchell Papers are quoted. F 2 gg HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. suiii^, or perhaps directing the system of his sovereign, ^^' was desirous to free tlie throne from exchisive domi- 17G2. nation, and to acquire independence by resistmg claims deri\-ed from family and adventitious comiexions. The iJuke of Newcastle, habituated to Mr. Pitt's ascend- ancy, bore it, if reluctantly, but ^\ithout resistance ; but could not endure to be considered inferior to Lord Bute. For this reason, while the people carried their idolatry of the late minister to the greatest height, and attributed to his foresight all the successes which adorned the annals of the new administration, those men in office who, from situation and character, were best able to coimteract the effect of these reports, sur- veyed their progress with indifference, and if not actu- ally m league with the opposition, yet formed a combi- nation among themselves, which left Lord Bute weakly supported to struggle against the united efforts of a party formidable fr'om numbers, abilities, and popularity*. The means of prosecuting the war, formed a piin- cipal ground of difference between Lord Bute and the Duke of Newcastle. Lord Bute wished to withdraw or diminish the pecuniary support afforded to the King of Prussia, and to relax the efforts which this comitry was maldng on' the continent of Em-ope. The Duke of Newcastle, ha\ing resolved on an opposite mode of conduct, waited on Lord Bute, and firmly msisted on two millions for carrying on the German war, and paying the King of Prussia's subsidy. Lord Bute si le wing himself averse to the measure, the Duke of Newcastle declared his intention to resign, unless the money was raised. His Lordship answered, drily, " that if he resigned, the peace might be retarded ; but " never requested him to continue in office, nor said a " civil thing to him afterwards while they remamed " together. The Duke went immediately to St. James's, " demanded an audience, and announced his mialter- " able resolution to reUnquish his station, if the sub- " sidy to Prussia was not continued. The King rephed, " he should regret such a determination, because he * Letter from Lord Molcombe to Lord Bute, 13tli ApriU 1762. GEORGE III. G9 " was persuaded that he wished well to his sendee ; ^^y^' " and thus the conference ended*." ' The Duke of Newcastle immediately resigned ; a 17G'2. pension was offered as the only reward in the power of ^"^'^^ ^i^l^^f. of government 'to bestow for his long services, and the Nowcastie diminution of his large estate in the uniform support of ^•^''^'^"'^• the house of Bruns^^dck ; and this His ISIajesty declared he considered merely as a debt due to his grace. With dignified magnanimity, the duke answered, that in office he never considered it profit, and out of employ- ment, he could not endure the thought of being a bur- then and a charge upon the crown. If liis private fortune had suffered by his loyalty, it was his pleasure, his glory, and his pride, and he desired no reward but His INlajesty's approbation -f". Lord Bute took his j*,',r,\ buu-s situation at the head of the treasury ; INIr. Grenville ministry, was appointed secretary of state, and Sir Francis Dash- wood chancellor of the exchequer. A change, wliich took place in the sentiments and conduct of Great Britain and Prussia toward each other, Transactions was productive of important consequences, and de- Avith Russia. mands particular observation. At the time of the King's accession, the affairs of Frederick were in a most distressing position ; his enemies powerful, numerous and determined, encompassed and appeared able and resolved to overwhelm him. His miglity genius and persevering resolution, aided by some propitious turns of fortune, enabled him to escape destruction ; and the aids he received from England were among liis most effectual means of support. George the Second, anxi- ously solicitous for his Hanoverian dominions, and par- ticipating heartily in the sentiments felt by members of the Germanic body, entered, mth zealous devotion, into the cause of the King of Prussia, or rather iden- tified his interest with his own. George the Third, on * This acoonnt is taken from a letter ^^•ritten by the Diike of Newcastle to Lord Ilanhviike, 7th May, 1"G2. t Letter from Lord Barrinpton to Sir Andrew Mitchell, 1st June, 1762. Papers No. 6834, fol 37. His Grace's conduct on this occasion must impart a feeling of pride, not only to tliose who bear his name or love his family, but to all who can appreciate the tr\ie spirit and dignity of an English nobleman. For a descri|)tion of the duke, and observations on his character, see , Lord Walde- grave's Memoirs, pp. 12, 14. •yO HISTORY OF ENGLAI«iD. 4 1760. iii.M' the contiary, slightly attached to his German territory, '^' uninfluenced by particular or local attachments to electors or other princes, and, solicitous chiefly for the prosperity and honour of his British subjects, viewed the war, not as a field of glory alone, but as a tract through which he must pass to an honourable and ad- \antageous peace. While, therefore, he earnestly desired a termination of hostilities conformable to these \iews, he saw and embraced the necessity of prose- cuting war, as it had before been carried on ; and con- tributed to it his best assistance, both active and pecuniary. On these principles were framed His ^Majesty's first declaration to his privy council, and his Nov. 10. fii'st speech to parliament, and his minister at the court of Berlin expressed, by his direction, his firm resolu- tion to improve and augment the friendship and good understanding so happily established between the two crowns, and \igorously to prosecute the war, for the purpose of obtaining, in concert with his aUies, a firm and honourable peace*. Frederick, in answer to Sir An- drew Mitchell, declared it to be the aim of his proceed- ings to disgust the French with their present aUiance, and his expectation, that, if Prince Ferdinand could Dec. 1 1 . strike an important blow, the French, dissatisfied at having always to re-commence their task, would think seriously of disposing themselves to a treaty of peace with him and England conjointly f. In the trial of this experiment, it soon became obvious that France might treat for a separate pacification Avith England j_^.| alone, but not with her and Prussia together; and to Jail. .Jrd. this he declared he should have no objection, provided France were to accept and promise a pefect neutrahty ; to evacuate and restore the possessions acquired in Westphalia; and engage, neither directly nor indirectly, to give any assistance to the Empress Queen or her allies, beyond twenty-four thousand men, or an equiva- lent in money, as agreed in the treaty of Versailles +. Tliis Idnd of stipidation he had a right to propose, in • Mitchell Papers, No. 4325, v.il. v. fo. 140. f Idem, fo. 153, 154. X Sir Andrew Mitchell to Lord Holdcrnesse, 3rd Jan. 1761, Papers, fo. 157. GEORGE IIT. 71 virtue of a compact still subsisting*, in which the two ^^{y*'' powers bound themselves not to conclude any treaty of ' peace, truce, or neutraUty, or any other convention, i7gi. with powers who had taken part in the war, but in concert and by mutual agreement, and comprehending each other by name. After the King's accession, the subsidy to Prussia, amounting to six hundred and seventy thousand pounds, had been paid without diminution or deduction ; but when this suggestion of a separate peace was made, and questions arose as to its future amount, Frederick intimated, that if he were to take upon himself tlie whole expenditure, he believed that, by his economy, a considerable saving might be effected ; he was sorry to become a biu-then upon his allies, and would prepare an estimate ; he supposed that, with forty thousand men under Prince Ferdinand, he could make head against the army of the Empire \vith then* twenty-four thousand French auxihariesf . After some delay, and not ^A-ith- out expressions of sui'prise that a statement should be required, after his declarations that necessity alone in- duced him to accept any aid, he answered, that as an application from the King to Parliament must neces- sarily be accompaincd ^\'ith a full and clear explanation, less than thirty thousand men would not be sufficient ; and for their maintenance, according to his calcidation, nine millions of cro^Mis, or rix dollars, woidd be want- ing. Even this large sum, he said, would not have availed in his present circumstances, but for the King's promise of a part of his electoral troops, and of his m- fluence -with the Landgrave of Hesse. In communi- cating this proposal, the British minister could not restrain an expression of surprise, considering that, some time ago, an estimate had been transmitted to tlie Prussian ministers in London, in which the estimate for forty thousand men was placed at rather less than six millions of cro\\iis or rix dollars J. * Made in 1758, and renewed from time to lime. Jenkinson's Collections, V. iii. p. 62. t Same Dispatili. X Sir Andrew Mitehcll to Lord Holdorncbije, same Papers, fo. 1 b<3. Mar. 10. 72 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. Altlioujjh Mr. Pitt was then in office, and not less IV. than at any previous period disposed to favoui* the 17G1. King of Prussia, this extravagant demand could not, for a moment, be sanctioned : some excuse for making it may be found in the distressed state of Fre- derick's circumstances, akeady alluded to. He was obliged, without remorse, to try all means which rapa- city could suggest or violence enforce to obtain money from the countries under his dominion or subject to his arms. The exhausted and depressed state of his sub- jects in Brandenburgh, Silesia, and other provinces, Jan. afforded no hope of drawing succours from them. He had made a demand on Leipsic for two miUions of cro'wiis, and, to enforce it, fifty or sixty of the principal merchants were put under mihtary arrest ; the demand was mitigated to eleven hundred thousand cro"\vns ; but as even that sum could not immediately be supplied, the unfortunate victims were retained as hostages*. Another act of violence in the way of pecuniary ex- tortion, brought his interests into immediate collision \\ith those of England. In the course of his exactions in Saxony, he had claimed supphes from the possessors of lands in the Comte de Mansfeld, the bailhage and village of Sangerhausen, and some other territories, which had been mortgaged to George the Second. To the claim made by Sir Andrew Mitchell, for exempting these lands from contributions, the King gave a rea- sonable answer. He admitted the justice of the de- mand, and apologized for any irregularity which the confusion of the times might have occasioned; pro- mised redi-ess, and, in apparent performance of this promise, referred the matter to commissioners, forming what was called the great war dfrectory ; of Avhom and their proceedings the EngHsh mmister gives this de- scription : " they have not the least feehng for honour, " humanity, truth, or good faith. In a word ; sup- " pose the Avhole body of attornies in England assem- " bled, and four of the most abandoned of them to be " picked out, they could not, in the management of an " affair, have exerted more tricks and chicane than the * Mitchell Paper, No. 22S, fo. 162. GEORGE III. 73 ' Prussian commissioners have done. The demands chap. .' of contributions of all sorts," he adds, " made by the ' ' Prussians in Saxony are most exorbitant, and for 1702. ' exceeding the abilities of the country to comply with ; ' so that many of the subjects are now actually under ' military execution equally ruinous to the country, ' and to the officers employed on that serA-ice, who, ' when they have once tasted the sweets of plunder, ' cease to be soldiers*." The King himself admitted to Sir Andrew^ Mitchell, that the commissioners were scoundrels and robbersf. When the ineffectual attempt at a separate treaty Pnendiy troat- with France was in progress, regular communication jj^"* "Jf Jj^^ was made to the King of Prussia. He was consulted sia. ^ " "^^ on the state papers which had appeared, and on those intended to be published, and constantly expressed his satisfaction at our proceedings, with cautions against being amused, and permitting our activity to be sus- pended by the low, deceitful, and collusive arts of M. de Bussy and the Duke de C'hoiseid. When the ne- gotiation failed, and Mr. Pitt resigned, the strongest assurances were conveyed to Frederick that the change in the ministry would produce no alteration in His Majesty's measures respecting the general affairs of Europe, as he was resolved, since France had rejected moderate and equitable terms of peace, to press the war against her by land and sea with all possible vigour and activity ;{:. Still it was evident that feehngs of dissatisfaction and estrangement were growing up between the two twecn tiic ^ governments. The complaints respecting the ravages ^"'^'° powers. in the mortgaged lands continued ; the conduct of Messrs. Kn}^)hausen and Michell gave great offence, and was the occasion of many remonstrances ; the discussions on a future subsidy were embarrassed and rendered difficult by an additional reserve and distance on the part of Frederick. He was unwilling to state * Mitchell Paper, No. 223, fo. 163; see also No. 221, fo. 162, 184, 185; No. 167, fo. 187 ; No. 286, fo. 281, et passim. t Des faqnins et dcs voleiirs. X Same Papers; Letters of 18th August and 24th October, 1761, fo. 224, 286. 74 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. precisely the amount of his demand; in case of a '^ separate peace, a sum of five millions of cro^vns was proposed ; but the letter was so worded as to leave a doubt, whether or not that sum was to include the four millions already allowed ; if so, Sir Andi'ew Mit- chell observed it would be scanty, considering the King of Prussia's losses during the last campaign; but if it were added to the former grant, it would bej great and generous, surpassing what could reasonably be expected from an ally. Great objections were ex- pressed to a subsidy altogether pecuniary, as the troops] of Hanover and Hesse would have been more bene- ficial ; but as this proposition could not be acceded to, the King consented to take four millions*. In making: his demands, the King of Prussia could allege the ex- treme urgency of his circumstances and the pressure of his just apprehensions. Events which afterward took place impelled the Enghsh ministry to their final decision. They knew that the Prussian ministers in London were acting in an irregular and dishonour- able manner, by paying their court to a party adverse to government, and transmitting untrue and injurious statements to their own and to other countries^ ; and, above all, they felt that the enormous supplies required for the prosecution of the extended and costly opera- tions, rendered necessary by the addition of a new enemy, would ill admit of any avoidable increase ol the national burthens. In conclusion, it was resolved altogether to mthhold the subsidy. Had the situation of the Kmg of Prussia been ai^ Death of the desperate at this period as at the end of his last cam- iiSir" " paign, policy, justice, and even humanity, would have January 5. been equally repugnant to this determination ; but an incident which human foresight could not divine had ameliorated the condition of Frederick, and afforded him hopes of retrieving his former losses : this was the decease of EHzabeth, Empress of Russia, one oi his most formidable enemies. She died in a state oi * Sir Andrew Mitchell to Lord Bute, 12th December, 17G1 : Papers 6809, fo. 17, 31, 45, 50. ' ' ^ t Same Papers, 1 lUi April, 1762, fo. 90. GEORGE III. 75 unmitigated hatred towards him, and earnestly recom- mending the vigorous prosecution of the war*. Her nephew and successor, Peter, who, from motives of jealous policy, had been kept at a distance from the court, was not forward to follow this ad^dce. His un- derstanding was below mediocrity, his habits dissi- pated and indolent, and he entertained toward the Prussian monarch, not merely a friendly attachment, but a puerile fondness, which displayed itself in many ridiculous extravagances. His title to the throne was not universally admitted by the Russians ; many pre- ferred the claims of Prince Ivan; plots were sup- posed to be forming at Petersburg in his favour ; and, from a suspicion that the French were favourable to these pretensions, Peter adopted a hearty dislike to that nation. His affection for Frederick had been dis- played, during the war, by refusing to join in the cele- bration of victories obtained over him, magnifying and exulting in his successes, and deploring and extenuating his failiu'es. On his accession to the imperial throne, Peter expressed his favourable sentiments "v^dthout re- serve, AAdshcd for an immediate intercourse, desired that a military man should be deputed to prepare the way for a negotiation, and expressed a Avish to be decorated with the Prussian order of the Black Eagle. The King of Prussia lost no time in availing himself of lbc>se favourable circumstances, but chose to throw about his proceedings a veil of mystery, useless for e^'ery purpose except that of deceiving the ministers of England. He appHed to Sir Andrew Mitchell for passports to Petersburg ; but, although he had posi- tively determined to employ Colonel Goltz, obtained tliem in blank — an ostentation of friendly confidence, A\hich was followed by a system of determined es- trangement and reserve during all the transactions which ensued. A negotiation speedily commenced; a treaty of peace was signed, and an alliance afterward entered into, m consequence of wliich the army under CHAP. IV. 1762. IGth March. Tookc's History of Russia, vol. ii. p. 331. 76 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. cHAr. C'zcniichcf, amoimtino: to twenty thousand men, was " transferred to the service of Frederick*. 17G2. The refusal of Lord Bute to continue the Prussian .^ith May. subsidy has been severely arraigned, and many false Peace con- representations made of his conduct and motives. It twcen Rus- IS assortcd that, soon after the accession of Peter III. siaand jj^ empowcrcd Prince Gallitzin, the Russian envoy extraordinary, to inform his sovereign, that whatever cessions he might require from Frederick, England would ensure comphance ; and advised the new Em- peror to keep the King of Prussia in check, by means of the coi-ps under Czernichef. Peter, the same ac- counts add, indignant at this dupHcity, transmitted the dispatch to the King of Prussia. It is also averred, that similar overtures were made to Austria, but failed through one of those refinements in policy which often lead statesmen into mistakes. Kaunitz, the Im- perial prime-minister, apprehending that Lord Bute's view in making these proposals was to create dissen- sions between the courts of Vienna and Versailles, haughtily answered, that the Empress Queen was sufficiently powerful to do justice to her o-vvn claims, nor would she degrade her dignity by acceding to a peace meditated by England-f-. Both these accounts are absolutely devoid of foun- dation. At the conclusion of the last campaign, the disadvantageous circumstances of Frederick were truly commiserated by the King; and it was resolved to afford him the usual succours. The terms of the former treaty were open to some objections, but the substance was not disputed. The negotiations on this subject were carried on till the beginning of 1762, when war was declared against Spain, and the necesr sity of defending Portugal was foreseen. The British ministry then du-ected Sir Andrew Mitchell to recom- mend, in the King's name, that His Prussian Majesty j should endeavour to commence a pacific negotiation! i * CEuvres dii Roi de Pnisse, vol. iv. c. 15 ; Coxe's Travels in Poland, ; Russia, &c. vol. iii. c. i. ; Life of the Empress Catherine IL vol. i. c. ii. ; Mitchell Papers. t CEuvres du Roi de Prusse, ubi sup. ; see also History of the late Minority, c. V. GEORGE III. 77 w ith the court of Vienna ; he was desired to commu- chap. nicate the terms on which he would be willing to treat, ^^ ■ with an assurance of the King's desire to assist in ^^^ bringing so salutary a design to perfection. The King of Prussia was also requested to state the means on which he could rely, after so many misfortunes, and such a diminution of his power, for carrying on the war, if that were his intention. Tliis explanation, though anxiously expected, w as still refused ; the ^^^- ^^'^'• King, hurt at a silence so unexpected and unjustifiable, made his complaints on the subject, but still persevered in the intention of applpng to Parhament, at a proper February, time, to renew the subsidy. In this interval, news arrived of the death of Eliza- beth, which was speedily followed by a manifesto of Peter*, exhorting the King of Prussia's enemies to put a speedy end to the war, and declaring his own resolu- tion of restoring to that Prince the conquests made by his predecessors. Still the British ministry waited for such a communication from the Kmg of Prussia, as would justify them, at a time of such extreme diffi- culty, in applpng to Parliament to increase the national burdens by a renewal of the subsidy ; and it was not till after a long term of fruitless expectation, that ISIr. Mitchell was directed to hold such language as would prepare Frederick for a total cessation of pecuniary succour. I From the moment of the accession of Peter III. the ! King of Prussia had maintained a reserved and un- ! friendly behaviour towards Great Britain. He clan- ! destinely entered into a negociation ^^ith the Czar ; . the objects of which were extremely detrimental to • the British interest, and prejudicial to the engagements 1 of this country with Denmark. The intention of this . treaty was, that Peter should guaranty to the King I of Prussia the Duchy of Silesia ; in return for which, 1 Frederick was to assure to him the possession of Sles- svick. A treaty was also effected between Prussia and : Sweden, of which no communication was made to the • Dated 28th Febniaiy. April. ("8 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. Eno^lisli court ; contrary to the compact betweci ' Great 15ritam and Prussia already alluded to, no stij)!! 17G2. lation was made respecting the war with France, aiu this, although the King of Prussia was fidly aware ( i the engagements and strict connexion which subsisted between the court of Stockholm and France, and tli( indisposition and ill-will toward Great Britain which prevailed in Sweden*. While these negotiations were proceeding, and conducted mth the utmost secrecy the King of Prussia still directed his ministers ii: London to press for a continuance of his subsidy, although he knew that the measures in which he waj engaged tended to counteract the pacific intentions ol the King, to spread the flames of war, and increase the miseries of mankind. The refusal to continue the subsidy was not resolved on till an armistice had been concluded between Russia' and Prussia, and it had become extremely probable thai Sweden would accede to the same measure. Under such circumstances, Frederick had no right according to his o"\vn declarations, to expect from thi^ country any further pecuniary supplies. At an earl) period of the warf , he had stated to Mr. Mitchell, whc officially communicated the information to Lord HoL dernessc, then secretary of state, that if England wouk only engage to prevent his being attacked by Russia he should have so little occasion for assistance, that he might even be ready to furnish a body of troop; for the defence of Hanover. At the present crisis Great Britain had a powerful additional enemy ; Prus sia a new and potent friend : the weight of Russia anc Sweden was subducted from the scale of his op ponents ; that of Spain was added to ours : Fredericl had Pomerania and Brandenburg, which were n longer in danger, to defend, beside Saxony and Silesia England had to maintain an extensive war in German^ and to provide for another in Portugal. This compa rison could not escape the observation of the Kin^. * Letter from Sir Andrew Mitchell to Count Finkenstein ; Mitchell PaperJ 6809, fo. 174. ' r ■ t June and July, 1756. i GEORGE III. 79 of Prussia, nor could he reasonably expect that, with- ^^l^^' out a certainty of its being applied toward lessening tlie objects of war, it was possible to propose the sub- 1762. sidy to Parliament with any hopes of success. The accusations alleged against the British minis- ter, respecting clandestuie negociations with the Em- peror of llussia and the Empress Queen, are foundtnl on total mistake, or, more probably, on wilful misre- presentation. Frederick, at the time, complained to the King of the reports which had reached him on the subject; and, although His ^Majesty did not think it suitable, either to his O'wti dignity or that of the King of Prussia, to enter personally into such altercations, he permitted Lord Bute to explain the facts and set them in their true light. In a dispatch written to Sir Andrew INIitchell for the express purpose of being communicated to Count Finkenstein, the Prussian prime-minister. Lord Bute termed the report of his endeavouring to enter into a separate treaty with Austria, a groundless and shame- 2Gih Mav fill falsehood, transmitted to the King from his minis- Ts in England. This explicit and strenuous disavowal, iroceeding directly from the prime minister of England, as quite sufficient to destroy the credibility of unau- thenticatcd hearsays, which formed the only ground of the suspicion then entertained, and since perpetuated by the publication of Frederick's posthumous works. With respect to his supposed intimations to Prince Gallitzin, Lord Bute explained himself more amply, li- and in a manner abundantly satisfactory ; he declared K the reports which had reached the King of Prussia [•from the Russian envoy, to be in no respect conform- 4 able to the sentiments he had imparted ; and imputed lithe misrepresentation either to mistake, failure of i[ memory, or the known attachment of the Prince to the court of Vienna, which might induce him to gi\e isuch a turn to his relation of Lord Bute's discourse, as he might think most likely to serve that interest. INIr. Keith, the British minister at Petersbmg, f judged, from the particular coldness of the Czar, and from hints which he dropped, that something 80 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ^Vv^' "^vrittcn by Prince Gallitzin respecting the King's dis- ' position toward Frederick, had given him offence, and 1762. this intelhgence the Russian monarch probably com- municated to the King of Prussia, who had before been disposed, by the mahgnant and mischievous in- sinuations of his ministers, to give it, however incredi- ble, implicit behef. But, at the time of his interview with Prince Gallitzin, Lord Bute had before him his first dispatch to ]Mr. Keith, after the death of the Empress; his discourse mth the envoy was perfectly conformable to that dispatch, wliich contained the King's own senti- ments. Instead of advising Peter to continue his troops on the King of Prussia's territories, the King there expressed particular pleasure and satisfaction at their being ordered to advance no further, and coun- selled him to abstain from hostilities, and accept an armistice, if offered : far from desiring that the court of Russia should prefer an Austrian to a Prussian alhance, Mr. Keith was directed to execute certain instructions sent him by Frederick, which were not favourable to the Empress Queen. The King of Prussia might probably take umbrage at the strong preference given in that dispatch to pacific measures, and at the restriction laid on Mr. Keith from concurring in any proposal tending to pro- tract the war ; this however was no secret instruction ; for Mr. Mitchell was directed to make the same declarj ration, and shape his conduct by the same rule. For the satisfaction of the King of Prussia on this point, Lord Bute transmitted to Sir Andrew Mitchell, in e.vtenso, every sentence in the dispatch to Mr. Keith] relating to the general affairs of Europe, or to thel King of Prussia in particular. He forcibly displayed the extreme improbabihty of his holding to the Rus- sian minister a language, not merely different from^ u but absolutely contradictory to, the orders he had just sent from the King to his own minister at that court; and of his declaring, or even insmuating, with those very orders in his hand, that His Majesty's sentiments GEORGE III. 81 CHAP. IV. I7G2. were diametrically opposite*. However clear and con- vincing these explanations were, they did not satisfy the mind of Frederick. His temper and the vicissitudes he had experienced, had rendered him capricious, posi- tive, haughty, and intractable ; and the result of the whole transaction was, to implant in his mind a hatred of England, which no circumstances could eradicate or abate. Yet all the blame of this estrangement must not be imputed to him. If he demanded too much in the negotiation for a subsidy, it is to be considered that he professed and felt a great horror at being considered as a pecuniary dependant, and advanced his proposal reluctantly, and after many urgent applications. In the progress of the affair. Sir Andrew Mitchell observes, that he cannot decide which party is the most to blame ; both appear to have failed in one point, want of opennessf. Beside the advantageous change which had taken place in the politics of Russia, some other events con- tributed to restore the affairs of Frederick. The Em- press Queen, confident of being able to achieve all her projects, and instigated by a spirit of parsimony never safely indulged in w-dv, dismissed twenty thousand of her troops. The King of Prussia had also agreed to a cessation of arms with Sweden;}: ; and, being thus 7th March disembarrassed, was enabled to enter on the campaign with a change in the scale of forces, amounting to sixty thousand men, in his fivour; a greater advan- tage, as he liimself observes, than he could have derived from gaining three pitched battles§. Such were the favourable circumstances under which Frederick began his operations in Silesia ; but, before he had made any considerable progress, another change in the government of Russia deprived him, m * From two dispatches from Lord Bute to Sir Andrew Mitchell, dated '9th April and 26th May, 1762: sec Appendix. It may be proper here to observe, Ithat, although our minister at Berlin had not yet received the order wliich would constitute him Sir Andrew, I have always so designated him, among other rea- • 8ons, to distinguish him, at the tii-st glance, from Mr. Michell, the Prussian I minister at the Court of London. t Letter from Sir Andrew Mitchell to Mr. Keith, 21st April, 1762; Pai>ers, 'No. 68U9, fo. 92. t Peace Mas concluded 22d May. ■} CEuvres du lloi de Prusse, ubi sup. VOL. I. G Revolution in Russia. h2 history of England. ciiAi'. pavt, of the benefits he expected. The Emperor, fasci- " iiated with the cliaracter of his friend the King of i7(i-2. Prussia, and impelled by an absiu'd instmct of imita- tion, made him his model in every particular. Not content with joining him in war, he introduced the Prussian discipline into his araiy, and the Pnissian, or, as it is called, Frederician, Code into his senate. He was obstinately bent on a war with Denmark ; attacked the property of the clergy; and formed a project for repudiatino^ his consort, marrying his mistress, and declaring liis son illegitimate*. These acts rendered him highly unpopular ; and self-preservation, as well as ambition, stimulated Catherine to a speedy and vigorous exertion. The feeble character of the Em- peror facihtated her designs ; the execution of his great projects requu-ed talents which he did not pos- sess: a conspiracy w^as formed against him; he was deposed ; signed an abject instrument of abdication ; lihjijniy. ^v*^!^ imprisoned, treated wdth neglect and harshness; and, at lengtli, privately assassmatedf. I7tii. Tlie King of Prussia expected that this revolution would be highly prejudicial to his affairs, and that Catherine would entertain a hatred against him, pro- portioned to the friendship of Peter ; but that Princess shewed no symptoms of a vindictive disposition ; on the contrary, finding from the correspondence which came to her hands after her husband's dethronement, that Frederick had ever opposed his rage for reforma- tion, and counselled him to treat his consort Avith due tenderness, she w\as sensibly affected. It was not con- sistent with her policy to disgust her subjects by com- pelling them to serve on the opposite side to that on * See Coxa's Travels in Russia, &r. vol. iil. c. 1, ■wliich contains the earliest and most authentic account of this revolution. t Sec Lite of the Eniprt;ss Catlieriiic II. vol. i. c. 2; History of the Revolu- tion in Russia, by M. de Uulliiere.— It is to be observed of this unfortunate Prince, that although his imprudence, levity, and pusillanimity, exposed him to censure and contempt, he possessed many amiable qualities, and rendered some f'ssential s mountains to protect the retreat. The enemy, pene- trating into this intention, detached a strong body over the river Al\-ito, to harass Lord Loudon's rear, which weakened their corps at Villa Velha so much, that Burgoyne was encouraged to beat up their quarters. Colonel Lee passed the Tagus in the night, and, while ^^^^ October. the Spaniards were amused by a feint in front, entered their encampment unperceived, and routed tliem with great slaughter ; most of their officers were Idlled, the 88 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CIlAl'. IV. I7G'2. Rclroat i>f the Spani- ards. Expedition apiinst the liavannali. 5th March. 27th May. 5th Juno Difficulties of tlie siege. miigazines destroyed, and some prisoners taken, besides a valuable booty. Not^^ithstanding this success. La 1A\)\)C found it impossible to defend the passes, and therefore assembled his forces at Macao; but the Spaniards, frustrated in all their endeavours to cross the Tagus, partly by the vigilance of La Lippe, and partly by heavy rains, evacuated the province of Estre- madura, where they could not maintain themselves during the winter, and, having dismantled the castles of Almeida, C'astel Roderigo, and Castel Borri, ter- minated a campaign from which they derived neither honour nor advantage*. In other quarters their ill-fortune was still more conspicuous. The British ministry, disdaining all at- tempts at subordinate acquisition, meditated the re- duction of Havannah, the principal town of the island of Cuba, where the Spanish galleons and the flota assembled before they finally sailed for Europe ; a con- quest which would strike terror, and produce the most auspicious consequences. The preparations were com- mensurate to the object: a fleet, sailing from Ports- mouth, under Admiral Pococke, with ten thousand men, commanded by Lord Albemarle, the friend and pupil of the Duke of Cumberland, Avas joined, off Cape Nicola, by part of the squadron which had been so successful in the operations against Martinique, under the orders of Sir James Douglas. Thus united, they consisted of nineteen sail of the line, eighteen smaller ships of war, and nearly a hundi'ed and fifty transports. To avoid the tediousness of the common voyage, the Admiral boldly explored a perilous way through the old straights of Bahama, a narrow passage, almost seven hundi'ed mdes in length, bounded on both sides by dangerous sands and shoals ; and, without the slightest accident, arrived before the Havannah. Although no immediate attack was expected, the town was of sufficient strength, both from art and * All accurate account of this campaign, in the French language, anony- mous, but evidently by a military officer, is in a thin folio volume in the British Museum. King George the Third's MSS. No. 221. It is written with great spirit, and highly honourable to General Burgoync. 29 Ui. GEORGE III. 89 nature, to make a vigorous resistance. By favoiu" of a ^ y^^' judicious feint, the troops were landed without loss or " opposition ; and being di^ idcd into two corps, one, under 1762. General Elliot, advanced a considerable way into the country, while the other, under General Keppel, be- sieged the jNIoro, a fort which commanded the to^^^l and the entrance into the harbour. The difficulties attending this operation were deemed insurmountable. The earth was so thin, that the besiegers, to cover their approaches, used bags of cotton, forming part of the cargo of some ships brought from Jamaica by Sir James Douglas. There was no spring or lixQY in the ^-icinity ; the supply of water from the country ^^as precarious and scanty, and they were obliged principally to de- pend on the sliipping. The labour of cutting roads for comnumication thi'ougli the woods, and drawing tlie artillery, was so excessive, that many dropped down dead with fatigue ; but every thing yielded to A'igorous perseverance ; batteries were raised to assail the fort and shipping ; the Spaniards, fifteen thousand in number, wove repulsed in a resolute sally ; and three British men of war brought their guns to bear on the Moro. Tliese efforts did not make the expected impression ; the men of war sustained great injury from the fire of the fort ; the capital battery, which was made of wood, took fire, and was consiuned ; half the army and three thousand seamen were ill ; the hurricane season was ' ^ "^^ ^' rapidly approaching ; and a reinforcement of four thousand men, expected from North America, did not arri-ve. Still no murmur, no relaxation of exertion, was observed in this army of heroes, and the seamen acted in cordial unisOn. A lodgment was at length '^"'''• made in the covered way ; twelve thousand men, who 2211.1. attempted to dri^e the besiegers from their works, were repulsed ; part of the succoiu's from America arrived ; ^'^*^- the mines were sprung ; and, the breach in the walls ^^*- being deemed practicable, though difficult, orders were ^j.,^, ^^^^^ given to storm. This dangerous enterprise was hailed siormed. by the British as a termination of their labours ; they I mounted with intrepid gallantry, and, after a short but warm contest, drove the enemy from every part of the 90 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. ramparts : they then formed with coolness and resolu- '^" tion ; the Spaniards fled on all sides ; four hundi'ed were 17G-2. killed and drowned, and as many laid down their arms. The Marquis de Gonzales, who was second in command, feU in making brave but ineffectual efforts to rally the troops. Don Lewis de Velasco, the governor, to whose valour the long defence of the fort was principally due, collected a hundi'ed men in an intrenchment which he formed round the colours, resolved to defend them to the last extremity. He saw his little band slaughtered or dispersed, and was himself killed by a random shot, while offering his sword to the victors. The humanity which ever attends true courage, sympathized in this deplorable catastrophe of a high-spirited enemy. The Moro being reduced, and a second division of th'c'towii. the troops from America having arrived, new works •2ii(i Aug. were begmi for the attack of the town. Lord Albe- marle summoned the governor to surrender; but, having loui. received a civil though firm refusal, opened his bat- teries with such effect, that flags of truce soon appeared. A capitulation was entered into, by which the Havannah, with a district of a hundred and eighty miles west- ward, was ceded to the conquerors. The fleet, which also fell into the power of England, consisted of nine si lips of the hne and four frigates ; and the treasure in ready money, tobacco, and other valuable merchandize belonging to the King of Spain, was estimated at three millions sterhng. The garrison, reduced to seven | hundred, was allowed the honours of war, and a safe ! conveyance to Spain*. Kxptdition In another quarter of the globe, the Spanish wealth | 'vhulilhic ^^^^ exposed to an attack no less hazardous and suc- isies ' cessfid than that on the Havannah. In pursuance of orders dispatched from England, immediately on the declaration of hostilities, an expedition was dispatched from INIadras against Luconia, the prmcipal of the Philippine Isles. The land troops consisted of two thousand three hundred men, chiefly Indians, under the command of Brigadier-General Draper, who had greatly distinguished himself at the siege of Madras in * Bcalsjon's Naval and Military Memoirs, vol. iii. p. 170. GEORGE III. 91 1759. The naval furce was eleven ships from Admiral ^VJ^^' Cornish's squadron. The Spaniards, not having re- ' ceived intelligence of the war, were not fully prepared i7ti2. for resistance ; had they been so, the force which at- tacked them was not sufficient to command success. The troops having effected a landing without loss, though not without opposition, commenced vigorous operations against the town ; their gallantry made amends for their deficiency in strength, and, notwith- standing a violent storm, which threatened destruction to the ships, they completed their batteries, finished a i^t and '2nd })arallel and communication, and establislied a place of arms. A strong body of Indians in the service of the 401. garrison, made a sally, and fought with incredible fero- city; they were repulsed by the steady valour of the besiegers, and many died, gnaAving, like wikl beasts, tlie bayonets with which they were transfixed. A breach was at length effected; and the garrison, in- stead of endeavouring to repair tlie works, awaited the event in sullen despair. No proposal to capitulate being made, the tovni was stormed, and, for some hours, un- avoidably exposed to the licentiousness of the military. The Archbishop and Governor, with the magistrates, cth Oit. retired into the Citadel, which beinc: in no condition of V.''''*','r" "^ - . 1 T 1 1 1 MniulUi. defence, they were soon obliged to surrender, and a capitulation was agreed to, by w^hich the town of Manilla and port of C'avite, with several ships, and a large quantity of military stores, were surrendered to the King, and four millions of dollars covenanted to be paid as a ransom for the private property in the town*. This important conquest was achieved with little loss. It was said, at the time, by Admiral Cornish and Co- lonel Draper, that the conquest would have been much more easy, but that difficulties were interposed by per- sons in India, who carried on a contraband tradej'. * This covenant was so iittcily disregarded, that the time of paying the Manilla ransom beciime, in popular speceli, equivalent to the Latin "ad calendas gra'cas." It was at one time proposed to accept a composition ; but the Coiul of Spain disdained such an aiTangement, and more heroically paid notJiing at all. Mitchell Papers, 6828, fol. 1 14. t Beatson's Naval and Militiiry Memoirs, vol. iii. p. 131. Barrow's Life of Lord Anson, p. 385. 92 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. IV. 17G2. Captiire of tlic Saiilis- siiiia Trini- dad. 30 Ju Capture of the Hennionc. 21st May. Unsuccessful cxpcditiou against Buenos Ay res. 3Uth Aug. In consequence of information contained in some letters, which fell into the hands of the victors, Cap- tains Parker and King, in the Panther, a ship of the line, and the Argo frigate, Avere dispatched to intercept the galleon Philippina. Instead of the expected prize, they captured the Santissima Trinidad, Acapulco ship, -with a cargo valued at three millions of dollars. These important conquests, by which the resources of Spain were effectually destroyed in less than ten months after the declaration of war, left her in no con- dition to attempt retrieving the affairs of France. Even the hope of an immediate supply of specie was fi-us- trated early m the contest, by the capture, off St. Vin- cent's, by the Active frigate, and the Favourite sloop, two of Sir Edward Hawke's crmzers, of the Hermione, a register sloop, bound from Lima to Cadiz ; containing treasure and valuable effects to the amount of half a million sterling. So rich was the prize, that every seaman and marine received as his portion four hundred and eighty-five pounds ; each lieutenant thii'teen thou- sand pounds, and the flag shares reached nearly to sixty- five thousand pounds. Another valuable capture was made of a ship from Barcelona, carrying a hundred thousand dollars*. The only attempt against Spain which failed, was a joint expedition planned by Great Britain and Por- tugal to attack the colony of Buenos Ayres. A fleet, consisting of three frigates, beside small armed vessels and store ships, which sailed from the Tagus, with five hundred soldiers, under the command of Captain Mac- namara, reached the Piver Plata Avithout difficulty; they were assailed by a dreadful storm of wind, thun- der, and lightning, and greatly embarrassed by not knowing the soundings ; the Spaniards Avere not only prepared to receive them, but had acted with advantage on the offensive, by possessing themselves of a Portu- guese settlement called Nova Colonia, the recovery of which was first attempted. An English pilot, ac- quainted Avith the river and coast, undertook to carry Barrow's Life of Anson, p. 383. GEORGE III. 93 the commodore's ship withm pistol-shot of the prin- ^\'v^" cipal fort. After a vigorous cannonade of four hours, ' the enemy's batteries were nearly silenced, and the i762. British expected to reap the fruits of their valour, ^^* "^["qs when the commander's ship was discovered to be on fire : the flames raged with unconquerable violence, and the distress was augmented by a renewal of the enemy's cannonade : the other vessels, for their own safety, were obliged to keep at too great a distance to afford succour, and finally, of three hundred and forty men, only seventy-eight escaped the flames and the sea : the commodore was drowned. The vessels, reduced almost to wrecks by the enemy's shot, with difficulty reached the Portuguese settlement at Rio Janeiro. The Spaniards, with characteristic gallantry and huma- nity, succoured and relieved the unfortunate men who were driven on shore ; forgot their enmity in theu' mis- fortune, and treated them rather like brethren than foes. 94 HISTORY or ENGLAND. CHAPTEP. THE FIFTPI. 1762—1763. Birth of the Prmce of Wales. — Addresses on the occasion. — Negotiations for peace. — State of the pubUc niind, — Ho nours conferred on Lord Bnte. — Changes in the ministry. Proceedings in the city of London. — Beckford made Lord Mayor. — Progress of the treaty of peace. — Preliminaries signed. — Examination of the terms. — Objections, and ob- servations. — Discussion of the preliminaries in Parliament. Definitive treaty signed. — General pacification. CHAP. V. ' There are periods in the history of nations, as in the lives of individuals, when, by a concurrence of Bi/th*!?!' the foi'tunatc cvcuts, cvcry desire seems gratified, and no Prince of reflection occurs to restrain an unbounded hilarity ; '^ '^^^ short and unfrequent are such periods, but ever remem- bered ^vith delight and recorded with exultation. The '•^> I Aug. bii'th of the Prince of Wales gave the greatest satis- faction to the inhabitants of the British metropolis, wlio justly looked up to a perpetuation of the Bruns- wick line, as the most favourable pledge which Provi- dence could aflbrd, that their religion and liberties would be fixed on an immutable basis. While the cannon which announced the joyous event yet sounded, the public were further gratified by the arrival of the treasure captured in the Hermione, which in stately procession moved before the palace in its progress to! the Tower. The King and principal nobility appeared at the windows of the royal abode, and crowned the raptures of the people by joining heartily m their acclamations. City address. A loyal and dutiful address was presented by the city of London, in which it was not forgotten that the auspicious day of the Prince's birth was sacred to I GEORGE III. 95 liberty and these kingdoms, in having given the pve- ^^'^^• sent ilhistrious family to the throne. Similar addresses were dispatched from all parts of the kingdom. 17G2. i The glorions successes of the war had no power to Nepotiatioi |t divert the minister's attention from the great object of *'"' ^^^■^<^*^- I peace. In pursuing this object, he did not rely on himself and his own fiiends entirely, but was desirous to combine with him persons whose knowledge and accredited patriotism would give effect and popularity I to his proceedings. For this purpose, Lord Halifax 1 called on the Duke of Newcastle, at Claremont, inviting him and Lord Ilardwicke to a council, at which the , question of peace or war was to be decided ; His INla- j jesty promising to be guided entirely by their ad\ice, and offering any employments they should choose for :. themselves and their friends, the treasury excepted. i As both these peers had recently professed a deter- jj mination not to oppose the government, and a strong I predilection for peace, great expectations might be j( formed from this most gracious offer. But the Duke / of Newcastle had but recently formed a new alliance I with the Duke of Cumberland ; the proposal was re- ijected, and a vigorous opposition on their part was ' expected*. Anxious to resume negotiations, Lord Bute engaged the King of Sardinia, a neutral power, to make proposals to the court of France, which that . nation, enfeebled and despondent as they were, and .1 convinced, by the experience of a most active cam- V paign, that the union mth Spain, far from bringing them assistance and relief, was, in fact, a dangerous association, or, at best, a listless incumbrance, readily accepted. To prevent the effects which might arise ^'-'^^ ^"^' from interested speculations, the minister sent notice of his intention to the Lord Mayor. The Duke of ^tii Sopt. Bedford was deputed from England as Minister Pleni- potentiary, and the Due de Nivernois from France "j*. ^'^^i^- 1 * Memoirs of Lord Barrington, pp. 70, 71. t Tho Due de Nivernois is tlms dcseribed by the Chevalier d'Eoii, •\vlio at- ended liiiii on this enibassy : " Co seigneur qui, dans toutes ces anibas.sades, a oiijours paru, eoninie Anacreon, eonronne de niirtlies et de roses, et elianlant les •laisirs an sein de ses iniirnut>'s et d(^s plus penibles travaux, seroil un des plus .rands niiuistrcs do la France, si a la boule, a I'elevation do son ca?ur, a la su- 90 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. V. 17C'2. The public averse to peace. Honours eonfcrrcd on Lord Bute. good The final adjustment of the objects of treaty was re- ser\ed to J.ord Bute and the Earl of Egremont in England, and M. de Choiseul in Paris ; their medium of connnunication being through the Comte de Viii, the Sardinian minister in London, and the BaiUi de Solare, minister from the same coml in France*. E\ery reasonable purpose which the British nation could expect to attain by war, was now abundantly gratified: and yet the pubhc was not cordially dis- posed to hail the return of peace. The constant suc- cession of conquest and victory inspired exaggerated notions of our martial prowess, and hopes of extended colonial acquisition, no less absurd than extravagant. / Many persons in power, and a strong party in oppo- / sition, could not endure that Lord Bute should enjoy the honour of making a popular peace, and every effort ' was tried to excite disgust against the measure. Lord Bute seemed to rise in the King's opinion, and had the disposal of all honours and dig nities in the state. Besides his appointment to the Rangership of Richmond Park, he was installed a Knight of the Garter ; an honour which was greatly enlianced by the association of the Duke of York, brother to the King, in the same ceremony. Yet Tvord Bute could not succeed in mspiring personal friendship; his benefits were received without gra- titude, and his omission to gratify every interested ap- plication produced sullen dissatisfaction, or open op- positionf. blimite, de son genie ct des ses talents, il joigiioit aiitant de femiete que de delica^ tesse dans I'espiit. Le seul petit defaut que j'aVe remaique dans M. le Duo de Niveniois, est la coquoltcrie de plaire a tout le monde, coquctterie, qui nous fait souvcnt plus d'enn(;mis qiie de vrais amis." Lettres, Memoires, &c. du Chevalier d'Eon, Discours preliminaire, p. 5. • From private inibrmation. t In answer to an anpy remonstrance, occasioned by his having omitted to provide for a dependant of Lord Melcombe, Lord Bute thus expressed himself " In short, my Lord, though I cannot prevent umbrage being taken at my nof satisfying every wish, I shall certainly hinder any reasonable gi-ound of complain!' concerning things I have once promised ; I own, and without blusliing, I have been very unfortunate in the means I have for years taken in cementing friend-i ship, and procuring attachments ; others, with much less trouble, perhaps without my sincerity, succeed better : but I repine not. Conscious of my own feelings conscious of deserving better treatment, I shall go on, though single and alone, ti sene my King and country, in the best manner my poor talents ^^ill allow me. happy, too happy, when the heavy burden that I bear shall be removed, asui\ plated upon other shoulders." GEORGE HI. 97 After the resignation of tlie Duke of Newcastle, ^'"^^A^- tlie disunion of the ministry became daily more appa- " rent. The Duke of Devonshire, during the negotia- i762. tion for peace, absented himself from the council board ; Dismission of on his refusal to attend when summoned, he was dis- ll"' ^"'>? °^ missed from the office of Lord Chamberlain; and the 3 1st Oct. King, with his own hand, erased his name from the list of privy counsellors. This dismission produced the re- si ij^nation of Lord Georore C'avendisli, Comptroller of ^ , ci ' ^ I. ^ other resiff- the Household, and Lord Besborough, joint Post- uiiiions ; Master-General. Several noblemen and commoners of" distinction openly disclaimed all connexion with tlie minister, and an opi)osition was forming, of great (^xtent and influence, headed bv the Duke of Cumber- land*. The force of the ministry was respectable, but not And (iian^cs. proportioned to this weight of opposition. The death of Lord Anson created a vacancy at the head of the cui Jun<>. Admiralty, which was filled by Lord lialifjix, who had acquitted himself with distinguished propriety as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; but, at his desire, an ex- i-2thto change was arranged with Mr. Gren^•ille ; then Lord lotuoit. 1 1 alifax became Secretary of State, and ISIr. Fox, Avho still retained the Paymastership of the Forces, was (h^stined to lead the Ilouse of Commons. It had been proposed to make him Secretary of State ; he declined that office as too burthensome to be united, in a stormy session, with the lead of the house ; but he undertook tlie rest, although reluctant to leave the quiet life, in A\hich he found true enjoyment, and to give up that I'cpose which was necessary to his health •]•. The mere proposal of peace, on any terms, was Condnri of odious to the city of London. The protection afforded London.'' to trade by a successful maritime war, prevented their fooling the burthens which pressed upon the rest of the nation : the money expended by the government gave alacrity to mercantile exertion, and was mistaken by the interested and superficial for an increase of * Lord Orford's Works, vol. v. p. 94. t Li'ttor from Mr. Fox to the Uukc of Bedford, 13th Oct. I7G'2. From pri- \;il(' communication. VOL. I. H 98 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP beneficial commerce*. During the negotiation of last ^" year, the city had instructed their representatives to 1 7(3-2. oppose any peace in which the whole, or the greater part, of the conquests made by Great Britain should not be retained. The arrogance of one city thus pre- suming to lay down a rule of war and peace for the whole nation, is not less remarkable than the wildness and absurdity of the terms they attempted to dictate-j-. If such were the sentiments of the city during the last negotiation, the biilliant transactions of the present campaign did not induce them to moderate their pre- tensions, or assume a more humble tone. The capture of the Havannah produced absurd expectations; and while all the success of the war was attributed to Mr. Pitt, the proposal of peace was considered as a base derehction of his plan, and a sacrifice of national honour to the safety of the minister, or, as he was in- vidiously termed, the favoiuite. Mr. Pitt was not unmindful of these appearances ; he saw that, by securing a strong party in the city, he made Loid sliould bcst be able to make a separate opposition, and Mayor. harass the ministry. The appomtment of the new Lord Mayor appearing an object of importance, Alderman Beckford was fixed on for the officeij: : he was a native of Jamaica, of a haughty and tiu'bulent disposition ; but he was respected for the independence of his character, and the incorruptibility resulting from unlimited Avealth, and he was popular from his devoted adherence to Mr Pitt. On the day before his appoint- ment, he attended the Common Council, requesting to resign his gown ; but the court postponed the con- sideration of his demand, and elected him Mayor. Till the meeting of Parliament, no effectual oppo- sition could be made ; but pamphlets, and every other * The Political Conduct of the Earl of Chatham, p. 12. t Their insti-uctions on tliis head are in these words : " That you entertain " just sentiments of the imx)ortance of the conquests made this war by the British " arms, at the expense of much blood and treasure ; and that you will, to the ut- " most of yoiu- power and abilities, oppose all attempts for giving up such places " as may tend to lessen our present security, oi-, by restoring the naval power of " Prance, render us subject to fresh hostilities from that natural enemy ; parli- " culariy, that the solo and exclusive right of our acquisitions in North America " and the fisheries be preserved to us." Lord Orford's Works, vol. v. p. 86. J Lord Orford's Works, vol. v. p. 93. 28th Sept. GEORGE III. 99 \ species of publication, conceived in a malignant spirit ' chap. of virulence, and containing atrocious, and even trea- ' sonable, suggestions, were profusely circulated. 1762. The negotiation was proceeding at this time with a rapidity and harmony which promised ultimate sue- the"frcaty°for cess. By prudently dismissing from consideration all p*^"^''- matters relating to Germany, which did not immedi- ately affect the interests of the contracting powers, much of the jealousy prevalent during the late treaty was dispelled, and the progress of accommodation facilitated. The greatest obstacle to its completion arose from the trium])hs of the British arms, which inflamed the pride and cupidity of the people, and, by making the situation of the enemy appear desperate, encouraged them to insist on retaining more than jus- tice or sound pohcy required. The ministry were by these means reduced to an awkward dilemma : if they pretended to retam their recent acquisitions, they could not hope for a peace, but merely for an insincere and sullen truce ; if they gave them up, not only the efforts of the preceding administration, but their own exertions, and the expenses of the current year, would be alleged as a crime. Preliminary articles were at length signed. In 3rdN„v. the examination of these it would be easy to prove. Preliminaries from the course of succeeding events, that the British '"'^"'^ ministry retained too great a portion of their conquests ; but it is most candid to survey the transaction as it must have appeared at the time, and to judge of the peace-makers by the actual knowledge they might pos- sess,- and on which they could safely and consistently act, without abandoning themselves to speculation, and pursuing measures of contingent and remote advantage. It may, however, be proper to premise, that, independ- ently of the common motives of humanity, which ought never to lose their influence in the affairs of nations ; independently of fiscal considerations, which weighed with great force at that period ; the want of men began to be severely felt. The state of Europe prevented the engaging of foreign mercenaries in the separate cause of Britain ; and the numerous expedi- H 2 100 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. rHAF. V. 1762. Examination t)f the resti- tutions. In Europe. tioiis in whicli the militai-y and naval force of the country was difrused, exhausted the strength of the nation. The bounties to recruits were grown to an unexampled height, and it w^as supposed that neither interest nor compulsion could have procured men for another extensive expedition. The imhealthy situa- tions in which the soldiers and sailors were placed by the progress of hostile operations demanded continual suppUes ; every fresh conquest increased the evil, and far from producing means to defray, augmented the expenses of the w^ar, and proved disadvantageous and burthensome. To retain too great a portion of these conquests would, it was apprehended, have perpetuated the evil, and finished in peace the depopulation begun by war. In Eiu'ope there was not much to arrange*. Mi- norca was restored, together with all countries belong- ing to the Elector of Hanover, the Landgrave of Hesse, the Duke of Brunswick, and the Count de la Lippe. Cleves, Wesel, Gueldres, and all the territories of the King of Prussia, were to be evacuated, and the forti- fications of Dunkirk demolished. The troops of France and Spain were to retire from the territories of tlieKing of Portugal. Great Britain agreed to re- store Belleislef. Several objections were urged against this arrange- ment. It Avas alleged that Belleisle was more than equivalent to Minorca ; but the fullest answer to this was given in the former negotiation, when the French minister said, " Keep Belleisle then, and we will retain " Mmorcaij:." Some objections were taken to the dere- liction of the King of Prussia's interests ; but no com- plaint could be more destitute of foundation. The reduction of his opponents, and the auspicious events of the campaign, had rendered him an object of terror ratlier than pity, and the balance of power was en- dangered by his preponderance, much more than it had * This cxamiuatidu of icsiiiutions is founded on tlic articles of the Defini" live Treaty. t See Dofinitivc Treaty, articles 8, 12, 13, 14, 15, 21. ; Sec Histoiical Memoir of the Court of France.No. xxii. In Asia. GEORGE III. 101 been by any efforts toward his political annihilation. chap. Applymg to Prnssia the observation marie by Mr. ' Pitt in the debate on the snpply to Portugal, the minis- i762. ter might have said, " We did not mean to bear Prussia " on our shoulders, but only to set him on his legs, and " put a sword in his hand*." This was now eiFectually performed ; and if, as Lord Bute was afterwards re- ported to have suggested, the countries evacuated were to be scrambled for, no power but Prussia could derive advantage from the scratnble-f. In Asia the enemy had little to reUnquish ; it re- mained therefore only to fix on such cessions as might effectually establish the peace and security of India. Great Britain stipulated to restore the factories which France possessed on the coast of C'oromandel, Orixa, and Malabar, and in Bengal, at the beginning of the year 1749 ; and the French King renounced all pre- tensions to conquests made since that period. He further agreed to give up Nattal and Tapanoully in the island of Sumatra, and to acknowledge Mahommed Ali Khan, Nabob of the C'arnatic, and Salabat Sing, lawful Subah of the Deccan. As Luconia was not expressly mentioned in the treaty, it was understood to be relinquished:}:. If the scale of compensation alone should be con- sidered, the enemy had much the advantage in this part of the treaty ; indeed, if that principle had been rigidly adhered to, no treaty could have taken place ; on the contrary, they must in general have received such terms as Great Britain chose to impose ; but if the real Avelfare and prosperity of the British Empire alone was in contemplation, that was abundantly and sagaciously provided for. The assumption of the en- tire power and commerce of India was not yet within the reach of Great Britain : to maintain the posses- sions she held before the war, with the influence which success enabled her to assume over the native powers, * Dfbrctt's Debates, vol. iv. p. 94, t Life of Lord Chatham, vol. i. p, lOl.ti. I Sec Definitive Treaty, articles 1 1 and 23. 102 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. V. 17G2. In Africa. In America. was all that could reasonably be demanded ; and this was amply secured. Africa presented few objects of contention, and these were amicably and easily adjusted ; Great Britain, in pursuance of the proposal made by France in the negotiation of last year*, retained the factories and rivers of Senegal, and gave up Goreef. On this subject it has been remarked, that Lord Bute ceded more than Mr. Pitt would have agreed to ; and that Goree ought to have been retained, since France had declared that the one was essentially con- nected with the other ; but neither of them was very desirable, except as a source of commerce. Of the African trade, Great Britain had sujfficient ; and, by the possession of Senegal, was enabled so to impede the effectual prosecution of it by the French, that from Goree, and all their other territories in Afr'ica, they cUd not afterward obtain annually more than three or four hundred slaves;}: . America, the primary cause of the war, and the great scene of conquest, afforded the most ample grounds of cession, restitution, and discussion. These objects may be divided into three heads : the Conti- nent, the West India Islands, and the Fisheries. On the continent, France, after unequivocally re- signmg all pretensions to Nova Scotia, or Acadia, ceded and guaranteed to Great Britain, in full right, Canada, with all its dependencies, together with Cape Breton, and aU other islands in the gulf and river of St. Law- rence, reservuig to the Roman Catholics the right of exercising thek religion, and leave to quit the coimtry within a Hmited time. The boundaries were so clearly and expressly defined, as to prevent the possibihty of disi)ute ; and so advantageously, that much of the territory of Louisiana, in which France had hitherto maintained a disputed possession, was relinquished without reserve. Spain yielded Florida, and aU other * See the Historical Memorial of France, No. xvii. t Sec Definitive Treaty, article 10. X Raynal's History of the East and West Indies, vol. v. p. 229. GEORGE III. 103 possessions on the continent of North America to the chap. east or to the south-east of the river Missisippi*, and thus the British empire was consoUdated in this quarter 17G2. of the globe. France received compensation for these cessions in the AVest India Islands, where Great Britain restored Guadaloupe, Marie-Galante, Desu-ade, ]\Iar- tinique, and St. Lucie; retaining Grenada and the Grenadines, St. Vincent's, Dominica, and Tobago. To Spain, Great Britain ceded all the territory con- quered in the Island of Cuba, mth the fortress of the Havannah, and all other fortresses in the Islandf. Against these articles many objections were raised : it was alleged that, although the cessions on the conti- nent were amj^le and honourable, yet the benefits to be derived from them were remote and contingent, the commerce scanty, and the return distant; that as an indemnity for the expenses of tlie war, ISIartinique, Guadaloupe, St. Lucie, or some other important island, should have been preserved, which would have opened a valuable and ample source of com- merce, and contributed, by a rapid circulation, to give energy to trade and \igour to industry. It was asserted, that, by permitting France to resume these possessions, we afforded her means of speecMly repair- ing all the losses occasioned by the war, and of re- storing her trade and marine in all their former splen- dour. These arguments are, in part, true, but the ap- phcation of them erroneous : if generally adopted, they would reduce war between nations to mere piracy; the pretence that what had been acquired would be advantageous either to the conqueror or the enemy, could never be wanting ; peace could only be hoped from unconditional submission, and war must ever be continued to extermination. It is doubtful whether permanent advantages would have accrued to Great Bri- tain from the possession of these colonies : those which were retained languished for want of cultivation, and * Definitive Trcatv, .irlicles 4, 7, '10. t Idem, artides8,"9, 19. 104: HISTORY OF ENGLAND. cHAi' became the causes of litigation between the sovereign and tlie subject, rather than productive of immediate 170-2. benefit to the countiy*. The system pursued by some merchants and proprietors of hind, since the capture of Guadaloupe, influenced them clamorously to demand the retention of that colony : they had overstocked the market with goods, sold them at a long credit, and made the island in other respects an exception to the rule of AVest India commerce ; they had, m fact, so much improved the resources of the colony, that it might perhaps have been advantageous to Great Bri- tain to maintain the possession^. But the case was far different with Martmique ; the contraband trade mth the Spanish coasts was almost entii*ely destroyed ; the cession of Louisiana and Canada had precluded all hopes of again openmg a communication; and the value of the restitution was diminished by the loss of the produce of the Grenades, St. Vincent's, and Do- minica, which was formerly brought into their har- bours|. St. Lucie might possibly have produced more advantage ; but that was the only neutral island pos- sessed by the French, and pohcy appeared to dictate that the task of keepmg the Caribbs in subjection shoidd in part devolve on them. They w ere permitted to catch and dry fish on part of the coast of Newfound- hind, and to fish in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, on con- dition of not approaching within three leagues of the shore ; on the other coast of the Island of Cape Breton, they were suffered to fish at the distance of fifteen leagues from the shore ; and the fisheiy on the coast of Nova Scotia and Acadia was left on the same footing as in other treaties. The isles of St. Pierre and Mique- lon were ceded to France, but expressly to serv e as a shelter to fishermen ; they covenanting to erect no new buildings, except for the convenience of fishery ; and to keep on them a guard of fifty men only, for pohce. The King of Spain waived all pretensions to * Bi-j'an Edwards' History of the Brtisli Colonics in the West Indies, book iii. p. 2 and 3. t Kaynal's History of the East and West Indies, vol. vi. p. 104. + Idem, p. 86. GEORGE III. 105 any right existing in himself or the Giiipuscoans, or chap. any other of liis subjects, to fish in the neighbourhood " of Ne^^^oundland*. 1702. In objecting to these particulars of the treaty, it !(was assumed as a principle, that this country ought to monopolize all the fisheries, for the purpose of prevent- ing France from ever re-establishing her naval power, and of augmenting our own. The want of justice in such an objection is easily perceptible, and its want of true poUcy is no less certain. The fau* end of peace is security and social intercourse : but it is too much to presume that those objects are only attainable by crip- pUng and plundering those with whom we treat ; peace is more endangered by the indignant feelings of another nation, excited by severe terms, and by a jealousy of . disproportionate aggrandizement, than by the hope which can be entertained of making war ^Wth advan- tage, when the strength of both parties is nearly equal. I The concessions in regard to the fisheries had no ten- I dency to increase the naval power of France in any formidable degree : an establishment where fifty sol- diers are sufficient for the police, and where the rival nation is restrained from fishing within nine or forty- five miles of the shore, can occasion no "s^ell-grounded . alarm, or prudent jealousy. The disputes with Spain respecting prizes were referred to the British court of admiralty ; and it was agreed that the fortifications erected in the Bay of Honduras should be demolished ; the King of Spain consenting that the British subjects, or their workmen, should not be molested in loading, cutting, and carry- ing away logwood, but might build and occupy, with- out interruption, the houses and magazines necessary for them, their families, and effects"]*. [' Such were the terms of peace prociu*ed by the con- quests of Great Britain. If the people were ever in- duced to expect a complete indemnification for the e\})enses of the war, or any considerable diminution of tlieir burthens from the terms of a treaty, they who * Defuiitivi' Treaty, iuticles 5, G, 18. t Idem, IG, 17. 106 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. V. 17G2. 2Gth Nov. Meeting of Parliament. deceived them were alone responsible for the effects of the dekision. War shoidd never be protracted a day beyond the period which offers a secure and honourable peace ; for conquest can no more restore the funds dis-l sipated by war, tlian peace can give hfe to those who have fallen victims in the contest. i The peace of 1762 was Avise and just, because it so clearly ascertained points in dispute, as to leave no ground for futui-e litigation ; because it destroyed every pretence for charging the British nation with rapacity and an overbearing spmt ; and because the moderation of the terms tended to obviate every ungracious senti- ment which long and successful Avar might have gene- rated in the bosoms of our opponents. With all the advantages gamed by Great Britain, more extensive cessions might, doubtless, have been obtained from France and Spain ; but in every \iew of the subject, the conditions seem to have been judiciously and pru- dently arranged, and the termination of the contest was no less Britain*. When Parhament assembled, the King, in his speech, adverted to the cu'cumstances of the war during the last year, and spoke with becoming anima- tion in praise of the glorious achievements of his forces by sea and land. He bore honourable testimony to the unwearied perseverance and unparalleled bravery of the officers and privates in the mihtary as well as naval ser\dce ; and said that, next to the assistance of Almighty God, it was owing to theu' conduct and cou- rage that the enemy had been brought to accept of terms, wliich, he hoped, woidd give entire satisfaction. His Majesty concluded by observing, that as we could never have carried on this extensive war without the greatest union at home, the same union would be necessary, m order to make the best use of the advan- tages acquired at the peace, and lay the foundation of that economy, which could alone reheve the nation advantageous than honourable to Great * For some judicious observations on this peace, see Chalmers's Estimali p. 141 to 113, edit. 1801. GEORGE 111, 107 from the heavy biu'thens brought on by a long and c^ixv. expensive contest. The prehmmaries of peace were laid before both 17G2. I houses ; but the opposition was not proportioned, either p^eii,ninarics in ability or numbers, to the expectation which had of ihiuc dis- : been raised. In the House of Peers, on the motion gurii-c. ifor an address, many objections were made, and some severe reflections thrown out against the Earl of Bute, with appearances of heat and animosity. That noble- man defended his own conduct with temper and de- corum, in a well-connected speech, delivered with great })ropriety, to the surprise of many, who did not think I him so well quahiied in the art and facidty of elocution. 1 He gave a detail of the negotiation, and not only aA'owed himself a warm promoter of the peace, but even expressed a desire that his having contributed to the cessation of hostilities should be engraved on his tomb. He was seconded by the Earl of Hahfax, and supported by a great majority*. In the House of Commons, Mr. Fox principally 9ih Dec. defended the peace ; and Mr. Pitt, although in a state of extreme pain and weakness from the gout, attended to lay before Parliament his objections to the prelimi- naries. His speech lasted tlu'ce hours and forty minutes ; it embraced every topic of objection, and was expressed in glowing language. He declared, although he was at that instant suffermg under the most excruciating tortm-e, yet he determmed, at the hazard of liis life, to attend this day, to raise up his voice, his hand, and his arm, against the prehmmary articles of a treaty, which obscured aU the glories of the war, siu-rendered the dearest interests of the nation, and sacrificed the public faith, by abandoning our allies. He first challenged the ministry to compare the present treaty with the terms he could have obtained fi-om Bussy; but that producing no reply, he proceeded to analyze every part of the stipulations, which he stigmatised, in general, • Smollett's Complete History of England, vol. xvi. p. 161. No traces of this debate are preserved in Debrett's Collection. Lord Bntc did not often speak in Parliament : his delivery wa.s very slow and solemn : in a'lnsion (o which, Charles Town.seiul, during a speech which his Lordship made on the subject of the cyder lax, humorously exclaimed, " minute gunn." 108 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. ^vitli unqualified censure. The only particulars which ' met his approbation were the dereliction of North 1762. America by the French, and the restitution of Minorca. He expatiated at great length on the German con- nexion ; and affirmed, that the desertion of the King of Prussia, the most magnanimous ally this country ever had, was insidious, trickmg, base, and treacherous. In conclusion, he said the terms of the proposed treatyj met his most hearty disapprobation ; he saw in them the seeds of a future war. The peace was insecure,] because it restored the enemy to her former greatness ; the peace was inadequate, because the places retained were no equivalent for those surrendered. These observations made great impression, and Avere productive of more general effect fi'om the cir- cumstances under which they were dehvered. INIr. Pitt, who entered the house on crutches, was so feeble at the beginning of his harangue that he was supported by two of his friends ; during its progress, his pain in- creasing, he was allowed the unprecedented indulgence of delivering his sentiments sitting* ; toward the con- clusion his strength entirely failed, his voice became indistinct, and he was obliged to omit the remarks which he was prepared to nlake on the articles relating to Spain. The arguments of Mr. Pitt were combated by general considerations of policy, and discussions of the value of the ceded conquests ; which, it was truly affirmed, was greatly diminished by the privation of those retained. On a division, the motion for the address was carried by a great majority]-. No other business of importance was brought before j Parliament till after the recess. 2l^^ In consequence of the execution of the preliminaries. Definitive a ccssatiou of arms had been proclaimed, and passports is^Dec.^'"^ were issued for merchants desiring to trade to any part l^h V ^^ France. The definitive treaty was, in due time, 1703. *^ ' ratified, and peace established ;{:. * Hatsell's Precedents, vol. ii. p. 101. t 319 to 65. X Much of the opposition which this treaty encountered in Parliament was the mere result of party spirit ; as I am informed, from indubitable authority, tliafr GEORGE III. 109 When the belligerent powers on the continent saw chap. Great Britain and France seriously disposed to effect a _____ pacification, they became convincc^d of the propriety of i7r,2. ' desistin": from further operations, A proposal of the The oth.r o i L ^ i: powers ' Imperial Court for a congress was readily acceded to make peace. by the King of Prussia. It was held at Hubertsburg; 31st Dec. and, after some previous discussions, a treaty was ar- ranged between Austria, Prussia, Saxony, and Poland, '1 which restored the peace of Europe. By this compact, j'^l'^^*^^- ■ifew points of great importance were regulated, and no extension of territory was acquuxxl by any of the con- tracting parties*. During the progress of the treaty, the King of Prussia observed toward Great Britain the same unfriendly and mysterious behaviour which he had of late assumed. several eminent statesmen Avere known to express high approbation of it in pri- :vate, althimjih they decried it in public. The terms ^vere, on the whole, more judicious, and really more advantageous, than those which, in tlie preceding year, were demanded by Mr. Pitt. The opinion of an individual, however eminent, cannot decide a question so extensive ; but the following anecdote, related by Wood, in his Preface to tlie Essay on the Original Genius and Writings of Homer, is deserving of attention. " Being directed to wait on Lord Granville," he says, " a few days before he died, with the preliminary articles of the Treaty " of Paris, I found him so languid, that I proposed postponing my business for " another time ; but he insisted that I should stay, saying, it could not pro- " long his lifi^ to neglect his duty. He then desired to hear the treaty read, to " which he listcned'«ith great attention, and recovered spirits enough to declare " the approbation of a dying statesman (I use his t)wn words) on the most glori- " ous war, and the; most honourable peace, this nation ever saw." * CEuvres du Hoi de Prusse, vol. iv. p. 139, 149. 110 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAPTER THE SIXTH. 1763. Formation of opposition. — Proceedings in Parliament. — Cyder tax. — Petitions of the city of London and other places. — Relief granted to the Americans. — Resignation of Lord Bute. — His character. — Virulence of j)olitical publications. — The North Briton. — General warrants issued. — Mr. Wilkes ar- rested and committed to the ToAver. — Proceedings thereon;! — He is discharged, and deprived of his commission. — Lord Temple dismissed. — Mr. Wilkes's intemperate pro- ceedings. —Death of Lord Egremont. — Negotiation with Mr. Pitt. — Duke of Bedford's ministry. — Mr. WiUces pub- lishes sundry libels, and goes to France. CHAP. The inefficient resistance made to the addresses on VI- peace, shewed plainly that, without general concord, ~ the various parties disposed to thwart the measures of 1/63. ^ 1 1 1 p 1 • Foiniatioii of government would be irustrated m every attempt. opposition. Some, still entertaining hopes of regaining a share of power by not displaying an open opposition to the ministers, when the debate was expected feigned sick- ness, quitted the metropolis, or absented themselves' from the house without assigning a reason*. It wasi therefore necessary to unite all the discordant members of the minority by a general coalition, if they hoped to, make an effectual attack on the power of Lord Bute, toward which the most strenuous exertions were madef. _ . ,. ^ The effect of the objections to the peace promised no the peace. inconsiderable success : the counties of York and Surrey refused to present addresses ; and it was said that those, which were sent from all quarters of the kingdom * History of the late Minority, p. 83. t An instance may be seen in Lord Burrington's Memoirs, p. 78, et seqq. GEORGE III. Ill were not procured without much address and great chap. difficulty. The city of London was pecidiarly hostile " to the measure. On the intelligence that the preh- 1703. minaries were signed, stocks fell five per cent, and, i^^'Wii. after the puhlication of the definitive treaty, the Court of Aldermen most reluctantly and ungraciously voted an address of congratidation. The Lord Mayor and cityofLon- Sir Hobert Ladbrooke would not be present, cUd not ' '^^' sign, or go to Court with the address ; and, by a ma- jority of four, it was carried that the peace should not be termed honourable, but advantageous only*. The bells of several parishes were muffled during the procession. The coalition was consolidated at the house of the Duke of Newcastle*!* ; and their resistance of every effort to divide tliem, convinced the minister that their union would, in time, be fatal to his ascendancy, rarliament had resumed its sittings before this 20th Jan. coalition was formed; but no business of importance Pariiaiueut, claimed their attention, until the supplies were pro- posed. The loan requu-ed was three millions and a half; it was alleged that ministers jjrivately disposed of &tii Mar. it, and that in a few days it rose to eleven per cent, pre- mium ; and thus, at the expence of the public, gratified their own creatures with benefits to the amount of three hundred and fifty thousand pounds:}:. But a more specious object of attack presented itself in one of the modes of supply ; the act for imposing a tax on perry and cyder. The minister at first intended the duty to be ten cyder tax. shillings per hogshead, on the liquor sold by retail, confining the tax to the victualler : the next project was to lay the same assessment on the first buyer §. Neither of these proposals was agreeable to the country * Lcttor from Dr. Bii-ili to Lord Royston, same Papers, fo. 154. t The party is stat(-d to have consisted of tlio following persons: the Dukes )f Devon.sliire, Bolton, and Portland; Marquis of Rockingham; Earls Temple, IJornwallis, Albemarle, Ashbiu-uham, llardwicke, and Besborough ; Lords ipeiiei'r. Sondes, Grantham, and Villiers ; Mr. Pitt, Mr. J. (Jrenvillc, and Sir jeorgc Savile. History of the late Minority, p. 89 to 93. I See Mr. Legpe's speeches in the Debates, North Briton, History of the ate Minority, p. 107. i Debrelt's Debates, vol. iv. p. l.'U. < \\2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. gentlemen, and therefore the mode was altered to an ' imposition of four shillings per hogshead on the 17G3. grower; and the regulations of the excise were ex- tended to the collection of this duty. Against this system it was not difficult to raise a Objections. loud and diffusive clamour. The same arguments and efforts which, in 1733, had nearly diiven AValpole from the helm, could not fail of being again employed. In the House of Commons, Mr. Pitt, as the leader of opposition, detailed the accustomed topics, inveighed against the admission of excise officers into private dwellings, and, adverting to the excellent maxim that every man's house is his castle, deprecated the exten- sion of excise laws to individuals, who, by their birth, education, and professions, were entkely distinct from 28ih and the trader*. A petition was presented from the city of London, but without effectj", and the bill finally jiassed. In the Lords it met with equal opposition ; forty-nine peers divided against it, and two protests, each signed by three peers, were entered on the jour- nals. These protests were couched in strong terms ; and the transaction is rendered more remarkable from the unprecedented fact, that the House of liOrds di- vided on a money bill. It was a capital error in Lord Bute's administra- tion, to persevere in a measure which gave so much dissatisfaction, and afforded easy means of extending the influence of opposition. Not the city of London alone, but those of Exeter and Worcester, the counties of Devon and Hereford, and several other towns and places, instructed their representatives to resist the tax;' sent letters of thanks to those who had cUstinguishea themselves in opposition; formed associations, andj even entered into combinations, to let their apples rot under the trees, rather than make them into cyder. * This debate is memorable from a circumstance which had the effect o: giving a nick -name to a ministerial leader. In supporting the bill, Mr. Georgt Grenville repeatedly asked, " Where will you find another tax ? tell me where ?" Mr. Pitt, after one of these exclamations, in the words of a popular song, and ir a singing tone, said, " Gentle shepherd, tell me where ?" This saying, although not distinguished by much v.it, fixed on Mr. Grenville, for the rest of his life, the sobriquet of" the Gentle Shepherd." t Not only to the Commons, but to the Lords and the Thi-one. ^ GEORGE III. 113 subject to such impositions. In a word, no public measure, since the excise act proposed by Sir Robert Walpole, had occasioned so great a ferment in tlie nation. Prudence should have dictated to Lord Bute an imitation of Walpole : he saw he could neither stem the popular torrent, nor mitigate its fiu-y, and should have AWthch'awn himself from its effects, by re- nouncing the obnoxious measure*. Besides the determined efforts of a preconcerted opposition, and the general invectives against the ex- tension of the excise laws, many specious reasonings were adduced against the cyder tax. It was said to be enormous in amount, and unequal in application. It was computed to ecjual the rent of the land from which it arose ; and the occupier, being obliged to pay the whole sum witliin six weeks from the time of mak- ing the cyder, remained exposed, without allowance or drawback, to every loss arising from those accidents to which so hazardous a commodity is subject. To prove the inequahty of the tax, it was alleged that all the different sorts of cyder were subject to the same imposition : of these there were computed to be four ; the Avorst of which was made from the AAdndfaUs, and could only be ser\iceable for family consumption ; this, and the other three sorts, varpng in value fr*om eight to fifty shillings a hogshead, were taxed alike, by which means the common drink of the day-labourer was sub- ;t to as heaA'y^ a charge as the luxurious beverage of joaen of ample fortunes. The assertion that it is im- possible to discrimmate the classes of cyder, so as to impose a proportionate duty, was decried as displaying nacre strongly the impolicy of the tax-f. In this session, in consequence of a message from the King, the House of Commons voted a compen- sation to his subjects in North America, for expences incurred during the war, in levying, clothing, and pay- ing troops raised by the respective provinces J. The CHAP. VI. 17G3. Obscn'ations. 1 1th Marrh. livVuH to Uie Anicricans. * Coxe's Memoirs of Sir Roburt Waliiulo. chap. 41. t Ca.se of tlie county of Devon, published by the direction of the committee. X By an act pa.sscd this session, .John Harri.son received a reward of £5,U00 for his ingenious laboxus toward tJie discovery of tlie longritiide. VOL. I. I lU CHAP. VI. 1703. 19lh April. Promgation. Chaiifje of miiiistrv. 8th April. Obsenations on Lord Bute's re- signation. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. public business being early dispatched, Parliament was prorogued. Soon after the passing of the cyder tax, Avhen Lord Bute's friends and enemies considered him fixed in his office, and that the labours of a well-united opposition would be requisite for his expulsion, he astonished the public by a sudden resignation. Sir Francis Dash- wood followed his example. Mr. Grenville succeeded them both as first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer ; and notice was given to the foreign ministers, that His Majesty had confided the execu- tive powers of government to Mr. Gren\ille, Lord Hahfax, and Lord Egremont. A place in the cabinet was offered to Mr. Pitt ; but he insisted on terms with which the King could not in honour comply ; he de- manded the removal of every person who had in any manner been engaged in making the peace ; and even required that the terms of the treaty should be me- horated. The King answered, he woidd never with- draw his protection from those whose conduct he ap- proved, or reprobate measures which he had sanc- tioned*. Mr. Fox was advanced to the peerage, by the title of Lord Holland, and Sir Francis Dashwood J as Lord Le Despenser. The sudden termination of Lord Bute's ministerial career; his dereliction of that power which it was tliought his chief aim to acquire, and liis principal labour to extend, gave rise to various contradictory speculations. By some it was attributed to fear of im-f peachmcnt, augmented by the prospect of the Duke of Bedford's return from Paris, and the expectation of some important disclosures-]*. Some weakly imagined that tlic persevering attacks of the North Briton drove him from the helm;]: ; and others believed that he still retained liis power, though he did not openly appear to exercise it. The reasons assigned by a writer, who probably did not make his statement without the pri- vity of Lord Bute, are these : " His resignation is in * From private; information. t Life of Lord Chatliam, vol. i. p. 425. X History of the late Minority, p. 127. GEORGE III. 115 " consequence of a resolution early taken, and inva- ^ y^^' " riably adhered to by this extraordinaiy person ; who, ' " seeing the nation involved in a consuming war, i763. " which, for various reasons, no minister but himself " would put an end to, thought himself called upon, " not only as the friend of his sovereign, but as the 1 " friend of his country, to imdcrtake the difficult and •' dangerous task of making peace : this he happily " accomplished, and made a peace which speaks for " itself In the prosecution of this great work, his " life has been often threatened, and sometimes in " danger from an exasperated multitude* ; his cha- " racter has been attacked with a \drulcnce till now " unknown ; his relations, his friends, the place of his " nativity, have been reviled ; and every possible me- " thod taken to discredit him with the public, and to " ruin him with the King his master. This storm he " endured ; and persevered with inconceivable con- " stancy, till the peace was ratified, and approved by " Parliament, and the business of the session brought " to a conclusion : then he resigned, leaving the new " ministry supported by a great majority in both " houses, and not obstructed by those prejudices which " had been so industriously raised up against him. " This opinion of his ha^'ing early taken a resolution " to retire, is confirmed by the mildness of his admi- " nistration, and his total neglect of the libels against " him. He has accordingly retired without place or " pension, disdaining to touch those tempting spoils " which lay at his feet-f." There is too great an appearance of precipitation in Lord Bute's retreat, to sanction these suppositions ; even the King was not early apprized of his intention, and, from his good opinion of the Earl, lamented that I he had lost a friend as well as a minister J. It is ab- surd to suppose that fear of impeachment induced liim * This assertion Avas verified in the instances ah-eady mentioned ; las treat- ment at Giiildliall, and as lie was going to the parliament house, ■when the civil power preserved him. History of the late Minority, p. 127. t Letter from a Gentleman in Town tolas Friend in the Country, occasioned by a late resignation. f From private information. I 2 116 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. to resign. Fear is a strange motive to assign for yield- ' ing up tliat wliich constitutes strength, especially when 17G3. no measures were taken to make that sacrifice a bribe Oct. 11. f^y forbearance. Besides, fear was a passion which never swayed the mind of this nobleman. In a con- fidential letter to Lord Shelburne, he expresses him- j self too fully and unequi^•ocally to permit a suspicion of insincerity or deception. "As to titles or emolu- " ments,had I ever been weak enough to ambition such " trifles, all that the crown could possibly bestow haw " been within my grasp ever since the King's accession. " The only question which then occurred ^vith me was, " how most eflbctually to support the King's honour, " facilitate his measures, and produce the peace ; for, " to the accomplishment of these great points, every " pulse beats, and every wish of my soul turns, holding " the sacrifice of myself as nothing, if it procures any " real advantage to my country ; to liim who is at once " my king, my master, and my friend. No, my dear " Lord, if the storm thickens, and danger menaces, let " me stand foremost in the ranks. I claim the post of i " honour. Next to my little experience in business, " my unwillingness to punish has been no little draw- " back upon me. I know the constructions put upon i " my conduct. Even my noble friend may sometimes " have imputed actions to timidity, which sprang from " motives of a more generous nature ; but now, the " King's situation, the perilous condition of the " country, the insolence of faction, demand more de- " termined action, and I have taken my part. The " more I reflect," he adds, " on Mr. Fox's conduct, " the more I admire the noble and generous manner in " which he quits retirement and security, to stand Avith " me the brunt of popular clamour, in support of the " best of princes, against the most ungenerous, the " most ungrateful set of men this country ever pro- " duced*." The terms of the peace have already been so amply discussed, that it is unnecessary again to enter into * From private communication. GEORGE III. 117 their merits. Another charge, however, was brought ^^l^^^- against the minister, — that of ha^'ing received a large sum of money from France*. After having for some 17g3. years amused the public, and served as a theme to those declaimers who are always ready to repeat the grossest fables, if of a slanderous tendency, this alle- gation met its death in the Plouse of Commons ; it was brought forward by Dr. ]\Iusgrave, who, in a long examination, betrayed so large a portion of credulity, with so small a share of judgment, that the House, after a minute investigation, voted his information utterly frivolous, and unworthy of creditf . It is improbable that Lord Bute, who had patiently endured the most virulent invectives, should be driven from the helm by so vapid a production as the North Briton. jNIr. Burke properly characterized this weak and malicious series of libels, by calling it a milk and water paper, as much inferior to Junius in rancour and venom, as in strength, wit, and judgment;]:. In fact, the principal cause of his resignation was the want of support in the cabinet. In a private letter to one of his friends, before he retired from the helm, he more fully explained the real motives of his con- duct ; " Single," he said, " in a cabinet of my own " forming ; no aid in the House of Lords to support " me, except two peers (liOrds Denbigh and Pomfret) ; " both the Secretaries of State silent ; and the Lord " Chief Justice, whom I myself brought into office, " voting for me, yet speaking against me ; the ground " I tread upon is so hollow, that I am afraid, not only " of falling myself, but of mvohdng my Royal jMaster " in my ruin. — It is time for me to retire§ !" The continuance of the ex-minister's secret influ- * In support of this iinfonnded allegation, the public attention -was often in- vidiously directed to Lord Bute's extensive buildinps at Luton, and in Berkeley Square. Such mapnihcent undertakings proved his disregard of money, but they wore not too great for his ample fortune. By Ids marriage AWth Mary, daughter of Edward Wortley Montague, he acquired an estate of £"25,000 a year, besides £450,000 in the funds. Far from supplying his exponces by moans of the public money, he raised £90,001) by mortgage, and lived long enough to re- deem the estate by frugalitv. — From private information. t Debates, .January '29th, 1770. t Debates, '27 1 h November, 1770. ^ From private information. 118 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. QiiQQ ill the closet, for a considerable period, has been ' so repeatedly and confidently asserted, that to doubt it 17G3. would seem rashness ; yet, perhaps, if we except the negotiations for ministerial changes soon after his re- signation, in which he was occasionally the medium to communicate the King's intentions, no report was ever less consonant to truth ; for it was his constant and repeated complaint to his intimate friends, both on his travels and at home, that he was neglected by his sovereign. This avowal, from a man so cautious as Lord Bute, outweighs all the vague assertions of those who maintained the existence of a mysterious agency, and proves that the loss of his influence had sunk deep in his mind*. Lord Bute's short administration was rendered ad- ditionally unpleasant by his o^vn errors. His under- taking to make peace when the nation was eager for continuing the war, and his offending all those who, by popularity or family connexion, were enabled to co-operate effectually in his views, were rash, thougli laudable, exertions : and his danger was augmented by his negligence of public applause, and ignorance of the means by which it might be acquired. He was advised to contemn the clamours of the city, for on the least threat of the King's displeasure, those who were then at his throat would soon be at his feet'j* ; and though he neither esteemed nor respected the man who gave this counsel, the tenor of it seems agreeable to his mode of thinking; the consequence was, that the city connected with the admiration of Mr. Pitt a factious and overbearing spirit of resistance to the ex- ertions of government. Even the virtues of Lord Bute were not calculated to insui-e respect or conciliate affection. It is said of him, " No man could complain, " during his administration, of a promise broken, or " of hopes given and not fulfilled. No inferior person " in any department where he had served, who did not " passionately regret the loss of so easy, so kind a su- * From private information. Sec also Burke's Thoughts on the Cause of tlie present Discontents, Works, 4to. v. i. p. 411. t Letter from Lord Melcombe to Lord Bute, 8th October, 1761. GEORGE III. 119 " perior*." In diminution of this eiilogium, it is to ^yf^^" be remarked that Lord Bute made no promises, and " gave no hopes, except to persons whose devotion he i7G3. meant to secure ; and that under him, the precedent was introduced, of removing every dependent of government, even to the lowest clerks in the public offices, to introduce others of his own nomination -j*. This proceeding created many enemies ; and if it gave him some claims to gratitude, those claims were too slight and precariously founded to be much rched on. His patronage of literature and the arts Avas liberal and honourable : with what judgment it was bestowed, is not the province of history to discuss ; but it docs not appear open to the imputation of corrupt or sinister motives:}:. The character of this minister, as connected with his resignation, is well pourtrayed by a contemporary writer. " The support of the prince, the acquiescence " of the people, the complaisance of parliament, and " the baffled efforts of his rival, seemed now to have " rivetted and established the Earl of Bute as a per- " manent minister. A feeble clamoiu' without doors " must have soon died away with the hopes of forcing " his Lordship from his high department. To the " astonishment of the world, to the certain ruin of his " character as a politician, he suddenly resigned. The " surprise of his enemies prevented them from taking " advantage of the consternation among his friends. " The former abused, the latter blamed him : both " despised his conduct. This conduct, howeyer, arose " more from tlie character and disposition of the man, " than fi'om any pubhc opposition to liis measures, or " private circumstances of intimidation. Though " born with good parts, and a good heart, he was pos- " sessed of qualities which sullied the one, and made " the other doubtful in the eyes of the supei*ficial and • Letter from a CJentlcman in Tovra to his Friend in the Coimtry, p. 1 1 . t Serious Considerations on the ISIcasures of the present Admiuistnilion, by Dr. Butler, Bisliop of Hereford, p. 10. The same fact is asserted in innumerable otlier publications. X Lord Bute's private virtues and social qualities arc not descanted on, they do not form the subject of history ; but they were numerous and estimable. 120 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. VI. 17G3. Charac'tertjf^ Mr. Grcn- villc. " prejudiced. Surrounded with men whose weakness " was known to the world, his judgment of mankind " became suspected ; and it was difficult to reconcile " benevolence of temper, with a pride that rendered " him inaccessible. Attached by nature to a retired " manner of life, he contracted a shyness of disposi- " tion, which ought never to be carried into the " liighest department of the state. Habit estabhshed " the companions of the obscure part of his life so " firmly in his mind, that he sacrificed his reputation " with others, to an appearance of attention to them. " They were, however, his companions, but not liis " counsellors : he loved them for their good nature ; " his good sense forced him to despise then* under- " standings. Intelligent, penetrating, and shrewd, he " studied the theory of government with success ; cir- " cumstances attending his youth, and a habit of re- " tircment, circumscribed his knowledge in the prac- " tice. Mistaking the attention paid to his office and " situation for actual attachment to his person, he was " deceived by the designing; and he looked upon " political desertion as a singular instance of depravity " in the age. The noise and clamours of an interested " few he took for the voice of the public ; and tliinking " he had deserved well of the nation, he was offended " at its ingratitude. He retu'ed with chagrin ; and " his enemies owed the victory, which they ascribed to " their own spirit and conduct, to an adventitious mis- " take in his mind*." -^ Mr. Grenville, who was at the head of the new administration, was son of George Grenville, esquire, of Wootton, in the county of Bucks, by Esther, sister of Lord Cobham. He was bred to the law; and in 1741 was initiated in parliamentary and official business. He was successively appointed lord of the treasury and admiralty, and treasurer of the navy, under George II., and secretary of state, and first lord of the treasui-y, in the present reign. To a masculine understanding, and resolute mind, he joined an unwearied apphcation, and Political Conduct of the Earl of Chatham, p. 18. GEORGE III.' 121 considered business not as a duty which he was to fulfil, but a pleasure he was to enjoy. He won his way to power through the laborious gradations of public ser- vice ; and secured to himself a well-earned rank in parliament, by a thorough knowledge of its consti- tution, and a perfect practice in all its affairs*. A con- stant attention to the forms of business, rendered him methodical in debate ; but, although he was not dis- tinguished by the graces of eloquence, his speeclies A\ ere replete with sound kno^^iedge, and displayed a tliorough acquaintance with his subject. His poUtical hfe was chequered by diversities of connexion and op- position; he came into office under the auspices of Lord Cobham, and continued under the standard of his brother, Earl Temple, till the beginning of the present reign. Jealousy of his brother-in-law% Mr. Pitt, and other concurrent circumstances, broke the family phalanx ; and although INIr. Grenville afterward coa- lesced with Lord Temple, he was never reconciled to jNIr. Pitt. ^ Lord Bute is accused of having begun a paper war, by hiring writers to support his administration and vilify his opponentsf. There is some truth in the sugges- tion that certain writers were liberally, or rather ex- travagantly, paid for their exertions in behalf of government:}: ; but Lord Bute did not begin the paper war, and the authors on his side did not equal their opponents in scurrility. If the practice of employing men of letters to defend the proceedings of government has any justification, it must be found in the circum- stances of the times, when, from an extreme strictness of regulation, no accounts of the debates in either house were given to tlie public, and their chief informa- tion on the topics agitated in Parliament was derived * Bmko's Works, 4to. vol. i. p. 541 . t Ili-story of the late Minority, p. 77. \ This does not seem to have been a measnrc of Lord Bute's own su<;p;e.stion, but to have flowed prineipally from Lord ISIelcoinbe. See his Diarj-, p. 4i;>, 245. In a letter to Lord Bute, dated 8lh October, 17GI, Lord Melconibe says, " Mr. " Pitt may think, by going out upon a spirited pretence, to turn the attention " and dissatisfaction of the public on those, who, at a ruinous expence, are " to carry on his wild measures, and whom they have been taught to dislikt', by a " total abandonment of the press to him and his creatures, which I humbly hope " you will think proper to employ better." , CHAr. VI. 17G3. Virulence of p. ilitical pub- lications. 122 CHAP. VI. 17G3. Nortli Bri. ton. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. from the lords' protests, and such pamphlets as de- tailed, ill a partial and equivocal manner, the argu- ments used by the members. However it might originate, the Hcentiousness of the press now became unbounded, and disgraceful to the nation, and it was thought necessary to attempt restraining this intolerable torrent of calumny. The late muiister endured, mth great equanimity and for- bearance, the abuse to which he was subjected, and chd not use the lash of power against a man who had openly avowed his resolution, " to try how far it was " practicable to carry the licentiousness of writing, " under pretext of exercising the liberty of the press*." This indi^'idual was John Wilkes, member of parlia- ment for Aylesbury, the avowed author of the North Briton, a periodical paper, in which every public mea- sure was arrainged and ridiculed with coarse inv^ective and scurrilous ribaldry. This licence was carried to such an extent in the observations on the King's speech at the prorogation of Parliament, pubHshed in the forty- fifth number of the North Briton, that it was judged General war- expedient to issuc a warrant from the secretary of rant issued, gtatc's officc, requiring four messengers in ordinary to make strict search for the authors, printers, and pub- lishers of the above seditious and treasonable produc- tion, to apprehend and seize them, together with their papers, and bring them before the secretary of state. Under tliis authority, one Leach, a printer, to whom the messengers had been erroneously directed, was ap- 2yiii. prehended, but discharged. Kearsley, the avowed publisher, was next taken into custody, and voluntarily acknowledged, before Lord HaUfax, the secretary of state, that one Balfe was the printer, and Mr. Wilkes the author of the paper. Balfe confirmed the same facts; and, the crown-lawyers being of opinion that the publication of a libel was a breach of the peace, and therefore not a case of privilege, the messengers Avere directed, by virtue of the same warrant, to bring Mr. Wilkes before the secretary of state. The officers were '23ril April. 2Gtli. * Smollett's Cuniplcto History of England, vol. xvi, p. 212. GEOllGE III. 123 instructed to execute their warrant the same night ; ^"j^^- but Mr. Wilkes objecting to the general terms m which " it was worded, and threatening the messengers with i763. his vengeance, if they offered violence to his person at '^^^^^• that unseasonable time, they desisted till next morning; g^^^j^ ^ ^^.^i when he was arrested, and, having in vain demanded a wiikes ar- copy of the writ, carried before Lord Hahfax. In the ^'''^^'^'^• account which he has given of this transaction, his beha^dour appears to have been firm, his answers spirited and judicious ; a compound of that decision which never fails to make an advantageous impression, and that disdain, unspotted with contumelious expres- sion, which always casts on those to whom it is adressed a reflection of contempt. His position was one which a man of wit and knowledge of the world must cer- tainly turn to good account, and the ministry suffered from ha^dng afforded him such advantages. When Mr. AVilkes was first apprehended, he re- ceived a visit from Lord Temple, who by his recpiest jij,,^..,^ applied to the court of Common Pleas for a writ of corpus habeas corpus. The motion was granted ; but before '""'* '^'^ *"^- the writ could be prepared, JMr. Wilkes, having refused to answer questions, was committed to the Tower, wiikescom- detained in close custody, and admittance refused to lilcTowr. his friends, and even liis counsel and solicitor*. These were the circumstances which brought under obsorvaiious. public discussion one of the most important points relative to liberty which had been agitated since the Revolution; the legality of general warrants. The importance of the object communicated itself to the parties concerned in the transaction, and made some parts of their conduct, m hich woidd otherwise have escaped observation, worthy of particular attention. The ministry could not justly incur blame for exerting the power vnth which they were invested, in punishing a libel so audacious as the forty-fifth number of the North Briton : it became a very distinct matter from personal forbearance, to tolerate the circulation of a writing, in which the King was accused of having * Wilkes's Letter to the Duke of Gral'tou, Dee. Tilli, 17G7. Republished iu Alinon's Corrcspondeuee of Wilkes with his Friends, vol iii. p. 181. 124 HISTORY OF EXGLAND. CHAr. VI. 17G3. Further pro- ccoiliiigs. 3rd May. uttered a lie from the throne. Of such a crime it is no extenuation to distinguish (as Mr. Wilkes afterwards did*, and in fact cUd in the very publication) between the King and his minister : the treasonable suggestion is not mitigated by supposing the King the mere en- gine through which the minister deludes the people. It is a point of propriety and delicacy, in the course of parliamentary debate, when an addres to the throne is under discussion, to shew respect to the King, by con- sidering his speech as the production of the minister, in order to take away all appearance of offence from the free manner in which it is canvassed. In such a debate it would be quite correct to dispute the facts contained in the speech, still treating them as the assertions of the minister ; but when a public writer, in order to stigmatize the minister, involves the sove- reign as an accomphce in a charge so meanly criminal as that of uttering a direct falsehood, the pretence that the speech is considered as that of the minister, is rather in the nature of guilty subterfuge, than of res- pectful distinction. With respect to the warrant ; common sense, the constitution, and the subsequent decision of the courts, concur in pronouncing it illegal ; but the ministry who used it were not liable to censure. It lay before them as a customary process, which had been resorted to, even recently, by the most popular ministers : nor was their attention directed to the warrant itself, but to its effect : the opinion of crown-lawyers was not taken on the extended question, whether a general warrant was legal ; but whether Mr. Wilkes's offence was such as justified the use of it, and whether his privilege pro- 1 tected him against its operation. The first habeas corpus had no operation, because it was directed to the messengers, and not issued until Mr. Wilkes was out of their custody. A new one was ordered, directed to the constable of the Tower, in obedience to which Mr. Wilkes was brought before the court ; in a flippant speech, he exposed his griev- * Sec liis speech iu the Court of Common Picas, 3rd May. GEORGE III. 125 CHAP. VI. ances, and accused the ministry of having rccoui'se to tliis mode of persecution, because they had failed in their attempt to corrupt him. The court took time 17G3. to consider of the arguments adduced, and at length the chief justice dehvered their joint opinion, that the warrant was not illegal, but that Wilkes was entitled to a discharge, by virtue of his privilege ; a hbel not wiikcs dis- l)ring in itself a breach of the peace, but crimmal as ^^^^^s^^- 1 laving a tendency to occasion one, and a member being iiititled to privilege in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace. This beneht he owed to the gratuitous admission of the counsel for the crown, that he was a member of parhament*. A prosecution was immecUately instituted against him by the attorney general for publishing the North Briton. Conduct of In these proceedings, Lord Temple stood forward '^'^ ^"'^' ^' the avowed supporter and patron of ]Mr. Wilkes, and shared the popularity resulting from the contest"]*, wiikos dc- The King, having deprived Mr. Wilkes of his com- imv.d of his mission as colonel in the Buckinghamshire militia, his lordship, as lord lieutenant, announced that resolution Lord T^m- in such terms, and accompanied with such assurances p^" dismissed, of regret, and compHmentary testimonials, that his 7th. name was expunged from the list of pri\ y counsellors ; he was also dismissed from the lord lieutenancy of Buckinghamshii'e, and Lord Le Despenser was ap- pointed in his stead. But although Lord Temple supported Mr. Wilkes with a warmth resulting from a conviction that he was improperly treated, and with vigour sufficient to pro- tect him from suffering under malevolence, or miscon- struction of the law, he did not approve the violence * In dclivcriiifc jndfrmont on this point, the cliief justice used these -words : " It remains to be considered, whetlier Mr. Wilkes ouglit not to be discliarjjed : " the Kinf;;'s counsel have thought lit to admit, that he was a mend;er of the House " of Conuuons, and wo are bound to take notice of it. In the case of the seven " bishops, the court took notice of their privilege from their description in the " warrant : in the present case there is no suit depending ; here no \\Tit of privilege " can therefore issue, no plea of privilege can be received ; it rests, and nuist rest, " on the admission of the counsel for the crowii ; it is fairly before us upon that " admission, and we are bound to determine it." Digest of the Laws concerning Libels, p. 41). t It is said that this nobleman applied for admission to see Mr. Wilkes, and, being refused, observed, " I thoiight this was the Tower ; biU I lind it is the " Bastile." Lord Orford's Works, vol. v. p. 99. 126 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. nioiit. 21st Aug ^'^f^- and malignity which characterised his paper, or the | _______ national reflections witli which it abounded. He ad- 1763. vised Mr. Wilkes to remain in a state of dignified resignation, and await the decision of Parliament, and the award of the courts. This line of conduct* woidd have suited Lord Temple in similar circumstances ; but the only aim of Mr. Wilkes was to court persecution, for the sake of acquiring popularity. He no sooner obtained his discharge, than he wrote a scurrilous letter to the secretaries of state, which he printed and distributed profusely, asserting that his house had been robbed, and the stolen goods were in their possession. The secretaries of state, instead of treating this des- perate effort with merited contempt, returned an an- swer, which gave him an opportunity of appealing to their sense of propriety, for an observance of those laws of decorum which he had so utterly neglected-j*. The cabinet, which had always been considered Luid Egrc- extremely weak, Avas still further enfeebled by the sudden death of Lord Egremont, whose great abilities and influence gave weight to his measures. Lord Bute, sensible the ministry coidd not continue, waited on Mr. Pitt, and, obtaining a clear statement of his opinions with respect to men and measures, procured for him an interview with the King at Buckingham 25th. House. Mr. Pitt's situation was thus rendered ex- wiXMr'"" tremely delicate : to refuse advice and assistance, when TiH. solicited by his sovereign, was impossible ; but, as the jealous vigilance of opposition was ever ready to take alarm, a certain degree of pubhcity was the best means of avoiding suspicion. He went through the *' It is of the utmost importance to the memory of Lord Temple, to make a strong discrimination between his character, and that of Mr. Wilkes, which is represented in the Ijlaekest colours of profligacy, inhumanity, meanness, and venality ; sec Letter to Lord Temple, &c. &c. And it is proper to observe that there is not the least shadow of truth in Mr. Wilkes's allegation, that the ministi-y persecuted, because they could not corrupt him. He was, on the contrary, eager in pursuit of diplomatic or official employment, and, so lately as February, 17G1, had \\Titten to Mr. Pitt, an earnest, not to say fawning, supplication for some appointment, and particularly inUcated the Board of Trade. Correspondence of the Earl of Chatham, vol. ii. p. 93. t The statement of proceedings against Mr. Wilkes, and the reflections on them, form the subjects of a great number of pamphlets, and occupy a consider- able portion of all the periodical works of the day, from which this narrative has been extracted. 28lh Auff. GEORGE III. 127 Mull in his gouty chair at noon-day, the boot of which chap. (as he said himself) made it as well known as if his " name was written upon it. His Majesty received him 1703. most graciously, and, during an audience of tlu'ee hours, listened to him with great patience and atten- tion. Mr. Pitt descanted on the infirmities of the peace; the things necessary, and hitherto neglected, to improve and preserve it; the state of the nation, both foreign and domestic ; and specified the great Whig fixmilies who had been driAcn from His Majesty's service, whom it would be for his interest to restore. The King made no objections to any of these state- ments, except by saying, that his honour must be pre- served ; and directed Mr. Pitt to attend him again on t]i(^ next day but one, being INIonday. Mr. Pitt, well satisfied, from His INIajesty's appa- Yvnt acquiescence, that a cabinet would be formed according to his suggestions, on a A¥hig basis, re- paired, without a moment's delay, to Claremont, and arranged with the Duke of Newcastle the new admi- nistration. He also undertook to apprize the Duke of Devonshire, and the Marquis of Rockingham; the Duke )! Newcastle w\as to inform Lord HardAvicke. The next audience subverted these hopes ; for, 29ih when Mr. Pitt named his coadjutors, the King men- tioned some persons whom he wished to introduce into the administration, and laid down a plan for a general irrangement. ]Mr. Pitt, without circumlocution, told His Majesty that a ministry could not be carried on »vithout the noble flimilies who had supported the .'evolution government, and other great persons in i.vhose abilities and tried integrity the public confided Tom experience, and who had weight and credit with he nation. His Majesty suddenly terminated the con- t reduce by saying, " AVell, Mr. Pitt, I see (or I fear) [' this will not do. My honour is concerned, and 1 ' must support it." This remarkable transaction, which was commenced vithout any communication to the ministry, furnished iniple materials for animadversion and conjecture. It \ as supposed by the Earl of Hardwicke, from whose 128 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. letter the information on this topic is principally de- ' rived, tliat, in the day which intervened between Mr. 1703. IMtt's first and second audience, some strong effort was made which produced the alteration. But, with great deference to this opinion, the change of the King's sentiments may be ascribed to other causes. The only person who could be supposed to m- fluence the royal mind was Lord Bute, and he had no mo- ti^•e to adopt such a line of conduct ; for, in both these conferences, Mr. Pitt expressed no objection to unite mth him, and the ministry could not act with cordiality toward one who had attempted to displace, without I consulting them. It is more probable, that, at the first interview, the King, transported by Mr. Pitt's rapid and commanding eloquence, overlooked the inevitable tendency of his arrangement, — that of subjecting the throne to the domination of certain powerful famihes ; but in the intermediate day, he had reflected on the subject; and when the second conference took place, although he was willing to assure to Mr. Pitt and liis friends a complete ascendancy in the cabinet, by making Lord Temple first Lord of the treasiuy. Lord Hard- mcke president of the council, and Mr. Pitt secretary of state, yet he would not submit to the exclusive spirit which induced Mr. Pitt to attempt filling the w^hole council-board with one strong, compact, weighty in- fluence. Tliis opposition of principle terminated the discussion, and Mr. Pitt declared that, if examined on oath, he could not tell upon what the negotiation broke ofl", whether upon any 'particular point, or upon the general complexion of the whole. In the House oi Commons, on a subsequent occasion, he contradicted absolutely every thing that had been circulated as to the unreasonableness of his demands*. Such is the account of this transaction, derived from Mr. Pitt, and communicated by a nobleman * Lord Ilardwickc's letter to a near relation (Lord Royston) on the subjeci of a ministerial nep,oliation in 1763, printed I'or Jervis and Debrett, 1785 ; Anatomy of a late Negotiation ; and a general abstract of the accounts of thij inten'iew, -wliicli -were given to the public in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1763. p. 451 ; sec also Dr. Birch's Papers, British Museum, No. 49'2G, lb. 177, et seqq For the last statement, Letter of Gerald Hamilton to Mr. Calcraft, Feb. 1766; Chatham Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 378 ; and Lord Barrington's Memoirs, p. 91 GEORGE III. 129 whose sound sense cannot be doubted, and whose vera- chap. city is above suspicion ; but he relates only what he was told; and, on the other hand, it is said that ]\Ir. 17(33. Pitt's demands were most exorbitant, such as could only be expected to be granted by a King in Cans- brook castle. It was admitted, too, that the King had shewn a proper spirit and great ability in resisting terms which amounted to dictation, although proposed by a person so skilful and so powerful. This treaty having failed, tlie Duke of Bedford 2d, lOth formed an administration, in which he was lord presi- ^'i'*- . ' . , p •'■ Duke 01 dent of the council, Lord Sandwich secretary of state, Bedford's Lord Egmont was placed at the head of the admiralty, "'"'^"'^^ • and Mr. Grenville retained his situation of first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer. The Duke's reason for this measure is said to have been an honourable feeling of the injustice of Mr. Pitt's system of exclusion, which would have driven from office Lord Gower, Lord Sandwich, and several more of his per- sonal friends. The career of the new ministry began at an inauspicious moment, when the whole nation seemed replete with jealousy, alarm, and discontent. One great source of uneasiness was, for a while, wiikcs pub- removed in the person of Mr. AVilkes, who disgraced Ijj;,''^/""'''^ his character, and forfeited all prospect of support from persons of respectability. After his liberation from the Tower, instead of following the advice of dis- cerning friends, and acting with the dignity becoming la champion of popular freedom, he adopted a line of conduct equally violent and mean : finding the printers averse to incur the danger of publishing his produc- tions, he established a press in his own house, and dis- tributed proposals for printing by subscription, at the price of one guinea, " The Proceedings of Adminis- " tration on his Case ; " but to his great disappoint- ment, very few subscribers presented themselves*, lie next committed to his press an obscene and blas- phemous poem, called " An Essay on Woman ; " the title being a parody on that of Pope's Essay on Man. * Hisl.iry .if the hit.' Minonly. p. '2'i;',. VOL. I. K 130 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ^^J;^^- A sheet was communicated, thi'ough one of Wilkes's ' joiinieymen printers, to Mr. Kidgell, chaplain to Lord 17G3. March, and laid before the secretaries of state*. His press was also employed in a new edition of the first forty-five numbers of the North Briton, with notes and corrections ; a measure also repugnant to the counsel of his friends, as it furnished more certain means of conviction m the prosecution instituted against Mm ; but he disregarded advice, and, having put liis work in And goes to a state of forwardness, went to pass a few weeks in France. FranCCl. * See Kidgell's Narrative, published by Robson and Wilkie, 1763. It is alleged, in mitigation of Mr. Wilkes's crime, that no more than a dozen copies ■were printed. History of the late Minority, p. 206. — Answer to Kidgell's Pam- phlet, p. 8. t History of the late Minority, p. 211. During his stay in France, Mr. Wilkes was insulted by a Scottish gentleman of the name of Forbes, and was, in order to prevent a duel, put under an arrest. GEORGE III. 131 CHAPTEll THE SEVENTH. 1763—1764. Meeting of Parliament, — Proceedings respecting ISIr. Willvcs. — Riot on burning the North Briton, — Further proceedings in Parliament. — Actions tried against the messengers. — Ob- servations of Lord Camden. — Frantic attempt to assassmate Mr. Wilkes. — He returns to France, — Marriage of the Princess Augusta. — ]Mr, Willces expelled the House of Commons. — Debates on privilege, and on general warrants. Mr. Wilkes's trial and outlaAvry, — Supplies. — Resolutions for taxing America, — Prorogation of Parliament. — View of American affairs. — Government of Canada.— Intrigues of the French in Canada. — Indian war, — Regulations for jirc- vention of smuggling. — Conduct of the New England pro- vuices. — Dr. Franklin sent to England as agent. — His character. Mr. Wilkes's case was the first object which en- chap. VTT gaged the attention of Parliament. On the return of ' the Commons to thcnr own house, after hearing the uq^ King's speech, Mr. Greimlle anticipated any other i''iii Nov. motion*, by stating that His Majesty having received parliament. information that John "Wilkes, Esquire, was the author i'i>"< f^^'ings of a seditious and dangerous libel, published since the wiikos. last session, had caused him to be apprehended and detained for trial. He then recapitulated the proceed- ings in the courts below, and laid on the table the libel, with the examinations of the bookseller and printer. An address of thanks was voted, and a ma- jority of the liousef resolved, the paper entitled the * Tho address on the Kinp's speech was moved the 17th, and earned without debate : it contained the conpiatulations of the House on Her Majesty's safe de- livery of a second son, whicli took place the IGth Aiigusl. t 2:i7 ajiaiust 111. K 2 132 HISTOTIY OF ENGLAND. CUAV. VII. 1 /Go. Wilkfs'.s (■oni])laint of a brt'uch of privikge. Complaint against Wilkes in the House of Lords. IGth N(.v. Wilkes's duel with Martin. 2;ir trans- iction. The Bank also undertook to circulate a million in exchequer bills, bear- ng foiu' per cent., which were then at a discount. Sinclair's Histm'y of the Revenue, vol. iii. p. IG. 142 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. Vll. 1764. 10th March. Resohitions for taxing America. 5th April. 19th April. Prorogation of Parlia- ment. View of American affairs. It was also deemed advisable, this year, to con- template America as a source of future revenue ; and resolutions were brought into the house for regulating the trade, and imposing duties on certain articles of American commerce ; they formed the basis of an act, which afterward passed the legislature, and di- rected that the new duties should be paid in specie into the English exchequer. These resolutions were accompanied with one for introducing a stamp duty into America ; but the minister ^'sdthdi'ew it for the i present, in order to allow time for the colonists to pe- i tition against it, when brought forward in another i session. In the speech on proroguing Parliament, the Kingj t adverting to the measures respecting America, said : " The wise regulations which have been established " to augment the public revenues, to unite the interests " of the most distant possessions of my crown, and to " encourage and secure their commerce with Great " Britain, call for my hearty approbation." The affairs of America assumed, from this period, an unexpected importance ; and this attempt to derive from the colonies a revenue for the rehef of the mother- country, laid the foundation of one of the most extra- j ordinary contests recorded in history ; important not to England alone, but, by its consequences, affecting the whole ci\ilized world. The great accession of territory acquired by the peace, demanded no less wisdom than genius for its! government ; and it seems almost to exceed the art of the politician to frame such a system as would, with out imposing the yoke of slavery, preserve the tie o: dependence over an immense tract of colony, so fa: removed from the parent shore. The inhabitants ol] great part of North America were strongly imbuedj with the spirit of liberty which characterizes the naJ tives of Britain, from whom they derived their origin and with that jealous irritability which is the com- panion and best guard of uncontaminated freedom. Without penetrating into the remote periods ol history with critical exactness, it will be proper suo GEORGE III. 143 cinctly to point out the clifFercncc in the mhabitants of chap. various parts of the British American dominions, and their habits and propensities, so as to form a clear es- i764. timate of their motives and springs of action. The colonies were resolved into three grand divisions ; the Northern, INIiddle, and Southern. The Northern, or New England Provinces, com- prehending New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, possess a less fertile soil than the other parts of America ; but supply large pasture for herds ; the uncultivated parts produce good timber, and their seas abound ^^dth fish. The nati^-es are healthy, strong, and vigorous ; keen, penetrating, active, and enterprising. Their origin, derived from the fimatics, who, in the reign of Charles I., fled from persecution in England, to exercise it in America, was still discernible in their manners, conduct, and habits. The INIiddlfc Provinces, which include New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware, aflbrd the means of agriculture, and are favourable to the breed of cattle. Their soil is rich : and they are enabled to export wheat, flour, and furs. The inhabitants are robust, frugal, persevering, and industrious ; plain and honest in their dealings ; but of rude, unpliant man- ners, with little penetration, and less knowledge. The greater part of their country had been ceded to the croAMi of Great Britain by the Dutch and Swedes. Pennsylvania was a settlement of Quakers, for whom the celebrated Penn had framed a wise and consistent code of laws. Their prosperity and unobtrusiAC cha- racter rendered them easy to govern ; and, until se- duced or irritated, they were faithful in their attach- ment to Great Britain. The Southern Provinces, under which denomina- tion are included Maryland, Virginia, North and South (^arolina, and Georgia, exhibit a considerable variety of climate and manners. In the most southern parts, where the intense heat renders labour impracticable to any but Africans, the people are pallid, tall, slender, indolent, voluptuous, and ostentatious ; yet shrewd, intelligent, and hospitable. The inhabitants of Mary- VII 144 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ^^^^- land, Virginia, and South Carolina, were distinguishe for their imitation of the people of Great Britain, Avhic extended to every particular of their furniture, dress, and manners. The natives of North Carolina were hardy and robust, chiefly employed in rearing cattle, and remarkable for their expertness in the use of rifle- barrelled guns. Virginia, the earliest British colony in America, which owed its name to Elizabeth, and its estabhsh- ment to James I., had risen, from a miserable handful of emigrants, not exceeding a hundred, to a state of great wealth and prosperity. The inhabitants, as strongly marked in their character as those of the New England colonies, were exemplary in their at- tachment to monarchy: they were the last of the British subjects who yielded to the successful arms of Cromwell, and the first of the colonists who proclaimed Charles II. Maryland, ever prosperous, free, and happy, was originally a settlement of Cathohcs, whom Charles I. reluctantly persecuted, and who retained an affectionate allegiance to the crown. North and South, Carolina were granted by Charles II. to some noble- men and persons of rank, who engaged Locke to form a constitution ; but this great gift of an immortal genius was no blessmg to the people ; they did not thrive till the government of England annulled their constitution, and subjected them to the more practical! system of Virginia*. Such were the people whom Mr. Grenville prO" posed to subject to taxation, for the purpose of easing the burthens of England. In the first view of this project, it is only necessary to examine its general ex-j' pediency or impropriety, leaving the various measures' originating from it to be discussed in the periods which produced them. The participation which America claimed and en- joyed in the benefits of the Revolution, rendered it merely reasonable that the colonies should contribute * Chiefly from Steduian's History of the American War, Introduction. Sci also Chalmers's Political Annals. Raynal's History of the East and West Indies book xvii. and xviii. Morse's American GeogTaphy, &c. &c. L GEORGE IIT. 145 toward the discharge of a debt incurred in support of S/^if ^ " tlie government, which was to them the source of " hberty and prosperity. The last war was undertaken ])rincipally on account of America, and a great part of the debt contracted in that which preceded had origi- nated in the defence of tliat country*. The practice of imposing taxes by authority of parliament on the transatlantic dominions was not new ; it had been used cxcY since their establishment ; not to an extent suf- ficient to afford great advantage to the country, but al)undantly sufficient, so far as precedent can be re- (piired, to support tlic right of the motlier-country to draw pecuniary relief from her dcpcndenciesf. The j)rinciple, at the period of passing the resolutions in parliament, was not deemed open to an objection ; and it was considered necessary, as well as just, to realize \]\c advantages which had been promised from the coLmization and protection of that distant continent;]:. In opposition to the rights of Great Britain, tlius supported by precedent and every known principle of colonization, certain abstract propositions were as- sumed, and descanted on with a \dolence adapted to a cause already secure of partizans, and requiring only a ])lausible vindication. Among these, were the ax- ioms, that in all free states every man is his own legis- lator ; that all taxes are free gifts for public services ; and that no one community can have any power over tlie property or legislation of another community that is uot incorporated with it by a just and adequate re- ])rosentation§. Without discussing the abstract truth of these positions, as apphed to independent states, it must be ob^dous that, Avith respect to colonies, they can never be founded on general principle, but merely on peculiar and adventitious circumstances. No man (an be rash enough to assert, that when the first Bri- tish emigrants established themselves in Virginia ; * Smith's Wealth of Nations, vol. iii. p. 459. t See the Rights of Great Britain asserted, p. 102, and the Statutes there rimnieratcd, from r2th Charles II. to 6th George II. : also Stedman's History of the .\meriran War, vol. i. p. 10, and p. 41. I Smith's Wealth of Nations, vol. iii. p. 4GG. ^\ Price's Observations on the Nature of Civil Liberty, p. G — 19. VOL. 1. L 146 HISTORY OF EXGLA>:D. ^VH^' when thcii* diminutive colony of a hundred, reduced ' by sickness and the climate to one half of that num- ber, liung with all the weakness, and all the sohcitude of infancy, on the protecting support of the parent land ; that then these fifty indi^•iduals, stationed in a desert, and occupied chiefly m the pursuit of food, were defrauded of their privileges as British subjects. because no pro^'ision was made for theii* representation in the national councils. When afterward, by nume- rous emigrations, the colonists had acquired a more respectable establishment ; when their charters had gi^en permanence to theii' possessions, and the force and wisdom of the mother-country were liberally ex- erted in favouring theu' prosperity ; Avhen, as a title to these benefits, they industriously procured the msertion of a clause in their charters, importing that they were still to be considered as Englishmen ; and when, in return for such protection, they submitted to those impositions which, though not profitable to Great Britain, fully established the principle of taxa- tion by parliament ; at these periods no one can assert that their rights were invaded, or not didy consulted*. But when the mother-country, exhausted by a pro- tracted war, looked to its wealthy and flourishing colonies for rehef ; then these pleas were advanced, which never were, which never could have been befon- resorted to, and which now^ could only be justified by the populousness and strength which America had derived from the protection of Great Britain. The same arguments, if true in the abstract, would equally apply to the Isle of Man, to Ne^is, or the most dimi- nutive of the colonies; if the application depended merely on force, they would either suppress the spirit of colonization, or indicate so clearly the only means of securmg subjection, that it would become a rule of policy to abandon colonists to their fate, mth unso- licitous apathy, or to j)revent their future independency by damming up the sources of prosperity. Such principles had never regulated the practice of the British government ; and the ministry whO| * See Clialmers's Political Annals, chap. ii. GEORGE in. 147 thought of imposing a tax on America, could not be ^y^^' expected to foresee the effects which afterwards re- " suited from the attempt. The law-officers of the Crown could only reason from the usage and experi- ence of past ages ; the cabinet had no other guide ; no warning voice raised itself in the House of Com- mons : but the measure was suffered to pass througli in silence, as one of those plans of external regidation, which proceeded rather from the executive than the deliberative power, and where concurrence is given without steadfast examination. Whatever cogency may now be ascribed to deduc- tions drawn from isolated propositions, in a case where success is resorted to as the most convincing argument, the right of taxing America seemed at this period so incontestible, that any person who, before the measures were actually adopted, had insinuated tlie possibility of opposition, would have been derided as the vA-ildest of speculatists. "Whether the ministry acted wisely, under all the circumstances of the times, in their attempt to tax the colonies, will be better gathered from the sub- sequent narrative, and the observations to which it gives rise, than from an accumidation of objections and replies. The expulsion of the French from North America, rn)vcniincnt which afforded so much satisfaction to all parties, in the treaty of peace, was, in fact, an error m politics, wliicli soon produced its own punishment. Canada having been retained as more than equivalent to the conquests ceded in the A^^'est Indies, government was anxious to prove the choice judicious, by forming such establishments as would most speedily and effectually produce advantageous returns to the country. The 7,1^ oct. conquered territory was divided into three govern- i'^^. ments, Quebec, East Florida, and West Florida*, each of which had its boundaries precisely assigned, and its functions so regulated as to present the greatest pro- bability of eventual benefit. With becoming modera- tion and prudence, the British ministry did not mclude * There was besides a new West India Government, called the Government of Grenada, extendinf; over that island, the Gronailiiios. Dmninica. St Vincent's, and Tobago. l2 148 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. great part of the ceded lands in these governments j ' lest the Indians, who were extremely irritable, should 17G3. take umbrage at seeing their country minutely par- celled out by the colonists. But when the authority of the French ceased in iiiiripnies <.f Canada, neither their influence nor their enmity left the in"canad i' sliorcs. Tlicy had always conciliated the good-will of the Indians more effectually than the English settlers. Their establishments were military, and their spirit of commerce not being so predominant, they had merely participated in the rights of hunting mth the natives. The British Americans, arrogating to themselves an exclusive possession of the territory ; by force, by fraudulent conveyances, and other acts of chicane, grounded on the abuse of treaties, expelled the Indians not only from their hunting grounds, but even from their homes*. The French Jesuits had acquired a con- siderable ascendancy over the minds of these savages, and, soon after the peace, began to exert it to the pre- judice of the British settlements, iiuiian v>ar. Instigated by these emissaries, the Indians pre- sented some well-founded complaints of encroachment, and protested against any title to the lands occupied to their prejudice, which might be derived from deeds, as they had been fraudulently obtained. The governors to whom these complaints were addressed, evinced a disposition to treat them with due attention; but the Indian deputies, after stating their grievances, de- ' parted, and prepared to execute an extensive plan of preconcerted hostilities. Their project was to assemble Till their forces, to make an attack on the back settle- ments in harvest time, and to complete the ruin of their enemies by fire and indiscriminate slaughter. This enterprise failed in part, through the too great ardour of some young Indians ; but was effected to a dreadful extent, and with a perseverance and combina- tion which evidently proved they had European advisers. * See Pownall's Administralion of the British Colonies, vol. ii. p. 174, 186, ct seqq. And imputation.s very discreditable to the honour and humanity of the British Americans, in their conduct towards the Indians, are advanced by Dr. Tucker in the Epistle Dedicatoiy to his tifth Tract on American Subjects. i GEORGE III. 149 They spread such terror and destruction through the ^^ti' back settlements, that all the frontier country of Penn sylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, was deserted; and, 17g3. by plundering and murdering the itinerant dealers, and intercepting convoys of merchandise, did great injury to the trading towns in America. They also took several forts in the Canadian territory, and butchered , the garrisons without mercy. I Ilecovering from their consternation, the British I prepared for defence, and sent reinforcements to several forts, which were regularly blockaded. The savages displayed unwonted resolution and perseverance ; they were well disciplined, never afforded an easy conquest, and sometimes gained the victory, although opposed by the superior tactics of European troops. Captain 3uiii July. Dalyel, who attacked them near Fort Detroit, was Ivilled, and his detachment compelled to retire ; and '^^ ' ^"^" Colonel Bouquet, marching to the relief of Fort Pitt, formerly Fort Du Quesne, was furiously assailed by tlie savages, whom it required all his skill and resolution to repulse ; and, though victorious, he was glad to reach tlie place of his destination, after sacrificing his bag- gnge, and great part of the supplies intended for the garrison. Near the carrying place of Niagara, five hundred Indians surrounded an escort, and slew seventy j)rivates, beside Serjeants and commissioned officers ; l>ut, notwithstanding these successes, when the forts A\ ere put in a proper state of defence, all apprehension of danger subsided. Governor Sir William Johnson displayed great address in detaching the Indians of the Six Nations from the confederacy, and gaining their assistance against those who still persisted in hostilities. Having surrounded and taken prisoners a party of Delaware Mar, 1764. Indians, he brought theSenecas to terms of peace ; and, after some few insignificant contests with detach- ^^'^ ^v^'^^- ments of the other tribes, the flames of war were (extinguished*. * Snioll(-l's Comploto Ili.slDry of England, vol. xvi. p. 264, 109. Boiiqiiel's llislorical Narrative of Ihc Expfdition. 150 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. vn. 1764. Resolutions for the pre- ventioTi of smuggling. While this contest was raging in America, a regu- lation, made in Great Britain for imposing a restraint on smuggling, was extended to their coasts. The revenue being greatly defrauded by the arts and per- severance of contralDand adventurers, it was judged expedient, at the termination of the war, to put in commission several small ships, with cutters and ten- ders, which were stationed on the different coasts of Great Britain and Ireland. The commanders were invested with powers similar to those delegated to revenue officers, and took the same oaths. In Great Britain and Ireland, where an enlarged spirit of commerce produces a just system of conduct, the distinction between the fair merchant and the smug- gler is strongly maintained, and, Avhatever penalties the ilHcit trader may incur, he meets neither pity nor countenance from the respectable part of the commu- nity. In America and the West Indies, the notions were widely different ; nor Avas their judgment entu'ely founded on selfishness or dishonesty. The trade from the West Indies to the Spanish settlements, although contraband, not only suppUed the colonies with specie, which could not be derived from Great Britain, but formed a market for numerous commodities received from the mother-country, and enabled the North Ame- ricans to traffic advantageously Avith the West India islands, and to pay in money their taxes and duties. The extent to which the practice of smugghng was carried, both in America and the West Indies, was in a certain degree prejudicial to the revenue, and de- manded regulation ; but the absolute suppression of contraband trade was not consistent with the interest of the colonies, or of the mother-country. Any system long and advantageously pursued to such an extent as to be sanctioned by the majority both in numbers and respectability, is not to be contemplated as a mere ab- stract question of propriety ; but the habits, powers, and dispositions of the parties concerned, should be studious- ly examined, and leniently considered, in all regulating acts. The powers of government ought also to be cor- rectly estimated, and no measures pursued which will oc- GEORGE III. 151 casion sullen discontent, or violent and durable opposi- tion ; and in all cases, even when positive crimes are to be ^ yf/ ' repressed, such a Hue of conduct should be adopted as " will leave to the sufferers no just groimd of complaint. i764. The extensive coasts of America were peculiarly favourable to the practice of iUicit trade; and, the disposition of all ranks of men combining with their habits and necessities to encourage it, force alone could effect its suppression. It may be fliirly doubted if force, used to deprive an individual of liis acquisition, where no shame attends the loss, is a fit instrument of commercial regulation ; but where such unpopular means are employed, they shoidd be only entrusted to persons so carefully selected as to prevent the imputa- tion of undue exertion. Naval men, although most fit in one respect, were utterly unquahfied in another ; the spirit of enterprize which made them useful in war, rendered them dreadful in peace ; and the same disposition wliich constituted their glory when em- ployed against an enemy, was the foundation of nu- merous complaints when their assistance in the sup- pression of smuggling was extended to America. It was alleged that the ftiir and clandestine trader were equidly exposed to violence ; that the naval officers were unacquainted with the custom-house laws, and therefore made many illegal seizures; while the American traders having no redress but from England, the tediousncss and difficulty of obtaining it left them in fact mthout rehef The merchants complained of the stagnation of commerce, occasioned by the suspen- sion of intercourse with the Spanish settlements ; an enmity against the officers of the navy, originating in their new employ, gained ground, and was assiduously maintained by abusive and insulting paragraphs daily issued from the press. While such w^as the state of the pubUc mind among ^^"-'^^ ^^ , At •It- n i • 1*11 n r T T the proposed the inhabitants or America ; while the yell oi Indian uxntion on carnage yet was in their ears, and the smoke of their ^^ -^'"^n- . , , . CilllS, rumed habitations before their eyes; their rage and des]inir were further inflamed by the arrival of the British resolutions for imposing taxes. A more un- 152 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. VH. 1764. Conduct uf the New England provinces. 11th Dec. 1764. favourable moment could not have been selected. The unaccommodating regulations on trade gave no hope of compromise or evasion of the new duties. The xlmericans percei\dng in these resolutions the first ap- pearance of a general and extensive plan of taxation, the hmits of which, being concealed from their sight, were magnified to their apprehension, determined not to wait for the gradual exposure of the plan to combat it by parts, but to strike at once at the basis, by deny- ing the right of the mother-country to impose taxes on the colonies, which, not being represented in parlia- ment, did neither really nor virtually consent to the imposition*. In these, and all the subsequent transactions of the American revolution, the New England provinces, and Massachusetts m particular, took the most active and leading part. They passed resolutions against the pro- posed laws, which were transmitted to theu' agents, and to the board of trade, and laid before the privy councilf. From these circumstances, it has been as- serted and believed, that the natives had formed, long before this period, a deliberate system of separation from Great Britain. This opinion is in part true ; but the desire of independence was limited to persons so inconsiderable, both for number and situation, as not to afford reasonable grounds of apprehension. The inhabitants of the Northern provinces never lost the original inflexibility of their repubhcan ancestors, nor the captious spmt of the ancient sectaries. So early as 1754, there were men in these, and some of the other colonies, who held independence in prospect, and who were determmed to seize every opportunity of promoting it, and increasing their numbers;}:. The pro- posed taxation afforded these malcontents an opportu- nity of combining the mhabitants of all the colonies in such measures as would ultimately favour their * An accurate and impartial account of the law and proceedings on this Occasion is to be found in Marshall's life of General Washington, vol. ii. chap. 2. t Stedman's Historj' of the American War, vol. i. Introduction — Almou's Collection of Papers, &c. relative to the war with America, vol. i. X Examination of Joseph Galloway before the House of Commons,, p. 2.— Andiews' History of the American War, p. 11. i GEORGE III. views ; and this opportunity they diligently and assi- ^^(f' duously improved. They had now a pretence for ap- peaUng to the sense of the country at large against the i7gi. exertion of authority by Great Britain, without hazard of offending the most loyal or respectable Americans. They easily engaged their fellow-citizens to desist from the use of those luxuries with which they had been hitherto supplied from the mother-comitry ; and thus uniting the spirit of revenge and injury with plausible pretexts of economy, estal)lished an effectual, perma- nent, and extensive principle of opposition and resist- ance*. They chose Dr. Franklin, as agent for America, Dr. Franklin to exert in England his talents and influence in defeat- ^.filud ing tlic measures complained of; a choice which had great effect on the subsequent transactions of the colo- nies. Dr. Franklin, bred to the trade of a printerf, and at an early period of life obliged to rely on himself His charac- alone for subsistence and advancement, was rendered cautious, attentive, and circumspect. Although his efforts had been rewarded by a comiietent fortune, and the postmastcn'ship of America, he did not resign him- self to indolence, but still pursued the employments of his younger years with unabated perseverance. An affectionate attachment to literature and natural phi- losophy, acting upon a bold and ardent genius, ren- dered him daring and adventurous, but left him all that minute attention and patient calmness, which combine trifling accidents and little causes in the pro- motion and perfection of the greatest designs. His eloquence was simple, but nervous and commanding, and, both in speaking and ^\Titing, abounded with those brief apophthegms which make a forcible impression on the mind, subjugate the judgment, and arc never eradicated from the memory. The projects of Frank- lin, wliicli in another would have seemed exaggerated and preposterous, were by him so well planned and so * Andrews' History of the American War, vol. i. p. 36. — Stedman's History, vol. i. p. 23. — Almon's Colloction of Papers, &c. vol. i. p. 2. t He was originally apprenticed to a tallow chandler, but, dislikinp that trade, became a printer. Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Dr. Franklin, by his Grandson, W. T. Franklin, vol. i. 4to. p. 6. i 15-i HISTORY OF ENGLAND. i CHAP industriously pursued, that they never failed to pro- ' duce the most extensive, and to all but himself, unex- 17G4. pected results. His fortune, his knowledge, and his great work, the American revolution, are incontrover- tible proofs of the immense labours which may be achieved by the union of genius, judgment and perse- verance. GEORGE 111. 155 CHAPTER THE EIGHTH. 1765. State of Ireland. —Retrospective view of its constitution and government.- — State of parties at the King's accession. — Disputes in the cabinet. — Conduct of Lord Halifax, the lord lieutenant. — Outrages of the lower class of people. — The Earl of Northumberland lord lieutenant. — Debates on tlie pension Hst. — State of foreign powers. — The French seize and restore Tortuga. — Spain commits ii-rcgularities — but makes satisfaction. — Affiiu-s of Poland and Russia. — Meeting of the British parliament. — Taxation of America. — Debates on General warrants. — On informations ex officio. — The Isle of Man annexed to the realm. — Regency act. — lusui-rection of silk-weavers. — Negotiations for a change of ministry.- -Meeting of the ministry in DoMiiing- street, and t(>nns proposed by them to the King. — Rock- ingham administration formed. — Death of the Duke of Cumberland ~ and of Prince Frederick. The unintciTupted series of events has hitherto chap provcntcd a due attention to the affairs of Ireland, vui. which from the beginnings of the reign excited an unusual degree of interest. The government of Ire- land, as connected with Great Britain, was daily be- coming more difficult : an enterprising spirit of liberty on one hand, and an equitable desire to temper the strictness of rule by the mild operation of beneficent laws and usages, on the other, occasioned many i)er- plexed questions of right and policy, and favoured the views of men who aimed, by means of popularity, to attain the heights of political elevation. As the dis- putes to which their efforts gave birth are of consider- able interest, a brief retrospect will be necessary. 1765. State of Ire- land. 156 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. From the first introduction of the English into Ireland, to the reign of Henry VII., the intercourse Retrospect of bctwecn the countries was not estabhshed in a system the constitu- Qjf extcnsivc and permanent utihty : chance and force vemment. directed the operations of the crown and of the sub- ject ; and although the laws of England were declared the rule of government, still the people were but im- perfectly restrained or protected by them; and no| recurrence to the King was necessary to sanction the laws Avhich originated in Ireland. ' This anomaly in legislation was productive of much' inconvenience and oppression ; and Sir Edward Poyn-' ings, lord deputy in the tenth year of Henry VII. framed, at the request of the parliament and the peo-| pie, the celebrated statutes known by his name. That part which related to the formation of laws, ordained' that, before a parliament should be convened, the chief governor and council should certify to the King, under the great seal, the consideration and causes, and the articles of the acts to be proposed : and when the King in council should have approved or altered such acts, and retimied them certified, under the great seal, with permission to summon a parhament, then the acts so certified, and no others, might be proposed, received, or rejected in the Irish Senate. This act gave stability to the constitution, facili-| tated the intercourse between the Sovereign and the subject, and reconciled the different views of the two nations, by preventing precipitate determinations on their mutual or peculiar interests ; but as its restric- tions were found too severe in precluding the framing of any law suggested after the sitting of parliament! had commenced, a statute of 3 and 4 Philip and Mary, c. iv. enacted, that new propositions might be certified^ to England in the usual forms, even after the summons and during the session*. Thus, a beneficial relaxation: took place ; the Parliament assembled if a single bill; * See Lord Montmorres' History of the Irish Parliament, vol. i. p. 47. et seq. History of the Political Connexion between England and Ireland, p. 92. Hume's Historj' of England, vol. iii. p. 367 Blackstone's Commentaries, vol, i. p. 99 ; and Christian's Note on this part of Blackstone, p. 103 VIII. GEORGE III. was forwarded to England, and the heads of subse- ^^^;^,^ quent statutes were afterward transmitted, as occasion arose, until the prorogation*. From this period the benefits of the British con- stitution were rapidly extended to Ireland, till the rebellion in the reign of Cliarles I. and the cruel massacres and confiscations which took place during the commonwealth. At the restoration, Charles 11. generously waived his riglit to the forfeited lands ; and the parliament of Ireland, in grateful return, vested the revenue, which was in general fully sufficient to answer all exigencies, in tlie crown for ever. Tlic bill usually sent over from Ireland to the King m council was a money bill ; and the practice w^as so generally adopted, as to be considered merely of course. Once only an attempt was made, in a critical period of the English history, to impede the opera- tions of government by a popidar pretext of exerting the constitutional right of the House of Commons to hold the national purse. This was four years after the Revolution^, w^hen Lord Sydney, chief governor of Ireland, was sent over for the purpose of liolding a parliament to regulate the affairs of that kingdom, which had fallen into great disorder. The parliament was summoned in the usual manner, according to Poynings's law; several bills were transmitted from the governor and council to England, and returned under the great seal, two of which were bills of su^)- ply. One of them granting an additional excise ^^'as passed ; but, before tlie first reading, the House came to resolutions ; that it was the undoubted right of the Commons of Ireland, in parliament assembled, to pre- pare the ways and means of raising money ; that it was the sole and undoubted right of the Commons to prepare heads of a biU for raising money ; and that, notwithstancUng the aforesaid rights of the Commons, they thouglit fit, in consideration of the present exi- gencies of affairs, and the public necessity of speedily I'aising a supply for Their ISIajesties, to order a bill * Lord Moulmones, ul)i sup. f In 1692. 158 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. viir. ^v^m^' transmitted out of England, intitled, " An act for an " additional excise," &c. to be read, but that it should ' not be drawn into precedent. The other bill, " For "■ granting to Then- Majesties certain duties for one " year," was rejected, and a resolution entered on the journals, stating as a reason that it did not take its rise m the Irish House of Commons. Lord Sydney, considering the constitution ^dohxted by this proceeding, soon afterward prorogued the par- liament, having first animadverted on their proceedings wdth considerable severity, and entered a protest against them on the journals. The judges, both of Ireland and England, on a solemn consultation, de- clared the claim of the Irish House of Commons un- founded in law. This parliament never sat again ; but a new legis- lature fuUy recognized the right against which their predecessors had contended. The practice of passing money bills transmitted by the pri\y council, and re- turned from England, w^as afterward invariably fol- lowed, according to the princi^jle imphcitly recognized by the Irish parHament, in a note to the lord deputy, entered on the Journals of the House of Commons, the 29th of November 1614, in these terms: " The " House of Commons, acknowledging the sole power " and authority to transmit such bills as are to be " propounded in parliament to rest in the lord deputy " and council, do only desire to be as remembrancers " unto his lordship and the rest, touchmg the acts " followmg, which they humbly offer as meet to be " transmitted wdth such other acts as his lordship and " council shall think fit to be propounded m the next " session." The prmciple thus acknowledged was not soon again brought into dispute; but during the reign of George I. a turbulent opposition in Ireland gave great embarrassment to the ministry, and, in the affair of Wood's patent for the coinage of copper*, completely triumphed over the exertions of government. In this * III 1725. GEORGE III. I VIII. contest, the British minister, Sir Robert Walpole, was ^^¥,t,^ highly sensible of the disadvantage accruing to govern- ment from permitting the important offices of lord primate and lord chancellor to be occupied by natives ; and therefore, when Lord Middleton resigned the great seal. West, an Englishman, was appointed in his stead ; the situation of lord primate being already filled by Boulter, Bishop of Bristol, an Englishman, who had been appointed on the death of Linsay, in 172i. This prudent arrangement gave an appearance of unanimity in the proceedings of government, till the appointment of Dr. Stone* to the primacy in 1747 ; soon after which a contest for power between him and Mr. Henry Boyle, Speaker of the House of Commons, and afterwards Earl of Shannon, embroiled the cabinet. Besidence was not, at that period, a part of the lord lieutenant's duty, and therefore, except on urgent occasions, the public business was transacted under tlie auspices of great men in office, who held a com- mission as lords justices. INIr. Boyle was a man whose understanding, na- tinally of the first class, was improved by a long a( ([uaintance with the laws of his country, and whose (XjK^-ience was matured by ha\ing long sustained a prominent part in the conduct of public affairs : the number of his friends was augmented, and their adhe- r(Mice secured by his aftable manners, and the honour- able inflexibility of his attachment. Dr. Stone, who rose to his dignity imder the patronage of the Duke of N cwcastle, united a supple, insinuating address with a ]ir(^sumptuous mind, and insatiable ambition. He was desirous immediately to seize the reins of power, which Mr. Boyle, who maintained his pre-eminence with firm- ness and dignity, was unwilling to resign. In 1751, the Duke of Dorset was appointed lord lieutenant ; and he, acting under the influence of the Duke of Newcastle, in support of Dr. Stone, formed t The Rov. Gecjigc Stone, D.D. was brother of Andrew Slone, confidential secretary to the D\ik(> of Newcastle, and by his Grace's interest was apiioinled Dean of Uerry, Bishop of Femes in 1740, and after successive translations to the sees of Kildare and Dcrry, was raised to the primacy. 1()() HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ^\uF ^ ^^^^^ junto, of which he was the ostensible leader? Tliis innovation convulsed the cabinet ; and the rage of party extending itself over the ^vhole nation, almost e^ ery individual ranged himself on one or the other side. The talents and exertions of Mr. Boyle were sufficient to embarrass the proceedings of government, and on one question, in 1753, he succeeded in obtaining a majority against the ministry ; but perhaps his in- fluence was less conspicuous in this advantage, than in preventing the numbers, which were not greatly in his favour*, from being inserted in the journals. On this occasion he was dismissed, with all his ad- herents. These dissensions, however, so impaired the energy of government, that the Marquis of Hartington, after- ward Duke of Devonshire, who was appointed lord lieutenant in 1755, effected a compromise with Boyle, whose friends were reinstated in their offices, and himself, in 1756, advanced to the peerage, with the title of Earl of Shannon. The primate being thus in a sort of disgrace, made overtures to his rival, and a coalition was effected. In 1757, the Duke of Bedford was appointed lord lieutenant. He found the House of Commons princi- })ally governed by certain individuals of family and influence, who, returning a majority of members, were enabled to make their own terms "s^itli government, and were distinguished by the name of Parliamentary Undertakers^. Dui'ing the Duke's administration a new party arose in the House of Commons, who arrogated to themselves the title of The Patriots. It was formed, in general, of men of moderate fortune, but extensive ambition, of middle rank, and great abilities. They professed a decided antipathy to government, and to the overbearing authority of the undertakers, and occasionally lent their aid to one or the other party, as best suited their views of diminishing the power of each. When government was at variance * 122 to 117. t See a Pliilosophical Survey of the SoiiHi of Ireland, by Dr. John Wat- kinson, p. 57. 1 GEORGE III. 161 with the undertakers, they ranged on the side of ^^uF' government; but finding themselves abandoned, and ' their opponents readily received into favour, they en- tered into open hostilities with both. As the hereditary revenue granted to the cro^^^l would, if, discreetly managed, have been sufficient to answer all the necessary charges of state, the patriots, sensible that their cause would be effectually promoted by subjecting the servants of government to fiscal em- barrassments, made their chief effort to load this re- venue with charges, under plausible pretences. For this purpose, during the administration of the J3uke of Bedford, they passed an act for granting a bounty on corn and flour brought by land-carriage to Dublin, which, while it answered their great political intent, was a gratifying job in favour of landed men in distant counties. Whether through treachery, supincness, or the fear of opposing so popular a measure as that of supplying the capital with provisions, the undertakers lent their aid, and the lord lieutenant was, at length, induced to sanction the bill. In ordinary years, this bounty amounted to £50,000 ; but in great harvests to a much larger sum. The Duke of Bedford, sensible of the diminution which would thus be effected in the revenue, was desirous to limit the duration of its pro- visions to a term of years ; but the ])opularity of the measure, and the urgent instances of its promoters, in- duced him to grant it his support. They also promised to establish a fund to repair the deficiency in the per- manent revenue ; but, when they had attained the deshed object, never thought it necessary to fulfil their engagement. This bounty was capable of becoming extremely embarrassing to government, as it was not payable out of the treasiu-y, but out of the revenues in transitu in the hands of the collector of customs in the port of Dublin. At the accession of the King, the Primate, Lord Conduct of Shannon, and Mr. Ponsonby, Speaker of the House of ,.Hior^of"ihe Commons, were lords justices ; the lord lieutenant had exchequer. resided only one year ; the lords justices governed the country according to their own views, and regulated VOL. I. M IH'i HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. every department without control. They now at- ^ tempted to obtain popularity, by introducing a new i7(j'2. practice, and were joined in this effort by Mr. Malone, chancellor of the exchequer, who in opposition had been highly popular, and resolved to embrace this op- portunity of regaining the influence over the pubhc mind, which he liad lost by acceptmg a ministerial situation. The privy council bemg assembled, a doubt was suddenly suggested on the propriety of sending over a money bill, as the rejection of it by the Irish House of Commons was anticipated, which would occa- sion the cUssolution of the new parliament, and thus give rise to much dissatisfaction ; in support of tliis opinion, a standing order of the Irish House of Commons, made in the year 1727, was cited. As the lord chancellor (Lord Bowes) had been pre\iously referred to, and given his opinion that, according to custom, a money ■ bill should be sent, this objection was in fact a sur- prise. It was obviously a mere attempt to gain popu- laiity ; but as a strong party in the council supported the objection, it became necessary for the chancellor and his friends to maintain then- opinion. Debates were carried on with great virulence, and party ran- cour inflamed to its highest pitch. The popular junto at length prevailed so far as to alter the established usage, by sending a biU, not for a supply to the King, but relating to a vote of credit for Ireland. This was open to every objection which applied to the usual bill, and was, besides, unnecessary, as the appropriated duties already voted by parliament would not expire tiU December, 1761*.' Anivai and In tliis positiou of affairs, the Duke of Bedford was Loni "iiaU- recalled, and succeeded by the Earl of Halifax. The fax as lord exaltcd character of this nobleman, his integrity, inde- pendence, and intrepidity, warranted sanguine expecta- tions of a vigorous and successful administration. On ^y^P^'*- his arrival, he received the usual compliments with dignified graciousness, and his deportment, joined to the reputation of his talents, instantly gained a degree * Lord Bowes' Letter to Dodini'loii. GEORGE III. 163 of popularity which his subsequent conduct enabled ^yu^' him to retain*. He met the parliament with a judi- ' cious and sensible speech, in which he strongly reconi- 22nd Oct. mended unanimity, and a forbearance of public heats and private animosities. He secured his popularity by earnestly enforcing the necessity of attending to the natural advantages of the country, agriculture, and the linen manufactory; and recommending a proj)er regard to the Protestant establishment, by encouraging the charter schools. While he persevered in this line of conduct, there was no probability that he would become subservient j to the views of any party ; an insidious attempt was 1 therefore made to diminish his reputation for inde- j pendence, by a resolution carried in the committee of ( accounts, and afterward passed in parliament. It 2Gth Feb. j stated the annual appointments of the lord lieutenant ^'^^' j to be inadequate to the (Ugnity of the office, and the House therefore requested His Majesty to grant such an augmentation as would make them amount to six- teen tliousand pounds. The liberality of this vote claimed the thanks of Lord Halifax ; he ajiplaudcd the I motives on which it was founded, but said, as it had I been his duty, in the course of the session, to propose j plans attended with great pubhc expense, and to I enforce economy, he could not, without pain, submit that the establishment, already burthened in conse- ! quence of his suggestions, should be further charged ' for his particular profit ; but while he disclaimed the application of their liberality to himself, he recom- mended that the augmentation should be provisionally made, and conferred on his successor. This dignified and manly conduct disarmed faction ; the business of I the session proceeded with uninterrupted harmony ; liberal votes were passed respecting the several objects mentioned in His Excellency's speech-j*, and he de- dared himself perfectly satisfied with his situation, ♦ Lotu-r from Lord Bowes to Mr. Dodiiiglon, IGth Oct. 17G1. t See proceedings in the Irish parliiiinrnt in tlic dilTercnt periodical publi- cations. M 2 164 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHA-P. VIII. Oiitraf^os of tlie lower class of people. 1703. 31st. Oft. Discussions oil tlic pen- sion list. superior to party, and resolved tliat the King's autho- rity should not suffer in his hands*. The internal tranquillity of Ireland was disturbed by a band of desperadoes, sometimes called Levellers, from their levelling the walls and ditches under pre- tence of restoring the commons to the poor; and at other times White Boys, from wearing a shirt or white garment o^er their clothes. The union of these ban- ditti was secured, and the increase of theu' numbers favoured, by oaths of secresy, and by wreaking their vengeance on those who refused to concur in their measures. They continued to harass government for many }cars, and the ci^il and military power were alternately employed against them in vain. Lord Halifax Avas succeeded in the vice-royalty of Ireland by the Earl of Northumberland. The insur- gents in different parts of the kuigdom, and even in l)ublin, increasing to an alarming degree, and com- mitting many dreadful atrocities, a committee was in- stituted by the House of Commons to examine into the causes of their outrages ; but the inquiry produced no beneficial effects. Lord Shannon was now grown old, and appeared desirous only of repose ; the primate was united Avith the lord-lieutenant, and the speaker still acted in general under his influence. But, although this disposition in the leaders of the parliamentary undertakers appeared to promise tran- quillity, the violence of party continued to augment ; and, among other topics of popular invective, the pen- sions on the Irish estabUshment furnished a constant tlieme of censure. A copy of the pension list was obtained, and became the subject of virulent discussion in both kingdoms; it was described as a never-fail- ing source of undue influence and corruption. Mr. McAulay, a King's counsel at the Irish bar, stated, in a publication on the subject, that these pensions, after continuing for nearly twenty years Avithout any con- siderable alteration, were now nearly doubled. The * Letters fruiii Lord Halifax to Lord Melcombc. GEORGE III. 165 revenue of the British crown, which coukl alone be ^yVu^' legally charged with them, did not exceed fifteen thou- sand pounds, while the pensions charged amounted to 1762. sixty-four thousand pounds ; and even that sum had of late been greatly increased. A motion made in the House of Commons to address the King for a writ of scire facias, to inquire into the legality of the patent by which the office of chancellor of the exchequer was held, was lost; but the amount of the pensions was continually descanted on ; and one of a thousand pounds, granted in the name of George Charles, but in fact paid to INI. de ^^iri, the Sarchnian ambassador, for his services in the negotiation for peace, was selected as a pecidiar topic of disapprobation. Mr. (afterward Lord) Pery, in an able speech, moved for an address. He stated the increase of pensions since the reign of George I., and the augmentation of that and the mili- tary establishment since the year 1756, which had been more than doubled. The arguments on the other side tended to prove that the kingdom of Ireland had scarcely suffered by the war, while her territory and commerce had been protected at the expense of Great Britain ; and therefore it was reasonable to apply her funds, in time of peace, to relieve the burthens of Eng- land. The motion was lost on a division ; and a loyal '-^^tii Dec. address carried in both houses, expressing disappro- bation of the daily libels, Avliich violated every rule of decenc)^ order, and government, and tended to excite a spirit of discontent and disobedience to their Sove- reign, the laws, and the constitution*. Although the efforts of opposition failed in Parlia- Agiuitidn of ment, the public mind was violently agitated. The ^*'' ^'^^^^^^' insurgents, under various names, as Levellers, White Boys, Oak Boys, Hearts of Steel, continued their ex- cesses, and directed their persecutions against all who, by exacting or paying tithes in Idnd, became obnoxious to them ; and in many parts of the kingdom the fields * Debates in the Irish Parliami'iit, Smollett's History of England, vol. xvi. p. 282, ot soq. ; Inquiry into the Legality of Pensions, by Alexander M'Anlay ; Thoughts on the Pension List of Ireland, with the list annexed ; and many otlier publications. 166 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. VIII. 20tli Jan. 1764. State of foreign powers. The French seize Tor- tiiga. 1st June. But restore it. were deserted. In Dublin the topics which agitated the metropohs of Great Britain found an equal interest ; the guild of merchants voted their freedom to Lord Chief Justice Pratt, and the corporation presented him with the freedom of the city in a gold box*. The European powers, whose conduct was likely to affect Great Britain, presented no appearances which could afford serious disquietude. The French King, immersed in sensuality, and incapable of providing re- sources for the numerous debts which swallowed up his revenues, was obliged to employ those arbitrary acts of injustice which shew the weakness of govern- ment, and tend rapidly to its destruction. The dis- })utes between the crown and the parHaments were now arising, which afterward begat a spirit of political dis- putation, productive m the end of the most baleful effects. Some events, in the course of the year, seemed to threaten the tranquillity of Great Biitam. A French ship of sixty-four guns, and three smaller vessels, sud- denly appeared before Tortuga, or Turks' Island, an inconsiderable possession in the West Indies, valuable only for its salt-ponds, took the English inhabitants prisoners, and assumed possession of the place. The intelligence of this unjustifiable attack occasioned a great sensation in London ; but the court of Versailles, on a representation by the British ambassador, exph- citly disavowed the proceedings, and promised an honourable indemnification, the terms of which were to be adjusted by the French governor of St. Domingo and the governor of Jamaica. Some jealousies were entertained that the French had encroached on New- fovmdland, and were fortifying St. Pierre, contrary to the treaty of peace ; but, on enquiry, they proved to be unfounded. * In this view of the affairs of Ireland, besides the authorities cited, and the ordinai-j' sources of intelligence, I have been furnished with much interesting private information. — Tliis note stood in the first and second editions of this work. The private information on which I principally relied, was a statement drawn up by the Earl of Macartney, and printed for the use of his own friends, under the title of " Extract of an Account of Ireland in 177.3, by a late Chief " Secretary of that kingdom." Since the death of his lordship, the pamphlet has been published, together with lus life, by Mr. Barrow. GEORGE III. 167 Complaints were also made of the Spanish governors S?in'^' for interrupting the British logwood cutters, and of a Spanish commodore for the seizui-e of an English ship Spain com- in the Mediterranean; but in both cases ample and (^I'ilfi^f^'^" immediate satisfaction was afforded. bm makes The King of Prussia, whom the defection of Eng- ^^^^i^f^^tion. land had left witliout an ally, was anxious not to offend Affairs of the House of Austria, and, at the same time, desirous ^''^i^"'^- to strengthen his interest by new connexions ; he there- g^^ ^ ^^j fore made no efforts to prevent the Archduke Joseph from being elected King of the Romans, and pressed the completion of a treaty with Russia. The death of Oct. 5th. Augustus III. opened new views to the ambitious ^'^^' mind of C-atherine, who determined to secure her as- cendancy in Poland, by raising her favourite, C'ount Stanislaus Poniatowsky, to the throne. With great dexterity she precluded the interposition of France and Austria, and prevailed on Frederick to second her views, by concluding a treaty of guaranty and alliance, offen- sive and defensive : the Empress and the King of Prus- Mar. 1764. sia jointly engaged to prevent the crown of Pohxnd from becoming hereditary, and by a secret convention the King covenanted to promote the election of Stanislaus Poniatowsky. All opposition being suppressed by the entrance of the Russian troops into Poland and the march of the Prussians to the frontiers, the election took place. The Polish nobility enjoyed a privilege called lihe- rum veto, by which a single nobleman was enabled to stop the deliberations of the diet, and even dissolve it. To avoid the impediments which might arise from the exercise of this right, the assembly con- 7,11 j^ay. vened for the election of a king, was changed into a diet of confederation, in which the liberum veto was suspended, and the questions were decided by a majo- rity of voices*. Poniatowsky was not chosen by the Poles, on his first nomination, mthout considerable op- position ; the violation of their ancient rights occa- sioned a strong protest, which was signed by twenty- * For an account of the constitution of the Polish diet, the liberum veto, and mode of electing a kinp, sec Coxc's Travels in Poland, &c. vol. i. c. v. and vi. 168 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. CHAP. Vlll. 17G1. 3rd July. 7th Sept. and Russia. two senators and forty-five nuncios ; some of them even took up arms, but were defeated by the Russian troops. Another confederation for the final election being assembled, Poniatowsky was u.nanimously chosen, and crowned by the name of Stanislaus Agustus*. In all this transaction, the Empress of Russia shewed great forecast and judgment. Meditating the dismem- berment of Poland, she so planned her measures as to quiet all alarms, declaring most positively that she had no intention to acquire any portion of the Polish ter- ritory, and satisfying the court of Vienna that it was the interest of them all to keep Poland in her pre- sent state, as her constitution would never permit her to become a formidable enemy or an useful ally]-. A political event which occurred this year in Rus- sia, although it did not affect the state of Great Britain, is yet too interesting to be passed over in silence. Ivan Antonovitch, grandson of Ivan V., joint heir of the crown of Russia with Peter the Great, was considered, at the death of the Empress Anne, undoubted succes- sor of the empire. His infancy favoured the ambitious projects of Elizabeth, who deposed him when only a year old. He was afterwards removed from one place of confinement to another, according to the dictates of fear or convenience, till at length he was lodged in the fortress of Schlusselburg, in a small vaulted prison, where the light of day never entered. Two officers were placed in the room as a guard, and they were for some time forbidden to converse with him, even to an- swer the shghtest question. He was kept in a state of ignorance, so deplorable as to give room for a report that he was an idiot ; yet his claim to the throne was the source of many conspiracies. It was said that the late Emperor visited him in prison ; and, convinced of the injustice done to his understandmg, and the vali- dity of his claim to the throne, promised to make him his successor. The insecurity of Catherine's title gave * OEuvres du Roi dc Prusse, vol. iv. p. 1G9, et seq. Life of Catherine II. vol. i. c. iv. Wraxall's Memoirs of the Courts of Berlin, &c. vol. ii. letters 19 & 20. t Mitchell papers, No. 6809, fo. 246, 247, 254, 257. I GEORGE III. 169 sufficient encouragement to plots, and formed a rea- ^yVn ' isonable basis for alarm and extraordiarny precaution ; and these sentiments received a new impulse from the i762. detection of a conspu-acy in the summer of 176-1. Although there was no appearance that the Prince had countenanced this attempt, it was judged necessary to order his guards, in case of a dangerous insurrection, to put him instantly to death. One Vassily ]^^iro^'itch, second lieutenant in a regiment, part of which was in garrison at the tower of Schlusselburg, having formed a wild project of rescuing the Prince from captivity, and placing him on the throne, corrupted about fifty of liis soldiers, and made an assault on the prison, with some appearance of success. The conspirators had secured the governor, and were going to force the door of Ivan's dungeon, when it was thrown open, and Mirovitch permitted to enter unmolested. The officers placed with the Prince had consulted together on the emergency, and, thinldng themselves unable effectually to oppose the insurgents, embraced the dreadful alter- native with which thi^y were entrusted. Their unfor- tunate victim was asleep ; but, being waked by the noise of firing, and hearing the threats of his two as- sailants, endeavoured to move them with prayers and entreaties. Fmding these ineffectual, he gathered strength and courage fi'om despair-, made a vigorous resistance, seized one of their swords and broke it : dm*mg the struggle, the other stabbed liim behind, and thi-ew him down ; he who had lost his sword, now plunged his bayonet into the Prince's body, and both repeated their blows till he expired. Such was the spectacle which saluted the eyes of ]\Iiro\itch when he entered the dungeon. He was struck with horror, and no longer thought of self-preservation ; but yielded up his sword to the governor, who was yet his prisoner, exclaiming, that he had now nothing to do but die. The conspirators were tried before the senate ; Miro- 26th Sept. I vitcli was sentenced to death a:-^. executed ; the inferior agents were doomed to different degrees of punishment, proportioned to theu' activity in the^^'enterprize. The fermentation of the public mind, on the death of Ivan, 170 CHAP. VIII. 1765. lUth Jan. Meeting of Parliament. Taxation of Ameriea. 7th Feb. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. \ shewed that Catherine's fears of a successful insurrec- tion were not ill-founded; and some authors have en- deavoui'ed, though mthout the least apparent founda- tion, to prove that the whole transaction was a scheme of the Empress, and that she sacrificed her engines to her own reputation*. The events on the continent furnished the leading topics of the King's speech to Parhament. He in< ferred from them that the nation had reason to expect the duration of that peace which had been so happily estabhshed, and which it was his resolution strictly to maintain. In allusion to the state of America, and the project of taxing that part of the British dominions, His Majesty said : " The experience I have had of your " former conduct, makes me rely on your wisdom and " firmness in promoting that obedience to the laws, " and respect to the legislative authority of this king- " dom, which is essentially necessary for the safety of " the whole ; and in establishing such regulations as " may best connect and strengthen every part of my " dominions for their mutual benefit and support." The ministry made an offer to the Americans, that any other mode of contributing the sum intended to be raised would be accepted, and the stamp duty laid aside ; but the colonial agents rephed, that they were ordered to oppose the bill, if brought into the House, by petitions, questioning the right claimed by Parlia- ment to tax the coloniesf. They were eager to enter into a discussion of the principle in dispute, and not to permit any compromise ; while the minister was deter- mined not to recede fr'om the claim of the British legis- latui'e to impose and ascertain the quantum of taxation, but was willmg to leave the mode of contribution to the decision of those who were to contribute^. Fifty-five resolutions of the committee of ways and means were agreed to by the House, and after- wards incorporated into an act of parliament for laying * Life of Catherine II. vol. i. chap. 1 and 4, and Appendix, No. x. Coxe's Travels in Poland, &c. vol. iii. t Franklin's Life and Writings, vol. i. p, 167. X Almon's Collection of Papers, vol. i. p. 5. Remembrancer, vol. iii. p. 253. See also Burke's Works, 4to. vol. i. p. 365, 545. GEORGE III. 171 learly the same stamp duties on the colonies in America ^^^J^' IS were payable in England. This act passed the ' House of Commons almost ^^dthout debate; two or ueb. three members spoke against it, but without force or apparent mterest, except a vehement harangue from Colonel Barre, who, in reply to an observation of Mr. (Trenville, in which he described the Americans as ( hildren of our own, planted by oiu* care, noimshed by our indulgence, said : " Children planted by your " care ! No ! your oppression planted them in America ; " they fled from your tp-anny, into a then imcultivated " land, where they were exposed to almost all hardships " to which human nature is liable, and yet, actuated by " principles of true English liberty, they met all these " hardships ^^ith pleasure, compared to those they suf- " fered in their own country, from the hands of those " who should have been their friends. They nourished " by your indulgence ! they grew by your neglect of " them : as soon as you began to care about them, that " care was exercised in sending persons to rule over " them, who were, perhaps, the deputies of some " deputy sent to spy out their liberty, to misrepresent " their actions, and to prey upon them ; men, whose " behaviour, on many occasions, has caused the blood " of those sons of liberty to recoil >vithm them. They " protected by your arms ! They have nobly taken up " arms in your defence, have exerted their valoiu* " amidst then- constant and laborious industry, for the " defence of a country, whose frontiers, while drenched " in blood, its interior parts have yielded all its Httle " savings to your enlargement ; and the same sj)irit " which actuated that people at first, will continue " with them still ; but prudence forbids me to explain " myself further." There was but one division during the progress of the bill, and then the minority did not amount to more than forty*. The petitions presented against it, * Biirke's Works, 4to. vol. i. p. 559; 8vo. vol. ii. p. 41 4. It is to he ob- served, Colonel Banc's speech above quoted i.s not preserved in Debrett's Par- liamentary Collection ; and Burke avers, that he sal in the pallery during the progress of the bill, a?>d never heard a more fanniiid debate. See Burke's Works, ubi sup. 172 CHAP. VIII. 1765. 15tli Feb. 22nd March. 29th Jan. Debates on general war- rants. March 4. On informa- tions ex officio. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. although recommended by an order of council, were not attended to*, and the House refused to receive four from the agents of Connecticut, Rhode Island, Virginia, and Carolma, and one from the traders of Jamaica^, because they denied the right of parhament to impose taxes, and because it was contrary to rule to receive petitions against a revenue bill. In the House of Lords, the act passed 'without debate, di\dsion, or protest:}: ; and, having thus received the sanction of both houses, was ratified by the Royal assent. Early in the session, an attempt was made by Sir William Meredith to obtain a resolution of the House of Commons on the illegality of general warrants : the debate was long and ^dolent, but produced httle novelty ; the question was lost in a division on an amendment by a majority of thirty-nine only§. Another motion of a popular nature, for restraining the practice of filing informations ex officio by the Attorney-general, was produced by Mr. Nicholson Cal- vert. His speech appeared to have been carefully pre- pared, but presented more proof of industry than of judgment or good taste. He described these inform- ations as a weed which had taken deep root in this free soil, and had been of so rampant a growth as to have overshadowed the fairest flowers of the plain. The practice was a legitimate off'spring of that accursed court, the Star-chamber, from which the power exer- cised by the Attorney-general was derived, a power inconsistent mth the liberty of the country. He cited Magna Charta to shew that the subject could not be passed upon, or put on his trial, before a grand juiy had formed sufficient reason, from their ovm know- ledge, or from evidence, to return a bill. " But," he " proceeded, " if these ancient boundaries, these coeval " land-marks of the constitution, shoidd not have due 'c * Burke's Works, vol. i. p. 366. t Idem, p. 547. X Idem, p. 559. \ 224 to 185. Parliamentary History, vol. xvi. p. 6. This debate caused a considerable sensation out of the House; and a hand-bill was circulated, in ■which an eminent lawyer was asserted to have said, " I think it better to fall with " the laws than to rise on the ruins of them." Gentleman's Magazine, 1765, p. 94. GEORGE III. 173 f " attention paid to them in this house, I may give a chap. " minister displeasure ; and mstead of a bill of pre- '__ " sentment, or indictment, by my peers, their monster, 1705. " this diabolus regis ^ stalks into court, teeming A\ith " destruction, like the Trojan horse, with the Star- " chamber in his guts, " Scandit fatalis macliina muros " Focta armis ; " by his o^\^l authority files an information in the " King's name, which the judges cannot refuse ; nor " has the defendant any pri\ilege to shew cause agamst " it." Sergeant He-svitt seconded the motion ; but, possibly from being ashamed of his leader, performed his task very languidly. Whether any answer was given or not, does not appear ; but the motion was negatived*. It was found expedient, for the prevention of frauds The isic of committed by smugglers to an enormous extentf, to ncx^d"", annex the Isle of Man to the realm. This small ter- the realm. ritory formed a domain of a singular teniu*e:{: : it was part of the crown, but not of the realm of England : it was under the allegiance of the King, but governed b} its own laws and customs. In these respects it re- sembled Jersey and Guernsey ; but in those islands the King appointed governors, and retained the jurisdic- tion of the admiralty ; the superintendence of civil justice vested in the King in council, and he could prosecute a suit in his own name in any of the courts of England ; in a word, the prerogatives, royalties, and jurisdiction of those islands vested in the crown, and the writs from the superior courts at Westminster wcvc allowed to operate in them. But in the Isle of Man, the King had no coui-ts, nor officers ; and no suits arising there, whether at the instance of the party or of the crown, were determinable in England. • 204 to 78. t Sf) great, that Mr. Burke termed the Isle of Man " the head quarters, the " very oiladil of smugplinR." Speech on American taxation Works, 8vo. vol. ii. p. 377. And a proclamation on the subject had been found necessarj- in the preceding vear (17lh A\igust, 17G4). + Fourth Instil. '283. 174 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ^yJ^F- It was even doubted if the great prerogative, or man- ' datory writs, which issue to all places under suhjectioi 17G5. to the crown of England, would be valid there*. This singular inheritance had been for nearly four centuries vested, by parhamentary charter, in the family of the Duke of Athol. 21st Jan. In pursuance of an order of the lower house, the chancellor of the exchequer introduced a bill for more effectually preventing the mischiefs arising to the revenue from the iUicit trade to and from the Isle ot Man, by Avhich the island was intended to be subjected entirely to the revenue laws of England. 13th Feb. Before the second reading of the biU, the noble proprietor and his duchess presented a moderate and energetic petition : after stating their reluctance to disunite from the honours of their family this ancient and princely patrimony, the reward of the services andl monument of the virtues of their ancestors, they threw themselves with dutifid submission on the pleasure of their sovereign, and the disposal of parhament, and only requested such a compensation as the importance of the sacrifice to themselves, and of the acquisition to the nation, should seem to demand. They were heard by counsel; and, in consequence of a communication with government, it was thought advisable that the 6th Mar. island should be revested in the crown. The sum of seventy thousand pounds was given as a compensation ; and a bill was passed, whereby the whole isle, Avith all its jurisdictions, interests, and dependencies, was vested in the crown, reserving only to the petitioners their landed property and rights in and over the soil, as lords of the manor, together with the patronage of the bishopric, and the other ecclesiastical benefices-|'. This act was immediately followed by one for protecting the revenue. * There is no instance of a prerogative wTit having been sent and returned from thence : there is no officer to Avhom it conld be directed. t See Blackstone's Commentaries, vol. i. p. \0b. — I have been assisted in this account by some accurate private information, and am indebted to the same person for the appendix, which contains a more clear and ample detail of Uie ancient state of the Isle of Man. See Appendix IV ; also Parliamentary History, vol. xvi. p. 1j. GEORGE III. 175 During the session, the King was attacked by an chap. ilarming illness* : on his recovery, in a speech from ' he throne, he proposed to the consideration of parha- nes. nent the expediency of vesting m him the power of ^^^^^J;*'^ ^^ ippointing, from time to time, by instruments under his act. iign manual, either the Queen, or any other person of '^^ '^^"'■ he royal family usually residing in Great Britain, to )e guardian of his successor, and. under proper restric- ions, regent of the kingdom, until the successor should ittain the age of eighteen, A joint address of both houses was returned, ex- cth May. pressed in terms of great loyalty and affection. A bill .vas brought into the House of Lords framed according "0 the terms of tlie King's proposition. In its progress, he uncertain and unconnected state of the ministry vas palpably exposed, and the whole proceeding ren- Icred a subject of astonishment, not unmixed witli idicule ; especially as the opposition party shewed nuch more si)irit of faction than of patriotism Lord Lyttelton objected to an unnamed regent ; wliilc the Duke of Grafton, Lord Temple, Lord Shelburne, and I lew more peers opposed the whole bill ; on a division, hey were left in a very inconsiderable minorityf. Tlie next day. Lord Jjyttelton moved an address to h(^ King, to name the person he would appoint as Ivegent. In the course of the debate, questions were xsked, whether the Queen was naturalized ? If not, was she capable of the Regency ? and who were the royal family ? The answer to the last question was, 1 il • The malady with which His Majosfy was afflicted exhibited sjitiptom.s iimilar to those which, in 1788, and during the last years of his life, gave so much mhappiness to the nation. I did nut nientiun tlic lact in former editions of tliis > .vork, because 1 knew that thi^ King, and all who loved him, were desirous that it should not be drawia into notice; so anxious were they on this point, that " Smollett having intimated it in his Complete History' of England, the text was ;cvised in the general impression ; a very few copies in the original form M-ere lisposed of, and they are now rare. As the King was living at the time of my Mublication, and the malady utterly uninii)ortant. I omitted all mention of it ; nor h'uild I now have deviated from my former course, but that, of late, attempts ia\ e been made to impress the opinion that what was only an incidental symp- om, was a malady constantly afiecting His Majesty's mind. Against this in- linuation, may be cited the testimony of all who, during a reign of fifty years excluding the last ten), knew, conversed, or transacted business vith him. t The numbers were liO to 9. 176 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ^Ym' t^ose only who were in the order of succession, which amounted to direct exclusion of the Prmcess Dowager; 1765. for, as the Queen was named in the bill, the Princess could not be in that order. Nothing was decided on these pomts ; but the judges were dii-ected to give theii opinions on the ehgibility of the Queen, and Lore Lyttelton's motion was rejected*. In the next debate, the Duke of Richmond move(3 that the persons capable of the Regency should be thd Queen, the Princess Dowager, and all the descendanfc; of the late King, usually resident in England ; th( Duke of Bedford objected to the nominating of tin Princess ; but Lord Hahfax, having maintained that i would be proper to substitute now for usually^ botl words were retained. To the surprise of all men, when the judges had pro- nounced in favour of the Queen's capability, and wher the whole question was supposed to be settled, the Earl of Halifax, secretary of state, by the King's per mission, moved the recommitment of the bill, anc obtained a clause from which the name of the Princesf Dowager was excluded; thus rendermg her alone in capable of the Regency. It was not to be beheved tha the King, an affectionate son, and truly attached to hiii parent, could have consented to this wanton insult, Iuk not some surprise been practised upon him. TIk measure was considered as a declaration of open wa between the coiul and the administration. The effec upon cUfferent parties is described in ludicrous term:, by a near and accurate observer ; " The astonishmen ^^ " of the world is not to be described ; Lord Bute'; " friends are thunderstruck ; the Duke of Bedfor* " almost danced about the house for joy]*." I In the House of Commons, debates not less \-iolent 24th May. acrimonious, and offensive, took place. All the pre positions discussed in the Lords were brought forwar( anew; but, in conclusion, the name of the Princes Dowager was reinstated. The bill was returned to th * 89 to 31. t Lord Oiford's Letters to the Earl of Hertford. Works, vol. viii. p. 212 HI GEORGE III. 177 upper house, and, not withoiit strenuous resistance, chap. passed as amended*. ' In the course of the session, a long inquirj- before 1765. a committee was made into the causes which occasioned i''''^ ^^*>V IT ii -n rm 1 1 Insurrection much distress among the silk-weavers. 1 hey iiad pre- cf siik. sented a petition, and their witnesses were fully heard ; ^^^*'''<2'^- but they were dissatisfied with the result, and, on the day when the King in person gave his assent to the regency bill, a mob of their journeymen went to St. James's, with black flags, for the purpose of petitioning for relief, under pretence that they were reduced to a state of famine by the encouragement of French manu- factures. They tumultuously surrounded both houses of parliament, and insulted many of the members. They again assembled on the two follomng days, and proceeded to commit other outrages, assailing and destroying the outward wall of Bedford House, but were at length repressed by the posse comitatus and the military, who were called in to aid the civil power. A proclamation was issued for the suppression of riots, and some of the parties were brought to concUgn punishment. The ministry had never been popular; and they xegotia- had now perceptibly lost the King's confidence, espe- lionsiora cially by their conduct on the regency act. It is mhmtry! averred, that se\ eral posts of honour and emolument were bestowed in opposition to their adAice, or with- out their knowledge, which produced oflensi^e remon- strances; in consequence of which, the King, by the recommendation of Lord Bute, determined to dismiss themf. This account forms part of the fable of Lord * As the debates of this session arc not adequately reported in any publica- tion, I have derived my information on this j)rotceding from the honourable Horace Walpolc's (Lord Ortbrd's) Letters to the Earl of Hertford : Works, vol. viii. pp. 2Uy to U,'20. The scene of political profligacy, the utter want of true pati'iotism, and personal integrity, Nvhich it exhibits, are equally afHictive and dis- gracefiil. The nan-ative has the author's characteristic vivacity and brilliancy, together with his acrimony and sarcastic severity ; but it mnst be reg