DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Ga, fit. o fi Professor Jefferson Powell Vocabulary of Soviet Society and Culture Vocabulary of Soviet Society and Culture A Selected Guide to Russian Words, Idioms, and Expressions of the Post-Stalin Era, 1953-1991 ► Irina H. Corten Duke University Press Durham & London 1992 © 1992 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper © Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Corten, Irina H. Vocabulary of Soviet society and culture : a selected guide to Russian words, idioms, and expressions of the post-Stalin era, 1953—1991 / Irina H. Corten. Includes bibliographical references. isbn 0-8223-1213-1 (cloth) 1. Russian language—Slang—Dictionaries— English. 2. Russian language—Social aspects. 3. Russian language—New words—Dictionaries— English. 4. Russian language—Idioms— Dictionaries—English. I. Title. PG2691.C6 1992 49i.73'2i—dc20 91-31876 CIP To my parents, Ludmilla and Henry Shapiro Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2020 with funding from Duke University Libraries https://archive.org/details/vocabularyofsovi01cort Contents Acknowledgments ix Introduction xi Abbreviations and Dates xvii Classification of Terms by Subject i Lexicon 13 Selected Bibliography 165 Alphabetical Listing 169 Acknowledgments ► lam greatly indebted to Professor Theofanis G. Stavrou of the University of Minnesota for inspiring me with the idea of writing this lexicon and for his subsequent encouragement and interest in the project. I am profoundly grateful to my parents, Ludmilla and Henry Shapiro, expert Sovietologists both, for their advice and support. Especially helpful was my mother, who supplied me with many important facts and ideas. Her rich knowledge of Russian language and culture opened new vistas on the subject and enabled me to gain deeper insight into it. Without her assistance, the com¬ pletion of the lexicon would not have been possible. I am also thankful to a number of colleagues and associates, not all of whom can be listed here, for taking an interest in my work, discussing it with me, and increasing my confidence in its value. Of them, I would like to single out Professors Gary R. Jahn and Catherine Kulesov of the University of Minnesota and Timothy E. O’Connor of the Uni¬ versity of Northern Iowa for reading parts of the manuscript and offering useful comments. Finally, I should like to acknowledge the help of my students and many Russian-speaking friends, both in the Soviet Union and in the United States, in contributing to the sub¬ stance of this work. It goes without saying that the responsibility for any errors which the book may contain is entirely my own. Introduction ► This book is not a conventional dictionary, and my approach to the material is not that of a linguist. My work is an experiment in what Soviet scholars call lingvostranovedenie —the study of a coun¬ try and its culture through the peculiarities of its language. Intended for readers who are interested in the Soviet Union, it offers them an opportunity to explore some aspects of Soviet culture by examining a set of contemporary “Sovietisms"—terms and expressions shaped by events, ideas, and attitudes characteristic of the post-Stalin era. Familiarity with Russian is helpful but not necessary for the utili¬ zation of this book. The entries are listed alphabetically in English transliteration (Library of Congress system) followed by the Cyril¬ lic. In the process of acquainting themselves with the material, readers will learn new Russian words and may develop a corollary interest in studying the language. Those who know Russian may prefer to use the Cyrillic alphabet listing which I have appended to locate the terms included in the text. The entries are of varying length depending on their significance. In each, an attempt has been made to provide a succinct but full explanation of the term and, whenever possible, to supply authentic examples of its use and cross-references to other entries. The lexi¬ con may be read either sequentially or w'ith the aid of the subject thesaurus, which divides the material into specific topics; some of the terms are broad enough to fit into more than one of the the¬ saurus headings. Much of the material in the lexicon stems from my pedagogical experience. For a number of years I have been teaching a course for undergraduate and graduate students of Russian at the University of Minnesota entitled “The Current Soviet Scene.” The aim of the xii Introduction course, aside from improving the students’ language skills, is to enable them to understand something of the political, social, and cultural processes which have taken place in the Soviet Union since Stalin’s death. The course is based on Soviet literary and journalistic texts and films and draws on my own experience as a native speaker of Russian who lived in the Soviet Union as a child and has revisited it many times as an adult. As my students work with the course materials, they often en¬ counter words and expressions which cannot be found in standard Russian-English dictionaries, or which have connotations not given in dictionaries. I keep a list of these items, augmenting it by what I myself discover through reading, exposure to the Soviet media, and contacts with Soviet citizens, recent emigres, and American col¬ leagues in the Russian field. I have found that the explanation and discussion of such vocabulary is an effective method of bringing into focus some characteristic features of Soviet life and thought. Stu¬ dents tell me that the study of Sovietisms in my course helps them in their subsequent course work and research, and they often request copies of my master list for reference. As the present lexicon is based on that list, I have reason to believe in its educational value. I wish to warn the reader that although I made an earnest effort to keep my work free of ideological bias, evidently I did not entirely succeed, at least not in the opinion of one American colleague. Having looked at my manuscript, he said that the material painted a rather negative picture of Soviet reality. I then recalled a joke I once heard in Moscow, according to which there are really only two words in the Russian language: ura (hurrah) and uvy (alas). Since the “hurrahs’’ are adequately dealt with in English-language diction¬ aries of Soviet Communist Party jargon, which I did not include in my lexicon for the reasons stated below, I suppose that I ended, albeit unintentionally, by writing mostly about the “alases.” Indeed, many of the unofficial Sovietisms of the pre-Gorbachev era reflect an attitude critical of life in the Soviet Union. This is not surprising, for in a society which until recently was highly repres¬ sive, the coinage and use of acerbic catchwords and pithy sayings was one of the few ways in which people could communicate their ideas and feelings about their condition with relative impunity. The same is true of humor. Anyone familiar with the Soviet culture of the post-Stalin era knows that there is a great abundance of jokes, anekdoty, which deal with various aspects of political and social life Introduction xiii in the country. Sovietologists have found such jokes a useful re¬ source for understanding the Soviet mind, and I have included them in my explanations of the terms where appropriate. The importance of the role of political jokes, for example, is illustrated by the term anekdotchik (literally, a jokester), which, in colloquial usage since the late Stalin era, refers to a person incarcerated for the telling of antiestablishment jokes. A joke has it that an anekdotchik, when asked to tell the shortest joke he knew, was arrested for saying “Communism.” It should be noted that this situation has changed dramatically since 1985. Sovietisms reflecting critical attitudes now are used freely in official parlance, and political jokes no longer have to be told in whispers. As the subtitle of the book indicates, the contents are selective. Compiling a lexicon of Sovietisms could be an undertaking either of encyclopedic proportions or of a scope circumscribed by more prac¬ tical considerations of accessibility and convenient use; this work represents the latter approach. The selection offers a sampling of a broad range of topics in the areas of politics, ideology, the economy, education, arts and letters, social problems, and everyday life, as well as some language associated with the personalities and ac¬ tivities of individual Soviet leaders. Readers with special interests perhaps will find the coverage lacking in some ways. Those who are particularly interested in government, for example, might be disap¬ pointed not to see a greater number of political terms, whereas students of economics might wish for a stronger representation in their field, and so forth. My friends and associates who saw the material when it was being prepared for publication were quick to make recommendations for additions or deletions, but, because of the personal interests and preferences of each, there was little agreement among them on the particulars. Subjectivity undoubtedly was a factor in my own choices as well. I did comply with the suggestions as much as the scope of this work would allow, but incorporating them all would have required a multivolume production. Despite its size limitations, I feel that the lexicon can be put to good use both as a source of general informa¬ tion about the Soviet Union and as a guide to further inquiry on a number of specific topics. The process of making choices was not always easy. My learned colleagues sometimes disputed the meanings of certain terms or, having never heard of a particular term, questioned its importance. xiv Introduction One especially memorable case of conflicting opinions took place at the International Russian Teachers’ Congress in Moscow in August 1990. I was discussing the neologism koper with several Soviet philologists. One of them was unfamiliar with the word. Another thought that it was a recent borrowing of the English “copper,” that is, a policeman. Two others maintained that it was a colloquial version of kooperativ (a cooperative business enterprise) or kooper- ator (member of such an enterprise). I myself had seen the term in print and heard it used in the latter sense. Because of the dispute I was advised not to include the word in the lexicon. However, I ultimately decided otherwise because I felt that the colloquializa- tion of the word kooperativ indicated popular acceptance of an important new phenomenon in the Soviet economy. Generally, dealing with colloquialisms of the Gorbachev period was a rather frustrating task for me. Anyone who has been following recent developments in the Soviet Union knows that political, so¬ cial, economic, and cultural changes there have been occurring with overwhelming speed. These changes continuously give rise to new vocabulary which peppers the speech of Soviet Russians and the pages of periodical publications. Even if I worked in the Soviet Union with a team of assistants, regularly scanning all major news¬ papers and magazines, listening to radio and television broadcasts, and interviewing people in the streets, I doubt that I would have been able to gather and process all of the neologisms. Among those currently known to me I chose the ones which, as a teacher of modern Russian language and Soviet culture, I considered espe¬ cially important and revealing for American students. I plan to continue the compilation with an eye to future expanded and up¬ dated editions of the lexicon. For, even in the months between the final proofreading of the manuscript and the publication of the book, new terms might emerge and unexpected political events might make some of my statements about Gorbachev, the Commu¬ nist Party, or the present Soviet scene appear to be dated (their historical value notwithstanding). My specific guidelines for selecting the terms were as follows. First of all, cultural significance rather than frequency or duration of use was the decisive factor. For example, the word mankurtizatsiia (forcing people, through brainwashing, to forget their cultural heri¬ tage) is one which was used primarily in the early years of the Gorbachev era by a relatively narrow circle of people with a good Introduction xv literary education. Nevertheless, I included it in the lexicon be¬ cause, in my opinion, it represents a very important phenomenon in Soviet cultural history. To avoid the use of esoteric terms, however, I made sure that each of my selections, to qualify for inclusion, had occurred at least several times in a variety of popular sources such as the media, films, and conversation. Slang and colloquialisms which have no special cultural, political, or social interest were omitted. Excluded also, with few exceptions, was Marxist-Leninist and Communist Party jargon (e.g., appara¬ tchik, member of the Party apparatus) because several good glos¬ saries of it already exist; for the same reason I excluded prison-camp and criminal slang and obscenities. Likewise, there are glossaries of Soviet Russian acronyms (e.g., KGB , Committee of State Security) and of words derived from abbreviations (e.g., kolkhoz, collective farm); for that reason I picked only those acronyms and abbrevia¬ tions which I did not find in published glossaries or which are relatively uncommon and not easily decipherable, for example, posreb, posthumously rehabilitated political prisoner. Readers in¬ terested in vocabularies not found in the present lexicon will find a listing of complementary sources of reference in the appended bibli¬ ography. Excluded for reasons of economy is the jargon of specific occupa¬ tional or social groups (e.g., taxi drivers, high school students), with the exception of some terms associated with dealers and users of illegal narcotics. The recent and rapidly growing phenomenon of drug abuse in the Soviet Union has been producing its own lan¬ guage, much of which has yet to be recorded by lexicographers. I also cite some recent terms connected with prostitution and black marketeering. Establishing the precise chronology of the origin of a term was rarely feasible; in many instances I was unable to specify the time of a term’s emergence more exactly than to place it within a certain decade or the incumbency of a particular leader. I should like to add that not all of the Sovietisms in the lexicon actually originated during the post-Stalin era. Some had been coined earlier, but I included them because they remained important or acquired new connotations after 1953. Any such circumstances are explained in each of the entries in question. The material is displayed in the lexicon as follows. The main entries are in boldface, and their derivatives (subentries) and other xvi Introduction Russian words, except in titles, are italicized. Word combinations are alphabetized under the first word. For terms whose standard meaning differs from their colloquial usage, I explain both, starting with the former. As an aid to pronunciation, stress marks are shown for all Russian terms the first time they appear in an entry in English transliteration and in Cyrillic, except for words in cross-references and bibliographic references. Acronyms are followed by their pho¬ netic equivalents. Parts of speech are indicated for all main entries. Nouns are given in the nominative singular only, unless the plural is used more commonly than the singular, in which case only the plural is given. For nouns which have different forms for men and women, both forms are given. Gender is indicated only in ambiguous cases. Ad¬ jectives, when listed as single words, are given in their nominative masculine singular form, unless the plural is more commonly used. For verbs, only the imperfective aspect is given, unless the perfec¬ tive happens to be more commonly used in a particular expression. Many of the terms are designated as colloquialisms and some as slang. The line of demarcation between these lexical categories is not entirely clear. My understanding of them is that the former is a word or an expression peculiar to the language of common conver¬ sation, while the latter, also conversational, is more restricted in use and often regarded as inelegant, incorrect, or even vulgar. Citations from the appended bibliography are identified by au¬ thor, by title if the work is anonymous, or by author and title if several titles are listed under the same author. I quote rather ex¬ tensively from the glossaries of Soviet neologisms edited by N. Kotelova. These books, regularly updated, are quite useful because they draw material from recent editions of the most popular Soviet newspapers, magazines, and literary texts and include many cita¬ tions from these publications which demonstrate the usage of the terms in question. Unfortunately, the citations are incomplete— page references are not given, and names of authors and titles of articles sometimes are omitted. The same problem occurs in some of my other bibliographic sources. Therefore, in quoting from them, I have to refer to them rather than to the original texts. Translations of quoted texts and of jokes are my own. August 1991 Abbreviations and Dates Grammatical terms Newspaper and journal titles abbr. abbreviation AF Argumenty i fakty acr. acronym Iu Iunost’ adj. adjective LG Literaturnaia gazeta coll. colloquialism; LGI The Literary Gazette colloquial International conj. conjunction MN Moscow News der. derived from N Nedelia f. feminine gender NM Novyi mir id. idiom NYT New York Times inf. infinitive O Ogonek lit. literally Ok Oktiabr’ m. masculine gender R Rabotnitsa n. noun SK Sovetskaia kul'tura neut. neuter gender SL Soviet Life num. numeral SR Slavic Review part. participle ST Minneapolis Star Tribune perf. perfective VM Vecherniaia Moskva pi. plural WPR World Press Review prep. preposition pron. pronoun Important dates sing. singular 1917 Bolshevik Revolution si. slang 1924 Lenin’s death V. verb 1928-1953 Stalin era i 955-I964 Khrushchev era 1964-1982 Brezhnev era 1985 to present Gorbachev era Vocabulary of Soviet Society and Culture Classification of Terms by Subject I. Politics and Ideology Communist Party; indoctrination and propaganda Aktivnaia zhiznen- naia pozitsiia Bditel’nost’ Chernukha Chuchelo Departizatsiia Destalinizatsiia Gigantomaniia Khlebnaia kar- tochka Koliuchka Kul’t lichnosti Lakirovka de- istvitel’nosti Makulatura Mankurt Mankurtizatsiia Mnogopartiika Na vysshem urovne Nomenklatura Partdissident Partmafiia Partortodoks Pliuralizm Podkovannyi Pokazukha Polzan Pravil’nyi Prinudilovka Radiovoina RadiovraP Razriadka Vozhdizm Vral’nia Oppression; political crimes; dissidence Administrativno- komandnoe up- ravlenie Anekdotchik Anonimshchik Bditel’nost’ Chekist ChSR Durdom Dzhaz KGB Glushilka Golodovat’ GULag Iazychnik Inakomysliashchii Kompromat Konvergentsiia Krasnoe koleso Lazar’ Nesvoboda Nian’ka Omonovtsy Otkaznik Perestrakhovshchik Podpisant Polochniki Posreb Predbannik Pripaiat’ Psikhushka Raskolot’sia Repressiia Sident Spetskhran 2 Classification of Terms Stalinshchina Stukach Topotun Tret’e ukho Vnutrennii emi¬ grant Zamesti Zhuchok Political, economic, and sociocultural reforms of the Gorbachev era Administrativno- komandnoe up- ravlenie Andreevshchina Arbatstvo Bardak Beloe piatno Blokovoe my- shlenie Bolevaia tochka Debilizatsiia Demokratizatsiia Departizatsiia Detabuizatsiia Drugoi Pervyi Dukhovnost’ Glasnost’ Golodovat’ Govoril’nia Kholodnaia grazhdanskaia Mankurt Mankurtizatsiia Memorial Narodnyi front Neformal Obnovlenie Pamiat’ Pena Perestroika Perestroishchiki Planovo-rynochnaia ekonomika Pliuralizm Posleperestroechnyi Pravdist Pravovoe gos- udarstvo Privatizatsiia Prozrenie Uskorenie Vsedozvolennost’ Zakhlopyvanie II. Economy; Work; Living Conditions Industry and agriculture; business and finance Aktirovat’ Avralit’ Bardak Berezka Beskhoz Bezynitsiativnost’ Biznesovat’ BTU Chernaia kassa Chernaia subbota Chrezvychaishchina Dereviannye Dlinnyi rubl’ Dogoniaevshchina Fantiki Gospriemka Kapusta Khozraschet Koper Kukuruznik Nelikvidy Perestroika Planovo-rynochnaia ekonomika Poslat’ na kar- toshku Privatizatsiia Raskrest’ianivanie- 80 Razgosudarstvlenie Razriadka Samookupaemost’ Subbotnik Tolkach Treugol’nik Trinadzataia zarplata Tselinniki Valiuta Zelenen’kie Labor conditions; work ethic Anonimshchik Avralit’ Baran Beloruchka Bezynitsiativnost’ Bibliotechnyi den’ Bich Bichevat’ Biulletenshchik Broshenka Chrezvychaishchina Gorbatit’sia Classification of Terms 3 Iashchik Ishachit’ Kalymit’ Katit’ bochku Kompromat Levachit’ Limitchiki Nesuny Nezavershenka NRV Pakhat’ Predbannik Rabotat’ na sklad Shabashit’ Telega Trudiaga Tuneiadets Consumer services and problems Avos’ka Beskhoznaia mogila Beskolbasniki Blat Blatar’ Davat’ Defitsit KBO Kolbasniki Nagruzka Napriazhenka Obsluga Ocherednik Pereboi Pribarakhlit’sia Prinuditel’nyi assor¬ tment Probivat’ Probivnoi Razdobudka Shirpotreb Sotnik Tysiachnik Umelets Vybrosit’ tovar Housing Avtobrodiaga Beskvartir’e BOMZh Broshenka Cheremushki Dolgostroi Khata Khrushchoba Kommunalka Kuriatnik Malogabaritka Malosemeika Nedostroika Propiska Vysotka ZhEK Zhilploshchad’ Black marketeering and other illegal practices in the economy Avtobrodiaga Blat Blatar’ Fartsovshchik Firmach Gamshchik Korruptsioner Levachit’ Mafiia Mazhor Navar Nesuny Podprilavok Raskolot’sia Reket Sem’ia Skhodniak Strizhka Tenevaia ekonomika Tolkat’ Tsekh Utiug Valiutchik III. Ethics; Social Interactions Mores and values Amoralka Bespoletnost’ Bezbytnyi Bezdukhovnost’ Defitsit Dukhovnost’ Miloserdie Moral’nyi oblik Naplevizm Personalka Potrebitel’stvo Pravdist Priobretatel’stvo Raschelovechenie Sekretutka Sovok Strogach Tovarishcheskii sud Veshchizm Vygovoreshnik Vykliuchennost’ 4 Classification of Terms Social stratification Beloruchka Beskolbasniki Besperspektivnyi Blat Blatar’ Brezhnevshchina Elita Goldeny Invalid piatoi gruppy Kapstrana Kolbasniki Konkurs roditelei Middeli Nomenklatura Pazheskii korpus Perspektivnyi Plebei Podavat’ (po- luchat’) na bliudechke Pozvonochniki Prestizhnyi Samyi-samyi Sotsstrana Spetsshkola Telefonnoe pravo Vyezdnoi Zakrytyi magazin Zastoi Daily life; status and problems of women Afganets Akselerat Amerikanka Avos’ka Bibliotechnyi den’ Broshenka Dvoiurodnaia zhena Dvorets bra- kosochetanii Feminizatsiia Kamazonka Khrustal’ Malodetnost’ Maskulinizatsiia NRV OGG Podkabluchnik Sotsial’nyi diskom- fort Vygliadet’ Zhensovet Sexual behavior Bardak Bez cheremukhi Dezhurnaia de- vochka Dvoiurodnaia zhena Goluboi Gomik Gomosek Gruppovukha Kadrit’ Polozhit’ glaz Sauna Sekretutka Seksual-demokrat IV. Social Problems Alcoholism; drug addiction; disease Alkash Anasha Belaia smert’ Blokada Bormotukha Dacha Dur’ Durdom Gliuk Gonets Kaif Kaifovat’ Kaliki-morgaliki Kerosinshchik Koknar Koleso Kumar Laiba Lezhat’ v piat- nashke Lomka Narkobiznes Narkom Narkot Niukhach Otkliuchka Perelomat’sia P’ian’ Plan Poilka Prikhod Psikhushka Rygalovka Shiriat’sia Skinut’sia na troikh Classification of Terms 5 SPID Stoiachka Zelenyi zmii Crime, other illegal activities and law enforcement Avtobrodiaga Blat Blatar’ Ded Dedovshchina Druzhinniki Fanaty Gaishnik Interdevochka IuDM Khimiki Khunveibin Kidala Liubery Motokhuligan Musor Nochnaia babochka Panel’shchitsa Pornobiznes Pornolenta Pornukha Putana Spetsura V. Literature and the Arts; Science; Education; the Media Literature and the arts Bard Beskonfliktnost’ Bespoletnost’ Besproblemnost’ Derevenshchiki Fiziki i liriki Formalizm Ispovedal’nost’ Komfortnoe isk- usstvo Lakirovka de- istvitel’nosti Makulatura Molchal’niki Nagruzka Nedukhovnost’ Ottepel’ Pisat’ v iashchik Polochniki Pornukha Pravdist Prinuditel’nyi assor¬ tment Razvlekalovka Roker Rok na kostiakh Samizdat Shirpotreb Shliagernyi Siusiu-realism Tamizdat Tvorcheskaia ko- mandirovka Utechka umov Verniak Vidukha Science and technology Bibliotechnyi den’ Ekstrasens EVM Fiziki i liriki Iashchik Kiber Kompik Mag NLO NTR Tekhnari Vtoraia gramotnost’ Education and upbringing of youth Afganets Akselerat Beloruchka Khoroshist Korki Kul'torg Kul’t-prosvet- uchilishche Kul’t-prosvet- uchrezhdenie Kul’tstan Kul'tura Kul’turkloun Poslat’ na kar- toshku Prinudilovka Prodlenka Raspredelenie Shpargalist Spetsshkola Stipukha Teleniania Vitiia koridornyi Zakon bozhii The media Dzhaz KGB Glushilka 6 Classification of Terms Radiovoina Kachki Pribarakhlit’sia Radiovral’ Khata Prikid Samizdat Khippi Putevka Teleniania Khippiak Sotsstrana Vral’nia Khippovat’ Zagranka VI. Recreation Khristosik Liubery Plesen’ and Lifestyle Roker Entertainment Shtatniki Stiliaga Bard Tusovat’sia Egoistiki Iashchik Physical culture; Kaif health; diet; Kaifovat’ environment Komfortnoe isk- Amerikanka usstvo Kachalka Kul’turkloun Kachki Mag Morzh Nagruzka Morzhevanie Nedukhovnost’ Pop-mobiPnost’ Otkliuchka Sotsnakopleniie Pornukha Stekliashka Prinuditel’nyi assor- Stoiachka timent Syroedenie Razvlekalovka Tikhaia smert’ Shirpotreb Zelenyi patrul’ Shliagernyi Zhral’nia Videobum Vidik Leisure; travel; Vidukha fashion Youth culture Avtobrodiaga Avtostopshchik Balder Dikari Brodvei Firma Chuvak Firmach Egoistiki Kapstrana Fanaty Meningitka Kachalka Nian’ka Classification of Terms 7 I. riOJIHTHKa H Hueojioriw KoMMyHHCTHMeCKafl napTHu; nponaraH.ua AKTHBHaa >KH3HeHHaa n03HIJHfl EflHTeflbHOCTb BO)KflH3M BpajibHa r HraHTOMaHHH J],enapTH3auHa JfeCTaJIHHH3aUHH KojnoHKa KyjIbT JIHMHOCTH JIaKHpoBKa flen- CTBHTejlbHOCTH MaKyjiaTypa MaHKypT MaHKypTH3auHB MHoronapTHHKa Ha BbicmeM ypoBHe HoMeHKJiaTypa riapTflHccHneHT napTMac|)HB riapTOpTOHOKC rimopajiH3M nOflKOBaHHblH noKa3yxa non3aH ripaBHJIbHblH npHHyflHJIOBKa PanHOBOHHa PanHOBpajib Pa 3 pajiKa Xjie6Haa KapTOMKa HepHyxa Hynejio TnpaHHn; nojiHTHHecKHe npecTynjieHHa; aHccnaeHTCTBo AflMHHHCTpaTHBHO- KOMaHHHoe ynpaBneHHe AHeKflOTHHK AHOHHMmHK BflHTeJlbHOCTb BHyTpeHHHH 3MHrp3HT TjiymHflKa TojioflOBaTb TYJIar Jp*a3 KrB flypflOM >KyHOK 3aMecTH HHaKOMbICJIflmHH KoMnpoMaT KoHBepreHiiHH KpacHoe KOJieco JIa3apb HecBo6ona HflHbKa OMOHBflbl OTK33HHK nepecTpaxoBipHK nonnHcaHT nOJIOHHHKH riocpefi npen6aHHHK npHnaHTb IIcHxyiiiKa PaCKOJIOTbCH PenpeccHB CHfleHT CnepxpaH CTaJlHHLUiHHa CTyxaH TonoTyH TpeTbe yxo HeKHCT HCP 5l3bIHHHK IIoJIHTHHeCKHe, TKOHOMHHeCKHe H copnajibHO- KV.lbTVpHbie petJjop.Mbi ropSaneBCKOH jno\n AflMHHHCTpaTHBHO- KOMaHflHOe ynpaBJieHHe AHflpeeBipHHa Ap6aTCTBO Bapflax Bejioe rniTHo BflOKOBOe Mbl- mjieHHe BojieBaa tohk3 Bceno3BOJieHHOCTb TjiacHOCTb T OBOpHJlbHfl TOJIOflOBaTb J],e6HJlH3aLlHB JfeMOKpaTH3ai;Hfl JfenapTH3apH« JfeTa6yH3apH?i J^pyroii FlepBbiH JfyXOBHOCTb 3axjionbiBaHHe MaHKypT MaHKypTH3apHH MeMopnaji HapoflHbiii (JipoHT HecJiopMaji 8 Classification of Terms OSHOBjieHHe naMHTb rieHa IlepecTpoHKa IlepecTpoHmHKH FIjiaHOBO- pbiHOHHaa 3KOHOMHKa rijiiopajiH3M nocjienepecTpoen- Hbiii IIpaBUHCT IlpaBOBoe rocyuapcTBO ripHBaTH3apHH ripo3peHHe YcKopeHne XoaoaHaa rpajK^aHCKaa II. 3KOHOMHKa; Tpva; Ycjiobhji >Kh3HH IlpOMbimjieHHOCTb H CeJlbCKOe X03HHCTB0? KOMMepUHH H (jlHHaHCbl ABpaJIHTb AKTHpOBaTb BapaaK Be3bIHHpHaTHB- HOCTb Eepe3Ka Becxo3 BH3HeCOBaTb BTY BaaiOTa rocnpneMKa ,I3,epeBHHHbie JfjIHHHblfl py6jlb JforoHaeBmHHa 3ejieHeHbKHe KanycTa Konep KyKypy3HHK HeJIHKBHabl IlepecTpoHKa FljiaHOBO- pbiHOHHaa 3KOHOMHK3 FlocaaTb Ha Kap- TOUIKy npHBaTH3apH5I Pa3rocyaapcT- BJieHHe Pa3pafl R a PacKpecTbHHHBa- HHe-80 CaMOOKynaeMOCTb Cy66oTHHK TojiKan TpeyrojibHHK TpHHaapaTaa 3ap- naaTa OaHTHKH Xo3pacneT IJ,ejIHHHHKH MepHaa Kacca HepHaa cy66oTa 4pe3BbiHaHmHHa yCJIOBHH H 3THK3 Tpyaa ABpaJIHTb Ahohhmiphk BapaH Be3bIHHpHaTHB- HOCTb Eeaopyaica EH6jIHOTeHHbIH aeHb Bhh BHaeBaTb BpomeHKa EiojuieTeHmHK T opSaTHTbca HmaaHTb KajIbIMHTb KaTHTb SoHKy KoMnpoMaT JleBaHHTb JIhmhthhkh He3aBepmeH R a HecyHbi HPB llaxaTb FIpen6aHHHK Pa6oTaTb Ha CKJiaa Teaera Tpyaara TyHeanep Mpe3BbiHaHipHHa LUaGamHTb Hiphk IIpoSaeMbi SbiTOBoro o6cjiy*HBaHHH ABocbKa BecKoaSacHHKH Becxo3Haa Moniaa BaaT BaaTapb Bbl6pOCHTb TOBap JfaBaTb Classification of Terms 9 KBO KojlSaCHHKH Harpy3Ka Hanpa^emca OScayra OnepenHHK FlepeQoH npn6apaxjiHTbCH FIpHHyjlHTeJlbHblH accopTHMeHT FIpo6HBaTb FIpo6nBHOH Pa3flo6ynKa COTHHK TbICHHHHK YMejieij lUnpnoTpeS >K>i.iiimm>ie ycaoBiia ABToSponara EecKBaprapbe EOWDK BpoineHKa BbicoTKa JfojirocTpofi }Kmin;iomanb >K3K KoMMyHajiKa KypHTHHK Majiora6apHTKa MajioceMenKa HeaocTpoHKa FIponHCKa XaTa Xpymo6a HepeMyuiKH HepHblH pbIHOK H apyraa HCjaKomiaH /reaTejibHOCTb b oSjiaCTH 3 KOHOMHKM ABToSpoflBra EaaT BnaTapb BaJHOTMHK TaMmHK KoppymjnoHep JleBaMHTb Ma*op Macfma HaBap HecyHbi IIoflnpHJiaBOK PaCKOJIOTbCB PexeT CeMbH OrpHxoca CxOflHHK TeHeBaa 3KOHOMHKa TonxaTb YTior OapqoBmnK OnpMaM U,ex III. 3 THKa; CouMajibHbie OTHOUieHMH MopajibHo- AyXOBHbie UeHHOCTH AMopaaica Be 36 bITHbIH Be3ayxoBHOCTb BecnoneTHOCTb BeipH3M BbiroBopeuiHHK BbIKJIKDHeHHOCTb JI,ec|5HL;HT flyXOBHOCTb KyjibTypa Mmiocepane MopajibHbin o 6 jihk HanjieBH3M FlepcoHajiKa FIOTpe6nTejlbCTBO IlpaBflHCT FIpHofipeTaTejib- CTBO PacHejioBeneHHe CexpeTyTKa Cobok OrporaH ToBapHipecKHH cya OSmecTBeHHaa CTpaTHtjiHKauna BeaopyMKa BecKoaSacHHKH BecnepcneKTHBHbin BjiaT BjiaTapb Bpe>KHeBinHHa Bbie3aHOH TojiaeHbi 3aKpbiTbin Mara3MH 3acTon MHBaJIHfl nSTOH rpynnbi KancTpaHa KoJlfiaCHHKH KoHKypc pOflH- Teaen io Classification of Terms MunnejiH HoMeHKJiaTypa riaacecKHH Kopnyc FlepcneKTHBHbiH njieSen IlottaBaTb (nojiynaTb) Ha 6moneHKe FI03B0H0HHHKH npeCTH>KHbIH CaMbiii-caMbiH CopcTpaHa CnepniKOJia Tene<|)OHHoe npaBO 3jiHTa EbiT; nojioxeHHe h npoo.ieMbi xemitHH ABoebKa AKcejiepaT AMepHKaHKa A(J)raHeit EH6jIHOTeHHbIH neHb EpomeHKa BbirjiHjteTb flBopeo SpaKOConeTaHHH .□.BoioponHaji *;eHa )KeHcoBeT KaMa30HKa MajioaeTHocTb MaCKyjIHHH3aitHH HPB orr IlojtKaSjtyHHHK CoitHajibHbiii AHCK0MC{30pT OeMHHH3aitHB XpycTajib CeKcyajibHoe noBeaemie Eapaax Ee 3 nepeMyxH TojiySoft Tomhk ToMoceK TpynnoByxa ,I],BOK)pojtHaH >xeHa ,n,e*ypHaa aeBOHKa KanpHTb Il0J10>KHTb TJia3 CayHa CeKpeTyrica CeKcyaji-neMOKpaT IV. 06n^ecTBeHHbie IIpo6jieMbi AjiKorojiH3M; HapKOMamm; 3a6ojieBaHHa AnKam AHama Eejiaa CMepTb EjioKaaa EopMOTyxa Tjiiok ToHei; ffana flypaoM flypt 3eaeHbiH 3 mhh Kafii^) KancfioBaTb KaJIHKH-MOprajlHKH KepOCHHLUHK KoKHap Koaeco KyMap JlafiSa JleacaTb b nflTHaiiiKe JlOMKa HapKo6«3Hec HapKOM HapKOT Hioxaa OTKJHOHKa IlepejiOMaTbCfl rinaH rioHjiica ripHxoa ricHxymKa FlbBHb PbirajiOBKa CKHHyTbCH Ha TpOHX cnHfl CTOHHKa IIInpHTbCH IIpecTynjieHHH h apyrne HapymeHim 3aKOHa h oopboac HHMH ABTo6pon»ra EnaT EjiaTapb TaHmHHK flea ,U,eaoButHHa J],py*HHHHKH HHTepaeBOHKa Knaaaa JIio6epbi MoTOxyjinraH Mycop Classification of Terms 11 HoHHaa 6a6omaHaTbi Xhmhkh XyHBen6HH lOflM V. JlHTepaTypa; MckyccTBo; HayKa; OopaioBaHHe; CpeflCTBa MaccoBoii KOMMVHHKaUHlt JlHTepaTypa h HCKyCCTBO Bapa EeCKOH^JIHKTHOCTb BecnoneTHOCTb BecnpoSjieMHOCTb BepHHK Bnflyxa XfepeBeHutHKH HcnoBejtajibHocTb KoMtJjopTHoe HCKyCCTBO JIaKHpoBKa flen- CTBHTejIbHOCTH MaxyjiaTypa MojmajibHHKH Harpy3Ka HeflyxoBHOCTb OTTenejib riHCaTb B BUtHK FIoJIOHHHKH IlopHyxa ripaBJIHCT llpHHynHTenbHbiH accopTHMeHT Pa 3 BneKajioBKa Poxep POK Ha KOCTBX CaMH3jtaT CiocK>-peajiH3M TaMH3flaT TBopnecKaa KOMaHflHpOBKa YTeHKa yMOB <1>H3HKH H JIHpHKH OopM3JlH3M UlHpnoTpe6 IIIjiHrepHbiH HayKa h TexHoaorHn EnSjIHOTeHHblH neHb BTopaa rpaMOTHOCTb KnSep KoMnHK Mar HJIO HTP TexHapw YTeHKa yMOB H3HKH H JIHpHKH 3 BM 3 KCTpaceHC flllJHK 06pa30BaHHe h BOCHHTaUHe MOJioAeaui AxcejiepaT AcjjraHep BejiopyHKa BHTHB KOpHflOpHblH 3aKOH 6 o>khh K opKH KyjibTopr KyabT-npocBeT- yHMJiHine KyjibT-npocBeT- ynpexueHne KyjibTcraH KyjibTypa KyjibTypKnoyH PIocjiaTb Ha Kap- TOUIKy PIpHHynHJlOBKa PIponJieHKa PacnpenejieHHe CnepiuKOJia CTHnyxa TejreHBHB XopouiHCT IilnaprajiHCT CpejicTBa MaccoBoii KOMMVHHKaHHH BpanbHa rnyuiHJiKa Jl,>Ka3 KTB PaflHOBOHHa PaflHOBpajib CaMH3H3T TeneHHHH 12 Classification of Terms VI. JJocyr h 06pa3 )Kh3hh Pa3BJieHemm Bapa BnaeoSyM Biwpk Bnayxa Kaficj) Kafic£>OBaTb KoMcjjopTHoe HCKyCCTBO KyjibTypKjioyH Mar Harpy3Ka HeayxoBHocTb OTKJIKJHKa IlopHyxa ripHHyaHTejIbHblH accopTHMeHT Pa3BJieKajioBKa IllHpnoTpefi IUjiarepHbiH SrOHCTHKH HmHK Mojioae*Haa KyjibTypa BajineTb BpoHBefi KanajiKa KaHKH Jliofiepbi rijieceHb Poxep Crajiara TycoBaTbca OaHaTbi XaTa Xwnnn Xijhhhk XnnnoBaTb XpHCTOCHK HyBax IllTaTHHKH SrOHCTHKH n3Ky.ii>Typa h cnopT;3AopoBbe; P 3 ia; OKpy/Kaiomaa cpeaa AMepHKaHKa XpajibHH 3ejieHbifi naTpyjib KanajiKa KaHKH Mop* Mop*eBaHHe ri 0 n-M 06 HJIbH 0 CTb CopHaKonjieHne OreKjiHinKa CTOHMKa CbipoeneHHe Tnxaa cMepTb flocyr; nyTemecTBHa; MOflbi ABToSpoaara ABTOCTOniUHK JlHKapH 3arpaHKa KancTpaHa MeHHHrHTKa HflHbxa npHSapaxjiHTbca PIpHKHU riyTeBKa CopcTpaHa OnpMa OnpMaM Lexicon administrati'vno-komandnoe upravlenie (ajjMHHHCTpaTHBHo-KoiwjSH- flHoe ynpaBJi^HHe) (adj., adj., n.). Governance by administrative fiat, in other words, authoritarianism; a frequently used expression of the Gorbachev era. Originally it referred only to Stalinism, but it later came to be used more broadly in describing and criticizing the Soviet method of rule in general, including Lenin’s. The term has been applied to virtually every aspect of Soviet life: politics, eco¬ nomic management, cultural and educational policies, and even social interactions where elements of leadership are involved. The adjective administrativno-biurokraticheskii (administrative-bureau¬ cratic) occasionally is used as a variant, for example: “We’re just be¬ ginning to realize that the administrative-bureaucratic mafia is much more terrible than the criminal mafia” (L. Sal’nikova, “Mozhno li zhit’ ne voruia?,” O, no. 43, 1990, p. 2). afganets KypHaa aeeoHKa; ae>Kypni»iH M&jibHHK) (adj., n.). Lit., girl or boy on duty; coll, of the 1960s denoting a young woman or man available for casual sex; an “easy lay.” In the 1960s, in reaction to the official puritanism of the Stalin era and under the influence of the “sexual revolution” in the West, public attitude to casual sexual relations became increasingly lax. A dialogue between two young men, representative of these new values, goes as follows: “ ‘Listen, have you got a dezhurnaia for tonight?’ ‘Sure, I’ve got two of them. Shall I bring one for you?’” (cited in “Trudnye—sami o sebe,” LG, 28 Dec. 1977, p. 12). Seebez cheremukhi; gruppovukha; sauna; seksual-demokrat. dikari (jHkapn) or dikie (aHKne) (n. or adj.; pi.). 1: wild ones, savages; 2: coll, since the 1930s referring to vacationers who choose to travel on their own, without authorized passes from their profes¬ sional unions (see putevka). The term stems from coll, use of the adj. dikii, which, in the 1920s, denoted a social or professional group operating independently of the state, for example, dikaia artel’ , “wild” or independent artel. Because of inadequate transpor¬ tation, hotel, and restaurant facilities in the Soviet Union, traveling on one’s own can present considerable difficulties and discomforts. Often, people end up spending their vacation in rough conditions— hitchhiking, camping or staying in small rented rooms without basic conveniences, eating irregular meals not properly prepared, and so forth. Such circumstances validate the metaphor of living in the wild. 42 Lexicon dh'nnyi rubl’ QjiHHHbiii py6jib) (adj., n.). Lit., long ruble, that is, money earned quickly and easily, often by illegal means. The ex¬ pression was especially popular in the Brezhnev era when, in the general atmosphere of materialism and corruption (see zastoi ), many people, especially bureaucrats, aimed to live well while doing as little work as possible. dogoniaevshchina OjoroHaeBmiiHa) (n.). Der. dogoniat’, to catch up with; coll, of the Khrushchev era. The term is a travesty of the of¬ ficial Soviet slogan, dognat' i peregnat’ (to overtake and surpass). The “overtaking and surpassing” refers to the claim made by the So¬ viet government during the early Five-Year Plans in the 1930s, and again under Khrushchev, that it would surpass the West in economic development. The campaign was conducted with the aid of crude propaganda, such as the well-known Khrushchev-era poster which showed two racing cows, a red one on the heels of a red-white-and- blue one, with the inscription “Derzhis , korovaiz Aiovy" (Hang on, Iowa cow!). The campaign subsided during the Brezhnev years, and now its goals are spoken of as unrealistic and unwise. The following jokes from the Khrushchev era exemplify the pub¬ lic’s skeptical attitude toward the notion of an economic race with the West. 1. Following the lecture entitled “We Will Catch Up with the United States,” there is a question from the audience: “And when we do, can we stay there?” 2. Question: Is it true that the U.S. is first in the world in the production of cars? Answer: Yes, but the USSR is first in the number of parking spaces. dolgostroi (flOJirocTpdii) (n.). Der. dolgo , a long time, and stroit’, to build. “Lengthy construction”—a humorous term, in use since the 1960s, which characterizes the inefficient and slow construction of public housing in the USSR. According to one joke, two topics are listed on the agenda for the annual meeting of the State Housing Construction Committee: the building of new apartment houses and the building of Communism. The Chairman opens the meeting: “In view of the fact that we have no bricks and no mortar, let us devote today’s session to the discus¬ sion of the second question.” Lexicon 43 Drugoi Pervyi (.Hpyrdii IlepBbiH) (adj. & num. as n.). “The Other First,” a late 1980s coinage which referred either specifically to Boris El'tsin, President of the RSFSR and Gorbachev’s most influ¬ ential political opponent or, more generally, to any prominent op¬ position leader. “[At first] El'tsin . . . was no threat to Gorbachev. But when he became a constructive leader, a fellow fighter for perestroika, the ‘Other First’ in a sense, then Gorbachev had to face a challenge more serious than mere confrontation” (Iu. Feofanov, "Printsipy i litsa,” O, no. 29, 1990, p. 5). At no time in recent Soviet history was the situation of having two “first” leaders, El’tsin and Gorbachev, more dramatic than after the attempted right-wing coup d’etat in August 1991. druzhinniki OpvvKtf hhhkh ) (n.; pi.). 1: combatants; comrades-in- arms of medieval Russian princes; 2: people’s guards or voluntary militia, instituted in the late 1950s and still in existence. The force was established by a joint Party-government decree as part of the effort “to enlist working people in the cause of protecting public order and the observance of legality.” The guards have a hierarchi¬ cal structure up to district or city level and are equipped with a guard certificate, badge, and arm band. Their job is to help prevent street crime, to combat drunkenness, road accidents and the like. They are empowered to demand identification documents and to detain malefactors for delivery to the police. They are expected to be physically fit and, though unarmed, are encouraged to develop skills in karate or judo. They are not paid for the work, usually done several hours per week, but they get time off from their jobs without reduction of pay. A good record may qualify them for extra paid holidays and preference in housing. dukhovnost’ (ayx6BHOCTb) (n.). Spirituality. In Communist jargon, this term normally refers not to religion but to faith in Communism, and is virtually synonymous with ideinost’ (loyalty to the ideals of Communism). Since 1985, however, dukhovnost' has regained its classic meaning of religiousness and/or adherence to high ethical principles. Members of the government now use the term fre¬ quently, saying that spirituality among the Soviet people had been undermined by the brutalities of Stalinism and by the materialism and corruption of the Brezhnev era (see bezdukhovnost’; zastoi). They say that spirituality is needed to reinvigorate the country and 44 Lexicon to enable it to make economic and social progress. The phrase “spiritual restructuring” ( dukhovnaia perestroika ) has appeared in Gorbachev’s speeches and in the media. dur’ (aypb) (n.). i. foolishness; 2. coll, since the 1970s meaning “dope” (illegal narcotics). See anasha; belaia smert’; gliuk; gonets; kaliki-morgaliki; koknar; koleso; kumar; laiba; lezhat’ vpiatnashke\ lomka; narkom; narkot; niukhach; perelomat’sia; plan; prikhod; shiriat’sia. durdom (^ypjjdM) (n.). Abbr., durak or dura, fool, and dom, house; coll, since the 1950s denoting a hospital for the mentally ill, a “nuthouse.” The term often is used specifically in reference to the Soviet government’s practice, before the Gorbachev era, of punish¬ ing dissidents by placing them in insane asylums. For example, General Pavel Grigorenko, sentenced in 1964 to six and a half years in special mental hospitals for daring publicly to warn of the danger of the “personality cult” in the Communist Party, later wrote: “There is a secretly legitimized order for turning dissenters into madmen” (cited in “Special Mental Hospitals,” MTV, no. 6, 1990, p. 13). See psikhushka. The following joke illustrates the use of psychiatry as a tool for persecuting dissidents. Question: How many motor vehicles per capita are there in our country? Answer: Two—a Black Maria and a psychiatric ambulance. dvoiurodnaia zhena; dvoiurodnyi muzh (aeoidpoaHaa *ena: /jbo- idpogHbiH My*) (adj., n.). Lit., first-cousin wife; first-cousin hus¬ band; may be translated as “wife (or husband) once removed.” This humorous coll., in use since the 1960s, denotes the lover of a married man or woman. Marital infidelity is very common in the Soviet Union, and in recent years Soviet sociologists and psychologists have been making serious efforts to study this phenomenon and to educate the public about its problems and dangers. The subject has been a popular one in the media, especially in the widely read women's monthlies, Rabotnitsa and Krest’ianka. For example, an article in a recent issue of Rabotnitsa (M. Musina, “Lekarstvo ot izmen,” Dec. 1989, pp. 27-28) reports that Soviet psychotherapists are developing Lexicon 45 new methods of treating mates of unfaithful spouses through hyp¬ nosis. Another article in the same journal speaks out boldly in de¬ fense of “the other woman.” “We are used to pitying unhappy wives. But why hasn’t anyone thought of pitying those ‘happy’ women, those loved ones chosen by men as their ‘wives once removed' [dvoiurodnyezheny)l" (“Opiat’ izmena," R , May 1990, p. 29). dvorets brakosochetanii (jBop^u SpaKOcoHeTamiH) (n., n.). Palace of weddings. Established in the late 1950s, these “palaces” are buildings with formal decor (chandeliers, carpets, floral arrange¬ ments, etc.) where civil wedding ceremonies take place. They were designed to counteract the appeal of the Russian Orthodox church ritual. Another reason for their creation was the Soviet govern¬ ment’s concern with the growing divorce rate. It was hoped that a wedding performed in a solemn and festive atmosphere would serve as a reminder to the couple of the importance of marriage. Palaces of weddings are not numerous, and the demand for them is great. (The majority of people get married in civil registry offices, in drab and uninspiring surroundings.) The heroine of one story (N. Ba- ranskaia, Nedelia kak nedelia , NM, Nov. 1969, p. 39) dreams of “a marble stairway in a palace of weddings, Mendelssohn’s march, a white dress, a veil, roses,” but does not get a chance to get married in such surroundings. A couple wishing to get married in a palace of weddings must sign up many months in advance, in compliance with the government’s policy of preventing hasty marriages. Another stipulation for the use of the facility is that at least one of the partners must be under thirty-five years of age and marrying for the first time. With the revival of religion in the Gorbachev era, church weddings have become increasingly popular and the demand for palaces of weddings has somewhat diminished. dzhaz KGB (4%a3 KTB [pronounced kay-gay-bay]) (n., n.). Lit., KGB jazz; coll, used in the 1960s and 1970s to denote the jamming of broadcasts from abroad. Jamming was discontinued in the era of glasnost’ (q.v.). The popularity of foreign news programs, legally or illegally received, is illustrated by the following joke. The manager of a department store is trying to console a lost child: “Don't worry, dear, we’ll announce your name on the inter¬ com, and your parents will come for you.” 46 Lexicon Says the crying child: “They will hear the announcement only if you broadcast it on Voice of America!” egoistiki (aroricTHKH) (n.; pi.). Lit., little egotists; coll, since the 1970s referring to headsets worn by music lovers, especially teenage fans of rock music. The idea is that, by wearing headsets, one shuts out the world and becomes indifferent to everything except oneself. ekstrasens (aKcrpac&ic) (n.; m. or f.). Der. extrasensory; a person possessed of extrasensory perception—clairvoyance, telepathy, and so on. This term has been in popular use since the 1960s—the decade when the study of parapsychology became fashionable among the intelligentsia and in some scientific circles. In the 1970s interest in this subject spread among the nomenklatura (q.v.), when it became known that Brezhnev occasionally resorted to the help of psychic healers. ESP and other paranormal phenomena continue to attract a good deal of attention among the Soviet public as well as in the scientific establishment. elita (ajiiiTa) (n.). The elite. This term became popular in Brezh¬ nev’s times in reference to those who enjoy influence, material benefits and various privileges unavailable to the average citizen, and who constitute the upper crust of the presumably classless Soviet society. They are the leading officials of the Party and state apparatuses, senior military and diplomatic personnel, managers of large production enterprises, directors of educational and scientific establishments, and leaders of the cultural intelligentsia (writers, artists, publishers, etc.). In frequent use is the adj. elitnyi or elitarnyi (elitist); for example, elitnyi institutes a school which trains carefully selected students for prestigious and lucrative jobs. “I cannot under¬ stand why members of our elita are accorded luxurious homes the likes of which we ordinary mortals don’t see even in our dreams. How much longer will my family of five continue to live in a room of fifteen square meters?” (reader's letter, AF, no. 44, 1990, p. 4). See goldeny; nomenklatura; poluchat’ na bliudechke; prestizhnyi; samyi-samyi; vyezdnoi; zastoi. According to a well-known joke, the motto of the elita is: “The rules are the same for everyone, only the exceptions are different.” In another joke, the question is asked: “Is it true that in the socialist Lexicon 47 camp all people are equal?” And the answer is: “Sure, some more than others.” EVM ( 3 BM) (n.). Pronounced eh-vay-em. Acr., elektrdnno-\ychis- lUel'naia m ashina, electronic computing machine. This term, widely used since the 1970s. denotes computers, calculators and other types of electronic computing devices. See kiber; kompik; NTR; vtoraia gramotnost’. fanaty (c|)aH&Tbi) (n.; pi.). Der. fanatik , fanatic. Fanatics and/ or fans—term referring to gangs of teenage hoodlums who, under the pretext of rooting for their favorite soccer or hockey teams, sought to start brawls at stadiums; a phenomenon of the 1970s. At the end of that decade, some of the fanaty declared themselves neo-Nazis and, sporting brown shirts and armbands with swastikas, staged street rallies in several cities. The police, instead of interfer¬ ing directly, mobilized World War II veterans to confront the youths. The measure proved effective, and the rallies did not recur. As it turned out, for many of the young people membership in the fanaty gangs was only a passing stage. “In one particularly reveal¬ ing and lengthy transcript, an eighteen-year-old traces his career from the fanaty through the punks to a skateboarding group" (J. Bushnell, “An Introduction to the Soviet Sistema : The Advent of Counterculture and Subculture,” SR 49, no. 2 [Summer 1990]. p. 274)- fantiki (({t^hthkh) (n.; pi.). 1. candy wrappers; 2. coll, since the late 1980s denoting Soviet paper money, rubles. The term has a pejora¬ tive flavor, suggesting that Soviet money is of little worth. See dereviannye; kapusta; valiuta; zelenen'kie. fartsovshchik; fartsovshchitsa (tjjapnoRiiiHK: (JnipuoBimiua) (n.). A black marketeer; specifically, one who engages in illegal buying and selling of foreign goods. The term, derived from the underworld jargon of Odessa, has been in use since the late 1950s but is giving way to newer slang (see firmach; gamshchik; mazhor; navar; utiug). Over the years, the fartsovshchiks have been among the most suc¬ cessful private entrepreneurs in the Soviet Union. “More than one third of the people surveyed have been buying foreign-made [fir- 48 Lexicon mennye] clothes . . . from fartsovshchiks” (“Pered zerkalom,” LG, 2 Sept. 1987, p. 13). feminizatsiia ((J)eMnnn3aunH) (n.). 1 : in medicine, “feminization,” or the development of female characteristics; 2: in popular use since the late 1950s, the process of transformation of the Soviet man’s values, habits, and personality, caused by the changes in the status of Soviet women since the Bolshevik Revolution and, more specifi¬ cally, since World War II. During the war, with most men away at the front, Soviet women faced the responsibility of maintaining industry and agriculture as well as of protecting their dependents. They emerged from this ordeal “masculinized” (see maskulinizat- siia ), accustomed to handling men’s jobs and acting as the head of the household. At the same time, those of them who were lucky enough to have their men return from the front (the casualties had been tremendous) happily played the traditional role of home¬ maker. Meanwhile the men, exhausted and disoriented by the war, tended to be passive, allowing the wife to be a beast of triple burden: wage earner, head of household, and domestic servant. Today, almost two generations later, many of the same patterns and attitudes still exist. The poet Iuliia Drunina writes: “In such a family, the son imitates his father, growing up with the unnatural conviction that he, a delicate hothouse flower, must be pampered and protected by the woman. Thus, the feminization of the ‘strong sex’ occurs, forming men with parasitical mentalities, cowardly, unable to stand up not only for the women but for themselves” (“Muzhchina i zhenshchina,” LG, 9 Mar. 1976, p. 8). See podka- bluchnik. firma or firma (((mpivia; (jmpMa ) (n.). 1: a firm (business enterprise); 2: coll, since the 1960s denoting an institution engaged in classified work (see iashchik)-, 3: sometimes pronounced firma. SI. since the late 1960s denoting a foreign label, that is, high-quality foreign- made goods which have snob appeal and, in some circles, determine the owner’s social status. “I make an impression because I am tall, have a good complexion, and own foreign-made (firmennye ) clothes. ... I get the firma from my mother” (V. Tokareva, “Samyi schastlivyi den’,” NM, Feb. 1980, p. 178). See pribarakhlit’sia; pri- kid; zagranka. Lexicon 49 firmach; firmachka ((fnipMan; (jinp\iaMKa) (n.). SI. since the late 1960s denoting a dealer in foreign-made clothes and other goods; also the owner of such possessions. See fartsovshchik; gamshchik; mazhor; navar; utiug. fiziki i liriki (4>h3hkh h .inpnkn) (n., conj., n.; pi.). Lit., physicists and lyricists; coll, since the 1950s pertaining to professionals in the two basic domains of knowledge—the sciences and the humanities. In the 1950s, the two groups began an informal public debate. The scientists (fiziki) asserted that, in the new age of cybernetics and space exploration, they were the most important and useful mem¬ bers of society. Their opponents, the liriki, asserted that, if scientists were given favored status, culture would decline and give way to technocracy. In support of their viewpoint, some educators ex¬ pressed concern that Soviet school curricula, by placing too much emphasis on science, produced insufficiently “cultured” youths. The debate still continues. See NTR; tekhnari; vtoraia gramotnost’. formalizm (t})opMa.iH3M) (n.). Formalism. A trend in literature and art criticism, popular in the Soviet Union in the 1920s and early 1930s, which posits that the value of an artistic work resides in its form rather than its content. After socialist realism (see siusiu- realizm) became the official doctrine in Soviet arts and letters, formalism was branded as a “decadent bourgeois” theory. As the importance of socialist realism gradually declined in the post-Stalin era, the notion of formalism as its antithesis went out of use, al¬ though occasionally it still appears in the writings of conservative critics. The term now is used in a broader, though still negative, sense to denote superficiality and unquestioning adherence to estab¬ lished rules. Gorbachev, in his criticism of the Soviet bureaucracy, had spoken of “formalism in work” and “formalism in thought.” The Komsomol (Communist Youth League) in particular has been “widely condemned for lapsing into ‘formalism' and losing the inter¬ est of young people” (B. Keller, “Russia’s Restless Youth,” NYT Magazine, 26 July 1987, p. 27). gaishnik (rariuiHHK) (n.) Der. acr. GAl — Gosudarstvennaia Avto- mobil'naia I nspektsiia (State Automobile Inspection); coll, since the 1950s denoting a traffic patrol officer. There is considerable, if 50 Lexicon petty, corruption among the gaishniks, mostly in the form of accept¬ ing bribes from traffic violators. The bribes range from ten to one hundred rubles, depending on the seriousness of the violation. gamshchik; gamshchitsa (raMimiK; r&wmima) (n.) Der. gum; si. since the early 1980s denoting an adolescent who engages in the trading of small Soviet-made souvenirs for foreign-made chewing gum and other items such as cigarettes or ballpoint pens. The busi¬ ness usually is transacted near hotels which house foreign tourists. The bartered foreign items sometimes are sold to peers at a profit. Some of these adolescents later become involved in black mar- keteering. “The gamshchiks are the lowest rung of the ladder among the [illegal] traders” (“Shkola biznesa,” VM, 5 October 1989, p. 4). See fartsovshchik; firmach; mazhor; navar; utiug. gigantomaniia (mrairroMsiHHa) (n.). “Gigantomania.” Der. gigant, giant, and maniia , mania; coll, since the late Stalin era denoting the Soviet government’s penchant for large-scale projects. Perhaps the first manifestation of it was Stalin’s plan, in the late 1930s, to build the Palace of Congresses, which would be ten meters higher than the highest building in the world—New York’s Empire State Build¬ ing. The war interfered with its construction, but in the early 1950s Stalin erected several very tall and ornate buildings which unattrac¬ tively altered Moscow’s skyline and were sarcastically dubbed the “Stalin Gothic.” Gigantomania blossomed under Brezhnev, who built many huge monuments, stadiums and the like. The most glar¬ ing example of his ambition, which fortunately never materialized, was the plan to change the ecology of the country by reversing the flow of major Siberian rivers. Gigantomania has abated during the post-Brezhnev era. glasnost’ (rji^CHOCTb) (n.). Translated imprecisely as openness, this is one of the two best-known terms (the other is perestroika [q.v.]) associated with Gorbachev. The word itself, denoting publicity or making something known to the public, that is, the government’s accountability before its people, is not new in the Russian language. A reformist watchword in the 1850s and 1860s, it was used by Lenin in the early Soviet period. Iurii Andropov reintroduced it into official language when he stated that more glasnost' (public open¬ ness) in the work of Communist Party and state organs was desir- Lexicon 51 able. Under Gorbachev’s policy of glasnost’, there was a broadening of the range of permissible public discourse to the point of out¬ spoken criticism of Communism and the Soviet system. Freedom increased considerably in many areas of life ranging from political administration to artistic expression. This was a dramatic and wel¬ come departure from the repression which had long been the pat¬ tern of Soviet rule. However, many Soviet intellectuals continue to feel that unless the Soviet state becomes truly democratic (ruled by a freely elected government) and the new freedoms are spelled out in the constitution and enforced by law, glasnost’ cannot become a permanent feature of Soviet life. Furthermore, the worsening eco¬ nomic crisis in the country has dampened their enthusiasm for glasnost’. According to one recent joke, glasnost’ is defined as being able to open one’s mouth but not having anything to put into it. See arbatstvo; demokratizatsiia; detabuizatsiia; mnogopartiika; narod- nyi front; neformal; pluralizm; pravdist; prozrenie. gliuk (tjik)k) (n.). Der. Gluck , German for happiness; si. since the 1960s denoting a euphoric or hallucinatory state induced by drugs. “He would swallow, sniff, or smoke all sorts of drugs, and would fall into a stupor, seeing hallucinations— gliuks" (cited in Ben-Iakov, p. 35). See anasha; belaia smert’; dur’; gonets; kaif; kaliki-morgaliki; koknar; koleso; kumar; laiba; lezhat’ v piatnashke; lomka; narkom; narkot; niukhach; otkliuchka; perelomat’sia; plan; prikhod; shi- riat’sia. glushilka (rjiyuiHjiKa) (n.). Der. glushlt’, to choke, stifle, jam; coll, since the 1960s denoting the jamming of broadcasts from abroad, practiced before the era of glasnost' (q.v.). See dzhaz KGB. goldeny or goldeny-mazhory (rdjiaeHbi; rojifleHbi-MaavOpbi) (n.; pi.). Der. golden, major; a newer (1980s) and slangier version of zolotaia molodezh' (golden youth). The term refers to children of the Soviet elite (see elita; nomenklatura). These young men and women dress in stylish and expensive clothes, own luxury items such as cars and VCRs, travel abroad, study in prestigious schools, and enjoy many other privileges not accessible to their peers from mid¬ dle-class families (see middeli). Conscious of their high social status, they often act in an arrogant and egotistical manner. The 1988 Soviet film Dorogaia Elena Sergeevna (Dear Elena Sergeevna) viv- 52 Lexicon idly portrays such youths. The term is mentioned in this film and also in B. Keller, “For Russians, the Americanisms Are Coming” (NYT , 28 Aug. 1988, p. 9). See poluchat’ na bliudechke; pazheskii korpus; spetsshkola; pozvonochniki; samyi-samyi. golodovat’ (rojioflOBaTb) (v.). 1: to suffer prolonged and extreme hunger and need; more emphatic than the standard v. golodat’, to starve; 2: coll, since the mid-1980s meaning to be on a hunger strike for some ideological cause. Before the era of glasnost’ (q.v.), hunger strikes occasionally were practiced by individual Soviet dissidents, notably Andrei Sakharov. In recent years they have become a rather popular and effective form of collective protest. For example, since 1988 several groups of Russian Orthodox believers in different parts of the country staged successful hunger strikes to have their local churches restored to active service. goluboi (rojiy66H> (adj. as n.). Lit., pale blue; si. since the 1960s de¬ noting a male homosexual. The derivation of the term is unclear. Ac¬ cording to one interpretation, it stems from the homosexuals’ self¬ designation as “blue-blooded,” that is, a select and refined group. Another version is that pale blue color suggests young boys; by analogy, some Soviet lesbians recently have been designating them¬ selves as pink ( rozovye ). Like gomik and gomosek (q.v.), goluboi is one of the few non-obscene terms pertaining to homosexuals. In the Soviet Union homosexuality is considered a crime punishable by im¬ prisonment; the phenomenon is not well understood and prejudice against it is strong. Recently, however, there have been public state¬ ments expressing a more realistic attitude to homosexuals and a con¬ cern about the excessive rigidity of the laws against them; in 1989, the founding of the first Soviet Association of Sexual Minorities (men and women homosexuals) was announced in the media, and in July 1991 this organization sponsored an international conference which was held in Moscow and Leningrad. All these changes are due to democratization, increased cultural contacts with the West, and the spreading epidemic of AIDS (see SPID). For example, the liberal Moscow youth newspaper, Moskovskii komsomolets , writes that the number of homosexuals in the Soviet Union is rising and the inci¬ dence of venereal disease among them is high because of their reluc¬ tance to come forward; their fear of prosecution is hampering pre¬ ventive measures against AIDS (cited in WPR , May 1987, p. 34). Lexicon 53 gomik (t6mhk) (n.). Der. gomoseksualist , homosexual; coll, since the 1960s denoting a male homosexual. See goluboi; gomosek. gomosek (roMocen) (n.). Abbr., gomoseksualist , homosexual; coll, since the 1960s denoting a male homosexual. See gomik; goluboi. This term’s phonetic resemblance to gensek (General Secretary of the Communist Party) has given rise to the following joke: Question: What is the difference between gomoseks and genseks ? Answer: The former kiss each other secretly at home and the latter do it publicly at airports. gonets (roH&i) (n.). 1: messenger; 2: si. since the 1970s denoting a pusher of illegal drugs. The term is used extensively in Chingiz Aitmatov’s 1986 novel. Place of the Skull (Plakha , also translated as The Executioner’s Block), which paints a vivid picture of the ac¬ tivities and lifestyle of Soviet drug dealers. See anasha; belaia smert’; dur’; gliuk; kaliki-morgaliki; koknar; koleso; kumar; laiba; lezhat’ v piatnashke; lomka; narkom; narkot; niukhach; perelo- mat’sia; plan; prikhod; shiriat’sia. gorbatit’sia or gorbit’sia (rop6^THTbc«; r6p6«TbCH) (v.). 1: to hunch one’s back; 2: coll, from the Brezhnev era, pejorative; to do hard work, usually for low wages. See baran; ishachit ’; pakhat’; trudiaga. The following jokes reflect a negative attitude to work—a fairly common phenomenon in the Soviet Union, according to many ob¬ servers. 1. Question: What should I do if suddenly I get the urge to work? Answer: Calm yourself, drink a glass of water, lie down for a while. The feeling soon will pass. 2. A trade union leader from the United States came to visit a Soviet factory. He found that the shops were deserted save for a few workers, while all the rest stood around in the hallways smoking, chatting, or just staring out the windows. “I wish you all success in your strike!” the American said to them as he departed. gospriemka (rocnpweMKa) (n.). Abbr., gosudarstvennaia priemka, state acceptance. The term, associated with Gorbachev’s economic reforms of the late 1980s, means the inspection of the quality of industrial and agricultural products by government representatives. Before the Gorbachev era, the chief concern of factory and farm 54 Lexicon managers was to produce enough quantity to fulfill government- required quotas (see rabotat’ na sklad). The products, if defective or unsalable, later were written off (see aktirovat’\ nelikvidy ) and the losses were covered by state subsidies. The purpose of gospriemka is to exercise quality control, to reduce waste and, through eliminating the subsidies, to stimulate productivity and incentive. See khozras- chet; samookupaemost’. govorfl’nia (roBopfijibHa) (n.) Der. govorit’, to talk. A “talking establishment,” that is, a place where people engage in empty talk and do nothing useful. Before 1985, the term was used to describe the prerevolutionary Russian Duma (parliament) or the govern¬ ments of capitalist countries which, according to Communist pro¬ pagandists, took little action to benefit the underprivileged. Since the late 1980s, this pejorative term has been applied predominantly to the Soviet legislature of the Gorbachev era. The Soviet govern¬ ment under glasnost’ (q.v.) began to discover parliamentary pro¬ cedures and the experience of free debate. Many citizens, however, were very critical of their legislators’ talking too much and doing too little to improve the state of affairs in the country. A student ex¬ pressed this attitude: “All these sessions, these congresses. . . . Day after day I watch them sitting and discussing something. Everybody is shouting, quarreling, trying to figure out who is in charge of what. It’s all empty talk, while everything in the country is gradually falling apart. We’ve reached the point where nobody believes in anything” (cited in B. Keller, “Soviet Students Becoming Skeptics,” ST, 6 Nov. 1990, p. 2). People’s awareness of the discrepancy be¬ tween politicians’ talk and the reality of life is not new, as the following joke from the Brezhnev era illustrates. A man comes to a clinic and asks to see an “ear-and-eye” doctor. The receptionist explains to him that there are two separate spe¬ cialties, eye and ear-nose-and-throat, but he repeats his request. “Why, what’s your problem?” the receptionist inquires. “What I see is different from what I hear.” gruppovukha (rpynnoB^xa) (n.). Der. gruppa , group; si. since the late 1960s denoting a sex orgy. Wild parties with people engaging in promiscuous sex, symptomatic of the moral decline of the Brezhnev era, were in vogue among the government elite and urban sophisti¬ cates throughout the 1970s. Their popularity diminished in the Lexicon 55 1980s, partly because of the growing fear of venereal disease. See bez cheremukhi; dezhurnaia devochka; elita; sauna; seksual-demokrat. GULag (ryjldr) (n.). Acr., Glavnoe Upravlenie ispravitel’ no-tru- dovykh Lag erei, main administration of corrective labor camps. In popular usage, the term refers to the whole Soviet detention system of labor camps, prisons and restricted settlement and exile regimes, as well as special psychiatric hospitals for dissidents (see durdom; inakomysliashchii; psikhushka). The term became especially well known after the appearance of Alexander Solzhenitsyn’s book The Gulag Archipelago (1973-1975), which vividly describes the system and its terrible abuses. “The GULag ‘archipelago’ had created in our country one huge cemetery, which [the government] tried to eradicate, blotting out the memories of innocent victims” (D. Chu- bukov, “Zabroshennye kladbishcha,” < 9 , no. 3, 1990, p. 23). The notorious camps, where millions of political prisoners were incar¬ cerated under Stalin, utilized forced labor on various construction projects. They began to be phased out after 1956 and have been largely replaced by corrective labor colonies for common criminals. See ChSR; iazychnik; lazar’; Memorial; posreb; repressiia; sident. A lot of black humor about the labor camps was generated in the 1950s and 1960s; the following joke is an example. Question: Is it true that Soviet labor camps have excellent living conditions? Answer: Certainly. My neighbor had expressed some doubts about that, but he quickly got a chance to find out for himself. iashchik (hiuhk) (n.). 1: a large box or drawer; 2: coll., a coffin; 3: coll, since the 1950s, a television set; 4: Coll, since the 1960s, an institution engaged in classified work. In this sense, the term in full is pochtovyi iashchik (mail box), the reason being that such institu¬ tions conceal their street address and conduct all correspondence through a post office box. “To put a call through to Dima’s iashchik is not easy” (N. Baranskaia, Nedelia kak nedelia, NM , Nov. 1969, p. 42). Since 1985 some of the secret institutions were declassified. “And suddenly the iashchiks began to open, releasing their hidden contents” (L. Sal’nikova, “Perekuem mechi,” O, no. 1, 1990, p. 2). iazychnik; iazychnitsa (hjmmhuk; ami'iimna) (n.). 1: a pagan; 2: coll, since the 1950s, der. iazyk (tongue), denoting a person im- 56 Lexicon prisoned for “wagging his tongue too much,” that is, for alleged anti-Soviet agitation. “[Those] who ended up in prison ‘for their tongues’ were known in prison lingo as iazychniks ” (cited in Ben- Iakov, p. 149). See anekdotchik; GULag; repressiia; sident. inakomysliashchii (HHaKOMbicjiaiqiiH) (adj.). “One who thinks dif¬ ferently,” that is, one who is heterodox. This term, which dates back to prerevolutionary times, was revived in the 1960s in connection with the dissident movement and was used as a synonym of dissi¬ dent, often pejoratively. The movement began after the government crackdown on the creative intelligentsia, initiated at the political trial of the writers Siniavskii and Daniel in 1966. Their conviction was protested by a number of distinguished Soviet intellectuals and led to the emergence of a human rights movement, of which Andrei Sakharov eventually assumed leadership. The dissident movement expanded and grew rapidly in the late 1960s and reached its apogee in the early 1970s; the writings and activities of Aleksandr Solzhenit¬ syn played a significant role in this process. Solzhenitsyn’s forced departure from the USSR in 1974, as well as the imprisonment, psychiatric confinement (see durdom; psikhushka) or exile of other dissidents, gradually decimated their ranks. The dissidents of the 1960s and 1970s did not present a united ideological front. They were a diverse community comprising a wide range of ideologies and interests—politics, economics, law and religion, literature and the arts, and so forth. What they had in common was the belief in the importance of human rights and freedom of expression. The views of Soviet dissidents became known chiefly through the me¬ dium of samizdat and tamizdat (q.v.). In the era of glasnost’ (q.v.), the use of the term dissident has become infrequent, whereas in¬ akomysliashchii gained in popularity and lost much of its negative connotation. This change is indicative of a democratized society where people can hold unorthodox opinions without being viewed as deviants and without subjecting themselves to the risk of persecu¬ tion. See podpisant; sident. interdevochka (HHTep/^BOHKa) (n.). Abbr., internatsional'naia de- vochka, international girl; coll, since the late 1970s referring to a prostitute who earns hard currency from foreign clients. Despite the threat of AIDS (see SPID), foreign-currency prostitution is becom¬ ing increasingly popular among young women in urban areas. It is Lexicon 57 seen by them as lucrative, glamorous, and conducive to an oppor¬ tunity to marry a foreigner and leave the Soviet Union. Widely publicized was the opinion survey conducted in 1988 among female high school students in several Soviet cities. Asked to state which occupation they considered the most desirable, two thirds of these young women named foreign-currency prostitution. Soviet authori¬ ties, including the militia, are more lenient with interdevochkas than with regular prostitutes because hard currency is needed by the state. Foreign-currency prostitution is the subject of the sensational 1989 film entitled Interdevochka. Generally prostitution, the exis¬ tence of which until recently was not officially acknowledged, has now become the subject of media coverage and open talk. See nochnaia babochka; panel'shchitsa; putana. invalid piatoi gruppy (niutanu union rpyniibi) (n., num., n.). “An invalid of the fifth group (category).” This is a pun, well known since the 1950s, which pertains to a Jew. In Soviet medical jargon, invalids are classified, depending on the severity of their condition, as be¬ longing to the first, second, or third category. In the Soviet pass¬ port—one’s chief document of identification—the fifth line on the first page is designated for one’s “nationality,” that is, ethnic origin. Jews, considered a nationality, are labeled as such in their pass¬ ports—a fact which, because of anti-Semitism, is a handicap. Many jokes, such as the following, address the subject of discrimi¬ nation against Jews in the Soviet Union. Rabinovich is explaining to an emigration official why he wants to leave the Soviet Union. “There are two reasons. The first is that my next-door neighbor keeps saying to me: ‘Just you wait, you lousy Jew! I’ll strangle you as soon as the Soviet regime ends!’ ” “But the Soviet regime will never end!” the official exclaims. “That’s my second reason,” Rabinovich replies. ishachit’ (mna*inTb) (v.). Der. ishak, donkey; coll, since the 1950s meaning to do difficult, low-paid, and often unrewarding work. See baran; gorbatit’sia ; pakhat’; trudiaga. ispovedal’nost’ (HCiioBeia.ibnocTb) (n.). Der. ispoved ’, confession. Used by literary critics since the 1960s, the term refers to the alleged tendency of Russian writers to share with their readers their deepest thoughts and feelings, and to invest their works with the spirit of 58 Lexicon truth-seeking. Presumably, this quality characterizes the writings of nineteenth-century Russian classics and of authors of the post-Stalin period, particularly during the “thaw” (see ottepel’) and in the era of glasnost’ (q.v.). “The ispovedal'nost’ and moral consciousness char¬ acteristic of [our] writers keep them from being indifferent to the burning problems of life” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i zna- cheniia , 1984, p. 247). IuDM (IOHM) (n .). Pronounced you-day-em. Acr., Iu nye druz’ia m itttsii, young friends of the militia. This is an organization for teenaged volunteers who work with the police to prevent juvenile delinquency and help in the rehabilitation of convicted minors; in existence since the 1960s. Recently, authorities have been question¬ ing the efficacy of IuDM because its members are not properly trained. “A lot could be told about the work methods of the school’s IuDM members, but I’d like to focus on their legal training” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia, 1984, p. 802). kachalka (Kana.iKa) (n.). Der. kachat\ to pump; a place to “pump iron,” that is, to engage in body-building. Body-building began to gain popularity among the Soviet youth in the late 1970s. Since no facilities for this sport were provided by the state, groups of young people banded together to form neighborhood athletic clubs ( ka- chalkas), usually in basements of apartment buildings. The body¬ builders constitute an aggressive subculture advocating the suprem¬ acy of physical strength; some are hoodlums. See kachki\ kul’turist; liubery. kachki (kumkh) (n.; pi.). Those who “pump iron”; si. since the early 1980s referring to the body-builders (see kachalka). “My son was beaten up near the Kievskii Station, by big honest-to-goodness kachki. . . . And the militia just stood by and watched” (L. Chuiko, “Parni iz Liuberets,” N , no. 27, 1987, p. 17). See Liubery. kadri't’ (KagpriTb) (v.). Der. either kadr (a frame or still, as in photography) or cadre (a member of trained personnel; a compe¬ tent worker); coll, since the 1950s. To woo a woman, usually with the intention of having sex with her; sometimes also said of a woman wooing a man. The term conveys a rather cynical attitude to sex. See polozhit’ glaz. Lexicon 59 kaif or keif (Kaa^); kciu})) (n.). Der. kayf, Arabic for pleasure. A state of euphoria, often though not necessarily from drugs or alco¬ hol. The term, existing in the Russian language since the nineteenth century, became widely used in the post-Stalin years, especially in the Brezhnev era with its cult of pleasure-seeking among the priv¬ ileged. “ Kaif , baldezh [see baldet’], entertainment—that seemed to me to be the ‘beautiful life' to which one should aspire” (“Tru- dnye—sami o sebe,” LG, 28 Dec. 1977, p. 12). See gliuk; otkli- uchka; prikhod. kaifovat' (keifovat’) or lovit’ kaif (Kati^oB^Tb; ken(|)OBaib; .iOBUTb Kaiif})) (v. or v., n.). Der. kaif, si. since the 1960s meaning to seek or to be in a euphoric state, in other words to “groove” or to “catch a buzz.” The expression kaifovat na pdru (“to groove as a twosome”) means to have sex. kaliki-morgaliki (Ka.mKn-Mopia.inKn) (n.; pi.). SI. since the 1960s denoting illegal narcotics. See anasha; belaia smert’; dur'; g uk; gonets; koknar; koleso; kutnar; laiba; lezhat’ v piatnashke; lot ka; narkom; narkot; niukhach; perelomat'sia; plan; prikhod; shiriaisia. kalymit' (KajibiMHTb) (v.). Der. kalym , Turkic for bridal ransom; coll, since the 1950s denoting working privately on the side to supple¬ ment one’s regular state-paid salary. This practice was considered un¬ lawful before 1985 but now has become acceptable because of grad¬ ual legalization of private entrepreneurship. See levachit’\shabashit '. kamazonka (kaMaioiika) (n.). Der. Kamaz (Kamskii Avtomobil'nyi Z avod, Kama Truck Plant) and amazonka , an amazon; coll, since the 1970s denoting a woman who works at the Kamaz plant or drives a Kamaz truck. More broadly, the term describes any strong and tough young woman. “ Kamazonka —doesn't it sound beautiful? One can hear something youthful, vibrant in it” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia , 1984, p. 252). kapstrana (kaiicrpana) (n.). Abbr., kapitalisticheskaia strand, cap¬ italist country. This term of the post-Stalin era appears in both official and colloquial language. In the latter, it often is used in contexts which suggest the desirability and prestige of traveling to or having contacts with such countries. “You see, Laptev is the pride of 6o Lexicon our mathematicians. He is respected even in capitalist countries [v kapstranakh ]” (cited in Kotelova, Novyeslova i znacheniia, 1984, p. 256). See vyezdnoi; zagranka. kapusta (nanycTa) (n.). 1: cabbage; 2: si. since the 1970s denoting Soviet paper money, rubles. The term has a pejorative flavor, sug¬ gesting that Soviet money is of little worth (cabbage is a cheap vegetable). See dereviannye; fantiki; valiuta; zelenen’kie. katit’ bochku (KaniTb 66«iKy) (v., n.). Lit., to roll a barrel; coll, since the 1950s meaning to engage in a scheme to demote someone or ruin his or her professional reputation. Before the era of glasnost’ (q.v.), this ignoble goal could be achieved by writing anonymous letters (see anonimshchik ), but today the ill-wisher must resort to subtler methods. “Often, the wording of a job relocation order is so unconvincing that it leads the colleagues [of the employee] to say: ‘Why, they’re ‘rolling a barrel’ at him' [katiat bochku na nego ]!” (cit ;d in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia , 1984, p. 103). See kompromat; pripaiat’; stukach’; telega. KBO (KEO) (n.). Pronounced kay-bay-oh. Acr., K ombinat by- tovogo obsluzhivaniia, consumers’ services center. The term be¬ came popular in the late 1950s, when Khrushchev initiated large- scale construction of new housing in order to alleviate the problem of communal apartments (see Kommunalka). According to the plan, new housing developments were to be equipped with grocery stores and service centers containing shoe-repair, dry-cleaning, bar¬ ber and beauty shops, and so forth. In reality, few such centers ever became operational, and to this day many people who live in the outlying areas of big cities must travel to the center to obtain the needed services. kerosuishchik; kerosinshchitsa (KepocimmiiK; KepocHHumua) (n.). Der. kerosin , kerosene; si. since the 1970s denoting a far-gone alcoholic who will drink anything, however hazardous to health, which has an intoxicating effect. See alkash; bormotukha; p’ian’; zelenyi zmii. khata (xbTa) (n.). 1: a hut or peasant house, particularly in the Ukraine; 2: in criminal jargon, an apartment where stolen goods are Lexicon 61 kept; 3: si. since the 1960s, the family apartment used for parties or lovers’ trysts by high school or university students when their par¬ ents are not at home. This is a very important phenomenon in the lives of young people, as it is virtually impossible for them, because of the housing shortage, to have homes of their own. khimiki (xhmhkh) (n.; pi.). 1: chemists; 2: si. since the 1960s refer¬ ring to criminals given a suspended sentence or an early release and sent “to chemistry” (na khimiiu), that is, on a mandatory labor assignment. The system was established in the early 1960s in an effort to reform and liberalize Stalin’s inhumane prison system. Originally, the convicted laborers were sent to work in hazardous chemical industries, hence the name “chemists.” Now they also are used in other industries and in construction. For the duration of their term, they are provided with decent living conditions and relative freedom of movement. According to official Soviet sources there is much better morale and less recidivism among the “chem¬ ists” than among prisoners in regular labor camps. “For people not deprived of normal human connections ... it is easier to return to normal life. Some twelve percent of the ‘chemists’ stay to work at the same enterprise even after their release. After ‘chemistry,’ those with suspended sentences are considered not to have been convicted at all” (D. Radyshevsky, “Crime and Punishment,” MN, no. 2, 1990, p. 15). The increased use of “chemistry” as a substitute for prison-camp labor has given rise to a jocular paraphrase of Lenin’s famous dictum that Communism equals Soviet power plus the elec¬ trification of the whole country: “Perestroika (q.v.) means Soviet power plus the chemicalization of the whole country.” khi'ppi (xhiiiih) (n.; m. or f.; sing, or pi.). A hippie, or hippies. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Soviet hippies did not have a distinctive character of their own. They attempted to imitate the lifestyle of their Western counterparts, including the use of psychedelic drugs. While the hippie movement gradually died down in the West, in the Soviet Union it acquired a stronger ideological orientation and is still alive today. A young reader of Rabotnitsa (Oct. 1988, p. 3) writes, “I used to hang out with the motorcycle gang and with hard rock musicians but, much as I tried, I couldn’t accept their cult of strength and of the exceptional personality. Now I’m with the hip¬ pies. Why? The fundamental principles of our system are: kindness. 62 Lexicon love of peace, altruism, compassion, mutual support, humanism. . . See khippiak. khippiak; khippiachka (xtinnaK; ximnHHKa) (n.). A newer, more colloquial variant of khippi (q.v.) with a somewhat derogative fla¬ vor. “I was used to my jeans and jacket, which I wore until they were full of holes. That evening, for the first time I became concerned about what I looked like. Like a perfect khippiak, undoubtedly” (cited in Kotelova, Novoe v russkoi leksike, 1989, p. 353). khippovat’ (xannoB^Tb) (v.). Coll, since the early 1970s, to live and act like a hippie; more broadly, to engage in some offbeat, unusual activity. The writer Maiia Ganina reports, for example, that when she decided to publish an article about the slang of Soviet teenagers, her daughter expressed approbation by saying “ Khippuesh’, kliu- shkaV ’ which may be translated roughly as “Hey, woman, you're cool!” (LG, 30 June 1982, p. 9). khlebnaia kartochka (xji£6Haa KhpTOHKa) (adjs., ns.). 1: a bread ration card; 2: coll, since the late 1950s denoting a Communist Party membership card. Membership in the Party entitled one to all sorts of official and unofficial privileges, ranging from job advantages to obtaining permission to travel abroad. According to unofficial esti¬ mates, only about five percent of those who joined the Party in the postwar years did so out of ideological convictions; for the rest, Party membership was merely a means to gaining personal benefits. Because of recent new developments and changes in the structure of the Soviet government, the Communist Party’s influence is fast becoming a thing of the past. See departizatsiia. kholodnaia grazhdanskaia (xojibana« rpaxjj&HCKaa) (adj. as n.). The expression, which emerged in the late 1980s, means “cold civil war.” The rapid political and economic changes which have been occurring in the Soviet Union since 1985 have created internecine conflicts and an atmosphere of anxiety and tension within the Soviet society—a situation described as a cold civil war. There has been widespread fear of the possibility of a “hot” civil war erupting on several fronts: between Communists and anti-Communists, be¬ tween conservatives (neo-Stalinists) and reformers (as in the coup of August 1991) and, above all, among the people of various na- Lexicon 63 tionalities which comprise the Soviet Union. Lenin’s dream of an ethnically integrated Soviet society where, as the joke goes, both whites and blacks would be Reds, remained unrealized. Nationalist movements, previously suppressed, have been growing in recent years and causing outbreaks of violence which may be preludes to more massive wars. While animosity exists between different non- Russian ethnic groups, Russians are commonly disliked by many members of these groups. The following joke, which has as many variations as there are nationalities in the Soviet Union, is typical. A Japanese, a Russian, and a Georgian, flying in an airplane, challenge one another to throw away what each of their nations has too much of. “We have too many video cameras in our country,” the Japanese says and throws his camera out the window. “We have too much vodka,” declares the Russian and throws his bottle out the window. The Georgian says nothing, thinks a bit, and then tosses the Russian out the window. khoroshist; khoroshi'stka (xopouiMCT; xopouiHCTKa) (n.). Der. kho- rosho, good; coll, since the 1960s denoting a school student who receives good rather than excellent grades (B’s or, in the Soviet educational system, 4's). Like industries and farms, Soviet schools are under government pressure to supply their quota—of good students. As a result, the grades of mediocre students often are arbitrarily raised to a higher level. "For some time now, the grade of ‘good’ has been the focus of special attention among school teachers. More and more often, one hears mentioned the word khoroshist ” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia, 1984, p. 765). khozraschet (xo3pacHeT) (n.). Abbr., khoziaistvennyi raschet, eco¬ nomic or cost accounting. The term means non-financing by the state, that is, the operation of a business enterprise on a self- sustaining basis. Often used together with samookupaemost' (q.v.), it has existed in the language since the 1920s but acquired popularity and special significance in the early years of the Gorbachev era. The contention of progressive Soviet economists has been that state- subsidized enterprises do not have enough incentive to work pro¬ ductively. These economists argue that if state subsidies are with¬ drawn from these enterprises, they will become more energetic and resourceful in attempting to fulfill the plan and make a profit. So far, 64 Lexicon the measure has met with mixed success. Says one critic: “We cannot manage khozraschet properly even in industry!” (N. Cher¬ nykh, “Istoshchenie,” O, no. 4, 1990, p. 12). khristosik (xpucTOCHK) (n.). Lit., little Christ. This somewhat de¬ rogative coll., in use since the 1950s, denotes either a Christian man or a man whose appearance resembles the conventional pictorial representations of Jesus Christ (blue eyes, blond beard, etc.) and who behaves in a meek, “effeminate” fashion. Often this term is applied to hippies (see khippi). khrushchoba (xpynj66a) (n.). Der. Khrushchev and trushchoba , slum; a pun meaning a slummy dwelling. The term refers to the apartment buildings erected in Moscow, Leningrad and other big cities in the late 1950s and early 1960s, during Khrushchev’s admin¬ istration. Built in an effort to ease the housing crisis and move people out of communal apartments (see kommunalka ) as quickly as possible, they were of poor quality and began to deteriorate soon afterwards. Many people still live in them, suffering from discom¬ fort. “People are waiting for, hoping for, demanding [better living conditions], but they are not heard. There are those who leave their Kremlin offices at the end of each day for their luxury apartments, while others go ... to their khrushchoba s” (reader’s letter, AF, no. 44, 1990, p. 4). See Cheremushki\ kuriatnik; zhilploshchad'. The following Khrushchev-era joke addresses the problem of shoddy construction. Ivanov, having recently moved into a new apartment, is visited by a friend. They sit around chatting late into the evening. “Oh,” Ivanov says, “I forgot to show you my new talking clock.” He taps his knuckle on the wall, whereupon the next-door neighbor’s voice is heard: “Be quiet, it’s two in the morning!” khrustal’ (xpycr&ib) (n.). 1: crystal; 2: coll, since the 1960s referring to empty bottles and other kinds of used glass containers which can be returned to stores or recycling centers for a small refund. For poor families, and especially for elderly people living on their own, this is one way of supplementing the income; at times they even resort to rummaging in garbage bins in search of “crystal.” “He who goes to return empty bottles, calling them ‘crystal,’ does not own crystal, while he who owns crystal will not be seen carrying a sack of Lexicon 65 bottles” (V. Krupin, “Na chto ukhodit sila slovotvorchestva,” LG, 28 Oct. 1981, p. 6). khunveibi'n (xyHBenoHH) (n.). Russianized version of the Chinese word denoting the young zealots who carried out, often with vio¬ lence, Mao Tse-tung’s orders to fight dissidents. The term appeared in the era of Khrushchev and, because of his conflict with Mao, had a negative connotation. It became synonymous with “hooligan” (hood¬ lum) and was especially popular because of its phonetic resemblance to two Russian obscenities: khui (prick) and eben (fucked). The term is used less frequently now. “The [cemetery] crosses were broken by khunveibin s” (V. Turovskii, “Parodii,” O, no. 52,1989, p. 33). The Soviet Union’s strained relations with China have given rise to some jokes, for example: A university instructor asks one of his students to characterize Soviet-American relations. “Peaceful coexistence of two states with different sociopolitical systems,” the student replies. The instructor then asks about Sino-Soviet relations. “Hostile coexistence of two states with similar sociopolitical systems,” says the student. kfber (Kiioep) (n.). Der. kibernetlcheskaia (mashma), cybernetic (machine); coll, of the 1960s denoting a computer. See EVM; kom- pik; NTR; vtoraia gramotnost’. kidala (KHja.ia) (N.) Der. kidat’ , to throw or to abandon; si. since the late 1970s denoting a woman thief who, posing as a prostitute, operates with the aid of two taxi drivers. A kidala picks up a man, usually in a bar or a restaurant, and entices him to pay for her services in advance. They then take one of the cabs, ostensibly to her apartment. Along the way she tells the client that she must stop for a quick errand. The driver takes them to a prearranged location where the woman gets out and sneaks away with the second cabbie. The profits are shared by the woman and the two drivers. In recent years the practice has become widespread in big cities. koknar (kokh^p) (n.). Abbr., kokainovyi narkotik, cocaine nar¬ cotic; coll, since the 1980s denoting cocaine, specifically crack. See anasha; belaia smert’; dur’; gliuk; gonets; koleso; kumar; laiba; lezhat’ v piatnashke; lomka; narkom; narkot; niukhach; perelo- mat’sia; plan; prikhod; shiriat’sia. 66 Lexicon kolbasniki (koji6£chhkh) (n.; pi.), i: sausage makers; 2: old si., derogative, denoting people of German nationality; 3: coll, since the 1980s meaning “those who have sausage,” that is, the privileged members of Soviet society (antonym of beskolbasniki [q.v.]). The term refers to those members of Soviet society who, by virtue of their lawful occupation or through devious means, are able to obtain good food and other material benefits not available to the average Soviet citizen. See elita; nomenklatura. koleso (KOJiecd) (n.). 1: a wheel; 2: si. since the 1960s denoting an illegal narcotic in tablet form. “In such disreputable hangouts Vika learned to drink eau-de-cologne, swallow kolesa —tablets, sniff glue . . .” (N. Rusakova, “Ne prikhodia v soznanie,” R, n, 1990, p. 15). See anasha; belaia smert’; dur’; gliuk; gonets; kaliki-morgaliki; koknar; kumar; laiba; lezhat' v piatnashke; lomka; narkom; narkot; niukhach; perelomat’sia; plan; prikhod; shiriat’sia. koliuchka (KOJiioHKa) (n.). 1. a spike or barb; 2: coll, since the 1960s denoting a type of “wall newspaper” ( stengazeta ). This is a large bulletin board, containing caricatures and short satirical commen¬ tary, mounted in the main hallway of an office, factory or other place of work; its purpose is to expose various problems within the institu¬ tion and to ridicule inefficiency or bad behavior among the em¬ ployees. “The collective expresses criticism and self-criticism in a ‘koliuchka ’ ” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia, 1984, p. 284). komfortnoe iskusstvo (KOM(|)6pTHoe hck^cctbo) (adj., n.). Lit., comfortable art. This term, used by art critics since the late 1970s, refers to painting, literature, films, and other art forms whose chief purpose is to entertain and to evoke pleasant thoughts and feelings. This type of art, designed for mass consumption, usually is not of high quality. Nonetheless, many see it as a welcome departure from the heavily ideologized art which predominated in the Soviet Union before the era of glasnost’ (q.v.). It is disapproved of by conservative critics: “ ‘Comfortable art' attracts certain readers and viewers by its exoticism, floridness, false sentimentality, and by its remoteness from everyday life” (cited in Kotelova, Novoe v russkoi leksike, 1989, p. 143). See nedukhovnost’; razvlekalovka; shirpotreb; shli- agernyi; vidukha. Lexicon 67 kornmunalka (KOMMyH^jiKa) (n.). Abbr., kommundl’naia kvartlra (communal apartment); coll, since the late Stalin era. The bane of Soviet urban life, communal apartments range from small (two or three families) to large (ten or more families). Typically, each family has one or two private rooms and shares the kitchen, bathroom and lavatory with other tenants—a situation which leads to animosity and frequent conflicts. The kommunalkas came into being shortly after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. Under the old regime, the rich urban dwellers enjoyed spacious apartments, while the poor huddled in extremely crowded slums. To correct this imbalance, communal dwellings were created out of apartments confiscated from private owners. The poor were moved into these apartments to live next to the original occupants, who became subject to the same space limitations as everyone else. Under Stalin, construction of new apartment buildings was minimal. Khrushchev initiated a large- scale housing project (see Cheremushki ; khrushchoba\ kuriatnik ; zhilploshchad’) which continues still; all apartments in the new buildings are designated for single-family occupancy. According to official statistics, by 1985 only one out of every four Muscovites was still living in a communal apartment. Communal apartments in old buildings now are remodeled for single-family use; large ones are either divided into smaller units or given to members of the nomen¬ klatura (q.v.). “Zoya never had her own apartment, she always lived in dorms and kommunalkas ” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia , 1984, p. 287). The following jokes address the problems of communal living: 1. A woman, taking a bath in the communal bathroom, hears some heavy breathing outside the door and realizes that someone is looking in through the keyhole. Suspecting her bachelor neighbor, she exclaims: “Get away from there, Boris, you know perfectly well that I’m not available!” “I don't want you, you fool,” Boris replies, “I’m just making sure you aren’t using my soap.” 2. The latest invention designed for use in communal apartment kitchens is an electric stewing pot. Anyone other than its owner who attempts to remove the lid will get an electric shock. kompik (komiuik) (n.). Der. kompiuter , computer; coll, since the 1970s. Personal computers, a commodity in short supply in the 68 Lexicon Soviet Union, command astronomical prices on the black market (fifty to seventy-five thousand rubles in 1990). The need for com¬ puters and good computer programs is acutely felt in many sectors of Soviet society. For example, the daily newspaper of the Youth Communist League, Komsomol’skaia pravda, laments the fact that the Soviet industry does not produce computer game programs, and that personal computer owners have to resort to illegally purchased, very expensive foreign games with “improper ideological content,” for example, “Raid on Moscow” or “Battles of 1917” (cited in WPR, May 1987, p. 34). See EVM; kiber; NTR; vtoraia gramotnost’. kompromat ( kom npoM3T ) (n.). Abbr., komprometlruiushchii mate¬ rial, “compromising material”; coll, of the post-Stalin era denoting confidential information about a person known to his or her em¬ ployer or colleagues which makes that person vulnerable to manip¬ ulation or maltreatment. Before the era of glasnost’ (q.v.), such information usually concerned one’s allegedly unorthodox political views, whereas now it has to do mainly with one’s personal conduct, for example, marital infidelity or excessive drinking. See amoralka; anonimshchik; katit’ bochku; personalka; pripaiat’; stukach’; telega. konkurs rodftelei (KOHKypc poAHTejien) (n., n.). Lit., parents’ com¬ petition; humorous coll, since the 1970s referring to the practice of placing high-school graduates into prestigious academic institutions with the aid of their parents’ political, social or financial influence (see blat). In Moscow, for example, the three most desirable schools of higher learning are the Moscow State University (MGU), the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO), and the Institute of Foreign Languages (INIAZ). Open to all qualified students in theory, these schools, in practice, give distinct prefer¬ ence to children of the Soviet elite. “Parents’ competition” also operates with regard to prestigious secondary schools, for example the English-language schools. See elita; goldeny; pazheskii korpus; spetsshkola; pozvonochniki. konvergentsiia (KOHBeprtmpiia) (n.). Convergence—the theory, ad¬ vocated by nonconformist Soviet scientist and politician Andrei Sakharov and some Western analysts, that socialist and capitalist regimes can gradually move toward economic and political com- Lexicon 69 monality. “Is it not so that recent attempts to establish joint business enterprises with foreign partners are the first, awkward but prom¬ ising steps on the path of Sakharov’s ‘convergence’?” (E. Evtu¬ shenko, “Pechal’no, no tverdo,” O, no. 52, 1989, p. 2). koper (KOnep) (n.). 1: si. since the 1980s denoting a policeman (der. “copper”); usage rare; 2: Abbr., kooperativ or kooperativist, a co¬ operative business establishment or a person employed in such an establishment; coll, in use since the late 1980s. Cooperatives, intro¬ duced under the policy of perestroika (q.v.), are enterprises, mostly in the sphere of retail sales and services, which are owned and operated by groups of private entrepreneurs. This experiment in capitalism so far has enjoyed only partial success. Some coopera¬ tives have acquired quick fortunes, while others have failed because of government interference and restraints; some have fallen into the hands of racketeers (see mafiia\ reket). Nevertheless, the coopera¬ tive movement still is quite popular. According to a recent report, in Moscow alone there are fourteen thousand registered cooperative establishments which employ almost a half a million people (L. Pleshakov, “Strana po imeni Moskva,” O, no. 31, 1990, p. 2). Gen¬ erally it is well known that people engaged in private entrepre¬ neurship, whether cooperatively or individually, are motivated to work much more energetically and productively than their state- employed counterparts. Their zeal and dedication is the subject of the following joke. An airplane takes off from the Tbilisi airport, bound for Moscow. Suddenly a man rises from his seat brandishing a grenade, advances toward the cockpit and orders the pilot to fly to Istanbul. The passengers begin to panic, but one of them, a short and slightly built Georgian, jumps up and hits the hijacker on the head with an umbrella. Taken by surprise, the hijacker loses his balance, the Georgian snatches away the grenade, and then the rest of the pas¬ sengers overwhelm the offender. When the plane lands in Moscow the Georgian, who turns out to be the owner of an orange orchard, is given a hero’s welcome. One of the reporters asks him: “You aren’t a big man, comrade. Tell us, how did you get up the courage to attack that dangerous criminal?” “Comrades,” the Georgian replies, “what would I have done with thirty crates of oranges in Istanbul?” 70 Lexicon korki or korochki (KOpKii; KOpoMKH) (n.; pi.), i: crusts; peels; book covers; 2: coll, since the 1960s denoting diplomas received by stu¬ dents graduating from prestigious educational institutions (see pa- zheskii korpus), which enable them to land good jobs and enjoy high social status (sing., korka is not used in this sense). “[There are] people who believe in the magic of a diploma, convinced that the possession of korki is sufficient evidence of culture” (cited in Kote- lova, Novye slova i znacheniia , 1984, p. 298). korruptsioner (KoppymjHOH^p) (n.). Der. korruptsia , a corruption¬ ist. This term, in use since the 1980s, describes a person who prac¬ tices or condones corruption in politics or the economy; often used as a synonym of mafiosi. “[This is] an open letter to all bureaucrats, corruptionists, bribe-takers, ‘shadow economy’ dealers, mafiosi and other crooks . . (A. Nuikin, “Vnimanie! ‘Vtorye’ vykhodiat iz teni!” O, no. 25, 1990, p. 4). See mafiia; partmafiia; reket; tenevaia ekonomika; tsekh. Corruption within the ranks of the Communist Party is the subject of the following joke. Question: Must one pay taxes on bribes? Answer: Certainly, if one’s a true Communist! krasnoe koleso (npdcHoe KOJiecd) (n.). Lit., a red wheel. The ex¬ pression, in use among Soviet intellectuals since the late 1980s, derives from the general title of a series of novels by Alexander Solzhenitsyn about modern Russian and Soviet history. The sug¬ gested image is that of Bolshevism (Communism) as a heavy chariot driving relentlessly toward its goal and crushing people’s lives under its wheels. kukuruznik (KyKypy3HHK) (n.). Der. kukuruza , corn. 1: coll, during World War II denoting a type of airplane used in reconnaissance missions; 2: in the late 1950s and early 1960s, a widely used unoffi¬ cial nickname for Khrushchev, stemming from his much-criticized efforts to popularize corn as a grain staple. It was joked that the three “C”s which led to Khrushchev’s downfall were corn, Cuba and the cult of personality (see kul’t lichnosti). Khrushchev’s failure to improve the state of Soviet agriculture is the target of other jokes: 1. When Khrushchev was visiting Denmark, a reporter asked him to explain why the small Danish farms produced more crops than Lexicon 71 the vast Soviet ones. “Simple,” the Soviet leader said, “in your country you produce fertilizer in factories, but in ours we rely on birds.” 2. Question: What sort of harvest will our country reap this year? Answer: Average: worse than last year, but better than next year. 3. Question: Did you know that the Nobel committee has decided to award a new prize this year for innovations in agriculture? And do you know who the winner is? Answer: Yes, Khrushchev. He’s the first man in history to have sown grain in Siberia and harvested it in Canada. kul’t lichnosti (KyjibT jihhhocth) (n., n.). Cult of personality, that is, the adulation of and blind obedience to a political leader. The expression has been in popular use since the de-Stalinization cam¬ paign begun by Khrushchev after the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 (see destalinizatsiia). Khrushchev stated: “Stalin is no longer alive, but we still find it necessary to debunk the shameful methods of leadership which prevailed in the atmosphere of the cult of his personality” (cited in Zemtsov, p. 217). Later, Khrushchev himself was accused of fostering a “cult of personality” by violating the principle of collective leadership and trying to make himself su¬ preme in every sphere. The following joke was popular at the time. Question: Why was the number of the guards around the Lenin Mausoleum increased after Stalin’s body was removed? Answer: Because Khrushchev was spotted camping there with a cot. During the era of Brezhnev, who was criticized for self-deification as well as for alleged lack of intelligence and character, the sarcastic expression “cult of impersonality” ( kul’t bezlichnosti) was coined. “The era of executions had passed and was replaced by a time of quiet, underhanded stifling. . . . The liberal intelligentsia [was] writhing under the weight of ‘the cult of impersonality’ ” (E. Evtu¬ shenko, “Pechal’no, no tverdo,” O, no. 52, 1989, p. 2). People also joked apropos of Brezhnev: “Does the cult of personality still ex¬ ist?” “The cult still exists, but not the personality.” One of the best-known jokes about Stalin's personality cult, clan¬ destinely told even during his lifetime, goes as follows. When the centenary of Pushkin’s death was being celebrated, Stalin, who liked to be regarded as a patron of Russian letters, announced that he would award prizes for two best sculptures com- 72 Lexicon memorating the great poet. The second prize was given for a fine statue of Pushkin, and the first for a statue of Stalin with a volume of Pushkin’s poems in his hands. kul’torg (KyjibTdpr) (n.). Abbr., kul'turnyi organizator, cultural organizer; coll, since the 1960s denoting a person in charge of arranging cultural and recreational activities for collective farmers or industrial workers. Before the era of glasnost’ (q.v.), such ac¬ tivities always contained a strong ingredient of Communist propa¬ ganda. Although this is no longer the case, a frequent complaint about the kul’torgs is that they are poorly trained, unsophisticated and unimaginative. “The activity of factory kul’torgs needs im¬ provement, for they shape and direct the artistic tastes of the workers” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia, 1984, p. 298, p. 311). See kul’turkloun. kul’t-prosvet-uchflishche (KyjibT-npocB^T-yMliJiHme) (n.). Abbr., kul'turno-prosvetitel’noe uchilishche , “cultural enlightenment” school, that is, a school which trains kul’torgs (q.v.); term in use since the 1950s. “The regional kul’t-prosvet-uchilishche of Irkutsk trains directors for village centers of culture and managers for local talent clubs. Four hundred and fifty students are presently enrolled in it” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia, 1984, p. 311). kuTt-prosvet-uchrezhdenie (KyjibT-npocB6T-yMpe*fl6HHe) (n.). Abbr., kul’turno-prosvetitel’noe uchrezhdenie, “cultural enlightenment” institution. This term, in use in bureaucratic language since the 1950s, refers to any institution which promotes cultural and educa¬ tional activities—a library, a museum, a lecture hall, and so on. The solemn and pompous sound of this and other related terms (e.g., kul’t-prosvet-uchilishche [q.v.]) reflects the traditional view of the Soviet establishment that culture is an important instrument of ideological conditioning and indoctrination. kul’tstan (KyjibTCTdH) (n.). Abbr., kul’turnaiastantsiia, cultural sta¬ tion; term in use since the 1960s. For people who work in remote areas, this is a specially equipped center for cultural recreation, usually situated in a trailer or a train car. Typically, these mobile stations contain a small library, radios, slides, chess and other edu¬ cational games. “[The workers] are provided with movable rail cars Lexicon 73 carrying all the necessities of a kul’tstan ” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia , 1984, p. 311). kul'tura (KyjibT^pa) (n.) Culture. Since the Bolshevik Revolution, the Soviets have had what amounts to an obsession with the idea of culture. “The unique Russian character is shaped by Russian bread lines, Russian inefficiency, as well as Russian culture—a powerful word which . . . has replaced everything—democracy, law, educa¬ tion, food” (A. Bossart, “A ia ostaiusia s toboiu. . . O, no. 44, 1989, p. 31). Another commentator says: “Why do we need a law on culture? First of all, because all our troubles stem from a lack of culture” (O. Martynenko, “Why a Law on Culture Is Necessary,” MN, no. 5,1990, p. 7). The term kul’tura and its derivatives are used in many different contexts, which have proliferated in the post- Stalin era. In common parlance, the adjective “cultured” ( kul'tur- nyi) is preferred to “educated” ( obrazovannyi). A person whose level of education is not very high, for example, a vocational school graduate, sometimes is referred to as polukul’turnyi (half-cultured). A sensitive and refined person is said to possess “culture of feelings” {kul’tura chuvstv ) or “culture of spirit” ( kul'tura dukha). An ill- mannered or tastelessly dressed person is branded “uncultured" ( nekul'turnyi ). Exercises for physical fitness are called “physical culture” (fizkul’tura). Going to a play or a concert is a “cultural outing” ( kul’tpokhod). A municipal park is often called a “park of culture and rest” {park kul'tury i dtdykha). When statisticians con¬ duct surveys of the population’s activities outside of work, they speak not merely of leisure time but of “cultured leisure time” {vremia kul’turnogo dosuga). Even in contemporary adolescent slang, the word kul’turno (lit., in a cultured manner) means some¬ thing like “cool” or “super.” The various political and social prob¬ lems which have accompanied Gorbachev’s reforms have been at¬ tributed to a lack of “political culture.” “There is nobody in this country who has ever experienced true democracy. . . . We do not have a political culture in this country” (from an interview with Soviet citizens, cited in “Soviet Citizens Appear Indifferent to Party’s Vote,” ST, 8 Feb. 1990, p. 8A). The alleged lack of culture among Soviet leaders has been the target of many jokes. For example: 1. An art exhibition in Paris. Pablo Picasso has forgotten to bring his invitation, and the guard stops him at the door. “Prove that 74 Lexicon you’re Picasso,” he says. Picasso asks for a pencil and a piece of paper, draws his famous dove of peace, shows it to the guard, and is admitted. Ekaterina Furtseva (Minister of Culture under Khru¬ shchev) also comes without her invitation, and the guard stops her. “But I’m the Soviet Minister of Culture!” she protests. The guard says that he needs some proof and that he had Picasso draw a picture. “Who’s Picasso?” Furtseva asks. “Madam, that’s all the proof I need,” says the guard and lets her in. 2. On a visit to Czechoslovakia, Khrushchev asks a government official: “Why does your country have a Ministry of the Navy? You have no sea.” “And why do you have a Ministry of Culture?” replies the latter. 3. The phone rings in Brezhnev’s apartment and his wife answers it. “May I please speak to Lenny,” says a sexy female voice. “I’m his friend from school.” “You’re a whore, that’s who you are,” Mrs. Brezhnev replies angrily. “Lenny never went to school.” kul’turkloun (KyjibTypKJidyH) (n.). “Culture clown”—unofficial hu¬ morous equivalent of kul’torg (q.v.); in use since the 1970s. kumar (KVMap) (n.). SI. since the 1960s denoting the state of acute discomfort and depression experienced by an alcoholic deprived of liquor or by an addict deprived of drugs. “He was tormented by kumar.. . . There’s a shortage of chifir [a strong addictive beverage] and the whole camp is suffering” (cited in Ben-Iakov, pp. 64-65). See anasha; belaia smert'; dur’; gliuk; gonets; kaliki-morgaliki; kok- nar; koleso; laiba; lezhat' v piatnashke; lomka; narkom; narkot; niukhach; perelomat’sia; plan; prikhod; shiriat'sia. kuriatnik (KypamiiK) (n.). 1: a chicken coop; 2: coll, since the 1960s denoting an apartment building erected during the Khrushchev era. These buildings typically are of poor quality and the apartments in them are very small and uncomfortable. Many of them are in urgent need of major repairs and renovation. See Cheremushki\ khru- shchoba; kommunalka; zhilploshchad'. laiba or laiba (ji£u6a; jiaiiGa) (n.). 1: a large sailing boat; 2: si. since the 1970s denoting an automobile. “He was imagining himself and Lexicon 75 his family getting into their new laiba and driving somewhere south” (cited in Kotelova, Novoe v russkoi leksike, 1989, p. 158). 3: SI. since the 1970s denoting a hypodermic needle used by drug addicts. See anasha; belaia smert'; dur’; gliuk; gonets; kaliki-morgaliki; koknar; koleso; kumar; lezhat’ v piatnashke; lomka; narkom; narkot; niu- khach; perelomat’sia; plan; prikhod; shiriat’sia. lakirovka deistvitel'nosti (jiaKiipOBKa aeiicTBHTe.ibHocTH) (n., n.). Varnishing or embellishment of reality. The expression, widely used since Stalin’s death, criticizes the government’s policy of conceal¬ ment of social and economic problems, as well as the falsely positive representations of life in literature and art (socialist realism) during the Stalin era and, to a lesser extent, in the Khrushchev and Brezh¬ nev eras. A joke has it that socialist realism was invented so that no one would attempt to describe socialism realistically. See beskon- fliktnost’; besproblemnost’; siusiu-realizm. lazar’ (.ih3apb) (n.). Lazarus; coll, of the post-Stalin era referring to a rehabilitated survivor of a Stalinist prison camp. See ChSR; GULag; iazychnik; Memorial; posreb; repressiia; sident; zamesti. levachit’ (jieBawnTb) (v.). Der. levyi, left or illegal; coll, of the post- Stalin era. The term, borrowed from professional drivers’ jargon, denotes working privately on the side to supplement one’s regular state-paid salary; the person engaged in such activity is called levak. A typical example is a state-employed doctor receiving patients privately at home, for a fee. This practice was considered unlawful before 1985 but now has become acceptable because of the gradual legalization of private entrepreneurship. See kalymit ’; shabashit’. lezhat’ v piatnashke (jiew^Tb b iiMiiiaiuke) (v., prep., n.). Lit., to lie in (number) fifteen; coll, since the late 1970s meaning to be treated for chemical dependency. Piatnashka , der. piatnadtsat' (fifteen), refers to Moscow’s Psychiatric Hospital No. 15, which until recently was the only institution in the Soviet Union to treat the problem of drug abuse. The hospital has been criticized in the media for crude and insensitive methods of treatment, for example, keeping chemi¬ cally dependent patients in the same wards with alcoholics and with the insane and criminally insane, or reporting them to the police (I. Vedeneeva, “U cherty,” O, no. 8, 1988, pp. 18-23). See anasha; 76 Lexicon belaia smert’; dur’; gliuk; gonets; kaliki-morgaliki; koknar; koleso; kumar; laiba; lomka; narkom; narkot; niukhach; perelomat’sia; plan; prikhod; shiriat’sia. limitchiki or limita (jihmhthhkh; jihmht£) (n.; pi. or n.; collective sing.). Der. limit; coll, since the Brezhnev era denoting people from rural areas who come to live and work in cities, often accepting the lowest paid and least desirable jobs in exchange for obtaining city residence permits (see propiska ). The permits are temporary (usu¬ ally of two years’ duration), but many limitchiki eventually try, by hook or by crook, to secure permanent ones. The policy of re¬ cruiting limitchiki was begun by Brezhnev’s government in hopes of revitalizing the urban economy, but it only resulted in the depopula¬ tion of rural areas, increasing the agricultural crisis and exacerbat¬ ing housing problems in the cities. According to recent statistics, between 1971 and 1985 the limitchiki swelled the population of Moscow by two and a half million people. They often live in uncom¬ fortable run-down dormitories and suffer abuse at the hands of local people who view them as intruders. “She once witnessed a brawl between Muscovites and the limita, near a dormitory. The limita were beaten mercilessly, as if they weren’t people” (S. Vasilenko, “Kto ikh poliubit?” R, Oct. 1989, p. 20). liubery (jnoSepbi) (n., pi.). Der. Liubertsy, a working-class Moscow suburb; coll, since the mid-1980s referring to gangs of self-appointed vigilantes who presumably fight “hooliganism” on city streets. Many of these young men and women practice body-building and disap¬ prove of drinking and drugs. They tend to be politically conservative and intolerant toward unconformity in appearance and behavior. Their archenemies are hippies, rock band musicians and their fans, and they have earned notoriety for starting brawls at rock concerts. “There is a crude political undercurrent in the actions of the young toughs known as lyubers, who have terrorized the city’s metallists, punks and other non-conformists” (B. Keller, “Russia’s Restless Youth,” NYT Magazine, 26 July 1987, p. 27). See kachki. lomka (jidMKa) (n.). 1: the act or process of breaking; 2: si. since the late 1960s denoting suffering from prolonged sexual abstinence or, in the case of chemical dependency, from the absence of alcohol or drugs. In prisons and penal colonies, “breaking” can be fright- Lexicon 77 eningly literal, as chemically dependent convicts are not only de¬ prived of the substance but also physically abused by the guards. “In 1981, the country’s penal colonies began to practice ‘breakings’ [lomki\. . . . People began to be beaten, brutally beaten” (A. Ekshtein, “Dnevnik stukacha,” 0 , no. 36, 1990, p. 29). See anasha; belaia smert’; dur’; gliuk; gonets; kaliki-morgaliki; koknar; koleso; kumar; laiba; lezhat’ v piatnashke; lomka; narkom; narkot; niu- khach; perelomat'sia; plan; prikhod; shiriat’sia. mafiia (\nu|)n«) (n.). Mafia. This term, prior to the era of glasnost’ (q.v.), pertained only to the Mafia of capitalist countries, but for the past few years it has been widely used in a domestic context. “The words ‘organized crime' and especially ‘mafia’ were attributed ex¬ clusively to the jungles of capitalist business. That explains the public’s shock upon hearing about the mafia here at home” (Yu. Feofanov, “The Soviet Mafia: Inevitability or Paradox?” MTV, no. 33, 1988, p. 12). One of the most notorious examples of organized crime in the Soviet Union involved Brezhnev’s son-in-law, Iurii Churbanov. In 1988 he and his cohorts were prosecuted and con¬ victed on the evidence that they had received millions of rubles, jewels and other valuables in bribes from the so-called “Uzbek mafia” (criminal gangs in collusion with government officials in Uzbekistan). Organized crime is a rapidly growing phenomenon in the USSR. It has the greatest grip in southern parts of the country, including the Ukraine, Moldavia and the republics of the Caucasus, but it also exists in Moscow, Leningrad and a number of smaller cities of the Russian Soviet Federal Socialist Republic. Soviet Mafia groups, like their counterparts in other countries, have their own hierarchial relationships and typically engage in racketeering, extor¬ tion, and theft, as well as in kidnappings and in the intimidation and killing of rivals. Specifically, they engage in practices aimed at cor¬ rupting the state machinery, such as having representatives of the state in their employ, and in diverting money from the state budget into private hands. One of the most widespread methods of so doing involves setting up underground workshops to which state-owned raw materials are pumped; the goods manufactured in these enter¬ prises are sold on the black market (see tsekh). Members of the Soviet mafia also have begun to establish contacts with foreign partners, especially in drug trafficking (see narkobiznes ) and deal¬ ing in stolen gems, antiques, and art works. The word mafiia has 78 Lexicon become so common that one often hears it nowadays in reference to any kind of institutional corruption ranging from store management to the Kremlin leadership. See korruptsioner; partmafiia; reket; sem’ia; tenevaia ekonomika. mag (Mar) (n.). 1: magician; 2: abbr., magnitofon (tape recorder); coll, since the late 1960s referring to a good-quality foreign-made tape recorder. The mags always are in great demand, fetching ex¬ orbitant prices on the black market. Along with VCRs and com¬ puters, they constitute symbols of social status. See kompik; vidik. makulatura (MaKyjiaTypa) (n.). 1: wastepaper that can be recycled for the printing industry; 2: coll., printed matter that no one wants to read. From the 1960s to the era of glasnost’ (q.v.), the term was used pejoratively in reference to Communist Party propaganda publications, to literary fiction written in the style of socialist realism (see siusiu-realizm), and especially to the voluminous and unread¬ able works of Leonid Brezhnev, for which bookstores nationwide had to make room at the expense of good literature. malodetnost’ (Majiofl^THocTb) (n.). The state of having few children; term in use since the 1960s. Much to the concern of the Soviet gov¬ ernment, the number of children in urban families since World War II has been small, rarely more than two and often only one. “There are more and more women aged from twenty to thirty, but their desire to have fewer children [stremlenie k malodetnosti] has increased” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia , 1984, p. 340). The main rea¬ sons for malodetnost' are crowded living conditions, women’s desire and/or need to work outside the home, and the easy availability of abortions. The government offers subsidies to women who bear more than three children; those who produce five or more are hon¬ ored as “heroine mothers” ( mat’-gerolnia) and receive a medal. These measures, however, have not proven effective. The situation is different in rural areas and especially among the Islamic population of Soviet Central Asia, where large families are common. malogabaritka (Majiora6apiiTKa) (n.). Der. malyi gabarit , small size; coll, since the 1960s denoting a very small apartment in a new housing project, built to accommodate single people or childless Lexicon 79 families. “What will I do with her in my malogabaritka with ceilings two and a half meters high?” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia , 1984, p. 340). See malosemeika; zhilploshchad'. Jokes about restricted living space abound, for example: 1. The latest invention designed for use in a small apartment is a chamber pot with the handle on the inside. 2. A Soviet tourist is inspecting the home of an American worker—two bedrooms, living room, dining room, kitchen. . . . “Oh well,” he sighs, “you might say that my apartment has all of that too, only without partitions.” malosemeika (MajioceM^HKa) (n.). Der. mal(en'k)aia sem'ia , small family; coll, since the 1960s denoting a very small apartment in a new housing project, built to accommodate single people or child¬ less families. Same as malogabaritka (q.v.). mankurt (MaHKypT) (n.). The word has been borrowed from the 1981 novel by Chingiz Aitmatov, The Day Lasts Longer than a Hundred Years. In this book, the author narrates an ancient Kazakh legend about a tribe of fierce warriors who subjected their captive enemies to a horrible punishment. A tight band made of camel’s hide was put around the head of the victim, who then was forced to sit for several days under the desert sun. The hide gradually shrank, squeezing the head and causing excruciating pain and, eventually, permanent loss of memory. The victim thus became a mankurt —an excellent slave who remembered nothing of his past and was blindly devoted to his master. “A mankurt did not know who he was, was unaware of his past and origins . . . and followed orders zealously and unquestioningly. This legend is deeply symbolic. That which makes us human is our historical memory, our link to the spiritual heritage of the past” (G. Volkov, “Byt’ li nam mankurtami?,” SK, 4 July 1987, p. 9). The term has been used by Soviet literati to describe Stalinist officials and bureaucrats who followed orders from above without thinking for themselves, and to all zealous Communists who, throughout Soviet history, acted destructively toward tradi¬ tional cultural institutions and toward their fellow humans. mankurtizatsiia ( ManKyprujamia ) (n.). “Mankurtization,” der. mankurt (see above). This term, used mainly in the early years of 8o Lexicon the Gorbachev period, refers to the distortion and concealment of historical facts and the brainwashing of the population to eliminate independent thinking, practiced by the Soviet government before the era of glasnost’ (q.v.). “Mankurtization had begun. . . . From that time on, no one was allowed to remember the arrests or the rehabilitations” (L. Bakhnov, “Semidesiatnik,” Ok 9, 1988, pp. 170-71). See beloe piatno\ debilizatsiia. maskulinizatsiia (MacKyjinHii3auna) (n.). 1: in medicine, “masculi- nization," or the development of male characteristics; 2: in popular use since the late 1950s, the process of transformation of Soviet woman’s values, habits, and personality, caused by the changes in her status since the Bolshevik Revolution and, more specifically, since World War II. During the war, with most men away at the front, Soviet women faced the responsibility of maintaining industry and agriculture as well as of protecting their dependents. They emerged from this ordeal “masculinized,” that is, accustomed to handling men’s jobs and making all important family decisions. Despite these changes and the fact that they constitute fifty-one percent of the labor force and are well represented in the formerly “male” professions (e.g., law, engineering), they still do not enjoy complete equality and respect. They are discriminated against in some professions (e.g., politics, diplomatic service) and continue to shoulder the burden of domestic work and child rearing in addition to their careers. Both in the workplace and at home, men’s attitudes toward them often are condescending. Men criticize women for their alleged “masculinization” and, following Gorbachev’s exam¬ ple, urge them to return to their traditional “feminine” image and their “purely womanly mission” (M. Gorbachev, Perestroika , New York: Harper & Row, 1987, p. 103). See amerikanka; feminizatsiia; podkabluchnik; sotsial’nyi diskomfort; zhensovet. mazhor (Mawop) (n.). 1: in music, major key or major scale; 2: si. since the 1970s denoting a black marketeer who specializes in the buying and selling of clothes produced in a particular country and styles himself as “a ‘pseudo-American,’ ‘pseudo-Italian,’ and the like” (J. Bushnell, “An Introduction to the Soviet Sistema : The Advent of Counterculture and Subculture,” SR 49, no. 2 [Summer 1990], p. 276). See fartsovshchik; firmach; gamshchik; navar; utiug. Lexicon 81 Memorial (MeMopHtfji) (n.). Memorial (society)—a citizens’ orga¬ nization, formed in the mid-1980s, which seeks to educate people concerning the plight of the victims of Stalinist oppression, to collect documents related to them, and to keep alive their memory. “Hun¬ dreds of Muscovites held burning candles outside the building of the State Security Committee (KGB) in memory of those who fell victim to the Stalinist purges and persecutions. The event, orga¬ nized by the Memorial All-Union Voluntary Historical Society, aimed to initiate a dialogue with the KGB” (“Vigil at the KGB,” SL, April 1990, p. 35). Although the government extends some support to Memorial, most of its funds come from private dona¬ tions. See ChSR; GULag; iazychnik; lazar’; posreb; repressiia; sident. meningitka (MeiimirnTKa) (n.). Der. meningit, meningitis; coll, of the 1950s and early 1960s describing a women’s hairstyle, fashion¬ able at the time, with hair cropped very short to achieve a boyish look. Presumably, those who coined the term were reminded of a person convalescing from meningitis whose head had been shaved during the illness. The style came to the Soviet Union from the West in the early post-Stalin years and was worn only by a small number of sophisticated urban women. The majority of the population, accustomed to the traditional manner in which Russian women wore their hair (long and braided), found it shocking both because of its “unfeminine” look and because it was perceived as an expres¬ sion of Western decadence. Meningitka was the first of several pejorative terms referring to westernized hairstyles of the 1960s. Today, innovations in hairstyles and fashions are admired rather than criticized. middeli (mhj^jih) (n.; pi.). Der. middle, si. since the 1980s denot¬ ing young people from middle-income families. The term often is used in contrast to goldeny (q.v.)—children of the Soviet elite. The relationship between the youths from the two social strata often is very tense, as the goldeny tend to act in a snobbish and condescend¬ ing manner, and the middeli suffer from envy and resentment. The 1988 Soviet film Dorogaia Elena Sergeevna (Dear Elena Sergeevna) vividly portrays such conflicts among Soviet high school students. The term is mentioned in this film and in B. Keller, “For Russians, 82 Lexicon the Americanisms Are Coming” ( NYT , 28 Aug. 1988, p. 9). See plebei. miloserdie (MHjioc^pflHe) (n.). Mercy; kindheartedness; charity; clemency. The term itself is old, but it has acquired popularity and special significance since 1985. In recent years the Soviet govern¬ ment has been expressing concern about the decline of morality and spirituality among the citizenry, especially the paucity of kindness and compassion. The problem is attributed to the brutalizing effects of Stalin’s rule, enhanced by the corruption, cynicism, and hypoc¬ risy of the Brezhnev era (see zastoi ). Two well-known Soviet writ¬ ers, Daniil Granin and Iurii Nagibin, have written eloquently on the loss of miloserdie. “In the cruel years of [Stalinism] . . . miloserdie and similar sentiments were considered suspect, almost criminal, and were branded as apolitical, devoid of class consciousness and too ‘disarming’ in the era of [Marxist] struggle. In the 1930s and 40s this term disappeared from our vocabulary” (Granin, “O milo- serdii,” LG, 18 March 1987, p. 13). “The words ‘soul,’ ‘kindness,’ ‘compassion,’ ‘ miloserdie’ were condemned. It was said that indis¬ criminate kindness was a bourgeois sentiment” (“Esli b my bol’she chitali poetov,” N, no. 21, 1987, p. 8). Today, Soviet educators are urging that ethics be introduced as a required subject in school curricula, and the government’s new religious tolerance is due in part to the hope that religion will help strengthen moral values and humane behavior among the population. See raschelovechenie. mnogopartfika (Miioi onapnniKa) (n.) Abbr., mnogopartiinaia ( sis - tema), multi-party (system); coll, since the late 1980s referring to the process of democratization (see dernokratizatsiia ) within the struc¬ ture of the Soviet government, which has been taking place since 1985. In the late 1980s the Communist Party itself developed several factions. According to public opinion polls, only about thirty-three percent of the population were in support of the Communist Party, and many declared themselves undecided. As of May 1990, there were fourteen political parties and groups officially registered with the state: CPSU (Communist Party of Soviet Union); Democratic Platform of CPSU; Independent Republican CPSU; Workers; Peas¬ ants; Ecological (Greens); Social-Democratic; Democratic Union; National-Patriotic; Liberal-Democratic; Union of Businessmen; Christian-Democratic; Anarchist, and Islamic. An article in the Lexicon 83 August 1990 issue of Soviet Life (“In Focus,” pp. 18-21) described the situation as a “churning volcano,” with new political groups and associations being tossed up to the surface all the time. According to this article, in the Russian Federation alone about forty new organi¬ zations have sought representation in the Soviet parliament. At the end of 1990 many of the liberal and radical political parties which had formed since the Communists lost their monopoly on power entered a coalition called Democratic Russia ( Demokraticheskaia Rossiia). This group, highly critical of the Communist Party and of Gorbachev’s “centrist” policies, claimed approximately one and a half million members and looked to Boris El’tsin as its leader. It staged several well-publicized mass demonstrations calling for Gor¬ bachev’s resignation. In May 1991 its headquarters in Moscow were bombed by terrorists in an effort to destroy documents supporting El’tsin’s candidacy in the anticipated popular election for the presi¬ dency of the Russian republic. In July 1991 many of Democratic Russia’s members joined a newly formed coalition called Demo¬ cratic Reform Movement. Headed by the former Soviet foreign minister Eduard Shevardnadze and Gorbachev’s former chief ad¬ viser Aleksandr Iakovlev, this group has objectives similar to Dem¬ ocratic Russia’s but is better organized and more influential. See demokratizatsiia; glasnost’; neformal; narodnyi front; perestroika; pliuralizm. molchal'niki (MOJiq&ibHHKH) (n.; pi.). Der. molchat’, to be silent; “silent ones.” This coll, was in use from the late Stalin era up to the era of glasnost’ (q.v.). It referred to those writers who, having been attacked by official critics or simply being afraid of punish¬ ment, stopped submitting their works for publication or published works which did not express their true thoughts and feelings. More broadly, the term was applied to anyone afraid to speak openly about political and ideological issues. See pisat' v iashchik. moral’nyi oblik (MopaibHbui oo.ihk) (adj., n.). “Moral image.” This term was used in official language from the late 1920s through the Brezhnev era in judging a person’s behavior according to the standards and norms of Communist ideology and morality. Those who did not conform were criticized and often punished. See amor- alka; personalka; strogach; tovarishcheskii sud; vygovoreshnik. A joke popular in the 1960s and ’70s had it that the difference 84 Lexicon between prostitution and whoring was that the former was a profes¬ sion and the latter a “moral image.” Another joke from that period pokes fun at the idea of Commu¬ nist morality. A man finds his wife in bed with a lover. “If I weren’t a member of the Communist Party,” he bellows at her, “I’d break your ribs! I’d throw you out the window!” “Long live the Communist Party!” the wife exclaims. morzh (Mopx) (n.). 1: a walrus; 2: a person engaging in the sport of outdoor swimming in icy water, which became popular in the 1960s. “[In 1972] in Khar’kov there took place the first conference of ‘walruses’—lovers of winter swimming” (cited in Kotelova, Novoe v russkoi leksike, p. 384). See morzhevanie. morzhevanie (MopxeB&HHe) (n.). The sport of outdoor swimming in icy water, popular in the Soviet Union since the late 1960s. It started as a health fad which gradually, with caution, became accepted by the medical establishment. The “walruses” have organizations and clubs in every region of the country where the climate is cold. Morzhevanie often is practiced by entire families, including very small children. “ Morzhevanie should take no more than one and a half minutes at a time. Before and after it one must engage in some form of muscular exertion, e.g., calisthenics, running” (cited in Kotelova, Novoe v russkoi leksike , p. 384). See morzh. motokhuligan (MOToxyjiHran) (n.). Coll, since the 1970s, a “motor¬ cycle hooligan,” that is, a hoodlum who is a member of a motorcycle gang. “Recently our viewers saw a film . . . entitled The Motorcy¬ clists’ Summer. The background of this lyrical film is [the life of] motokhuligans. I feel sorry for the kids to whom the motorcycle is not a friend, but an enemy” (cited in Kotelova, Novoe v russkoi leksike , p. 81). See roker. musor (iw^cop) (n.), 1: trash; 2: si. since the 1950s, a police (militia) officer or a prison camp guard. Never too popular with the public, in recent years militia officers have come under increasing criticism for their brutality, crude behavior, and lack of “culture” (see kul’tura). About seventy percent of Moscow’s militia force comes from other cities. Some of these officers are top-level professionals, but many Lexicon 85 are motivated chiefly by the desire to live in a big city. “Upon arrival, they experience a major culture shock, being ignorant of big-city ways, traditions, and standards of public conduct. They lose their bearings and assert their authority by acting abruptly and at times even rudely” (S. Bogatko and Yu. Kuzmin, “Coping with Crime,” SL 4, 1990, p. 59). See spetsura. People’s disrespect and distrust of the militia is reflected in the following joke, which also targets KGB goons. Question: Why do Soviet militia officers go around in threes? Answer: One knows how to read, the second knows how to write, and the third keeps his eye on those two intellectuals. The duplicity of the militia is expressed in another Brezhnev-era joke. A militia officer in a Moscow street is about to arrest a man who is orating against Communism. “Don’t do it,” pleads a passerby, “the man’s insane.” “On the contrary,” says the officer, “he’s speaking very logically!” nagruzka (Harpy3Ka) (n.). 1: a load, burden; 2: with adj. obshchest- vennaia (social), an official expression denoting socially useful vol¬ unteer work expected of the citizens by the government; 3: coll, since the early 1970s, an unwanted item which Soviet consumers sometimes are forced to purchase along with what they actually need. This is a method by which unpopular and/or low-quality goods can be unloaded on the public; it also serves as a deterrent against unrestricted buying of better merchandise. For example, at the end of the day the manager of a bakery store may require that a loaf of stale bread be purchased with every box of good-quality cookies. Another typical situation is when tickets to an unpopular play or concert are forced on those who wish to attend a more desirable show at the same theater. “We know exactly how the government manipulates our pocketbooks. [Theater] tickets are officially sold with a ‘burden’ [ nagruzka ]—an extra ticket to a show which no one wants to attend voluntarily” (I. Moiseev, “Otmenit’ ‘krepostnoe pravo’!,” O, no. 2, 1990, p. 13). See prinuditelnyi assortiment. naplevizm (HanjieBH3M> (n.). Der. naplevat' , to spit upon, that is, not to care. This coll., popular during the Brezhnev era, describes the prevailing attitude of indifference to social problems and the 86 Lexicon general apathy and cynicism associated with the “stagnation years” (see zastoi). See bezdukhovnost’; brezhnevshchina. napriazhenka (HanpaaceHKa) (n.). Der. napriazhenie, tension; a tense situation. This coll., in use since the 1950s, can refer to some personal or professional crisis, or to the shortage of some consumer product (see defitsit; pereboi). For example, department store sales¬ clerks have been heard to say to customers: “£/ nas seichas napri¬ azhenka s tualetnoi bumagoi (The situation with regard to toilet paper is ‘tense’ right now ).” Shortages of toilet paper, incidentally, have become symbolic of the struggles which average people must endure in order to live with a modicum of material comfort. The following joke is typical. A woman is walking down the street, carrying an enormous sack filled with rolls of toilet paper. She is approached by another woman, who asks excitedly: “Where ever did you buy all that toilet paper?” “I didn’t buy it just now,” answers the first woman. “I’m bringing it back from the dry cleaner’s.” narkobiznes (HapKo6H3Hec) (n.). Abbr., narcotics business; a 1980s term referring to drug rings operated by the Soviet mafia. See mafiia. narkom (HapnoiM) (n.). Abbr., narkoman, a drug addict; si. since the late 1960s. The word has a humorous flavor by virtue of being a homonym of the official Soviet abbr. meaning “people’s commissar” (nar odnyi kommissar). See anasha; belaia smert’; dur’; gliuk; go- nets; kaliki-morgaliki; koknar; koleso; kumar; laiba; lezhat’ v piat- nashke; lomka; narkot; niukhach; perelomat’sia; plan; prikhod; shiriat’sia. narkot (iiapKdT) (n.). Abbr., narkotik, a drug; si. since the late 1960s referring to illegal narcotics. See anasha; belaia smert’; dur’; gliuk; gonets; kaliki-morgaliki; koknar; koleso; kumar; laiba; le¬ zhat’ v piatnashke; lomka; narkom; niukhach; perelomat’sia; plan; prikhod; shiriat’sia. narodnyi front (napdflHbiH (jjpoHT) (adj., n.). People’s, or popular front. During the era of glasnost’ (q.v.), this term came to mean a Lexicon 87 grass-roots movement in support of some political cause. Soviet commentators have defined it as follows: “Popular fronts are broad amalgamations of various kinds of political groups and unions which adhere to a general democratic platform” (G. Pavlovsky, “Public Movements in the USSR,” MN, no. 7, 1990, p. 9). What this defini¬ tion fails to emphasize, however, is that in many instances “people’s fronts” are associated with nationalistic movements within the So¬ viet republics and among ethnic groups which have been seeking greater autonomy or complete independence from Soviet rule. The People’s Fronts of Latvia and Estonia, the Lithuanian Sajudis, the Uzbek Birlik, and the Ukrainian Ruch are good examples. See demokratizatsiia; glasnost’; mnogopartiika; neformal; perestroika; pliuralizm. navar (iiaBap) (n.). 1: the fat which collects on the surface when meat is boiled; 2: si. since the 1970s denoting profit gained by black marketeers from their deals, either in money or in kind. “In our interview, the gamshchik (q.v.), a boy of nine or ten, said: ‘I take my navar to school or re-sell it to secondhand dealers, right here near the subway station’ ” (“Shkola biznesa,” VM, 5 October 1989, p. 4). See fartsovshchik; firmach; mazhor; utiug. na vysshem urovne (Ha BbiciueM ypoBiie) (prep., adj., n.). “On the highest level,” that is, in the best possible manner. This expression was popularized by the Soviet media in Khrushchev’s times. In contrast to Stalin, Khrushchev demonstrated a concern about his country’s reputation abroad and aimed to strengthen diplomatic ties with other countries through personal contacts with their leaders. During the visits of foreign dignitaries, he instructed his protocol officers to do everything possible to make a good impression on the guests. Reporting the results of such a visit, the media often used the cliche “vstrecha proshla na vysshem urovne" (“the meeting came off ‘at the highest level,”’ that is, with the utmost decorum and suc¬ cess). Often, the ostentatious official hospitality extended to the foreigners served to cover up the reality of Soviet life, with its numerous economic and political problems. After the Khrushchev era, the expression took on a broader meaning, namely that of arranging things in such a way as to impress someone important or to “make a splash,” as at a job interview or social gathering. See pokazukha. 88 Lexicon The following joke ridicules the efforts of Soviet officials to im¬ press foreigners. A Moscow department store is about to be visited by a delegation of foreign businessmen, and the manager, wanting to make a good impression, instructs the salesclerks to be friendly toward Soviet shoppers and not to let on if something is unavailable. The visitors tour the store and stop to observe as a woman asks for a pair of gloves at the counter. “Do you want wool, leather, or cotton ones?” asks the salesclerk in the most courteous manner possible. “Leather, please.” “What color?” “Beige.” “Long or short?” “Short, if you have them.” “Madam,” the clerk says, “why don’t you bring your suit here tomorrow, and then we can select a pair of gloves to match it exactly.” At that point, another shopper addresses the woman. “Don’t you believe a word of it! The other day another foreign delegation was here. I happened to be looking for toilet paper, so they told me to bring my toilet bowl. Well, I did, and showed them my bottom besides, but still got no toilet paper.” nedostroika (iieuocTponKa) (n.). Der. ne dostroit’, not to finish building; coll, since the 1960s denoting a construction project left unfinished for lack of materials or because of mismanagement. This problem has plagued many urban areas in the Soviet Union. “Gray, skeletal outlines of nedostroika s, padlocks on store fronts and miles of wasteland extending far beyond” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia, 1984, p. 403). See broshenka; nezavershenka. nedukhovnost’ (HeayxdBHocTb) (n.). “Nonspirituality,” a term used in Soviet literary and art criticism since the 1960s in reference to works which are intended for popular consumption and lack serious intellectual, ideological, or moral content. “The box office should not serve as the chief stimulus of theater production. When this does happen, does it not promote spectacles which, because of their flagrant nedukhovnost’ , become superfluous and harmful?” (cited in Lexicon 89 Kotelova, Novoe v russkoi leksike, p. 85). See komfortnoe iskusstvo; razvlekalovka; shirpotreb; shliagernyi; vidukha. neformal (He\a>ika) (n.). Der. niukhat’, to sniff or snort; coll, since the 1960s denoting a person who takes illegal drugs by inhalation. See anasha; belaia smert’; dur’; gliuk; gonets; kaliki-morgaliki; koknar; koleso; kumar; laiba; lezhat’ v piatnashke; lomka; narkom; narkot; perelomat’sia; plan; prikhod; shiriat’sia. NLO (HJIO) (n.). Pronounced en-el-oh. Acr., n eopoznannyi \etdi- ushchii o b’ekt, unidentified flying object (UFO). UFO awareness has existed in the Soviet Union for as long as anywhere else, but public interest in this phenomenon has soared during the past de¬ cade, and now the term is widely used both in spoken language and in print. Reports of UFO sightings are taken seriously not only by the general public but also by an increasing number of scientists. “The physicist and optics specialist, A. Kuzovkin, was invited to a meeting of experts on anomalous phenomena at the Soviet Acad¬ emy of Sciences. He showed slides depicting UFOs [ALO], ex¬ plained them and shared his ideas” (A. Chizhevskii, “Kosmos, NLO i navazhdeniia,” R, Aug. 1990, p. 14). Fascination with UFOs is only one example of the Soviet people’s growing interest in paranormal phenomena and metaphysical ideas, paralleled by their rediscovery of spirituality and religion. nochnaia babochka (nonnaa o^ooMna) (adj., n.). 1: a moth (lit., night butterfly); 2: coll, popular in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and revived in the 1960s, denoting a female prostitute. Babochka , which also means little woman, is a pun. See interdevochka; panel'shchitsa; putana. nomenklatura (HOMeHKJiaT^pa) (n.). This Latin term, meaning a list or catalogue, came into use in the late Stalin era. It refers to the three lists maintained by the Communist Party—important political 92 Lexicon and administrative positions which it had the authority to fill, the people who held these positions, and potential appointees; these lists constituted the nomenklatura system. “The nomenklatura sys¬ tem is the Soviet equivalent of the ‘old boy network,’ or of the Freemasons, in the sense that it operates behind the scenes” (John and Carol Garrard, Inside the Soviet Writers’ Union [New York: Macmillan, 1990, p. 89]). The “nomenclatorial workers” ( nomen - klaturnye rabotniki ) usually were Party members. They included government bureaucrats, high-ranking military officers, industrial managers, distinguished scientists, scholars, writers, and other high- level professionals. They enjoyed a privileged status in Soviet so¬ ciety, lived in comfortable homes, and had access to special stores, choice vacation spots, exclusive schools for their children, and so forth. The nomenklatura’s power and influence reached its apogee during the Brezhnev years. Gorbachev took measures to curtail it and, not surprisingly, encountered strong opposition. The failure of the August 1991 coup d’etat against Gorbachev augurs the demise of the Communist Party and the dissolution of the nomenklatura system, which process will be gradual. See elita; samyi-samyi; zakry- tyi magazin; zastoi. Members of the nomenklatura were always disliked by the gen¬ eral population and often ridiculed in jokes. For example: 1. Question: Are there poor people in the Soviet Union? Answer: Of course. Some people have nothing of their own. They get their apartment from the state, their dacha [summer house] from the state, their limousine from the state. . . . 2. A group of Soviet workers visiting the United States is shown an automobile plant. “To whom does it belong?” they ask their guide. “To Ford.” “And whose cars are parked in the lot?” “The workers’.” Then a group of American workers comes to the Soviet Union and is taken to an automobile plant. “To whom does it belong?” they want to know. “It belongs to the workers, just like all plants and factories in a socialist state.” “And whose car is standing over there?” “The boss’s.” Lexicon 93 NRV (HPB) (n.). Pronounced en-er-vay. Acr., n epolnoe rabochee \remia , part-time work; term in use since the 1970s. Legitimate part-time work is a recent phenomenon in the Soviet labor force. Throughout the Stalin era and the decade following it, the law required all able-bodied adults except retirees, students undergoing professional training, and women with small children to work full¬ time for the state; those failing to do so were considered "parasites” (see tuneiadets) and were subject to prosecution. In the 1960s, students began to be allowed to take part-time jobs in order to supplement their modest state stipends (see stipukha). In 1987, a law was adopted to allow part-time work for women throughout pregnancy and until their children were eight years of age. It has been reported, however, that many Soviet women are not taking advantage of this new work option because their male employers often are reluctant to accept it. “The number of those working part- time . . . comprises less than one percent of the country’s popula¬ tion” (“Nepolnyi rabochii den’: blazh' ili neobkhodimost’?,” R. Oct. 1988, p. 18). NTR (HTP) (n .). Pronounced en-tay-er. Acr., nauchno-lekhni- cheskaia revoliutsiia, scientific-technological revolution; term in use since the 1950s. Science and technology have been held in high esteem in the Soviet Union because of the role they played in the economic advancement of the country in the 1920s and 1930s. Ac¬ cording to Soviet ideologues of the pre-Gorbachev era, all science was to be regarded as an ally of the “science” of Marxism-Leninism in the building of Communist society. The term was used by Bul¬ ganin at the Central Committee Plenum in 1955 and appeared in the new Party Program of 1961. Ever since then, the implementation of NTR has been viewed as a major factor in transforming the country. “Nowadays the attention of artists and thinkers sensitive to social change is focussed on the stormy process called NTR" (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia, 1984, p. 425). At the present time, the importance of NTR is emphasized particularly with regard to the role of computer technology in modernizing Soviet industry and stimulating economic growth and cultural development. See EVM;fiziki i liriki; kiber; kompik; tekhnar’; vtoraia gramotnost’. The efforts of the Soviet government, at times excessive, to catch up with Western technology at any cost are ridiculed in the following joke. 94 Lexicon An American who finds himself in Moscow wants to know what time it is. He sees a man carrying two heavy suitcases and asks him if he knows the correct time. “Certainly,” says the Russian, setting down the bags and looking at his watch. “It is 16:39 and 27 seconds. The date is December 11, the moon is nearing its full phase, the temperature is minus 7 degrees Celsius, and the atmospheric pressure stands at 983 hec- topascals and is falling.” The American is astounded and asks if the watch that provides all this information is Japanese. No, he is told, it is Soviet made. “Well, well,” says the American, “this is wonderful, you’re to be congratulated!” “Yes,” the Russian answers, straining to pick up the suitcases, “only these batteries are a little heavy.” Another joke targets the government's manipulation of scientists and scholars. During the construction of the Aswan Dam, on which project the Soviet Union collaborated with Egypt, the workers discovered an ancient tomb containing mummies and tablets with mysterious inscriptions. The Egyptians could not read them, so, leaving every¬ thing undisturbed, they asked the Soviet government to send a team of Egyptologists to come in and help. The government, seeing this as an opportunity for international recognition and political advantage, briefed the scholars before departure and told them to get results at any cost. Having arrived, the Soviets went into the tomb and stayed there a long time. Finally they emerged, showing signs of struggle but well pleased—they had deciphered the inscrip¬ tions. “How did you do it?” asked the amazed Egyptians. “The spooks finally confessed!” obnovlenie (o6hobji6hhc) (n.). Renewal. This word was used in a specific political context in the early years of the Gorbachev era. Together with perestroika and uskorenie (q.v.), it referred to Gor¬ bachev’s plan to revitalize the Soviet economy and social institutions through the mechanism of an overhauled and democratized Com¬ munist apparatus within the time span of three to five years. By 1988, however, it became clear that the country’s economic, politi¬ cal, and social problems were far more serious than they initially Lexicon 95 had seemed, and that the Communist Party could not serve as an effective executor of major reforms. obsluga (oScji^ra) (n.). Der. obsluzhivat’ , to serve, cater to; coll, since the 1960s denoting either the personnel of a facility supplying some public demand (e.g., maintenance and repair) or the service offered by such a facility. Because of mismanagement and lack of labor incentives, the quality of state-operated consumer services in the Soviet Union has been perennially poor. During the Gorbachev era, the contrast between services provided by state-owned facilities and by new private enterprises (see koper) has become very appar¬ ent. See wnelets. Slow and inefficient services supplied by the state are ridiculed in the following joke. Ivanov makes a down payment on a new car purchased from a state-operated dealership and is told that the car will have to be picked up on a certain day five years hence. “Can you tell me if I have to come in the morning or afternoon?” he asks. “Why is it so important for you to know that now?” “Well, you see, our ZhEK [q.v.] plumber said he would come to fix my toilet that day, and I don’t want to miss him.” ocherednik; ocherednitsa (oMep^HHK; onepeAHmta) (n ). Der. ochered ’, line or queue; coll, since the 1970s denoting a person standing in line. Standing in line for foods or scarce commodities (see defitsit) is a perennial problem of Soviet life, and it has re¬ ceived a great deal of publicity in recent years. One reporter, for example, writes that the word ocherednik cannot be translated into other languages without losing its special flavor. He comments sarcastically: “In our ubiquitous lines, people not only stand but also sit, sleep, live, die and, after dying, meekly lie in their cof¬ fins awaiting their turn for cremation or burial” (A. Rubinov, “Fal’shivoe slovo,” LG, 13 June 1990, p. 13). In a recent Soviet film entitled This Is No Way to Live , the camera pans down a long vodka line surging out of control, as the commentator speaks: “This is an outrageous humiliation of the type not even the Marquis de Sade would have been able to invent. It makes me want to shout: ‘Comrade leaders! Don’t you have any pity for these peo- 96 Lexicon pie? Aren’t you pained by the sight of them? The most valuable thing any of us possesses is life, and this is what you have reduced it to.’” See sotnik; tysiachnik. OGG (Orr) (n.). Pronounced oh-gay-gay. Acr., o dna grazhdanka govorila, “one citizeness said.” This humorous coll., common in the post-Stalin era, refers to the grapevine or gossip. Before the onset of glasnost’ (q.v.), word of mouth, in the absence of sufficient and reliable sources of public information, played an important role in keeping people abreast of current events, though frequently in distorted form. omonovtsy (om6hobubi) (n.; pi.). Der. acr. OMON (O triady M iUtsii O sobogo Naznacheniia , detachments of militia for special assign¬ ments); commando forces formed by the Communist Party hard¬ liners in the Ministry of the Interior in the late 1980s to put down popular demonstrations and other public expressions of political protest. They acquired special notoriety in 1989-90 when they par¬ ticipated in attempts to crush the independence movement in the Baltic republics. They have been described in the Western media as “black berets.” “ Omonovtsy beat down with their clubs the most politically active members of our society” (S. Kharlamov, “Plius omonizatsiia vsei strany,” AF, no. 27, 1991, p. 3). otkaznik; otkaznitsa (otk£3hhk; OTKaaiuina) (n.). Der. otkaz , re¬ fusal (“refusenik” in the U.S. media); coll, since the 1970s denoting a Soviet citizen who wishes to emigrate from the Soviet Union but has been denied permission to do so. During the Brezhnev era, legal emigration from the USSR was restricted to certain ethnocultural groups—Jews, Germans, Greeks, and so on; of these, Jewish emi¬ grants were the most numerous. Not all candidates for emigration were successful; obstacles were encountered, particularly by the Jews. In theory, strictures applied only to those who were in posses¬ sion of state secrets from their workplace. In reality, many of the otkaznik s were given no valid reasons for the denial and subse¬ quently suffered maltreatment ranging from social discrimination to loss of jobs. Despite these abuses, many continued attempting to obtain emigration clearance. The number of otkazniks peaked in the 1970s and dropped dramatically during the Gorbachev era, although according to reports in the Soviet media the problem still Lexicon 97 exists to some degree. “[There are] examples of unlawful persecu¬ tion of Jewish otkazniks ” (la. Karpovich, “Molchanie—zoloto?,” 0 , no. 3, 1990, p. 27). In May 1991 the Soviet legislature approved the Law on Entry and Exit, which gives virtually all citizens the right to travel abroad and to emigrate. The measure acknowledges the right to freedom of movement with only rare exceptions and sets a five-year limit on exit restrictions based on a would-be emigrant’s knowledge of state secrets. The new law also provides for appeal procedures for those otkazniks who have been unable to obtain the permission that Soviet emigration rules require from parents or ex¬ spouses. The target date for full implementation of the law is Janu¬ ary 1993. The persistent desire of otkazniks to emigrate is the subject of the following joke. Several Jewish men, otkazniks all, are spending an evening to¬ gether. “Haven’t we talked enough about emigrating?” one of them says. "Let’s talk about something else, women for example.” “A great idea!” says another man. “Do you happen to know if that cute neighbor of yours, Sarah Goldstein, has gone to Israel yet?” The desire not just of the Jews but of other Soviet citizens, including Russians, to emigrate from the Soviet Union is reflected in a variety of jokes, for example: 1. Question: What should we do in case our government opens the Western border? Answer: Head for Siberia so as not to get trampled in the rush. 2. “What’s the Jewish population of our country?" Brezhnev asks one of his advisers. “Three or four million.” “Well, if we let them emigrate freely, how many would want to go, do you think?” “Ten or fifteen million.” otkliuchka (OTKJiioHKa) (n.). Der. otkliuchat’, to turn off; coll, since the 1970s denoting the state of being “spaced out,” or euphoric, from alcohol or narcotics. See gliuk; kaif; prikhod. ottepel’ (drrenejib) (n.). 1: a thaw; 2: the period of liberalization, especially in literature and the arts, which followed Stalin's death in 1953 and ended in 1964. The term in its metaphoric meaning was 98 Lexicon borrowed from Il’ia Erenburg’s novella ( Ottepel’ , 1954) which crit¬ icized official art (see siusiu-realizm) and dealt with the concerns and hopes of the liberal intelligentsia. During the “thaw” it became possible for the Soviet creative intelligentsia to express themselves more freely and on a broader range of topics than before. A crop of talented new writers appeared on the scene, among them Evtu¬ shenko, Voznesenskii, Akhmadulina, and Solzhenitsyn (who, be¬ fore his ostracism from the literary establishment, published several works in the liberal journal Novyi mir). Some of the best writers of the earlier generation, repressed by Stalin, were rehabilitated. The period of the “thaw” was characterized by lively literary polemics and marked by optimism and faith in a better future. The liber¬ alization process was not continuous but suffered several setbacks connected with political events, notably the Hungarian uprising of 1956, which brought a period of reaction and repression. The “thaw” ended when, following the Cuban missile crisis, Khrushchev was forced to step down and the new conservative bureaucracy, led by Brezhnev, took power. The hopeful and positive atmosphere which prevailed in the Soviet Union during the “thaw” has been compared to the early years of the Gorbachev era: “We are entering the mid-1990s in a state of confusion, anxiety and resentment, which makes my recollections about the elation caused by the twenty- seventh CPSU Congress four years ago all the more vivid. It was like a return of Khrushchev’s thaw [ottepel']" (Yu. Bandura, “Discov¬ eries Made in Retrospect,” MN, no. 25, 1990, p. 8). pakhat’ (nax&rb) (v.). 1: to plough; 2: Coll, from the Brezhnev era meaning to do hard and unrewarding work, usually for low wages. “Women must slave [pakhat ’ ] everywhere, even in coal mines” (“Nezhenskaia rabota,” R , Oct. 1989, p. 13). See baran; gorbatit’sia; ishachit’; trudiaga. Pamiat’ (Il&vfflTb) (n.). 1: memory; 2: a Russian nationalist organi¬ zation, the full title of which is Russkii Narddnyi Front “Pamiat ’,” Russian People’s Front “Memory.” This unofficial organization was founded in Moscow in 1980 and grew rapidly during that decade, forming chapters in many cities throughout the Russian Soviet Fed¬ erated Socialist Republic. Its manifest goal was the preservation of Russian historical monuments and, more generally, of traditional Russian culture. As it grew, Pamiat’ attracted members whose be- Lexicon 99 liefs were tinged with chauvinism and anti-Semitism. Drawing from the nineteenth-century Slavophile movement, the ideologues of Pamiat’ have called upon Russia to reject any attempt to imitate the West. They see the West as decadent and lacking in moral and spiritual values, and Jews as the principal importers of Western culture into Russia. Right-wing extremists within the organization claim that Jewish “internationalists,” in league with the Freema¬ sons, had helped bring about the destruction of traditional Russian culture, and that Zionists have a master plan for world domination. The organization’s espousal of hatred against the Jews has been expressed through public rallies and other forms of propaganda. The actual membership of Pamiat’ is estimated to be only several thousand, but its sympathizers are far more numerous. The group contains several factions, including Nazi-like extremists and moder¬ ates who are not overtly anti-Semitic. The Soviet government’s attitude to Pamiat’ has been ambivalent. It appears that the organi¬ zation has aligned itself with those sectors of the Soviet ruling elite which are the most threatened by liberal reforms and which have enough political clout to protect Pamiat’ from official sanction. Since 1990 the Leningrad chapter of the organization has called itself Otechestvo (Fatherland). See narodnyi front. panel’shchitsa (nanCibiiuma) (n.). Der. panel’, panel, pavement or, figuratively, a place for streetwalkers; si. since the 1960s denot¬ ing a female prostitute. See interdevochka; nochnaia babochka; putana. partdissident (napT4HCCHa) (n.). 1: mold; mildew; 2: pejorative term of the Khrushchev era, used by government officials and other conserva¬ tives in reference to young people who were interested in Western culture and attempted to imitate Western styles and mannerisms. Their behavior was seen as an expression of frivolity, amorality and ideological deviance. See brodvei; chuvak; shtatniki; stiliaga. pliurahzm (ii.iiopa.imM) (n.). Pluralism, especially of political opin¬ ions. Before the era of glasnost’ (q.v.), the official attitude to this concept was negative. “In the language of contemporary bourgeois theories about societal structure, there is a notion that sociopolitical life is [moved by] the confrontation between separate groups and parties, which is in opposition to the Marxist-Leninist teaching about classes and class struggle” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia, 1984, p. 510). Since the beginning of the glasnost’ era, however, pluralism has been viewed in a positive light. On 5 Feb. 1990, Gorbachev said in his speech to the Central Committee of the Communist Party; “The extensive democratization underway in our society is being accompanied by mounting political pluralism. Vari¬ ous social and political organizations and movements emerge. This process may lead at a certain stage to the establishment of parties” (ST, 6 Feb. 1990, p. 6). See demokratizatsiia; mnogopartiika; narod- nyi front; neformal; perestroika. podavat’ na bliudechke (nojaBaTb na 6jiiofle4Ke) (v., prep., n.). Lit., to serve on a little saucer; an idiomatic expression meaning to cater to someone’s capricious demands. It was especially popular during the Brezhnev era in reference to the special favors and privileges bestowed by the government on members of the nomen¬ klatura (q.v.). Complementary to poluchat’ na bliudechke (q.v.). podkabluchnik (noaKaojiyMHHK) (n.). Der. pod kablukom , under the heel; coll, since the 1960s denoting a man who is dominated by women, particularly in private life. “The so-called podkabluchnik io6 Lexicon [is] a man who is bossy and energetic at work . . . but at home all the decisions are made by his wife” (“Zhenshchiny i muzhchiny,” N, no. 6, 1985, p. 14). See feminizatsiia; maskulinizatsiia. People say jokingly of such men: “Having gotten under the heel of his wife, he smugly declares: ‘She can’t take a step without me!’ ” podkovannyi (noaKOBaHHbni) (verbal adj.). Lit., shod, as a horse. The term comes from Communist jargon and was first used in the 1920s to denote a person well-versed in Marxist-Leninist doctrine and ready to crusade for it (the metaphor is that of a cavalry horse ready for battle). Eventually the term acquired a sarcastic connota¬ tion and was used to describe an overzealous ideologue. In the Brezhnev era it also was used in reference to an insincere individual who feigned fervent loyalty to Communism in order to gain personal benefits. See pravil'nyi. podpisant (no^micanT) (n.). Der. podpisat’, to sign; a signer. The term, coined after the 1966 trial of the dissident writers Siniavskii and Daniel, which caused a great public outcry and many letters of protest, refers to a person who signs a petition against some coercive government action, usually in the realm of human rights or foreign policy (e.g., the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia). Many of the podpisants were distinguished members of the Soviet intellec¬ tual community. They were blacklisted, hounded by the KGB, for¬ bidden to travel abroad, hindered from publishing their works, and in danger of losing their jobs. “Sakharov . . . asked me to sign a collective letter, demanding an end to capital punishment. I was in favor of the idea, but at that time did not believe in the efficacy of such letters. Their authors, the so-called podpisant' s, were dragged out on the carpet one by one” (E. Evtushenko, “Pechal’no, no tverdo,” O, no. 52, 1989, p. 2). The persecution of dissidents and their supporters stopped during the glasnost’ (q.v.) era. See in- akomysliashchii; sident. podprilavok (iiojnpn.iaBOK) (n.). Der. pod, under, and prilavok , counter; coll, of the post-Stalin era referring to the illegal, “under- the-counter” sale of state-produced merchandise. This trade is widely practiced in stores which deal in desirable and scarce com¬ modities such as fashionable clothes, electronic equipment or choice foods. The items are located and purchased by customers through Lexicon 107 the network of blat (q.v.), while the profits are shared by the sales personnel and the store’s management. Merchandise sold this way usually is “written off (see aktirovat ’) so as not to arouse the suspicions of government inspectors. See tenevaia ekonomika. poflka (noH.iKa) (n.). Der. poit’ , to give a beverage to someone. 1: a drinking bowl or fountain; 2: si. since the 1960s denoting a bar or any other type of establishment where liquor is served, some¬ times illegally. See alkash; amerikanka; blokada; bormotukha; kerosinshchik; p’ian’; rygalovka; skinut’sia na troikh; zelenyi zmii. pokazukha (noKaa^xa) (n.) Der. pokazyvat' , to show; coll, since the 1950s meaning showing off, bluffing or putting up a front in an effort to conceal some flaw or problem; often used in a political sense. A famous example of pokazukha in Russian history is the “Potemkin villages”—the display put up by Grigorii Potemkin when the em¬ press Catherine II traveled from St. Petersburg to the Crimea. Pieces of stage decor, which from a distance looked like attractive buildings and communities, were erected along the road to please the royal eye and conceal the poverty and squalor of the real vil¬ lages. Before the era of glasnost’ (q.v.), pokazukha was an impor¬ tant ingredient of Soviet propaganda and was practiced particularly in the presence of foreign visitors (see na vysshem urovne). “This is a country of painted facades, mannequins, inflated figures and false declarations. A country of lies and of pokazukha ” (cited in Ben- Iakov, p. 90). Many jokes about pokazukha were generated in Khrushchev’s and Brezhnev’s times, for example: 1. Question: The radio always reports an overabundance of food in our country, but my refrigerator is always empty. What should I do? Answer: Connect your refrigerator to the radio. 2. Reporter to editor: "Brezhnev and Nixon ran a race through Gorky Park, and Nixon won. How should we report this embarrass¬ ment?” Editor to reporter: “Very simply: ‘In the international competi¬ tion of runners, our leader distinguished himself by winning second place. The President of the United States could do no better than next to last.’ ” io8 Lexicon polochniki or polkovniki (iiojio'ihhkh; ikkikobhiikh) (n.; pi.). Der. polka, shelf; the second term also is homonymous with polkovnik, colonel. This coll., in use since the mid-1980s, refers to filmmakers whose works, before the era of glasnost’ (q.v.), were not shown to the public for fear of official censure, and were kept, sometimes for decades, in the archives of film studios. Such was Askol’dov’s Com¬ missar, a film portraying a Bolshevik woman soldier trying to choose between her duty as a mother and her commitment to fighting for the Revolution, while at the same time learning to overcome preju¬ dice against Jews. This picture and many others which had been similarly “shelved” were finally released after 1985. The term also applies to writers whose works remained unpublished or published in very abridged form until the era of glasnost’; one such author is Rybakov, who wrote the celebrated novel Children of Arbat. See pisat’ v iashchik. polozhit’ glaz (nojioxcHTb rna3) (v., n.). To set one’s eye (on some¬ one); coll, of the post-Stalin era meaning to single out an attractive person of the opposite sex, with sexual intent. “Without words and expressions such as polozhit’ glaz . . . there is no real, living lan¬ guage” (E. Vinokurov, “Fraza, vletevshaia s ulitsy,” LG, 16 Decem¬ ber 1981, p. 6). See kadrit’. poluchat’ na bliudechke (nojiyndTi, Ha SjiioaeHKe) (v., prep., n.). Lit., to receive on a little saucer, that is, to obtain something without effort. This idiomatic expression was especially common during the Brezhnev era in reference to those who expected to receive material benefits without working for them, particularly young people whose parents belonged to the nomenklatura (q.v.). “Behind their de¬ mands there are parasitical motives and the desire to receive every¬ thing ‘on a little saucer’ ” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i zna- cheniia, 1984, p. 100). Complementary to podavat’ na bliuechke (q.v.). See elita; goldeny. polzan (hoji3£h) or politpod (nojiHTn6,a) (n.). Abbr ., politicheskoe zaniatie, political study, or politicheskaiapodgotovka, political prep¬ aration; terms in use from the 1930s to the mid-1980s. During the pe¬ riod in question, employees of virtually all state institutions (schools, businesses, research establishments, etc.) were expected to partici¬ pate on a regular basis in gatherings organized by the Communist Lexicon 109 Party or the Komsomol (Communist Youth Organization) and de¬ signed to maintain a high level of ideological and political awareness. In these sessions, usually held once a month, the participants dis¬ cussed preapproved topics dealing with Soviet domestic or foreign policy or Marxist-Leninist doctrine. Although attendance was not obligatory, delinquent employees were reprimanded. The practice of polzan , almost universally disliked, has all but disappeared under the impact of glasnost’ (q.v.). See Prinudilovka. pop-mobfl’nost’ (non-Mo6iiJibHOCTb) (n.). “Popmobility”; coll, since the mid-1980s denoting aerobics. This form of exercise, which came to the Soviet Union from the West, has become widespread in recent years. Aerobics studios have opened in all major cities, and there are regular aerobics programs on several television channels. The ex¬ ercise is particularly popular among middle-aged women desirous of losing weight. “Officially it is known in our country as rhythmic gymnastics. It has other, colorful synonyms: ‘athletic discotheque,’ ‘gymnastic dance,’ and even ‘pop-mobility’” (cited in Kotelova, Novoe v russkoi leksike, 1989, pp. 242-43). See sotsnakoplenie. pornobiznes (nopHo6ii3Hec) (n.). Abbr pornograficheskii biznes, pornography business, that is, the use of pornographic materials for commercial purposes. In the 1970s the term appeared in the Soviet media in the context of describing life in capitalist societies. Since 1985 it also has been used in reference to the growing phenomenon of pornography in the Soviet Union. The business has become so active in recent years that in December 1990 Gorbachev decided to form an antipornography commission to take “urgent measures to protect public morals. . . . Dmitri Likhachev, an eminent scholar of literature and culture, has warned that the proliferation of smut threatens the youth with a ‘spiritual Chernobyl’” (“Gorbachev Forms Antiporn Panel to Protect Soviet Morals,” ST , 12 December 1990, p. 4A). See pornukha. pornolenta (nopnoji^HTa) (n.). Abbr., pornograficheskaia lenta, pornographic (video) tape; term in use since the 1980s. See por¬ nobiznes; pornukha. pornukha (nopHyxa) (n.). Der. pornografiia , pornography; coll, since the 1980s. In the 1960s and 1970s, Soviet sailors returning no Lexicon home from foreign duty began to smuggle in pornographic books and pictures for sale on the black market. In the 1980s, with the spread of videocassette recorders (see videobum), pornographic films (see pornolenta ) became popular, and underground video par¬ lors rapidly began to appear. So far, most of the pornographic material circulating in the country comes from abroad, but domestic production is beginning to develop. Soviet women’s groups recently have started to speak out against pornography. “In the heaps of [readers’] letters given to me by the editors, there isn’t a single strong statement in defense of woman’s honor and dignity. Not a single attempt... to express anger at pornukha ” (“Razgovor pered zerkalom,” R, no. 3, 1990, p. 14). poslat’ na kartoshku (noc.iaTb Ha KapTduiKy) (v., prep., n.). To send (someone) “to potatoes,” that is, potato-digging; coll, since the late 1950s. At that time it became increasingly evident that Khrush¬ chev’s argicultural reforms had failed to be effective. Soviet farm economy continued to decline; bad living conditions in rural areas drove many residents to migrate to the cities, and labor shortages in agriculture became severe. Help was desperately needed, especially during harvests, and army recruits were dispatched to collective farms. That measure having proved insufficient, the government decided to mobilize students in institutions of higher learning. Henceforth, for approximately two months each year (usually Sep¬ tember and October), all able-bodied students were obligated to work on collective farms. As the agricultural crisis worsened, other members of the adult population, including well-educated profes¬ sionals from all walks of life, were sent “to dig potatoes.” The activity was highly unpopular, both with urban laborers and with collective farmers who had to host and supervise hundreds of thou¬ sands of untrained and reluctant workers. Moreover, other areas of the economy suffered as many people were taken away from their regular jobs. Despite its unpopularity and ineffectiveness, the prac¬ tice continued well into the Brezhnev era. It was temporarily stopped under Gorbachev but, in the fall of 1990, the government declared a nationwide agricultural emergency and once again re¬ cruited soldiers, students, and other people for seasonal farm labor. See avralit’; chrezvychaishchina. The following jokes address the subject of “potato digging.” 1. Question: What work task is accomplished by a team composed Lexicon 111 of a mathematician, a biologist, an architect, an economist, an engineer, and a doctor? Answer: The gathering of potatoes on a state farm. 2. Slogan seen on state farm headquarters: “Farmers! Let us help students to fill the granaries of our Motherland!” posleperestroechnyi (period) (nocjienepecTp6eHHbiH [neprio/j]) (adj.). Of the post -perestroika period. The term refers to the period, begin¬ ning in the late 1980s, of Gorbachev’s declining popularity and people’s loss of faith in his perestroika (q.v.) program. The change of attitude toward the once-popular leader and his administration was due to deteriorating economic conditions in the country, coupled with mounting political and ethnic unrest. “Not only 'up above’ but also 'down below,’ in rural areas, there has arisen a contingent of post -perestroika skeptics who no longer believe in the seriousness of the intentions proclaimed from the center" (Iu. Govorukhin, “Kak rastet repeinik,” O , no. 41, 1990, p. 4). posreb (nocpeo) (n.). Abbr., posmertno reabilitirovannyi, posthu¬ mously rehabilitated (person). The coll, appeared after the Twen¬ tieth Party Congress of 1956 which expedited the process of liberat¬ ing from prisons and labor camps the numerous victims of Stalin's regime and of making restitution to them and their families. Con¬ currently with releasing survivors, Khrushchev’s government made known its willingness to rehabilitate prisoners posthumously. The initiative, however, had to come from the victim’s family in the form of a petition, and each case was considered on an individual basis. If the decision was favorable, the petitioners, in addition to having their relative’s name cleared, received some monetary compensa¬ tion and, more important, a clean record for themselves. (In the Soviet Union a job applicant is required to report any member of the family, dead or alive, with a criminal record; having such a relative may hamper one’s chances of being hired.) According to recent estimates, approximately one out of every four persons who had died in Stalinist prisons and labor camps was posthumously rehabilitated under Khrushchev. See ChSR; GULag; iazychnik; lazar’; Memorial; repressiia; sident; zamesti. Jokes about posthumous rehabilitation were popular in the late 1950s and 1960s. For example: 112 Lexicon 1. The new Soviet constitution guarantees the right of every Soviet citizen to be posthumously rehabilitated. 2. Question: What is the difference between a Communist and a Christian? Answer: The Christian hopes to go to heaven after death, whereas the Communist hopes to be rehabilitated. potrebftel’stvo (noTpeSHTejibCTBo) (n.). Der. potrebliat’, to con¬ sume; consumerism. The term, which has a pejorative flavor, be¬ came popular during the Brezhnev era. It has been used since then to criticize the materialistic values and the absence of higher ideals among the nomenklatura (q.v.) and the population at large. “Some people have such a low level of spiritual culture that they find their happiness, their moral satisfaction in consumerism [potrebitel’stvo]” (cited in Kotelova, Novoe v russkoi leksike, 1989, p. 50). See bezdu- khovnost’; priobretatel'stvo; veshchizm; zastoi. The following joke from the Brezhnev era pokes fun at materialis¬ tic and consumerist attitudes, in this case in the republic of Soviet Georgia. In an elementary school in Tbilisi, a teacher asks her pupils about their fathers’ occupations. “My daddy works at the Ministry of Trade,” one child says proudly. “My daddy’s the director of a department store,” says another. “My daddy manages a grocery store,” says a third. “My daddy works as an ambulance driver,” a voice pipes up, whereupon the whole class laughs contemptuously. “Now, now, children,” the teacher says, “you mustn’t laugh at your classmate’s misfortune!” pozvonochniki (iio3boh6hhiikh) (n.; pi.). Pun, der. pozvondchnik , vertebral column or backbone, and pozvonlt’, to make a telephone call; coll, of the Brezhnev era referring to students admitted to prestigious academic institutions because of their parents’ social status and influence. These parents are the “backbone” of Soviet society and, presumably, only need to make a telephone call to ensure acceptance for their children. More generally, the term de¬ notes anyone appointed to a job or promoted as a result of an influential person's patronage. The term’s derivatives are used in certain expressions, for example, pozvondchnye sviazi (lit., back- Lexicon 113 bone or telephone connections, i.e., the old-boy network). “Al¬ though the bosses valued contacts acquired through pozvonochnye sviazi, deep down they despised each other for it” (A. Nitochkina, “Sergei Solov’ev—otets novoi stagnatsii,” O, no. 34, 1990, p. 26). See elita; goldeny; konkurs roditelei; pazheskii korpus; spetsshkola; telefonnoe pravo. pravdist (npaB.uicT) (n.). Der. pravda , truth. 1: an employee of the newspaper Pravda; 2: in literary criticism since the early 1980s, a writer who aims to portray Soviet reality, especially its negative aspects, as truthfully as possible; 3: in the era of glasnost' (q.v.), a politician, scholar, reporter, or any other reputable person who seeks to bring objective information to the public. “He was a pravd¬ ist , he knew how to fight for the truth” (cited in Kotelova, Novoe v russkoi leksike, 1989, p. 247). See detabuizatsiia; glasnost’; pro- zrenie. pravil’nyi (npann.ii.Hbm) (adj.). Lit., correct; coll, since the 1960s denoting a party-line dogmatist or a person who acts in a prim and proper fashion. The term has a sarcastic tinge. See aktivnaia zhi- znennaia pozitsiia; podkovannyi; sovok. The following joke ridicules “politically correct” behavior. Ivan, a Communist Party activist, asks his neighbor: “Say, Boris, do you know who Mikhail Kalinin was?” “Kalinin? The name’s familiar, but I can’t seem to place the man.” “Just as I thought,” Ivan says. “If only you attended more meet¬ ings of our district political volunteers’ group, you’d know who Kalinin was. He was Chairman of the Supreme Soviet from 1923 to 1946.” “Then let me ask you a question,” Boris comes back at him. “Do you know who Vladimir Petrov is?” “Petrov . . . Hmm . . . can't seem to remember.” “Just as I thought,” Boris says. “If only you attended fewer meetings of our district political volunteers’ group, you'd know that Petrov is your wife’s lover.” pravovoe gosudarstvo (npaeoBde rocyfltfpcTBo) (adj., n.). Rule-of- law state, or law-based state. The term has been in frequent use since the late 1980s, as pressure has been mounting to restructure the Soviet legal system and free it from governmental control so as to 114 Lexicon ensure the protection of inalienable rights of individuals and society and to make the government subject to the constitution and to legislation enacted by elected deputies. Soviet jurists and politicians disagree on the definition of pravovoe gosudarstvo. Radical re¬ formers want complete depoliticization of legal institutions, whereas a more conservative opinion holds that some control over them by the Communist Party or, theoretically, by some other primary party should be retained. Some of those involved in the debates have admitted to the absence of properly trained legal professionals in the Soviet Union. Saying that there is no legal culture in their country, they have called for extensive study of Western legal institutions and procedures. They also warn that given the entrenched Russian tradi¬ tion of arbitrary rule, the greatest problem to be faced is the manip¬ ulation of law not by a dominant political party but by any public authority strong enough to exert force. They predict that the process of creating pravovoe gosudarstvo will be slow and difficult. In the meantime, 1990 saw the creation of the Committee on Constitu¬ tional Compliance, which has been given many of the powers of a supreme court and is starting to address a long list of human rights and other basic legal questions. predbannik (npefl6&HHHK) (n.). 1: an anteroom in a Russian steam bath house ( bania)\ 2: coll, since the late Stalin era denoting the reception room in the office of some important person, usually a Party official, where one sits in expectation of an unpleasant inter¬ view or a reprimand entailing an amoralka or strogach (q.v.). prestizhnyi (npecTHWHbiii) (adj.) Prestigious. The word is not new to Russian, but it began to be widely used during the Brezhnev era in connection with the growing social influence of the nomenklatura (q.v.) and is still in use today. It refers both to people and to things. For example, a woman married to a man with a respected and well¬ paying position is said to have a “prestigious husband.” Certain styles or brands of clothes, cars, furniture, electronic equipment and the like fall into the “prestigious” category. Certain city neighbor¬ hoods are referred to as prestigious, as well as certain schools and universities (see pazheskii korpus). The development of “prestige consciousness” in Soviet society has been lamented by some au¬ thors. For example, Iurii Nagibin writes: “Many young people be¬ lieve that, without connections and pull, one cannot be admitted to Lexicon 115 a prestigious [prestizhnyi] university” (“Esli b my bol’she chitali poetov,” N, no. 21, 1987, p. 8). pribarakhht'sia (npn6apax.iHTbcn) (v.). Der. barakhlo , junk or be¬ longings; coll, since the 1960s meaning to supply oneself with fash¬ ionable new clothes and/or other luxuries. The term is used par¬ ticularly in the context of acquiring new possessions during trips to foreign countries. See firma; prikid. prikhod (npnxba) (n.). 1: arrival; 2; si. since the 1960s denoting a euphoric or hallucinatory state induced by drugs. See anasha; belaia smert’; dur’; gliuk; gonets; kaif; kaliki-morgaliki; koknar; koleso; kumar; laiba; lezhat' v piatnashke; lomka; narkont; narkot; niu- khach; perelomat’sia; plan; shiriat’sia. prikid (npHKH.i) (n.). Der. prikldyvat’, to estimate or to try on (clothing); si. since the 1980s denoting the state of being dressed in striking, fashionable clothes with foreign labels. The term is used mostly by young people of the privileged class (see goldeny) and by black marketeers and other members of the “shadow economy” (see tenevaia ekonomika). Typically, it is encountered in construc¬ tions such as byt’ v prikide (to be wearing chic clothes) or ona prikinulas (she has attired herself in chic clothes). See firma; pri- barakhlit’sia. prinudflovka (npmiyjHjioBKa) (n.). Der. prinudit’, to coerce; coll, since the 1930s denoting some activity imposed upon the people by the Soviet system. Originally the term referred only to compulsory labor, but eventually it began to be applied to such phenomena as participation in organized political discussions in the workplace (see polzan), compulsory courses on Marxist-Leninist doctrine in educa¬ tional institutions (see zakon bozhii), the requisite purchase of unwanted items (see nagruzka and prinuditel’nyi assortiment) and a variety of other things. In his commentary on Soviet collective farms, Solzhenitsyn spoke of prinuddovka and golodalovka (forced labor and hunger). The pressures of prinudilovka have abated in the Gorbachev era. Nowadays, prinudilovka usually is applied not in a brutal but in a fairly subtle and manipulative manner; the following joke is an example. The cultural committee of a factory announced a Saturday-night ii6 Lexicon lecture entitled “The Soviet People and the Communist Party.” Because only a handful of workers showed up for the event, the organizers were reprimanded by the factory’s director and given orders to increase attendance. The following week another lecture, entitled “Three Varieties of Love,” was announced. That Saturday night, the auditorium was full. “There are three types of love,” the lecturer began. “The first, sexual, is not proper to talk about. The second, emotional, has already been described by our nation’s poets. The third, spiritual, is the highest type of love. It is the love of the Soviet people for the Communist Party. This is what I’d like to discuss with you tonight.” prinudftePnyi assortment (npimyAHTejibHbiH accopTHM^HT) (adj., n.) “Compulsory assortment;” coll, since the 1950s denoting an unwanted item which Soviet consumers are forced to purchase along with what they actually need; the same as nagruzka (q.v.). priobretatel’stvo (npHoSpeT&TeJibCTBo) (n.). Der. priobretat’ , to ac¬ quire; acquisitiveness or greed. The term, together with “consumer¬ ism” (see potrebitel’stvo), became popular during the Brezhnev era in reference to the materialistic values and money-grubbing be¬ havior which prevailed among the Soviet bureaucracy and other members of the elite (see elita ). See bezdukhovnost’; veshchizm; zastoi. pripaiat’ (npimaHTb) (v.). 1: to solder; 2: coll, since the 1950s, to falsely accuse or pin a crime on someone, particularly if the alleged crime is of a political or ideological nature. The practice of reporting people to the authorities for unorthodox political views has dwin¬ dled in the era of glasnost’ (q.v.). See anonimshchik; katit’ bochku; kompromat; repressiia; stukach; telega. privatizatsiia (npiiBannaiuia) (n.). Privatization. This term has been used since the late 1980s to denote the process of divesting the Soviet state of its ownership of farms and industries, that is, a return to capitalism. The idea has been put forth by radical reformists who believe that private ownership is the best, if not the only, way to remedy the problems of the Soviet economy. “Just recently, we used the word 'privatization' only with respect to the West. Most often the word was used in negative contexts, and it meant the onslaught Lexicon 117 by private capital and its political backers against ‘the gains of the working people.’ Now that the USSR is preparing to switch over to a market economy, privatization is seen as a key idea and the crucial instrument by means of which the USSR's overcentralized, state- owned, state-controlled economy can be dismantled” (V. Kostikov, "Privatization in the USSR,” SL, Nov. 1990, p. 13). See planovo- rynochnaia ekonornika; razgosudarstvlenie. probivat’ (npoSHB^Tb) (v.). 1: to punch a hole, to break through, or to force one’s way; 2: coll, since the Khrushchev era describing the process of getting something desirable or attaining one's goal by means of great effort, persuasion, and other energetic measures. Many commodities and services, the availability of which is taken for granted in the West, are very difficult to obtain in the Soviet Union. Some examples of what people typically have to strive for are apartments, travel accommodations, access to cultural and rec¬ reational events and, in the workplace, recognition of creative en¬ deavors and innovative discoveries which often are suppressed by the bureaucratic management. “Scientists, construction engineers, and inventors know very well how difficult it has been all these years to push through [probit’\ perf.] an idea, to publish an innovative article, to apply the results [of their findings] to industry” (S. Pana- senko, “Vybiraia svobodu,” O , no. 5, 1990, p. 11). A synonymous term is vybivat’ (lit., to beat out). “[Community organizations] extended their help to single mothers: for some, they managed to obtain [vybili; perf.] living quarters, others they aided monetarily” (“Zhensovet: drug, pomoshchnik? Da!” R, Nov. 1989, p. 4). See Razdobudka. probivnoi (npooHBHbii) (adj.). Der. probivat’ (see above); coll, since the Khrushchev era denoting a person who has the energy, skill, and manipulative ability to obtain something hard to get or to reach a desired goal. prodlenka (npojjJieHKa) (n.). Der. prodlennyi {den), extended (day); coll, since the 1960s denoting an after-school program for children to accommodate working mothers. Children do their homework and play under teachers’ supervision. “When my daugh¬ ter started first grade, I was very glad to find out that her school was introducing an extended-day program. The prodlenka would solve a 118 Lexicon myriad of problems for me” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i zna- cheniia, 1984, p. 561). propiska (nponricKa) (n.). A residence permit obtained through the registration of one’s passport (the chief identification document of all Soviet citizens sixteen or older) with the local police. The system of residence permits was introduced in 1932, and the term has been in use since that time. The purpose of propiska was to stem peasant mi¬ gration to urban areas and to facilitate apprehension of criminals hid¬ ing from the law. People are required to register their address with the police if staying somewhere for more than three days; delin¬ quents are subject to stiff fines and even prosecution. While tempo¬ rary residence usually is approved without difficulty, permission for permanent residence is much more difficult to obtain, particularly for newcomers to urban areas. Nevertheless, there has been continuous settlement of rural migrants in Soviet cities since the Khrushchev era. Most often this goal is achieved by bribing the police and the housing authorities to obtain a propiska-, another method is fictitious mar¬ riage to a registered resident (family members of residents are en¬ titled to a propiska ). The propiska is an extremely important factor in the life of a Soviet citizen. Its loss “is a catastrophe almost as great as the loss of a bread ration card during the war. In one blow, one loses all his rights—to work, to have a home, to get medical service and, in recent times, also to buy food because food coupons are issued only to registered residents” (N. Rusakova, “Liudi na bolote,” SK, 26 May 1990, p. 5). During the Gorbachev era, the institution of pro¬ piska has been widely criticized as an infringement on human rights. The recently appointed Committee on Constitutional Compliance (see pravovoe gosudarstvo) is addressing the question of abolishing the propiska. Human rights ideals clash with reality, however. To do away with the residence permits in one blow would bring an uncon¬ trollable flood of migrants into Moscow, Leningrad and other cities already desperately short of housing. For that reason, the Commit¬ tee has so far nullified only some of the most odious restrictions, for example, the one forbidding a wife to live in her husband’s dormitory room. More extensive changes must be effected gradually. See be- skvartir’e; BOMZh; ZhEK. prozrenie (npo3p6mie) (n.). Recovery of sight; having one’s eyes opened, both literally and figuratively. In recent years the term has Lexicon 119 been used in a specific sense in connection with the process of glasnost’ (q.v.). It has to do with learning facts and gaining insight into the political, social, economic, moral, and spiritual problems which had been besetting the Soviet Union for many years but which, because of censorship and repression, were not openly dis¬ cussed or fully understood by the public. In a newspaper interview, the writer Chingiz Aitmatov discussed the alternating periods of liberalization and repression in Soviet history: “Loss of sight. Re¬ covery of sight [prozrenie ]. Again, loss of sight and, again, recovery of sight. How much longer are we going to be in the process of having our eyes opened [prozrevat']T ’ (Natal’ia Popova, “Ty ne ponik glavoi poslushnoi . . . SK, 11 June 1987, p. 6). See de- tabuizatsiia; glasnost’; pravdist. psikhushka (nciixyuiKa) (n.). Der. psikh (coll.), psychopath, “psy¬ cho”; 1: coll., an insane woman; 2: coll, since the 1970s denoting an insane asylum; used particularly in reference to the Soviet govern¬ ment’s practice, before the Gorbachev era, of punishing dissidents by placing them in insane asylums. “An academician and a worker, an old Bolshevik and an Orthodox priest, a monarchist and a Jew who had been denied permission to emigrate. . . . All of them were equalized by the verdict: prison, labor camp, exile, insane asylum [psikhushka]" (I. Mil’shtein, “Chelovek imeet pravo,” O , no. 28, 1990, p. 21). See durdom. putana (nyTana) (n.). This old word of Greek origin, denoting a harlot, was not commonly used in Russian until the 1980s when it became one of several si. terms for female prostitute, perhaps by association with the colloquial expression putat’sia (5 kem-nibud') to have illicit sexual relations (with someone). The term is applied particularly to foreign-currency prostitutes. One commentator won¬ ders: “How do the foreign-currency prostitutes, these . . . putany, manage to gain access to exclusive hotels, restaurants, and bars?” (S. Romeikov, “Khoziaistvo kuchera,” O, no. 30, 1990, p. 28.) See interdevochka; nochnaia babochka; panel’shchitsa. putevka (nyreBKa) (n.). A travel pass; term in use since the 1920s. One of the benefits provided by Soviet trade unions to their mem¬ bers is the opportunity to go on an organized vacation trip to a designated resort area. The very reasonably priced package includes 120 Lexicon transportation, accommodations, and meals, usually in a sanato¬ rium. The arrangement is especially desirable because Soviet tourist facilities generally are inadequate. In the post-Stalin era, putevkas to foreign countries also have become available. The issuance of putevkas , however, has a long history of inequity. Abuses were particularly common during the Brezhnev era, when the most desir¬ able tours and vacation spots were reserved for members of the nomenklatura (q.v.) and for those who had pull (see blat ). During the Gorbachev era, the government has attempted to make pu¬ tevkas for domestic and foreign travel available to all, but because of inadequate transportation and accommodations, people with con¬ nections and manipulative ability (see probivat’) still have an edge. See dikari. rabotat’ na sklad (paSdTaTb Ha CKJiajj) (v., prep., n.). Coll, since the 1960s meaning to produce goods which will end up in storage; that is, to manufacture a large volume of products without regard for quality in order to fill government quotas. Often these products cannot be sold and are placed in a warehouse and ultimately dumped (see aktirovat’; nelikvidy). “Having received several ship¬ ments of the merchandise, the store refused to accept more. Shop¬ pers had complained about the . . . heavy and old-fashioned foot¬ wear. So, the workers began to labor in vain [ rabotat ’ na sklad], which led to further deterioration of quality” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia , 1984, p. 661). Since 1985 the government has attempted to combat this wasteful practice through gospriemka, khozraschet , and samookupaemost' (q.v.). radiovoina (pajuioBomia); also televoina (TejieBoim4) (n.). “Radio war”; “television war.” These terms were used in official parlance during the Khrushchev and Brezhnev eras in reference to anti- Soviet propaganda that presumably was waged by Western broad¬ casting companies. “Not long ago, the American press began to talk openly about intensifying its ‘radio war’ against the Soviet Union. Every technical device was to be employed in this ‘radio offensive’ ” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia , 1984, p. 587). Unof¬ ficially, however, the terms were used in the opposite sense, in regard to anti-Western propaganda on Soviet radio and television. See radiovral’; vral’nia. Lexicon 121 radiovral’ (pajHOBp^.ib); also televraP (Te.ieBpa.ib) (n.). "Radio liar"; “television liar,” that is, a radio or television broadcaster who lies in the name of propaganda (see radiovoina; vral'nia). In official parlance before the era of glasnost’ (q.v.), these terms referred to Western broadcasters who, presumably, slandered the Soviet Un¬ ion. “Stop, you wretched ‘radio liar’! Who are you? What do you know about my country, about my people?” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia , 1984, p. 588). Unofficially, the terms were used in reference to Soviet broadcasters who told lies to their lis¬ teners and viewers, and there were many jokes apropos of this subject, for example: Question: Comrade Ivanov, do you listen to the radio? Answer: Of course! Otherwise how would I have known that the Soviet people are the happiest in the world? raschelovechenie (pacHejioBtffiemie) (n.). Dehumanization. Unlike the older Latin borrowing, degumanizatsiia , this recent (1980s) term has a specific political connotation. It refers to the brutalizing effect of Stalinism and Brezhnevism on the people and the resulting loss of their best human qualities such as kindness and compassion. See bezdukhovnost’; debilizatsiia; mankurtizatsiia; miloserdie. raskolot'sia (pac'KO.ioTbca) (v.). 1: to cleave, crack, or break down; 2: coll, during the Stalin era, said of a political prisoner who breaks down under torture and confesses; 3: coll, since the 1960s meaning to give in under pressure; often said of a person who, after initial resistance, accepts a bribe and agrees to abet the giver in some illegal activity. For example, in How Do You Do?, the 1988 docu¬ mentary film about prostitutes, one of the women interviewed de¬ scribes her attempt to gain access to a luxury hotel for foreign tourists. At first, the guard refused to let her enter but, having been offered two hundred rubles, gave in (raskoldlsia) and admitted her. raskrest’ianivanie-8o (pacKpecTbHHHBaHHe-80) (n.). The term ras- krest'ianivanie , literally translated as depeasantization, was used in Russian Marxist jargon in the 1890s to describe what was seen as the division of the peasantry into “rural proletariat” and “rural bour¬ geoisie”—prosperous peasants otherwise known as kulaks. During collectivization in the late 1920s and 1930s, the kulaks were sub- 122 Lexicon jected to dispossession or “dekulakization” ( raskulachivanie )—a brutal Stalinist measure which effectively destroyed the ablest and most productive stratum of Russian peasantry and exacerbated the country’s agricultural crisis. Progressive economists of the glasnost’ (q.v.) era have revived the term raskrest’ianivanie with the addition of “80,” that is, 1980 or modern times. Raskrest’ianivanie-80 means the alienation of Soviet peasants from the land and their mass migration to the cities, caused by poor living conditions and mal¬ treatment by the government. Many believe that this process can be reversed by restoring private ownership of land, which would give peasants the necessary incentive to be industrious and productive. Linguists say that the coinage of the term raskrest’ianivanie-80 led to the appearance of others like it. “It is interesting to note that it was precisely the expression ‘ raskrest’ianivanie-80 ’ that gave rise to the appearance of new words of the same type” (V. Danilenko, “Ras¬ krest’ianivanie, raskul’turivanie . . . Chto dal’she?” N, no. 14, 1990, P- 15 )- raspredelenie (pacnpeaeji6mie) (n.). 1: distribution; 2: since the first Five-Year Plan, a term denoting state-regulated job placement for students graduating from institutions of higher learning. These young professionals are given work assignments of two or three years’ duration, after which they have the option of keeping the same job or seeking a new one. The purpose of the distribution is threefold: to control the work force, to prevent unemployment, and to instill a sense of social responsibility in young people. The last has a practical side to it as well: since the government finances students’ education, it expects eventually to receive their service in return. (Students who attend evening school or study by correspondence are exempt from raspredelenie because they work while studying and do not receive government stipends [see stipukha]). The dis¬ tribution system has never been popular, as it often requires reloca¬ tion and the jobs rarely correspond exactly to one’s qualifications. For example, a graduate of the Moscow Conservatory, trained as a concert performer, may be dispatched to teach music in an elemen¬ tary school in a Siberian village. During the Brezhnev era, there was widespread evasion of raspredelenie through every imaginable form of blat (q.v.) and other ruses, including feigned illness. In the Gor¬ bachev era raspredelenie has been subject to increasing criticism and appears to be on its way out. Lexicon 123 razdobudka (pa3ao6y^Ka) (n.) Der. razdobyvat’, to procure; coll, since the 1980s denoting the process of obtaining something with effort and ingenuity. The term typically applies to the obtainment of foods, clothes and other items necessary or desirable for comfort¬ able living, which are in short supply. See probivat’. razgosudarstvlenie (pa3rocy^pcTBJieHMe) (n.). Denationalization. This term, which began to be used in the media in the late 1980s, denotes the process of divesting the Soviet state of its ownership of land and of the means of production, that is, a return to capitalism. The idea has been put forth by reformists who believe that private ownership is the best, if not the only, way to remedy the problems of the Soviet economy. Denationalization, if it takes place, is expected to be gradual. “The process of razgosudarstvlenie of state property will take place over a period of several years, but collectives will be able to expedite it by investing private or state-borrowed funds” (reader’s letter, O, no. 25, 1990, p. 3). See planovo-rynochnaia ekonomika; privatizatsiia. razriadka (paapajKa) (n.) Detente, that is, a relaxation of strained relations between the Soviet Union and Western countries, par¬ ticularly the United States; diminution of cold war. In the post- Stalin era, the term is associated specifically with the agreement on a policy of military detente (limitation of strategic offensive arms, or SALT I) reached in the United States-Soviet Union Moscow sum¬ mit meeting of 1972. With ups and downs, this period lasted until 1979 when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, strengthening United States reluctance to ratify the agreement reached after the second round of strategic arms limitation talks (SALT II). In the Gorbachev era, the emphasis has been on economic detente (eko- nomicheskaia razriadka), that is, the removal of political barriers to trade between the USSR and Western countries and increased eco¬ nomic aid to the USSR. "Opponents of ‘economic detente’ are attempting to turn trade with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries into an instrument of political pressure” (cited in Kote- lova, Novoe v russkoi leksike, 1989, p. 271). razvlekalovka (parB.ieKa.iOBKa) (n.). Der. razvlekat’, to entertain or amuse; coll, since the 1960s referring to any type of public entertain¬ ment which allegedly lacks educational or ideological value, for 124 Lexicon example, operetta, the circus or, more recently, rock music. See komfortnoe iskusstvo; nedukhovnost ’, shirpotreb; shliagernyi; vid- ukha. Conservative ideologues tend to be rather critical of razvleka- lovka because they see it as too frivolous. Their attempts to make it less so are ridiculed in the following joke. The entertainment committee of a factory decides to put on an amateur striptease show for the male workers. The factory’s Com¬ munist Party representative comes to a rehearsal and watches, frowning, as the beautiful and shapely Natasha and Vera do their act. “These young women must not be allowed to participate in the show,” he finally declares. “Natasha is habitually late to work, and Vera never attends our political meetings. They should be replaced by our esteemed Anna Ivanovna. She is a conscientious worker, an active community service volunteer, and a Party member since I93I-” reket (pineT or p^Ker) (n.). Racket, that is, a fraudulent scheme, activity or enterprise made workable by bribery or intimidation. This English borrowing and its cognate, reketir (racketeer—one who extorts money or advantages by threats of violence, blackmail or unlawful interference with business or employment), have been widely used in the Soviet media and in common parlance since 1985. At first, these terms were used specifically in reference to the manip¬ ulation, by unscrupulous profit seekers, of the new Soviet coopera¬ tive enterprises (see koper). Later, they acquired a broader meaning and now, like the terms mafiia and mafiosi (q.v.), apply to almost any kind of illegal profiteering and extortion. In recent years, much has been said and written about racketeering among the ranks of the Soviet government. “The cooperativists are deprived of economic protection from that which nowadays is called the ‘government racket’ ” (S. Panasenko, “Vybiraia svobodu,” O, no. 5, 1990, p. 11). See korruptsioner; tenevaia ekonomika; tsekh. The behavior of Soviet racketeers and their power to corrupt others is illustrated in the following joke. A rich Odessa reketir walks into a store which sells furs and asks for a sable coat for his wife. The salesman tells him that no such coats are available. “Then I'm buying two,” says the reketir , “one for my wife and one for yours.” Thereupon the salesman promptly produces a sable coat from under the counter (see Podprilavok ). Some time later, the reketir goes to Moscow and decides to visit the Lexicon 125 Lenin mausoleum. Arriving in Red Square, he sees that the Mauso¬ leum is closed for the day. He approaches the armed guard and sticks a thousand-ruble note on the tip of the guard’s bayonet. Says the guard: “Would you like to step inside, sir, or shall I bring him out for you?” repressiia (penp6ccH») (n.). Repression. This term has been used since 1953 specifically in reference to the arrests and incarceration of innocent people for alleged political crimes, widely practiced during the Stalin era. Today, this somewhat euphemistic term is used side by side with more plainspoken ones, for example, nezakonnyi arest , unlawful arrest. Much has been written in recent years about the devastating psychological effects of the arrests on the nation. “De¬ cades of terror and repressions had taught entire generations [of Soviet people] to hide their thoughts” (N. Popov, “Krizis doveriia, krizis vlasti,” O, no. 7, 1990, p. 2). Commonly used cognates are repressirovat' (v.) and repressirovanyi (part, or part, as n., an un¬ lawfully arrested person). See ChSR; GJJLag; iazychnik; lazar’; Memorial; posreb; pripaiat’; sident; zamesti. The phenomenon of “repressions” is addressed in various jokes, for example: 1. In the middle of the night a man and his wife suddenly are awakened by the sharp ringing of the doorbell. Trembling with fear because he thinks that government agents have come to arrest them, the man gets out of bed and goes to open the door. A few minutes later he returns to his wife with a big smile of relief on his face. “It’s only a neighbor to tell us that our apartment building is on fire!” he says. 2. Question: What are the major stages in the history of Soviet art? Answer: Early repressionism, rehabilitationism, and neo-repres- sionism. roker (pOKcp) (n.). 1: abbr., rok-end-rdller , rock-and-roller, that is, a rock musician; 2: coll, since the 1980s denoting a youth who likes to ride a motorcycle and usually belongs to a motorcycle gang; sometimes synonymous with hoodlum. The origin of the use of the term in this sense is unclear. Some rokers say that the designation comes from a foreign film about motorcyclists, some think that it relates to rock music, while others refer to a certain part of the 126 Lexicon motorcycle engine. Roker gangs usually assemble late at night and drive around with a great deal of noise. They are a public nuisance and often clash with police. The rokers' age usually ranges from fifteen to twenty. See motokhuligan. rok na kostiakh (pon Ha koct^x) (n., prep., n.). Lit., rock (music) on bones. Before the glasnost’ (q.v.) era, rock music was frowned upon by the Soviet government because of its “decadent” nature and because of fear that it would stimulate excessive interest in Western culture. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, some rock-and- roll records began to be smuggled into the Soviet Union. At that time, tape recorders and tapes were not widely available, so enter¬ prising people found a way to copy and distribute this music on homemade records. The material used for recording was old X-ray pictures on hard plastic sheets, obtained from hospitals; hence the reference to bones. These primitive records fetched a high price on the black market. rygalovka (pbir&iOBKa) (n.). Der. rygat’, to belch; si. since the 1970s denoting a bar or any other type of estasblishment where liquor is served, sometimes illegally. See alkash; amerikanka; blokada; bor- motukha; kerosinshchik; p'ian; poilka; skinut’sia na troikh; zelenyi zmii. samizdat (caMH3fldT)(n.). Der. sam , self, and izdatel'stvo , publishing house; “self-publishing.” This term, in use since the late 1950s, denotes the underground production of forbidden literature with the aid of printing presses, typewriters, or by hand copying. In the 1960s and 1970s the works of dissident writers such as Solzhenitsyn were distributed through samizdat channels. In the glasnost’ (q.v.) era, as censorship diminished, the term samizdat began to be used in reference not to forbidden literature but to literature produced by small independent publishers who were not financially supported by the state. “Just what is Soviet samizdat ? Before 1985-86, it con¬ sisted essentially of political treatises and works of fiction which, for various reasons, were forbidden. . . . From 1987 on, the indepen¬ dent periodical press has been putting out sociopolitical, religious- philosophical and belletristic publications. Among them, the most numerous and fast-developing are the sociopolitical journals; about four hundred of them are now in existence. Most of these publica- Lexicon 127 tions represent various democratic viewpoints” (“Gazetnyi kiosk,” AF, no. 43, 1990, p. 7). These new samizdat publications have been competing with the so-called cooperative press. “Offering better pay and not particularly choosy in their search for commercial success, cooperative publishers are growing fast. As distinct from samizdat , [publications of] the cooperative press are being handled by state distributors” (I. Kudryavtsev, “Rising on the Crest of a New Wave,” MN , no. 7, 1990, p. 8). In August 1990, all samizdat pub¬ lishers were fully legalized by the Law of the Press, although subse¬ quently some of their publications were subjected to censorship. See inakomysliashchii; tamizdat. samookupaemost’ (caMooKyntfeMocrb) (n.). Financial self-compen¬ sation; the term refers to business enterprises which pay for them¬ selves and need no state subsidies. Although not new to Russian, this term, together with khozraschet (q.v.), became popular during the Gorbachev era in connection with the Soviet government’s efforts to make the economy more efficient. The contention of progressive Soviet economists has been that state-subsidized enter¬ prises do not have enough incentive to work productively. These economists argue that, if state subsidies are withdrawn from these enterprises, they will become more energetic and resourceful in attempting to fulfill the plan and make a profit. So far, the measure has met with mixed success. samyi-samyi (caMbiii-caMbm) (pron.) 1: coll, meaning the utmost, the very best (in Russian, samyi is used in forming the superlative degree of adjectives, for example, samyi bol’shoi , the biggest; the repetition of the word is for emphasis); 2: coll, since the 1970s referring to the Soviet elite (see elita ) and conveying the sense that it is the creme de la creme. Members of this select group seem to like the term and use it with regard to themselves. For example, the expression was heard in the following situation. In 1985, a group of Soviet teenagers came to the United States to give some theatrical performances. The young actors’ appearance and behavior on and off the stage made it clear that they had been selected not as much because of their talent as because of their important parents. This was particularly noticeable in the case of several girls and boys who acted with great self-assurance despite the fact that they hardly had bothered to learn their lines. When asked why they were chosen to 128 Lexicon participate in the show, one of them pertly replied: “Because we’re samye-samye\" She was the daughter of an official in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. See goldeny; nomenklatura. sauna (c£yHa) (n.). i: a sauna; 2: coll, since the 1970s denoting a sexual orgy, especially one which involves members of the Soviet elite (see elita). In Brezhnev’s times it became fashionable among the elite to build in their dachas, (summer homes) Finnish-style saunas rather than the traditional Russian bathhouse ( bania ). It was joked that by going to a sauna, Soviet bigwigs defied the old Russian saying that in a bania all people are equal. Parties frequently were given at which men and women guests luxuriated together in the sauna, drank large quantities of alcohol and engaged in revelries resembling pagan midsummer night celebrations. One film critic writes: “ Local Emergency is a bitter satire about the Communist Youth League, featuring a sauna scene with youth organizers mull¬ ing over business amid a sex orgy” (Dmitri Shalin, “Glasnost and Sex,” NYT, 23 Jan. 1990, p. A15). See bez cheremukhi; dezhurnaia devochka; elita; gruppovukha; seksual-demokrat. sekretutka (ceKpeiyrKa) (n.). Der. sekretarsha, secretary, and pros- titutka , prostitute, that is, a woman who performs the functions of both secretary and sexual partner to the men in her office. The coll., coined in the 1920s, was especially popular during the Brezhnev era, when corruption among the bureaucracy was rampant and female secretaries in government offices often engaged in sex with their male bosses in order to receive expensive gifts and other favors. seksual-demokrat (ceKcy^Ji-aeMOKp^T) (n.). “Sexual democrat,” that is, a libertine. This popular pun was inspired by the recent emergence of various political parties in the Soviet Union (see mnogopartiika), specifically the new Social-Democratic party, a member of which is called a sotsial-demokrat (historically, sotsial- demokrats were members of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party, which became the Communist Party after 1918). See bez cheremukhi; dezhurnaia devochka; gruppovukha; sauna. sem’ia (ceMbii) (n.). 1: family; 2: si. since the mid-1980s denoting a gang of mafiosi, often but not always connected by family ties. Their behavior and code of honor resemble those of the Western mafia. Lexicon 129 Generous and protective toward each other, they are ruthless and vindictive with members of rival gangs. “They have their own cir¬ cles, or clans, or ‘families' \sem’i\, if you wish” (A Radov, “Shaika, banda, sistema,” O , no. 48, 1988, pp. 6-7). See mafia. shabashit’ (uiaS^uiHTb) (v.). Der. shabash , Sabbath. 1: coll., to leave off work or to end some strenuous or unpleasant activity; 2: coll, since the 1950s meaning to engage in working on the side to supplement one’s regular state-paid salary. This practice was consid¬ ered unlawful before 1985 but now has become acceptable because of the gradual legalization of private entrepreneurship. See ka- lymit’; levachit’. shiriat’sia (uinpHTbCfl) (v.). 1: to flap (wings, as a bird in flight); 2: si. since the 1960s meaning to take illegal drugs. “Look, the engineer’s not feeling well. The fella’s drugged out [shiranulsia]” (cited in Ben- Iakov, p. 142). See anasha; belaia smertdur’; gliuk; gonets; kaliki- morgaliki; koknar; koleso; kumar; laiba; lezhat’ v piatnashke; lomka; narkom; narkot; niukhach; perelomat’sia; plan; prikhod. shirpotreb (umpnoTpeo) (n.). Abbr., ( tovary ) shirokogo potreble- niia, (goods for) mass consumption; coll, since 1930s. Originally, the term pertained only to manufactured goods. In the post-Stalin era, it also has been used to denote literature and art which caters to the taste of the average person and is not of high quality. The expression shirpotrebnaia kul’tura (culture for mass consumption) appeared in the 1970s. “In the West,” writes one hostile Soviet critic, “mass production of spiritually impoverished art [ dukhovnyi shirpotreb ] has become a vast business enterprise which employs a multitude of specialists from the media and advertising industry, from theater and film, and from literature and art” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia , 1984, p. 779). Another recent (1980s) usage of the term is in the expression shirpotrebnaia devochka —a sexually available young woman. See komfortnoe iskusst\’o; nedukhovnost’, razvlekalovka; shliagernyi; vidukha. shliagernyi (m.iarepHbiH) (adj.). Der. Schlagerlied (German), hit song. The word shliager , a popular song, has been in use since the 1930s. Writes one musicologist: "The Americans have shown inter¬ est in our contemporary songs. The popular singer Paul Anka de- 130 Lexicon cided to include the best Soviet shliagers in his repertoire” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia, 1984, p. 780). The adj. shliager- nyi is more recent. It has been used since the 1960s, pejoratively, to denote not only songs but any type of art designed for popular consumption and commercial success and devoid of serious content and true aesthetic value. See komfortnoe iskusstvo; nedukhovnost ’, shirpotreb; vidukha. shpargalist; shpargalistka (uinaprajiHCT; iunaprajiHCTKa) (n.). Der. szpargal, Polish for piece of paper; coll, since the 1970s (newer ver¬ sion of shpargal’shchik , shpargal’shchitsa) denoting a student who cheats on tests with the aid of a crib ( shpargalka ). Cribbing is widely practiced in Soviet schools and universities, partly because of long- established tradition dating back to tsarist times, and partly because of pressure to receive good grades exerted upon students by teachers who, in turn, are answerable to the state for the quality of their students’ performance. Almost all Soviet students resort to cribbing at some point in the course of their studies; some engage in it regu¬ larly, viewing it as something of a sport. Since the second half of the 1980s, Soviet educators have been stressing the desirability of re¬ forming the rigid, standardized school curriculum to make it more suitable for the needs and objectives of individual students. They say that a more flexible approach to learning and a more creative and challenging presentation of course material would, among other things, diminish the practice of cribbing and other forms of cheating. shtatniki (uit^thhkh) (n., pi.). Der. Shtaty , the (United) States (of America). The term, used in the late 1950s and early 1960s, referred to a group of young Soviets who were admirers of American jazz and other aspects of American culture; some of them considered themselves followers of the American beatniks. One of them later wrote: “In those years I was a member of a youth group called the shtatniks. We wore only American-style clothes” (A. Kozlov, “Dzhaz, rok i mednye truby,” O, no. 29, 1990, p. 21). The shtatniks were distrusted by the conservatives and kept under surveillance by the KGB on suspicion of espionage. The group ceased to exist after 1964. See brodvei; chuvak; pleseri; stiliaga. sident; sidentka (ch/^ht; cHj^HTKa) (n.). Pun, der. sidet’, to sit (coll., do time in prison), and dissident , dissident. This humorous Lexicon 131 term, which emerged in the 1960s, referred to those dissidents who were punished by incarceration. See anekdotchitc, inakomysli- ashchii. The danger to which Soviet dissidents subjected themselves because of their activities is reflected in the following joke. In Red Square, a dissident is giving out leaflets. Picking them up, people discover that they are blank. “How come nothing is written here?” they ask the man. “Why waste time writing,” he replies, looking at the approaching police car, “everything’s already clear.” siusiu-realizm (cioci6-peajiH3M) (n.). Der. siusiukat’ , to lisp or talk in a fawning manner, and realism; when said rapidly, the term also resembles the word surrealism. This sarcastic expression has been used by liberal intellectuals since the 1950s in reference to socialist realism—the official doctrine on Soviet literature and the arts which was the nemesis of Soviet writers and artists from the 1930s until the 1970s. Socialist realism was defined in the bylaws of the Writers’ Union as a “truthful, historically concrete depiction of reality in its revolutionary development. At the same time, truthfulness and historical concreteness of the artistic depiction of reality must be combined with the task of ideologically remolding and educating the working people in the spirit of socialism.” Socialist realism fostered a false idealization of Soviet reality and precluded the description of its negative aspects. See beskonfliktnost’; besproblemnost’; la- kirovka deistviel'nosti; makulatura. The nature of socialist realism and the Soviet government’s atti¬ tude to it is well illustrated in the following humorous story, which originated in the writers’ community. Once upon a time there was a ruler who decided to immortalize himself by having his portrait painted. He ordered three distin¬ guished artists to submit their works of which he would choose the best. This ruler, as a result of military battles, had only one eye and one leg, and the artists had a difficult time deciding how to deal with this problem without displeasing him. Finally the portraits were completed and brought before the ruler. The first artist unveiled his work, and everyone beheld a magnificent larger-than-life figure, with two eyes and two legs. The ruler shook his head. “This is how I’d like to look,” he said, “but I have to admit that I do not. This portrait suffers from idealism.” 132 Lexicon Then the second artist unveiled his creation—an excellent like¬ ness and not unflattering, but showing the subject with one leg and one eye. The ruler shook his head. “This is how I look, true enough,” said he, “but this portrait has no ideological orientation, it suffers from naturalism.” Finally the third artist came forward with his work. It depicted the subject looking resplendent on horseback in profile, with one eye and one leg visible. The ruler was delighted. “This is how all art should be,” he exclaimed, “true to life yet emphasizing the positive. A fine example of socialist realism!” skhodniak (cxoahhk) (n.). Der. skhodit'sia, to assemble; si. since the 1970s denoting a meeting place or an assemblage of people engaged in some illegal activity—gangsters, black marketeers, ma¬ fiosi and others. Writes one witness: T saw those guys. They evi¬ dently were on their way to a skhodniak. They were frightening to look at—tall, husky, with bulls’ necks. Men who could tear you to pieces, given the command” (D. Likhanov, “V osade,” O , no. 5, 1989, p. 16). The term also is used more broadly to denote social gatherings where drinking and rowdy behavior normally occur. skfnut’sia na troikh (cKHHVTbca Ha Tpoiix) (v., prep., num.). To chip in as a threesome; coll. since the 1950s referring to a drinking pattern which used to be common among alcoholics in the Soviet Union. Before Gorbachev began to restrict the sale of vodka and its price became prohibitive, a bottle used to cost three rubles. A drinker, wishing to avoid trouble at home and seeking companionship as well as an economical way to indulge his habit, would go to a liquor store and find two other people with similar intentions. Contributing one ruble each, the three would purchase their vodka and go off to a park or some other convenient place to drink it. A variant of the expres¬ sion was soobrazit’ na troikh , which may be translated roughly as to “figure out [a way] for three people [to have a drink].” Another expression of the same type arose in the 1970s: skinut’sia na lysogo or skinut’sia po lysomu , to chip in a “baldheader” apiece. (In 1970, the centennial of Lenin's birth, one-ruble coins depicting Lenin's head were minted, and these coins were nicknamed “baldheaders.”) See alkash; blokada; bormotukha; kerosinshchik; p’ian'; poilka; ryga- lovka; zelenyi zmii. “Chipping in as a threesome” is seen in the following joke which Lexicon 133 circulated shortly after Iurii Andropov’s death, when Chernenko was in power. Brezhnev meets Andropov in hell. “Shall we buy a bottle, Iura?” he asks. “Not yet,” Andropov says, “let’s wait for Kostia [Cher¬ nenko].” sotnik (c6thhk) (n.). Der. sotnia, hundred. 1: centurion (com¬ mander of a military unit of one hundred); 2: coll, since the Brezh¬ nev era denoting a volunteer elected to ensure orderly procedure in a group of one hundred people out of several hundred or thousand waiting in line to buy something or to receive a service. There are two types of consumers’ lines in the Soviet Union—the miles-long, slow-moving “tail” ( khvost) and the long-term waiting list. The latter is used when the merchandise or service is not immediately available and may take weeks, months, or even years to obtain. In this case, those who are on the list must show up periodically to “check in,” and it is the sotniks’ duty to keep track of the names. The rules are merciless: if a person has come regularly for a year, then drops from sight for one or two check-ins with no explanation, his or her name is crossed from the list. When check-ins are required daily, as they are for the thousands of people waiting for airplane tickets to the United States, which are doled out at the rate of about twenty a day, the demands on people’s time become unbearable. Then they organize even further, breaking down the groups of one hundred into groups of ten or twenty, who take turns checking in for other members. Without some form of organization, lines can become dangerously unruly, even riotous. “The line [of would-be emigrants] waiting to get their forms or see the consul is exactly like one waiting to buy sausage or soap. . . . There are sotniks and tysiachniks responsible for keeping order in their groups of a hundred or a thousand” (A. Bossart, “A ia ostaiusia s toboiu . . . O, no. 44, 1989, p. 31). See ocherednik; tysiachnik. sotsial'nvi diskomfort (tonua.ihiiMu ;jhck<>m(})6pt) (adj., n.). Lit., social discomfort. The term, used by sociologists, psychologists, and media commentators since the mid-1980s, denotes a situation in which an individual experiences a certain sense of disorientation, disharmony, and psychological stress caused by societal forces. Al¬ though this predicament is hardly new in Soviet society, the fact that now it is openly discussed exemplifies the increasingly humanitarian 134 Lexicon climate of the glasnost' (q.v.) era. The term is used particularly with regard to the problems of women. For example, at a recent plenary session of the State Committee of Soviet Women, the following statement was made: “Whichever of the three possible paths the modern [Soviet] woman chooses to follow in life—the path of un¬ divided involvement in a professional or administrative career, the path of combining a career with family duties, which is typical for our society, and the path of undivided service to the family—her relationship to the world around her contains an element of social discomfort” (“Vremia doveriia,” R, no. i, 1990, p. 19). See amer- ikanka; maskulinizatsiia. sotsnakoplenie (conHaKon.iemie) (n.). Abbr., sotsialisticheskoe na- koplenie, socialist accumulation; humorous coll, since the 1970s referring to excessive body fat. In Russia, where for centuries the majority of the population lived in poverty, corpulence was a symbol of prosperity as well as a standard of feminine beauty. In the post- Stalin era, however, people’s attitude to obesity gradually changed and excessive weight began to be recognized as a health hazard. Moreover, under the influence of Western culture, slimness became the new aesthetic canon for many Soviet women, who now work hard to rid themselves of their “socialist accumulation.” See pop- mobil’nost’. sotsstrana (coucrpaH^) (n.). Abbr sotsialisticheskaia strand, social¬ ist country (other than the Soviet Union). This term of the post- Stalin era appears in both official and colloquial language. In the latter, it often is used in contexts which suggest that traveling or working in such countries is less prestigious and desirable than so doing in capitalist countries. For example, when one is asked whether she or he has been abroad, that person is apt to say, “Yes, but only in North Korea. . . See kapstrana; zagranka. sovok (cobok) (n.). 1: a scoop; dust pan, 2: since the late 1980s, a popular pun (play on word “Soviet”), pejorative, denoting a person who espouses party-line ideology and exhibits behavior characteristic of the Soviet system, particularly its negative as¬ pects, for example, rigidity and bureaucracy. The term, phonet¬ ically and semantically close to the verbs so vat’ (to poke, shove) and sovat’sia (to meddle, butt in), suggests that this “homo Sovieticus” Lexicon 135 type is aggressive, insensitive, and without respect for the rights of others. See aktivnaia zhiznennaia pozitsiia; podkovannyi; pra- vil’nyi. spetskhran (cnen\pan) (n.). Abbr. spetsial'nyi, special, and khranit , to keep or preserve; coll, since the 1950s denoting documents kept in secret files. The term initially applied to the KGB files which surfaced when Khrushchev’s government began rehabilitating the victims of Stalinist terror after the Twentieth Party Congress of 1956. The term gained wide popularity during the era of glasnost’ (q.v.), as a great many political, historical, literary and other docu¬ ments which, for one reason or another, had been concealed for decades became available to the public. One commentator writes, for example: “Since 1987, we have moved about thirty thousand books from the closed to the open collection of the [Lenin] Li¬ brary. . . . Now spetskhran is offering the readers Svetlana Al- lilueva’s Twenty Letters to a Friend , some works of Berdiaev, Brod- skii and Voloshin, and religious literature— The Life of Jesus Christ , History of the Russian Orthodox Church" (“Vopros na perekrestke,” R, Oct. 1989, p. 3). In recent years the term also has been used figuratively in reference to one’s secret thoughts and feelings, as in the following statement. “The writer believed in us, in our ability to think and understand, to respond to his signals which addressed what was buried in our personal spetskhrans" (L. Bakhnov, “Semi- desiatnik,” Ok 9, 1988, p. 171). spetsshkola (cneiuiiKO.ia) (n.). Abbr. spetsial’naia, special, and shkola , school. This term, popularized during the Brezhnev era, denotes an elementary and/or secondary school which, in addition to the regular curriculum, offers intensive instruction in a particular field—a foreign language, mathematics, art, music, and so on. The overall quality of the instruction in such schools usually is very high. Although in theory students can enroll in these schools without discrimination on the basis of social status, the children of the Soviet elita (q.v.) actually have the first priority in admittance. The “spe¬ cial” schools serve as stepping stones to prestigious institutions of higher learning, such as the Moscow Institute of Foreign Languages or the Moscow State Institute of International Relations. “As in¬ stitutions which select and offer a special education to children from the higher echelons of Soviet society, the spetsshkolas play a role in 136 Lexicon the formation of a single ruling class strengthened by succession” (Zemtsov, pp. 374-75). See elita; goldeny; konkurs roditelei; korki; pazheskii korpus; pozvonochniki. spetsura (cnepypa) (n.). Der. spetsial'nyi, special. SI. since the 1970s, especially in underworld lingo, denoting the militia or any other type of law-enforcing group. For example, the term is used by prostitutes in the 1989 feature film. Inter dev ochka. See musor. SPID (OULU) (n .). Acr., sindrom priobretennoi \munnoi d efitsd- nosti , acquired immune deficiency syndrome, or AIDS. AIDS reached the Soviet Union several years after making its appearance in the United States and Western Europe and, so far, has not spread extensively. Experts estimate that the number of people infected so far is just under two thousand, but will treble by the end of 1991 and, if unchecked, will reach one hundred thousand by 1995. While in Western countries male homosexuals, drug addicts, and prostitutes are the major sources of infection, in the USSR the deplorable fact is that the disease is spread mainly in hospitals and clinics. “Why, one may ask, have Soviet hospitals become breeders of AIDS? The answer is an appalling shortage of disposable syringes and blood transfusion systems, unskilled medical personnel, and a shortage of the equipment and materials needed to test for the disease. Outside the hospitals, AIDS is spread primarily through sexual contact be¬ tween heterosexuals. This is hardly surprising—it is now practically impossible to buy condoms” (A. Nikolaeva, “AIDS in the USSR: Not an Epidemic Yet, But... ,”SL, Nov. 1990, p. 40). Public concern about the AIDS epidemic is growing, and Soviet medical experts recently have sought the assistance of Western colleagues in their research on the disease. There also have been some changes in Soviet legislation concerning AIDS. Before 1990, laws existed only with regard to the prosecution and imprisonment of those who knowingly communicated their disease to others through sexual intercourse. In May 1990, the Soviet parliament passed the AIDS Prevention and Treatment Law which, among other things, ensures medical con¬ fidentiality for the sick and prohibits their dismissal from work or refusal to hire them or admit them to educational institutions. SSO (CCO) (n.). Pronounced ess-ess-oh. Acr., studencheskii stro¬ de!'nyi otriad, student construction brigade; term in use since the Lexicon 137 early 1960s. Since the inception of the Five-Year Plans in 1928, the Soviet government has encouraged students in institutions of higher learning to contribute their labor, during summer vacations, to various construction projects. Initially, enthusiasm and faith in Communist ideals were the young workers’ main motives, but as these sentiments waned, volunteering became a matter of social pressure. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, Khrushchev attempted to mobilize student workers to further his own purposes. In an effort to discredit Stalin and establish himself as Lenin’s successor, he emphasized the importance of the proletariat. He contended that, under Stalin, Soviet urban youths had become spoiled and devel¬ oped “bourgeois” inclinations, scorning manual labor and aspiring to white-collar professions (see beloruchka). To reeducate them, he introduced a series of measures including the organization of stu¬ dent brigades to work on collective farms and construction projects. While construction work, unlike “potato digging" (see poslat' na kartoshku ), theoretically remained voluntary, the pressure exerted upon students by the authorities often was very strong. In Brezh¬ nev’s times, students were urged to join SSOs with promises of reduced academic loads and other benefits. Through the years, a certain percentage of students continued to volunteer for SSOs out of ideological reasons. These contemporary enthusiasts are de¬ scribed as follows. “Assembled here are young men and women from all over the country. They are wearing uniform jackets with the bold letters SSO. Student construction brigades are here to build a hotel, a school, a student dormitory, and family homes” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia , 1984, p. 678). stalinshchina (cia.iHumuHa) (n.). Stalinism; coll, since the mid- 1980s, more emotionally colored than stalimzm and more vividly suggestive of the despotism and mass terror associated with Stalin’s regime. The term also has been used more broadly to denote any manifestation of authoritarianism in Soviet politics since Stalin, as well as any expression of popular support for Stalin and his methods of leadership. See andreevshchina; destalinizatsiia; kid’t lichnosti. A joke on the subject of Stalin’s method of governance, which also takes a dig at Lenin, goes as follows. Lenin to Stalin: “Iosif Vissarionovich, would you be willing to shoot ten people in the name of Communism?” Stalin: “Certainly, Vladimir Il'ich!” 138 Lexicon Lenin: “And how about ten thousand?” Stalin: “I wouldn’t hesitate for a moment.” Lenin: “You are a truly dedicated man! But would you shoot ten million?” Stalin: “By all means.” Lenin: “Tut-tut! I always suspected that you were a bit of an extremist.” stekliashka (cTeKJiauiKa) (n.). 1: a piece of glass; 2: coll, since the 1960s denoting a building with walls constructed mainly of glass, usually a cafeteria-style eating establishment. When these buildings were first erected in Soviet cities, people admired their modern look and the convenience that they offered. After a while, however, complaints began to be voiced about their uniform appearance and especially about the fact that they offered no privacy to the eaters, who were visible to everyone in the street. Insensitive to these objections, the government continued to build the glass cafes throughout the 1970s and 1980s. “How uncomfortable one feels in the notorious stekliashka s which have been ridiculed by newspaper satirists and where passersby can watch you from all sides as you swallow your piece of food!” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia , 1984, p. 689). See amerikanka; stoiachka; zhral’nia. stiliaga (cTHJiara) (n., m. or f.). Der. stil’, style. 1: a fop or a person who is devoted to or vain about his or her appearance and dress and who lacks serious interests in life; 2: coll, of the late 1950s and 1960s referring to young men and women who, in the early post-Stalin years (see ottepel’), fell under the influence of Western culture. They liked modern European and American fashions, literature, art and particularly jazz, being the Soviet counterparts of “hep cats.” Many were apolitical or passively anti-Soviet. They were criticized in the media, heckled in the streets by the druzhinniki (q.v.), and generally disliked by the conservative majority of the population. In one satirical representation, the stiliaga is pictured as a “twenty-year-old youth in light-blue slacks, multi-colored tie, yellow-spotted vest, and green coat . . . the stiliaga is further distinguished by having a handsome forehead 'without a trace of higher thoughts’ and by dancing in such a wild manner as to threaten the stability of the dance floor. . . . Press reports and conversations with Soviet citizens about this species add a host of negative characteristics ranging from Lexicon 139 political apathy to a broadly interpreted khuliganstvo [hooliga¬ nism].” (Magner, p. 192). See brodvei; chuvak; plesen'; shtatniki. stipukha (cTHnyxa) (n.). Der. stipendiia, stipend or scholarship for students in institutions of higher learning; coll, since the Stalin era. State financing of higher education had been introduced in the early years of the Soviet regime; the philosophy behind it was that the investment in training qualified professionals would later be repaid by their service to the state. Soviet institutions of higher learning not only are tuition-free but also cover students’ dormitory expenses and pay them additional maintenance stipends which, on the aver¬ age, amount to roughly one third of the average Soviet monthly salary. The amounts of the stipends used to vary considerably de¬ pending on the student’s academic record and field of study. Since the 1960s the lowest student stipend was forty rubles and the highest seventy rubles, but in 1990, because of inflation and other economic factors, it was raised to and leveled at seventy rubles for all. Soviet educators under Gorbachev have been considering alternatives to state-subsidized higher education. “I think we must have two kinds of education: professional education and liberal arts education. Today, college graduates often choose occupations other than those they were trained for, and the public funds that were spent on them are never repaid. So the purpose of their going to college was self- improvement. That is not bad in itself—it is even commendable. But why should the state pay for it? These people should pay for their education themselves” (V. Belyaev, “Education, Rebuilding from the Bottom Up,” SL, Nov. 1990, p. 3). See raspredelenie. stoiachka or kafe-stoiachka (croriHKa; Kac|)6-CTOHHKa) (n.). Der. stoiat’, to stand; coll, since the 1960s denoting a cafeteria where people eat at high tables or counters, standing up. “Inside [the hotel] there was situated a popular cafe— stoiachka ” (cited in Kote- lova, Novoe v russkoi leksike, 1989, p. 133). The term also describes a stand where one can buy beer and, often illegally, cheap liquor. See amerikanka; poilka; rygalovka; stekliashka; zhral'nia. stn'zhka (crplbKKa) (n.). 1: hair cutting; 2: “fleecing,” coll, since the late 1980s referring to the cheating and robbing of the population by racketeers, mafiosi (see rekef, mafiia) and other operators who manipulate the management of business enterprises and illegally 140 Lexicon appropriate state funds and other national resources. The metaphor of fleecing has arisen by association with the term baran (ram [q.v.]). “That scoundrel speaks about men of his ilk and their methods of ‘fleecing’ the population’ (A. Nuikin, “Vnimanie! ‘Vtorye’ vykho- diat iz teni!” O, no. 25, 1990, p. 7). strogach (cTpor^n) (n.). Der. strogii, strict or severe. 1: in prisons or labor camps, a punishment cell; 2: coll, of the post-Stalin era de¬ noting an official reprimand issued to an individual for some form of misconduct. The offenses were of either a moral nature (cruelty, debauchery, drunkenness) or an ideological one (anti-Soviet state¬ ments or activities). In regulating the behavior of its members and citizens at large, the Communist Party and the Komsomol (Commu¬ nist Youth Union) had three levels of censure: a “reprimand” (vy¬ govor), a “severe reprimand” ( strogii vygovor), and a “severe repri¬ mand which goes on record” ( strogii vygovor s zaneseniem , or strogach). The first two types of reprimand usually were merely verbal and did not count except as a warning, whereas the strogach was recorded in the individual’s file and could affect his or her status at work or in the community. If one received more than one strogach over a period of time, she or he could be suspended or even expelled from the Party. The practical consequences of this measure had to do mainly with one’s career—job promotion became very difficult in such cases. In the late 1980s, with the Communist Party on the decline, the practice of issuing strogachs had dwindled. See amor- alka; personalka; tovarishcheskii sud; vygovoreshnik. stukach; stukachka (cTyKihi; CTyKtSmta) (n.). Der. stuchat’, to knock; coll, since the late Stalin era meaning a stoolie, that is, a person recruited by the KGB or some other government organiza¬ tion to report on the activities and conversations of fellow workers, neighbors or any other group or community of which the informer happens to be a member. The verb stuchat’ in this context means to inform against someone. “Lists of tomorrow’s dead were prepared with the aid of [the camp's] informers, the stukachs." (cited in Ben- Iakov, p. 117). See anonimshchik; katit' bochku; kompromat; pri- paiat’; pelega. There are many jokes about informers, for example: What is risk-taking American style? Driving a race car chosen out of five, with the knowledge that one of them has faulty brakes. What Lexicon 141 is risk-taking French style? Having sex with a woman chosen out of five, with the knowledge that one of them has venereal disease. What is risk-taking Soviet style? Telling an antigovernment joke to an acquaintance chosen out of five, with the knowledge that one of them is a stool pigeon. subbotnik (cy666THHK) (n.). Der. subbota, Saturday. A Saturday of voluntary unpaid labor, usually manual, for the benefit of the com¬ munity or the state. This feature of Communist education was introduced in April 1918, when Lenin personally led a group of volunteers to clean up the Kremlin grounds. The practice was dis¬ continued under Stalin, who did not like to perpetuate Leninist traditions and feared volunteerism. Khrushchev revived the subbot¬ niks as a part of his campaign to debunk Stalin and establish himself as Lenin’s successor. In 1968, the country ceremoniously celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of the first subbotnik. Although subbotniks are supposed to be completely voluntary, each able-bodied citizen is expected to participate in them several times a year. Usually, the government designates certain Saturdays for seasonal cleaning of city streets, parks, and so forth; occasionally Sundays are used for this purpose, in which case the activity is called voskresnik (der. voskresen’e, Sunday). Schoolchildren are encouraged to work as well as adults. People preferring not to do manual labor may elect to work at their office. Administrators sometimes take advantage of this option by impelling their employees to work an extra Saturday without pay. See chernaia subbota. syroedenie (cbipothjemie) (n.). Der. syroi, raw, and eda , food. “Raw eating,” the health fad of eating uncooked food, popular in the Soviet Union since the late 1960s. Those engaging in syroedenie do so in different ways. Some, who are vegetarians, eat only raw vege¬ tables, fruit and grains. Others eat raw vegetables and fruit but cooked meats and grain products. Nonvegetarian extremists eat all their food raw, including meat, fish, and eggs. The Soviet medical establishment has not officially accepted syroedenie as beneficial for health, but some doctors do approve of it, provided the diet is followed under their supervision. tamizdat (TaMm^T) (n.). Der. tam, there, and izdatel’stvo , publish¬ ing house. “Publishing over there,” coll, since the 1960s denoting the 142 Lexicon publication, in foreign countries, of forbidden literature smuggled out of the Soviet Union. Because of their legitimate status and access to good equipment, tamizdat publishers usually produced books of much better quality than those of samizdat (q.v.). Tamizdat publica¬ tions often were smuggled back into the Soviet Union and dis¬ tributed clandestinely among readers; some were sold on the black market. In the era of glasnost’ (q.v.), as censorship dwindled, tam¬ izdat publications ceased to be of importance. “The borderline between the official press, unofficial publications, and that which formerly was called Tamizdat’ has become blurred in our times” (“Predstavliaem vybor,” LG, 24 January 1990, p. 14). See inakomys- liashchii. tekhnari (Texmapri) (n.; pi.). Der. tekhnik, technician; coll, since the 1950s referring to people who work in applied sciences, usually in various branches of engineering and cybernetics. “University stu¬ dents are divided into three groups: those in the humanities, those in the natural sciences, and those in the technical sciences [tekh- nari ]” (G. Iagodin, “Vysshaia shkola: pora peremen,” N, no. 2, 1987, p. 6). The term, when used by professionals in the humanities and social sciences, carries a rather condescending implication that the technars are insufficiently “cultured” (see kul’tura). See fiziki i liriki; NTR; vtoraia gramotnost’. telefonnoe pravo (Tejie<|)6HHoe npaeo) (adj., n.). Lit., right-of- telephone; coll, since the 1970s referring to the power of influential people to bypass conventional rules and regulations and to arrange or obtain something through the old-boy network. A good example is securing a place for one’s child in a prestigious school simply by telephoning the principal or dean. See elita; nomenklatura; poz- vonochniki. telega (Tentira) (n.). 1: a cart or wagon; 2: coll, since the 1960s denoting a poison-pen letter against an individual or a group of individuals, sent to one’s place of work, to the local Party bosses, or to any other organization with the power to impose punishment. “Our people are watchful, one can’t hide from them. My sources tell me that a poison-pen letter [telega] against us has been sent to Moscow. Now you can expect an investigation in high places” (cited Lexicon 143 in Kotelova, Novoe v russkoi leksike, 1989, p. 703). See anonim- shchik; katit’ bochku; kompromat; pripaiat’; stukach’. teleniania (TejieHaiw) (n.). Abbr., televisionnaia niania, television nanny; coll, since the late 1970s denoting a television program which keeps children entertained after school and serves as a “baby sitter.” The term is modeled on the popular children’s radio program Radio- niania (“Radio Nanny”), which has been broadcast since 1972. Soviet educators, like some of their Western counterparts, recently have been expressing concern about the adverse psychological ef¬ fects of too much television and not enough parental care upon young children. tenevaia ekonomika (TeHeBaa 3KOHdMHKa) (adj., n.). “Shadow economy.” This term, which has been widely used since the mid- 1980s, is rather vague and difficult to define. A noted Soviet econo¬ mist, Boris Suvorov, explained it as “that part of our country’s economy which functions by means of illegal transactions and rela¬ tions between its participants. These relations are based on mutual consent (e.g., prostitution or private sale of goods at speculative prices) and exclude actions based on violence or coercion (e.g., theft, racketeering)” (interview with Suvorov, 15 April 1990). Other definitions of the term include coercive or criminal behavior, for example, the widespread, long-standing practice whereby state store workers and food distributors pilfer large supplies of food and sell them to the black market. Says one Soviet commentator ap¬ ropos of such abuses: “Strong power is invariably deformed in poor societies. It is not even the partocracy, but the ‘shadow economy'— the mafiosi, speculators and dealers—who are in control of poor societies” (T. Pulatov, “Is Democracy a Burden on the Poor?,” MN, no. 19,1990, p. 8). The common denominator of the various notions of ‘shadow economy’ is its illegitimacy. The consensus is that the phenomenon, although always present within the Soviet system to some degree, has increased dramatically since 1985 because of the economic crisis triggered by perestroika (q.v.). It has been estimated that in the late 1980s every fifth ruble earned as personal income went into the ‘shadow economy,’ and that up to thirty million people have been actively involved in it at least some of the time. A new term, tenevaia politika (shadow politics), has recently arisen as an 144 Lexicon adjunct of 'shadow economy’: “Today, as before, those who are in control of monetary funds have the opportunity to manipulate pub¬ lic attitudes. . . . We’re beginning to realize that what we’re dealing with is not only ‘shadow economy’ . . . but also ‘shadow politics’ ” (L. Sal’nikova, “Mozhno li zhit’ ne voruia?,” O, no. 43, 1990, p. 2). See korruptsioner; mafiia; podprilavok; reket; tsekh. The following joke is a commentary on how Russian ‘national character’ manifests itself in the ‘shadow economy.’ Question: What is business Russian style? Answer: To steal a case of vodka from a state liquor store, sell it on the black market, then spend the profit on getting drunk. tikhaia smert’ (THxan CMepTh) (adj., n.). Lit., quiet death; coll, since the 1980s referring to the destructive effect of environmental pollution. The 1986 Chernobyl tragedy made the Soviet public espe¬ cially conscious of this problem. Various aspects of it (industrial emissions, chemical fertilizers, disposal of hazardous wastes, etc.) are frequently discussed in scientific and popular publications. Es¬ pecially common are media reports about damage to the health of children. For example, Rabotnitsa magazine recently published an article about the frightening situation in one region of Bashkiria which is home to twenty-five petrochemical plants. One out of every two children born in the region has some physical or mental defect related to pollution from those plants. According to the article, local children are so saturated with harmful chemicals that they have earned the nickname “ticker children” ( deti-tikery ). The use of the word “ticker” in this context seems to suggest an image of a poi¬ soned body triggering a reaction in a Geiger counter (N. Men- itskaia, “Zachem ei vlast’?,” R , May 1990, pp. 10-11). tolkach (tojik^h) (n.). Der. tolkat’ , to push; coll, since the 1960s denoting a free-lance operator who works on commission for a state industrial or commercial enterprise and is responsible for assuring inward deliveries of scarce supplies by any means possible. For example, a factory which manufactures automobile parts is in need of raw materials processed at a different plant. These materials happen to be in short supply, other users are competing for them, and there is a transportation problem. The factory hires a tolkach to negotiate a deal with the plant, and he does so by hook or by crook, relying on blat (q.v.) or other devious methods. The tolkach institu- Lexicon 145 tion, though extralegal, has been tolerated by the Soviet govern¬ ment because of its effectiveness. tolkat’ (TOJiK^Tb) (v.). 1: to push; 2: coll., in expression tolkat’ rechugu (lit., to push a speech), meaning to give an insincere speech full of official platitudes; 3: coll, since the 1960s meaning to sell something illegally, especially drugs. topotun (toiiot^h) (n.). Der. toptat'sia , to shuffle around, mark time; coll, of the post-Stalin era denoting a secret police agent stationed outside a building to keep an eye on some suspect person or activity. This term has replaced the earlier gavrila (der. Gavriil , [the archangel] Gabriel). tovarishcheskii sud (TOBapnmec - Kun cya) (adj., n.). “Comrades’ trial.” This institution serves the purpose of censuring individuals whose offenses are similar to those involved in an amoralka (q.v.). A comrades’ trial may take place in a factory, an academic establish¬ ment, a housing complex or any other professional or social organi¬ zation. Although it has no actual legal power, it follows the pro¬ cedures of a regular court of law. The community selects trustworthy individuals to serve as judge and two judicial assistants, and the accused may bring someone to play the role of defending attorney. The decisions of this “court” have moral authority and its recom¬ mendations are taken into account at the accused’s place of work. Comrades’ trials, instituted in Lenin’s times, were suspended by Stalin and revived by Khrushchev. See moral'nyi oblik; personalka; strogach; vygovoreshnik. tret’e ukho (Tptrrbe Joko) (num., n.). Lit., third ear; coll, since the 1960s denoting a concealed listening device placed by the secret police in someone’s home or place of work. See zhuchok. treugol'nik (TpeynkibHUK) (n.). 1: a triangle; 2: coll, since the 1930s denoting the top management of a Soviet industrial establishment which consisted of a director and one representative each from the Communist Party and the trade union. This setup had proved ineffi¬ cient over the years because of frequent conflicts of interest within the triumvirate. Under Gorbachev’s policy of perestroika (q.v.) in the industrial sector, the Party and trade union representatives have 146 Lexicon been relieved from executive duties and power has been vested in the director’s office. trinadtsataia zarplata (Tpnnajuaraa 3aprniaTa) (num., n.). “Thir¬ teenth pay,” since the 1960s, the practice of rewarding industrial workers for good performance, at the end of each year, with a sum of money equivalent to one month’s wages (in the Soviet Union people are paid by the month). “In his interview for the newspaper Sovetskaia Rossiia, the assistant chairman of the government’s La¬ bor Committee said that the thirteenth pay must serve to increase [the workers’] incentive” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i zna- cheniia, 1984, p. 733). In many cases the wages, even with the bonus payment, are barely sufficient to make ends meet, as the following joke illustrates. A Russian man is praying in a Moscow church: “Lord, please make my boss give me my thirteenth pay this year . . . Lord, please make my boss. . . .” Praying nearby is a merchant from the Republic of Georgia. Hearing the Russian’s words, he says with annoyance: “You and your measly thirteenth pay! I’ll give you the dough you’re praying for, only stop distracting God with your petty requests. I’ve got a freight car full of tangerines, worth a hundred of your salaries, sitting in the woods because the train from Tbilisi broke down. God must concentrate on helping me get them to the market by tomor¬ row morning!” trudiaga (Tpyjpira) (n.; m. or f.). Der. trud , labor; coll, since the Brezhnev era denoting a person who works hard for modest wages and lives on his or her salary without attempting to engage in crafty or illegal deals to gain material benefits. The term has a somewhat derogative flavor when used by members of the privileged class (see elita ) or of the “shadow economy” (see tenevaia ekonomika). See baran; gorbatit’sia; ishachit’; pakhat’. tsekh (uex) (n.). 1: a shop (in a factory); 2: a guild or trade corpora¬ tion (in pre-Soviet Russia); 3: si. since the mid-1980s denoting an illegally run enterprise producing manufactured goods for sale on the black market; often controlled by the mafia. “His [was] a fraudu¬ lent tsekh. . . . Having given [state officials] large bribes, he obtained fancy imported equipment and ... in three or four months’ time Lexicon 147 managed to set up a productive ultramodern operation” (A. Radov, “Shaika, banda, sistema,” O , no. 48, 1988, pp. 6-7). A person who works in a tsekh is known as a tsekhovshchik. See mafiia; reket; tenevaia ekonomika. tselinniki (ucmhhhhkh) (n.; pi.). Der. tselina , virgin land; people sent to cultivate unplowed grasslands in Kazakhstan and neigh¬ boring areas of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic under Khrushchev’s 1954 “virgin lands” project. This undertaking, which was intended to raise the country’s agricultural production, lasted for several years and had mixed results, despite a great exer¬ tion of effort and vigorous government propaganda. Bad weather, a shortage of proper equipment, faulty farming methods, and inexpe¬ rienced workers (many of the tselinniki from urban areas were unfamiliar with agricultural work) were to blame. Nevertheless, the project generated a good deal of enthusiasm among young people who, in the early years of the “thaw” (see ottepel’), were full of rosy hopes that their country was moving toward a better future. Volun¬ teering to go to the virgin lands became something of a cult among Soviet university students, and these tselinniki composed poems and songs portraying their experience as a romantic adventure. The popularity of the virgin lands project proved to be short-lived, however. A cynical attitude to it soon developed, giving rise to some jokes. For example: Question: Is it true that Comrade Khrushchev’s health has been declining lately? Answer: Yes. He has an ulcer from corn [see kukuruznik ], short¬ ness of breath from running a race with the U.S. [see dogoniaev- shchina], and a hernia from upturning virgin soil. tuneiadets; tuneiadka (TyHenfleij; TyHenaKa) (n.). A sponger, para¬ site. Under the Soviet law, all able-bodied adults who have com¬ pleted their education and professional training must serve in the country’s labor force (an exception is made for women with small children, who are not obligated to work outside the home). Those who do not engage in “socially useful work” and who lead an “antisocial parasitic way of life” are considered guilty of committing an economic crime. An unemployed person usually is given three months to choose one of several jobs offered to him or her by state authorities. Refusal to comply is punishable by imprisonment. The 148 Lexicon label tuneiadets acquired special political significance in Brezhnev’s times because it was used as a weapon against dissidents, some of whom refused to work in the service of the Soviet state. Others, who were members of the creative intelligentsia (writers, artists, etc.) and had no regular employment, were arrested on charges of para¬ sitism. A notorious example was the case of the poet Iosif Brodskii, who in 1964 was declared a parasite and was arrested and sentenced to five years of hard labor. Since 1985 the law against parasitism, though still on the books, has rarely been enforced. tusovat’sia (TycoB^Tbca) (v.). Youth si. since the early 1980s mean¬ ing to “hang out”; a more recent synonym of baldet’ (q.v.). Deriva¬ tives of the term are tusovka (“hanging out”) and tusovshchik (a participant in this activity). The origin of the word is unclear. One scholar suggests that it is derived from the verb tasovat’ (to shuffle, shift about) and that the idea comes from the nomadic lifestyle of the hippies (J. Bushnell, “An Introduction to the Soviet Sistema: The Advent of Counterculture and Subculture,” SR 49, no. 2 [sum¬ mer 1990], p. 270). Adults often have a negative attitude to this popular pastime of young people. “ ‘You don’t know how cruel they [teenagers] can be!’ exclaims the teacher. ‘They’re merciless. They have their own notions about good and evil. . . . Their hairdos, conversations, slang. . . . Tusovkal I hate these words of theirs’ ” (I. Serkov, “Neskoryi sud,” A, no. 31, 1987, p. 17). tvorcheskaia komandirovka (TedpHecKaa KoiuamiiipOBKa) (adj., n.). A “creative business trip”; expression in use since the 1930s. This kind of trip is a privilege offered to certain members of the creative intelligentsia by their professional unions. For example, if an author wishes to write about a topic which requires traveling to a particular location, and if the project is approved by the Writers’ Union, funding for transportation and living expenses is made avail¬ able. Under Stalin, such projects were closely monitored and the unions were held responsible for ideological “correctness” of their members’ work. Under Khrushchev and Brezhnev, the system be¬ came more lax and frequently was utilized merely as a means of obtaining free vacations. Under Gorbachev, closer attention began to be paid to preventing such abuse and ensuring that “creative trips” are used for their intended purposes, although the ideological content of the works is no longer controlled. See verniak. Lexicon 149 tysiachnik (tbichhhmk) (n.). Der. tysiacha , thousand. 1: commander of a military unit of one thousand; 2: coll, since the Brezhnev era denoting a volunteer elected to ensure orderly procedure in a group of one thousand people out of several thousand waiting in line to buy something or to receive a serv ice. "The line [of would-be emi¬ grants] waiting to get their forms or see the consul is exactly like one waiting to buy sausage or soap. . . . There are sotniks and tysiachnik s responsible for keeping order in their groups of hundred or thou¬ sand” (A. Bossart, “A ia ostaiusia s toboiu . . . O, no. 44, 1989, p. 31). See ocherednik; sotnik. umelets (yM^jieit) (n.). 1: a skilled craftsman; 2; coll, since the late 1970s denoting an amateur handyman hired to do repair or mainte¬ nance work on a private basis. Such people always are in great demand because repair services rendered by state organizations are notoriously inefficient and slow. See obsluga. uskorenie (ycKop^mie) (n.). Speeding up. This word was used in a specific political context in the early years (1985-87) of the Gor¬ bachev era. Together with perestroika and obnovlenie (q.v.), it re¬ ferred to the process of political, economic and social change within the Soviet system which the reformers, in the heady atmosphere of those times, hoped to achieve in only a few years’ time. Their hopes, however, were not borne out. In a sobering speech at the plenary session of the Communist Party Central Committee in January 1987, Gorbachev said that the causes of the country’s problems were deeper and their solutions more difficult than was previously real¬ ized. While stressing the importance of change, he cautioned that the process of perestroika was not a “cavalry charge” and that the desired results would take a good deal of time and effort to attain. utechka umov (yrtbiKa yMkhh) (n., adj.). Lit., God’s law. In Russian secondary schools before the Bolshevik Revolution, this term re¬ ferred to religion as a compulsory subject in the curriculum. In the slang of Soviet students of the post-Stalin era, it denoted the triad of compulsory subjects which expounded Communist ideology: dialec¬ tical materialism ( diamat ), historical materialism ( istmat ), and polit¬ ical economy (politekonomiia ). These subjects, taught in all institu¬ tions of higher learning, were considered a great nuisance by the majority of students. Today they no longer are required. See pri- nudilovka. A joke well-known to Soviet students is a pun involving the use of the word mat, which means cussing or dirty language: Question: What are the similarities and differences between mat and diamat [dialectical materialism]? Answer: Everyone knows the former but pretends not to. No one knows the latter but pretends to. Both are powerful tools in the hands of the proletariat. zakrytyi magazin or zakrytyi raspredeh'tel’ (3aKpbiTbiH Mara3iiH; 3aKpbiTbiH pacnpeaejiirrejib) (verbal adj., n.). Lit., a closed store. This term, in use since the late Stalin era, denotes a store catering to the members of the Soviet nomenklatura (q.v.) and not open to the general public. A synonym of zakrytyi magazin is spetsmagazin, “special store.” A nationwide network of such stores was created under Stalin as a benefit for Communist Party officials and other privileged members of Soviet society, and it grew and flourished under Khrushchev and Brezhnev. These stores, where prices usually are lower than in regular stores, sold foods and merchandise un¬ available or rarely available elsewhere, for example, choice meats and a wide variety of fresh fruit and vegetables all year round, stylish clothing, jewelry, high-quality domestic or imported elec¬ tronic equipment and so forth. There was a certain hierarchy within the system, with the highest officials enjoying the best facilities and widest selection of merchandise. Officials of lower rank did not have regular access to the special stores but could use them during con¬ ferences or business trips. “All categories of ‘closed stores,’ which Lexicon 159 exemplify the special rights and privileges of the Soviet ruling class, institutionalize the double standard of Soviet life: one for the masses and the other for those in power” (Zemtsov, p. 153). The institution of special stores for the privileged has come under criticism during the Gorbachev era, and is now being dismantled. zamesti (3aiviecTii) (v.). 1: to sweep up; 2: coll, of the post-Stalin era meaning to arrest someone, usually for dissidence or some other ideological crime. See ChSR; GULag; lazar’; posreb; repressiia; sident. zastoi (3acT6ii) (n.). Stagnation. This term, which became popular after Brezhnev’s death in 1982, describes the quality of his admin¬ istration and the social climate in the country during his years in power. If Khrushchev’s rule, at least initially, was marked by the spirit of reform and lively controversy, Brezhnev’s became known for its conservatism and dullness. Under his leadership, many of Khrushchev’s policies were modified or even reversed. The aging Soviet leaders, while not returning to Stalinism, shunned any real attempt at social change. Overall economic performance slowed, and members of the government bureaucracy and the nomenklatura (q.v.) enjoyed a life of luxury while the rest of the population saw little improvement in their living standard. The government con¬ tinued to suppress freedom and, on the cultural front, to obstruct innovation and creativity. Ideological apathy, cynicism, lack of spir¬ itual ideals, and a materialistic attitude to life became prevalent in Soviet society, and graft and corruption became widespread. Gov¬ ernment officials who supported Brezhnev’s policies and contributed to the atmosphere of “stagnation” are referred to as zastdiniki. See brezhnevshchina; bezdukhovnost’; elita; naplevizm; potrebitel'stvo; priobretatel’stvo; veshchemaniia; veshchizm; zakrytyi magazin. A great many jokes were generated during the Brezhnev years about his mediocrity as well as his predilection for a life of luxury and self-indulgence. Here are some examples. 1. A man enters a pet shop, wanting to buy a parrot. He points to a fine, colorful bird and asks its price. When he is told that it is five thousand rubles, he whistles in amazement and asks why the price is so high. “Well, the bird is fluent in French and can recite the multiplication table,” the shop keeper says. i6o Lexicon The customer points to another beautiful bird and is told that it costs ten thousand rubles because it speaks French, English, and German, can recite Pushkin’s poetry, and knows the periodic table of elements. Finally he points to a drab gray parrot and is told that this one costs twenty thousand rubles. “Why, what’s so special about that one?” he asks in surprise. “Nothing, to tell you the truth,” the shopkeeper replies, “but the other birds call him Comrade General Secretary.” 2. Brezhnev’s mother comes to Moscow to visit her son. He takes her to his palatial apartment and shows her around. “How do you like it, mama?” he asks. Unexpectedly, her reaction is rather re¬ served: “Quite nice, son, quite nice.” Next he shows her his collec¬ tion of expensive foreign cars, but still she expresses no enthusiasm. Finally the chauffeur drives them to Brezhnev’s suburban villa, which is built of marble and has a magnificent garden with foun¬ tains, an indoor swimming pool, and many other luxuries. The old lady looks around and politely says that all of it is very nice indeed. Exasperated, Brezhnev exclaims: “But mama, aren’t you happy to see how well I live?” To which she replies: “Of course I am, dear, but what are you going to do if the Communists come back?” zelenen’kie (3ejieHem>KHe) (adj. as n.; pi.). Lit., little green ones; coll, since the 1970s referring to U.S. dollars. The suffix of endear¬ ment used with the adj. reflects people’s appreciation of foreign currency. See dereviannye; fantiki; kapusta; valiuta. zelenyi patrul’ Qe.ienbiii naTpyjib) (adj., n.). “Green patrol”; since the 1960s, a voluntary citizens’ organization devoted to maintaining the health of trees and other vegetation in urban areas. In the Brezhnev era, this was one of the few public organizations whose members served with genuine dedication and enthusiasm. It grew and became more active throughout the 1970s and 1980s as public awareness of environmental problems increased. “Every day the ‘green patrol' is on duty in the park. Young people are seeing to it that the saplings grow properly” (cited in Kotelova, Novye slova i znacheniia, 1984, p. 233). zelenyi zmii (3ejiem>in 3mhh) (adj., n.). Lit., green serpent. 1: coll, denoting a state of extreme intoxication from liquor, as in the expression napit’sia do zelenogo zmiia\ 2: coll, of the post-Stalin era Lexicon 161 denoting vodka or any other kind of strong liquor, especially moon¬ shine. The derivation of the expression is not entirely clear. The color green may stem from the old Russian designation of hard liquor as “green wine” ( zelend vino), but some linguists relate it to the greenish color of vodka bottles ( V. Krupin, “Na chto ukhodit sila slovotvorchestva,” LG, 28 Oct. 1981, p. 6). The use of the word “serpent” may refer to snakes’ poison or to the coiled tubes of a still, known as ( zmeevik ). See alkash; blokada; bormotukha; kerosin- shchik; p’ian’; poilka; rygalovka; skinut’sia na troikh. ZhEK (>KEK) (n .). Acr., zhilishchno-ekspluatatsionnaia k ontdra, housing management office (also designated as zh ilishchno-eksplu- atatsionnyi uchastok, housing management station); a term of the post-Stalin era which had replaced the earlier domoupravlenie. Every apartment building or block of buildings in Soviet cities has a ZhEK. Its responsibilities are to ensure that all residents have legal permits (see Propiska), to maintain cleanliness and order in the buildings, yard and sidewalks, to take care of repairs, and to orga¬ nize social activities for retired residents. Of these duties only the first is performed with any degree of efficiency. Otherwise, ZhEK employees ( zhekovtsy ) are notoriously lazy and corrupt, especially with regard to repair service, which often can be obtained only through bribery. See obsluga; umelets. zhensovet (jkchcob^t) (n.). Abbr. zhenskii sovet, women’s council. This is a network of volunteer women’s organizations sponsored by the government-controlled Soviet Women’s Committee and mod¬ eled on Zhenotdel, founded in the 1920s by the Soviet feminist leader Aleksandra Kollontai. The original Zhenotdel was abolished by Stalin, but the concept was resurrected in the 1960s in somewhat different form and under a different name, zhensovet. The new organization did not have much visibility until 1987, when the Con¬ stituent Assembly of Soviet Women made a strong nationwide ap¬ peal to its members to seek representation in the government. Both Gorbachev and Boris El’tsin (president of the Russian Soviet Fede¬ rated Socialist Republic) supported this endeavor; El’tsin stated that although he opposed designated parliamentary seats for public organizations, he would make an exception for this group. Special representation, he said, was necessary for “the most defenseless part of the population” (Cited in “Soviet Women Begin to Air Their 162 Lexicon Gripes,” ST, io March 1989, p. 5A). The zhensovets exist in many cities, towns, and villages in all Soviet republics; there are now more than two hundred and forty thousand offices throughout the coun¬ try. The zhensovets concern themselves with women’s health, condi¬ tions in the workplace and at home, prevention of abuse, proper legal protection, and many other issues relating to women’s welfare. Their work has enjoyed a good deal of attention in the Soviet media in recent years, but they still are faced with two major problems— lack of political clout and shortage of funds. “All zhensovets are volunteer organizations. For that reason they’re continuously faced with financial difficulties, shortage of personnel, and sometimes even lack of space for meetings and discussions. It appears that the women’s movement cannot count on financial support from the government. This means that the zhensovets must become active in fund raising on their own” (“Zhensovet: drug, pomoshchnik? Da!” R, 11, 1989, pp. 4-5). See amerikanka; maskulinizatsiia; sotsial’nyi diskomfort. zhilploshchad’ (avii.in.iomaab) (n.). Abbr., zhilaia or zhillshchnaia ploshchad’ , living area; term in existence since the 1920s. In the Soviet Union, the distribution of housing accommodations is tightly controlled, especially in urban areas. The average individual is legally entitled to eight and a half square meters of living space (not counting kitchen and bathroom space). When a family applies for permission to move into a new apartment, either state owned or cooperative, the size of the apartment to be granted is determined by multiplying the number of people in the family by eight and a half. Certain categories of people, for example, invalids, war vet¬ erans, and members of scholarly or artistic professions who work at home, are eligible for extra space. Members of the Soviet nomen¬ klatura (q.v.) usually were able to have more spacious homes than ordinary citizens. Under Stalin, when urban housing was extremely limited, the rules governing the distribution of living space were strictly observed. In the post-Stalin years, when the shortage be¬ came less severe as a result of new construction, enterprising indi¬ viduals began to devise ways to circumvent the regulations through the use of blat (q.v.) and other machinations. Since 1985, a great deal of criticism regarding the housing restrictions has been voiced. New advocates of human rights have asserted that in a civilized society everyone should enjoy the privilege of living in as much Lexicon 163 space as one needs and desires. They have been pressuring the government to abandon the concept of regulated zhilploshchad’. See Cheremushki; khrushchoba; kommunalka; kuriatnik; maloga- baritka; propiska. zhral’nia (%p&jibHfl) (n.). Der. zhrat’, to gorge, devour (vulg.); coll, since the 1970s denoting an eating establishment with inexpensive and often bad-tasting food. In the late 1980s, the term also has been applied to the new fast-food restaurants which have been built in Soviet cities by Western concerns, for example, McDonald’s. See amerikanka; stekliashka; stoiachka. zhuchok (*yn6K) (n.). Lit., little bug (caique from English); coll, since the 1960s denoting a concealed listening device (“bug”) placed by the secret police in someone’s home, place of work, or other location. See tret’e ukho. Selected Bibliography Dictionaries and Glossaries Anon. A Dictionary of Russian Obscenities or Everything You Have Always Wanted to Know about Russian but Were Afraid to Ask. Cambridge, Mass.: n. p., 1971. Ben-Iakov, Bronia. Slovar’ argo GULaga. Frankfurt/Main: Possev, 1982. Carpovich, Vera. Solzhenitsyn's Peculiar Vocabulary: Russian-English Glossary. New York: Technical Dictionaries, 1976. Dal’, Vladimir. Tolkovyi slovar’ zhivogo velikorusskogo iazyka. 4 vols. (fac¬ simile of 2d ed., 1880-1882.) Moscow: GIKHL, 1935. Drummond, D. A., and G. Perkins. A Short Dictionary of Russian Obscenities. Berkeley, Calif.: Berkeley Slavic Specialties, 1973. Fasmer, Maks. Etimologicheskii slovar' russkogo iazyka. 4 vols. Moscow: Prog¬ ress, 1986-87. Flegon, Alec. Za predelami russkikh slovarei. London: Flegon Press, 1973. Galler, Meyer. Soviet Prison Camp Speech: A Survivor’s Glossary. Flayward, Calif.: n. p., 1977. Galler, Meyer, and Harlan Marquess. Soviet Prison Camp Speech. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1972. Glossary of Russian Abbreviations and Acronyms. Washington: Library of Con¬ gress, 1967. Kotelova, N. Z., ed. Novoe v russkoi leksike. Moscow: Russkii iazyk, 1980. -. Novoe v russkoi leksike. Moscow: Russkii iazyk, 1989. -. Novye slova i znacheniia. Slovar’-spravochnik po materialam pressy i literatury 60-kh godov. Moscow: Sovetskaia entsiklopediia,i97i. -. Novye slova i znacheniia. Slovar’-spravochnik po materialam pressy i literatury 70-kh godov. Moscow: Russkii iazyk, 1984. Kozlovskii, Vladimir. Sobranie russkikh vorovskikh slovarei. 4 vols. New York: Chalidze Publications, 1983. Krestinskii, B. P., and M. M. Krestinskii. Kratkiislovar'sovremennogo russkogo zhargona. Frankfurt/Main: Possev, 1965. 166 Bibliography Kuz’min, S. S., and N. L. Shadrin. Russko-angliiskii slovar’ poslovits i pogo- vorok, 500 edinits; Russian-English Dictionary of Proverbs and Sayings, 500 Entries. Moscow: Russkii iazyk, 1989. Laird, Betty A., and Roy D. Laird. A Soviet Lexicon: Important Concepts, Terms and Phrases. Lexington, Mass.: D. C. Heath, 1988. McCrea, Barbara R, Jack C. Plano, and George Klein. The Soviet and East European Political Dictionary. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC Clio Informa¬ tion Series, 1984. Ozhegov, Sergei. Slovar’ russkogo iazyka. Moscow: GIIINS, i960. Preobrazhenskii, A. G. Etimologicheskii slovar’ russkogo iazyka. 2 vols. Mos¬ cow: GIIINS, 1959. Pushkarev, Sergei. Dictionary of Russian Historical Terms. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970. Rossi, Jacques. The Gulag Handbook. An Encyclopedia Dictionary of Soviet Penitentiary Institutions and Terms Related to the Forced Labor Camps. New York: Paragon House, 1989. Sergievsky, Nicholas. Idiomatic Russian. New York: International Universities Press, 1967. Skachinskii, Aleksandr. Slovar’ blatnogo zhargona v SSSR. New York: n. p., 1982. Sleeper, Raymond S., ed. A Lexicon of Marxist-Leninist Semantics. Alexandria, Va.: Western Goals, 1983. Slovar’ sovremennogo russkogo literaturnogo iazyka. 17 vols. Moscow-Lenin- grad: ANSSSR, 1948-65. Smirnitskii, A. I. Russko-angliiskii slovar’. Moscow: Russkii iazyk, 1977. Smith, R. E. F. A Russian-English Social Science Dictionary. Birmingham: R. E. F. Smith, 1990. Ushakov, D. N. Tolkovyi slovar’ russkogo iazyka. 4 vols. Moscow: GIIINS, 1934-40. Zemtsov, Il’ia. Sovetskii politicheskii iazyk. London: Overseas Publications In¬ terchange, 1985. Other Books and Articles Bragina, A. A. Neologizmy v russkom iazyke. Moscow: Prosveshchenie, 1973. -. Leksika iazyka i kul’tura strany. Moscow: Russkii iazyk, 1981 Comrie, Bernard, and Gerald Stone. The Russian Language since the Revolu¬ tion. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978. Dreizin, Felix, and Tom Priestly. “A Systematic Approach to Russian Obscene Language,” Russian Linguistics 61 2 (Feb. 1982): 233-43. Hunt, R. N. Carew. A Guide to Communist Jargon. New York: Macmillan, 1957. Kauffman, C. A. “A Survey of Russian Obscenities and Invective Usage,” Maledicta 4 (1980): 261-89. Bibliography 167 Kostomarov, V. G., ed. Russkii iazyk i literatura v obshchenii narodov mira. Moscow: Russkii iazyk, 1990. Kostsinskii, K. “Nenormativnaia leksika i slovari,” Russian Linguistics 4/4 (Apr. 1980): 363-95- -. “Slovar’ russkoi nenormativnoi leksiki,” Russian Linguistics 5/2 (Dec. 1980): 133-50. Krysin, L. P. Inoiazychnye slova v sovremennom russkom iazyke. Moscow: Nauka, 1968. Lif. A., ed. Forbidden Laughter: Soviet Underground Jokes. Los Angeles: Alma¬ nac, 1979. Magner, Th. E. “The Stiljaga and His Language,” Slavic and East European Journal 15/3 (Fall 1957): 192-95. Meshcherskii, N. A., ed. Razvitie russkogo iazyka posle velikoi oktiabr’skoi revoliutsii. Leningrad: ILU, 1967. Nilsson, Nils Ake. “Soviet Student Slang,” Scando-Slavica VI (i960): 113-23. Razvratnikov, B. S. (pseud.). “Elementary Russian Obscenity,” Maledicta 3 (1979): 197-204. Skvortsov, L. I. “Professional’nye iazyki, zhargony i kul’tura rechi,” Russkaia rech' 1 (1972): 48-59- Suprun, A. Russkii iazyk sovetskoi epokhi. Leningrad: Prosveshchenie, 1969. Telesin, Iulius, ed. 1001 Anekdot. Tenafly, N.J.: Hermitage, 1986. Vereshchagin, E. M., and V. G. Kostomarov. Iazyk i kuTtura. Moscow . Russkii iazyk, 1990. Ward, Dennis. The Russian Language Today: System and Anomaly. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965. Alphabetical Listing English Administrativno- komandnoe uprav- lenie, i, 2,13 Afganets, 4, 5, 13 Akselerat, 4,5,13-14 Aktirovat’, 2, 14 Aktivnaia zhiznennaia pozitsiia, 1, 14-15 Alkash, 4, 15 Amerikanka, 4, 6, 15- 16 Amoralka, 3,16 Anasha, 4, 16-17 Andreevshchina, 2, 17 Anekdotchik, xiii, 1, 17 Anonimshchik, 1,2, 17-18 Arbatstvo, 2, 18-19 Avos’ka, 3,4, 19 Avralit’, 2, 19 Avtobrodiaga, 3,5,6, 19-20 Avtostopshchik, 6, 20 Baldet’, 6, 20 Baran, 2, 20-21 Bard, 5, 6, 21 Bardak, 2, 4, 21 Bditel’nost’, 1, 22 Belaia smert’, 4, 22-23 Beloe piatno, 2, 23 Beloruchka, 2, 4, 5, 23- 24 Berezka, 2, 24 Beskhoz, 2, 24 Beskhoznaia mogila, 3, 25 Beskolbasniki, 3,4, 25 Beskonfliktnost’, 5, 25- 26 Beskvartir’e, 3, 26 Besperspektivnyi, 4, 26 Bespoletnost’, 3,5, 27 Besproblemnost’, 5, 27 Bezbytnyi, 3, 27 Bez cheremukhi, 4, 27- 28 Bezdukhovnost', 3, 28 Bezynitsiativnost’, 2, 28 Bibliotechnyi den’, 2, 4, 5,28 Bich, 2, 29 Bichevat’, 2, 29 Biulletenshchik, 2, 29 Biznesovat’, 2, 29 Blat, 3,4, 5, 29-30 Blatar’,3,4,5,30 Blokada, 4, 30 Blokovoe myshlenie, 2, 30-31 Bolevaia tochka, 2, 31 BOMZh, 3, 31 Bormotukha, 4, 31-32 Brezhnevshchina, 4, 32 Brodvei, 6, 32 Broshenka, 2, 3,4, 32- 33 BTU, 2, 33 Chekist, 1,33 Cheremushki, 3, 33 Chernaia kassa, 2, 34 Chernaia subbota, 2,34 Chernukha, 1,34 Chrezvychaishchina, 2, 35 ChSR, 1,35 Chuchelo, 1,35 Chuvak,6,35-36 Dacha, 4,36 Davat’,3,36 Debilizatsiia, 2, 36-37 Ded, 5, 37 Dedovshchina, 5,37 Defitsit, 3,37-38 Demokratizatsiia, 2,38 Departizatsiia, 1,2, 38- 39 Derevenshchiki, 5, 39- 40 Dereviannye, 2,40 Destalinizatsiia, 1,40- 41 Detabuizatsiia, 2, 41 Dezhurnaia devochka, 4 . 4 i Dikari, 6,41 Dlinnyi rubl’, 2, 42 Dogoniaevshchina, 2, 42 Dolgostroi, 3, 42 Drugoi Pervyi, 2, 43 170 Alphabetical Listing Druzhinniki, 5,43 Dukhovnost’, 2, 3, 43- 44 Dur’,4,44 Durdom, 1,4, 44 Dvoiurodnaia zhena, 4, 44-45 Dvorets brakosoche- tanii, 4, 45 Dzhaz KGB, 1,5, 45- 46 Egoistiki, 6,46 Ekstrasens, 5, 46 Elita, 4, 46-47 EVM, 5,47 Fanaty, 5, 6, 47 Fantiki, 2, 47 Fartsovshchik, 3, 47-48 Feminizatsiia, 4,48 Firma, 6, 48 Firmach, 3, 6, 49 Fiziki i liriki, 5,49 Formalizm, 5,49 Gaishnik, 5, 49-50 Gamshchik, 3, 50 Gigantomaniia, 1, 50 Glasnost’, 2,50-51 Gliuk, 4, 51 Glushilka, 1,5, 51 Goldeny, 4,51-52 Golodovat’, 1, 2,52 Goluboi, 4, 52 Gomik, 4, 53 Gomosek, 4, 53 Gonets, 4, 53 Gorbatit’sia, 2, 53 Gospriemka, 2, 53-54 Govoril’nia, 2, 54 Gruppovukha, 4, 54-55 GULag, 1,55 Iashchik, 2,5,6,55 Iazychnik, 1,55-56 Inakomysliashchii, 1,56 Interdevochka, 5, 56-57 Invalid piatoi gruppy, 4, 57 Ishachit’, 2, 57 Ispovedal’nost’, 5, 57- 58 IuDM, 5, 58 Kachalka, 6, 58 Kachki, 6, 58 Kadrit’, 4, 58 Kaif, 4, 6, 59 Kaifovat’, 4, 6, 59 Kaliki-morgaliki, 4, 59 Kalymit’,3,59 Kamazonka, 4, 59 Kapstrana, 4, 6, 59-60 Kapusta, 2,60 Katit’ bochku, 3, 60 KBO, 3, 60 Kerosinshchik, 4, 60 Khata, 3,6, 60-61 Khimiki, 5, 61 Khippi, 6, 61-62 Khippiak, 6, 62 Khippovat’, 6, 62 Khlebnaia kartochka, 1, 62 Kholodnaia grazhdan- skaia, 2, 62-63 Khoroshist, 5, 63 Khozraschet, 2, 63-64 Khristosik, 6, 64 Khrushchoba, 3, 64 Khrustal', 4, 64-65 Khunveibin, 5, 65 Kiber, 5, 65 Kidala, 5, 65 Koknar, 4, 65 Kolbasniki, 3,4, 66 Koleso, 4, 66 Koliuchka, 1,66 Komfortnoe iskusstvo, 5,6,66 Kommunalka, 3, 67 Kompik, 5, 67-68 Kompromat, 1,3, 68 Konkurs roditelei, 4, 68 Konvergentsiia, 1, 68- 69 Koper, xiv, 2, 69 Korki, 5, 70 Korruptsioner, 3, 70 Krasnoe koleso, 1,70 Kukuruznik, 2, 70-71 Kul’t lichnosti, 1,71-72 Kul’torg, 5,72 Kul’t-prosvet- uchilishche, 5, 72 Kul’t-prosvet- uchrezhdenie, 5, 72 Kul’tstan, 5,72-73 Kul’tura, 5,73-74 Kul’turkloun, 5, 6, 74 Kumar, 4,74 Kuriatnik, 3, 74 Laiba, 4, 74-75 Lakirovka deistvi- tel’nosti, 1,5, 75 Lazar’, 1,75 Levachit’, 3, 75 Lezhat’ v piatnashke, 4, 75-76 Limitchiki, 3, 76 Liubery, 5, 6, 76 Lomka, 4, 76-77 Mafiia, 3, 77-78 Mag, 5, 6, 78 Makulatura, 1,5, 78 Malodetnost’, 4, 78 Malogabaritka, 3, 78- 79 Malosemeika, 3, 79 Mankurt, 1,2, 79 Mankurtizatsiia, xiv, 1, 2, 79-80 Maskulinizatsiia, 4, 80 Mazhor, 3, 80-81 Memorial, 2, 81 Meningitka, 6, 81 Middeli, 4, 81-82 Miloserdie, 3, 82 Mnogopartiika, 1,82- 83 Molchal’niki, 5, 83 Moral’nyi oblik, 3, 83- 84 Morzh, 6, 84 Morzhevanie, 6, 84 Motokhuligan, 5, 84 Musor, 5, 84-85 Nagruzka, 3, 5, 6, 85 Naplevizm, 3, 85-86 Napriazhenka, 3, 86 Narkobiznes, 4, 86 Alphabetical Listing 171 Narkom, 4, 86 Narkot, 4, 86 Narodnyi front, 2, 86- 87 Navar, 3,87 Na vysshem urovne, 1, 87- 88 Nedostroika, 3, 88 Nedukhovnost’, 5,6, 88- 89 Neformal, 2, 89 Nelikvidy, 2,89 Nesuny, 3,89-90 Nesvoboda, 1,90 Nezavershenka, 3,90 Nian’ka, 1,6,90-91 Niukhach, 4,91 NLO, 5, 91 Nochnaia babochka, 5, 9 1 Nomenklatura, 1,4,91- 92 NRV, 3,4,93 NTR, 5, 93-94 Obnovlenie, 2,94-95 Obsluga, 3,95 Ocherednik, 3,95-96 OGG, 4,96 Omonovtsy, 1,96 Otkaznik, 1,96-97 Otkliuchka, 4,6,97 OttepeI’,5,97-98 Pakhat’, 3,98 Pamiat’, 2, 98-99 Panel’shchitsa, 5, 99 Partdissident, 1,99 Partmafiia, 1,99-100 Partortodoks, 1, 100 Pazheskii korpus, 4,100 Pena, 2, xoo Pereboi, 3,101 Perelomat’sia, 4,101 Perestrakhovshchik, 1, 101 Perestroika, 2,101-102 Perestroishchiki, 2, 102-103 Personalka, 3,103 Perspektivnyi, 4, 103 P’ian’, 4, 103 Pisat’ v iashchik, 5, 103-104 Plan, 4,104 Planovo-rynochnaia ekonomika, 2,104 Plebei, 4, 104-105 Plesen’, 6,105 Pliuralizm, 1,2, 105 Podavat’ na bliudechke, 4, 105 Podkabluchnik, 4, 105- 106 Podkovannyi, 1,106 Podpisant, 1,106 Podprilavok, 3, 106-107 Poilka, 4, 107 Pokazukha, 1,107 Polochniki, 1,5,108 Polozhit’ glaz, 4, 108 Poluchat’ na bliudechke, 4,108 Polzan, 1,108-109 Pop-mobil’nost’, 6,109 Pornobiznes, 5,109 Pomolenta, 5,109 Pornukha, 5, 6,109-110 Poslat’ na kartoshku, 2, 5, IIO-III Posleperestroechnyi, 2, hi Posreb, xv, 1,111-112 Potrebitel’stvo, 3,112 Pozvonochniki, 4,112- 113 Pravdist, 2, 3, 5, 113 Pravil’nyi, 1,113 Pravovoe gosudarstvo, 2,113-114 Predbannik, 1,3,114 Prestizhnyi, 4,114-115 Pribarakhlit’sia, 3,6, 115 Prikhod, 4,115 Prikid, 6,115 Prinudilovka, 1,5, 115- 116 Prinuditel’nyi assorti- ment, 3, 5, 6, 116 Priobretatel’stvo, 3,116 Pripaiat’, 1,116 Privatizatsiia, 2,116- 117 Probivat’, 3,117 Probivnoi, 3,117 Prodlenka, 5, 117-118 Propiska, 3,118 Prozrenie, 2, 118-119 Psikhushka, 1,4, 119 Putana, 5,119 Putevka, 6,119-120 Rabotat’ na sklad, 3, 120 Radiovoina, 1,5, 120 Radiovral’, 1,6, 121 Raschelovechenie, 3, 121 Raskolot’sia, 1,3,121 Raskrest’ianivanie-80, 2,121-122 Raspredelenie, 5, 122 Razdobudka, 3, 123 Razgosudarstvlenie, 2, 123 Razriadka, 1,2, 123 Razvlekalovka, 5, 6, 123-124 Reket, 3,124-125 Repressiia, 1,125 Roker, 5,6,125-126 Rok na kostiakh, 5,126 Rygalovka, 4, 126 Samizdat, 5, 6, 126-127 Samookupaemost’, 2, 127 Samyi-samyi, 4, 127- 128 Sauna, 4,128 Sekretutka, 3,4,128 Seksual-demokrat, 4, 128 Sem’ia, 3,128-129 Shabashit’, 3, 129 Shiriat’sia, 4, 129 Shirpotreb, 3,5,6,129 Shliagemyi, 5, 6, 129- 130 Shpargalist, 5, 130 Shtatniki, 6,130 Sident, 1,130-131 Siusiu-realizm, 5, 131— 132 Skhodniak, 3, 132 172 Alphabetical Listing Skinut’sia na troikh, 4, 132-133 Sotnik, 3, 133 Sotsial’nyi diskomfort, 4 , 133-134 Sotsnakoplenie, 6, 134 Sotsstrana, 4, 6, 134 Sovok, 3, 134-135 Spetskhran, 1,135 Spetsshkola, 4, 5,135— 136 Spetsura, 5, 136 SPID, 4,136 SSO, 136-137 Stalinshchina, 1, 137- 138 Stekliashka, 6,138 Stiliaga, 6, 138-139 Stipukha, 5, 139 Stoiachka, 4, 6,139 Strizhka, 3, 139-140 Strogach, 3, 140 Stukach,1,140-141 Subbotnik, 2, 141 Syroedenie, 6,141 Tamizdat,5, 141-142 Tekhnari, 5, 142 Telefonnoe pravo, 4, 142 Telega, 3,142-143 Teleniania, 5,6,143 Tenevaia ekonomika, 3, 143-144 Tikhaia smert’, 6,144 Tolkach, 2, 144-145 Tolkat’, 3, 145 Topotun, 1,145 Tovarishcheskii sud, 3, 145 Tret’e ukho, 2, 145 Treugol’nik, 2, 145-146 Trinadtsataia zarplata, 2, 146 Trudiaga, 3,146 Tsekh,3,146-147 Tselinniki, 2, 147 Tuneiadets, 3, 147-148 Tusovat’sia, 6,148 Tvorcheskaia koman- dirovka, 5, 148 Tysiachnik, 3, 149 Umelets, 3, 149 Uskorenie, 2, 149 Utechka umov, 5, 149- 150 Utiug, 3, 150 Valiuta, 2, 150-151 Valiutchik, 3, 151 Verniak, 5,151 Veshchizm, 3, 151 Videobum, 6, 152 Vidik, 6, 152 Vidukha, 5,6,152 Vitiia koridornyi, 5, 152-153 Vnutrennii emigrant, 2, 153 Vozhdizm, 1, 153-154 Vral’nia, 1,6, 154-155 Vsedozvolennost’, 2, 155 Vtoraia gramotnost’, 5, 155 Vybrosit’ tovar, 3, 155— 156 Vyezdnoi, 4,156 Vygliadet’, 4,156 Vygovoreshnik, 3,156 Vykliuchennost’, 3, 156-157 Vysotka, 3,157 Zagranka, 16, 57 Zakhlopyvanie, 2, 157— 158 Zakon bozhii, 5, 158 Zakrytyi magazin, 4, 158-159 Zamesti, 2,159 Zastoi, 4,159-160 Zelenen’kie, 2, 160 Zelenyi patrul’, 6, 160 Zelenyi zmii, 4, 160- 161 ZhEK, 3,161 Zhensovet,4, 161-162 Zhilploshchad’, 3, 162- 163 Zhral’nia, 6, 163 Zhuchok, 2, 163 Russian ABoebKa, 8, 9, 19 ABpanHTb, 7, 8, 9 ABTobponara, 8,9,10, 12,19-20 ABTOCTOniltHK, 12, 20 AflMHHHCTpaTHBHO- KOMaHttHoe ynpaBJteH- we,7,13 AKceaepaT, 9,11, 13- 14 AKTHBHaa >KH 3 HeHHaa n 03 HLtHH, 6, 14-15 AKTHpOBaTb, 7,14 Amain, 10, 15 AMepHKaHKa, 9, 12,15- 16 AMopajiKa, 9, 16 AHarna, 10,16-17 AHflpeeBLLjHHa, 7,17 AHeKflOTHHK, 7, 17 AhOHHMIIIHK, 7 , 8, 1 7- 18 ApSaTCTBO, 7,18-19 AchraHep, 9, n, 13 EanneTb, 12, 20 EapaH, 8, 20-21 Eapn, 11,21 EapnaK, 7,10, 21 BnHTejibHocTb, 6, 7, 22 Ee 36 biTHbiH, 9, 27 Ee 3 nyxoBHocTb, 9,28 Ee 3 nepeMyxH, 10, 27- 28 Ee3bIHHIIHaTHBHOCTb, I , 8, 28 Eeaaa CMepTb, 10, 22- 23 Eejioe naTHO, 7, 23 EejiopyMKa, 8, 9,11, 23-24 Eepe 3 Ka, 8, 24 EecKBapTttpbe, 8, 26 EecKOJi6acHHKH, 8, 9, 25 BeCKOHtJjJlHKTHOCTb, II, 25-26 BecnepcneKTHBHbiH, 9, 26 Alphabetical Listing 173 EecnojieTHOCTb, 9,11, 27 EecnpoQjieMHOCTb, 11, 27 Becxo3, 8, 24 Eecxo3Haa Mormia, 8, 25 EH6jTHOTeHHbIH fleHb, 8,9,11,28 EH3HecoBaTb, 8, 29 Ehh, 8, 29 EwHeBaTb, 8, 29 EjiaT, 8, 9, 10, 29-30 EjiaTapb, 8, 9, 10, 30 EjioKana, 10, 30 EjioKOBoe MbiuuieHHe, 7 , 30-31 EojieBaa TOHKa, 7, 31 BOMiK, 8, 31 EopinoTyxa, 10,31-32 Epe>KHeBLUHHa, 9, 32 EpoflBeH, 12, 32 EpomeHKa, 8, 9, 32-33 STY, 8, 33 EiojuieTeHmHK, 8, 29 BajnoTa, 8, 150-151 BajnoTHHK, 9,151 BepHKK, 11, 151 BeuiH3M, 9, 151 BHfleoSyM, 11, 152 Bhuhk, 11, 152 Bnnyxa, 11, 152 BhTHSI KOpHflOpHblH, II, 152-153 BHyTpeHHHH 3 MHrp 3 HT, 7 , 153 Bo>KflH3M, 6, 153-154 BpajibHH,6, 11, 154- 155 Bcefl 03 B 0 JieHH 0 CTb, 7, 155 BTopan rpaMOTHOCTb, 11 ,155 Bbi6pocnTb TOBap, 8, 155 BbirjiflaeTb, 9, 156 BbiroBopeuiHHK, 9, 156 Bbie3HHOH, 9,156 BbIKJIIOHeHHOCTb, 9, 156-157 BbicoTKa, 8, 157 raHUIHHK, 10, 49-50 TaMiiiHK, 9,50 rHraHTOMaHHM, 6, 50 rjiacHOCTb, 7, 50-51 rnyuiHJiKa, 7,51 Tjiiok, 10, 51 rOBOpiIJIbRH, 7, 54 rojineHbi, 9,51-2 TononoBaTb, 7,52 rojiy6oft, 10,52 Tomhk, 10, 53 ToMoceK, 10,53 loHeii, 10, 53 TopSaTHTbCH, 8,53 rocnpweMKa,8,53-54 TpynnoByxa, 10,54-55 ryjlar, 7, 55 JJaBaTb, 8, 36 JJana, 10,36 flBopeu 6paKocoHeTa- hhh, 9,45 flBoioponHafl >KeHa, 10, 44-45 fle6HJiH3ai;Hn, 7, 36-37 flen, 10,37 flenoBiiiHHa, 10, 37 flexcypiiasi neBOHKa, 10, 4 i J],eMOKpaTH3aiiHfl, 7, 38 ,n,enapTH3aiinfl, 6, 7, 38-39 J^epeBeHUiMKH, 11,39- 40 JlepeBHHHbie, 8, 40 flecTajiMHH 3 ai;Hfl, 6, 40-41 fleTa6yH3aiina, 7, 41 fleiJjHaHT, 8, 9, 37-38 fl*a3 KrE, 7, 11,45-6 JlHKapH, 12, 41 JblHHHblH py6^b, 8, 42 floroHaeBLiiHHa, 8, 42 J^ojirocTpoH, 8,42 flpyroH nepBbifi, 7,43 flpy>KHHHHKH, 10, 43 flypaoM, 7, 10, 44 Jlypb, io ,44 flyxoBHOCTb, 7, 9,43- 44 XeHcoBeT, 10,161-162 yKHjmjiomaiib, 8, 162- 163 JKpajibHH, 12, 163 XyaoK, 7,163 >K 3 K, 8, 191 3 arpaHKa, 12,157 3 aKOH 6 o>khh , 11, 158 3 aKpbiTbiii Mara 3 HH, 9, 158-159 3 aMecTH, 7,159 3 acTOH, 9, 159-160 3 axjionbiBaHHe, 7, 157— 158 3 ejieHeHbKHe, 8,160 3ejieHbIH 3MHH, 10, 160-161 3 ejieHbiH naTpyab, 12, 160 MHaKOMblCaHIIIHH, 7, 56 MHBajina naTofi rpynnbi, 9, 57 HHTepneBOHKa, 10, 56- 57 HcnoBenaubHocTb, 11, 57-58 MniaHHTb, 8, 57 KanpHTb, 10,58 Katie}), 10,11,59 Kaiic{DOBaTb, 10,11,59 KajiHKH-MopraamcH, io,59 KajibiMHTb, 8,59 KaMa 30 HKa, 10,59 KancrrpaHa, 9, 12, 59- 60 Kanycra, 8, 60 KaTHTb fioMKy, 8, 60 Kanajika, 12, 58 KaHKH, 12, 58 KEO, 8, 60 KepOCHHUIHK, 10, 60 KH6ep, 11,65 Kanajia, 10,65 KoKHap, 10, 65 Koji6acHHKH, 8, 9, 66 Koaeco, 10, 66 KoaioMKa, 6, 66 KoMMyHajiKa, 8, 67 KoMnHK,11,67-68 174 Alphabetical Listing KoinnpoMaT, 7, 8, 68 KoMcJxipTHoe HCKyc- ctbo, 11,66 KoHBepreHiiHH, 7, 68- 69 KoHKypc ponHTejieft, 9, 68 Konep, 8,69 KopKH,11,70 KoppynpHOHep, 9, 70 KpacHoe Kojieco, 7,70 Kyicypy3HHK, 8, 70-71 KyjIbT JIHHHOCTH, 6, 71- 72 KyjitTopr, 11,72 KyjibT-npocBeT- yHHJiHiiie, 11,72 KyjibT-npocBeT- yHpe>KneHHe, n, 72 KyjibTCTaH, 11,72-73 KyjibTypa, 9,11,73-74 KyjibTypioioyH, 11,74 KyMap, 10, 74 KypaTHHK, 8, 74 JIa3apb, 7, 75 JlaftSa, 10, 74-75 JIaKHpoBKa neftcTB- HTeJIbHOCTH, 6, 11 ,75 JleBaHHTb, 8, 9, 75 HexcaTb b nHTHauiKe, 10, 75-76 JIhmhthhkh, 8, 76 JIoMKa, 76-77 JIio6epbi, 10, 12, 76 Mar, 11,78 Maxop, 9, 80 MaKyjiaTypa, 6, 11,78 MajioraSapHTKa, 8, 78- 79 MajioneTHOCTb, 10,78 MajioceMeftKa, 8,79 MaHKypT, 6, 7, 79 MaHKypTH3aiiHH, 6, 7, 79-80 MacKyjiHHH3aiiHH, 10, 80 MatjjHB, 9, 77-78 MeMopaaji, 7, 81 MeHHHrHTKa, 12, 81 MwmejiH, 9, 81-82 MHjiocepnHe, 9,82 MHoronapTHHKa, 6, 82- 83 MoJinajibHHKH, 11,83 MopajIbHblH O 0 JIHK, 9, 83-84 Mop*, 12, 84 Mop*eBaHHe, 12, 84 MoToxyjiHraH, 10, 84 My cop, 10, 84-85 HaBap, 9, 87 Ha BbiciueM ypoBHe, 6, 87-88 Harpy3Ka, 8, 11,85 HaiuieBH 3 M, 9, 85-86 HanpajKeHKa, 8, 86 HapKo6H3Hec, 10, 86 HapKOM, 10, 86 HapKOT, 10, 86 HaponHbiH (JjpOHT, 7, 86-87 HenocTpoftKa, 8, 88 HenyxoBHocTb, 11,88- 89 He 3 aBepmeHKa, 8,90 HejiHKBHUbi, 8,89 HecBo6ona, 7,90 HecyHbi, 8,9,89-90 He<})opMaji, 7, 89 HJIO, 11,91 HoMeHmiaTypa, 6, 9, 91-92 HoHHaa 6a6oMKa, 10, 91 HPB, 8, 10, 93 HTP, 11,93-94 Hioxan, 10, 91 HsiHbKa, 7, 12, 90-91 06 HOBJieHMe, 7, 94-95 OScjiyra, 8, 95 orr, 10,96 OMOHOBlIbl, 7, 96 OTK 33 HHK, 7, 96-97 OTKJlIOHKa, 10,11,97 Oirenejib, 11,97-98 OnepenHHK,8,95-96 na*ecKHH Kopnyc, 9, 100 rtaMATb, 7, 98-99 naHejibiiiHiia, 10,99 napTflHCCHfleHT, 6, 99 IIapTMa<})Hfl, 6, 99-100 IlapTopTOnOKC, 6, 100 IlaxaTb, 8, 98 IleHa, 7,100 IlepeSoH, 8, 101 FlepejioMaTbCH, 10,101 nepecTpaxoBiiiHK, 7, 101 FlepecTpoHKa, 7,8, 101- 102 nepecTpoHiiiHKH, 7, 102- 103 IlepcoHajiKa, 9,103 IlepcneKTHBHbiH, 9, 103 IlHCaTb B BUIHK, 11, 103- 104 IIjiaH, 10,104 njiaHOBO-pbiHOHHaa 3 KOHOMHK 3 , 7 , 8, IO4 njie6eii, 9, 104-105 IljieceHb, 12,105 njuopajiH 3 M, 6,7,105 IIonaBaTb Ha 6jnoneHKe, 9,105 no«Ka6jiyHHHK, 10, 105-106 rioUKOBaHHblH, 6,106 rionnncaHT, 7,106 FIonnpHJiaBOK, 9, 106- 107 ri 03 B 0 H 0 HHHKH, 9 , 112 - 113 IIOHJIKa, 10,107 IloKa 3 yxa, 6,107-108 Iloji3aH, 6,108-109 riOJlOJKHTb rjia 3 , 10, 108 FIoJIOHHHKH, 7, II, 108 nojiynaTb Ha SjHoneHKe, 9,108 ri0n-M06HJlbH0CTb, 12, 109 nopHo 6 H 3 HeC, 10,109 FIopHOJieHTa, 10,109 FIopHyxa, 10,11,109- no FIocjiaTb Ha KapTouiKy, 8, 11, 110—111 nocjienepecrpoeHHbiH, 7 , in Alphabetical Listing 175 riocpeS, 7, 111-112 rioTpeSHTejibCTBo, 9, 112 ripaBHHCT, 7 , 9 , II, 1 13 IIpaBHJibHbiH, 6 ,1 13 rtpaBOBoe rocynap- CTBO, 7 ,II 3 -II 4 ripen 6 aHHHK, 7 , 8 , 114 IlpeCTH)KHbffl, 9 , 1 14 — 115 IlpH6apaxBHTbCH, 8, 12 , 115 FIpHBaTH 3 ai;H 5 i, 7 , 8 , 116-117 IlpHKHfl, 12 , 115 npHHynHJIOBKa, 6, II, 115-116 npHHynHTejibHbiH ac- COpTHMeHT, 8, II, 12, 116 ripno6peTaTeji bCTBO, 9 , 116 IlpHnaaTb, 7,116 npwxofl, 10 , 115 FIpo6HBaTb, 8, 117 ripo6HBHOH, 8, 117 npomieHKa, 11, 117— 118 npo 3 peHHe, 7 , 118-119 IlponHCKa, 8 , 118 ncHxymica, 7 , 10 , 119 FlyTaHa, 10,119 FlyTeBKa, 12 , 119-120 IlbHHb, 10,103 Pa 6 oTaTb Ha CKJian, 8 , 120 PanHOBOHHa, 6 , 1 1 ,20 PaflHOBpajib, 7 , 11 , 121 Pa3BJieKajioBKa, 11 , 12 , 123-124 Pa 3 rocyflapcTBJieHHe, 8,123 Pa3flo6ymca, 8, 123 Pa3pama, 7, 8, 123 PaCKOJlOTbCH, 7, 9, 121 PacKpecTbBHHBaHHe- 80 , 8,121-122 PacnpenejieHHe, 11,122 PacnejioBeHeHHe, 9,121 PexeT, 9 , 124-125 Penpeccwa, 7,125 PoKep, 11 , 12 , 125-126 POK H3 KOCTHX, II, 126 PbirajioBKa, io, 126 CaMH3naT, 11 , 126-127 CaMOOKynaeMOCTb, 8 , 27 CaMbiH-caMbiii, 9 , 127 - 128 CayHa, 10,128 CeKpeTyrKa, 9 , 10,128 Ceiccyaji-neMOKpaT, 10 , 128 CeMbH, 9 , 128-129 CnneHT, 7 , 130-131 CKHHyTbCa Ha TpOHX, 10 , 132-133 COBOK, 9 , 134-135 COTHHK, 8, 133 CoiIHajlbHblH flHCKOM- ())OpT, IO, 133-134 ComiaKoiuieHHe, 12 , 134 CoucrpaHa, 9 , 12,134 Cneuypa, 10,136 CneuxpaH, 7 , 135 CnemiiKOJia, 9 , 11 , 135-136 CTHfl, 10,136 CCO, 136-137 OrajiHHinMHa, 7 , 137 - 138 CTeKJiaiiiKa, 12,138 CTHJiara, 12 , 138-139 CTHnyxa, 11,139 CTOSiHKa, 10 , 12 , 139 OrpHXKa, 9 , 139-140 CTporan, 9,140 CryxaH, 7 , 140-141 Cy 66 oTHHK, 8,141 Cxohhhk, 9 , 132 CbipoeneHHe, 12,141 CiocK>-peajiH3M, 11 , 131-232 XaMH3iiaT, 11 , 141-142 TBopnecKaa KOMaH- HHpoBKa, 11 , 148 Tejiera, 8 , 142-143 TeJieHBHH, 11,143 TeJiec})OHHoe npaBO, 9 , 142 TeHeBaa 3 kohomhk3, 9 , 143-144 TexHapw, 11,142 THxaacMepTb, 12, 144 ToBapHmecKHH cyn, 9, 145 TojiKaTb, 9,145 Toman, 8,144-145 TonoTyH, 7,145 TpeTbe yxo, 7,145 TpeyrojibHHK, 8,145- 146 TpHHajmaTaa 3 ap- iuiaTa, 8,146 Tpynara, 8,146 TyHeaneu, 8,147-148 TycoBaTbca, 12, 148 TbicanHHK, 8,149 YMejieu, 8,149 YcKopeHHe, 7,149 YTenKayMOB, 11, 149- 150 Ynor, 9 , 150 aHaTbi, 10 , 12,47 aHTHKH, 8 , 47 OapuoBiijHK, 9 , 47-48 eMHHH3aiiHa, 10,48 4>H3HKH H JIHpHKH, II, 49 HpMa, 12 , 48 OwpMan, 9 , 12,49 *I>0pMajlH3M, 11,49 XaTa, 8, 12, 60-61 Xhmhkh,io, 61 XjrnnH, 12, 61-62 XnnnoBaTb, 12, 62 XnnnaK,12, 62 Xjie6Haa KapTonKa, 7, 62 Xo3pacneT, 8, 63-64 XojioflHaa rpaacnaH- CKaa, 7, 62-63 XopouiHCT, 11,63 XpHCTOCHK, 12, 64 XpycraBb, 10, 64-65 Xpymo6a, 9 , 64 XyHBeft6HH, 10 , 65 LiejIHHHHKH, 8 , 147 176 Alphabetical Listing U,ex, 9,146-147 HeKHCT, 7,33 HepeMyuiKH, 9,33-34 HepHyxa, 7, 34 HepHaa Kacca, 8, 34 HepHaa cy66oTa, 8, 34 Mpe3BbiHaHii;HHa, 8,35 HCP, 7, 35 HyBax, 12, 35-36 HyneJio, 7, 35 IiIa6aiiiHTb, 8,129 IIInpnoTpeS, 8,11, 12, 129 IIInpaTbca, 10,129 IIIaarepHbiH, 11, 12, 129-130 IlInaprajiHCT, 11, 130 IllTaTHHKH, 12, 130 3BM, 11,47 SrOHCTHKH, 12, 46 SxcTpaceHC, 11,46 3 iiHTa, 9, 46-47 lOflM, 10, 58 JLblHHHK, 7, 55-56 Hiiihk, 8,11, 12, 55 Irina H. Corten is Assistant Professor of Russian at the University of Minnesota and spent her early years in Moscow. She is bilingual in Russian and English. DUKE UNIVERSITY UIBRARY DURHAM. NORTH CAROLINA 27706