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 ENIN ORGANIZED THE WORKERS 
 OF RUSSIA IN 1905 : - 
 
 Leninism Brought Famines and Deaths to 
 
 Twelve Million Men, Women and Children 
 
 and Organized Slavery to All Labor 
 
 * * * 
 
 Leninist Theories and Tactics Are Behind 
 the Lewis C.I.O. Communist Leaders Swell 
 
 Its Ranks 
 
 * * * 
 
 Does America Crave the Results? 
 
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 EWIS ORGANIZED THE WORKERS 
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 LEWIS VISITS RED EMBASSY 
 
 Harris & Ewing 
 
 John L. Lewis, his wife and son, arrive in their chauffered 
 limousine at the Russian Embassy, Washington, in July, 
 1937. Lewis and Edwin Smith (National Labor Relations 
 Board) it is said also dined with Soviet officials in June. 
 
Leninism — Lewisism 
 
 nPHAT Lewisism (C.I.O.) is nothing less than the theory and 
 tactics of Leninism tranferred from the soil of Russia to 
 the soil of the United States is plain to anyone who can read 
 and think. 
 
 Just as Lenin, by his crusade of class hatred and glittering 
 promises to the masses of Russia agitated them to class violence 
 against employers and eventually against the system of the then 
 existing government of Russia, so is the Lewis C.I.O. crusade 
 sweeping the United States today. 
 
 That Leninism was not in fact a labor movement for the 
 benefit of labor, but for the building up of a vast class political 
 machine which Lenin manufactured and used to gain control 
 of the government for himself and his immediate communist 
 clique, which threw a vicious minority-controlled dictatorship 
 over the masses he had so cunningly used as his army in bloody 
 civil war by compelling them, through his silver tongued oratory, 
 mass propaganda and agitation to believe that they, the workers, 
 were to become the sole rulers of a universe ; that they, the work- 
 ers, were to change places with the rich and well-to-do; that 
 they, the workers, were to enjoy a more abundant life by a 
 change, and that they, the workers were to enjoy greater freedom, 
 is plainly evident to all but a few who refuse to think for them- 
 selves. 
 
 Workers Enslaved In Russia 
 
 Russia today is the sad results of an ignorant people who 
 were swayed by a cunning crusader, shadowing his real purposes 
 beneath a humanitarian label. Millions have since died of starva- 
 tion ; thousands have since been mowed down before firing squads, 
 all who survive have been shackled by the chains of organized 
 slavery for life. The workers who followed Lenin awakened to 
 find they have no rights; they have no abundant life, they have 
 no freedom. 
 
 Lewisism in the United States is apparently an attempted repe- 
 tition of Leninism. Beginning with the nucleus of a labor move- 
 ment it has rapidly developed into purely a political machine. 
 As to the present day politicians who have been bending their 
 efforts toward establishing a foothold in America for Lewis's 
 Leninism, Harry Bridges, the alien Lewis Leninite on the west 
 coast has said "Our policy is one of class struggle. Our policy 
 is that we have nothing in common with employers. There will 
 come a time when there isn't any employing class any more, and 
 we subscribe and look forward to that day. WE'LL USE THE 
 POLITICIANS as long as they aid us, otherwise WE WILL 
 FIGHT THEM. We support the C.I.O." 
 
 1 
 
C. I. O. Political Movement 
 
 Just as Lenin set up his first political machine, the WORK- 
 ERS and SOLDIERS COUNCILS a combination of the Red 
 Labor Unions, the Unemployed Councils and the Agrarian move- 
 ments in Russia, which were later transformed into the Commu- 
 nist political party of Russia, so is Lewisism endowed with a like 
 background in the United States today. With the C.I.O. labor 
 movement; the Workers Alliance (Unemployed Councils); and 
 an effort to now swing the national farmer movements to its 
 side; with the leagues and unions of radical middlemen already 
 swelling the Lewis labor political machine; the Non-Partisan 
 Labor League; the American Labor Party, the Communist 
 Party, the Farmer-Labor Party, the Socialist Party and the Com- 
 monwealth Federation, these are ready for a major attempt to 
 swing the control of government to the Lewis Leninists. 
 
 Every tactic and every theory so far emanating from the com- 
 bined Lewis factions in the United States and all that has oc- 
 curred so far in the Lewis crusade, points to the -assurance that 
 the C.I.O. movement is merely a cog in a wide political plan of 
 left-wingers and not a purely labor movement in the interest of 
 the individual workers of our nation. The worker, it is appar- 
 ent, is to become only a pawn in a great left-wing political game, 
 through which, if history is repeated, he will eventually find his 
 master to be a ruthless dictatorial click in control over him as a 
 government. Many laborers see this, the American laborer is of 
 a higher character than those were that Lenin dealt with, that's 
 why so many of them have refused to be hoodwinked into the 
 C.I.O. That's why there is virtually a civil warfare between 
 workers themselves, the Lewisites on the one side and the anti's 
 on the other. The present battle is of historical importance to 
 every living American. It is not merely a contention between 
 employers and workers. It is admitted that wages and hours 
 are not points of contention. It is therefore a drive on the part 
 of Lewisites for control of the American worker. 
 
 Sit-down Strikes and Terrorism 
 
 The recent "sit-down" epidemic has not been just another 
 Mahatma Gandhi shirt-tail "sit-down" escapade. It took on 
 such a serious and dangerous turn in the United States as not 
 to be such a comedy. 
 
 When 300 out of 11,000 employes of a caterpillar tractor 
 plant in a small city such as Peoria, Illinois, can seize a forty 
 million dollar privately owned establishment and turn it into a 
 "fortress," locking out 10,700 men who have a desire and need 
 for work and when a possible 300 secretly organized workers in 
 the Ford plant can seize and lock out thousands more by remain- 
 ing after quiting time and welding the gates to the factory, and 
 when a governor of a state is, according to a state legislature, in 
 collusion with a group which invades and stages a "sit-down" 
 strike in a state legislature, as in Minnesota, forcing a legislature 
 to bow to its will, and when such a vicious epidemic sweeps into 
 
every nook and corner of a nation so large in area and population 
 as the United States, reaching into the field of schools, hospi- 
 tals, mercantile, transportation, garbage collectors, grave diggers, 
 food, wet nurses, federal and state relief agencies, shipbuilding, 
 legislatures, and all basic industries, it becomes more than a 
 Gandhi burlesque and incites the attention of the most liberal 
 citizen, if he has any semblance of patriotism and pride left 
 within his blood stream. One begins to wonder if the invasion 
 of private property is tolerated longer, whether his own private 
 home might not be invaded next. 
 
 Bombings and Terrorism 
 
 It was perfectly natural to expect the widespread terrorism 
 accompanied with the open and flagrant violation of laws, inter- 
 ference with mails, and railroad traffic, kidnappings, bombings, 
 killings, etc., which have followed the illegal sit-down tactics 
 used in present day strikes. For in the illegal seizure of prop- 
 erty campaign, the refusal to permit other workers to exercise 
 their own rights of freedom, the courts of our land and the de- 
 fense divisions of our governments were disregarded, if not used 
 to help the violators. 
 
 Because of the serious aspect of the entire affair, there has 
 been a definite crystallization of public sentiment against the 
 methods being used in radical labor circles and for their effort 
 to force all organized and unorganized labor of the nation into 
 unions formulated along "industrial union" lines. There has 
 also arisen much speculation as to where the present strike tactics 
 were incubated. 
 
 Strike Tactics Hatched In Russia 
 
 Some writers have laid the origin of the "sit-down method 
 on the doorsteps of the communist-socialist-syndicalist-repub- 
 lican front movement in France. Others have laid it at the 
 doors of communism in Moscow, while some have pointed to the 
 communist deviltry in Italy in 1920. All of these versions are 
 correct. The writer finds that in the pre-revolutionary stage 
 of the bolshevik conflict in Russia these methods were pretty 
 generally used, being termed "stay-in" strikes then. On June 12, 
 1906, the particular method began to sweep Russia after suc- 
 cess by bolsheviks in St. Petersburg, Russia, where seventy- 
 five militant bolsheviks, led by a Sergei Malyshev, invaded the 
 chambers of the City Duma from two opposite doors, holding 
 the city fathers practically hostages for hours during a "sit-down" 
 strike of so-called "unemployed" which had been organized by 
 the bolsheviks under the name of the "Unemployed Councils of 
 St. Petersburg," with cooperation of the "Technicians and Engi- 
 neers Union." This same adaptation occurred in Minneapolis 
 recently, where organized "unemployed" sat until seventeen mil- 
 lions of dollars were appropriated from the state's coffers for 
 them. From Russia the method spread to China, Germany, Hol- 
 land, Italy, France and finally to the United States. It is true 
 that there have been two or three isolated cases of the tactics 
 
in the United States years ago, these incited by I.W.W.'s, but 
 never before have they been general in the United States as in 
 Russia, France, Italy and elsewhere, where communists had fos- 
 tered them. In March, 1914, the I.W.W.'s staged sit-down strikes 
 in three churches in New York City, possibly the first and only 
 time most of them had ever seen inside a church, most of them 
 sat in with hats and caps on. These sit-downs were for forced 
 handouts and occurred in the old First Presbyterian, the St. 
 Marks Episcopal and St. Alphonsus Roman Catholic churches 
 in succession on the same day. The leader of the I.W.W. sit- 
 down strikers was Frank Tannebaum, then a self-styled "I.W.W. 
 and ex-convict" but now the Dr. Frank Tannenbaum of Colum- 
 bia University of N. Y. It will be recalled that the communist- 
 socialist unemployed organizations in the United States staged 
 "sit-down" strikes in the state legislative chambers of Wisconsin 
 and New Jersey only last year following forceful seizure of those 
 chambers. And "sit-down" strikes were engaged in at federal 
 relief headquarters in Washington, D. C, New York, and in 
 other centers and in 1937 the radical socialist-communist-paci- 
 fist front, American Youth Congress, stage a "sit-down" in front 
 of the White House in Washington, D. C. 
 
 0. I. O. Lauded Red Tactics 
 
 One of the C.I.O.'s highest officials, Sidney Hillman, in his 
 report to his own Marxian labor union in Chicago convention 
 in 1922, it is alleged threw some light on the subject so as to 
 back up the writer in his theory that Italy, too, had its terror- 
 istic sit-down strikes when communism was rife there. Mr. 
 Hillman said of his visit to Italy to study the strike methods 
 there: "In Rome / was doubly welcome. The secretary of the 
 Metal W'orkers Union gave me a letter, the only key to open 
 the gates of the factory (laughter). With my Italian comrades 
 I landed in front of the factory, which looked attractive because 
 of the fine red flag which adorned the building and the red senti- 
 nel who was keeping watch (laughter). I stayed for lunch with 
 the members of the factory council. The council took me through 
 the factory. The first thing that attracted my attention was a 
 series of inscriptions on the walls, including the Soviet emblem." 
 (Proceedings, 1922, Convention, page 426, Amalgamated Cloth- 
 ing Workers of America. 
 
 Hillman, it is alleged, was bounced out of the American Fed- 
 eration of Labor convention in Nashville along with other ex- 
 treme left-wingers, following which he organized his present left- 
 wing union, which is one of the major links in the C.I.O. chain. 
 It is understood that at the second convention of the Hillman 
 union, the "industrial union" idea was presented into the labor 
 circles here by William Z. Foster, then an I.W.W., which had 
 tried to establish such, and at present the national leader of the 
 Communist Party of the United States and a member of the 
 Presidium (highest body) in the Third (Communist) Interna- 
 tional of Moscow. 
 
The Smell of Moscow 
 
 Other methods of the present day movement in the United 
 States also have earmarks of the Moscow methods; such as the 
 formation of "workers committees" in each plant, which com- 
 mittees are charged with working secretly, organizing enough 
 "key" workers in a plant to tie up the entire industry in a spon- 
 taneous strike and the method of "outcasting" those who show 
 any inclination to not want to strike or join the movement. These 
 methods were all used in Moscow in the pre-revolutionary stage. 
 Gaining their objectives in the first "sit-down" strike of the so- 
 called "unemployed" movement in St. Petersburg, the communists 
 forced the Duma (city council) to recognize them as the "sole 
 bargaining" agency. They set up committees which practically 
 controlled all settlements of grievances and awards of favors to 
 the workers, making awards only to those who became their fol- 
 lowers, forcing all who were not sided with them to starve and 
 to do without work. This program has now been fully adopted 
 by the C.I.O. They force all workers in an industry to join 
 them or suffer unemployment or harassment. 
 
 However, all labor will not stand for this. In Flint, labor 
 disagreeing with the C.I.O. plan and movement, in an attempt 
 to protect their own freedom and rights, precipitated a condi- 
 tion through their defensive methods which resulted in the city 
 being placed under martial law. This action was also taken in 
 Anderson, Indiana, after many were injured in gun battles be- 
 tween the strikers and non-strikers. Pitched battles occurred 
 in Illinois, Ohio and Hershey, Pa., the latter where eighty C.I.O. 
 unionists had locked out by the adoption of "sit-down" and ter- 
 rorism some thousand or more who preferred work and the free- 
 dom of individual rights. The thousand drove the handful of 
 C.I.O. 'ers from the city by violent methods. In Kansas and 
 Ohio there have been pitched battles between C.I.O. 'ers and 
 workers who refuse to follow the red union. In Johnstown, 
 Pa., and in Monroe, Mich., the general public joined hands with 
 the non-C.I.O. workers in protest to the C.I.O. -forced strike and 
 in an effort to prevent outside C.I.O. agitators from interferring 
 with the peace of their communities. 
 
 The danger confronting the country through the growth of 
 such strikes, which may result in a nation-wide conflict, is great. 
 The continuance of these activities will eventually pave the way 
 for a dictatorship, either communist or fascist. This must be 
 guarded against. One will note the great similarity between the 
 tactics in Russia's revolution and tactics being used in America 
 today by the powerful left-wing labor movement, which Homer 
 Martin says is neither "economic or political," if he is correctly 
 quoted in newspapers throughout the nation. If it is neither 
 
 Communists cry to you to fight for higher wages in the Uni- 
 ted States. When they grain control through your help, if Russia 
 is an example, they will pay you the equivalent of 200 ruhles 
 a month or in American language $40 per month. Will you 
 fight 'with them for such a leveling? 
 
"economic or political," then what is it? It would appear to the 
 average observer that it is both. 
 
 C. I. O. Brings Political Pressure 
 
 Following the election of President Roosevelt, Sidney Hillman, 
 second in command of the C.I.O., said in November, 1936 "We 
 must capitalize the election and its great victory for labor. For 
 the last three or jour months all our activities have been concen- 
 trated on the political campaign." Later Lewis laid down his 
 demands to the President of the nation to cooperate, insinuating 
 that it was the price he must pay for Lewis's support to him 
 for re-election, to which his organizations are said to have con- 
 tributed a total of $770,000. In at least one instance workers 
 were urged to join the C.I.O. because the President wanted them 
 to. A committee (LaFollette Civil Liberties Committee) was 
 set up and has brushed aside all of the C.I.O. 's enemies 
 possible. It has functioned on demand. The Labor Relations 
 Board has, it is apparent, shown a certain favoritism toward the 
 C.I.O. when called in to try to settle disputes. The Secretary of 
 Labor, according to Governor Davey of Ohio, has even sug- 
 gested seizure of employers and retention of them until they 
 have bowed to the demands of Mr. Lewis, although the demands 
 are not for higher wages or shorter hours. Another official has 
 used troops to close down industry and make men unemployed. 
 
 Today in the local elections in Michigan the C.I.O. is active 
 with its own candidates in an effort to push them into office. 
 Of course, this can not be considered "politics," can it? 
 
 There is one thing about which we are sure, and that is that 
 the methods being used by the radical laborites are illegal and 
 un-American. Where the "sit-down" and "industrial unionism" 
 ideas originated doesn't matter a great deal, except that such 
 knowledge may shed some light on what to expect in the future 
 and the direction in which such would lead us. Communists 
 in America tell us that local organizing strikes will lead eventu- 
 ally from local strikes against "capitalism" to city-wide strikes; 
 from city-wide strikes to general strikes; from general strikes 
 to the revolutionary overthrow of our government and, in the 
 end, to the establishment of a Soviet form of government in the 
 United States, the ruling party of which will be under commu- 
 nist control, and an "industrial union" under the same control. 
 
 Communists Claim the C. I. O. 
 
 Earl Browder, secretary of the Communist Party and C.I.O. 
 advocate, says: "Unless the organized workers are organized 
 into industrial unions, we (communists) will not be able to ad- 
 vance the class struggles. We communists support the aims of 
 the industrial union bloc * * *." He continues: "The whole 
 C.I.O. movement is definitely under the influence of the French 
 experience of the People's Front (red front) * * *. The C.I.O. 
 are grouping the major mass forces that should, with effective 
 leadership, eventually crystallize into a great American People's 
 Front * * *. Great struggles are now taking place in the United 
 
States, and still greater struggles are in immediate prospect. The 
 masses are being rapidly radicalized. * * * The Communist Party 
 strives to develop the C.I.O. movement in the direction of cre- 
 ating a great People's Front, and to build itself into a mass Com- 
 munist Party * * *. This growing People's Front movement in 
 various forms helped to bring the trade unions on a national 
 scale under the leadership of John L. Lewis." 
 
 If the writer were to definitely charge that the theory of this 
 C.I.O. labor movement that is sweeping our nation in an an- 
 nounced purpose of organizizng all labor into "industrial unions,*' 
 independent and in opposition to the American Federation of 
 Labor, is the fruit of the conspiring minds of I.W.W.'s and Mos- 
 cow-directed and controlled communists, he would be imme- 
 diately labeled a "red baiter" and "an enemy of labor." 
 Consequently before making the charge, the writer will precede 
 such charges and proof thereof with charges made by John L. 
 Lewis, the leader of the movement, who himself in 1924 made 
 the charge. These are contained in a 46-page document, at the 
 time printed by the United States Government Printing Office 
 by order of the United States Senate, Sixty-Eighth Congress, 
 First Session, a document known as "Number Fourteen," and 
 entitled u Attempt by Communists to Seize the American Labor 
 Movement," the contents of which were prepared by John L. 
 Lewis, president of the United Mine Workers Union, now leader 
 of the C.I.O. movement which has assumed such large proportions 
 in the nation, has split away from the American Federation of 
 Labor and which movement is fostering the "industrial union" 
 plan chiefly through the now unpopular "sit-down" and coercive 
 strikes. 
 
 A Moscow Conspiracy- 
 Charging through the above medium that communists were 
 promoting the "industrial union" plan "on orders from Moscow," 
 that it was being "financed by Moscow" and setting forth dates 
 and large amounts of monies flowing into the nation from Mos- 
 cow for such purpose, Mr. Lewis stated in part: 
 
 "The purpose and object of the United Mine Workers of 
 America in bringing- to the attention of the American people the 
 far-reaching- and intensive activities of the communist organi- 
 zation in this country is twofold. The United Mine Workers 
 of America wants the public to know -what this thins- is. It 
 wants the public to know something about the fight which the 
 miners' union is waging to stamp it out. First, it desires to 
 reveal and make known the sinister and destructive groups and 
 elements attempting to 'bore from within' its own ranks and 
 membership and to seize possession of the organization, and 
 through such seizure, to later gain possession of all legitimate 
 trade-unions; second, to inform the American people of the 
 scope and purport of the hostile and inimical movement being 
 carried on within their midst. 
 
 "Imported revolution is knocking at the door of the United 
 Mine Workers of America and of the American people. The 
 seizure of this union is being attempted as the first step in the 
 realization of a thoroughly organized program of the agencies 
 and forces behind the Communist International at Moscow for 
 the conquest of the American continent. 
 
 "The overthrow and destruction of this government, with the 
 establishment of an absolute and arbitrary dictatorship, and 
 
the elimination of all forms of popular voice in governmental 
 affairs, is being: attempted on a more gigantic scale, with more 
 resolute purpose, and with more crafty design, than at any time 
 in the history of this nation. 
 
 "The communist regime at Moscow, bent on world conquest, 
 Is promoting and direeting one of the best organized and most 
 far-reaching campaigns in America that any country has ever 
 been confronted with. The communist organization on the 
 American continent is composed of more than six thousand 
 active leaders and lieutenants, and approximately one million 
 members, adherents and sympathizers, scattered in every state 
 and province of the United States and Canada, and who are 
 actively or tacitly promoting the scheme to import bolshevism 
 and sovietism to this side of the Atlantic." 
 
 "The major points in this revolutionary program of the 
 communists as aimed against the United Mine Workers of Amer- 
 ica and other legitimate trade-unions and the people of the 
 United States and Canada are 
 
 "1. Overthrow and destruction of the federal, state and pro- 
 vincial governments, with the elimination of existing constitu- 
 tional forms and foundations. 
 
 "2. Establishment of a Soviet dictatorship, absolute in its 
 exercise of power, owing allegiance to, and conceding the au- 
 thority only of the communist, or Third International, at Mos- 
 cow, as a 'governmental' substitute. 
 
 "3. Destruction of all social, economic and political institu- 
 tions as they exist at this time. 
 
 "4. Seizure of all labor unions through a process of 'boring 
 from within* them, and utilizing them as a strategic instrument 
 in fulfillment of their revolutionary designs upon organized and 
 constitutional government. 
 
 "5. Invasion of the United Mine Workers of America, with 
 the ouster of its present officials and leaders and the substitu- 
 tion of a leadership of communists, that it may be used as an 
 instrumentality for seizing the other labor unions of America, 
 and for eventually taking possession of the country. 
 
 "6. A well-organized movement is being promoted within the 
 four railroad brotherhoods and sixteen railroad trade-unions 
 to amalgamate all railroad workers into 'one departmentalized 
 INDUSTRIAL UNION,' controlled by a single leader of com- 
 munist principle and affiliation, and owing allegiance to the 
 communist organization. 
 
 "7. Seizure of the American Federation of Labor, with the 
 ouster of its officials, and through such seizure gaining control 
 of all its affiliated units and trade-unions. 
 
 "8. Conversion of all craft trade-unions into single units 
 of workers within an industry known as 'industrial unions,' with 
 coordination under a super-Soviet union owing allegiance to. 
 and accepting the mandates of. the Communist International 
 and its subsidiary, the Red Trade Union International, at 
 Moscow. 
 
 "9. Through conquest and subjugation of the labor unions, 
 and conversion and mobilization of farmers and other related 
 groups, the overthrow of existing institutions, and the creation 
 of a condition similar to that which now prevails in Russia." 
 
 C. I. O. Adopted Red Plan 
 
 To those who read and compare this with present day hap- 
 penings, it must be evident that number "5" of the above is 
 being fully carried out now by the C.I.O. and the Miners Union, 
 its affiliate, which are seizing other labor unions and using com- 
 munistic tactics. Hooked to it is the Labor Non-Partisan Com- 
 mittee, the Farmer-Labor Party, the Communist and Socialist 
 Parties, the American Labor Party and the Commonwealth 
 Party. It must have its eye on the ultimate possession of the 
 government. 
 
 8 
 
Mr. Lewis, in an effort to emphasize the importance of his 
 own statements, said "The menace of bolshevism in America — the 
 United States and Canada — is not a figment of imagination or an 
 invention of hysteria. It is not a passing fancy or a deceiving 
 mirage." He charged that $1,110,000 had been sent into the 
 United States from Moscow for the purpose of "enabling com- 
 munist agents to participate in the strike," and that "behind this 
 movement was a scheme to overthrow the leadership of the union 
 and then convert the strike into an armed insurrection against 
 the government of the United States." He says: "Three times 
 in three years the bolshevik leaders at Moscow have attempted 
 armed insurrection and revolution in the United States," through 
 strikes. He could now say "four times." 
 
 Among those so viciously scored in 1924 as "Moscow agents" 
 by Mr. Lewis, now the leader of the effort to shackle onto the 
 country Moscow's scheme of "industrial unionism" through illegal 
 strike methods such as the "sit-down," coercion, thuggery and 
 lockouts, were: William Z. Foster, Earl Browder, G. H. Ken- 
 nedy, H. Wagnerin, Fred Merrick, Thomas Myerscough, John 
 Brophy, William Weinstone, Roger Baldwin, William Dunne, 
 Robert Minor, Powers Hapgood, the Communist Party, the 
 American Civil Liberties Union, the Farmer-Labor Party, Friends 
 of Soviet Russia, the Federated Press, the Progressive Miners 
 Union and numerous others, most of which are enthusiastically 
 with Mr. Lewis today in his effort to force the "industrial union" 
 plan on American workers, to create an independent federa- 
 tion of labor which will, if successful, eventually destroy the 
 American Federation of labor, and to set up an international 
 labor movement and a labor political party. So bitter was Mr. 
 Lewis against the plan and the leaders at the time that he ex- 
 pelled John Brophy from the United Mine Workers Union and 
 urged open warfare on the plan and the leaders he is now work- 
 ing with. 
 
 Communists Plan Seizure of Government 
 
 Mr. Lewis at the time pointed out that there were "two hun- 
 dred organizations in the United States engaged in or sympa- 
 thetic to the communist revolutionary movement as directed 
 and conducted by the Communist Party." He said that "forty- 
 five of these organizations of either 'pink' or radical structure 
 are engaged in the communist effort to seize control of labor 
 unions in this country and convert them to the revolutionary 
 movement." He pointed out that "fifty-two persons hold 325 
 directorates in these 45 organizations" and that "a study of the 
 interlocking arrangement shows that all of the organizations are 
 fused into a single whole." He said at the time: "Whether the 
 major communist organizations go forward or slip backward, the 
 leaders of the movement in the country are prepared to stand 
 behind the chief idea and push it through the labor unions. With 
 a foothold in the unions they are prepared, if necessary to aban- 
 don the major organizations they have established in this coun- 
 
try." Mr. Lewis was exactly correct. The communist leaders 
 were prepared to stand behind the "chief idea," "push it through 
 the labor unions" and to "abandon the major organizations they 
 have established in this country." The communists finally aban- 
 doned their Trade Union Unity League and later their Rank and 
 File Committee in the A. F. of L. and moulded them into the 
 C.I.O., bringing into the fold many independent radical-controlled 
 unions they had long before penetrated if not gained control of. 
 Time after time, the Third (communist) International, in con- 
 vention in Moscow, ordered their leaders to continue their efforts 
 at not only creating strikes and agitating, mobilizing and leading 
 "class struggle" among the laboring elements, but to "bore with- 
 in" the American Federation of Labor, undermine its leadership, 
 and force American labor into "industrial unions" as opposed 
 to the American Federation of Labor's "craft union" plan. They 
 have demanded that their agents here "organize the unorganized" 
 chiefly in the auto, steel, textile, shipping, oil, rubber and other 
 "basic industries," and to "win these laborers over to the revo- 
 lutionary ranks" for the "destruction of the capitalist form of 
 government" and "to establish a Soviet America." 
 
 American Reds Started Drive in 1920 
 
 As far back as August 7, 1920, the Communist International 
 adopted doctrines which have a direct bearing on the radical 
 situation in labor ranks in the United States today. In "Thesis 
 and Statutes," published on that date, the Third International 
 of Moscow, in inaugurating its program of interference with the 
 peace of other nations, announced that through certain doctrines 
 they would strive "towards a single aim: the overthrow of capi- 
 talism; the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat 
 and of the International Soviet Republic, and the realization of 
 of socialism, the first step of the communist society." 
 
 At this Congress, the world revolutionists established a Trade 
 Union section to carry on world-wide turmoil in the labor ranks 
 of every country. In this connection, they stated that their 
 program included, "a violent defeat of the bourgeois, the con- 
 fiscation of its property, the annihilation of the entire bourgeois 
 governmental apparatus, parliamentary, judicial, military, bureau- 
 cratic, administrative, municipal * * *, leading the proletariat 
 in the pitiless, decisive and final struggle against all the forces 
 of capitalism" and to "stubbornly and mercilessly denounce any 
 leader in any labor movement who may be manifesting reformist 
 or center trends." This declaration also dealt with the estab- 
 ment of "secret factory committees" within American factories 
 for the purpose of organizing for spontaneous strikes within indus- 
 tries, and the inauguration of the "industrial union" plan within all 
 
 "Unless the unorganized workers are organized into indus- 
 trial unions (company unions included), we will not be able to 
 advance the class struggle. We communists support these aims 
 of industrial (C.I.O.) union block." — Earl Browder, head of the 
 Communist Party in U. S. A.. 
 
 10 
 
basic industries. They realized a general strike in all basic in- 
 dustries could destroy a nation. These committees were to con- 
 tinuously encroach upon the industry until the union organiza- 
 tions obtained FULL RECOGNITION AS SOLE BARGAIN- 
 ING AGENCIES AND COMPLETE CONTROL OVER 
 "PLANT PRODUCTION." They stressed the fact that a 
 "CONSTANT STREAM OF STRUGGLE" must be inspired by 
 the factory committees. Communist members of labor unions 
 were called upon to "strive to create a battle front of labor 
 unions." Financial relief in the event of strikes was planned, 
 together with labor defense (i. e., federal relief and labor acts). 
 They explained that "the mass struggle means a whole system 
 of developing demonstrations, growing more acute in form and 
 logically leading to an uprising against the capitalist order of 
 government." 
 
 Starving Workers Into Revolution 
 
 By constant strikes (and one industry signed up by C.I.O. 
 has had over 200 since signing up) they hope to carry out the 
 "Resolutions of the Sixth World Congress of the Communist 
 International — The Tasks of the Communists," which urges that: 
 "The misery and oppression of the masses must be intensified 
 to an extraordinary degree." 
 
 As soon as strikes are settled, new reasons are manufactured 
 by the reds within the C.I.O. units to incite the workers to re- 
 newed conflict. As blood is spilled in the streets ,communists 
 agitate for additional blood spilling. They consider misery and 
 bloodshed as drills for the communist revolution. Russia's con- 
 tinued mowing down of its own populace reflects the blood thirst 
 of its communist agents in the United States. 
 
 With the refusal of Kansas miners to strike, the C.I.O. mowed 
 down scores of them. It is alleged by Chicago police that only 
 through their interference in the recent strike riot there that 
 hundreds were saved from injury by the C.I.O. followers. 
 
 The return of workers to their jobs in steel plants in Ohio 
 and Pennsylvania was accompanied by bombings. Following the 
 return of workers to their jobs in Johnstown, Pa., the commu- 
 nists demanded that all C.I.O. members "halt the back-to-work 
 move." In both instances the communists called on the C.I.O. 
 to "use every resource at your command." They demanded 
 that "all the striking steel plants" be closed, and "to disarm all 
 vigilantes." Weapons of every conceivable type have been con- 
 fiscated from scores of strikers. Strikes are growing more acute. 
 
 The communists have followed their program. They met 
 with setbacks time after time, but they analyzed each set-back 
 and continually strengthened their efforts until today their deter- 
 mination to succeed appears to be bearing fruit in the United 
 States, the "hardest nut" the bolsheviks had to crack. In addi- 
 tion to concerning themselves with the building up of commu- 
 nism in this country, the Moscow reds foresaw other benefits 
 to be derived. In this connection they stated: "The continued 
 
 11 
 
sharpening of class antagonism compels all trade unions to lead 
 in strikes, which, flown on a broad wave over the entire capitalist 
 nation, constantly interrupt the process of capitalist production 
 and exchange, the basis of all capitalist calculations. * * * In 
 this way the unions become the organs for the annihilation of 
 capitalism" In other words, this is a double method which sup- 
 plies Russia, the base for world communism, with new market 
 outlets, also incites workers to revolution and paves the way 
 for new Soviets. 
 
 Call to Workers for Revolution 
 
 In the pamphlet "Problems of Strike Strategy" published in 
 1934 by the communists, the following statement is made: "The 
 problem of building the revolutionary unions, as well as the prob- 
 lem of building a mass Communist Party in the United States, 
 is largely a question of a correct strike strategy. With this is 
 bound up the possibility of destroying the reformist illusions of 
 the A. F. of L. * * * It is clear that we must show the workers 
 that we know not only how to make a revolution, but also how 
 to lead and direct these movements for partial demands." They 
 have pretty well demonstrated this recently. 
 
 The "Report of the 8th Convention of the Communist Party" 
 contains the following declaration: "The revolutionary elements, 
 directly under our guidance, are established leaders of around 
 150 locals, with minority opposition groups in about 500 more 
 local unions. This considerable beginning is of significance be- 
 cause it emphasizes the enormous possibilities that exist when we 
 get a full mobilization of all available forces in the field." They 
 also reported the establishment of 338 shop nuclei in 68 basic 
 industries in the United States, and that "it is clear that precisely 
 at this point we have the key to the future growth of our party 
 and of the revolutionary trade union." 
 
 The communists continued to progress, for in their "Mani- 
 festo of the Communist Party of the U. S. A.," published April 8, 
 1934, they report: "From auto, marine and unemployed," espe- 
 cially municipals, "rising struggles indicate that the working class 
 of America was ready to fight; that it is rising in numerous 
 battles; the only thing it needs is organization and leadership 
 along revolutionary lines." At this time the organized effort 
 began to create turmoil within the A. F. of L. unions, ulti- 
 mately leading to the break in the convention held in Atlantic 
 City. The communists denounced the A. F. of L. for "refusal 
 to accept communist leadership," and accused it of being a "re- 
 formist" organization and painted its leaders "strike breakers." 
 
 The Revolutionary Way Out — Strikes 
 
 The reds declared themselves as favoring an "industrial union" 
 plan which "means combining workers of every industry into 
 large unions, as against the A. F. of L. craft unions." They also 
 favored "vigorous and militant strike struggles," "calling sympa- 
 thetic strikes," and for taking "the revolutionary way out." These 
 
 12 
 
are the very tactics used by the C.I.O. to build the industrial 
 union. 
 
 A systematic and broad campaign was inaugurated at the 
 American Federation of Labor convention by the communists 
 against "company unions," and communists were ordered to 
 "strive to occupy every eligible post" in all union locals (both 
 A. F. L. and company). It ordered the "building of a broad class 
 trade union, center of all class unions, outside of the A. F. of L., 
 as a part of a wide revolutionary trade union," or, as they often 
 call it, "a broad A. F. of L. opposition." They pointed at this 
 time to the noticeable rapidity with which industries in the Uni- 
 ted States were surrendering to the results of general strikes. 
 This, they contended, encouraged more frequent struggles. 
 
 "Every Factory a Fortress" 
 
 In its companion pamphlet, "The Communist Party in Ac- 
 tion," this statement may be found: "We must build our revo- 
 lutionary unions and the revolutionary oppositions of the A. F. 
 of L. unions first of all in the shops. Our slogan is: Every shop 
 must become a fortress of communism." The communists fur- 
 ther state, in another pamphlet, "The Manual on Organization": 
 "The way of the final overthrow of the old order, and the estab- 
 lishment of the new — the proletarian dictatorship. * * * These 
 expeirences will be learned in the day-to-day struggles * * *, in 
 strikes for higher wages and shorter hours, in struggles for relief, 
 for unemployment insurance, against evictions * * *." 
 
 "The workers learn through their own experiences that they 
 must have a Communist Party, which leads them in their strug- 
 gles * * *. In order to achieve this, every available party mem- 
 ber must joint the union of his industry, craft or occupation, and 
 work there in a real bolshevik manner." 
 
 The Conspiracy Planned 
 
 "The shop unit is trained to work in a conspirative manner, 
 in order to organize and lead other workers, to safeguard the 
 organization and to prevent its members from being fired." 
 
 Communists explain their stand in their publication, "The 
 Way Out": "It (the Communist Party) must work toward the 
 bringing together the independent and revolutionary trade unions 
 into an independent federation of labor. The building of such a 
 broad class trade union, center of all class unions which stand 
 outside of the American Federation of Labor as part of a wide 
 revolutionary trade union movement, is an important task of our 
 party * * *. The outstanding events of the recent period are a 
 more rapid and deep-going radicalization of the workers, already 
 expressed in the growth of a militant mass strike movement 
 already embracing large sections of workers in the basic indus- 
 tries." 
 
 It is interesting to note that as early as July 10, 1933, the 
 communists had high hopes of success in the auto industries. 
 In an "Open Letter to All Members of the Communist Party," 
 issued by the Central Committee of the Communist Party, they 
 
 13 
 
claimed that "the success of the party and of the Automobile 
 Workers' Union in Detroit shows what can be accomplished by 
 the party and the revolutionary trade unions in other districts 
 when they vigorously defend the interests of the workers and 
 carry out the principles of concentration in the proper way." The 
 C.I.O. has continually "concentrated" its efforts, first on auto, 
 secondly on steel and announces a continued plan of "concen- 
 tration." 
 
 Strikes Rehearsals for Revolution 
 
 In the "12th Plenum of the Executive Committee of the 
 Communist International," "Prepare for Power," issued in 1934. 
 they declare: "The revolution, to a certain extent, veils its offen- 
 sive operations under the guise of defense. * * * Strikes are mere 
 dress rehearsals for the revolution." It is noticeable that the 
 various moves of the C.I.O. are painted as "defensive." 
 
 The following quotation is taken from the "11th Plenary 
 Sessions Report": "Every shop must become a fortress of com- 
 munism, and every member of the party an organizer and leader 
 of the daily struggles of the masses." 
 
 In August, 1935, in "New Steps in the United Front," the 
 Soviet agents advocated "united struggles of the workers and 
 unity of the trade union movement in each country," and ordered 
 the establishment of "one trade union for each industry; one 
 federation of trade unions in each country; one international 
 federation of trade unions in each industry; one general inter- 
 national of all trade unions based on class struggle." This ap- 
 parently is the C.I.O. plan for its sections are set up mostly if 
 not entirely each to cover all industries and each are Interna- 
 tionals. 
 
 C. I. O. Echoes Moscow Demands 
 
 At this Congress in 1935, the head of the American sec- 
 tion of the Communist Party of the United States reported: "We 
 in the United States have already before the Congress in the main 
 solved the problem of trade union unification," believing evidently 
 they had Lewis and his crowd sold on the plan. 
 
 Earl Browder, in detailing the proceedings of the Third Inter- 
 national to the members of the Communist Party attending its 
 convention in New York City held the same year, called for a 
 greater intensification of the communist drive for strikes, for 
 industrial union, cancellation of farmers' debts and mortgages. 
 He also urged his followers to fight against the deportation of 
 aliens, and condemned the Supreme Court, Germany and Japan. 
 Today we see the C.I.O. drive linked to the fight against the 
 Supreme Court, for industrialism and against deportations. 
 
 The report of the "Resolutions of the 9th Convention of the 
 Communist Party of the U. S. A.," made in 1936, declared that 
 "the immediate task is to drive forward more energetically on 
 the issue of organizing in the basic industries, industrial unions, 
 and following a policy of class struggles. We must seek to isolate 
 the reactionaries (in the auto, steel, etc., industries) who stand 
 
 14 
 
in the way of organizing the unorganized, demand that the C.I.O. 
 pass over from words to deeds * * *; to promote the organiza- 
 tion of the power of the working class for the higher stages of 
 struggles, for the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment 
 of socialism." It called for the strengthening of "shop units" 
 and for their increased prestige in the trade unions, to establish 
 additional units in auto, steel, rubber and key industries, and "to 
 develop within the A. F. of L. a struggle for industrial unionism." 
 
 Order? to Disregard Government 
 
 "Company Unions Today," mentioned as the communists' 
 main targets in 1935, particularly those unions in the Chrysler, 
 General Motors, Wierton Steel, Fisher Body, Jones and Laughlin, 
 U. S. Steel, Chevrolet, Nash, Auburn plants and in the rubber, oil 
 and packing industries. The reds called for strikes and picketing 
 until all demands were met, and to "reject all efforts at labor 
 truce" even if made by the Roosevelt government. It demanded 
 the formation of unions which would "not depend on congressional 
 laws and presidential boards, but rather one capable of striking 
 and picketing until demands were met." Certainly these are 
 C.I.O. tactics today. 
 
 As an example of success the communists pointed out that 
 there were 1,898 strikes, bringout out 1,141,363 workers with 
 the loss of 15,641,329 working days in 1935, as compared with 
 894 strikes in 1931, which had brought out 279,299 workers with 
 the loss of 6,838,183 working days. They bragged over these 
 losses in wages to the workers as communist successes. 
 
 Reds Praise Lewis for Appointing "Rebels" 
 
 Until 1934, the communists were as much opposed to John L. 
 Lewis, Hillman, Dubinsky and others as Lewis appeared to be 
 to the communists and their plan. The reds termed them "labor 
 misleaders, strike breakers and racketeers," but in the June 26, 
 1936, "Report on the 9th Convention of the Communist Party," 
 the work of these men is praised, and William Green, Mathew 
 Woll and William Hutcheson, A. F. of L. leaders, are condemned. 
 The communist report stated: "While we meet, the C.I.O. is 
 launching the second great crusade to carry trade unionism into 
 the open shop citadel of monopoly capital. Nothing so hearten- 
 ing has been seen in the labor movement since 1919, when the 
 chairman of our party, Comrade Foster, carried through the first 
 great organizing campaign in the steel industry, which culminated 
 in the great general strike. We can say that the transformation 
 would have been impossible without the energetic, persistent, well 
 planned and well directed participation of the Communist Party 
 and its followers in this (C.I.O.) movement." At this time they 
 were jubilant over the Lewis move and referred to his change 
 of heart and expressed appreciation over the Lewis appointment 
 
 SAMTJELi GOMPERS — "Say to them that a union man carry- 
 ing a card cannot be a good citizen unless he upholds American 
 institutions." (Deathbed appeal to American labor.) 
 
 15 
 
of John Brophy as Director of the C.I.O., stating "with Brophy 
 came other men of the same calibre — Powers Hapgood, Clarence 
 Irwin, the long list of rebels, many of whom had fought Lewis' 
 policies years before," and it could have been added Lewis had 
 fought them and their policies years before. 
 
 Communists Push C. I. O. Formation 
 
 Such progress was made during the time intervening between 
 Lewis's exposures in 1924 and the 1935 convention of the Ameri- 
 can Federation of Labor, that the issue of "industrial unionism" 
 was forced to the floor of the A. F. of L. convention. A 
 communist report says: "At the 1935 A. F. of L. convention 
 militant socialists and communists united to support industrial 
 unionism, and the Labor Party * * *." The communists had 
 abandoned their Trade Union Unity League late in 1935 and had 
 formulated the 'A. F. L. Trade Union Committee," better known 
 as the "Rank and File" movement within the A. F. of L. unions, 
 which locals had been deeply penetrated by having their inde- 
 pendent unions enter the A. F. of L., or the members of those 
 independents join the A. F. of L. locals. 
 
 C. I. O. Is Born 
 
 Following the enforced break in the ranks of the A. F. of L. 
 at the Atlantic City convention, the C.I.O. was openly trotted 
 out into the field of earnest activities. "Labor Fact Book," pub- 
 lished by the reds, states that the C.I.O. was founded in Wash- 
 ington, D. C, in November, 1935, and that the chairman was 
 John L. Lewis; secretary, Charles P. Howard, and that the na- 
 tional committee consisted of Sidney Hillman, David Dubinsky, 
 Thomas F. McMahon, Harvey Fremming, M. Zaritsky and 
 Thomas Brown. Strikes began to sweep the nation and leaders 
 of the A. F. of L. of course began to denounce the strikes as 
 communist inspired and communist led affairs. Those whom 
 Lewis had so violently denounced as Moscow agents in earlier 
 days for attempting what he now has assumed leadership of, were 
 found solidified into the Lewis camp, fighting with might and 
 main to "organize the unorganized" to force the A. F. of L. to 
 the "industrial union" plan, to undermine the A. F. of L. lead- 
 ership, to set up a powerful "industrial union" outside and to steel 
 the workers of the nation into a revolutionary fervor and to 
 greater and continued struggles and to build a radical political 
 party. 
 
 Coincident with this movement sprang forth a labor party 
 movement, a fight against the Supreme Court of our land and 
 the seizure of property followed. Government and the laws of 
 our land were openly flouted. Workers were being told that 
 "for might" they must "unite." Might is being exercised. 
 
 If Mr. Lewis was correct in his analysis of the "struggles" 
 for "industrial unionism" in the early days, he knows without a 
 doubt that he is being used by the communists today. The public 
 has a right to believe that the present turmoil is also "Moscow 
 made," and is as many have termed it "un-American," as Mr. 
 
 16 
 
Lewis painted it to be in 1924. If it was wrong without Lewis's 
 hand it cannot be righted by his hand. 
 
 Will Not Drive Reds Out 
 
 Homer Martin, the ex-preacher from Leeds, Mo., who now 
 heads the auto union, section of the C.I.O. movement and which 
 section has been keeping Michigan, Wisconsin, Ohio, Indiana and 
 Illinois, particularly, in a state of unrest, in its effort to rule or 
 ruin the auto, auto accessory and auto parts industries of the 
 nation, disclaims in one breath that there is a communist slant 
 to and communists in the C.I.O. movement and in another breath 
 that he does not intend to "purge the movement of communists," 
 while Lewis and others of the movement remain cunningly silent 
 on the question, either ignorant as to the true situation within 
 their own circles or communist -like are denying the facts to the 
 public, because acknowledgement might defeat certain of the 
 C.I.O. plans. Not only has the Third (communist) International 
 of Moscow's American section taken an active part in the crea- 
 tion and building up of the C.I.O. in the United States and fur- 
 nished the fireworks for the aggressiveness of the movement, but 
 likewise has the C.I.O. now received the endorsement of the 
 Socialist Party of the U. S. A., and on June 26, 1937, they re- 
 ceived the pledge of cooperation and support of the Communist 
 Mexican Federation of Labor through its head, Vincente Lom- 
 bardo Toledano, who is also head of the Communist Workers 
 University of Mexico, a member of the Mexican red front gov- 
 ernment and head of the Mexican Labor Relations Board. His 
 organization has about 650,000 members he claims. The pledge 
 of the reds' support came from "Comrade" Toledano to "Com- 
 rade" Lewis. 
 
 That the C.I.O. has no intention of purging its ranks of com- 
 munists is shown by the emphatic denial of John Owens and 
 Phil Murray, Ohio leaders of the C.I.O., of the statement that 
 Bob Burke and John Stevens (alias Stevenson) had been dis- 
 missed from the C.I.O. This denial appeared in the official organ 
 of the Communist Party, July 4, 1937. Owens said: "There has 
 been no purge. Nobody has been fired." Murray reiterated the 
 statement. In the meantime, Lewis planned to confer with the 
 "redist" of the C.I.O. members, Harry Bridges, the alien Aus- 
 tralian, on the West Coast, July 8th. Burke, a dismissed Co- 
 lumbia University student and active in communist youth circles, 
 has been indicted in Ohio in connection with a riot in which two 
 workers were killed. Stevens has been indicted on charges of 
 disrupting train service by tearing up the railroad ties in Ohio 
 strikes. 
 
 The C.I.O. movement is far better known today for its 
 crowded path of broken laws, broken contracts, broken pocket 
 books and broken hearts because of its perpetrations of bombings, 
 mail hold-ups, train hold-ups, illegal seizure of property, killings, 
 terroristic riots, kidnappings, destruction of others' properties 
 and in general its gross irresponsibility, than it is for its red pro- 
 gram and personnel. 
 
 17 
 
Entire C. I. O. Red 
 
 It is, however, publicly charged by members of the American 
 Federation of Labor and admitted by the communists themselves, 
 the latter gloating over the fact that the entire strike movement 
 is honeycombed with radical socialists and revolutionary com- 
 munists. In fact the communists themselves, and among them- 
 selves chiefly, believe and brag over the fact that they are them- 
 selves in leadership of the so-called "struggles" that are sweeping 
 the nation. They issued a plan for "sit-down" strikes, which 
 is very complete in its directions and they are the chief propa- 
 gandists, agitators and to a great extent organizers of the affair. 
 
 While not all in the C.I.O. movement are socialists or com- 
 munists, it is very noticeable that a great percentage of the 
 leaders are and that many communists are gaining the higher 
 offices in the local unions as they are set up by the C.I.O. strikers. 
 
 Scores of C.I.O. agents in the North, South, East, West and 
 Central States are known communists and socialists. 
 
 C. I. O. Leaders on Red Honor Roll 
 
 Is it any wonder then that Lewis, Bridges, Curran and Martin 
 made the communists' "Labor Roll of Honor for 1937," which 
 took in only the "greatest" from a communist viewpoint: Stalin 
 (Russia), Browder (U. S. A.), Cabalero (Spain), Harry Bridges 
 (U. S. A., marine strike leader), John L. Lewis (C.I.O. head), 
 Homer Martin (C.I.O. auto head), Joe Curran (leader with 
 Briges), Krhypnen (Russia), and Tom Mooney (jailed anar- 
 chist) ? 
 
 C. I. O.'ers Have Red Backgrounds 
 
 It is possible that to some readers the preceding related coin- 
 cidences, as convincing as they seem, still do not convince them 
 of the fact that C.I.O. industrial unionism and its tactics are 
 communistic. If this is the case, then possibly the following 
 information concerning the personnel of the C.I.O. might con- 
 vince these few that the C.I.O. is dominated by individuals pos- 
 sessing strange backgrounds and theories, the majority of which 
 are seemingly extremely revolutionary, if not purely communistic. 
 
 Do not accept the writer as the sole authority for the charge 
 that the C.I.O. is overflowing with communists. Note that Mr. 
 Green, head of the American Federation of Labor, the largest 
 organization of labor in America, openly makes this charge. On 
 May 21, 1937, he delivered an address over the radio, during 
 which he read an item taken from a Russian newspaper which 
 stated that the "C.I.O. is being energetically supported by the 
 American Communist Party." Mr. Green also charges that "an 
 evil influence has caused groups of newly organizer workers con- 
 nected with the C.I.O. to follow destructive policies. As a result, 
 jmblic opinion is turning against them." The New York Times, 
 considered to be a very liberal newspaper, published an article 
 In its June 28, 1937, issue, after the writer thereof had visited 
 strike zones and made careful research of the question, which 
 
 18 
 
said, in part: "Men with socialist and communist backgrounds 
 have been active in the automobile factories, the power plants 
 and other industries under the banner of the C.I.O." In this 
 connection, Congressman Hook of Michigan (a Democrat) made 
 the following statement: "Let me say to you that while I was 
 back in my district some of the real, honest C.I.O. labor organiz- 
 ers came to me and begged me to use my influence to have the 
 C.I.O. and its leaders take these communists as organizers out of 
 that organization. I am not opposed to the C.I.O. or to indus- 
 trial organization, but I am opposed to the communistic, anar- 
 chistic organization that is working from within, and that is going 
 to disrupt labor if it is allowed to go on. Yes ; disrupt this nation, 
 but only temporarily, because real Americans accept the chal- 
 lenge and will never bow to communistic, irreligious slavery. 
 
 "As it has been mentioned here that the crack is open for 
 the farmer to come in, let us open a crack for labor to come 
 into this House of Representatives and be recognized. * * * The 
 right to strike is their only weapon ; but do not let some commu- 
 nist, who has not the interest of labor at heart, direct that strike. 
 The American Federation of Labor refuses to allow known com- 
 munists within their ranks, and I congratulate them for it. When 
 the C.I.O. enforces such a rule they will gain the respect of the 
 American people, but until then they will continue to lose in the 
 eyes of public opinion, and public opinion rules in America." 
 
 Congressman Hoffman of Michigan (Republican) has for 
 several weeks openly charged that the C.I.O. is communistic. 
 Congressman Cox of Georgia (Democrat) says: "I have the 
 names of scores of C.I.O. officials who are affiliated with the 
 Communist Party. I know my information is accurate. The 
 C.I.O. is stirring up a reign of terror. It is seeking a labor 
 despotism." 
 
 These are only a few of the many charges made by promi- 
 nent individuals who are in a position to know what the C.I.O. is. 
 
 Let's take a glance at the background of some of the C.I.O. 
 leaders. 
 
 JOHN L*. LEWIS has been credited with having - been a con- 
 servative in his early days, and with having- been forced within 
 later days to succumb to communist pressure "within the ranks 
 of organizations he represents. For some years he has acknowl- 
 edged the existing communism within the Miners Union which 
 he has so long headed. He now leads his former enemies in 
 putting into action the "industrial union" plan he so viciously 
 denounced as communist in 1924. If the charges which have 
 been made in both the "Vanguard" and the book "The Name Is 
 Lewis — John L." are correct, Lewis began to have his union 
 labor difficulties in Panama, Illinois, when he was the head of 
 the United Mine Workers of America local in that city. The 
 statements appearing in these publications, with regard to the 
 position of Lewis ,are to the effect that "all went splendidly 
 until an auditor named Schaefer, employed by District 12, Ex- 
 ecutive Board, happened along to examine the books of the 
 Panama local. The Board made a more complete investigation 
 and ordered that the Lewis faction make full restitution of 
 the money looted from the Union treasury." They continue: 
 "After this exposure the name of Lewis was poison to the miners 
 of Panama. * * * He hit upon the idea of becoming Secretary- 
 Treasurer of District 12 of the U. M. W. A., which post was 
 vacant at the time." He was defeated in this attempt, however, 
 but he "popped-up again" and "went down to a sad defeat." A 
 
 19 
 
"third time he was defeated." Lewis, however, was at last 
 successful in obtaining an "appointment" to the position of 
 organizer of steel workers in Pittsburgh. 
 
 During this period, it is reported in the above referred to 
 publications, Alex R. Hamilton, fiscal agent of the United States 
 Steel Corporation, paid Lewis certain monies, and that in 1916 
 the influence of the same corporation was used to raise Lewis 
 to the presidency of the United Mine Workers of America, a 
 position he has held since that time. This of course ended 
 the career of Lewis as a steel organizer. The United States 
 Steel Corporation signed up with the Lewis C.I.O. early and 
 there has been no disturbance from the C.I.O. in the plant. 
 
 Lewis the Communists' Hero 
 
 But John L. Lewis has now become the hero of communist 
 leaders he so viciously denounced in 1924. He is regarded as 
 the "apostle of labor" and a real force in the fight to put over 
 the communist's "industrial union" plan. He even made the 
 communist "Honor Roll for 1937." He has appointed his former 
 bitter enemy, John Brophy, the director of his C.I.O. movement, 
 the same man he accused (in 1924) as being Moscow's candidate 
 against him for the Presidency of the U. M. W. A., and the man 
 who, in 1926, received 60,000 votes as compared to the 173,000 
 received by Lewis, out of a possible 273 votes in the race for 
 the "plum." 
 
 The June 25, 1937, issue of the "Progressive Miner," organ 
 of the Progressive Miners of America (affiliated with the Ameri- 
 can Federation of Labor), says in part: "The record of Lewis 
 in the coal mining districts of the United States will disclose 
 that he leads his union not to higher wages and better working 
 conditions; not to a system of collective bargaining by which 
 the miners are represented in wage negotiations by elected com- 
 mittees of their own choosing; not to referendum elections by 
 which the membership may or may not accept the wage agree- 
 ments decided upon by so-called leaders; but on the contrary, 
 Lewis' records show him to be the arbitrary Nero of one of 
 the most brazen rackets that operates under the guise of union- 
 ism in these United States. If the steel workers win that kind 
 of a union, what have they won?" 
 
 The June, 1937, issue of "Labor Digest" charges "Lewis sells 
 out steel workers," meaning, not to the present industries (Inde- 
 pendents), which are the targets of their destructive methods, 
 but to the "U. S. Steel Company," which Lewis signed up early 
 in the fight through the offices of Myron Taylor, former head 
 of that particular group. This is said to have become effective 
 after a trip by Taylor, Mrs. Perkins and John Lewis to Europe. 
 It is known that this trip was made in 1936, prior to the fall 
 elections. The communists brag of the fact that there have not 
 been any strikes in the United States Steel plants since the 
 C.I.O. signed up. This statement has been made in answer to 
 the charges of the "irresponsibility" of the C.I.O., and in an 
 attempt to offset the echoes resounding from the 200 strikes 
 in the General Motors plant and continued strikes in other in- 
 dustries signed up with the C.I.O. The "Digest" further states: 
 "When the concern's officials (IT. S. Steel) granted the C.I.O. 
 recognition after issuing strong statements denouncing the or- 
 ganization as being communist, inspired and operated as a 
 racket, the rank and file of laborites here and elsewhere over 
 the country have sensed that something of portent has trans- 
 pired to bring the firm to terms. * * * Lewis undoubtedly prom- 
 ised to aid the industrial officials to secure passage of 'must 
 pass' legislation backed by the Wall Street crowd, provided 
 United States Steel at once signed with the C.I.O." 
 
 "Fighting In the Streets" 
 
 In a new book written by an admirer of John L. Lewis it 
 is alleged that the following statement is made: "He (Lewis) 
 will be President of the United States in 1940. With his Ameri- 
 
 "The misery and oppression of the workers must be inten- 
 sified to an extraordinary degree" — Sixth World Congress of 
 Communist International resolution. Continued strikes makes 
 for misery and so-called oppression. 
 
 20 
 
can Labor Party he will bring- class struggle to the surface with 
 fighting in the streets of America, like those of France and war- 
 torn Spain. Either communism or fascism will flourish and 
 rule." 
 
 Congressman J. Parnell Thomas, of N. J., recently denounced 
 Lewis "as a threat to the United States" in a bitter attack 
 against him in the House. Congressman J. P. Thomas, also of 
 New Jersey, charges that Lewis is supported by Soviet Russia 
 "in an attempt to disrupt American industry" and foment revo- 
 lution in the United States. 
 
 John Brophy is quoted as having said: "Leaders of the C.I.O. 
 do not deny that men of communist sympathies are active in 
 some of their unions;" that Lewis accepts aid from this source, 
 believing "the end justifies the means." 
 
 Moscow's Candidate 
 
 JOHN L.. BROPHY — General Secretary and second only to 
 John L. Lewis in the official ranks of the C.I.O. movement; holds 
 the dubious distinction of having been the communist's candi- 
 date for President of the United Mine Workers in 1924 against 
 John L. Lewis, according to Lewis, now President of the Union 
 and General Chairman of the C.I.O. 
 
 Brophy and POWERS HAPGOOD, another extreme radical 
 and head of the New England branch of the C.I.O., first met in 
 labor circles in Wales. (Brophy is alien-born and comes from 
 Lancashire.) Hapgood and Brophy returned to America and 
 organized District No. 2 (composed of over 12,000 members) of 
 the Miners Union, which has always been considered one of the 
 real communistic units of the Union. It was District No. 2, 
 headed by James Mark, which cooperated with the few C.I.O. 
 steel strikers in causing the recent widespread troubles in 
 Johnstown, Pa. Mark is also a member of the C.I.O. Steel 
 Workers Committee. Lewis not only denounced Brophy in 1924 
 as Moscow's candidate for President of the Miners Union but he 
 denounced him as a red menace within the miners' ranks at the 
 Indianapolis convention of the Mine Workers Union in 1927. 
 
 Brophy has for a long period of time been active in the fight 
 for government ownership of industry, and has held the position 
 of vice president of the Public Ownership League which pro- 
 motes the theory in the United States. He was, likewise, a 
 member of the Trade Union delegation to Russia shortly after 
 the communist revolution there. This delegation was composed 
 chiefly of reds. He sponsored communist Bloor meet in July, '37. 
 
 Some years ago Lewis described Brophy, Hapgood and Ger- 
 mer as "fakers, repudiated leaders, traitors to unions, oppor- 
 tunists and purveyors of every falsehood, slander and decep- 
 tion." Now Lewis is the leader of this clique. 
 
 Sent Million Dollars to Russia 
 
 SIDNEY HILLMAX — President of the Amalgamated Cloth- 
 ing Workers Union and an official of the C.I.O., was born in 
 Lithuania of Jewish parents, but spent most of his days in pro- 
 moting Marxism and radical labor unionism. He organized 
 the Russian-American Industrial Corporation in New York City 
 of which he became president in 1922. This organization sent 
 over one million dollars to Russia. Hillman also helped organ- 
 ize recently a campaign for raising funds in the United States 
 in support of the Spanish red government. He rushed over to 
 Italy in 1920 to learn new labor tactics used during the com- 
 munist siege of sit-down strikes in an industrial unionism drive 
 in the Metal Workers industry there. On his return he reported 
 to the national convention, which was being held in Chicago, 
 as follows: 
 
 "In Rome I was doubly welcome; the secretary of the Metal 
 Workers Union gave me a letter, the only key to open the gates 
 of the factory. With my Italian comrades I landed in front of 
 the factory, which looked attractive because of the line red flag 
 which adorned the building and the red sentinel who was keep- 
 ing watch. (Applause.) I stayed for lunch with the members 
 of the factory council. The council then took me through the 
 factory. The first thing that attracted my attention was a 
 series of inscriptions on the walls, including the Soviet emblem." 
 (Applause.) (From proceedings, 1922, Convention, page 426, 
 Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America.) Hillman was one 
 
 21 
 
of the early New Dealers in Washington. He is well known in 
 most of the revolutionistic circles in the United States, having 
 served on many of their organizational boards. 
 
 Hillman is reported to have served on the I.W.W. Defense 
 Committee several years ago, according to the "Northwest Mes- 
 senger." He was expelled from the American Federation of 
 Labor during the Nashville, Tenn., convention in 1914, together 
 with a number of other radicals, after which he organized the 
 union which he now heads, a C.I.O. unit. The preamble of the 
 constitution of this union is said to include a demand for a 
 struggle against capitalism. The plan for "the one big union" 
 (industrial union) is said to have first been introduced at the 
 second national session of the Hillman union by William Z. 
 Foster, then an I.W.W., and now head of the Communist Party 
 in the United States. Hillman received a wire from Rykotf 
 in Moscow in 1922, in which he, as representative for Lenin, 
 expressed the satisfaction of the Soviet government over result 
 of his action. 
 
 Exiled to Siberia 
 
 DAVID DVBINSKY — another official of the C.I.O. and head 
 of the Ladies International Garment Workers Union, and man- 
 ager of the Amalgamated Ladies Garment Cutters Union, was 
 born in Poland of Jewish parents. In 1906 he was active in 
 Russia in radical labor circles, and was arrested for strike 
 activities there in 1907, at which time he was forced to leave 
 the city. In 1908 he was re-arrested and served eighteen months 
 in prison. He was exiled to Siberia in 1909, escaping to the 
 United States after five months of exile. Here he has been 
 active in many radical movements since his arrival. Dubinsky 
 raised over $100,000 in the United States for the red front in 
 Spain. 
 
 Russian-Born Radical 
 
 3IAX ZARITSKY — C.I.O. National Committee member and 
 head of the Cap, Hat and Millinery and Needle Trades Union, 
 was born in Russia, the son of a Rabbi. For years he has been 
 active in ultra-Marxian circles in the United States. He is active 
 in many radical movements in the United States.- 
 
 THOMAS F. McMAHON — C.I.O. official, is another alien-born 
 labor leader. He was born in Ireland of Irish parentage. He 
 has been active in radical circles in the United States for years. 
 His advent into the limelight came as an active leader in the 
 old Knights of Labor back in 1889, which organization broke 
 up because of radical factionalism that had grown within the 
 organization. 
 
 HOMER MARTIN — is rather a new-comer into the labor 
 world. He was an extreme left-wing minister, and is a leader 
 of the auto division of the C.I.O. According to "The Labor 
 Digest," he served in various Baptist churches "until he found 
 his economic theories clashed with members of his church." 
 The "Digest" further charges that "about the fall of 1931," 
 Martin held a pastorship in Leeds, Mo. (near Kansas City), and 
 that "it is reported that he left by request in the spring or sum- 
 mer of 1933 because of his radical views." From this point 
 Martin supposedly gave up the task of organizing for God, 
 and accepted work in the auto plant at Leeds ultimately be- 
 coming the president of a local union. "The Labor Digest" 
 states that "Martin distinguished himself with a police record 
 during his activity in the strike at Leeds, Missouri, which took 
 place in 1934. * * * No. 6 Precinct of the Kansas City Police 
 Station shows that Martin was arrested on May 5th, 1934. * * * 
 
 Martin Arrested With Red 
 
 At the identification bureau of the Kansas City Police Depart- 
 ment there is a record of Martin's finger-prints and photograph, 
 showing that he was arrested June 19, 1934, together with John 
 W. Kramer, Elmer Raith and Saul Silberg. * * . * Martin's police 
 number is 22273. The charge, found on the reverse side of the 
 photograph is 'Bombing.' " The labor journal further claims 
 that Martin was in attendance at a radical meeting held at 
 1315 Linwood Avenue, Kansas City, at the time of this arrest, 
 and that the "police at this time were rounding up suspects 
 
 22 
 
who had engaged in bombings during the cleaners and dyers 
 war in Kansas City." The "Digest" states that there is no 
 record showing his conviction. It charges, however, that "Mar- 
 tin associated with one Newman Alexander Shaw * * * who 
 at the present time is being held * * *, having been there since 
 July 7, 1936, pending deportation by the Department of Labor 
 to Canada as an undesirable alien. * * * Shaw is known through- 
 out the Kansas City area as a notorious communist." The pub- 
 lication charges also that Kansas City police report three or 
 four arrests of Martin, "at which times he was held in the police 
 department because of his association with Shaw." The "Labor 
 Digest" describes the above mentioned Kramer as a labor leader 
 whose "record shows that he was arrested six different times, 
 once for murder and two or three times for bombing." Martin 
 led the C.I.O. terroristic drive in the auto industry in Michigan, 
 and he heads the auto unit of the Lewis organization, C.I.O. 
 
 HEYWOOD SROUN — needs no introduction to the American 
 public, for his active barnstorming in behalf of Marxism in the 
 United States, of which he makes no secret, is well known to 
 most people. He heads the American Newspaper Guild, now 
 a C.I.O. unit, and is a member of the National Committee of the 
 C.I.O. Broun has been a regular and seasonable candidate on 
 the Marxian political party ticket in New York. He classifies 
 a communist as only an impatient socialist, in appealing for 
 their votes. He is a member of the National Committee of 
 the red-defending American Civil Liberties Union, and is a mem- 
 ber of the Advisory Board of the communist-socialist-pacifist 
 united front, the American League Against War and Fascism. 
 He is also a member of the North American Committee to Aid 
 Spanish Democracy (red front government) ; a member of the 
 War Resisters League and the League for Industrial Democ- 
 racy, the latter advocating a Marxian system of government. 
 
 FRANCIS GORMAN — head of the Textile Union, which is 
 affiliated with the C.I.O., is in close working cooperation with 
 some of the Communist Party outfits. His name is often head^ 
 lined favorably in the official organs of the various communist 
 movements. Gorman has joined these communists in working 
 for a radical united front for a Farmer-Labor Party. He is an 
 alien-born radical labor leader, having been born in England. 
 He is a member of the Advisory Board of the (communist) 
 American Student Union, and a contributor to the ultra-radical 
 publications, "Champion of Youth" and "Common Sense." He 
 is reported by the "Northwest Messenger" to be "a member of 
 the Advisory Board of the Garland Fund supported Common- 
 wealth College, a communist training school for workers. 
 
 Communist Heads Large Unit 
 
 BEN GOLD — heads the International Fur Workers Union 
 which is affiliated with the C.I.O. This organization has been 
 a thorn in the side of legitimate organized labor, such as the 
 American Federation of Labor, for years. In 1927 the A. F. of L. 
 reported that upon order of the court it audited the books of 
 the International Fur Workers Union and found that Gold and 
 the majority of the leaders and members of the Union were 
 either "communists or communist sympathizers." The A. F. 
 of L. charged that the union's funds, estimated at over $800,000 
 when the reds gained control of the union, had been squan- 
 dered, and that the books of the union failed to account for 
 most of the expenditures. Gold has been a candidate for various 
 offices on the Communist Party ticket in New York. He was 
 an endorser of the first National Convention of the Friends of 
 the Soviet Union two years ago, and was at one time, and may 
 yet be, a member of the National Advisory Committee of the 
 national communist school located in New York City which 
 maintains a chain of schools in revolutionary theory and tac- 
 tics throughout the United States. A few years ago he was a 
 candidate for a berth on the Central Committee of the Com- 
 munist Party. In 1936, Gold was a member of the Communist 
 Party National Convention Committee. He is a member of the 
 National Executive Committee of the American League Against 
 War and Fascism, a communist-socialist-pacifist united front 
 movement. The head of the League, the Rev. Harry F. Ward 
 (Methodist), says that it is a united front comparable to the 
 Front Populaire of France. Gold is also a member of the Board 
 
 23 
 
of Directors of the American Society for Technical Aid to Span- 
 ish Democracy (red front in Spain). 
 
 "Using the Politicians" 
 
 HARRY BRIDGES — head of the Longshoremen's Union on 
 the West Coast and leader of the bloody general strike which 
 took place on the West Coast over a year ago, is also a leader 
 of the C.I.O. cause. Bridges is another alien-born radical. He 
 is an Australian by birth. He entered the United States ille- 
 gally, and has been harbored by Miss Perkins of the United 
 States Department of Labor, although he has permitted his first 
 citizenship papers to expire at least three times without taking 
 further steps towards naturalization. Bridges is an extreme 
 radical, and was included on the "honor roll" by the official 
 organ of the Communist Party in January, 1937, as one of their 
 choices of outstanding leaders during 1936. Stalin of Russia and 
 other radicals were named with Bridges. He was one of the 
 early disrupting agitators in the ranks of the American Fed- 
 eration of Labor, having organized in communist fashion the 
 rank and file movement within it. Bridges states "Our policy 
 is one of class struggle. Our policy is that we have nothing in 
 common with employers. There will come a time when there 
 aren t any employing class any more, and we subscribe and 
 look forward to that day. We'll use the politicians as long as 
 they aid us, otherwise we will fight them. We support the 
 C.I.O." Bridges says in "The Voice of the Federation' (com- 
 munist publication): "When the mines were tied up everything 
 using coal was tied up. How do I know? I was there (Aus- 
 tralia, 1917) in the strike, so I am speaking from actual expe- 
 rience." 
 
 "Communists Must Be Included" 
 
 POWERS HAPGOOD — although not an alien-born, has cer- 
 tainly adopted the rankest of alien theories. Hapgood was born 
 in Indianapolis, Indiana, where with his brother he set up an 
 experiment in "industrial democracy" which was a complete 
 flop insofar as carrying out the theory to a successful conclu- 
 sion. It has been charged by some of Hapgood's sympathiz- 
 ers that the project became an instrument of dictatorial control 
 by Hapgood instead of an "industrial democracy" as planned. 
 Although Hapgood was roundly denounced by radicals for his 
 final attitude in its operation, he is back in the radical ring 
 active in C.I.O. agitation and organization in the New England 
 section. He was arrested and jailed recently in the Maine shoe 
 strike uprisings. Hapgood was a member of the Executive 
 Committee of the Socialist Party of America in 1933 and has 
 been a candidate for various offices in Indiana on the Socialist 
 Party ticket. He is a member of the National Committee of 
 the American Civil Liberties Union, and a contributor to "Amer- 
 ica For All," "The Challenge" and "The Socialist Call," promi- 
 nent socialist publications. The official organ of the Commu- 
 nist party quotes Powers Hapgood as having said: "If the 
 Socialist Party wants a united front with the labor unions, the 
 Communist Party must be included." Knoxville, Tennessee, 
 papers published vicious attacks on Hapgood in 1935. His wife, 
 Mary Powers, arrested in C.I.O. strike, Worcester, Mass., July. 
 
 JACOB BAKER — Assistant Federal W.P.A. Administrator 
 and head of the C.I.O. unit out to organize all government em- 
 ployees (federal, state, county and city), is a member of the 
 Executive Committee of the (radical) League for Mutual Aid. 
 He has been an official of the Vanguard Press, publishers of 
 communistic literature, which was set up by the (communist- 
 socialist) Garland Fund, receiving a contribution from the Fund 
 in the amount of $139,453. 
 
 Professional Organizer 
 
 CLINTON GOLDEN — one of the directors of the C.I.O. steel 
 units and especially active in Pennsylvania and Ohio, was born 
 in Pottsville, Pa., in 1884. As early as 1923 he was in the labor 
 organization game with the Hillman Amalgamated Clothing 
 Workers of America, and later active in the machinist, locomo- 
 tive and firemen fields. Golden has been affiliated for years 
 with extreme radical movements, including the Brookwood Col- 
 lege, for which he was field agent. This college was raided by 
 
 24 
 
agents of the federal government during the war and denounced 
 by organized labor as a hotbed of communism. He has been a 
 trustee for the Garland Fund, which continually doles out mon- 
 ey from its million dollar chest to communists and other types 
 of radicals and revolutionary movements in the United States. 
 Golden has also been active in "cooperative" movements, and 
 was an executive of the Conference for Progressive Labor Ac- 
 tion. He was a writer in the official organ of the Communist 
 Party in 1937. It is reported he was on the State Socialist Party 
 Executive Committee from 1911 to 1924. Golden is a member 
 of the Board of Counselors of Commonwealth College, which the 
 legislative Committee of the State of Arkansas found to be 
 a red hive of atheism, communism and nudism. It is located 
 near Mena, Arkansas. Legitimate labor unions denied having 
 any connections with the college. 
 
 L.EO WOLMAN — of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of 
 America, a unit of the C.I.O., is not, contrary to the general 
 belief, an alien-born. He was born in Baltimore, Maryland, and 
 graduated from Johns Hopkins University there with an A.B. 
 degree. His associations with labor unions have not been as a 
 worker coming up from the ranks, but as a college graduate 
 supplying statistics, etc. He is alleged to have served a term 
 as a member of the Board of the red Garland Fund. He has 
 been a professor at Hobart and Johns Hopkins universities. 
 Wolman was one of the early recruits to the New Deal admin- 
 istration in Washington in 1933. In 1935 he was appointed to 
 the League of Nations' International Labor Organization Com- 
 mittee in Geneva and has been a member of the faculty of the 
 (radical) New School for Social Research in New York. He 
 has also been a contributor to the left-wing publication, "New 
 Republic." 
 
 JOSEPH D. CANNON — a field organizer for the C.I.O., has 
 for years been an executive of the Socialist Party. He assisted 
 in the organization and was an official of the International 
 Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers in 1911. He organ- 
 ized among the steel workers in 1919, and the box workers in 
 1922. In 1917 Cannon led a copper mine strike in Jerome, Globe 
 and Miami, Arizona, in which the federal government was com- 
 pelled to take a hand. From 1913 to 1920 he conducted strikes 
 among miners in Wharton and Oxford, New Jersey. He organ- 
 ized other copper and lead strikes in Bisbee, Arizona, and among 
 steel workers in New York. He raised $750,000 for strike pur- 
 poses. He supported the defense of a labor leader, Keeney, 
 in West Virginia, who had been arrested for murder in connec- 
 tion with a West Virginia miners' march. Cannon has been 
 actively engaged in encouraging "cooperatives" in the United 
 States. In 1920 he was arrested in Philadelphia during a street 
 brawl. He was a candidate for Congress from Arizona on the 
 Socialist Party ticket in 1906 and 1908, and for United States 
 Senate (from New York) on the Socialist ticket in 1916. He 
 also ran for Governor of the State of New York on the same 
 ticket in 1920. Cannon has for years edited Lewis' miners union 
 magazine, which is an affiliate of the C.I.O. The committee 
 investigating seditious activities in New York in 1920 reported 
 to have found Cannon on the National Committee of the (red- 
 defending) American Civil Liberties Union, and an organizer of 
 the (radical) People's Council, an extremely pacifist Marxian 
 movement. 
 
 Convicted With Reds In 1919 
 
 ADOLPH GERMER — C.I.O. leader among the oil workers of 
 Texas, Oklahoma and other oil regions, is of German birth. He 
 came to the United States in 1888 and joined labor's ranks in 
 Staunton, Illinois, the scene of many violent uprisings. In 1895 
 he turned up in Mt. Olive, Illinois, and shortly thereafter a 
 general strike among oil workers ensued. He attended the 
 International Conference of Labor in Amsterdam and elsewhere. 
 
 When concessions are made by the employers, the -workers' 
 demands are pitched in a higher key so that an agreement may 
 be prevented. The communist agitators never seek a solution 
 except in terms of revolution. And every strike, if adequately 
 exploited, bears the seed of revolt. Therein lies the vital sig- 
 nificance of current strikes. 
 
 25 
 
Germer was active in the bloody coal strikes in Colorado in 
 1915. In 1900 he joined the Socialist Party, and was its national 
 secretary, national organizer and state secretary at various 
 times. He saw a great deal of action in strikes and agitation 
 in labor ranks in Massachusetts. He became international or- 
 ganizer of the Oil Field, Gas Well and Refiners Workers Union 
 in 1923. He was an ally of the imprisoned ultra socialist Eugene 
 Debs, and collaborated with him in writing several books of 
 an extremely revolutionary nature. In 1924 he was active in 
 the socialist conspired Progressive Party movement. The New 
 York State Legislative Committee investigating seditious ac- 
 tivities in 1920 reported that Germer was connected with the 
 Jack London outfit — the Intercollegiate Socialist Society (now 
 the League for Industrial Democracy), a purely revolutionary 
 movement agitating for a Marxian system of government based 
 upon "production for use and not for profit." Germer, in 1919, 
 was tried and convicted for violation of the Espionage Act, 
 together with the late communist leaders, J. Louis Engdahl 
 and Alfred Wagenknecht, and such extreme socialists as Victor 
 Berger and Eugene Debs. The sentence imposed by the federal 
 court was twenty years of imprisonment at Leavenworth. Ger- 
 mer is a member of the Advisory Committee of the C.I.O. He 
 was also one of the early New Dealers, serving on the Regional 
 Compliance Council for the N.R.A. Germer is reported by "The 
 Labor Digest," an organized labor paper, as being a "nationally 
 known communist and former enemy of Lewis. He brought 
 serious charges against Lewis and his crowd in the "Illinois 
 Miner" in 1930. Now Germer is second in command in the 
 Lewis C.I.O. set-up. 
 
 LEO KRZYCHKI — one of the leaders in the C.I.O. movement, 
 is an American by birth. He was born in Milwaukee. Krzychki 
 has held many offices in radical labor circles. He has been a 
 member of the General Executive Board of Hillman's (radical) 
 Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America Union and a gen- 
 eral organizer for it since 1920. This radical has been one of 
 the chief moguls of the Socialist Party for years. He is a mem- 
 ber of the Advisory Board of the C.I.O. He is a member of the 
 National Committee of the communist-socialist-pacifist united 
 front, the American League Against War and Fascism, on which 
 Earl Browder, secretary of the Communist Party, and other 
 outstanding communists hold berths. He has in the past also 
 been an organizer among the needle trades, and it is reported 
 that he led their strike in Reading, Pa., in 1933. He delivered 
 a stirring address to members of the C.I.O. in Chicago recently. 
 Many charge that it started the riot in which a number were 
 killed and more than a hundred injured. 
 
 Discharged from IT. S. Army 
 
 JAMES FORD — reported to be one of the active heads of the 
 C.I.O. unit among negroes, took a prominent part in its negro 
 unit organizational meeting in Pittsburgh early in 1937. He 
 has been a life-long radical, and undoubtedly inherited his the- 
 ories from his ancestors, for his grandfather was lynched in 
 Gainesville, Florida. Ford was born in Alabama. It is said 
 that he was discharged in 1919 from the United States Army in 
 France, having been discovered attempting to organize and 
 agitate while in the army. In 1920 he was discharged from 
 the Post Office Department in Chicago for agitating among 
 postal employees. Ford joined the Communist Party in 1926, and 
 has attended every one of its International Conventions, held 
 in Moscow, since. He also attended the World Congress of the 
 (communist) League Against Imperialism in 1929. He has been 
 a Communist Party candidate for Congress, and for a number 
 of years has been their candidate for Vice President of the 
 United States. In 1921 he was deported from Austria for com- 
 munist activities. He has a jail record, and is one of the 'top- 
 notchers" in Communist Party and Third (communist) Inter- 
 national circles in the United States. 
 
 ROY HUDSON — reported to be active in C.I.O. circles among 
 seamen and ship workers, first made his appearance as a com- 
 munist organizer in Nevada. He was a candidate on the Com- 
 munist Party ticket for Congress from Pennsylvania in 1931, 
 yet he has lived in Baltimore for many years. He was National 
 Secretary of the (communist) Marine Workers Industrial Union 
 from 1932 to 1936. It is understood that this element was ab- 
 
 26 
 
sorbed by a C.I.O. unit. Hudson is a member of the National 
 Committee of the red united front, the American League Against 
 War and Fascism, and is also a member of the communist Na- 
 tional Committee of the Friends of the Soviet Union. In 1932 
 he ran as the Communist Party candidate for the Supreme 
 Court in New York. He was arrested and jailed in 1930 for incit- 
 ing to riot in Philadelphia. He has been arrested in Virginia 
 and "Washington. Hudson was active in the Harry Bridges' 
 general strike circles on the West Coast in 1934, and planned 
 a secret strike conference in Baltimore to help swell the affair 
 into national scope, but the attempt failed. He was chairman 
 of a delegation to Russia in 1932. In 1936 he was a member 
 of the National Convention Committee of the Communist Party, 
 and was a communist candidate for Congress from New York 
 in 1936. He was an I.W.W.. Controls C.I.O. ship workers. 
 
 ARTURO GIOVANITTI — C.I.O. functionary in the New Eng- 
 land district, is an Italian born revolutionistic laborite. He was 
 for years general organizer of the Dubinski International Ladies 
 Garment Workers Union, now a C.I.O. unit, and head of the 
 (communistic) Anti-Fascist Alliance of North America. In 
 later years he became editor of the official organ of Hillman's 
 Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union. He was born in 1884 
 in Ripabottoni, Italy, the son of a physician and chemist. He 
 is a college and university graduate. Giovanitti has for many 
 years been active in stirring up strikes in the United States 
 among Italian workers. He was arrested as an accessory to 
 murder in Salem, Massachusetts, in 1912, following the Law- 
 rence textile strike. During his incarceration in Lawrence he 
 became a candidate for Parliament in Italy on a Marxian party 
 ticket. He founded the extremely radical publication, "Liberat- 
 or," is an honorary member of Local 48 of the Dubinski Inter- 
 national Ladies Garment Workers Union, a member of the Poets 
 Club, and P.E.N., a radical outfit. Active in C.I.O. circles, direc- 
 tion of Boston office. Addressed communist Bloor meet in July. 
 
 B. K. GEBERT — Chairman of the C.I.O. Fraternal Orders 
 Committee, which was organized during a conference of com- 
 munists and socialists in Pittsburgh in April, 1937, was district 
 organizer of the Communist Party in Illinois in 1934, and a 
 member of the National Convention Committee of the Commu- 
 nist Party in 1936. He is reported to be active with Philip 
 Murray's C.I.O. steel organizing crowd ,and is said to be closely 
 associated with Murray himself, the leader in that field. 
 
 SAM CAPUTO — arrested on charges of interfering with the 
 mails in Ohio during the C.I.O. steel strike, was at that time, 
 it is said, at liberty on a $1,000 bond charged with sniping at 
 airplanes carrying food to non-striking workers. 
 
 Harbored Gangster 
 
 CHESTER ROCHETTE (alias Clyde Rochat) — arrested with 
 Caputo on charges of interference with the U. S. mails, is said 
 to have harbored the gangster, Alvin Karpis, hunted for months 
 by federal Secret Service agents on charges of having killed at 
 least one agent and having staged a $46,000 Garrettsville, Ohio, 
 mail robbery on November 7, 1935. 
 
 E. J. LEVER — active in New Jersey C.I.O. strike activities 
 and field organizer for the steel workers organizing committee 
 of the C.I.O., is another Russian born laborite. He was born 
 in Cherson, Russia, January 21,. 1894. He became associated 
 shortly after his arrival in this country with the radical Brook- 
 wood College, said to have been (by the A. F. of L.) under the 
 influence of communists during the World War. He has been 
 active in international machinist and metal workers circles for 
 years, and has been connected with the extreme communistic 
 Farmer-Labor Party movement. Lever has been a member of 
 the Board of Directors of the radical publication, "Labor Age," 
 and heads a "cooperative" movement. 
 
 LEE PRESSMAN — another official of the C.I.O. and General 
 Attorney for the organization, is described by "The Labor Di- 
 gest" (a publication officially endorsed by organized labor and 
 edited by nine leaders of nine large well-known unions) as 
 a "lawyer booster for state socialism and communistic eco- 
 nomics." The labor paper refers to Pressman's article which 
 appeared in the C.I.O. organ "Steel Labor," May 1, 1936, as es- 
 tablishing "his attitude toward labor relations from a commu- 
 
 27 
 
nistic angle." He is a graduate of Harvard, and was one of 
 the original New Dealers. He occupied the position as general 
 counsel for the Resettlement Division, the W.P.A. and the A.A.A. 
 George N. Peek refers to Pressman in an article published in 
 the May 30, 1936, issue of the "Saturday Evening Post," in which 
 Peek claims that Pressman approached him concerning govern- 
 ment operation of milk plants, department stores and grocery 
 stores. Peek decided that this would be state socialism or com- 
 munism. Pressman is said to have retaliated with the state- 
 ment: "Call it what you may, this plan is failing and govern- 
 ment operation has to come." If these charges are true, Press- 
 man's name may be added to the already long list of commu- 
 nistic-minded leaders of the C.T.O. 
 
 WYNDHAM MORTIMER — First "Vice President of the Homer 
 Martin (auto) unit of the C.I.O., wrote an article eulogizing 
 Russia which appeared in the communist magazine, "Soviet Rus- 
 sia Today," the official organ of the Friends of the Soviet Union. 
 It is charged by Frey, Vice President of the American Federa- 
 tion of Labor, that "recently Wyndham Mortimer, Vice Presi- 
 dent of the C.I.O. automobile workers union, appeared at the 
 political bureau of the Communist Party at Cleveland * * *." 
 Mortimer was active in the recent strikes. He is referred to 
 in labor circles as the left-wing leader "who unseated Frank 
 Dillon, the American Federation of Labor leader of the auto 
 union," which is now a C.I.O. affiliate. The affiliation followed 
 Homer Martin's election to Dillon's position. Mortimer, Vice 
 President under Dillon, is said to have waged Martin's campaign. 
 
 VICTOR and W ALTER R17ETHER — are both prominent C. 
 I.O. leaders. One heads a unit of the C.I.O. auto union. Accord- 
 ing to "The Labor Digest" they "are alleged to have gone to 
 Russia in 1933," where they "studied agitation propaganda" 
 through courses given in the Soviet Union. The labor journal 
 charges that on their return to this country they enrolled in 
 Brookwood Labor College, an extreme left-wing institution 
 where radical labor leaders are schooled. Victor is reported to 
 have been arrested during a riot in Flint, Michigan, in January, 
 1937. While he was out on bond he shoved off to Anderson, 
 Indiana, where murderous riots ensued; several were killed and 
 many injured. Included in the list of those reported shot in 
 the melee was Heaton Vorse, described as the son of Mary 
 Heaton Vorse, who, while holding the position of publicity agent 
 in the Indian Bureau of the United States Department of the 
 Interior, wrote her red memoirs. She has been high up in 
 communist circles, and at one time was the alleged secretary 
 of William Z. Foster. Miss Vorse is reported "on leave" from 
 the Department of the Interior while operating in the Women's 
 Division of the C.I.O. "The Labor Digest" reproduces a letter, 
 said to have been written by the Ruether brothers while they 
 were in Russia to Melvin Bishop, under the date of January 20, 
 1934. The latter is a brother of Merlin D. Bishop, director of 
 education of the auto unit of the C.I.O. He was arrested, ac- 
 cording to the labor journal, by military authorities stationed 
 at Flint during the recent strikes. Another Ruether brother 
 is President of Local 174 of the auto unit of the C.I.O. In the 
 letter written by the Ruether brothers they inquired about the 
 progress of radical movements in the United States, and showed 
 their interest in the trend of the Socialist Party, "social prob- 
 lems, clubs," etc. They referred to the Rockefellers, Fords, 
 Mellons and Roosevelts as "parasites" and spoke friendly of 
 the red banners "workers of the world unite," which they were 
 seeing in Russia. They wrote "Mel, you know Wal and I were 
 always strong for the Soviet Union," and referred to the latter 
 as "the greatest industrial nation in the world," says "Labor 
 Digest." 
 
 Arrested In I. W. W. Quarters 
 
 WILLIAM MUIR (Miner) — C.I.O. organizer, has a "red back- 
 ground," according to "The Labor Digest," which adds that "in 
 1916 he was arrested in Bay City during a raid on the I.W.W. 
 headquarters in that city." Muir was active in Michigan strikes. 
 
 JOHN W. ANDERSON — C.I.O. organizer, is reported by the 
 "Digest" as a "police character and avowed communist." He 
 was, the Chicago Tribune says, "the Michigan Communist Par- 
 ty's candidate for governor in 1934." "He was arrested the same 
 year by the Detroit police for communistic activities." It is- 
 
 28 
 
reported that Anderson is an alien, and that he was active in 
 engineering- the Midland steel strike in Michigan in December, 
 1936. He was the communist candidate for Congress in 1932. 
 
 STANLEY NOVAK — a C.I.O. organizer in the auto field, "is 
 a communist agitator and one of the communist affiliates' most 
 active members," according to "The Labor Digest." His major 
 strike duty was in connection with the aluminum strike in De- 
 troit. Novak was formerly a member of the "Proletarian Par- 
 ty," branch of the communist movement in Michigan, and a 
 writer for its organ. He is active in the auto strikes. 
 
 NAT GANLEY (alias Nat Kaplan) — Secretary of Local 155 of 
 the auto unit of the C.I.O. , is allegedly one of the widest known 
 Communist Party leaders in Michigan. Ganley is and has been 
 extremely active in strikes in Michigan. "The Labor Dibest" 
 states that Ganley "was arrested November 22, 1934, with The- 
 odore Michiles and "William Kaiser, both active communists," 
 while organizing a fur workers union in Detroit. Ganley's wife, 
 allegedly posing as Joan Porter, is reported to have been dis- 
 charged for "communistic activities" by the Book-Cadillac 
 Hotel, scene of a C.I.O. sit-down strike. Ganley is said to have 
 organized three unions in Detroit in 1935, all of which "were 
 chartered by the Communist Party through its industrial inter- 
 national unions," according to the "Digest." Ganley was ar- 
 rested in a raid on communist headquarters in Detroit on No- 
 vember 4, 1935, after inflammatory pamphlets had been circu- 
 lated near the Naval Armory in Detroit, it charges. It is be- 
 lieved that he hails originally from the Bowery in New York 
 City. 
 
 WILLIAM McKIE — active in the C.I.O. (Local 147) auto unit, 
 is reported by the "Digest" to be "a very active member of the 
 Communist Party." He is active in Local 147 of the C.I.O. auto 
 union in Detroit. 
 
 JACK WILSON (alias Fred Williams, alias Fred Wilkes, alias 
 Jack Wilkes) — is "also an active member of the Communist 
 Party" ("The Labor Digest"). The publication further states 
 that Wilson "has been arrested numerous times for communist 
 activities and agitation." Wilson was elected Organizational 
 Secretary of the Communist Party for District No. 7, under the 
 name of Fred Williams. His police department photograph 
 number is supposed to be 49585. He was also active in the 
 Briggs strike in Detroit. Active in Workers School as instructor 
 under name of Wilkes. Attended Michigan Youth Congress, in 
 1935, and American League Against War and Fascism Congress 
 in Cleveland in 1936. 
 
 Old-Time Communist In Auto Strike 
 
 T03I PARRY — President, Local 155, of the Detroit auto unit 
 of the C.I.O., which covers two large plants, is referred to by 
 "The Labor Digest" as 'an old-time member of the Communist 
 Party, and in 1934 was caught pasting communist leaflets .on 
 bodies of automobiles at the Hudson Motor Car Company" in 
 Detroit. Parry, it is reported, was arrested in Windsor, Canada, 
 during the Kelsey-Hayes strikes, and released on $1,000 bond. 
 
 MAURICE SUGAR — C.I.O. attorney in Michigan, according to 
 the 'Digest" was "convicted of draft evasion in 1917," and 
 "pleaded guilty to an indictment on December 4, 1917, and 
 served one year in the Detroit House of Correction. The labor 
 journal claims that records of that institution show that Sugar 
 "served from November 25, 1918, to November 25, 1919," and 
 that other records indicate that "Maurice Sugar and five others 
 ((were charged) with conspiracy to violate Section 37 of the 
 United States Code." It is also charged that documents prove 
 "copy of order for registration and disbarrment by Judge Tuttle 
 in the United States Court, Detroit, on December 4, 1917.' The 
 journal claims that Sugar "was elected to the communist affi- 
 liated International Labor Defense * * * March 15, 1936." In 
 1936 Sugar was openly supported by communists for local office 
 in a Detroit election campaign. He is active in communist 
 circles and is associated with other radical movecents in Michi- 
 gan. The "Digest" charges that "Sugar's picture" was found 
 "in a place of honor alongside those of Stalin, Lenin and Tom 
 Mooney in a raid on what they described as 'communist head- 
 quarters in Detroit' several years ago," and that on the wall 
 was also found a large placard which read: "Every Factory a 
 
 29 
 
Fortress for Communism." The "Digest" states that Sugar is 
 a member of the C.I.O. board of strategy. 
 
 LARRY S. DAVIDOW — reported in labor circles as being 
 "another attorney for a C.I.O. unit," and a "close associate" of 
 Maurice Sugar. According to the "Digest" he ran "for office 
 as a socialist, and has been an active socialist ever since." His 
 firm at one time sued Henry Ford, Harry Bennett and Ernest 
 Liebold for $1,000,000. Davidow is reported by "The Labor Di- 
 gest" as having 'lectured in socialist schools in New York City 
 and a socialist summer camp in Pennsylvania and that he has 
 been the Detroit correspondent and circulation agent for "The 
 New Leader," the official national socialist trade publication." 
 
 C. I. O.'er Member Purple Gang 
 
 SAMMY FLEISCHER — is, according to a writer for the "Na 
 tional Republic" Magazine of Washington, D. C. (publishers of 
 this pamphlet), a C.I.O. agent in the Crowley-Milner and Newton 
 Beef Company strikes in Detroit, and is, "the police alleged, a 
 prominent member of the Old Purple Gang in Detroit," which 
 created so much havoc there a few years ago; that "Mr. 
 Fleischer, it is said, has a police record too long to review in 
 this article." 
 
 ALBERT 3IILLER — is referred to by the above mentioned 
 writer (Rev. R. J. Rollins of Detroit) as an active C.I.O. agent 
 in "several downtown (Detroit) department store strikes," and 
 "is still business agent for one of the unions." Miller, it is 
 alleged, 'also has a police record almost equal to that of 
 Fleischer's." 
 
 HAROLD (HAL) PRITCHELL — according to a Northwestern 
 journal is an alleged communist from Vancouver, B. C, head- 
 ing a woodworkers International covering northern United 
 States and Canada. He is active in C.I.O. work in the North- 
 west and met recently with Lewis while on the West Coast, 
 it is said. 
 
 Burglar Tools Found On C. I. O.'er 
 
 HERMAN KIERDORF (alias Richards) — is referred to by 
 Rev. R. J. Rollins as "arrested in South Bend, Indiana, charged 
 with impersonating a federal officer and extorting money," for 
 which he "served eighteen months in Leavenworth Penitentiary 
 as prisoner 42456." In 1934, it is reported, "officers suspected 
 him of some knowledge in the La Batt kidnapping case. In 
 August, 1935, a warrant is said to have been issued for his 
 arrest because of his alleged connection with the case." The 
 arrest is said "to have been made by G-men and Canadian offi- 
 cers working on the famous La Batt case. At that time, a full 
 kit of burglar tools was said to have been found in his posses- 
 sion, including get-away charts" and "loaded 38 caliber revol- 
 vers were said to have been found in the possession of Kierdorf" 
 and his companion. 
 
 MORRIS WATSON — member of the American Newspaper 
 Guild (C.I.O. affiliate) and an organizer for the Guild. He was 
 discharged by the Associated Press, and is now reported to be 
 at the head of the Federal (W.P.A.) Relief "Writers Project in 
 New York City ("The Living Newspaper"). Morris L. Ernst, 
 attorney for the red-defending American Civil Liberties Union, 
 pressed the case for Watson against the Associated Press. Wat- 
 son was on the picket lines of the Guild newspaper strike in 
 Flushing, Long Island. 
 
 SIDNEY GRANT — C.I.O. attorney from Boston. He was cited 
 for contempt of court in Maine. 
 
 LUCIEN KOCH — former President of Commonwealth College, 
 Mena, Arkansas, which was investigated, during his adminis- 
 tration, for the communistic and atheistic activities in the insti- 
 tution, and as a result of their practice of nudism and free love. 
 The State Legislature of Arkansas carried on the investigation, 
 and its findings were so startling that the President of the Col- 
 
 "The Communist Party will continue to give its best forces 
 and to mobilize its organizations to assist the work of the C.I.O/' 
 — Resolutions of Central Committee of the Communist Party, 
 U. S. A., June 20, 1937. 
 
 30 
 
lege and the faculty were highly condemned. Koch later joined 
 the Consumers Division of the United States Department of La- 
 bor, and it is understood that he is now "on leave" to organize 
 for the C.I.O. in New England. He was refused membership 
 in a federal government unit union because of his radicalism. 
 He is reported (in the official communist publication) as having 
 addressed a communistic meeting held in Virginia last year. 
 
 GUNNAR MICKELSON — C.I.O. director for the State of Wis- 
 consin, is the international vice president of the American News- 
 paper Guild, which is headed by the radical socialist, Heywood 
 Broun. Mickelson is also Executive Secretary in Wisconsin of 
 the North American Committee to Aid the Spanish Democracy 
 (red front government). 
 
 HAROLD CHRISTOFFEL — Secretary of the C.I.O. for its 
 State of Wisconsin unit, is also a member of the North Ameri- 
 can Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy (red front). 
 
 ALFREDO ABELLO — reported to be a C.I.O. organizer among 
 steel workers in south Chicago. The "Northwest Messenger" 
 claims that Abello is a member of the Communist Party. 
 
 MURRAY BACON — Vice Chairman of the C.I.O., New Jersey 
 section, according to the "Northwest Messenger." He has only 
 recently been elected to the National Executive Committee of 
 the Socialist Party. 
 
 AARON FISHERMAN — Chairman and organizer of the C.I.O. 
 in Seattle. He is referred to in the "Northwest Messenger" as 
 a "pacifist northwest leader and organizer for the Communist 
 Party, District 12 (which embraces Oregon, Washington, Idaho, 
 western Montana and Alaska) in 1926." 
 
 JULIUS HOCHMAN — Vice President of the International La- 
 dies Garment Workers Union (C.I.O. affiliate). He is active in 
 C.I.O. organization, according to his 'Socialist Party Bulletin." 
 Hochman is referred to therein as one of the "socialist trade 
 unionists," serving on a committee headed by Lewis for C.I.O. 
 field activity in the steel, tin and iron trades. He is a member 
 of the Advisory Committee of the (communist) American Stu- 
 dent Union. He was a sponsor of the radical Brookwood Labor 
 College in 1936. Last year he signed a pardon appeal for the 
 two anarchists, McNamara and Schmidt. He was also a mem- 
 ber of the Sponsoring Committee for the radical socialist, Nor- 
 man Thomas, in 1936, and a member of the Executive Committee 
 of the Farmer Labor Political Federation and League for Inde- 
 pendent Political Action in 1935. 
 
 A "Loyal Member of the Communist Party" 
 
 JOSEPH ROTHMUND — is, according to a special supplement 
 of the "Daily Worker," official organ of the Communist Party, 
 published after the Chicago C.I.O. riot, "a loyal member of the 
 Communist Party." He was active in the kitchen set-up for 
 the pickets. Rothmund was originally a Canadian communist. 
 He joined the bakers' union in Chicago. The "Daily Worker" 
 states: "Yes, communists are in this and every other strike." 
 
 PAT TOOHEY — who, according to the "Congressional Rec- 
 ord" of June 1, 1937, was denounced by John L. Lewis as "a 
 leader in the movement which was doing its dirtiest to capture 
 the United Mine Workers and to transform it into a communist 
 organization," and charged him with being the "man who saved 
 the day for the C.I.O. in the R.C.A. strike in Camden, New Jer- 
 sey," is head of the Communist Party section in Pennsylvania. 
 Toohey was secretary of the National Miners Union, a com- 
 munist outfit, until it was mustered into the United Mine Work- 
 ers Union, a C.I.O. unit of which Lewis is head. He was a mem- 
 ber of the National Advisory Board of the communist school in 
 New York City which trains revolutionists. In 1932 he was a 
 candidate on the Communist Party ticket for Representative 
 in the Assembly in Colorado. He was a member of the national 
 convention committee of the Communist Party in 1936, and its 
 candidate for State Treasurer of Pennsylvania the same year. 
 
 /W. P. A. Helps C. I. O.'ers 
 
 MERLIN D. BISHOP — is reported in the "Congressional Rec- 
 ord" of June 1, 1937, as being "a graduate and former member 
 of Brookwood College." In the December 1928 issue of "Inter- 
 
 31 
 
national Labor News," official organ of organized labor unions, 
 the college was accused of fostering communistic theories, and 
 it was criticized for condemning and slurring John L. Lewis 
 who is now working with the former Brookwoodites. Bishop 
 is, according to the "Congressional Record," "Educational Di- 
 rector" for the C.I.O. His wife, Dorothy Hubbard, "is director 
 of W.P.A. workers' education in Michigan," and her department 
 is instructing 800 C.I.O. members, according to the "New York 
 Times." 
 
 PETER CITAPA — organizer for the C.I.O. steel workers or- 
 ganization at Gary, Indiana. He was "for years a communist 
 organizer," according to the "Congressional Record." He was 
 elected to the membership of the Youth Conference of the (com- 
 munist) Metal Workers Union on June 14, 1920. 
 
 RUTH CHAPA — said to be an organizer among the women 
 in and about Gary for the C.I.O. She is the wife of Peter Chapa. 
 
 JOE COOK — is described as a part-time organizer for the 
 C.I.O. among the steel workers in South Chicago, and "is a 
 member of the Communist Party," according to the "Congres- 
 sional Record." 
 
 Feminine Communist Leader G. I. O. Organizer 
 
 MARGARET COWL. — active in the C.I.O. women's division, 
 is a New York communist. She was the Communist Party can- 
 didate for the New York State Senate in 1934 and 1936. She 
 was a member of the Communist Party Convention Committee 
 in 1936; the Women's Commission of the Communist Party; 
 Editorial Board of "Women Today," a radical magazine; the 
 National Executive Committee of the American League Against 
 War and Fascism, the communist-socialist-pacifist united front. 
 
 JACK STACHEL — reported to be a director of the C.I.O. pay- 
 roll organizers in Pennsylvania, is an avowed communist. 
 Stachel has been an instructor in the Communist Party school 
 in New York. In 1934 he was acting secretary of William Z. 
 Foster's Communist Party Trade Union Unity League, which 
 promoted many vicious strikes in the United States. Stachel 
 was a member of the Communist Party Convention Committee 
 in 1936, and he is at the present time chairman of the Com- 
 munist Party Trade Union Section. He is author of the fore- 
 word to one of William Z. Foster's (communist) propaganda 
 pamphlets for the C.I.O. 
 
 JOHN SCHMIES — former assistant to William Z. Foster, is 
 Detroit representative of the Fraternal Orders Committee of 
 the C.I.O. Schmies has been a member of the Presidium of the 
 Communist Metal Workers Industrial Union, was a candidate 
 on the Communist Party ticket for Congress in 1932, and a 
 member of the National Committee of the Trade Union Unity 
 League, which was a branch of the Red International Union of 
 Moscow, and the National Council of Unemployed (communist) 
 that same year. 
 
 GEORGE POWERS (alias Morris Powers) — said to be a C.l. 
 O. director in the steel industry around Pittsburgh, is the for- 
 mer district organizer of the Communist Party in South Caro- 
 lina. He was the secretary of William Z. Foster's Trade Union 
 Unity League in Minneapolis in 1931. Powers has been the 
 Communist Party candidate for Borough President of Queens, 
 New York City (1933). 
 
 Former Soviet Agent In C. I. O. 
 
 BL.AIN OWEN (alias Boris Israel — Israel Brestein) — report- 
 ed to be active with William K. Gebert, a communist organizer 
 in Pittsburgh. It is alleged that he was formerly employed in 
 the Pacific Coast office of Amtorg, the Soviet government's trade 
 agency. 
 
 MARY HILLYER — is reported to be active with Margaret 
 Cowl in the women's division of the C.I.O. She is a socialist, 
 and was the Socialist Party candidate for Assembly in New York 
 in 1932. She sponsored the election of Norman Thomas for 
 President of the United States in 1936, was the Socialist Party 
 candidate for Congress in New York, 1936; is a member of the 
 Board of Directors of the League for Industrial Democracy, 
 an ultra-radical socialist movement, and is a contributing editor 
 of "Women Today," a radical publication. 
 
 32 
 
DIVE DORAJf — organizer for the Young- Communist League 
 in the Pittsburgh district, is cooperating with the organization 
 of the C.I.O. in Pittsburgh. He was the Communist Party can- 
 didate for the G-eneral Assembly in Pennsylvania in 1936. 
 
 ROBERT BURKE — C.I.O. organizer in Ohio, was dismissed 
 from Columbia University some months ago because of his radi- 
 cal activities. This action was followed by student protest 
 strikes of a communistic nature in his defense. Burke was 
 head of the communist American Student Union and was arrest- 
 ed in Ohio strikes in June. 
 
 MICHAEL, QUILL — head of the Transport "Workers Union of 
 America, a C.I.O. affiliate. He was vice chairman of the (Du- 
 binsky-Hillman-Zarisky) American Labor Party. In 1926, Quill 
 was a member of the Irish Republican Army. 
 
 AUSTIN HOGAN — Secretary of the Transport Workers Union 
 of America, was also connected with the Irish movement. 
 
 HERBERT BENJAMIN — organizer of the socialist-communist 
 front, the Workers Alliance of America, which, during a recent 
 national convention, declared its solidarity with the C.I.O. The 
 delegates to the convention received felicitations from the C.I.O. 
 through John Brophy, Secretary of the C.I.O. Benjamin is an 
 avowed communist, and has declared his allegiance to the Third 
 (communist) International. He was arrested for his commu- 
 nist activities in Gallup, New Mexico, during mine strikes, and 
 has also been arrested in Washington, D. C. "Our association 
 with the C.I.O., regardless of the form it will eventually take, 
 will not require or call for any change in the principles of our 
 organization," says Herbert Benjamin at the Milwaukee Con- 
 vention of the Workers Alliance. 
 
 LOUIS WALDMAN — of the C.I.O. International Ladies Gar- 
 ment Workers Union, "was born in Russia. He is an active 
 leader in the Socialist Party and American Labor Party. 
 
 JESS GONZALES, CHARLES HENRY, CLARENCY IRWIN, 
 LOUIS MAJORS, LEONNIDES McDONALD (negro), MIKE OS- 
 TROSKI, GEORGE A. PATTERSON, TOM SHANE, ELEANOR 
 RYE (negro), are all reported in the "Congressional Record" 
 as being C.I.O. agents, and either Communist Party members 
 or connected with communist movements. 
 
 EDITH BERKMAN — active C.I.O. organizer in the textile 
 industry in New England. She was born in Poland in 1903, and 
 arrived in the United States in 1921. She was an organizer for 
 the National Textile Workers Union (communist). She was ar- 
 rested in Lawrence, Mass., in February, 1931, during the textile 
 strike, and was released on $5,000 bail. Her bail was revoked 
 when she became active again in the October strike in Lawrence. 
 In 1931 Miss Berkman was confined to the immigration station 
 and held for deportation to Poland. She later pleaded illness 
 and was transferred to the Massachusetts Memorial Hospital, 
 appealing deportation orders in the meantime. 
 
 CARROLL. BLAIR (alias Fred Bassett) — said to be active 
 in C.I.O. affairs, is a former student of the experimental school 
 of the University of Wisconsin. He served a term in the Mil- 
 waukee Workhouse, under the alias "Fred Bassett," for partici- 
 pation in the haymarket communist disturbance. In 1931 he 
 paid the State Legislature a surprise visit, and denounced its 
 members and Governor La Follette as "tools of capitalism." 
 He said "Socialists would next be shoved forward to save cap- 
 italism," which further indicated his communist mind. 
 
 "Seditious Ann" Active In C. I. O. 
 
 ANN (ANNA) BURLACH — known among comrades as "Sedi- 
 tious Ann," is said to be active in the C.I.O. textile movement. 
 She first became a member of the Young Communist League, 
 and then the Communist Party (May 1, 1929). She was arrested 
 in Bethlehem, Pa., in mill disorders on charges of sedition, but 
 was released on $5,000 bail. Miss Burlach was organizer for the 
 (communist) National Textile Workers' Industrial Union, Geor- 
 gia District. She had charge of communist headquarters in 
 Greenville, S. C, and vicinity. During an agitation meeting 
 called by the American Negro Labor Congress to demand the 
 release of the communists, Powers and Carr, she was again 
 arrested and held under $4,000 bail. She is a member of the 
 Rhode Island Communist Party Committee, and was at one time 
 
 33 
 
a Communist Party candidate in Philadelphia. She endorsed 
 the First National Convention of the Friends of the Soviet 
 Union (1934); was a member of the National Executive Com- 
 mittee of the American section of the International Womens' 
 Congress Against War and Fascism (Paris, 1934) — a commu- 
 nist set-up. 
 
 HYMAN BLUMBERG — of the Hillman Amalgamated Cloth- 
 ing Workers Union, is said to be active in C.I.O. organization 
 work in the northeast section of the country, around New Jer- 
 sey. He was born in Russia. Blumberg was active in general 
 strikes in 1916, '18, '20 and '22. He is manager of the Hillman 
 organization, a C.I.O. unit. 
 
 LOUIS BUDENZ — reported to be active in C.I.O. organiza- 
 tional work in and around Pittsburgh. He was born in Chi- 
 cago, and is a former newspaper journalist and examiner for 
 the Federal Trade Commission (1918) and the National War 
 Labor Board (1919). Budenz was the Communist Party candi- 
 date for Congress in 1936. Previous to that time, in 1934, he 
 was Executive Secretary of the American Workers' Party, a 
 left-wing socialist group. He has been connected with the 
 socialist League for Industrial Democracy. At the present time 
 he is a writer for the official organ of the Communist Party, 
 the "Daily Worker." He was also a member of the National 
 Committee of the (communist) Anti-Imperialist League. Author 
 of "What the C.I.O. Means To You." 
 
 Ex-Convict Busy for C. I. O. 
 
 CARL HAESSLER — is a jack-of-all-trades. He has been a 
 farmer, teacher and reporter. He served time in stockades at 
 Ft. Leavenworth and Alcatraz military prisons from June, 1918, 
 to August, 1920. He agitated, while imprisoned, for a general 
 strike in 1919. He is a member of the International Typograph- 
 ical Union. Haessler has been Secretary-Treasurer of the Fed- 
 erated Press, and also its Managing Editor. The manager of 
 the Washington, D. C, branch of the Press served the Soviet 
 Union Telegraph Service with Haessler's knowledge while on 
 the staff of the Federated Press. Haessler is a member of the 
 Chicago Committee of the American Civil Liberties Union. He 
 sponsored a banquet in 1932 for James W. Ford, Communist 
 Party candidate for Vice President of the United States. He is 
 an instructor in the Chicago communist school, and a supporter 
 of the National Committee to Aid Victims of German Fascism. 
 
 JACK JOHNSTONE — active in C.I.O. organizational circles, 
 is a member of the (communist) National Political Committee. 
 He was an organizer for the William Z. Foster (communist) 
 Trade Union Unity League, a section of the Red International 
 of Labor Unions of Moscow. He presided at the 1936 conven- 
 tion of the Communist Party. 
 
 ROSE WORTIS — active in Pittsburgh C.I.O. circles, is a mem- 
 ber of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. She was 
 the communist candidate for Justice of the Supreme Court of 
 New York in 1936; Comptroller of New York in 1932 and 1931, 
 and earlier for State Senate. She is a member of the National 
 Committee of the (red) International Women's Congress Against 
 "War and Fascism, and was a member of the Communist Party 
 Convention Committee in 1936. 
 
 TH03IAS (TOM) TIPPETT — denounced by the American Fed- 
 eration of Labor as being a communist in charge of Brookwood 
 College. He first became active in radical circles as an or- 
 ganizer for the Clothing Workers Union in 1920. He played an 
 important part in the steel strike in that year. He has been 
 active in the (Marxian) Farmer-Labor Party, and has held dif- 
 ferent offices in the (Lewis) United Mine Workers Union. In 
 addition, Tippett has carried on a speaking campaign in behalf 
 of the anarchist, Tom Mooney. For some years he was director 
 of the Brookwood College (radical). He has been connected 
 with Haessler's Federated Press and the (socialist) League for 
 Industrial Democracy. He is reported active in C.I.O. work in 
 and around Canton, Ohio. 
 
 ANN (ANNA) ROCHESTER — a graduate of Bryn Mawr Col- 
 lege and formerly with the United States Department of Labor 
 Children's Bureau, is an active communist. Years ago she was 
 an official of the League for Industrial Democracy. She has 
 
 34 
 
written books in collaboration with Grace Hutchins, another 
 active communist, and has been aligned with the American 
 Civil Liberties Union, the Federated Press and the John Reed 
 (communist) Club. She is a contributor of articles to the com- 
 munist journal, "New Masses," and "Soviet Russia Today." She 
 supported Foster and Ford (communists) for President and 
 Vice President of the United States in 1936. She is reported 
 to be active in C.I.O. work in Pittsburgh. 
 
 Served Jail Sentence "Inciting to Riot" 
 
 JAMES (JIM) EAGAN — was for many years Secretary of the 
 Steel and Metal Workers Industrial Union (a communist labor 
 movement), section of the Trade Union Unity League, the Amer- 
 ican branch of the Red International Labor Union of Moscow. 
 He has assisted in organizing- steel strikes in Pennsylvania, 
 Ohio and Indiana in 1930, '31, '32 and '33. He served a jail sen- 
 tence of one year for inciting to riot. Eagan is active in Home- 
 stead, Pa., C.I.O. work. 
 
 TONY MINERECH — active in Pittsburgh district for C.I.O., 
 is a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, 
 and was a member of the Communist Party convention commit- 
 tee in 1936. 
 
 FRANK WILLIAMS — active in New Mexico C.I.O. activities, 
 was Secretary of the Gallup sub-district of the (communist) 
 National Miners Union, a Trade Union Unity League Branch. 
 
 JOHN OWENS — head of the C.I.O. in Ohio, "is no softy," 
 says the official organ of the Communist Party. He is an alien 
 by birth. He was active in the 1927 Ohio mine strikes. He is 
 President of District 6 of the United Mine Workers, and is di- 
 rector of the steel strike now taking place in Ohio. Owens is 
 "determined to light with every weapon available," so says the 
 "Daily Worker." 
 
 Fought Lewis in 1932 
 
 EMIL COSTELLO — member of the State Assembly of Wis- 
 consin and state organizer for the C.I.O. A resolution intro- 
 duced in the State Legislature recently directed Costello "to 
 show cause within ten days why he should not be punished 
 for contempt of the assembly for almost continuous absence 
 during the last five weeks." Costello heads a union which 
 staged a strike at Kohlers three years ago, and is now consid- 
 ered very close to Lewis, although he, too, was once a bitter 
 enemy of Lewis. He received only 200 votes for Vice President 
 of the American Federation of Labor in 1935, and was recently 
 "banished from the State Federation of Labor's Executive Board 
 for alleged communistic activities," according to the "Labor 
 Digest." 
 
 JOHN P. DAVIS — colored organizer for the C.I.O, among 
 negro workers, is Secretary of the National Negro Congress, 
 communist endorsed affair. He told the representatives of the 
 National Association for the Advancement of Colored People 
 that "the new hope of Black America is the hope of lining up 
 with the forces of organized labor under the banner of the 
 C.I.O." He emphasized the fact that the C.I.O. is organizing 
 negroes "on the basis of equality and freedom." The United 
 Federal Workers of America, a C.I.O. unit, "one of the biggest 
 unions in the country," according to Davis, "chose a negro as 
 the first person on its pay roll." Davis is on the advisory staff 
 of the (communist) International Labor Defense, a section of a 
 Moscow International. He is a sponsor of the American Friends 
 of Spanish Democracy (red front), and is a member of the 
 Joint Committee for the Defense of Brazilian People (arrested 
 reds). 
 
 MAUDE WHITE — C.I.O. agitator in Cleveland, Ohio, among 
 negro workers in steel, is a member of the National Committee, 
 
 "The revolution does not simply happen; it must be made. 
 . . . Thus some form of violence is unavoidable. There is no 
 choice between violence and non-violence." (i. e., C.I.O. violence.) 
 — Earl Browder, Secretary of the Communist Party. 
 
 In Jan. 14, 1937, issue of official Communist organ, "William Z. 
 Foster, Moscow's No. 1 man, says: "The C.I.O., led so aggressive- 
 ly by John L. Lewis, is doing an historically important thing " 
 
 35 
 
League of Struggle for Negro Rights (communist); Communist 
 Party candidate, New York State Assembly, 1933; member, Cen- 
 tral Committee, Communist Party of U. S. A., 1937; member. 
 Communist Party Negro Commission; joined Communist Party 
 at McKeesport, Pa. (her home) ; stationed at the present time 
 in Cleveland, Ohio, where she is active among the negroes. 
 
 VAN A. BITTER — leader in C.I.O. circles, is regional director 
 in one of the nation's largest industrial sections (Chicago). He 
 approves of the "practice of taking communists into the C.I.O.," 
 according to "The Advisor." 
 
 "Rifles, Shotguns, Pistols, Clubs" 
 
 ROSE STEIN — said to be a writer for radical periodicals, is 
 said to be active in the Pittsburgh district for the C.I.O. In 
 June she was arrested on "suspicion" in C.I.O. agitated regions 
 after rifles, shotguns, pistols, clubs, a stone tomahawk and 
 boxes of pepper were seized from C.I.O. strikers' cars. 
 
 CLARENCE IRWIN — of National Executive Committee of 
 the red American League Against "War and Fascism, is active 
 for the C.I.O. in New Castle, Pa. He is eulogized by the com- 
 munists as being one of "the long list of rebels, many of whom 
 had fought Lewis' policies years before." He is referred to in 
 the "Chicago Tribune" as a member of the Communist Party. 
 He is, according to the "Congressional Record," a "district or- 
 ganizer for the Communist Party." He is mentioned in the offi- 
 cial organ of the Communist Party in connection with the steel 
 strike as being the leader of the "progressive fight for accept- 
 ing the Lewis offer and launching an organization drive," re- 
 sulting in steel strikes. 
 
 GUS HALL, (alias Hallberg) — reported to be a "C.I.O. or- 
 ganizer and communist leader." He has been accused of "master 
 minding" the series of terroristic bombings in Warren. Ohio. 
 He was indicted in the bombings in Ohio steel strike areas, and 
 charged with being the brains of the bombing squad, several 
 of whom are under arrest; is held in $50,000 bail. The "New 
 York Times" says that Hall "ran for Ward Councilman in 
 Youngstown, Ohio, on the Communist ticket in 1935, and was 
 secretary to Joe Dallet," Communist Party candidate in 1936 for 
 Congress. 
 
 JOE ORAWITZ and CHARLES BYERS — cohorts of Hall, were 
 arrested by the police in Warren, Ohio, in June, 1937, and 
 charged with unlawful possession and use of nitroglycerine. 
 
 GEORGE BTJNDAS, JOHN BOROAVIECZ and ARTHUR 
 SCOTT — arrested on charges of dynamiting in Ohio and held un- 
 der $25,000 bail. 
 
 Court-marshalled In National Guard 
 
 LAWRENCE EMERY and BEN DAVIS — writers for the offi- 
 cial organ of the Communist Party, 1937. 
 
 LEONIDAS MeDONALD — C.I.O. organizer in Monroe, Michi- 
 gan, is reported by "The Advisor" to be "a Chicago negro com- 
 munist organizer who was Communist Party candidate for Gov- 
 ernor of Illinois in 1932." He was formerly a colonel in the 
 negro 8th Regiment of the Illinois Guard. In 1931, McDonald 
 "was a member of the Committee of Section 21 of the Commu- 
 nist Party, Chicago District No. 8, assigned to the communist- 
 sponsored Washington Park Forum," according to "The Advis- 
 or." This publication accuses him of admittedly "spreading 
 communism in the regular army and in the National Guard and 
 boasted of having been court marshalled twice and questioned 
 many times about communist literature distribution while in 
 guard encampments at Camp Grant, Rockford. Illinois. He 
 boasted of having been in jail in 1930 for promoting the revo- 
 lutionary Garvey movement." McDonald has been organizing 
 for the C.I.O. in Indiana Harbor steel plants and in Monroe steel 
 plants. 
 
 OWEN W. PENNY — is described as a communist by "The 
 Advisor." He is active in organizing the Ford workers for the 
 C.I.O. in Kansas City. According to "The Labor Digest," Penny 
 has a communist police record and Chicago police records show 
 that in 1932 he was arrested for posting communist propaganda 
 literature. He is often active among workers in Oklahoma zinc 
 industries. 
 
 36 
 
DAVID J. BENTALL — said to be an official C.I.O. attorney 
 in the Chicago area, and is reported by "The Advisor' 'to be 
 "one of the most vicious communist attorneys in the United 
 States." It further charges that "he was a member of the Cen- 
 tral Committee of District No. 8 for the past several years." 
 
 JIM MATLES — is referred to as a C.I.O. leader among ma- 
 chinists. He was active in the New York district of the Steel 
 and Metal Workers Industrial Union of the (communist) Trade 
 Union Unity League in 1934. 
 
 EDWARD G. GEENTY — C.I.O. leader in New Haven, Conn., 
 was arrested recently on charges of intimidation. 
 
 FRANK GREGG — C.I.O. steel unit head in Ohio, was arrested 
 on charges of abducting a steel worker and forcing him to sign 
 up for C.I.O. membership. 
 
 St. Louis Red In C. I. O. 
 
 WILLIAM SENTNER — C.I.O. organizer in St. Louis is, ac- 
 cording to the "Northwest Messenger," the former "section or- 
 ganizer of the Communist Party in St. Louis." 
 
 LOUIS MAJORS — C.I.O. organizer in Pittsburgh, is reported 
 by the "Congressional Record" to be "a member of the Commu- 
 nist Party." 
 
 JOHN EDELMAN — C.I.O. regional director in the Philadel- 
 phia area, is a member of the Full-Fashioned Hosiery Workers 
 Union. He has been connected with the red Federated Press, 
 was a member of the ultra-pacifist Council of Pennsylvania, 
 Committee for Total Disarmament in 1932; a member of the 
 red-defending American Civil Liberties Union, and a signer of 
 a call for a Continental Congress for Economic Reconstruction 
 in 1933 (a red affair held in Washington, D. C). According 
 to a communist publication he was recently scheduled to address 
 a meeting in Philadelphia in behalf of the red front of Spain. 
 
 TUCKER P. SMITH — Director of the (radical) Brookwood 
 Labor College which trains agitators and propagandists, "writes 
 for the auto workers' C.I.O. organ and assisted the C.I.O. in 
 founding a training school last summer at Saugatuck, Michigan, 
 where agitators were trained for the sit-down strike," accord- 
 ing to a report which appeared in the "Chicago Tribune." Smith 
 is also the head of the radical "Committee on Militarism in 
 Education," which opposes military training in schools and col- 
 leges. He is a socialist, Chairman of the Emergency Peace 
 Committee, a member of the World Peaceways and the Emer- 
 gency Peace Campaign. 
 
 WILLIAM WEINSTONE — active strike leader in Detroit, is 
 General Secretary of the Communist Party of Michigan. He 
 called a secret meeting of communist heads in New York City 
 some weeks ago, at -which time he conferred with them on the 
 Michigan strike situation. Shortly afterwards the riots broke 
 out in Michigan. Weinstone has been very active in the C.I.O. 
 strikes in Michigan, and is said to have supplied the sound 
 truck to the strikers in Flint, which was ordered removed from 
 the strike-torn districts of Flint by the National Guard. He 
 has also written several strike documents, widely distributed 
 by the C.I.O. 
 
 Bomb Suspect 
 
 FRANK X. MARTEL — C.I.O. organizer in Detroit, "was sus- 
 pected" of being "connected with a series of bombings" in De- 
 troit in 1929, but "could not be found" to face the charges — • 
 "Labor Digest." He was signer of the petition circulated by 
 radicals &to pardon McNamara and Schmidt. 
 
 MIKE OSTROSKI — who the "Chicago Tribune" says is a 
 "member of the Communist Party," is also on the payroll of 
 the same C.I.O. committee, and is active in Gary, Indiana, among 
 steel workers. 
 
 "Veteran Anarchist Leader" 
 
 JESS GONZALES — a Mexican and a member of the Commu- 
 nist Party, is reported to be with the same C.I.O. committee. 
 
 ROSE PESOTTA — C.I.O. organizer in the rubber and auto 
 industries is, as reported by the "Chicago Tribune," a "veteran 
 anarchist leader, and one time associate of Emma Goldman." 
 
 37 
 
GENORA JOHNSON — said to be the "leader of the "Women's 
 Brigade at Flint," is a "member of the Socialist Party" ("Chi- 
 cago Tribune"). 
 
 MARY HEATON VORSE — publicity agent in the United 
 States Department of the Interior (Indian Bureau), and who, 
 several months ago, wrote her "red memoirs," is reported by 
 the "Chicago Tribune" to be "directing the organization of the 
 C.I.O. women's auxiliaries." Heaton Vorse, her son, was active 
 in C.I.O. affairs in Anderson, Indiana, and was among those 
 who were indicted following a riot which ended in gun fire at 
 which time Vorse was wounded. Miss Vorse in her red memoirs 
 tells how "high up" in the Communist Party she has been. She 
 was an organizer in strikes (Rank and File) in 1934. She was 
 injured in C.I.O. strike, Youngstown, Ohio., June 19. 
 
 WILLIAM Z. FOSTER — head of the Communist Party, and 
 a member of the Presidium of the Third (communist) Inter- 
 national of Moscow, is looking after the propaganda program 
 of the C.I.O. Among his contributions to the cause are articles 
 which have appeared in the official organs of the Communist 
 Party and the Third International: "Industrial Unionism," "The 
 Great Sit-Down Strike." "Get Wise - Organize," "What Means 
 a Strike In Steel," special pamphlets for the C.I.O. 
 
 BEN CAREATHERS — negro organizer, is Secretary of the 
 Pittsburgh Committee of negro organizations for the C.I.O. He 
 has been an active leader in communist circles for a number 
 of years. In 1930 Careathers was a delegate to the convention 
 of the Communist League of Struggle for Negro Rights. He has 
 been a representative of the Young Communist League, the 
 (communist) International Labor Defense, the (communist) 
 Veterans Rank and File Committee and the (red front) Ameri- 
 can League Against War and Fascism. In 1934 and 1936 he 
 was a candidate for Congress from Pennsylvania on the Com- 
 munist Party ticket. He addressed a negro convention of Trade 
 Unions for the C.I.O. in Pittsburgh on July 1, 1937. 
 
 JOSEPH YABLONSKI — member of the Board of the Lewis 
 Mine Workers' Union (District No. 5), was active with Careath- 
 ers in the negro trade union meeting for the C.I.O. in Pittsburgh 
 on July 1, 1937. 
 
 HENRY SHEPARD — referred to in communist publications 
 as field representative working with John Suttle, regional di- 
 rctor of the C.I.O. in Virginia, is possibly the same Henry Shep- 
 ard who was twice candidate for office in New York on the 
 Communist Party ticket — in 1932 for lieutenant governor, and 
 in 1933 for sheriff of N. Y. Count}'. He is also a member of the 
 National Committee of the (communistic) League Against War 
 and Fascism. 
 
 GEORGE BALDANZI — active in the C.I.O. textile field, was 
 national organizer of the Socialist Party campaign for the elec- 
 tion of Norman Thomas for President of the United States in 
 1936. He was also a member of a sponsoring committee for a 
 testimonial dinner given for Thomas. Baldanzi is Vice Presi- 
 dent of the Gorman Textile Union, and is President of the Fed- 
 eration of Dyers, Finishers, Printers and Bleachers. 
 
 MILDRED PRICE: — said to be active in the C.I.O. textile 
 field, is a professor at the (communist andatheist) Common- 
 wealth College located at Mena, Arkansas. She was a peti- 
 tioner, through the (radical) Fellowship of Reconciliation for 
 United States recognition of Russia in 1933. 
 
 DONALD HENDERSON — organizer of farm elements for the 
 C.I.O., was dismissed from the Columbia University faculty sev- 
 eral years ago for what he alleged were radical activities. He 
 has been a member of the Arrangements Committee of the 
 (communistic) U. S. Congress Against War and Fascism; Sec- 
 retary of the (red front) American League Against War and 
 Fascism; National Secretary of the (communist) National Stu- 
 dent League; member of the National Committee of the Friends 
 of the Soviet Union; Secretary, Agricultural Workers' Union; 
 Chairman of the Arrangements Committee of the First National 
 Convention of Agricultural, Cannery, Fruit and Vegetable Pack- 
 ing House Unions. This convention was held in Denver on 
 July 9, 1937, and Harry Bridges and John Brophy addressed the 
 delegates. These unions have been independent, led to a great 
 extent by communists. Henderson was active in the New Jersey 
 agricultural strikes in 1935 and 1936, and also in the Harlan, 
 
 38 
 
Kentucky, coal region. He says he is proud to be a communist. 
 Henderson's wife was arrested in New Jersey during- the Octo- 
 ber, 1934, strikes. Henderson was active in the 1936 Commu- 
 nist Party campaign in Louisiana, and has played an active 
 part in youth movements. 
 
 MEYER PERLSTEIN — Southwest Regional Director of the 
 C.I.O. and stationed in Kansas City, Mo., is another Russian 
 active in the C.I.O. labor troubles in the United States. Perlstein 
 was born in Cartyz Bereza, Grodno, Russia, September 15, 1884, 
 and came to the United States in 1904. He joined the radical 
 labor union ranks immediately in New York City. He has been 
 Vice President of the Dubinsky garment workers radical union 
 since 1908. Senator James Reed recently obtained an injunc- 
 tion against Perlstein and Dubinsky. 
 
 ISADORE NAGL.ER — C.I.O. Board member, in the joint cloth- 
 ing union circles in New York City, was a member of the Trade 
 Union Institute of Rand School sponsoring committee in 1937. 
 The American Socialist Society which maintained and operated 
 this school during the war was convicted of violation of the 
 espionage act. A number of communists were indicted with it. 
 The school was raided by a New York State Legislative Com- 
 mittee investigating seditious activities in New York. 
 
 RAYMOND KOCH and CHARLOTTE MOSCOW1TZ — are new 
 
 additions to the C.I.O. ranks. They operate Commonwealth Col- 
 lege, near Mena, Arkansas, the school which was exposed by 
 the Arkansas State Legislature some months ago, after it found 
 the college to be a den of communism, nudism, atheism and free 
 love. The head of the college has admitted that he favors the 
 communist system of government. Commonwealth College, it 
 is reported, is now a school for the training of C.I.O. organizers 
 and agitators. 
 
 GARDNER JACKSON — reported by "The Advisor" to be an 
 "official C.I.O. representative for agriculture." Jackson is a 
 former New Dealer (A.A.A.) and a member of the Executive 
 Council of the (red-defending) American Civil Liberties Union 
 (Massachusetts branch). He is Chairman of the American 
 Friends of Spanish Democracy (red front government). Ac- 
 cording to the January 28, 1935, issue of the "Congressional 
 Record," Jackson gave eight separate donations to the Com- 
 munist Rank and File Committee. He was reported in the June 
 6, 1935, issue of the official organ of the Communist Party to 
 be a member of the (communist) Herndon Committee. 
 
 J. S. B. HARDMAN — member of the Amalgamated Clothing 
 Workers of America, a C.I.O. unit, was born in Grodno, Russia, 
 in 1882, the son of a Russian businessman. Graduated from the 
 University of Leningrad in 1908 and Columbia University, New 
 York City, in 1910. Hardman was active in Russia in labor 
 movements during his college days, 1900-1908, at which time, 
 during the early activity of Lenin, Communist-made sit-down 
 strikes of the C.I.O. type were commonplace in Russia. He has 
 been secretary of the Jewish Federation in New York. He joined 
 the Communist (Workers') Party in 1922. He has been Editor 
 of the "Advance," the organ of the C.I.O., Amalgamated Clothing 
 Workers' Union for years, and is an official of the red movement 
 attempting to build a Farmer-Labor political party in the United 
 States. 
 
 WALTER N. POLAKOV — former Management Consultant to 
 the Supreme Economic Council of the Soviet government under 
 Stalin of Russia, and more recently Legal Counsel in the T.V.A. 
 and W.P.A. branches of the U. S. government. He is now con- 
 nected with the John L. Lewis C.I.O. movement and is a member 
 of the United Mine Workers' Union. Polakov served Stalin in 
 Russia for two years. He was born in Russia in 1879, and came 
 to the United States in 1931 in time to enter the service of the 
 New Deal. He has lectured in the United States on Russia. 
 
 "The revolutionary -will accept a reform in order to use it as 
 a means wherewith to link legal work with illegal work, in 
 order to use it as a screen behind which his illegal activities for 
 the revolutionary preparation of the masses for the overthrow 
 of the bourgeoisie may be intensified" (i. e., Wagner Labor Act). 
 —Foundation of Leninism, by Stalin, Dictator of Russia. 
 
 39 
 
JOHN KAUFMANN — C.I.O. agitator and organizer, arrested 
 at Edgewater, N. J., July 15. Member, League for Industrial 
 Democracy, advocates of Karl Marx' Communist Manifesto doc- 
 trines. 
 
 DAVID CLENDENIN*— C.I.O. organizer and agitator; treasur- 
 er, socialistic-communisiic Workers Defense League and Social- 
 ist candidate for New York City Assembly in 1936. 
 
 LOUIS WEINSTOCK — secretary of Painters District Council 
 No. 9, New York City, and C.I.O. leader, was National Secretary 
 of the communistic Rank and File Committee which bored with- 
 in the A.F. of L. in 1934. He was one of the endorsers of the 
 National Convention of the Friends of the Soviet Union in 1934 
 and is at present a member of the National Executive Committee 
 of the socialist-communist-pacifist united front American League 
 Against War and Fascism. He is also a member of the Execu- 
 tive Committee of the communist-defending American Civil 
 Liberties Union. 
 
 SAM WISEMAN — another C.I.O. functionary in New York and 
 Secretary of the Workers' Alliance, applicants for C.I.O. charter, 
 was Communist candidate for State Assembly in 1936. He also 
 headed the National Committee for communists Browder and 
 Ford for President and Vice President of U. S. in 1936. 
 
 JOE BRANDT — active C.I.O. strike leader in Canton, Ohio, 
 was in 1934 Downtown New York organizer for the Communist 
 Party and is at present circulation agent for the official Commu- 
 nist organ in Ohio. 
 
 SAUL WALDBAUM — C.I.O. attorney in Philadelphia, is a 
 member of the Philadelphia Committee of the American Society 
 for Technical Aid to Spanish Democracy (red front government 
 in Spain), and is a member of the Legal Advisory Committe of 
 the International Labor Defense (communist) branch of the 
 Red International Aid of Moscow. 
 
 The communist drive to disrupt organized labor and its final 
 drive for industrialization of labor unions in the United States 
 has not been of a few weeks duration. It began, as this story 
 shows, with the drive in Russia by Lenin and his master con- 
 spirators, murderers and enslavers of mankind some years ago, 
 and spread to this country through unions, leagues and associa- 
 tions. The drive here has been a determined one, and it has 
 been reasonably successful considering what little it has to offer. 
 
 Several years ago a member of Congress received a letter 
 from one union man in New England in which he told of his 
 shipyard union having been penetrated and the leadership finally 
 taken over by the communists. He described how well the com- 
 munist influence had been hidden. He told of the strange inci- 
 dents which happened right under his nose. Another union leader 
 in the district told of a schooled alien communist leader who 
 had stolen an election for President of a union on a stormy night 
 when the attendance was poor, a union he had previously led. 
 Strikes followed on the heels of the radical's rise to power, sus- 
 
 CLAIMS REDS GAVE $750,000 TO LEWIS 
 
 The West Coast district leader of the American Federation 
 of Labor, E. H. Dowell, charged on July 9, 1937, that he had been 
 authorized to make the statement that the United States De- 
 partment of Justice, in Washington, D. C, has "in its possession 
 checks totalling $750,000 from communist sources to John L. 
 Lewis to assist in organizing the C.I.O." This charge has been 
 neither denied nor confirmed by the Department in Washington. 
 
 40 
 
pending operations on all government building projects. . Similar 
 stories are too numerous to relate here, but these examples indi- 
 cate in no small way the long and continued- activities of com- 
 munists in labor ranks. 
 
 That the "industrial union" angle of the drive is only a step- 
 ping stone to something else — control over the government, con- 
 fiscation of property, etc. — is quite evident. Communists claim 
 that not only is labor to be organized along "industrial" lines, 
 but also that world mining, world transportation, world textile, 
 world communication, etc., "each of these, regardless of former 
 political (national) boundaries, will be the constituencies of that 
 new central authority — where the Central Executive Board of 
 the organized industrial workers will sit — there mill be the na- 
 tion's capital." They say that "future society will be organized 
 along Soviet lines. There will be industrial, rather than geo- 
 graphical, boundaries for nations." 
 
 "John L. Lewis trusts the communists. I don't believe for a 
 minute that he will break with them. In fact he has said that 
 he will not." — "Mother" Bloor, member Communist Party Execu- 
 tive Committee, July, 1937. 
 
 * * * 
 
 "Communist pressure has played a big part in making Lewis 
 at last sponsor the C.I.O." Our System (communist), July, 1937. 
 
 Copies of this publication may be obtained 
 at 25c per copy by addressing the 
 
 NATIONAL REPUBLIC MAGAZINE 
 
 511 Eleventh Street, N. W. 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Prices for quantities on request. 
 
Communists, C. I. O.'s Helping Hand 
 
 Special pamphlets, booklets, newspapers and regular Com- 
 munist Party publications have been circulated by the commu- 
 nists among the auto, steel and textile strikers. Millions of 
 pieces of literature have been scattered in strike districts among 
 the workmen in the trades affected by the C.I.O. promulgated 
 strikes. Regular communist organs have devoted entire sec- 
 tions to strike agitation. 
 
 Among the special publications which have recently made 
 their appearance, there are several which are of great signifi- 
 cance. One, "Get Wise - Organize," by William Z. Foster, na- 
 tional chairman of the Communist Party and member of the 
 Presidium of the Third (communist) International of Moscow, 
 orders all communists in steel districts to "sign up the men 
 in your department in the C.I.O. movement. Read, study and 
 spread all union literature," and "get your youth club or organi- 
 zation of which you are a member to go on record supporting 
 the drive." The slogan: "Get Wise - Organize," has since ap- 
 peared on scores of banners being carried in C.I.O. turnouts. 
 
 Following that order, a conference of "Fraternal Organiza- 
 tions" was held in Pittsburgh, with Phillip Murray of the C.I.O. 
 as the Principal speaker. Bill K. Gebert, well known commu- 
 nist leader and organizer of the Communist Party, was made 
 the national chairman of a Fraternal Orders Committee, 
 with headquarters at 1204 Commonwealth and 316 Fourth Ave., 
 Pittsburgh. The organizations making up the special move- 
 ment are of socialist and communist origin. John L. Lewis, 
 in a letter to the "Fraternal Organizations," under date of Octo- 
 ber 20, 1936, heartily endorsed the movement, and highly com- 
 mended its purposes. Max Bedacht, well known communist 
 leader in New ork City, also endorsed the organization, and 
 threw the full support of the communists to it. 
 
 The "Fraternal Organizations" have already established 42 
 offices in the United States, and have 175 full-time paid or- 
 ganizers and 52 part-time organizers, in addition to 5,300 volun- 
 teer organizers in the field building up the C.I.O. in fraternal 
 societies. 
 
 The "Party Organizer" (March-April, 1937), issued by the 
 Communist Party, says: 
 
 "The present struggles of the workers have greatly multi- 
 plied the possibilities for and made much easier mass party 
 recruitment. 
 
 "It is necessary to bear in mind that only if the Party, while 
 giving its maximum energy to the development of winning these 
 struggles, at the same time brings to the masses its own pro- 
 posals in its own name * * * only if the masses learn of the 
 role the party is actually playing, will we be able to mobilize 
 our own party for mass recruitment * * *. 
 
 "Organize the unorganized. Every town a union town! For 
 a powerful and united labor movement! Abolish the usurped 
 powers of the Supreme Court. Build the American People's 
 Front. Support the historic struggles of the Spanish people. 
 Build a mighty peace movement. Defend the Soviet Union!" 
 
 On February 15, 1935, the official organ of the Communist 
 Party published the following statement: 
 
 "The Communist Party is not retiring from the field. * * * 
 On the contrary, by participating in a broad labor pact with a 
 class struggle program, the Communist Party will be able to 
 spread its influence and principles among millions of workers, 
 and lay the basis for winning the masses to its own revolution- 
 ary position. 
 
 "We cannot win millions of workers directly to the Commu- 
 nist Party overnight. But the time is ripe to launch a labor 
 party that will fight for the immediate demands and the strug- 
 gles around these immediate issues. The workers will soon 
 learn from their experiences that it is the communists who 
 carry these struggles forward. Their experiences and activity, 
 in the struggles around the class struggle issues raised by the 
 labor party, will lead them to the Communist Party and its 
 program, as the only way out for the American working class. 
 The communists are helping to build local labor tickets * * *. 
 but the question of building a national labor party can only 
 come to the forefront when on the basis of local parties a foun- 
 dation for a national class struggle party has been established." 
 
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