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EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
EVERYBODY'S 
 WORLD 
 
 SHERWOOD EDDY 
 
 Author of "Suffering and the War" 
 
 "The Students of Asia" 
 "With Our Soldiers in France," etc. 
 
 NEW XSJr YORK 
 GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY 
 
XV :' 
 
 & 
 
 Copyright, 1920, bt 
 Sherwood Eddy 
 
To My Wife 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Chapter Page 
 
 Foreword ix 
 
 I. Everybody's War 1 
 
 II. The New Near East 26 
 
 III. The Appeal of Russia 64 
 
 IV. The Hope of Russia 83 
 
 V. Japan and the Far East .... 106 
 
 VI. The Crisis in China 133 
 
 VII. The Awakening of India .... 169 
 
 VIII. The Awakening of India (Continued) . 193 
 
 IX. Anglo-Saxon Responsibility . . . 221 
 
 X. Everybody's World 242 
 
 Appendix 263 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 The present volume is the result of a working tour 
 around the world in 1919. I had previously spent 
 fifteen years in India, several years working in 
 other parts of Asia, and had visited Russia. During 
 the closing months of the War I was with the 
 soldiers on the British, French, and American fronts. 
 After returning to America, in fulfilment of en- 
 gagements in the East, I visited Japan and China, 
 and then spent six months in some fifty of the 
 principal centers of India and Ceylon, during the 
 period of political unrest in connection with the 
 passing of the Rowlatt Sedition Bills and the agita- 
 tion for Home Rule. On the return journey, I visited 
 Egypt, Palestine, and Syria, and, going down over 
 the Berlin to Bagdad Railway, entered Northern 
 Mesopotamia. After crossing the Taurus Mountains, 
 I passed through Adana, Konia, and the scenes of 
 the Armenian massacres, across Turkey to Con- 
 stantinople, returning through Italy and France to 
 England and America. 
 
 One gains the impression across Asia, Europe, and 
 America of a vast world movement which I have 
 tried to describe in the following pages. 
 
 My thanks are due to many friends and nationals 
 of the various countries visited for suggestions and 
 criticisms regarding the manuscript. 
 
 ix 
 
x FOREWORD 
 
 The views expressed in this book are purely per- 
 sonal and not official. They have been submitted 
 to no organization for approval. They do not 
 represent the views of the Young Men's Christian 
 Association or of any other official body. 
 
 Sherwood Eddy. 
 
I 
 
 EVERYBODY'S WAR 
 
 It has been everybody's war. And, as Lloyd 
 George well says, "In the future it's going to be 
 Everybody's World." To a labor deputation he 
 said: "Don't always be thinking of getting back to 
 where you were before the War. Get a really new 
 World." That is our common task today. Millions 
 have died for this new world. We must live for it. 
 We must make a world worth their having died for. 
 It is for us to see that these honored dead have not 
 died in vain. The black night of war has passed and 
 a new day has dawned — a day of stress and storm, 
 dark with lowering portent, but radiant with the 
 hope of a new world. Much of the old order that 
 has not already been destroyed is doomed. The 
 War has passed sentence upon our modern life. 
 Rotten foundations that were built upon selfishness 
 or injustice must be rebuilt upon the bed rock of 
 eternal righteousness. Out of the ruins of the old 
 world we must build the new. 
 
 But it will take new men to build this new and 
 better world. For those who have caught the vision 
 of the new world and who have seen the doom of the 
 old, it is a great day in which to live. We need a 
 creative dynamic, a fearless faith, power that draws 
 upon inexhaustible Omnipotence itself, if we are to 
 
 1 
 
2 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 grapple with the titanic tasks that challenge us on 
 every hand. As Mr. Britling well says: "This is 
 the end and the beginning of an age. It is some- 
 thing far greater than the French Revolution . . . 
 and we live in it." We stand at a creative moment 
 in human history. Never before has the whole 
 world had the chance to make all things new. Old 
 customs and contentments, old rules and ruts, old 
 traditions and enslavements have been broken for 
 ever. We are living in the birth pangs of a world 
 struggling to be reborn, and the issues of our time 
 will reach into eternity. 
 
 We have been witnessing the greatest human 
 event in history, the greatest in its magnitude and 
 meaning, the most awful in its weight of agony, the 
 most far-reaching in its possible results. Since that 
 one far-off divine Sacrifice, which gives its meaning 
 and promise to the vast outpouring of human life 
 in this War, we have seen and had some part in the 
 greatest thing that has happened in this world. 
 
 This War, we must believe, was a means to some 
 great end. The final meaning of such a sacrifice was 
 surely one vast offering of life, for some great end 
 dearer than life, that shall affect all humanity in all 
 the centuries to come. We can parrot off in speech, 
 or tabulate in cold statistics the losses of the War, 
 but none of us is great enough of soul to grasp their 
 full significance. Seven millions killed! One wide 
 sweep of the scythe of death, and 7,000,000 of our 
 
EVERYBODY'S WAR 3 
 
 youngest and our best lie beneath those rows of 
 white crosses in the ordered armies of the silent dead, 
 or scattered in nameless graves under the fields of 
 France and Flanders. Seven million homes be- 
 reaved! What scales can measure the dead weight 
 of a world's sorrow, what arithmetic can compute it? 
 Nearly 5,000,000 done to death by disease and star- 
 vation, and others fallen uncounted in the score of 
 after-wars along the broken fronts, or among the 
 mobs that have raged in the city streets! More 
 than 20,000,000 wounded and 5,000,000 left maimed 
 or partly crippled for life! Six millions shut up in 
 dreary prisons, some emaciated in body and mind, 
 and some never to return! Countless millions who 
 have suffered the privations and sorrows of the War 
 in the trenches at the front and in the lonely homes 
 of the poor! Twenty million women in Europe who 
 can have no home of their own after the War! Fifty 
 billion dollars' worth of materials and property de- 
 stroyed, $300,000,000,000 expended, or nearly one- 
 third of the wealth of the belligerents, leaving a 
 burden of $10,000,000,000 a year to be provided by 
 the stricken nations to meet the cost of the War and 
 the interest on its crushing debt. 1 Wide areas of 
 destruction are left, with ruined cities and towns, 
 churches and cathedrals, factories and farms, where 
 every home destroyed has meant the tomb of the 
 happiness of some family. All these are but a part 
 
 J The statistics of the war will be found in Appendix I. 
 
J 
 
 4 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 of the great sacrifice and all the world has had some 
 share in it. Belgium and Poland, Serbia and Ruma- 
 nia were almost ruined. France was drained to her 
 last man. Britain poured in the wealth of her whole 
 empire and felt the strain to the limits of her last 
 colony. Russia furnished by far the largest of the 
 allied armies, and lies utterly impoverished by the 
 War and its aftermath. All Europe has been shaken 
 by the conflict. 
 
 During the last two years the writer's journeys 
 have taken him through almost every part of France, 
 along the British, French, and American fronts, 
 through Belgium and England, across America, to 
 Japan and China, through some fifty cities and 
 centers in India and Ceylon, to Egypt, Turkey, and 
 the Near East. He found every part of the world 
 deeply affected by the War. 
 
 Japan has had to face the great issue raised be- 
 tween autocracy and democracy. It is affecting her 
 whole social fabric and her colonies, especially 
 Korea, which has been convulsed by a passionate 
 uprising of unarmed passive resistance. China sent 
 her labor battalions, which were in evidence every- 
 where in France from the coast to the front line 
 trenches. India furnished more than a million men. 
 We met them throughout the War in France. There 
 is one section on the British front marked by 20,000 
 Indian graves. We found Indian soldiers holding 
 Egypt and most of Nearer Asia. It was chiefly the 
 
EVERYBODY'S WAR 5 
 
 Indian troops who finished the conquest of Mesopo- 
 tamia, Palestine, and East Africa. Among the best 
 shock troops of France were the fierce fighting 
 Moroccans. Men of twenty nationalities and coun- 
 tries were found in the French army alone. The 
 greater part of the population of the world was rep- 
 resented in the fighting nations. 
 
 As we journeyed across Belgium and France, 
 from Ypres over the Messines and Vimy ridges, 
 through Arras, from Chateau Thierry, Rheims, and 
 the Argonne to Verdun and other parts of the war 
 zone, we passed in turn Americans, Australians, 
 Canadians, South Africans, American Indians, Ne- 
 groes, Moroccans, Senegalese, Malagasy, Basutos, 
 Chinese, Japanese, Indian Sikhs, Gurkhas, and Mah- 
 rattas, Portuguese, Belgians, French, and British. 
 More than twenty African tribes were represented 
 in France and East Africa. More than a score of 
 peoples in the islands of the Pacific were drawn upon 
 and the principal countries of Europe were devas- 
 tated. There was an almost universal conscription 
 of suffering. It was indeed Everybody's War. 
 
 The World War seems to have gathered up in one 
 final climax all the suffering and horror, all the cost 
 and destruction of previous wars; and, on the other 
 hand, all the idealism and heroism of all former wars 
 combined in one. Such a vast sowing demands a 
 commensurate reaping. Such a measureless sacri- 
 fice calls for an adequate result. Such a mighty 
 
6 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 means demands some mighty end. Unless one were 
 driven to the despairing belief that we live in an 
 irrational world of cruel chance and blind fate that 
 mocks every high human endeavor, one must hold 
 to the firm faith that the results of this War, after 
 all the price that has been paid, will reach into vast 
 opportunities for good far beyond our ken, in the 
 coming centuries of a better world. Those who have 
 vision may discern, even through all the strife and 
 turmoil, the providence of God in our own day. 
 Hegel declares in the closing words of his remarkable 
 "Philosophy of History": "The history of the 
 world is the process of development and the realiza- 
 tion of the Spirit. This is the justification of God in 
 history. Only this insight can reconcile Spirit with 
 the history of the world. What has happened and 
 is happening every day is not only not ' without 
 God/ but is essentially His work." 
 
 To appreciate the possible meaning of this sacri- 
 fice as a means to some great end, we must ask our- 
 selves once more, What were we fighting for? What 
 must we win for humanity from this War if it has 
 not been fought in vain? What was its central 
 lesson as we see it now in perspective? We must ask 
 this even at the risk of a brief repetition, for already 
 we are impatient to pass on though we have not yet 
 learned, even superficially, the hard-won lessons of 
 the War. 
 
 A pistol shot, the murder of a crown prince of 
 
EVERYBODY'S WAR 7 
 
 Austria, and the powder mine of Europe explodes. 
 But behind this occasion lay the proximate cause of 
 two contending forces, expanding Serbia and ambi- 
 tious Austria. Behind these two colliding nationali- 
 ties lay the conflict of two greater powers, Pan- 
 Germanism and Pan-Slavism. What began as a war 
 between two peoples soon became a war between 
 two principles. While we do not claim that all the 
 right was on one side and all the wrong on the other, 
 nevertheless there gradually emerged one supreme 
 and central issue, though it may be viewed from 
 three standpoints, political, moral, and spiritual. 
 Politically, there was the issue between autocracy 
 and democracy, between the pretended divine right 
 of kings and privileged classes, and the eternal and 
 inalienable rights of peoples. Morally, the issue lay 
 between the oppression of militarism and human 
 liberty. Spiritually, the final issue of the War lay 
 between the materialism of might and the spiritual 
 power of right, between a material and a spiritual 
 interpretation of the universe. 
 
 This, then, finally emerged as the central issue 
 of the war: autocracy or democracy, militarism or 
 liberty, might or right, the material or the spiritual, 
 selfishness or sacrifice, mammon or God. However 
 confused and hidden, there was an ultimate con- 
 flict of eternal principles in the War, which forced 
 us to a choice of destiny. The Kaiser chose. Prus- 
 sian militarism chose. The German people had to 
 
8 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 choose. And just as truly, you and I must choose; 
 the whole American people must choose. We chose 
 the better part for the winning of the War. Shall 
 we choose it now for the winning of the world? 
 
 Let us pause at the end of the terrible conflict, 
 and at the beginning of this period of reconstruction, 
 to ask ourselves whether we have yet learned this 
 central lesson of the War for the individual and the 
 nation, that selfishness is suicidal and its wages is 
 death; that sacrifice is divine, and the life that gives 
 itself in service, even though it die, rises triumphant 
 and eternal. The whole world was not drenched in 
 blood merely to teach Germany or the Kaiser a 
 lesson. If we gloat over their downfall with a cheap, 
 flag-waving patriotism, and apply standards to our 
 enemies which we shirk for ourselves, it is sheer 
 pharisaic hypocrisy. Have we learned this central 
 lesson of the War? Are we committed to the sacri- 
 ficial life of service for human uplift and world 
 brotherhood? If not, so far as we are concerned the 
 War has been fought in vain. 
 
 If we choose the life of service, what men are we 
 to serve? WTiat is to be the limit of our sympathy 
 and responsibility? Does it include our family, our 
 neighbor, the man across the street, the poor in the 
 back alley? Does it take in our city, our state, our 
 country, our allies, our world? Selfishness draws 
 exclusive bounds. Love knows but one unbroken 
 brotherhood. A man is as small as his selfishness, and 
 
EVERYBODY'S WAR 9 
 
 as big as the world he serves. Selfishness divides 
 humanity into Jew and Gentile, bond and free, priv- 
 vileged and unprivileged, home and "foreign," our 
 own people who count and others who do not. Love 
 reigns in Everybody's World. 
 
 If you and I squarely adopt the principle of serv- 
 ice, of sacrifice, and the law of love, it means that in 
 our spirit we shall not be narrowly provincial and 
 exclusively national, but our interests will be as wide 
 as humanity. Selfishness will give, if it pays to do so, 
 for its own class or clan, or creed, or people, but 
 will exclude all others as "the masses," the poor, 
 the heathen, as alien, outcast, foreign. Foreign to 
 what, or to whom? Are they foreign to God? Are 
 they foreign to humanity? Or are they foreign to 
 our petty selves? You and I and all men, rich or 
 poor, white or black, near or far, belong to Every- 
 body's World. 
 
 Almost every rich and ruling nation in turn has 
 counted itself the people, and excluded others as in- 
 ferior. Assyria and Babylon, Egypt and Persia, 
 Greece and Rome, the Chinese "Middle Kingdom," 
 the Germans as "the salt of the earth" and the 
 center and circumference of Kultur, the British, with 
 their Empire on which the sun never sets, and the 
 Americans in their "splendid isolation" and boast- 
 ing self-confidence, all alike have been beset by the 
 danger of self-centered provincialism. The measure 
 of our strength, our wealth, our privilege is just the 
 
10 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 measure of our responsibility. The touchstone of 
 our greatness will be the spirit of our service to the 
 world. We are debtors to all — to all who have 
 helped us and to all whom we can help. Our nation 
 must live in Everybody's World, or turn its back 
 upon humanity and live the pagan life of sordid 
 selfishness — rich, fat, sleek, the national Dives with 
 the beggared world at our gate, left, as Browning says, 
 
 "in God's contempt apart, 
 With ghastly smooth life, dead at heart, 
 Tame in earth's paddock as her prize." 
 
 We emerge from the War as materially the strong- 
 est and most privileged nation of the world, with 
 the largest wealth, the largest man power, the largest 
 manufacturing output. We have suffered the least 
 of all the great nations in the War. If we had striven 
 and suffered in proportion to some that first entered 
 the War, we would have had an army of 15,000,000 
 men, with more than 2,500,000 killed, or more than 
 all the men we had in France. Instead, we stand as 
 the wealthiest nation as we face this crucial period 
 of world reconstruction. Here is our responsibility. 
 Here is a permanent moral equivalent for war, in a 
 task infinitely harder and grander, the winning of a 
 new world. It may be a more difficult thing to win 
 the world than it was to win the War, but the men 
 who fought and died for us did not stop to count the 
 cost, nor nicely to calculate their chances of success 
 or the ease of victory. 
 
EVERYBODY'S WAR 11 
 
 What are the conditions of the making of a new 
 world, and what principles are involved in it? Can 
 we agree upon at least five such principles: a new 
 faith in the common man, a new social justice at 
 home and abroad, a new conception of the democ- 
 racy of nations, a new belief in world brotherhood, 
 and finally, as the foundation of all these, a new con- 
 viction that life is realized not in selfishness but in 
 service and sacrifice? Let us pause to note these 
 five principles involved in a new social order, and 
 then apply them to the great territorial divisions of 
 human need as left by the War. 
 
 First, a new faith in man. If every man, of every 
 race, of every nation, however small or backward, 
 has an inalienable birthright of liberty, if the moral 
 order of the universe is written in his conscience, it 
 means that under the divine Fatherhood, as a mem- 
 ber of the human brotherhood, he is of independent 
 and infinite worth. He is not, then, a mere means 
 to an end, a tool for our convenience, a "hand" for 
 our labor and the accumulation of our wealth, but 
 a brother made in the image of God, in the divine 
 right of his manhood. Has not the whole War re- 
 inforced this lesson? It has indeed been Everybody's 
 War, a war of the millions of men in the ranks, who 
 were "common soldiers" only, because heroism and 
 bravery were so universal. It was not a war of 
 special heroes, of generals, of Napoleons. Despite 
 the splendid strategy of the unified command, the 
 
12 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 War was won in the ranks and in the trenches. It 
 was a war of the common man, and it is the world 
 of the common man. Man as man is so infinitely and 
 absolutely great in himself and his inborn potentiali- 
 ties, that no wealth, title, or privilege can add to his 
 true greatness, and no poverty, oppression, or en- 
 slavement can detract from it. 
 
 The contending armies in Europe were the world's 
 manhood at war. Contrast with these men the 
 professional armies and paid adventurers of other 
 days. Wellington complained that his army was 
 "the scum of the earth." Our boys were the salt of 
 the earth. They were our own sons and brothers. 
 
 The writer recalls a scene on Salisbury Plain dur- 
 ing the second year of the War. A great army was 
 passing in review before the King. There were 
 generals, officers of every rank, civilians, statesmen, 
 and notables, but the greatest man on the field that 
 day was "Tommy Atkins." Time and again our 
 eyes were misty as we watched those columns march 
 past, men who, in a few days, were to fight and die 
 in the mud of Flanders or in the shambles of the 
 Somme. They paid the price. They won the War. 
 They are the men who need our consideration as 
 they return to the difficult economic conditions that 
 follow the War. We need the same faith in the 
 toilers of industry as in the men in the trenches, in 
 the man behind the machine as in the man behind 
 the gun. There may be more romance in the 
 
EVERYBODY'S WAR 13 
 
 trenches, there is more need in the slums of our 
 great cities. 
 
 Second, a new social justice at home and abroad. If 
 these men are of infinite value, and of equal worth 
 with ourselves, then unless we are to revert to the 
 sordid level of class selfishness, there must be a new 
 and better social order. The health and happiness 
 of the world must not be for the privileged few but 
 for all men, if this is to be Everybody's World. God 
 must have meant it to be so if He is not a class God 
 of special privilege for the Germans or ourselves. 
 We can see clearly in distant Germany that it is not 
 social justice if crushed masses of men must toil, 
 subject to the "divine right" of a privileged Kaiser, 
 who, while his people fight to keep soul and body to- 
 gether to avoid starvation, can have his own palaces 
 filled with food and luxury. But can we see with 
 equal clearness the social injustice of our own con- 
 ditions at home? We have lived so long in a land of 
 plenty, with relatively high wages, freedom of com- 
 petition, and means for the swift amassing of large 
 fortunes, that our national prosperity has obscured 
 the vision of our own social injustice. 
 
 We have seen a privileged few in Prussia exploit 
 the power of modern science, harnessed for destruc- 
 tion, for the selfish benefit of their dynastic ambi- 
 tions. Have we eyes to see a like injustice if the 
 privileged few in our own land hold for themselves 
 the unearned increment of wealth, the enormous 
 
14 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 income from the possession of modern machinery, 
 all the means of production, and the bulk of the 
 nation's natural resources? We saw the Kaiser and 
 the Prussian Junkers "stand pat" upon their inher- 
 ited privileges. Do we also "stand pat" upon ours? 
 Reader and writer, whether we will or no, we are 
 alike members of the privileged class. This book 
 will probably fall into no other hands. The vast 
 majority of the toiling masses have neither the 
 money, the education, the leisure, nor the oppor- 
 tunity to read our books, to attend our churches, to 
 join our clubs. 
 
 We read, some time ago, in our daily papers of a 
 vast fortune left without one penny to charity or 
 human welfare, selfishly held in death as it had been 
 held in life; while in another column of the same 
 paper we read of the Stars and Stripes trampled upon 
 to give place to the red flag of socialism. We read 
 both, but do we see any connection between the two? 
 Are we, any more than Prussian rnilitarists, able to 
 read the signs of the time? In Russia, the swing of 
 the pendulum from the perpendicular of equitable 
 social justice to one extreme of the privileged class 
 of Czarism, causes the reaction of its swing to the 
 opposite extreme of Bolshevism, the selfish control 
 of the unprivileged class. Bolshevism is only Czar- 
 ism upside down. Both are the class rule of selfish- 
 ness. Do we condemn the Kaiser and the Czar, 
 < while we also cling fast to our own selfish privileges? 
 
EVERYBODY'S WAR 15 
 
 Do we realize that a selfish plutocracy may cause a 
 selfish Bolshevism, as well as Czarism, Kaiserism, 
 or militarism? Perhaps we do not realize that we 
 have so many privileges that others lack. Is it social 
 justice if, as Professor W. I. King maintains, two 
 per cent of the people of our country hold sixty per 
 cent of its wealth, while the sixty-five per cent of 
 the people who are poor own only five per cent of the 
 wealth? 2 If not, are we to seek a solution on the 
 
 2 According to Professor W. I. King, in "The Wealth and In- 
 come of the People of the United States," the "rich," two per 
 cent of the people, own sixty per cent of the wealth. The 
 "middle-class," thirty-three per cent of the people, own thirty- 
 five per cent of the wealth. The "poor," sixty-five per cent of 
 the people, own only five per cent of the wealth. 
 
 That is, 2,000,000 of the rich own twenty per cent more of 
 the nation's wealth than all the other 100,000,000 together. 
 According to the Immigration Commission of Congress in 1909, 
 one-third of the American families were living on less than $500 
 for a family of five persons. One-fourth of the fathers were not 
 earning enough to support their families. 
 
 The babies of the poor die at three times the rate of the well- 
 to-do. One out of every twelve corpses in New York is buried 
 in the "potter's field" at the expense of the city. From twelve 
 to twenty per cent of the children in the large cities are underfed. 
 Only one-third of them complete the grammar school and less 
 than one-tenth the high school. Among the families of the 
 workers thirty-seven per cent of the mothers are at work. Before 
 the War one-fourth of the male workers earned less than $10 a 
 week, over two-thirds of the women workers less than $8, and 
 nearly one-half less than $6 a week. In the great basic industries 
 the workers have been unemployed an average of one-fifth of 
 the year. Approximately 35,000 persons a year are killed in 
 American industry; at least half of these deaths, or 17,500, were 
 preventable. 
 
 "Report of Commission on Industrial Relations" to Congress 
 1916, pp. 23-43. 
 
16 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 basis of Christian principles, or leave it to Bolshev- 
 ism to find a solution? 
 
 Is it social justice if, as Mr. Hunter 3 estimated 
 before the War, 4,000,000 persons are dependent 
 upon public relief in the United States, that another 
 4,000,000 are destitute, and that 10,000,000 have an 
 income insufficient to keep them physically effi- 
 cient for their work? As Oliver Cromwell wrote, 
 "If there is anything that makes many poor, and 
 makes a few rich, that suits not a commonwealth." 
 
 In one of the reconstruction meetings held by the 
 allied soldiers in France, in an open debate, one of 
 the soldiers in a camp where the writer was present 
 voiced the sentiments of a small, unprivileged minor- 
 ity as follows: "What are we going to get after the 
 War? We have learned the use of force and bombs, 
 bayonets and rifles, for some purpose. Our real 
 enemy is not Germany but capitalism. We are not 
 going to fight for a shilling a day, and then go back 
 to be taxed all our fives and toil, without a fair living 
 wage, to support the privileged classes. We are going 
 back to fight for our rights just as we fought against 
 Germany." However ignorant or misguided, how- 
 ever wrong the means he advocated, the above 
 speaker represents a class in every country, not only 
 in Germany, Russia, and Britain, but in America as 
 well. If we realize that we are in truth our brother's 
 
 3 Robert Hunter, "Poverty," quoted by Rauschenbusch in 
 "Christianity and the Social Crisis." pp. 247, 263. 
 
EVERYBODY'S WAR 17 
 
 keeper, if we put ourselves in his place, can we 
 honestly say that we would be satisfied if we had to 
 live in his one-room tenement, to look daily in the 
 faces of our own children stunted in their unhealthy 
 surroundings, and to watch them grow up without 
 those privileges in life which others so abundantly 
 enjoy? If not, are we willing to do our part in secur- 
 ing a new social justice that will give every man his 
 rights in Everybody's World? 
 
 Third, a new conception of the democracy of nations. 
 We must believe not only in the inherent worth and 
 rights of individuals but in those of nations as well. 
 If we believe in the fatherhood of God and the 
 brotherhood of man, if we hold that God has made 
 of one blood all nations of men, then it must indeed 
 be Everybody's World. Then there is no such thing 
 as a permanently and essentially inferior race of men. 
 There are backward and undeveloped races. There 
 are immature races not yet come to their majority 
 in self-government. There may be races which have 
 deteriorated through an unfavorable environment. 
 But the raw stuff of humanity is always great. 4 A 
 
 4 Prof. Franz Boas in "The Mind of Primitive Man" says: 
 "We do not need to assume that ancient Europeans were more 
 gifted than other races which have not become exposed to the 
 influence of civilization until recent times . . . The data of 
 anthropology teach a greater tolerance of forms of civilization 
 different from our own, and that we should learn to look upon 
 foreign races with greater sympathy, and with conviction, that, 
 as all races have contributed in the past to the cultural progress 
 in one way or another, so they will be capable of advancing the 
 interests of mankind, if given a fair opportunity." pp. 13, 17,288. 
 
18 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 man or a nation possesses a divine inheritance, an 
 inalienable birthright, a latent though often inartic- 
 ulate longing for liberty, democracy, and righteous- 
 ness. Treitschke's idea of nations, despised because 
 they are small or weak, has been forever discredited 
 by the War. 
 
 Henceforth the temporary government of one 
 people by another must be regarded as a sacred trust 
 for the welfare of the governed. In past times 
 peoples were regarded as the spoil of war. Individ- 
 uals and nations alike could be enslaved. The 
 League of Nations proposes to give a mandate to 
 certain powers which must render a strict account 
 of their stewardship. But all other possessions are 
 under a moral mandate from humanity. Colonies 
 or possessions must be no longer fields for selfish 
 exploitation, but for development toward self-deter- 
 mination. The searchlight of full publicity will be 
 turned with all its fierce glare upon America's 
 administration of the Philippines, upon Japan's re- 
 sponsibility in Korea, upon Britain's relation to India, 
 Egypt, and Ireland, upon the colonies of France, the 
 administration of Turkey and the Near East, the 
 welfare and integrity of China. Neither America, 
 Britain, nor Japan should be allowed to plunder or 
 exploit China, because she is for the moment helpless. 
 Fair protestations and platitudes will no longer hood- 
 wink the public. The world is concerned for justice, 
 not only in the former German colonies, but in all 
 
EVERYBODY'S WAR 19 
 
 colonies. Has the War made us Pharisees and have 
 we believed all our own propaganda? Can any- 
 honest man deny that there are other colonies and 
 possessions governed more unjustly and selfishly 
 than German colonies ever were? As Abraham 
 Lincoln said, "You cannot fool all of the people all 
 of the time." All the exploited peoples must hence- 
 forth have their place in Everybody's World. 
 
 The writer sailed recently past the little harbor 
 in Asia, where Saul of Tarsus, with a message 
 of good news that meant the promise of Chris- 
 tian civilization for barbarous Europe, crossed the 
 strip of water that separates the East from the 
 West, the old world from the new, ancient Asia from 
 modern Europe. Suppose the Apostle Paul had not 
 believed in the latent capacity of all humanity, 
 suppose he had denied the possibility of Everybody's 
 World, or had held that our savage ancestors were 
 not worth saving, where would we and our boasted 
 civilization have been? All the basis of our Christian 
 civilization we owe to others who believed in the 
 worth and innate capacity of all humanity. Now 
 that we have been civilized, educated, enriched, and 
 in a measure Christianized, shall we turn our back 
 upon the less favored nations and races and deny 
 them the same opportunity that was given to us? 
 
 Mankind was created for the common birthright 
 of brotherhood. Those dark races, which in the War 
 were good enough to die for the cause, are good 
 
20 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 enough now to live for it. Apart from India, all 
 British dominions furnished about 1,000,000 men 
 for the War, but India alone furnished 1,250,000, or 
 more than all the others combined. The writer saw 
 the labor battalions of China throughout France 
 from the coast to the trenches, along the British, 
 French, and American fronts, digging trenches, 
 mending shell-torn roads, and handling munitions. 
 Even in the isolated Fiji Islands there is today a 
 vacant chair in nearly every white home, and many 
 of the natives offered almost their entire income to 
 help win the War. Men of more than fifty nation- 
 alities and peoples were fighting in the War. Democ- 
 racy won the War, and it will inherit the earth. 
 The suffering and backward nations must be given 
 their chance in the new order. Because it was every- 
 body's war, it must be Everybody's World. 
 
 Fourth, a new internationalism, founded upon a 
 true nationalism, realizing itself in a new League of 
 Nations, a new world-consciousness, a new belief in 
 world brotherhood. We cannot longer be confined 
 in isolated, water-tight compartments of selfish 
 nationalism. Four years of war brought the whole 
 world together in a common cause as previous 
 centuries had failed to do. Forty millions of young 
 men were drawn together from the cities, towns, 
 and villages of Europe, Asia, Africa, and America. 
 They traversed new lands and seas, new continents 
 of thought and experience; they exchanged new 
 
EVERYBODY'S WAR 21 
 
 ideas. They fought together in France, Italy, 
 Russia, Mesopotamia, Palestine, Egypt, and East 
 Africa. Many entered as boys who returned as men ; 
 they left home as provincials, to return with a 
 cosmopolitan consciousness of Everybody's World. 
 
 The world not only fought together in a com- 
 mon cause; for the first time it thought together 
 and acted together. The resources of the earth 
 were made common property, the harvests of agri- 
 culture, the products of industry, shipping and 
 railways, coal and iron, were all found to belong to 
 Everybody's World. Masses of men learned the 
 value of social control. The individual had to 
 recognize humanity; nationalism had to break its 
 shell and emerge into a world of internationalism. 
 
 The whole trend of human advance in civilization 
 is from the struggle of brute force to the ordered 
 rule of law. We have disarmed the individual, and 
 established in turn the rule of law in the community, 
 the state, and the nation. We must now take the 
 next step which is demanded if the world is to be 
 safe for anything. All our advance is to little purpose, 
 if the whole world is to be plunged into war again 
 and again. Is humanity to live for construction or 
 for destruction? The late war only touched the 
 fringe of the possibilities of scientific destruction. 
 The combatants had just begun to drop high 
 explosive bombs, weighing over a ton, and had 
 gained control of poison gas and incendiary missiles 
 
22 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 which, if further developed, could blot out whole 
 cities and stifle and slay non-combatant populations. 
 We must choose between war and peace, the rule of 
 law and the reign of terror. As we have taxed the 
 whole machinery of civilization to support standing 
 armies and the organized forces of destruction, let 
 us tax our ingenuity, the brain and the man power 
 of civilization, for an era of construction for human 
 welfare. 
 
 No country compared with America has such a 
 position of responsibility or so holds the fate of the 
 world in its hand. Europe stands at a deadlock, 
 where all alike are exposed and involved. No other 
 nation is in such an advantageous position of 
 impartiality and of power. No other nation has 
 claimed higher principles of idealism and of service 
 to humanity. We have proclaimed them from the 
 housetop to the wide world. Now is our testing 
 time to practice or deny them. 
 
 It is true that our isolation lends itself to the 
 supremely selfish opportunity of turning our back 
 upon the world and leaving it to its fate. That 
 depends upon whether we as a nation will choose 
 the principle of selfishness or of service. If we try 
 only to save our own life nationally we shall lose it. 
 We shall find, as surely as did Germany, that the 
 wages of selfishness is death. When the world 
 needed us, without counting the cost we cast in all 
 that we had at the very end to help win the War. 
 
EVERYBODY'S WAR 23 
 
 The world needs us yet more today, though not so 
 obviously, as it did then. Shall we help now to 
 win the world? 
 
 The writer is at the moment on the other side of 
 the planet from America. He is in the midst of 
 these nations of the older and needier half of the 
 world. You of the new world little realize with 
 what longing eyes these peoples turn to us with a 
 great hope for the high idealism which we have 
 proclaimed. Do we mean it and are we going to 
 practice or deny it? These peoples of awakening 
 Asia have been reading the principles proclaimed 
 by Washington, Lincoln, and Wilson. And they 
 have believed them. They know nothing of the 
 strife and vituperation of party politics among us. 
 The world will little note nor long remember what we 
 say now, as between personalities and party politics; 
 but it will never forget what we do now, in our 
 choice between these two eternal principles. Are 
 we to choose nationally our own little world, selfish, 
 sordid, and exclusive, or internationally, God's 
 world, our world, Everybody's World? 
 
 Fifth, if it is to be Everybody's World, with a 
 new faith in the common man, a new social justice 
 at home and abroad, a new conception of the 
 democracy of nations, a new internationalism for 
 the realization of world brotherhood, it must all 
 depend upon the foundation principle, which we have 
 already seen to be the central lesson of the War, that 
 
24 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 life is realized not in selfishness but in service and 
 sacrifice. This is the central lesson not only of the 
 War, but of the world, of all history, and of all life. 
 As we returned from France, three colors lingered 
 in our memory. There was the gold of those endless 
 harvests of ripened wheat. There was the red of the 
 poppies, like blood drops, in the golden grain. There 
 was the white of those forests of crosses, millions of 
 them, that marked the graves of the men who had 
 fallen. Fallen for what? 
 
 "In Flanders fields the poppies blow 
 Between the crosses, row on row, 
 That mark our place; and in the sky 
 The larks still bravely singing, fly, 
 Scarce heard amid the guns below. 
 We are the dead; short days ago 
 We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow, 
 Loved and were loved; and now we lie 
 In Flanders fields. 
 
 Take up our quarrel with the foe! 
 To you from failing hands we throw 
 
 The torch. Be yours to lift it high! 
 
 If ye break faith with us who die 
 We shall not sleep, though poppies blow 
 In Flanders fields." 
 
 " Take up our quarrel with the foe!" We take this 
 challenge from the dead, not as a cry for pagan 
 vengeance — an eye for an eye and a tooth for a 
 tooth — upon a crushed and conquered enemy, but 
 as a call to fulfill the real objects of the War, the 
 
EVERYBODY'S WAR 25 
 
 high aims for which they fought. The whole world 
 today is called to service for worldwide reconstruc- 
 tion. By all the lives laid down, by the strife and 
 travail of nations, by the cry of our brothers' blood 
 from the ground, by all the toil and bloody sweat 
 of our advancing and suffering humanity, by the 
 sacrifice in the very heart of God, by the call of the 
 agony of the whole World War as the Calvary of 
 humanity — if we are men worthy of such sacrifice, 
 let us gird up our loins and rise to build a new world. 
 
 Brothers, if you and I return to the life of sordid 
 selfishness, so far as we are concerned the War was 
 fought in vain. The whole world has suffered in 
 vain for us. All has been lost upon us if we five now 
 for mere pleasure-seeking, or money-grubbing, or 
 money-hoarding, for no great human service. 
 
 Are we now going to live for our petty world, or 
 for Everybody's World, for ourselves or for the 
 welfare of all men? There lies our choice, and this 
 choice will shape our destiny. 
 
 In the fight of the principles we have stated let us 
 now review the great sections of the present world's 
 need as revealed by the War. As we face this 
 challenge of human need and immediate opportunity, 
 do we view it with the narrow and exclusive interests 
 of the self-centered life, or, having all the ultimate 
 power of the universe behind us, with sympathy for a 
 whole human brotherhood, as men ready to live and 
 give, to serve and sacrifice for Everybody's World? 
 
II 
 
 THE NEW NEAR EAST 
 
 In the Near East we are dealing with that portion 
 of the world which has made more history than any- 
 other. Here was the cradle of the race, the seat of 
 man's earliest civilization. As the meeting place of 
 Asia, Africa, and Europe, it contained those centers 
 of ancient civilization from which radiated the life 
 of three continents. It was the birthplace of the 
 three great monotheisms of the world, Judaism, 
 Christianity, and Islam. It gave the world Abraham, 
 Moses, Isaiah, and the Prophets; Jesus of Nazareth, 
 the Apostle Paul, and that Ishmael and iconoclast 
 of history who makes the problem of the Near East 
 today, Muhammad. Here all the scenes of the Old 
 and New Testaments were laid. 
 
 Here were the great battlefields of the world for 
 forty centuries. In our recent journey we passed the 
 Plain of Troy, where Greeks and Trojans fought, and 
 among the scenes of the "Iliad" and the "Odyssey." 
 Here were the ancient empires of Egypt and Babylon, 
 of Assyria and the Hittites, of Persia, Phoenicia, 
 and Greece. From this center Alexander the Great 
 founded his empire and conquered the world. Here 
 in the Near East lay the occasion of the present 
 world catastrophe; and here the most difficult 
 political, racial, and religious problems have been 
 
 26 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 27 
 
 left in the wake of the War. This is the danger zone 
 of the world. 
 
 During the autumn of 1919 the writer made a tour 
 of investigation in this region, overland from Cairo 
 to Constantinople. Our first journey carried us 
 from the Nile to the Euphrates, the two river 
 basins which fed the life of ancient Egypt and 
 Mesopotamia. Here some six thousand years ago 
 were the two sources of civilization which were to 
 make their contribution to other nations, and flow 
 on in gathering volume through Greece, Judaea, and 
 Rome, giving to the world, art, letters, philosophy, 
 religion, and law. 
 
 We stood on the great pyramid of Cheops and 
 recalled the five milleniums of civilization which had 
 flowed at its base. Below us at sunset lay the con- 
 trast which marks the whole Near East, the desert 
 and the river valley, the burning sand and the deep 
 green of the widening delta. Here before us, in 
 parable, were the past and the present, the death of 
 the desert and the life of modern irrigation. Wherever 
 the water of the river flowed there was life. 
 
 We looked down upon the great Sphinx, silent 
 with its secrets of the past, to the modern tramway 
 lines deserted now because of the strikes of the 
 turbulent nationalist uprising of modern Egypt. 
 We crossed the burning sands of the peninsula, and 
 looked away from the black, frowning summit of 
 Sinai to the new railway line which General Allenby 
 
28 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 has pushed across the desert, following the march of 
 modern civilization into Palestine. 
 
 We went up from Gaza and Lydda, by "the way 
 of the Philistines, " through the hills of Judaea to 
 Jerusalem. We stood on the ancient dome of the 
 rock on the summit of Mount Moriah, where 
 Abraham worshiped, and David offered sacrifice, 
 and Solomon built his temple. We moved through 
 the streets of modern Jerusalem, where amid the 
 clash of forces, Jewish, Muslim, and Christian, 
 modern democracy seeks to heal their ancient strife. 
 
 We found Palestine torn with political strife. 
 Three forces are there represented, a minority of 
 Jewish Zionists, a majority of Muslim Arabs, and 
 the representatives of the Christian faith. Un- 
 fortunately, the long centuries of dispersion and 
 persecution do not seem to have taught the Jew his 
 political lesson. The Zionists have proved as intoler- 
 ant of other communities and faiths as they were 
 centuries ago. If their independent rule were set 
 up, there is evidence that there would be an imme- 
 diate massacre of the Jews in Jerusalem and Palestine 
 by the Muslims. There seems to be no substitute 
 for the continuance of the wise British rule which 
 was instituted when General Allenby made his 
 modest entry into the Sacred City. The Kaiser 
 came with pomp, tore down the city wall, opened a 
 new gate for his triumphal entry, and erected a 
 pretentious palace on the Mount of Olives. General 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 29 
 
 Allenby entered the city simply, on foot. He 
 immediately gave the largest religious and political 
 liberty to all classes of the community. An abundant 
 water supply has been flowing into Jerusalem for the 
 first time in its history, without money and without 
 price. The British have given to Palestine in the 
 last twelve months more good government and 
 progress than has Turkish misrule in the last twelve 
 centuries. 
 
 We stood above Damascus, old when Abraham 
 entered the promised land, where the long caravans 
 from Mecca and Bagdad were still bringing their 
 wares. We looked out over the valley to the road 
 where the Apostle Paul entered the city blinded by 
 his new vision, and to the modern camps and 
 barracks of the soldiers of France and the Arab 
 Hedjas from Mecca, both desiring the control of 
 Syria and of Damascus as its strategic city. 
 
 We went down from Aleppo over the Berlin to 
 Bagdad Railway and crossed the Euphrates into 
 Mesopotamia. The Oxford archeologist, Major 
 Wooley, showed us over the excavations of the 
 ancient Hittite civilization, with its temples and 
 palaces, its carvings and inscriptions dating back 
 some 4,000 years, and over the scene of the battle of 
 Carchemish between Pharaoh Necho and Nebuchad- 
 nezzar in 604 B.C. (cf. Jeremiah 46). But the 
 Oxford archeologist is now the British political 
 officer representing the force that is pacifying and 
 
30 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 reconciling the wild Kurds and Arabs, and opening 
 up ancient Mesopotamia as the modern granary of 
 the East and a future outlet for India's overcrowded 
 population. 
 
 We traveled over the new Bagdad Railway line, 
 with its permanent stone stations, its engines and 
 cars bearing the names of the great manufacturing 
 centers of Germany. We passed the wrecks of 
 hundreds of German motor transport and supply 
 trucks. The dream of a route to Bagdad as the 
 monopoly of Prussia is being utilized, by a strange 
 providence, for the opening of the Near East as the 
 highway of modern democracy. We found the 
 Euphrates bridge, as indeed most of Nearer Asia, 
 held by the Sikhs, Pathans, and Gurkhas of India. 
 
 From Palestine to Mesopotamia we followed the 
 old caravan route over which Abraham entered the 
 promised land, and where for centuries the traffic of 
 the East has slowly wended its way. Today the rail- 
 way through the Near East is pushing on to Bagdad. 
 In our own day we probably shall be able to board 
 a train in Paris — or London when the Channel 
 tunnel is complete — and go, via Constantinople and 
 Bagdad, through the Himalayas to Calcutta; or, 
 across three continents through Constantinople and 
 Cairo to the Cape in South Africa; or, across Central 
 Asia through Bokhara to Shanghai and Peking. 
 
 On our journey from Aleppo we passed northward 
 over the grand Taurus mountains with their Cilician 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 31 
 
 gates, across Asia Minor, through Adana and the 
 region of the Armenian massacres. At last we 
 arrived at Constantinople, and found it the crux 
 and center of the problems that baffle and divide 
 the modern, as they did the ancient world. 
 
 One afternoon we stood on the old Seraglio Point 
 with its proud palace of the Sultans. Before us lay 
 the great city of Constantinople and about us on 
 three sides the beautiful Bosphorus, the Golden 
 Horn, and the Sea of Marmora. We had sipped 
 Turkish coffee from the set of the Sultans in the 
 Palace, and had looked over their portraits, from 
 Osman the founder, down the long line of conquerors 
 and rulers, ending with that of Abdul Hamid "the 
 assassin." Behind us a mass of cloud hung black 
 over the western sky, like the dark pall which has 
 for centuries overshadowed the Muslim East. There 
 stood the ancient walls and towering battlements of 
 this city that was the bulwark of European civiliza- 
 tion for a thousand years, and proudly withstood 
 more than twenty sieges. 
 
 Behind us lay the wreck of the dark past. But, on 
 a sudden, the sun broke through the clouds, the 
 black Bosphorus was blue again, and full in the sun- 
 light, across the water, on the Asiatic shore, shone 
 out the Florence Nightingale Hospital, and down 
 the Bosphorus the towers of Robert College and the 
 magnificent buildings of the American College for 
 Girls, the Anglo-Saxon outposts of philanthropy and 
 
32 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 education heralding the dawn of a new day for the 
 Near East. There in the contrast between the black 
 cloud bank and the sunlit city, with its golden 
 domes, we saw in parable the contrast between the 
 old autocracy of the Sultans and the new demo- 
 cracy, between the old militarism and the new 
 freedom, the materialism of might and the spiritual 
 power of right. 
 
 This last promontory and outpost of Europe was 
 the site of Greek Byzantium for a thousand years, 
 from the seventh century B.C. After 330 A.D., 
 when Constantine made it the capital of the Roman 
 Empire, it became the most significant city on earth. 
 It was long the "queen city" of Europe. For eight 
 centuries it was the center of the civilization of 
 the West and of the world's highest life. Here met 
 the great councils of the Church and near by were 
 formulated the creeds of Christendom. Here the 
 Emperor Justinian erected the matchless cathedral 
 of St. Sophia, probably the greatest edifice for 
 Christian worship in the world. Here Chrysostom 
 preached. Constantinople soon became the center 
 of "Roman" law, art, culture, and wealth. 
 
 We stood on the massive walls and ramparts of the 
 city around which have fought the armies of Alex- 
 ander and Demosthenes, Persians, Greeks, Huns, 
 Tartars, Slavs, Crusaders, and Turks in turn. Even 
 when it fell in 1453, its scholars and the scattered 
 manuscripts of its libraries became the seed of the 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 33 
 
 Renascence for the awakening of Europe. It is 
 still the great queen city lying partly in Europe, 
 partly in Asia, with its splendid harbor which can 
 float a thousand ships. It is the world's strategic 
 capital, joining two continents, two seas, two 
 civilizations. Rising or falling, Constantinople has 
 often been the world's pivot of destiny, the city of 
 fate. It was the bulwark of Christendom in the 
 Middle Ages. When the Muslims took the throne 
 of the Caesars it became the center of the Muhamma- 
 dan world. Its decay made it the crux of the ' ' Eastern 
 question, " in the clash of thought and habit between 
 Orient and Occident, the Eastern and Western 
 Church, Christianity and Islam, the medieval and 
 the modern world. It became the goal alike of Pan- 
 Germanism and of Pan-Slavism. It was long the 
 center of trade between the East and the West, but 
 its fall to Islam left it stagnant on the back waters 
 of the world, and drove Columbus and Vasco da 
 Gama to the sea route to India, the discovery of 
 America, and the opening of Africa. Thus the fall of 
 Constantinople led to the strangulation of Nearer 
 Asia, but the new Bagdad railway is opening it up 
 once more as the world's great overland highway of 
 the past and of the future. As Sir William Ramsay 
 well says : "Constantinople is the center about which 
 the world's history revolves. It is the bridge that 
 binds together the East and the West, the old to the 
 new civilization, which must be brought into harmony 
 
34 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 before the culmination of all civilization can appear, 
 bringing peace on earth, good will to men. " 
 
 In the thirteenth century the small and obscure 
 tribe of Ottoman Turks, under their leader Osman, 
 rose up in Asia Minor. From the year 1300, when 
 Osman assumed the title of Sultan, the Turks swept 
 on in their career of conquest until they were finally 
 seated on the Byzantine throne." Their fighting 
 forces were the Janissaries, largely sons of Christians 
 whom they had captured. By intermarriage with 
 these conquered races, their original Asiatic Tartar 
 blood became prevailingly Caucasian and European. 
 Thus the better families of Turks at present are 
 white. The Ottomans today are supposed to number 
 only some ten millions, the majority being found in 
 Anatolia, in ancient Asia Minor. The remarkable 
 influence gained by the Ottoman Turks was largely 
 due to their possession of Constantinople with its 
 great inheritance; but it was at once their glory and 
 their undoing. The Sultan became the " Caliph," 
 or successor of the prophet Muhammad, and the 
 Arab was succeeded by the Turk. The capture of 
 the city marked the beginning of their decadence, 
 but the protection of Britain and the Concert of 
 Europe, in upholding the Turk as a buffer against 
 the menace of Russian autocracy, saved their 
 empire from collapse. 
 
 Turkish misrule culminated in the reign of Abdul 
 Hamid, whom Mr. Gladstone called ''Abdul the 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 35 
 
 Damned," the man who was responsible for the 
 death or violation of over a million human beings, 
 and who has a fair claim to be ranked among the 
 greatest destroyers of the human race. In his own 
 person he " embodied all the spiritual despair, all the 
 moral decadence, all the physical degeneracy for 
 which his regime stood." 
 
 The Turks conquered what had once been the 
 richest empire in the world, but they have made it a 
 waste. Their rule for five centuries has been one of 
 destruction, seldom one of construction. After long 
 trial they have finally proved that they cannot 
 govern other races. They have been weighed in the 
 balances of civilization and found wanting. In the 
 seventeenth century their rule was one of wild dis- 
 order, lawlessness, and oppression. In the eighteenth 
 indifference alternated with fanatical massacre. 
 During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries 
 their persistent oppression has flamed out in at least 
 six great massacres. We are compelled to recall 
 these in order that we may rightly appraise the 
 Turk's claim to self-determination now. 
 
 In 1820-30 occurred the hideous massacres of the 
 Greeks in Chios and Smyrna, and the cruel oppres- 
 sion of Greece itself. 
 
 In 1827, the Turks sold 40^000 of their subjects 
 into slavery, and thousands of others were killed. 
 Constantinople became the great slave market of 
 the world. 
 
36 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 In 1876 came the Bulgarian massacres, when 
 12,000 were killed in more than sixty villages. 
 
 In 1895-6 nearly 200,000 Armenians were done 
 to death. These atrocities called Gladstone from 
 retirement at the age of eighty-six to protest against 
 them. For the next twenty years massacres never 
 wholly ceased. 
 
 In 1909 Abdul Hamid again tried to exterminate 
 the Armenians, his order to kill the Christians being 
 read in the mosques. Some 200 villages were 
 attacked and over 20,000 Christians were killed. 
 We saw the Christian quarter which was destroyed 
 at Adana, where Armenians were shot down as they 
 tried to escape from the burning buildings, and the 
 American missionaries Maurer and Rodgers were 
 deliberately killed, without their government calling 
 any one to account, though the murderers were well 
 krjown. 
 
 In 1915, during the War, the Young Turks de- 
 ported, murdered, and starved to death some 
 800,000. They then had a really free hand, and for 
 the first time in two centuries the Christians were 
 completely at their mercy. They boasted that they 
 "had done more in three months than Abdul Hamid 
 in thirty years." 
 
 A full account of this effort to exterminate a whole 
 nation will be found in the report of Lord Bryce on 
 "The Treatment of Armenians in the Ottoman Em- 
 pire." Conservative and fair as it is, it is one of the 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 37 
 
 most terrible documents in history. It is confirmed 
 in "Ambassador Morgenthau's Story." If any one 
 is still incredulous he should read the revelations in 
 the German account, "The Armenian Massacres, 
 the Secret Report of Johannes Lepsius." 
 
 All agree upon the main facts. The Young Turks 
 had decided upon the murder of a nation. Two 
 million Armenians were to be deported to the Syrian 
 desert to die. The highways of Turkey were crowded, 
 as the long-suffering Armenians were driven from 
 the homes to which they had clung for 2,500 years. 
 At one point 800,000 exiles were registered as having 
 passed. The prisons were opened and criminals were 
 turned upon the helpless throngs. "The Turkish 
 roughs would fall upon the women, leaving them 
 sometimes dead from their experiences or sometimes 
 ravingly insane." Of one convoy of 18,000 from 
 Harpoot only 150 finally reached Aleppo. "What 
 had been a procession of normal human beings, be- 
 came a stumbling horde of dust-covered skeletons, 
 ravenously looking for scraps of food, eating any 
 offal that came their way, prodded on by the whips 
 and clubs and bayonets of their executioners." 
 
 Mr. Morgenthau tells us that the Committee of 
 Union and Progress met each night to find new and 
 more diabolical means of torture for their Armenian 
 subjects. At times even refined women were driven 
 naked in gangs, and any college professor or person 
 of influence was treated with especial cruelty. ' ' They 
 
38 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 would pull out his eyebrows and beard, almost hair 
 by hair. They would extract his finger nails; they 
 would apply red hot irons to his breast, tear off his 
 flesh with red hot pincers, and then pour boiled 
 butter into the wounds. While the sufferer writhed 
 in agony they would cry, 'Now let your Christ come 
 and help you.'" 1 Does the whole history of the 
 human race contain another such episode? It is the 
 climax of centuries of Turkish misrule of subject 
 Christian races. 
 
 As we crossed Turkey from Aleppo to Adana, 
 Konia, and Constantinople, everywhere we saw signs 
 of the recent massacres. We went through orphan- 
 ages with their thousands of children whose parents 
 had perished. We can never forget that scene at 
 Aleppo as we picked our way among several thou- 
 sand refugees sleeping upon the ground in the moon- 
 light. Here were shattered families, returning by 
 ones and twos and threes from the desert to which 
 they had been driven. Five-sixths of the men had 
 been killed. In one family of seventy-one relatives, 
 only three were left alive. Daily as we passed 
 through the cities of Turkey, girls were being rescued 
 from Muslim homes. There was that fine of little 
 girls at Adana, diseased, pregnant, and tattooed for 
 life by their Arab captors. We saw girls of eight and 
 nine who had been violated and infected. We saw 
 Christian schools and orphanages where every girl 
 
 1 "Ambassador Morgenthau's Story," p. 306. 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 39 
 
 had been rescued from the Turk. These girls had 
 been handed over to the brothels and to the rabble 
 by the direct order of the government. This was 
 the last act of the educated Young Turks, who had 
 proclaimed in 1908 their constitution of "liberty, 
 justice, equality, and fraternity." And these are 
 the people who are now clamoring in the press for 
 self-determination, and who want no foreign man- 
 date. Talaat, Enver, and Djemal, the criminals who 
 so successfully sought to exterminate their Christian 
 subjects, are still at large and unpunished, ready to 
 play their part in the new "Democracy." 
 
 No other massacres in modern history can com- 
 pare with those of the Turk. The massacre of the 
 Albigenses only rose to 60,000; that of the Protes- 
 tant Huguenots in France on St. Bartholomew's Day 
 to 30,000; the Spanish Inquisition under Torque- 
 mada to 8,000; the number of Jews deported from 
 Spain to 160,000; the number killed under the Prus- 
 sian occupation of Belgium, to about 5,000; while 
 here in Turkey some 800,000 have been destroyed. 
 
 This is only the consistent climax of centuries of 
 misrule. But it is not the end. All over Anatolia 
 today we found the Turks armed and the Armenians 
 in imminent danger. The question is, shall the 
 world be hoodwinked again? A four-fold cycle has 
 repeated itself for centuries : (1) Bitter dissatisfaction 
 with Turkish misrule among the subject Christian 
 populations, leading to aspiration for political liberty 
 
40 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 and justice; (2) Turkish massacres and atrocities; 
 (3) European interference, followed by Turkish 
 promises of reform; (4) temporary cessation of 
 hostilities, while the fires smolder until the next out- 
 break. 
 
 In a word, every case of Turkish rule on three con- 
 tinents has been followed by a decline of prosperity 
 and the crushing of subject races in their power, and 
 every instance of release, by a rise in prosperity and 
 culture. The question now is, Have we learned no 
 lesson from these five centuries, and has the War 
 been fought in vain so far as Turkey is concerned? 
 
 If these centuries of misrule are the greatest blot 
 upon the pages of modern history, who must bear 
 the blame? It is idle to make a few individuals, like 
 Abdul Hamid and the leaders of the Committee of 
 Union and Progress, wholly responsible. Thousands 
 took part in the atrocities, Young Turks or old 
 Turks; for centuries this story has been repeated, 
 and at no time have Christian people been in greater 
 danger than at the present moment in Turkey. Does 
 the cause lie inherent in the Turkish people or in 
 their religion? 
 
 It would be a mistake to suppose that the Turks 
 as a race are naturally vicious and depraved. Like 
 all races, they are largely the product of their en- 
 vironment. Their faults are sociological rather than 
 biological, accidental rather than inherent. The 
 bravery of the Turks as fighters has always been 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 41 
 
 acknowledged, and nowhere more than at Gallipoli. 
 They are, on the whole, good-natured and peaceable. 
 The vast mass of them belong to the sober, hard- 
 working peasantry, wedded to the soil in Asia Minor, 
 where they are by turns active and indolent, merci- 
 ful and cruel. Where Turkish students meet on a 
 basis of equality in competition with the other 
 students of the Near East, they are not to be de- 
 spised as regards either bravery, courtesy, cleanli- 
 ness, skill in athletics, intellectual ability as students, 
 or other qualities. As a people, the Turks are clean, 
 sober, obedient, well disciplined, contented, and rev- 
 erent. The raw stuff of humanity is always great, 
 and of no race is this more true than of the Turks. 
 Like every other people they have been dominated 
 by their religion, and they have long dwelt under the 
 influence of Islam. What has been its effect upon 
 them? Has it made them truthful? Has it given 
 them moral character and discipline? Has it made 
 them tolerant or capable of ruling others with justice? 
 Has it promoted education and progress? Why is it 
 that wherever the Turk has conquered, oppression 
 begins and civilization degenerates? We believe the 
 answer is to be found in his religion. 
 
 In seeking to estimate the influence of Islam, let 
 us gladly admit its good qualities. It has stood for 
 a bold and consistent monotheism in the midst of 
 idolatry. It has lifted to a higher level the divided 
 and degraded polytheists of Arabia and the savage 
 
42 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 cannibals of Africa. It has united a wide Muslim 
 fraternity, democratic within its own community. 
 By its stern law and its promise of rewards and 
 punishments it has held men to a certain moral 
 standard. It has called its followers to prayer and 
 worship, without fear or shame, all over the world. 
 It has produced a deep and devout mysticism among 
 an earnest minority. It has taught temperance and 
 inculcated an obedience, an enthusiasm, and a 
 missionary zeal that put many indifferent Christians 
 to shame. 
 
 But truth compels us to mention the inherent 
 defects both in its theory and in its practice. God 
 is not a loving Father in Heaven, but a benevolent 
 despot, a " Sultan in the sky." 2 Man is a submissive 
 slave, without the glad sense of sonship. He is under 
 a hard legalism with no good news of redemption. 
 He is in subjection to the absolute despotism of the 
 Caliph, or successor of the Prophet, without the 
 liberty of representative government. If an un- 
 believer, he may be tolerated in slavery, or treated 
 kindly as one would treat a pet dog, but he has no 
 rights of citizenship or of justice before an equal 
 law. In Turkey, with no separation of the state 
 from religion, he has no liberty of conscience to 
 choose or change his religion. 
 
 Islam teaches propaganda by the sword, not by 
 
 2 See "The Riddle of Nearer Asia/' pp. 72-79, by Basil 
 Mathews, to whom we are indebted in this chapter. 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 43 
 
 a cross of sacrifice. It tends to be fixed and immo- 
 bile and it has petrified progress. It has cast its 
 deepest shadow over womanhood, in its sanction of 
 polygamy, concubinage, and unlimited divorce. It 
 has made many a home a harem. It has made provi- 
 sion for the lust of the flesh and at times has sanc- 
 tioned immorality. It teaches the Jihad, or holy 
 war, for the extermination of the unbeliever who 
 dares resist, and has substituted massacre for mercy. 
 
 The one problem of Nearer Asia is Islam. And the 
 fruit of Islam is — Turkey. A deep melancholy falls 
 upon us as we contemplate this blight upon the 
 peoples of the Near East, with all their splendid 
 potentiality. All Nearer Asia bears witness that 
 Islam always finds, or makes, a desert. As the Bul- 
 garian proverb says, "Grass dies under the Turkish 
 hoof." 
 
 Under Turkish rule, we saw Palestine, the land of 
 milk and honey, with its once terraced vineyards and 
 olive orchards, now a waste for wandering Bedouins. 
 We saw Mesopotamia, once the garden of Babylon 
 and the granary of the East, now a stretch of fever 
 swamps and a wilderness for jackals, under Turkish 
 neglect. We journeyed over Asia Minor among the 
 scenes of the Apostle Paul, the herald of European 
 civilization. There lay the wastes of Ephesus and 
 Iconium, and the grandeur of the past crumbled in 
 dust amid the filth of modern Turkish cities, where 
 on the fertile and once rich plateau of Anatolia only 
 
44 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 one-twentieth of the land is under cultivation. From 
 Cairo to Constantinople one sees the wreck of the 
 Turkish Empire, only redeemed where Britain or 
 some other foreign power has undertaken responsi- 
 bility. We found need in China, poverty and famine 
 in India, but personally we have seen nowhere on 
 earth such corruption and bad government as in 
 Turkey. 
 
 One of two forces must dominate the Near East: 
 the law of Islam, or the principles of Jesus Christ; 
 the sword of force, or the cross of sacrifice. Side by 
 side with the sway of Muhammadanism, a new force 
 has quietly entered Turkey — that of vital Chris- 
 tianity. 
 
 Christian philanthropy in the Near East has al- 
 ready established a long and noble record. As early 
 as the thirteenth century, Raymond Lull, perse- 
 cuted, imprisoned, and banished, was finally stoned 
 to death, in his eightieth year, dying in 1325 as the 
 first martyr of the Muslims. Henry Martyn laid 
 down his life for them at Tokat in Turkey in 1812. 
 In 1819 the American Board sent out two mission- 
 aries to the Near East, while Smyrna and Beirut 
 were entered in 1820, and Constantinople in 1821. 
 The American Board has undertaken responsibility 
 for Turkey and Bulgaria; the Presbyterian Board 
 for Syria and Persia, and the Methodists have 
 carried on work in Serbia. A chain of American 
 colleges and high schools has been established 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 45 
 
 across the Near East, like great lighthouses in the 
 center of darkness. 
 
 We visited Robert College in Constantinople, 
 standing above the Bosphorus in full view of the 
 city. It has done a wonderful work of reconstruc- 
 tion in the Turkish Empire, and is sending leaders 
 throughout the entire Near East. The graduates of 
 this college have been prominent in almost every 
 cabinet and progressive enterprise in Bulgaria in the 
 last two decades. Its graduates are leaders among 
 the young Greeks, Armenians, and Turks. We also 
 saw the Syrian Protestant College in Beirut, with 
 nearly 1,000 students, which is exercising such a re- 
 markable influence. 
 
 These colleges are on a level with our American 
 universities in efficiency. Their faculties of science 
 and medicine are producing the doctors and sanitary 
 experts so needed in Turkey. Those of engineering, 
 history, law, and theology are sending out railway 
 builders, teachers and professors, professional men, 
 officials, and ministers — men with anew moral charac- 
 ter, a spiritual message, and a leadership that is the 
 supreme need in this period of reconstruction. 
 
 The American College for Girls in Constantinople 
 is training the teachers, the reformers, the mothers 
 of the new womanhood of Turkey. The colleges 
 in Harpoot, Aintab, Marsovan, Tarsus, Smyrna, 
 and the other strategic centers of the Near East are 
 the hope of its future. Gladstone wrote, "The 
 
46 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 American missions in Turkey have done more good 
 to the inhabitants of that country than has all 
 Europe combined." Rear Admiral Chester of the 
 American Navy said: "The eight colleges, the forty- 
 four high schools, and the three hundred common 
 schools of the educational system of the American 
 missions have left the masses with high ideals, the 
 knowledge of true institutions, and longings for 
 better government." 
 
 The forces of vital Christianity are being brought 
 to bear upon the Near East along four converging 
 lines. There are these American colleges and schools 
 which, as we have shown, are training the Christian 
 leaders of the new Turkey. There are the hospitals 
 and the work of relief for the starving refugees, as a 
 practical demonstration of Christian philanthropy. 
 There are the churches, which must furnish the 
 radiating centers of the new life and its message of 
 hope. And there is the Young Men's Christian 
 Association, as a rallying center, uniting the gradu- 
 ates of the colleges and the leaders of the divided and 
 unrelated churches, endeavoring to develop a Chris- 
 tian nucleus, through which to reach and help non- 
 Christian young men. It may thus furnish a bridge 
 or connecting link between Christians and non- 
 Christians, and reach, by its many lines of approach 
 and practical helpfulness, prejudiced classes of young 
 men who would not dare to enter any church. 
 
 Most of all we were impressed by the heroic work 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 47 
 
 of the missionaries. Here is a single typical ex- 
 ample. At Konia, the turbulent center of modern 
 Turkey, the site of ancient Iconium, where the 
 Apostle Paul escaped with his life, we found a cheer- 
 ful and indomitable American woman, Miss Cush- 
 man. Of powerful frame and Napoleonic character, 
 she is unconsciously, but not unworthily, a successor 
 of the great Apostle who labored here. For many 
 years she has lived out her religion, with an influence 
 that has radiated far and wide through the whole 
 countryside. For two years during the War she 
 stood alone and faced the forces of destruction that 
 raged around her. The Turkish governor had just 
 arrived, fresh from the slaughter of 25,000 victims 
 in Sivas, and still thirsting for blood. Thousands of 
 Armenian exiles were passing through the city as 
 they were driven to the desert. For months, an 
 average of 30,000 at a time were on her hands, often 
 half starving. As she followed the convoys she found 
 the dead left unburied, and vultures following the 
 stragglers. Here were dogs eating little children, 
 and old women, unable to walk, crawling about look- 
 ing for scraps of food or offal. 
 
 As fresh convoys arrived, the Government was un- 
 willing that they should be fed or kept alive by her, 
 and tried to thwart her efforts. At night soldiers 
 and ruffians prowled about the camps of refugees 
 carrying off young girls by hundreds. Most of them 
 never returned. All night the exiles watched in 
 
48 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 terror to protect their children. For a year these 
 deportations continued. Five times Miss Cushman's 
 life was threatened, and once she was dragged to the 
 police station at night, but was rescued at the last 
 moment. At the price of one of her buildings she 
 purchased her life from the governor. But she 
 would not escape to safety and leave her Christian 
 girls to the wolves of lust. No girl over eight years 
 of age was safe. At the risk of her own life she pro- 
 tected hundreds in secret. 
 
 When all others had fled she remained at her post. 
 She received and cared for the British prisoners from 
 Kut, who had been driven across the desert, robbed, 
 knifed, and done to death. Even when they reached 
 her hospital they died of dysentery by scores. Dur- 
 ing the latter part of the War she was acting as consul 
 for thirteen nationalities, conducting their corres- 
 pondence and caring for their prisoners. With one 
 hand she administered a fund of over $1,000,000 for 
 the relief of the prisoners and citizens of these thir- 
 teen nations — Britain, France, Russia, Italy, and 
 the rest — while with the other, she distributed with 
 consummate ability nearly an equal amount in relief 
 for starving Armenians, Greeks, and other Chris- 
 tians. We saw the churches, schools, orphanages, 
 hospitals, and relief institutions which she is con- 
 ducting today. We saw the forces of destruction, 
 rapine, and robbery about her, and then saw her 
 with her assistants marshaling her little army of 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 49 
 
 orphans from the wreck of slaughtered families, 
 teaching, drilling, instructing them in vocational 
 training, and heroically trying to build up a new and 
 better Turkey out of the havoc of centuries. 
 
 Her troubles are not yet over. Even as we write, 
 she is living on the thin crust of a volcano. The 
 Turks of the whole countryside are armed. They 
 have marked down the "ungrateful" Armenians. 
 Murders are occurring quietly all the time. Alone this 
 woman faces a population of some 70,000 and an armed 
 countryside, backed only by seventy-one good stal- 
 wart "Tommies " of the British Army. But she and 
 they keep order. Across the length and breadth of 
 Asia and Africa such little handfuls of British and 
 Indian soldiers are keeping the peace of the world 
 today. It is yet to be seen whether America will lift 
 a hand to restore law and order in any part of the 
 world that is not provincially her own, or whether 
 she will decide that "it does not pay." 
 
 It is the fashion in some quarters to speak with 
 complacent patronage or contempt of "these mission- 
 aries," but, like this brave woman, they are the out- 
 posts of spiritual empire, the heralds of law and 
 order and good government, of philanthropy, sani- 
 tation, education, civilization. The question is, 
 Shall we back up this modern apostle and the 
 little handful of our representatives who are try- 
 ing to make the Near East a part of Everybody's 
 World? 
 
50 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 On the one hand Mustapha Kemal is already- 
 marshaling 30,000 armed Turks for the next massa- 
 cre. On the other, we see the thousands of orphans 
 all over Turkey being trained by the missionary 
 forces of construction, for a higher civilization. We 
 see the decimated churches of Marsovan, without 
 one pastor or priest left alive after the massacres, 
 trying to reorganize their life; the schools and col- 
 leges reassembling, with many of their teachers and 
 professors missing. Which of these forces is to 
 triumph in Turkey? The answer may depend upon 
 whether America will establish a just government 
 and give the forces of construction a chance. Up 
 to the time of the War, although some thousands of 
 Muhammadans in India had become Christians 
 under a free government, no single convert from 
 Islam in Turkey was allowed to live openly as a 
 Christian in his own home. 
 
 The people of Turkey today, however, are show- 
 ing signs of a change of attitude. Before the revolu- 
 tion of 1908 few Muslims dared attend a Christian 
 institution. As we left Turkey, the Muslims were 
 beseeching the missionaries to take their children into 
 their already overcrowded schools. Nine-tenths of 
 the Muslim women on the streets now walk 
 unveiled, and the women are taking things into 
 their own hands and are leading the way in reforms. 
 Given a good government, we shall now witness a 
 decade of advance in the whole lif e of Turkey. 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 51 
 
 We traveled in the train with a broad-minded 
 young Muslim who shows the influence upon him 
 of both Christianity and Islam. He was a professor 
 in the Imperial Ottoman University, and was ban- 
 ished by the Committee of Union and Progress. 
 
 In answer to our questions, the young man frank- 
 ly stated his position : 
 
 "Turkey is in a sad state today, because she made 
 the fatal blunder of entering the War against the 
 Allies, who were her best friends. Indeed all Mu- 
 hammadan countries are today backward and un- 
 progressive. The Committee of Union and Progress 
 are real Bolshevists who betrayed Turkey. The 
 only hope for our country is for America or England 
 to take the mandate, for the Turks have shown that 
 they cannot govern themselves, and if the mandate 
 is given to Turkey they will allow no religious 
 liberty, and fresh massacres will at once begin. We 
 should prefer a mandate from America, because she 
 is disinterested and would encourage us in self- 
 government as soon as we were capable of it. 
 
 "Turkey greatly needs the moral earnestness of 
 Anglo-Saxon education today; that of the Latin 
 countries is too frivolous and worldly. Religiously 
 I believe both in Muhammad and in Christ as the 
 Sinless Prophet. Spiritually I would place Him 
 above Muhammad who, in fact, confessed his own 
 shortcomings. I am a Muhammadan because of 
 geography. From my father I received my ideas, 
 traditions, and religion. " 
 
 This young Muslim is exceedingly anxious to 
 study in America. We heard him sing a Christian 
 
52 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 hymn, and saw his life unconsciously influenced by 
 Christian principles. He is typical of a growing 
 class in Turkey. 
 
 If we may judge from the analogy of India and 
 other countries, three things will result from the 
 contact between Christianity and Islam: (1) There 
 will be a number of individuals who will come out 
 boldly and become Christians. (2) Eclectic systems 
 and halfway houses will be formed, like the Brahmo 
 Samaj in India, or Bahaism in Persia and Syria, 
 where men will try to draw the best from both 
 religions, seeking to repudiate the evils of Islam 
 and to lead in various reform movements. (3) Islam 
 itself will undergo radical changes. There will 
 inevitably take place, spontaneously or forcibly, the 
 much needed separation of church and state. Islam 
 will have to face the disintegrating forces of modern- 
 ism, of scientific education, of historical criticism of 
 the Quran and of the life and moral standards of 
 Muhammad. It will have to readjust itself to the 
 modern world without the power of the Caliph's 
 sword, or the prestige of political rule over subject 
 races. With new liberty, many will rise to higher 
 standards of life. 
 
 It is held by most, Muslims and Christians alike, 
 that Islam will not and cannot be reformed. It is 
 our belief that it can and will. It has already changed 
 in many ways, and is even now rapidly undergoing 
 modification, but the years after the War will bring 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 53 
 
 the most sweeping changes of all. However unsatis- 
 factory it may be from a Christian standpoint, we see 
 nothing to prevent a reformed Islam from becoming an 
 eclectic unitarianism, receiving most of its higher 
 spiritual ideals from Christianity, but still calling 
 itself Islam. Those Muslims will believe, with a recent 
 writer, in "a living and a loving God." They may 
 even claim, with modern Hindus, that the essence of 
 their religion is "the Fatherhood of God and the 
 Brotherhood of Man," although the idea of divine 
 fatherhood and sonship is now so repugnant to them, 
 because carnally conceived of. They will deal 
 leniently with the practices of Muhammad, as we 
 do with those of David. They may outgrow poly- 
 gamy, as in Old Testament times. They will re- 
 pudiate slavery, and the slaughter of unbelievers, as 
 we do the Spanish inquisition and the burning of 
 witches. They may take the character and teaching 
 of Jesus as the higher spiritual source of their religion. 
 They will undoubtedly institute reforms for the 
 emancipation of women and for the purification of 
 home life and the social order. The result would be 
 a unitarian combination of Christian principles and 
 of reformed Islam. This we have already seen taking 
 place in the lives of Muhammadan inquirers both 
 in India and in Turkey. One thing is certain, Islam 
 must change or die. 
 
 Before considering the question of the mandate 
 for Turkey, let us note the condition of the country. 
 
54 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 Ancient Asia Minor, or modern Anatolia and Armenia, 
 consists for the most part of a high plateau with great 
 agricultural and mineral wealth, and a good climate. 
 It has an area of about 200,000 square miles, equal 
 to Wyoming and Colorado, with a population of 
 about 11,000,000, although it could sustain many 
 times that number. We were surprised to find that it 
 resembled our best western states in America, with 
 wide, fertile, unfenced fields, lying level to the foot of 
 the blue mountains. It was dotted with a few villages 
 surrounded by abundant harvests, the oxen tread- 
 ing out the corn on the primitive threshing floors. 
 We saw harvests of corn, wheat, and tobacco, and 
 orchards of delicious fruit, on the small portion of 
 land that is at present utilized after centuries of 
 neglect and bad government. 
 
 The peasants follow the same primitive methods 
 of agriculture as those described here by Xenophon 
 in the "Anabasis." But the land is admirably 
 adapted to modern machinery, and we saw the first 
 great tractor ploughs in use. In minerals, the country 
 is rich in copper and iron, and especially in coal. 
 Turkey has abundant undeveloped resources. Her 
 debt is not great, and if it were fairly divided between 
 all parts of her empire, she would emerge from the 
 War financially almost next to the United States 
 in the proportion of her resources to her liabilities. 
 The country will pay for itself if any honest nation 
 unselfishly takes the mandate. It would rise with a 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 55 
 
 bound under good government, as did Egypt under 
 Lord Cromer's regime. Although loans would have 
 to be advanced, it would pay all costs, and after a 
 generation it would be able to stand on its own feet, 
 a resource and not a liability to the world, a credit 
 instead of the world's disgrace. 
 
 Two parties are crystallizing in Turkey, the Nation- 
 alists and the Conservatives. The Nationalists 
 contain many of the old progressive party, who 
 repudiate the crimes of the Committee of Union 
 and Progress, although it is to be feared that danger- 
 ous Young Turks are altogether too powerful an 
 element. They have recently held three conferences 
 in different parts of Turkey and are asking that Amer- 
 ica should take the mandate for the country. One 
 section of this party has sent a strong request for an 
 American mandate. 
 
 The Conservative Party is that of the Sultan and 
 the Sheik ul Islam, the religious leaders and reaction- 
 aries. They want to strengthen Islam and dominate 
 it from Constantinople. They desire Turkey for 
 the Turks, and hope to pass the present crisis, as 
 they have so many others, by repeating the old empty 
 promises of reform. They are also backed by certain 
 foreign influences. 
 
 The one supreme question of the day is, What is 
 to be done with Turkey? The welfare of the Near 
 East and the peace of the world are concerned in the 
 answer. Four plans are proposed, an American man- 
 
56 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 date, a British mandate, a Turkish mandate, or 
 Turkey divided among the powers. Of the four 
 proposals, we believe that the first — that of an 
 American mandate — would be best for Turkey, for 
 America herself, and for the welfare of the world, 
 which must suffer if Turkey is misgoverned. 
 
 In the opinion of representative Englishmen, there 
 are strong reasons against a British mandate. Great 
 Britain has already undertaken all that she can do. 
 While India is surging with a new nationalism, 
 England has established a protectorate over turbu- 
 lent Egypt, and incorporated it in the Empire. She 
 proposes to undertake the costly responsibility for 
 the whole of Mesopotamia, for Persia — although 
 guaranteeing her independence — for Afghanistan, 
 and the lands contiguous to India. She is already 
 involved in Arabia. It would be folly for her in addi- 
 tion to undertake the whole of Turkey, and to 
 face the possibility at some future time of the oppo- 
 sition of the entire Muhammadan world within her 
 Empire. Moreover, she has emerged from the War 
 with a heavy debt and her resources will be strained 
 to the utmost to develop what she has already under- 
 taken. 
 
 There are the strongest reasons against leaving the 
 Turks in full possession. They have proved as in- 
 capable of governing other races as they have of 
 honest, efficient, and progressive self-government. 
 Throughout Turkey Armenians are already marked 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 57 
 
 down for slaughter. At the last audience given by 
 the Sultan, the Jews were present and protested 
 their loyalty; the Armenians and Greeks were 
 noticeably absent. The Turks will take their revenge 
 as soon as they can. 
 
 The little Armenian Republic in the Russian 
 Trans-Caucasus is now hemmed in on three sides. 
 On the north are the Georgians, on the southeast 
 the Tartars, while a Turkish army of some 30,000 
 under Mustapha Kemal, formerly the Inspector 
 General of the Ottoman army, is waiting on the south- 
 west, and the 1,000,000 Armenians in the Republic 
 have but 8,000 armed men. There are also 350,000 
 Armenians who had been driven in from Turkey as 
 refugees, but they are not a fighting force. A French 
 officer who had just returned informed us that 
 15,000 Armenians were killed in the month of 
 August alone. If Asia Minor is handed back to the 
 Turks, the civilized world should demand not only 
 the trial of the murderers of the 800,000 Armenians 
 already killed, but also that of the men at the Peace 
 Conference who turn this people over to slaughter 
 and extinction. 
 
 The fourth possibility, that of the partition of 
 Turkey, would be almost as disastrous as a mandate 
 to the Turks themselves. It would be impossible 
 to have a unified policy and to do justice to the 
 score of peoples amid the "restless tossing of long 
 enthralled nationalities. " The reforms of one power 
 
58 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 would be defeated by the next. It would lead to 
 friction, international jealousy, and dissension. It 
 would be costly and would bleed Turkey to death. 
 It would almost certainly end in war. 
 
 The first possibility is then left for consideration. 
 It is our belief that America should not accept a 
 mandate for Armenia alone. It would be impossible 
 thus to protect the Armenian people, to uplift the 
 Turk, or to unify Turkey. It would leave America 
 to do all the "dirty work" without the resources at 
 hand to make it a success. We believe that she 
 should take three mandates for Constantinople, 
 Anatolia, and Armenia, or one mandate for Turkey, 
 with a free hand to subdivide it into three or more 
 provinces. And she should take all three or none. 
 
 Why should America accept a mandate for 
 Turkey? We believe that there are strong reasons 
 for our doing so. 
 
 1. To fulfil the aims for which we entered the 
 War, that its great sacrifice may not have been in 
 vain, but that liberty and justice and righteousness 
 may be established in the world. 
 
 2. Because it is our duty to take some adequate 
 share in world reconstruction. Before the War 
 Great Britain, with a population of only 45,000,000, 
 had undertaken responsibility for some 323,000,000 
 in Asia, and 50,000,000 in Africa. She is now adding 
 Mesopotamia, Persia, and other sections of Asia and 
 Africa. With a population of 100,000,000, and vast 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 59 
 
 resources, why could not the United States under- 
 take the 11,000,000 of Turkey in Asia? 
 
 3. Because America is trusted as is no other 
 nation in the Near East. The people desire our help 
 and are ready to receive it. Our treatment of Cuba 
 and the Philippines is often quoted in the East. 
 As we traveled from Cairo to Constantinople we 
 found nearly all the peoples of Nearer Asia asking 
 for an American mandate as their first choice. 
 
 4. Because America, from the very nature of her 
 principles and institutions, and from her neutral 
 and safe geographical location which makes the 
 acquisition of further territory unnecessary, stands 
 in a position to render a larger unselfish service for 
 Turkey 's own good than any other power. 
 
 5. Because of our stake and investment already in 
 Turkey. America alone has been conducting mis- 
 sions here on a large scale for a century. America 
 has invested in men and buildings, in colleges, 
 hospitals, and relief institutions. We either have 
 to back up this investment or lose it. We have to 
 finish our task or run the risk of seeing the work of a 
 century ruined, and our missionaries driven out. 
 
 6. Because of our responsibility to the Armenians. 
 The Armenian people seem to be, in a special sense, 
 the wards of the United States. Their record is their 
 appeal. Let us consider it thoughtfully. 
 
 Centering in Mount Ararat, the territory of 
 Armenia is about 80,000 square miles, or about the 
 
60 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 size of Kansas, divided between the Turkish, Rus- 
 sian, and Persian districts. There are about 1,000- 
 000 Armenians in Turkey, 1,200,000 in the Russian 
 Caucasus, 50,000 in Persia, and 100,000 in the 
 United States. 
 
 As early as 700 B.C. the Armenians were a strong 
 and sturdy race. The people were marked by their 
 knowledge, enterprise, intelligence, business capa- 
 city, and strength of character. Like ourselves 
 they are of the Indo-European race, and like the 
 Jews they have been persecuted and scattered 
 throughout the world, and have been subjected to a 
 long series of massacres. At times they were for- 
 bidden to speak the Armenian language, the penalty 
 being to have their tongues torn out. Capable, 
 educated, and thrifty, they excited the jealousy of 
 their Turkish rulers because of their superior intel- 
 ligence and prosperity, and were subjected to every 
 injustice and indignity. Their schools were closed, 
 their homes burnt, their property seized, their 
 women violated. 
 
 For a thousand years Armenians have been the 
 most persecuted people in the world. In the seventh 
 century, they were conquered and ruled by the 
 Arabs, and later by the Kurds. For three centuries 
 following, they were swept by the invasions of a long 
 succession of nomadic tribes. Still they maintained 
 their existence as a Christian kingdom in the midst 
 of the Muslims. After the fall of Constantinople in 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 61 
 
 1453, they were subjected for five centuries to the 
 Turkish yoke, with frequent outbreaks of persecu- 
 tion. Europe demanded reforms, but massacre 
 followed massacre in succession. 
 
 Although they were the first to receive Chris- 
 tianity as a united nation, the Christian nations 
 have looked on, as at a Roman spectacle, and have 
 seen these persecuted people butchered decade after 
 decade. Surely the time has come, if we are to main- 
 tain our self-respect as members of a Christian 
 civilization, when we must see that justice is done to 
 long-suffering Armenia. An era of reconstruction 
 must follow the massacres of the past. To these 
 people with their sense of nationality, their patriot- 
 ism, and their Christianity, never crushed through 
 centuries of persecution, we must come with relief. 
 
 The Armenians are enterprising and tenacious. 
 Before the War they conducted the bulk of the trade 
 of inland Anatolia. But we should help these people 
 with our eyes open. They have the inevitable faults 
 of a subject and persecuted race, like the Jews of 
 Russia. What they most need is not charity but 
 good government and a chance to five. Wealthy 
 Armenians possess enough to care for their own 
 people if some one will keep the Turks from their 
 throats. 
 
 The task is not impossible nor impracticable. A 
 relatively small force of either American or British 
 troops could quickly restore order. The whole 
 
62 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 government of Turkey could be made self-supporting. 
 Even on the lowest grounds it would pay materially. 
 But on higher grounds it is right. The most perse- 
 cuted people on earth look to America as the nation 
 best able to help them. Is her answer to be one of 
 provincial selfishness or sacrificial service? Shall 
 Armenia and Turkey both have their part in Every- 
 body's World? 
 
 We recently passed the spot where the Asiatic, 
 Paul, crossed from Asia into Europe with the germin- 
 al message and dynamic power that were to produce, 
 in spite of all persecution or barbarous opposition, 
 a Christian civilization. The hour has now come 
 when those Christian forces must be carried from the 
 West back to the East. The Macedonian cry of 
 human need, "Come over and help us," which 
 brought the Apostle Paul from Asia Minor to 
 Europe, now calls us back to the very province which 
 gave us the moral, spiritual, and social forces of our 
 civilization. 
 
 As we go to press we receive the Appeal sent by the 
 Parliament of the Armenian Republic to America, 
 Great Britain, France, and the powers represented 
 at the Peace Conference. 
 
 "Encouraged by the inaction and silence of the 
 Great Powers, hordes of Turks, Kurds, and Tartars, 
 led by officers of the Regular Turkish Army, have 
 begun another invasion of the Republic. Once more 
 . . . the implacable enemy is massacring the villagers 
 
THE NEW NEAR EAST 63 
 
 and laying waste the land. Armenia today is left to 
 face alone her secular persecutors with an utterly 
 inadequate supply of arms and munitions. And 
 it is thus, after the triumph of the Allies, the Arme- 
 nian people, in order to defend its very existence, 
 has to wage an unequal fight in the worst pos- 
 sible conditions. We make this final appeal to the 
 conscience of the civilized world, warning it of 
 the danger of our definitive annihilation." 
 
 What shall the answer be? 
 
Ill 
 
 THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 
 
 Russia has long been a land of mystery and 
 of paradox. Here is a great nation that seems 
 to have been marked for suffering, through 
 long centuries of chastening discipline. Here is a 
 people who grip the heart and appeal to the imag- 
 ination. As you live among them, sympathize and 
 suffer with them, their need is branded upon 
 your very soul. As the writer visited Russia, he 
 found that the appeal which it made was utterly 
 unique. 
 
 Russia impresses us first by its sheer mass 
 and magnitude. It is colossal and continental. 
 Whatever may be its fate in the future, as it 
 entered the War it was one of the four giant 
 countries of the world. These four nations taken 
 together, the British Empire, Russia, China, and 
 the United States, hold approximately three-fifths 
 of the land area of the globe, and embrace two- 
 thirds of its population. The remaining more than 
 sixty independent governments all together have 
 but two-fifths of the land and one-third of 
 the earth's population. The Russian Empire at 
 the opening of the War contained nearly one- 
 sixth of the land area of the globe, and one- 
 ninth of its population. Stated in tabular form 
 
 64 
 
THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 65 
 
 in round numbers, the relative position of the four 
 great nations is as follows : 
 
 Wealth 
 Population Per Cent Approx. Area Per Cent in 
 Country in of Millions of of World Billions 
 
 Millions World Pop. Sq. Miles Surface of Dlrs. 
 
 Russia 182 11.1 8% 16.6 40 
 
 United States 120 7.1 3M 5. 230 
 
 British Empire 438 25. 13H 25. 130 
 
 China 400 25. 4H 7.1 40 
 
 The World 1700 100. 57 100. 720 
 
 Russia when united is the largest homogeneous 
 state in the world, as well as the most inaccessible 
 and isolated of the large nations. We do not realize 
 that the area of the Russian Empire is twice that of 
 all the rest of Europe, more than twice that of 
 the United States, larger than the two continents of 
 North and South America. To compare it with the 
 other nations at the beginning of the War, it con- 
 tains approximately forty times the area of France, 
 or Germany, or Japan; and 800 times that of Bel- 
 gium. This vast section of the globe must be reck- 
 oned with. The land consists of one mighty, scarce- 
 ly broken plain stretching from the shores of the 
 Baltic across the broad plateau of Russia and Siberia 
 for over 6,000 miles to the Pacific. Although it 
 belongs to the temperate zone, it is a land of 
 fierce extremes both in climate and in the character 
 of its people. Untempered by the sea, it is covered 
 with one vast sheet of snow in the cold, clear, dry 
 winter, and is a land of high temperatures in the 
 summer. 
 
66 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 In 1914, weakened by internal dissension, the 
 masses of Russia, ignorant of the secret negotiations 
 between the Hohenzollerns, Hapsburgs, and Roman- 
 offs, entered the War, and toiled, fought, and died 
 to satisfy the dynastic ambitions of those for whom 
 so many generations had suffered. The Russians 
 were unprepared for war, often betrayed by their 
 pro-German bureaucratic leaders who deliberately 
 withheld munitions, while the Germans, well know- 
 ing their condition, mowed them down in front, often 
 at point blank range, or shot them down in the long 
 retreats through the marshes. 
 
 During the recent War, Russia suffered more than 
 any other great nation. She had called to the colors 
 more than 13,000,000 men, the largest army ever 
 assembled by any one nation in history. Some 
 3,000,000 soldiers died of wounds, disease, neglect, 
 or starvation. Some 2,000,000 more were confined 
 in the prisons of Germany and Austria, returning, 
 if at all, often as mere skeletons to die upon the 
 road, or to fall an easy prey to disease. Multi- 
 tudes throughout the land perished from poverty 
 and disease, famine and revolution. Attacked from 
 without, betrayed from within, famished, starving, 
 Russia still suffered on. Owing to the shortage of 
 shells and munitions many of the troops were left 
 unarmed, betrayed by Stunner and their pro- 
 German leaders. Some had to fight with sticks and 
 stones. At last, worn out by suffering and privation 
 
THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 67 
 
 and with no faith left in their Government, the cry 
 of starving Russia went up for "peace, land, bread." 
 
 Until March, 1917, Russia was still an Empire. 
 On March 11th, despite the overwhelming demand 
 for freedom made to the Czar, he issued a ukase 
 suspending the sitting of the Duma. The Duma, 
 however, unanimously refused to dissolve. The 
 Czar, who was at the front, started for the capital 
 and while on the way was compelled to sign his 
 abdication. 
 
 The three chief elements that brought about the 
 Revolution of 1917 were found in the first Lvoff 
 ministry : Prince Lvoff, representing the group of big 
 business men and large land owners; Professor Mil- 
 yukof, the leader of the Constitutional Democrats, 
 representing the liberal middle class, or moderate 
 reformers; and M. Kerensky, Minister of Justice, 
 a revolutionary Socialist, representing the third and 
 more powerful group of peasants, workingmen, and 
 soldiers. When this ministry failed to satisfy the 
 radical demands of the people, Lvoff was forced to 
 resign and Kerensky came for a short time into 
 power. By November, 1917, the more radical 
 leaders of the workingmen and soldiers began to 
 rebel against Kerensky, as he had failed to procure a 
 joint declaration of the allied powers renouncing all 
 imperialistic aims, in harmony with the principles of 
 the Russian Revolution, and had also failed to ob- 
 tain an early peace. 
 
68 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 Social revolution in Russia has been due to the 
 development of primitive communism, and to a 
 synthesis of the philosophy of the social revolution- 
 ists with the German Socialism of Karl Marx, 
 centralized, organized, materialistic, and irreligious. 
 The Bolsheviki soon secured control of the Soviets, 
 or workingmen's councils, tending to exclude all 
 others. They promised the people what they most 
 wanted, land and peace. They organized the Red 
 Guard by arming workmen in the factories, and 
 outbid Kerensky for the support of the Army by 
 their program of immediate peace, the distribution 
 of land, the turning over of industries to the work- 
 ers, and giving all power to the Soviets. 
 
 The Bolsheviki were under the leadership of 
 Nikolai Lenin, who had returned to Russia from 
 Switzerland via Germany to carry on his agi- 
 tation to end the War. He stood for the doctrine 
 of the materialistic German Socialism of Karl 
 Marx, to sweep away all social classes and national 
 political states, and substitute the international 
 socialistic rule of the proletariat or working classes 
 for the system of capitalism and imperialism. On 
 November 7th the Bolshevik leaders seized Petrograd 
 and declared themselves to be the Government. A 
 new cabinet was formed with Lenin as Prime 
 Minister, and Trotzky Secretary of Foreign Affairs. 
 By a series of decrees property was seized and given 
 to citizens who had no dwelling. Factories were 
 
THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 69 
 
 handed over to the possession of the workingmen. 
 Private ownership of land was declared null and 
 void. All land was nationalized and turned over to 
 the people. The collapse of Russia began with the 
 demoralization of the army in the appointment of 
 committees of soldiers. Authority was transferred 
 from the officers to the soldiers, discipline broke 
 down, and the retreat in Galicia began. Soldiers 
 poured back into the cities in hungry mobs, calling 
 for bread. The Bolsheviki finally signed the humil- 
 iating treaty with Germany at Brest-Litovsk, which 
 passed into effect December 7, 1917. 
 
 By the end of the year Russia was drifting toward 
 a state of chaos. Finland declared her independence. 
 The Ukraine, Siberia, the Caucasus, Turkestan, 
 the Poles, Cossacks, Muhammadans and Tartars 
 set up their own governments, largely isolating 
 Russia. The phrase, "Now we are free," swept 
 away all control and restraint. Soldiers needed no 
 longer to obey or to fight. Laborers did not need to 
 work. Corruption became more rampant. Private 
 property almost disappeared. Capital largely ceased 
 to be productive. The national revenue became al- 
 most nil. Russia was relapsing into the primitive 
 condition of humanity, which had prevailed over 
 much of early history. Property was confiscated, 
 some banks were closed, others were nationalized, 
 business was paralyzed, discipline was undermined, 
 trade gave place to barter, paper money be- 
 
70 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 came almost valueless, famine stared the people in 
 the face. According to the Petrograd dailies, men 
 and women frequently dropped in the streets over- 
 come by sheer hunger. Recent months have seen 
 great efforts along constructive lines, but there was 
 no indication of any such in those dark days. 
 
 We must now face the aftermath of the war in 
 Bolshevism. It is a menace not only in Russia, but 
 throughout the world, and we should do well to try 
 to understand it. 
 
 This is no easy task, for we have been victimized 
 by our own propaganda. The Germans taught us 
 the power of such propaganda, then in self-defense 
 the Allies launched their own. Now every one is 
 flooding us with special pleading for or against each 
 cause. Before us, as we write, are two piles of 
 printed matter, the one for and the other against 
 Bolshevism. Many of the documents on both sides 
 are filled with exaggerations and statements con- 
 trary to fact. Whether reactionaries or Bolsheviki, 
 each extreme party seems to "see red." Our one 
 aim is to find the truth, to see things as they are. 
 
 At the outset we wish to state frankly that we 
 are not able to speak with authority upon the pres- 
 ent conditions in Russia and must suspend final 
 judgment until we can see and interpret the situa- 
 tion for ourselves. We wish to keep an open mind 
 free from prejudice for or against a cause which is 
 still on trial. We may take warning from the reversal 
 
THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 71 
 
 of our attitude to the French Revolution. After 
 centuries of misrule the pent-up fury of a vast pop- 
 ulation does not conform to rules of etiquette or 
 order. Both the French and Bolshevist revolutions 
 were at first followed by violence and bloodshed. 
 Both were condemned by the Anglo-Saxon democ- 
 racies and the monarchies of Europe. But as the 
 smoke of battle cleared and law and order were 
 restored, we could separate the temporary method 
 of the red terror of the French Revolution from the 
 permanent and ideal aims of liberty, equality, and 
 fraternity. Today we can estimate the permanent 
 gains to democratic France and the liberties of 
 Europe, despite the lawless cruelty of Robespierre. 
 Behind the smoke of conflict in Russia, amid the 
 discordant and conflicting reports of witnesses par- 
 tisan or prejudiced on both sides, we shall yet have 
 to form an honest estimate of this vast economic 
 movement which is taking place in Russia. 
 
 To understand the Russian Revolution, we must 
 realize what lay behind it. It was the spontaneous 
 uprising of a people long oppressed. A thousand 
 years of suffering, such as no other great nation had 
 endured, and five centuries of Czarism, had driven 
 almost all the opponents of the bureaucracy into 
 the various camps of Socialism, which seemed to 
 offer a gospel of hope to the oppressed masses. 
 Sixty per cent of the Russian people were chronically 
 underfed, miserably clad, and living in hovels 
 
72 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 scarcely fit for beasts. The majority belonged to the 
 landless peasants and the almost penniless pro- 
 letariat. Over seventy-five per cent had been left 
 in illiteracy. The Czarist Minister de Shelking 
 attributes the Revolution to "an unpopular Em- 
 peror, a detested Empress, a deceived army and navy 
 without faith in its officers, venal and incapable 
 ministers, justice reduced to a farce, society corrupt 
 and rotten to the core, the Duma lacking in courage 
 and initiative. " Mr. Brailsf ord says : ' ' Russia hanged 
 its Socialists, dissolved its Dumas, imprisoned its dep- 
 uties, oppressed its Jews, defiled the free soil of Fin- 
 land, and erected its gallows in the cities of Persia. " 
 
 The Revolution was thus a sudden release of vast 
 elemental forces from age-long repression; it was the 
 long suppressed outcry of land hunger and life 
 hunger. It was at once the overthrow of political 
 tyranny and social injustice, but what began pri- 
 marily as a political revolution developed rapidly 
 into a social revolution. It was not merely a change 
 of persons or parties, it was a change of principles, 
 of classes, of the very order of society. 
 
 In such a chaotic time of transition, the extreme 
 forces naturally gained control. Of all the parties 
 in Russia, only one seemed to know just what it 
 wanted. In the split of the Russian Social Demo- 
 cratic Party in 1903, the Bolsheviki, or "maximalist 
 party," took the extremist position, demanding the 
 immediate revolutionary rule of the proletariat, or 
 
THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 73 
 
 working class. The Mensheviki, or "minimalist 
 party," stood for a more sane, gradual, evolutionary 
 control, uniting the bourgeoisie, or commercial class, 
 with the peasants and working men. 
 
 To understand Russia and Bolshevism, it is all- 
 important at the outset to distinguish clearly be- 
 tween two elements: on the one hand, the people 
 with their spontaneous, democratic organization of 
 the Soviets; and on the other, the Bolsheviki, or 
 extreme Communists, who have gained temporary 
 control of the Soviets, utilized them, and made 
 them a power. It is our belief that the soviet 
 or committee organization, as a natural expression 
 of democratic Russia, under whatever name it 
 may continue, is built upon Russian character, 
 and will be permanent. There are Soviets of peas- 
 ants, soldiers, teachers, professional men, and 
 industrial workers. The present Soviet Republic 
 must be regarded as a communistic experiment, 
 an episode in the social reconstruction of Eastern 
 Europe. No such revolution as this vast elemen- 
 tal upheaval has ever taken place. 
 
 Here were vast, undisciplined, armed masses 
 pouring back from the trenches, millions of men 
 diverted from the War to a social revolution, turning 
 hopelessly from the German Front, where they had 
 been betrayed, to face what they considered their 
 real enemy at home. It was this armed mass that 
 represented the driving force of the Revolution. It 
 
74 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 must be remembered, also, that all else had failed 
 them. They felt they had been betrayed by an 
 autocratic Czar, a corrupt b.ureaucracy, an agrarian 
 feudalism, and a weak middle class. Three classes of 
 the community were on trial. They felt the Czar 
 and the bureaucracy had failed; the bourgeois and 
 intellectuals had failed them in the Revolution of 
 1905; it was now the turn of the proletariat and 
 peasants. They saw but two alternatives, the con- 
 tinuance of the old oppressive system of the privi- 
 leged class, or the beginning of the rule of the un- 
 privileged eighty per cent of the population. If for 
 a moment we try to put ourselves in their place, we 
 cannot but feel sympathetic with the underlying 
 aim of this long-suffering mass of the population, 
 however wrong they were in its execution. They 
 felt the vast elemental urge of social justice, 
 the hunger for life, the desire for some share and 
 some control in the wealth which they had created. 
 They desired an equality of democratic opportunity. 
 They aimed at the socialization of the land, of the 
 means of production, of wealth, and of all life. It 
 was a daring and colossal experiment. They repre- 
 sented 135,000,000 peasants and millions of the 
 industrial proletariat, prepared by years of revolu- 
 tionary agitation, against the misrule and exploita- 
 tion of the privileged class. 
 
 Inevitably they made mistakes. It was plainly 
 the attempt of the untutored child mind in the 
 
THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 75 
 
 political and social world. It would sweep away, 
 as a house of blocks in the nursery, all the slowly 
 reared existing systems of the centuries, and build 
 again a palace of fancy and a house of dreams. Thus 
 the masses were finally induced and compelled by the 
 Marxian Socialists and the Left social revolutionists 
 to try the Bolshevik experiment, which is a synthesis 
 of the two revolutionary programs, that of Marx 
 and that of Bakunin, and which offered them at 
 once the socialization of land and industry. We 
 can best understand their purposes if we turn to 
 the actual constitution of the Soviet Republic, 
 and try to realize the ideal aims of their social 
 dream. Briefly these may be summarized as follows: 
 
 1. "Russia is declared 'A Republic of Soviets of 
 Workers/ Soldiers', and Peasants' Delegates.' 
 
 2. "The Soviet Republic of Russia is established 
 on the basis of a free union of free nations and forms 
 a Federation of National Soviet Republics. 
 
 3. "Suppressing all exploitation of man by man 
 and abolishing forever the division of society into 
 classes. 
 
 4. "The socialization of the land. Private owner- 
 ship of the land is abolished. All land is declared 
 national property. 
 
 5. "Forest, underground mineral wealth and 
 waters, having value of national importance . . . 
 are declared public property. 
 
 6. "The complete transfer of all factories, rail- 
 ways, and all means of production and transport, to 
 establish the workers' control of industry. 
 
76 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 7. "The transfer of all banks to the State as a 
 step in the emancipation of the toiling masses from 
 the yoke of capitalism. 
 
 8. "To abolish all parasitic elements in society, 
 work useful to the community is obligatory to all. 
 
 9. "The repudiation of all secret treaties, and a 
 democratic peace without annexation or indemnities. 
 
 10. "To free from enslavement millions of laborers 
 in Asia, the colonies and smaller nations; to secure 
 the independence of Finland, and full self-determina- 
 tion for Armenia. 
 
 11. "Genuine liberty of conscience, the Church 
 separate from the State, the School from the Church. 
 
 12. "Complete freedom of meetings, and full 
 liberty of association. 
 
 13. "A complete education , which shall be free for 
 all. 
 
 14. " The equality of all citizens, regardless of race 
 and nationality, before the law, and the protection 
 of national minorities." 
 
 We shall see how far they have fallen below this 
 constitution in actual practice, but such are the aims 
 of this elemental movement in Russia, with the 
 boldest social program in history. 1 
 
 x The organ for the execution of this plan was to be the 
 Soviets. They are supposed to organize all classes in the country 
 and the city. In the country they begin with the Mir or village 
 meeting of all the workers. These elect a Soviet to represent 
 the village. The villages send their representatives to the town- 
 ships; these in turn send representatives to the Provincial 
 Soviets, and these to the All-Russian Congress. In the city, 
 each group, whether industrial or brain workers, is supposed to 
 have its Soviet. These send representatives to the City Soviet, 
 
THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 77 
 
 Truth compels us to give the Soviet Republic its 
 due. The social theory of its leaders has been tried 
 under most unfavorable, if not impossible, condi- 
 tions. They inherited a country impoverished by 
 war and on the verge of starvation. They had to face 
 an army disbanded and crying for bread. They in- 
 herited five centuries of the Czarist regime, and four 
 years of war which had loosed all the passions of the 
 Tartar blood. They were faced by the invasion of 
 the German army, the penetration of the German 
 commercial agents, the highway robbery of the 
 Brest-Litovsk Treaty, the alhed invasion on the 
 north, a battle front on the south, and another on the 
 east. They were isolated by the world's blockade, 
 cut off from their principal outlets to the sea and 
 from the granary of Siberia. They inherited a means 
 of transportation which had almost broken down, 
 and a system of "graft" and corruption unparalleled 
 in any civilized nation. In spite of all these adverse 
 circumstances, they have maintained themselves in 
 power for more than two years. The fallacies of the 
 system have, however, been revealed and must be 
 eradicated if there is not to be a complete collapse. 
 
 and the cities with the villages send up their representatives to 
 the All-Russian Congress. This appoints an interim Central 
 Executive Committee of some two hundred members, which 
 elects the final body, consisting of eighteen People's Commis- 
 saries who form the Government. If these Soviets were truly 
 democratic and universal, and if they were completed by a rep- 
 resentative National Constituent Assembly, they might form 
 the organization of the permanent Russian State. 
 
78 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 We must now turn from this natural organization 
 of Russian democracy to the Bolsheviki, or small 
 extremist party, which temporarily controls it. We 
 must first of all ask, What is Bolshevism? Perhaps 
 we can best express it in certain characteristic 
 phrases of Lenin, the brain of Bolshevism, in his 
 "Soviets at Work," without a continuous quotation: 
 
 "We have won Russia from the rich for the poor, 
 from the exploiters for the toilers. . . . Now the 
 main difficulty is in the economic domain: to raise 
 the productivity of labor, to establish strict and 
 universal accounting, to control production and 
 distribution, and actually to socialize production. 
 Socialism, to succeed, must prove more efficient than 
 capitalism in producing wealth. We now need 
 economy, discipline, accuracy. There will be a period 
 of false steps, experiments, wavering, and hesitation. 
 The transition from capitalism to socialism is im- 
 possible without compulsion and dictatorship. Our 
 soviet rule is the dictatorship of the proletariat . . 
 swift and merciless in the suppression of exploiters." 
 "There must be absolute submission to one person, 
 the soviet dictator, during work. . . . Our aim is 
 to attract every member of the poor classes. The 
 bourgeoisie is excluded." 
 
 Lenin's keynote is "the dictatorship of the prole- 
 tariat" by the unlimited use of power. The aim of 
 Bolshevism is the immediate introduction of state 
 communism, of a social republic of labor. It repre- 
 
THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 79 
 
 sents the vested interests of the unprivileged classes. 
 It is immediate, chaotic, universal Socialism. It 
 seeks to invert the social pyramid which tapered 
 down from the Czar, the bureaucracy, the bourgeois, 
 to the broad base of the toiling masses ; placing the 
 masses on top and crushing the once-privileged 
 classes. Bolshevism seeks proletarianism before de- 
 mocracy; revolution before evolution; international- 
 ism before nationalism ; destruction before construc- 
 tion. 
 
 Russia, rent, distracted, and torn by revolution 
 as she was, fell an easy prey to the little group of 
 extremists who appealed to the instincts of the mob. 
 Lenin frankly stated that "just as 150,000 lordly 
 landowners under Czarism dominated the 130,000,000 
 of Russian peasants, so 200,000 members of the Bol- 
 shevik party are imposing their proletarian will on 
 the mass, but this time in the interest of the latter." 
 He proposed to wield the relentless use of power by 
 the proletariat against the rest of society. 
 
 Originally the Bolsheviki divided the population 
 into four categories in order of preference: menial 
 laborers; clerical workers; employers of others; 
 and lastly, land-owners, capitalists, and the idle rich. 
 Cards for food were issued, but as there was not 
 enough even for the first class, the other classes were 
 soon abolished. Private trading was forbidden; the 
 shops of Petrograd and other cities were closed; and 
 the small supplies of food were concentrated in a few 
 
80 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 hundred municipal stores. The army was fed first, 
 then the workingmen. The others might starve, or 
 flee from the country, or go to work under the 
 new scheme. 
 
 It is not necessary to give way to exaggeration or 
 to wholesale condemnation. There has been undoubt- 
 ed exaggeration and misrepresentation with regard 
 to recent conditions in Russia. It is unjust, for 
 instance, to say that Bolshevism internationalized 
 women. At Saratof, a single soviet, not Bolshevik 
 but anarchist, proposed this as a local plan, but it 
 would be as unjust to generalize from this exception 
 as to assume that the Americans were polygamists 
 because of the existence of the Mormons. The Bol- 
 shevik marriage laws are totally against such a plan. 
 
 We may roughly divide Russia into three classes. 
 Somewhat less than one-tenth are reactionaries, 
 desiring the return of their former special privileges. 
 They include the old bureaucrats, officials, police, 
 land-owners, capitalists, and dispossessed classes. 
 They desire the return of "the good old days," many 
 of them believing that the peasant is a "pig," in- 
 capable of education or of self-government, and that 
 he should be given vodka and the knout. The other 
 extreme, perhaps less than one-tenth, belongs to the 
 convinced Bolsheviki, the destructive international 
 socialists who would use any method, any means, 
 any force, to establish the dictatorship of the prole- 
 tariat. Each of these extremes stands for class rule. 
 
THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 81 
 
 But between these two are the remaining eighty 
 per cent of the people, and this heart of Russia is 
 still sound. They do not want the oppression either 
 of the Czar or of a proletarian dictator. They want 
 land, they want peace, they want work, they want 
 the law and order of a truly democratic government, 
 living in harmony with all other nations. 
 
 For a considerable time production, transporta- 
 tion, and industry were broken down. The laborers' 
 soviet of a factory could not get the fuel or raw ma- 
 terials to run the plant. Factory after factory was 
 thus closed. The railways deteriorated, and none 
 would repair them. Supplies of food and fuel, raw 
 materials, and manufactured articles were lacking. 
 The population of the cities was reduced almost to 
 starvation. The abundant harvests, twenty per cent 
 above normal in Southern Russia, have kept the 
 peasants well fed, but the city poor are starving. 
 
 Legislation was by decrees which could not bo 
 enforced. Discipline and order for a time gave place to 
 chaos. The output of the manufacturing concerns 
 had been diminished to from five to fifty per cent of 
 the pre-war basis. Unemployment was rapidly 
 spreading. The banking system has almost complete- 
 ly broken down and the credit system had failed. 
 Paper money had been printed on a colossal scale 
 but it is now almost valueless ; the peasant no longer 
 wants it. With the decrease of the output, prices 
 have soared to the impossible. Thus a vicious circle 
 
82 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 has been created. We cannot deny, however, that 
 no system would have a fair trial or a favorable 
 opportunity, if blockaded by the world. 
 
 The national health, through underfeeding, lack of 
 organization, and lack of medicines, has deteriorated. 
 Epidemic diseases, such as cholera, typhus, typhoid, 
 smallpox, and influenza, have been rampant. Al- 
 ready wooden buildings are being torn down and the 
 material used for fuel. Because of decreased pro- 
 duction, the people have been consuming the 
 accumulated capital of past centuries, and Russia is 
 being bled white. 
 
 Russia seems now to be on the verge of a third and 
 last development. The first revolution was primarily 
 political in the overthrow of Czarism. The second, 
 or Bolshevik revolution, was primarily social, in the 
 overthrow of capitalism and commercialism. The 
 third development for the establishment of a true 
 democracy, both political and social, seems now to 
 be needed. If Russia is left to herself, the leaders 
 will either have to grant social justice and democ- 
 racy for all classes alike, or the people of Russia will 
 take matters into their own hands and work out 
 their own salvation. Selfish class rule, whether 
 proletarian or capitalist, is doomed, and democracy 
 will hold the field at the end of the day. 
 
IV 
 THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 
 
 One need not seek far to find the essential errors 
 in the transitional system in Russia. If it rests on 
 the same basis as Czarism, a selfish class rule at 
 the expense of the community, upon which it enforces 
 its will by compulsion, if it fans to flame class- 
 hatred, instead of stimulating cooperation and the 
 principle of love, if it offers a stone in place of bread 
 to the hungry heart of Russia, and tries to stifle the 
 deep religious instincts of the people by the material- 
 ism of Marx, it will fail because of the absence of 
 recognition of the eternal spiritual verities, the lack of 
 moral basis, and the denial of individual liberty. 
 The rulers of Russia have not understood the toler- 
 ation of minorities. They have tried to enforce uni- 
 formity. They have failed to enforce discipline, 
 because they have taken away its sanctions and 
 undermined the basis of society. They first fostered 
 destruction rather than construction, and have swept 
 away the slow and painful gains of humanity ac- 
 cumulated by past centuries of toil, to try a theat- 
 rical experiment. 
 
 Our democracy has been built up upon private 
 thrift, the securing ot the fruits of individual labor, 
 the application of intelligence to the process of pro- 
 duction, and the discipline of ordered society. All 
 
 83 
 
84 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 these the new system swept away. The motive for 
 toil and honest labor is weakened ; it is more profitable 
 to make speeches and feed upon the diminishing 
 food supply. 
 
 The tactical errors of these Russian leaders 
 have only been equaled by the blunders of the Allies 
 in dealing with them. In one thing at least the Bol- 
 sheviki have shown themselves masters, and that 
 is in their clever propaganda. The stupid threats 
 of the allied propaganda to the Bolsheviki, and the 
 exaggerated misrepresentations against them have 
 only strengthened their cause. The worst allied 
 blunder of all has been that of armed intervention. 
 The Bolsheviki have been given the opportunity of 
 rallying the patriotic elements of the nation to 
 resist foreign and reactionary forces which are ad- 
 vancing upon the country. Allied intervention, 
 which was intended to overthrow Bolshevism, has 
 actually strengthened it. Left to themselves, the 
 people might have risen to demand their rights 
 but threatened by what they considered a foreign 
 foe, they turned against the invader to defend their 
 own Soviet Republic. 
 
 Why was intervention a failure? It failed because 
 it was opposed by the intelligent laboring classes of 
 Britain and America. It failed because it turned 
 the people of Russia against the Allies. We left 
 North Russia, because we were not wanted by the 
 majority of the people whom we had come to relieve. 
 
THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 85 
 
 Those who wanted us most were the men of the old 
 regime who desired the restoration of the good old 
 times and the " benevolent" rule of the privileged 
 class. It is chiefly the reactionaries who have been 
 filling our press and urging intervention, but we have 
 no desire to reestablish the hideous regime of the 
 old order. 
 
 As we have already seen, the minorities of Russia 
 have failed and forfeited their right to rule. 
 One class remains, and they are the one great hope 
 of the future; that is, the Russian people them- 
 selves. They have not yet had their innings. If the 
 Allies withdraw and prevent the forcible exploitation 
 of the country by Germany, Russia left to herself 
 will work out her own destiny. There may be the 
 temporary domination by military autocrats; Na- 
 poleons, great or little, may for a time gain control. 
 But Russia, sick at heart, has learned deep in the 
 soul of her masses to distrust the exploitation of all 
 dictators. The pendulum which has swung to both 
 extremes will come in time to a middle position. 
 When that day comes, Russia will take her rightful 
 place in the world again. Sooner or later the great 
 peasant classes will assert themselves. An impov- 
 erished, illiterate, and half-civilized Russia was 
 not ready for the experiment of state Social- 
 ism, but Russia is destined to become one of the 
 great democracies of the world. Either those in 
 power, learning from their own failure, must be- 
 
86 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 come more democratic, and yield to the will of the 
 people; or the old reactionaries, confessing the in- 
 justice and failure of their own former rule, must 
 become more liberal; or else the people, rejecting 
 both extremes, must assert their own will. 
 
 The Germans are busy with their peaceful pene- 
 tration and are ready to exploit Russia. It will not 
 do for America merely to withdraw: we must make 
 good our generous promises made through Presi- 
 dent Wilson, which at the time filled the Rus- 
 sian people with hope. What they need now is 
 not empty sympathy but help, not armed interven- 
 tion but cooperation. The Allies cannot successfully 
 invade, conquer, and control a nation which contains 
 the largest white population and the largest natural 
 resources in the world. WTien armed intervention 
 was tried, many of the Russians fighting in the ranks 
 turned against the foreign officers and went over to 
 the Bolsheviki. What we need is to appeal to the 
 heart of democratic Russia, to offer not the stupid 
 threats of a useless propaganda, but the promise 
 of practical cooperation, the exchange of raw ma- 
 terials and manufactured goods, as soon as Russia 
 shall call a bona fide constituent assembly and set 
 up an honest, democratic government of, for, and 
 by the people. 
 
 It will help us to estimate Russia's future if we 
 glance for a moment at her natural resources and the 
 character and history of her people. We shall see 
 
THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 87 
 
 that she is not insolvent and that her condition is 
 not hopeless. Russia is vast not only in size but in her 
 gigantic resources, which as yet have scarcely been 
 touched. From the rich black belt of fertile soil of 
 the solid South, one of the great wheat areas of 
 the world, on eastward across the wide Siberian 
 plain, it is a land of promise and opportunity. We 
 expected to find Siberia a dreary desert, but as we 
 journeyed across its magnificent distances we found 
 it a fertile Canada, with vast horizons of rich virgin 
 soil, huge forests uncut, and mineral wealth whose 
 surface has hardly been scratched. Siberia contains 
 an area one and a half times that of the United 
 States, with a population of only some 10,000,000. 
 It is rich in its supply of gold and other minerals, 
 and is capable of sustaining a large population. 
 If Siberia were peopled with the same density of 
 population as that of Belgium today, it would hold 
 more than 3,000,000,000 people, or twice the present 
 population of the entire world. There is a great 
 future in the trade relations that will open between 
 North America and Siberia across the Pacific. 
 
 With America, Britain, and China, Russia is 
 rich in its supplies of coal, and though largely un- 
 developed, already ranks sixth in the world's produc- 
 tion. It takes second place in its output of petroleum, 
 the mineral oil industry of Baku alone yielding in 
 normal times between ten and eleven million tons 
 of crude oil. The refined oil is exported as kerosene 
 
88 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 or petroleum while the heavier refuse is used as fuel. 
 Russia already stands fourth among the iron-pro- 
 ducing countries, though the industry in the Urals, 
 one of the principal mining centers, is still con- 
 ducted by primitive methods, wood being largely 
 used for fuel and the ore being transported by water. 
 It produces more than ninety per cent of the world's 
 supply of platinum. 
 
 Two-thirds of the area of European Russia is 
 sown with cereals. In normal times Russia stands 
 first in the world in its production of rye, second in 
 wheat, second in oats, and follows America and India 
 as third in the number of cattle, though livestock is 
 now diminishing in numbers all around. Modern 
 dairy farming is only just beginning in Russia, but 
 butter is being exported in increasing quantities. 
 Russia has the second largest railway system in 
 the world, with 50,000 miles, sixty per cent of 
 which was owned by the state. 1 
 
 Russia is a land of raw products and vast potential 
 wealth. Her agriculture, however, is backward; 
 her manufactures and industries are not yet develop- 
 ed; her rich mines, through lack of capital, organiz- 
 ation, and wise legislation, are almost unutilized. 
 
 
 1 Country 
 
 Railway Mileage 
 
 Owned by State 
 
 1. 
 
 United States 
 
 255,332 
 
 
 2. 
 
 Russia 
 
 48,534 
 
 31,366 
 
 3. 
 
 Germany 
 
 39,600 
 
 36,619 
 
 4. 
 
 India 
 
 34,648 
 
 29,317 
 
 5. 
 
 France 
 
 31,807 
 
 5,610 
 
THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 89 
 
 As a result, her total wealth of $40,000,000,000 is less 
 than the $60,000,000,000 of the annual income of the 
 United States. There are vast undeveloped re- 
 sources alike in the Russian soil, and in the Russian 
 people. While the people struggle in poverty, these 
 great resources may be exploited for the profit of 
 some foreign nation, as by the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, 
 or they may be developed by friendly cooperation 
 and released for the enrichment of Russia and the 
 world. 
 
 Russia contains the largest white population of 
 any country in the world, and has increased in the 
 last fifteen years by more then 42,000,000. 2 
 
 Through their latent force the Russians are one 
 
 2 In 1915 Russia had a population of 182,182,600, increasing 
 annually more than 3,000,000, or 2M per cent. 
 
 According to the Russian Year Book for 1916, the number per 
 1000 engaged in various occupations was as follows: 
 
 Occupations 
 
 
 Social Status of Poj 
 
 mlation 
 
 Agriculture 
 
 746 
 
 Peasants 
 
 771 
 
 Mining 
 
 96 
 
 Burgesses 
 
 107 
 
 Day Labor 
 
 46 
 
 Natives 
 
 
 Trade and Commerce 
 
 38 
 
 (non-Russian) 
 
 66 
 
 All Other 
 
 74 
 
 Cossacks 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 Nobles 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 Clergy 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 All Others 
 
 13 
 
 1000 1000 
 
 The religious faiths of the population in percentage are as 
 follows: Orthodox 69.90, Muhammadans 10.83, Roman Catho- 
 lics 8.91, Protestants 4.85, Jews 4.05, other Christians 0.96, 
 other non-Christians 0.50. 
 
 Russia contains twice the white population of the British 
 Empire, and one and a half times the white population of the 
 United States. 
 
90 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 of the great expanding peoples of the world. Men- 
 aced by the Mongols on the East, the Germans on 
 the West, the Norsemen on the Baltic, and the Turks 
 on the South, starting from the little principality 
 of Moscow, no larger than Belgium, Russia has ex- 
 panded to some 500 times its original area. It 
 pressed steadily southward until it swallowed up 
 part of Turkey, westward until it embraced Poland, 
 northward until it included Finland, and eastward 
 to the Pacific. 
 
 Russia is the meeting-place between the East and 
 the West; the most eastward of the Western nations, 
 the most westward of the Eastern nations, it contains 
 the blood of both. While Slavs are the predominant 
 race, there has been a large admixture of Tartar, 
 Finnish, and other Asiatic blood. 
 
 The Russian character is partly the product of 
 environment, from the fierce fight with nature and 
 man, evolved through more than a thousand years of 
 suffering. To know Russia and her past is to under- 
 stand and sympathize with her. We must judge 
 her people and their faults with charity. They were 
 cut off from the possibility of rapid development by a 
 corrupt and autocratic court, a reactionary bureau- 
 cracy and a luxurious and selfish aristocracy. If the 
 Russians are often childlike in nature, we must 
 remember that Russia, though one of the largest, is 
 yet the youngest of nations, and has been the most 
 handicapped. 
 
THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 91 
 
 Physically the Russians are the finest people in 
 the world, of giant strength, capable of doing titanic 
 work even when sustained by the poorest food. We 
 shall attempt briefly to analyze and summarize the 
 psychology of the educated classes. We cannot 
 judge Russia by her uneducated peasant class, any 
 more than we could fairly judge our present capacity 
 by that of our unlettered ancestors. In his intellect- 
 ual nature, the Russian is brilliant and versatile, 
 though often superficial in his culture. His courses 
 at the university are on a higher plane than those 
 of most American colleges, and would rank with 
 the universities of Germany. The Russian has a 
 large capacity for comprehension, quick assimilation 
 and imitation, and is a gifted linguist. He is an ex- 
 treme individualist and often an idealist. Yet there 
 is also a passion for reality about the Russian. The 
 peasant in particular is practical and hardheaded. 
 
 In his emotional nature the Russian has a vast 
 capacity for affection ; he is even more warm-hearted 
 than the Irish, and more sympathetic than the 
 French. His most striking characteristic is his 
 ' ' all-humanness. " In his aesthetic nature the Russian 
 is highly artistic and imaginative. He is often roman- 
 tic, introspective, with a fine vein of sentiment, 
 tinged with a deep sadness reflected from the suffer- 
 ing both of the individual and the nation. Repressed 
 politically, the Russian has expressed the pent-up 
 wealth of his nature in literature, art, and music. 
 
92 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 The religious nature of the Russian is deep, mystical, 
 reverent. The simple Russian has, perhaps, the 
 deepest religious consciousness of any of the races 
 of Europe, though many of the modern intellectuals, 
 reacting against a corrupt state and church, have 
 swung for the moment into atheism or agnosticism. 
 
 The Russian excels his Anglo-Saxon brother in 
 brilliance of intellect, warmth of affection, depth of 
 religious consciousness, and artistic temperament. 
 In his volitional nature, however, we reach what is 
 at present the Russian's greatest lack. In undevelop- 
 ed will power, and lack of moral backbone, repressed 
 as he has been by centuries of autocracy, and undevel- 
 oped by strict discipline, he tends to be mercurial, 
 with a lack of balance and proportion. At present 
 he lacks Anglo-Saxon common sense and capacity 
 for organization. These will develop by experience. 
 The strong womanhood of Russia is at present its 
 greatest hope. 
 
 If now we gather up these five elements of the 
 Russian nature, in their actual combination we find 
 three resultant characteristics of the Russian tem- 
 perament. The first is a remarkable adaptability, 
 plasticity, suppleness of mind, and clear intuition 
 and insight, in strong contrast to the plodding and 
 methodical Teuton. This Oriental faculty of adapta- 
 bility makes the Russian a good colonist, and gives him 
 capacity to rule successfully over primitive races. 
 The second result of this combination is impulsive- 
 
THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 93 
 
 ness, with a tendency to go to extremes, plunging 
 in with no sense of balance or proportion. The third 
 result of this combination of Russian psychology 
 is foimd in the contradictions and paradoxes of the 
 Russian character. Reflecting the fierce extremes 
 of his climate, the Russian is subject to changing 
 moods. He plunges from gaiety to despair, from 
 titanic energy to apathy, from intellectual audacity 
 to timidity of conduct. He is affectionate, gentle, 
 and kind, yet "scratch a Russian and you find a 
 Tartar." Rouse the Russian mob to the boiling 
 point, and there is no cruelty or excess to which it 
 may not be carried. The Tartar warrior once again 
 flames and strikes. Long repressed by the greatest 
 autocracy, the Russian is yet the most democratic 
 of all men. He is frank, lovable, open as the sun- 
 shine, a child of nature, the world's younger brother. 3 
 Thus the Russian is strong, brilliant, artistic, 
 where we are prosaic and materialistic, but he is 
 
 3 Maurice Baring in his analysis of the Russian character 
 makes the following summary : 
 
 1. Plasticity — resulting in: Positive: a. Humaneness, b. 
 Assimilation, c. Suppleness of mind. d. Absence of hypocrisy, 
 e. Liberty of thought. Negative: a. Indulgence and laxity, b. 
 Lack of originality, c. Superficiality, d. Lack of backbone, 
 e. Lack of discipline. 
 
 2. Absence of bonds, bars, and barriers. Positive: a. Spas- 
 modic energy, b. Audacity of thought. Negative: a. Extrava- 
 gance of conduct, b. Timidity of conduct, c. Fear of responsi- 
 bility, d. Lack of individuality, independence, civic courage. 
 
 3. Positivism, a. Patience, unity of purpose, b. Coopera- 
 tive energy. 
 
94 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 weak just at the point where we may help him in the 
 capacity for practical organization. He lacks as yet 
 in moral will power, but, like the vast resources 
 of his soil, he is still in the giant childhood of his 
 undeveloped immaturity, with undisciplined but 
 mighty powers. 
 
 While in Russia, the writer found a flood of light 
 thrown on the Russian character by scores of letters 
 received from Russian students. Frequent reference 
 to suicide and the deep diapason of sadness sound 
 most strongly in these letters. They showed a depth 
 of suffering in Russia even before the War. Three 
 examples may suffice. 
 
 1. A letter from a young Jew on the verge of 
 suicide : 
 
 "I shall endeavor to state the bare facts, which 
 are perfectly known to any one having to do with the 
 Jewish youth of Russia. If the question were put 
 to me whether there is any religious interest among 
 the Jewish youth, I should reply, 'No, none.' But, 
 side by side with conscious unbelief, one can notice 
 in almost every individual a deep sorrow and a long- 
 ing to find some way to a higher ideal. Now in their 
 midst you can notice the growth of a national 
 movement. But that movement has nothing to do 
 with religion or with God. All the thinking Jewish 
 youth are unbelieving. The movement is still in its 
 very beginning, but it has a rich soil which is abund- 
 antly fertilized by the Russian Government, by all 
 its limitations, its restrictions, and its persecutions. 
 . . . As for my own life, I sneered at religion as 
 
THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 95 
 
 other people did and called it superstition. The 
 farther and the deeper I tried to go into the sub- 
 stance of things, the more I was brought to a com- 
 plete negation of life I decided that to live 
 
 thus, without any object, was quite impossible. 
 Therefore, the hour was fixed for my life to be 
 brought to an end. However, a friend of mine per- 
 suaded me that not even death is an end. My 
 friend discovered that while attempting to commit 
 suicide himself; the noose around his neck broke 
 and he fell to the ground. He advised me to read the 
 Gospel and to try to enter into the meaning of it, 
 saying that it had helped him. I seized upon that 
 as a drowning man catches at a straw. I cannot yet 
 define the results, but I can say that that book and 
 your lectures have persuaded me that it is possible 
 for people to find an object in life and to believe in 
 the future. My life is not the only case of dis- 
 appointment and despair. Here you have facing 
 you a whole company of my poor disappointed com- 
 rades, intellectual, thoughtful young Hebrews." 
 
 2. "I am a medical student troubled by doubts 
 and passions, who had lost all faith and saw no 
 meaning to life. On the 25th of January I left my 
 roommate for the last time, saying: 'Good-by; to- 
 morrow I will cease to exist.' A life without mean- 
 ing, without aim, without eternity, with nothing 
 but human pleasures, was disgusting to me. I saw 
 the notice of your lecture on 'A Rational Basis for 
 Religion,' and 'The Meaning of Life.' I went, and 
 on returning, I went to sleep for the first time during 
 the last two months without thoughts of suicide. 
 Since then I have daily been to your lectures. I 
 now read the Gospel daily and am again able to pray. 
 
96 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 I do not know what the future will be, but now I 
 desire again to live. In any case, I shall prolong my 
 life for the next three months to make the test of 
 Jesus Christ by reading the Gospel again as you asked 
 us. Pray for me." 
 
 3. "I am the daughter of a pious priest. Four 
 years ago, at the age of seventeen, I took poison and 
 tried to commit suicide, but the doctor prevented my 
 carrying out my purpose. I now live only for my 
 parents' sake. I am like a living corpse. My only 
 desire is for death. Under present conditions in 
 Russia I see no meaning in life. I have lost all faith 
 in God. What am I to do? I will faithfully read the 
 Gospel every day, as you ask us, during the next 
 three months, and see if God answers my prayers. 
 I can do no more." 
 
 During the month which the writer spent in Russia 
 lecturing to students, they crowded to the meetings, 
 often standing for two hours a night, listening eagerly 
 for a message of hope. In Kief sixty new students, 
 in Petrograd over seventy, and in Moscow one hun- 
 dred handed in their names as desiring to join 
 Bible classes, to make a fresh study of the life and 
 teaching of Christ. In these three centers alone 
 were 75,000 college students without one Russian 
 worker giving his whole time to Christian work 
 among them. A limited investment in altruistic en- 
 deavor would immediately reach a larger number of 
 students, and meet a more desperate need, than are 
 to be found in any other land. 4 
 
 'See further Appendixes II and III. 
 
THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 97 
 
 One could hardly understand America today if 
 he knew nothing of the Pilgrim Fathers, the Revolu- 
 tion, or the Civil War. To understand the Russia of 
 the present, one must know something of her past. 
 It is the record of a thousand years of human suffer- 
 ing, as her people have struggled upward to the light 
 of liberty. Russia has suffered more than any other 
 great nation in the Western hemisphere. There is 
 a river of blood running through ten centuries of 
 Russia's tragic past. 
 
 The Slavs, like their white brothers of the Anglo- 
 Saxon race, entered Europe from Asia. Their his- 
 tory falls into four clearly defined periods. 
 
 1. The Independent Principalities, 8th-18th Cen- 
 turies. 
 
 Three cities have formed the radiating centers 
 of Russian life. The first was Kief in the 
 south, "the mother of Russian cities," the second 
 Moscow in the center, "the heart of Russia," the 
 third Petrograd in the north, "the head of Russia." 
 Kief in the ninth century became the cradle of Rus- 
 sian lif e and its commercial and political center. Yet 
 even in this early period of independent principalities, 
 the country was laid waste by eighty-three civil 
 wars. During the course of a century and a half 
 Kief was repeatedly taken by storm and pillage, 
 until finally the whole country was desolated by the 
 foreign invasion of fierce marauding tribes. 
 
 2. The Tartar or Mongol Dominion, 1 238-1 462 A. D. 
 
98 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 In the midst of war at home Russia was suddenly 
 swept by a cyclonic foreign invasion. Gengis 
 Khan, after conquering China, advanced westward 
 and defeated the Russians in 1224 A. D., extending 
 his realm over Asia and Europe from the Pacific to 
 the Baltic and Danube. Russia now passed for 
 two centuries under the galling Tartar yoke, and 
 the clock of Russian culture was put back for genera- 
 tions. Forced to pay tribute, they were invaded 
 from time to time by the Tartars, who swept over 
 Russia with terrible devastation. 
 
 3. The Czardom of Russia, 1380-1689. 
 
 To unite the Russian nation, the princes of Moscow 
 consolidated their possessions and threw off the Tar- 
 tar yoke, but they laid the foundation of autocracy, 
 which rested upon the Russian people with its dead 
 weight for more than five centuries. Autocracy 
 always advanced at the cost of the people. In two 
 centuries (1228-1462) bleeding Russia had to suffer 
 the horrors of ninety internal conflicts and over 150 
 foreign wars, while drought, famine, and fire added to 
 the poverty of the peasants. Still there was a great 
 unconquerable hope at the heart of Russia. 
 
 The early Czars combined the barbaric luxury of the 
 Tartar Khan with the splendor of the Byzantine 
 Emperor, while the people paid in taxes and blood. 
 Ivan the Terrible (1533-84) inaugurated, apparently 
 without any reason, a reign of terror lasting for 
 twenty-five years. Toward his own people he acted 
 
THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 99 
 
 like a savage invader in a conquered territory. He 
 mercilessly devastated peaceful districts, simply to 
 terrorize the population. During his six weeks 
 residence in the old municipal republic of Novgorod 
 he is said to have massacred 60,000 men, women, and 
 children. Still Russia suffered in patience. A later 
 monarch, Boris, bound the peasants to the soil, 
 forbade immigration or free movement, and fastened 
 upon them the fetters of serfdom, which the Russian 
 peasantry endured for the next two and a half 
 centuries. 
 
 When the throne fell vacant, Michael Romanoff 
 was chosen Czar in 1613, and a new dynasty of more 
 or less benevolent tyrants was fastened upon Russia. 
 
 This first of the Romanoffs promoted the internal 
 prosperity of the country, revived its long prostrate 
 commerce, and in 1639 extended the borders of his 
 Asiatic possessions to the Pacific. 
 
 4. The Modern Period, 1689-1917. 
 
 Peter the Great (1689-1725), whose name has been 
 preserved in the national capital which he founded, 
 undertook a series of radical administrative re- 
 forms. 
 
 By main force of autocracy he succeeded in trans- 
 forming the semi-Oriental society of Russia into an 
 Occidental society and making Russia into a Euro- 
 pean power. These changes were, however, so un- 
 suited to the national character and customs, and 
 the officials who were to carry them out remained 
 
100 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 so indifferent to the public welfare, that little was 
 actually accomplished. 
 
 On the death of Peter the autocratic power which 
 he had wielded so vigorously passed into the hands 
 of a series of weak, indolent rulers who were guided 
 by personal caprice rather than by serious political 
 considerations. The next great figure to emerge 
 is that of Catherine II during whose long reign 
 (1762-1796) Russia made rapid progress in civiliza- 
 tion and came to be fully recognized as one of the 
 Great Powers. By her large grants of land to 
 courtiers and distinguished public servants, by her 
 establishment of secondary schools in the principal 
 towns, and by her emphasis on increased refinement in 
 the life of the court, Catherine made herself very 
 popular in the upper ranks of society, but did little 
 or nothing to lighten the burdens of the people. 
 Popular discontent found expression in various forms. 
 The contradictions of Catherine's character — bril- 
 liant, capricious, of lax morals and large intellect as 
 she was — have earned for her the title of the most 
 picturesque of the rulers of Russia. While sur- 
 rounding herself with courtiers of doubtful reputa- 
 tion, she was the professed patron of public morality 
 and founded many churches and benevolent institu- 
 tions; though essentially more despotic than any of 
 her immediate predecessors, she convoked an assem- 
 bly of delegates from all the districts to frame a new 
 and more liberal code of laws. 
 
THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 101 
 
 In the early part of his reign, Alexander I (1801- 
 1825) sought to put into practice some of the dem- 
 ocratic ideas of his time and to institute educational 
 and other reforms. But his attention became more 
 and more engrossed with foreign affairs, for it was 
 largely due to his skill and persistency during the 
 three years preceding Waterloo that Europe was 
 freed from the domination of Napoleon, and he 
 gradually adopted in all departments of national 
 administration a strongly reactionary policy. Pro- 
 found dissatisfaction and disappointment in the 
 liberal section of the educated classes were the in- 
 evitable result. 
 
 His brother, Nicholas I (1825-1855), who succeed- 
 ed him, combined with his steadfast faith in auto- 
 cratic methods an exaggerated fear of revolutionary 
 principles and ruled Russia with an iron hand. It 
 is not strange, therefore, that the first decade of the 
 reign of his son, Alexander II (1855-1881), was a 
 violent reaction against the political and intellectual 
 stagnation of the preceding period, and is known in 
 Russia as "the epoch of the great reforms." 
 
 The first step taken by the young emperor was 
 the abolition of serfdom, thus creating more than 
 20,000,000 freemen, who were enabled by a system 
 of state loans to secure small farms on an instal- 
 ment plan of payment. He undertook also to 
 bring about the thorough reorganization of the 
 judicial administration, and the development of 
 
102 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 local self-government. These great changes were 
 made, but the sanguine expectations which had ac- 
 companied them were not realized, and the govern- 
 ment gave it to be understood that the epoch of the 
 great reforms was closed. 
 
 When about to grant a constitution to the people 
 in 1881, Alexander II was killed by a terrorist's 
 bomb, and his son Alexander III (1881-1894) entered 
 upon a reign of reaction and oppression. He had 
 been consulted on the constitutional project and 
 had assented, but on his accession other influences 
 prevailed, and the reform which would have been 
 the first step toward parliamentary government 
 was not carried out. For two decades an aver- 
 age of 20,000 victims a year were banished to 
 Siberia. The last Czar, Nicholas II, came to the 
 throne in 1894. He was more humane, but weak 
 and vacillating, and he became the easy victim 
 of the evil forces surrounding him. For a long 
 weary century pathetic movements for freedom had 
 been repeatedly organized among the people. Finally 
 on October 30, 1905, the Czar, in a panic at the nation- 
 al uprising, vaguely promised all manner of reforms. 
 The first radical Duma opened in 1906, but was soon 
 dissolved by the Czar. The second was closed the 
 following year. The third Duma opened at the 
 end of 1907. Stolypin stood firm against the demands 
 of the Duma, and the revolution which began in 
 1905 for the liberation of the toiling masses broke 
 
THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 103 
 
 down. The cause of failure lay in the lack of leader- 
 ship among the intellectuals, lack of discipline, ol 
 unity, and of real identification with the people. 
 By 1909 the Government had banished 180,000 
 political exiles to Siberia. 
 
 Russia has suffered enough to earn her freedom. 
 But let us not think that all her suffering has been 
 fruitless. The backward swing of the pendulum of 
 reaction may carry the hour hand along the dial plate 
 of human progress as truly as the forward swing of 
 radical reform. At both extremes Russia will have 
 learned a great lesson. Let us not blame her if she 
 does not instantly rise to democratic discipline, for 
 even the struggle of the Anglo-Saxon for liberty 
 was the slow growth of centuries, and the Republic 
 of France was long unstable. Russia is, like her own 
 prisoners suddenly released from Siberia, tottering 
 with unsteady footsteps and with eyes half blinded 
 and unaccustomed to face the light of liberty. But 
 she has been learning the first painful lessons of de- 
 mocracy. 
 
 Russia appeals to us today by her tragic need. For 
 a thousand years her vast masses, fighting against 
 poverty and oppression, aggressive wars from without 
 and cruel autocracy within, have slowly struggled 
 toward freedom. Autocracy can never long hold 
 Russia after her people have tasted liberty. Russia 
 will yet find herself. 
 
 The writer met Madam Breshkovsky, the "Little 
 
104 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 Grandmother of the Revolution. " After thirty-two 
 years of terrible experiences in the prisons of Siberia, 
 she had been released only to have the hopes of 
 a lifetime dashed to the ground. Yet her faith in 
 the future and her faith in God's purpose for her 
 country have never wavered. It is her unshaken con- 
 viction that tyranny will pass and that Russia will 
 yet be vindicated as the leader of Democracy. She 
 said: "I know my people — lawyers, students, peas- 
 ants, and soldiers; I know them all, and I love 
 them. I believe in the great future of Russia. I 
 may not live to see it myself, but it will come. " 
 
 As a Russian poet says : 
 
 "Never can the reason master, 
 Never can the foot-rule measure 
 Russia's own peculiar essence — 
 Faith alone can fathom Russia." 
 
 With all our heart we still believe in Russia. We 
 believe in her, because we believe in humanity, 
 because we believe in God, because we believe it will 
 yet be Everybody's World. This great people has 
 not suffered for a thousand years in vain. One- 
 sixth of the land area of the globe cannot forever be 
 turned over to anarchy and corruption. We must 
 help Russia with a disinterested, generous, and friend- 
 ly cooperation to regain her footing and to find her- 
 self. A Nihilistic Russia would be a menace to the 
 world, a breeding center of contagion for all nations. 
 A peaceful, settled, and prosperous Russia will be 
 
THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 105 
 
 a blessing to humanity. Prince Kropotkin, the 
 well-known Russian writer, says that at the present 
 moment the most urgent need is to save Russia 
 from impending starvation. He implores America to 
 send seeds, tractors, agricultural implements, and 
 experts, "as a direct gift and a friendly service from 
 nation to nation. " 
 
 The law of sacrifice will yet bear its costly fruit, 
 for even here nothing walks with aimless feet. God's 
 in His heaven still, and all will yet be well with 
 Russia. Pitt might cry in agony of soul, "Roll up 
 the map of Europe, " and we shall now have to roll 
 it up once again. But we shall have a new 
 Russia, a new Europe, and a new world — Every- 
 body's World. 
 
 Democratic Russia turns to the great democracy, 
 America, for help and cooperation. This is the hour 
 of Russia 's need, and this our day of opportunity. 
 
JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 
 
 The problem of the Pacific and of the Far East 
 is one of the great issues before the American 
 people. Nearly all of our statesmen have recognized 
 this. 1 But there is more at stake in the Far East 
 than most Americans have ever realized. A vast 
 population of over 600,000,000 finds its only outlet 
 to the sea and its chief contact with the West upon 
 the shores of the Pacific. The trade of Japan in- 
 creased nearly seventy-fold in the last fifty years, 
 from a paltry $13,000,000, when she entered the 
 modern world in 1868, to over $1,000,000,000 in 
 1918. If the trade of China should increase in the 
 same proportion during the next fifty years, she 
 would require $25,000,000,000 annually in imports, 
 
 1 William H. Seward, after visiting the Far East, said: "The 
 Pacific and the vast regions beyond will become the chief 
 theater of events in the world's great hereafter." Mr. Taft said 
 before the War: "The problem of the Pacific is the greatest 
 problem now before the American people." Mr. Roosevelt said: 
 "The Mediterranean era died with the discovery of America; 
 the Atlantic era is now at the height of its development; the 
 Pacific era, destined to be the greatest of all, is just at the 
 dawn." Dr. Reinsch, the able Foreign Minister of the United 
 States in China, wrote: "There have been great crises in past 
 history, but none comparable to the drama which is now being 
 enacted in the Far East, upon the outcome of which depends the 
 welfare not only of a country, or a section of the race, but of all 
 mankind." 
 
 106 
 
JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 107 
 
 or ten times the amount of the total export trade 
 of the United States at the outbreak of the War. 
 
 The problem of the Pacific is significant not only 
 because of the vast populations and the growing 
 trade upon its shores, but because it raises the great 
 race question which confronts the American people. 
 The white race numbers approximately 795,000,000, 
 or forty-eight per cent of the world's population. 
 The yellow race numbers 630,000,000, or about 
 thirty-eight per cent. 2 These are the two great 
 races of the world. 
 
 America as the last outpost of the white race, and 
 Japan as the representative of the Mongolian race, 
 face one another across the Pacific. What is their 
 future to be? The Mongolian race will present 
 either a yellow peril or a golden opportunity. If 
 there ever is a yellow peril, it will be one of our own 
 making. Today one of our greatest opportunities 
 for service lies in the Far East. Here also, unless we 
 live up to the high idealism for which we entered the 
 War, will he our chief danger of conflict. 
 
 There are three expanding races in the world to- 
 day, which have made, and will probably increas- 
 ingly make, a deep impression upon the other races 
 and peoples. These are the Anglo-Saxon, the 
 
 2 According to Whitaker's Almanac, "The dominant color is 
 yellow — the numerical order being, Mongolian, 655,000,000; 
 Caucasian, 645,000,000; Negro, 190,000,000; Semitic, 81,000,000; 
 Malayan, 52,000,000; Red Indian, 23,000,000; total 1,646,000,- 
 000." 
 
108 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 Teutonic, and the Mongolian Japanese. We know 
 the ideals for which the Anglo-Saxon race has 
 striven to stand, though it has not always lived up 
 to them — liberty, democracy, and righteousness. We 
 know the grave menace of Prussian militarism, which 
 we trust has been forever discredited by the War. 
 WTiat is to be the nature of the Japanese expansion? 
 Is it to be autocratic or democratic, militaristic or 
 peaceful, Christian or pagan? That will depend 
 largely upon America. The War has wrought a 
 radical change of attitude in Japan toward America. 
 The United States is no longer looked upon as a 
 nation of money-grabbing, timid materialists, but 
 as an efficient and powerful democracy. While 
 traveling in Japan, we found more space given to 
 America in the Japanese press than to any other 
 nation ; this has trebled in the last few years. Japan 
 is watching closely to see if America lives up to 
 her ideals, or whether the high professions of the 
 War were mere cant and hypocrisy to cover up 
 a policy of materialistic selfishness at home and 
 abroad. 
 
 A visit to Japan this year and one to Germany 
 before the War convinced the writer that there was 
 a striking parallel between the past development of 
 Japan and that of Prussia. The comparison holds 
 good only up to the time of Count Terauchi's re- 
 actionary cabinet. It is our firm belief that Japan 
 has not been blind to the lesson of the War and that 
 
JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 109 
 
 she will not follow the discredited policy of auto- 
 cratic militarism. 
 
 The German Empire which menaced the world 
 under Prussian domination was marked by the 
 following characteristics: It was a militaristic 
 regime, based upon a feudal inheritance, centering 
 in the almost absolute power of "the State"; sus- 
 picious of democracy, it believed in the autocratic 
 state control of education, of the press, of trade and 
 commerce, and of legislation for social welfare; it 
 consistently practiced a militaristic colonial rule, 
 often with contempt for the peoples it had con- 
 quered or controlled, and it had an efficient, world- 
 wide intelligence department and spy system. 
 
 The past history of Japan presents a striking 
 similarity to these ten characteristics of Prussianism. 
 We should remember that the Japanese Christian 
 leaders, however, have the same ideals as our own. 
 They condemn the past militaristic policy of their 
 government as unsparingly as does any foreigner. 
 They are the hope of the future. But there is a 
 self-centered and militaristic trend in the Govern- 
 ment inherited from the past which must be 
 reckoned with. 
 
 1. The Japanese have been an expanding and 
 dominant race, organized under a strong militarism. 
 They had a great military past and were a people 
 of warriors more than two thousand years ago. 
 
 2. Japan had a feudal inheritance from the past 
 
110 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 and is still to a large extent under the domination of 
 the great Choshu and Satsuma clans. The leaders 
 of the Choshu clan have largely controlled the army, 
 the colonies, the home office, and the education of 
 the country. Those of Satsuma have been dominant 
 in the navy, the department of finance, and in 
 industry. It was these clans which restored the 
 Emperor to power fifty years ago. 
 
 3. The power of the throne has been inviolable. 
 The accepted tradition taught in the schools is that 
 for more than twenty-five centuries Japan has been 
 ruled by a single dynasty. The "Throne" was al- 
 most worshiped. The people have existed for the 
 Government rather than the Government for the 
 people, although the theory in Japan was that the 
 Emperor was the father and the people his children. 
 In Prince Ito's striking phrase, "The word 'people' 
 denoted merely a numerical mass of governed 
 units." 3 Divided feudal Japan became united as a 
 single nation fifty years ago, in 1868, after a military 
 victory. The Japanese have firmly held that their 
 
 3 The doctrine of Imperial Divinity has been expanded and 
 sedulously propagated by the statesmen and bureaucrats dur- 
 ing the past thirty years with marked effect. Thus Baron 
 Oura, Minister of Home Affairs, said in February, 1911, 
 "That the majesty of our Imperial House towers high above 
 everything to be found in the world, and that it is as durable 
 as heaven and earth is too well known to need dwelling 
 on here. If it is considered that our country needs a religious 
 faith, then, I say, let it be converted to a belief in the religion 
 of patriotism and loyalty, the religion of Imperialism — in other 
 words to Emperor-worship." 
 
JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 111 
 
 emperor is divine and descended from the gods. The 
 law of Use majeste protects the throne from public 
 scrutiny, and a military oligarchy has acted in the 
 name of the throne as the power behind it. 
 
 4. The Government was based on autocracy and 
 had an inherent dread of democracy and socialism. 
 In Japan, until the end of the War, the very words 
 democracy and socialism were in high disfavor. 
 Films quoting parts of President Wilson's speeches 
 were not allowed to be shown. If he wished to make 
 the world "safe for democracy," that was the last 
 thing that the autocratic oligarchy in Japan wished 
 to see, as it inevitably threatened their system. So 
 nervous was Japan that in 1912 a book on " The Social 
 Habits of Animals" was suppressed by the police, 
 fearing that it might encourage the doctrine of 
 socialism. 
 
 5. Japan consistently believed in the state control 
 of education so as to buttress the cult of intense 
 patriotism and unreflecting submission to the 
 powers that be. In the primary schools the children 
 were taught that they were "a peculiar people," 
 with unique virtues. They were filled with a sense 
 of their great destiny, and had a tendency to despise 
 other nations, especially those smaller and weaker, 
 or those which seemed to stand in the way of their 
 manifest destiny. 
 
 6. There was an autocratic control of the press. 
 The "Elder Statesmen" and the Ministers of War 
 
112 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 and Navy could bring about the suppression of a 
 newspaper or any edition which published matter 
 considered objectionable to the authorities. Most of 
 the papers have been controlled by members of the 
 oligarchy and all were placed under a strict censor- 
 ship. Japan has also exercised a powerful influence 
 over the press of other nations. 
 
 7. There has been a rapid and remarkable ex- 
 pansion in trade and commerce under the direction 
 and subsidy of the Government. They have en- 
 couraged ship-building, and subsidized companies 
 to enable them to compete successfully with foreign 
 nations. They have controlled large government 
 monopolies, including some of the principal prod- 
 ucts in Korea and Formosa. 
 
 8. The Government adopted a paternalistic 
 attitude toward the nation. The people were taught 
 to be grateful for benefits conferred upon them from 
 above. A benevolent and efficient paternalism 
 seemed more successful than a loose democracy. 
 
 9. Japan had stood for a militaristic colonial rule. 
 The German colonies offered a model to Japan. 
 She followed the Prussian system rather than the 
 British or American. The Japanese have devel- 
 oped the material welfare of their colonies, but 
 they have consistently limited every expression of 
 liberty, of democracy, and of development toward 
 self-government. In actual practice they have not 
 stood for the open door of trade. If Germany had 
 
JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 113 
 
 trusted her colonies and treated generously her con- 
 quered people she would not have lost them. If 
 Japan will but trust and treat generously the people 
 of Korea, as brothers and equals, they will respond 
 and reward her a hundred-fold, like the conquered 
 Boers of South Africa who fought so loyally for 
 Britain in the late war. 
 
 10. Japan stood for an elaborate and efficient 
 intelligence department. 
 
 Japan and Germany thus were parallel in several 
 aspects of their past development. Each was a mili- 
 tary oligarchy administered by a bureaucracy in the 
 name of a divine autocracy. German officers had 
 trained the Japanese Army, and since the Russo- 
 Japanese War Japan had turned to Prussia for many 
 of her models. But, as we have said, she is standing 
 today at the parting of the ways. We believe that 
 during the period of reconstruction Japan will not try 
 to follow the discredited system of militarism and seek 
 the selfish exploitation of China and the Far East, but 
 that she will learn the great lesson of the War that 
 autocratic militarism and intolerant nationalism are 
 forever doomed, because they are against the whole 
 world's welfare. As the leader of the East, in un- 
 selfish altruism she may fully enter into the brother- 
 hood of nations. The writer believes implicitly in 
 the Japanese people as a whole, and, like many of 
 them, he is confident that the days of the narrow 
 but able oligarchy are numbered. Just as they 
 
114 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 adapted themselves to the modern world in 1868, 
 in one of the greatest changes known in all 
 history, so they will adapt themselves to the 
 present world movement for democracy. Even 
 their conservative leaders will not be as slow to 
 learn as the proud Prussian Junkers, nor will they 
 make the same fatal mistake. We admire Japan's 
 great past, we sympathize with her present difficul- 
 ties, we believe in her greater future that is yet to be. 
 
 The issue of the War will change the history of 
 this nation. During our recent visit to Japan, as we 
 interviewed her leaders and scanned her press, we 
 became impressed with the fact that they were 
 learning the lesson of the War. They have seen the 
 futility and failure of an autocratic militarism based 
 upon material science. Their former prototype and 
 pattern has been utterly defeated and discredited, 
 and there remains no successful example of auto- 
 cratic militarism in the world. Militarism has 
 produced Bolshevism. Repression has given birth 
 to reaction. On the other hand, democracies are 
 now seen to be efficient. Democracy has won the 
 day and holds the fate of the future. 
 
 There are many signs of the steady advance of 
 democracy in Japan. The forcing out of the reac- 
 tionary Terauchi cabinet in September, 1918, and 
 its replacement by the liberal Hara cabinet were 
 brought about by the press and public opinion. It 
 gives us solid ground to believe that Japan has al- 
 
JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 115 
 
 ready resolved to cast in her lot with the democratic 
 peoples of the world. A host of her intelligent mid- 
 dle class are in open sympathy with these peoples. 
 Her best Christian leaders have the same democratic 
 ideals as our own. Never before have the press and 
 platform enjoyed such freedom. A score of her 
 leaders stand forth as fearless critics, boldly pro- 
 claiming the failure of Germany and the doom of 
 Japan if she follows in her footsteps. They point 
 out the true sincerity of Anglo-Saxon idealism and 
 altruism and the success of democracy. Hara, the 
 present premier, is the first commoner who has been 
 called to that office, and is the leader of the dominant 
 party, entitled " Friends of Constitutionalism." 
 Japan now realizes that she cannot maintain herself 
 in economic and political isolation. Her future is 
 bound up with that of Great Britain and America. 
 She is dependent upon these two countries and China 
 for her raw products. If an open door of free trade, 
 in thought and speech, in the press and on the plat- 
 form, can be maintained for the next decade, it will 
 mean the final triumph of democracy and of Christian 
 ideals in Japan. 
 
 Two forces have been contending for the possession 
 of Japan, like the two principles which met in con- 
 flict in the late War. On the one hand, there is the 
 pagan and materialistic force utilizing the discoveries 
 of Western science, organized under the still power- 
 ful autocratic militarists, and inspired by the doctrine 
 
116 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 that might makes right. On the other hand, there 
 is the spiritual force of liberty, democracy, and 
 righteousness, inspired by the conviction that 
 right makes might, that brotherhood, humanity, 
 altruism, and Christian love are the principles that 
 ultimately will dominate in Everybody's World. 
 
 In a striking way these two forces have been 
 brought to bear in recent years upon Japan. Pro- 
 fessor Nitobe says: "At present one perceives in 
 the Orient two currents of thought flowing from the 
 Occident, molding the rising generation. One is 
 derived from the continent of Europe . . . making 
 for skepticism and decadence, often pessimistic, 
 negative, and destructive; the other derived from the 
 indefatigable spirit of the Anglo-Saxon race, con- 
 structive, robust, forever ready to be up and doing, 
 with a 'heart within and God o'erhead' ... I 
 believe that, paradoxical as it may seem at first 
 sight, it is through the young civilization of the 
 United States that the old East will receive the 
 freshest moral impulse." 4 In the impact of the 
 West upon the East, two forces have thus been 
 brought to bear upon impressionable Japan, the one 
 Teutonic, the other Anglo-Saxon. 
 
 It is not claimed for a moment that all of Ger- 
 many's influence has been bad and all the Anglo- 
 Saxon influence good, but it is claimed that the 
 history of Japan will largely be determined by her 
 
 4 "The Japanese Nation," page 313. 
 
JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 117 
 
 choice between the material and the spiritual in- 
 fluences brought to bear upon her. It was America 
 which first opened Japan, and to her as her patron 
 Japan turned in the first days of her tutelage. It 
 was American leaders who largely shaped her educa- 
 tion and early precedents in trade and commerce. 
 Japan soon discovered, however, that Great Britain 
 was also democratic, but that she had a monarchy, a 
 king-emperor more nearly like her own, and to 
 Britain she looked for most of her political and 
 financial reforms. Finally, however, when Marquis 
 Ito, her greatest statesman, traveled in Europe he 
 discovered that the Prussian system was the one 
 most congenial to Japan. The centralized, autocra- 
 tic, militaristic, paternal, and efficient government 
 appealed to him, and it was therefore on the Prussian 
 model that Ito drew up the constitution. From 
 Germany Japan received the plan for her army, her 
 medical science, and much of the system of her 
 universities. The philosophy of Nietzsche, the 
 materialism of German scientists like Haeckel, and 
 the utilitarian view of life were eagerly accepted. 
 
 Japan does not ask for the promiscuous dumping 
 of her excess population upon our Pacific shores. 
 She herself has an imperial ordinance to protect her 
 labor market against the indiscriminate immigration 
 of the Chinese. She does not permit foreigners to 
 hold land in fee simple, though they can hold it on 
 long lease or through corporations under Japanese 
 
118 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 civil law. Japan only asks that she be not gratuit- 
 ously and deliberately insulted by invidious dis- 
 crimination, which shall brand her people as an 
 inferior race. If such a plan as Dr. Sidney Gulick 
 has suggested were adopted, Japan could find no 
 logical objection and it would appeal to her innate 
 sense of justice. He suggests that a general law 
 might be passed limiting the immigration of any 
 nationality to a certain percentage of its nationals 
 who are already citizens of the United States. This 
 would limit the number of Japanese and Chinese and 
 uneducated Asiatics, and certain of the less desirable 
 classes of Europe, and would prevent indiscriminate 
 immigration without invidious reflection upon any 
 nation or race. On the other hand, our exclusion 
 law against the Chinese is a plain violation of our 
 treaty with China, and it is a disgrace to al- 
 low it to stand on the statute books of a nation 
 which is called Christian and which boasts of its 
 devotion to truth and justice. 
 
 In case of war any nation which had command 
 of the sea could easily isolate Japan, and cut her off 
 from Korea and the mainland. She would be forced 
 to make terms, with her trade annihilated and de- 
 pendent on others for her supply of cotton, iron, 
 nitrates, rice, flour, and other foodstuffs. But no 
 nation could land upon her shores and conquer her 
 there. Japan, on the other hand, would be utterly 
 unable and would make no attempt whatever to 
 
JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 119 
 
 land upon the shores of America. A war brought on 
 by suspicion, jealousy, hatred, or by the influence 
 of yellow journalism or unfriendly legislation, would 
 be criminal and contrary to all our ideals. The vast 
 rational majority of both countries neither desires 
 nor expects it. 
 
 America stands in a position of peculiar advantage 
 and responsibility for helping Japan in this second 
 crisis in her modern history. All we need is to live 
 up to the ideals that we have repeatedly proclaimed 
 in this War. If we do so, if we ourselves are true to 
 liberty, democracy, righteousness, and world brother- 
 hood in our cooperation with Japan, China, and 
 Asia, the battle will be won for democracy and 
 Christianity. Let us try to put ourselves in Japan's 
 place. Suppose we had an overcrowded population 
 at home, increasing at the rate of nearly a million a 
 year, with a lack of raw materials, with not enough 
 land even to supply rice and food stuffs for our own 
 population, shut out from the most favored portions 
 of the earth by exclusion laws which seemed humil- 
 iating and insulting, what would be our attitude 
 towards such foreign powers? Let us give Japan an 
 open door to the raw materials, trade, and markets 
 that she must have. Let us only ask that she shall 
 fully respect the rights of trade of all other nations 
 represented in China and throughout Asia. 
 
 We should help Japan first of all because of our 
 own ideals. We should help her because of her 
 
120 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 tremendous importance. Japan is the rudder of 
 Asia. She is a mighty force for good or evil. Her 
 influence will extend throughout the East and will 
 react upon the West. If we have found our true 
 life in liberty and democracy and Christian civiliza- 
 tion let us share it with her. 
 
 Three forces are bringing the nations together, 
 with their shuttles of friendly intercourse weaving 
 the warp and woof of the international fabric of the 
 future. These are the intercourse of foreign trade, 
 the sharing of common ideals through Western 
 education, and the extension of the principles which 
 he at the foundation of our life through the friendly 
 ministry of Christian missions. 
 
 If we are concerned with humanity, no nation is 
 of greater moment than Japan. The first of the 
 Oriental nations to awaken, the Japanese are today 
 the strong and dominant race in all Asia, and Asia 
 represents over half our world. Japan proper has 
 an area about equal to Montana, or a little less than 
 California. Her dependency of Korea has an area 
 about equal to Kansas or Minnesota. 5 
 
 Japan is an island empire composed of four large 
 
 islands and nearly 4,000 smaller ones raised from the 
 
 Area Sq. Population 
 
 Miles in 1919 
 
 5 Japan proper 147,655 60,000,000 
 
 Chosen, Korea 84,000 16,500,000 
 
 Other Dependencies 26,611 3,610,441 
 
 Total 258,266 80,110,441 
 
JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 121 
 
 ocean bed by volcanic activity. It is a mountainous 
 country of exquisite beauty. As we neared the shore 
 we saw the great Fujiyama, one of the most beautiful 
 mountains in the world, with a snow-capped peak 
 rising to a height of over 12,000 feet. Through the 
 month of April, we found Japan one glory of pink 
 cherry blossoms, and throughout all the seasons of 
 the year there was no time when flowers were not 
 an object of delight to this artistic and nature-loving 
 people. While nature has lavished a wealth of 
 beauty upon these islands, with their ever changing 
 panorama of mountain and valley, of land and sea, 
 man, on the other hand, has developed their artistic 
 beauty. Second only to the Greeks in their capacity 
 for decorative art, the Japanese have a love of 
 nature and an appreciation of the beautiful more 
 universal among all classes than can be found in any 
 other people in the world. 
 
 But although Japan is a land of beauty, it is also 
 a land of poverty. Only fourteen per cent of the total 
 area of the country is under cultivation, and less than 
 twenty per cent is capable of being tilled. The over- 
 crowded population possesses only one-twentieth 
 of the surface of the earth, and must find some out- 
 let. Japan has but few undeveloped resources. She 
 is poor in her supply of coal, poorer still in iron and 
 most metals. A million people are living in the low 
 East Side of Tokyo, subject to frequent inundations, 
 and the submerged population forms one-tenth of 
 
122 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 the whole. We passed through slums where in 
 abject poverty, yet always in patience, with a cour- 
 tesy and politeness that would put us to shame, these 
 people are struggling to live on five to six dollars a 
 month. 
 
 The character of the Japanese can be better under- 
 stood if we recall for a moment their peculiar history, 
 although those who are familiar with it will find this 
 superfluous. Japan's history may be divided for 
 convenience into three periods, ancient, medieval, 
 and modern. 
 I. Ancient. The Patriarchal Period of the Clans. 
 
 600 B.C-550 A.D. 
 II. Medieval. 550 A.D.-1853. 
 
 1. Introduction of Buddhism and Continen- 
 
 tal Civilization. 552 A.D. 
 
 2. Era of Feudalism and Civil Wars. 794- 
 
 1638. 
 
 3. Period of Isolation, under Tokugawa Sho- 
 
 gunate. 1638-1853. 
 III. Modern. 
 
 1. The Landing of Commodore Perry and 
 
 Opening to Foreigners. 1853. 
 
 2 . The Era of Enlightenment under Restored 
 
 Imperial Rule. 1868. 
 
 3. Adoption of Constitution and Beginning 
 
 of Industrial Era. 1889. 
 In the ancient period we find the warring tribes 
 or clans gradually conquered by the house of 
 
JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 123 
 
 Yamato, as the head of the dominant tribe, until 
 its leader finally becomes the Mikado. In this 
 legendary or semi-historical period, we find the first 
 emperor, Jimmu, ascending the throne in 660 B.C. 
 Japan has had but a single dynasty for more than 
 twenty-five centuries and the present emperor is the 
 124th in the direct line of descent or adoption. This 
 has no parallel in history. In 552 A.D. Buddhism 
 was introduced into Japan from Korea, bringing 
 not only its religious ideas, but education, culture, 
 arts, industries, literature, and a whole wealth of 
 life to Japan, as Confucianism had brought in the 
 moral code and culture of China. 
 
 Christianity was introduced into Japan by the 
 great missionary to Asia, Francis Xavier, in 1549, 
 and rapidly spread throughout the islands, until in 
 the next century the Catholic community reached 
 nearly half a million. The military Shogun Iyeyasu, 
 angered at the political intrigues and quarrels of the 
 Jesuits, and the struggles of rival leaders under cover 
 of the cloak of Christianity, and fearing further 
 foreign interference, finally issued an edict banishing 
 the missionaries and prohibiting the foreign religion. 
 Many were crucified at Nagasaki, scores of priests 
 were killed and some 200,000 faithful Christians 
 bravely laid down their lives. The Japanese Chris- 
 tians by their heroism, fortitude, and utter fearless- 
 ness repeated the glorious annals of the early 
 persecutions of the Church in the catacombs of 
 
124 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 Rome. Thus Christianity was banished in blood 
 and from 1638 to 1853 Japan became the hermit 
 nation of the world, forbidding all foreigners to 
 enter and all Japanese to leave the country. 
 
 It was America which had the privilege of in- 
 troducing Japan to the new world. When Perry 
 broke the long silence of the centuries and dropped 
 anchor in the harbor of Yedo near Tokyo, Japan 
 looked upon all the rest of the world as "outer bar- 
 barians." Perry returned the following year and on 
 March 31, 1854, a treaty of friendship was signed 
 between the United States and Japan. His vessels 
 were not only armed with guns but loaded with gifts 
 and inventions from America to serve as object 
 lessons of the achievements of Western civilization. 6 
 
 Japan was now faced with the greatest problem of 
 her history. Should she open her doors to the 
 foreigners, and begin trade and intercourse with the 
 modern world, or should she fight and maintain her 
 isolated, medieval, feudal rule? The leaders of 
 Japan were convulsed with the conflict over this 
 tremendous issue, but with that sagacity and wis- 
 dom which have distinguished them ever since, the 
 leaders revolutionized their policy and placed their 
 country in the midst of the modern world. The com- 
 
 6 Perry's gifts to the emperor included the electric telegraph, 
 the steam locomotive and train, the telescope, life-boats, stoves, 
 clocks, sewing-machines, agricultural implements and machinery, 
 standard scales, weights, measures, maps, and charts. Griffis, 
 "Life of Perry," p. 368. 
 
JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 125 
 
 pleteness with which Japan turned right about face 
 and accepted the spirit of the new age was well nigh 
 unparalleled in history. The military Shoguns, 
 after an almost absolute rule of two and a half 
 centuries, surrendered their power to the new em- 
 peror, then only fifteen years of age. The Daimyo, 
 or feudal lords, yielded up their provincial power and 
 pledged their loyalty in a new national patriotism 
 which bound them to the throne. The boy emperor, 
 Mutsuhito, backed by the leaders of the powerful 
 clans, took the famous charter oath, and in 1868 the 
 era of Meiji or "enlightened rule" was begun. The 
 emperor promised representative government sup- 
 ported by public opinion, the development of the 
 social welfare of the whole people, and political re- 
 form as practiced by the most enlightened nations. 7 
 In accordance with the promises of the emperor, 
 experts and advisors from every nation were called 
 to Japan, and for thirty years more than 3,000 
 foreigners labored in the military, naval, financial, 
 and political reconstruction of the empire. In 1859 
 the first Protestant missionaries entered the country 
 and began their work of reform. Count Okuma, who 
 was himself influenced by the great American educa- 
 tor Verbeck, the instructor of so many of the future 
 leaders of the nation, often refers to the powerful 
 
 7 Japan's birthday of freedom was on July 14, 1853, just sixty- 
 four years after Bastille Day in France, July 14, 1789. She 
 entered her era of enlightenment in 1868, eight years after the 
 unification of Italy, and three years before that of Germany. 
 
126 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 and pervasive influence of these makers of the new 
 Japan. 8 As a result of this foreign intercourse, the 
 nation progressed by leaps and bounds. Feudalism 
 was abolished. The Eta, or outcasts, numbering 
 more than 1,000,000, who had been counted as 
 "animals," received the rank of citizenship as 
 human beings and were enrolled among the popu- 
 lation. 
 
 In the years following 1870, Japan built her first 
 telegraph line, her first railway, the first system of 
 lighthouses along her coasts; she inaugurated a 
 modern postal system which was so rapidly de- 
 veloped that she enjoyed universal free delivery, 
 postal savings banks, and a parcels post even before 
 the United States. There soon followed the first 
 newspapers, a modern mint, docks and ship yards, 
 and the first educational law, which laid the founda- 
 tion of free and compulsoiy primary education, 
 until today Japan claims to have 98 per cent of her 
 children under instruction. The edicts prohibiting 
 Christianity were removed, and freedom in re- 
 
 8 " Fortunately the missionaries and educators, whom the 
 United States sent to Japan about this time, were all men of 
 piety, moderation, and good sense, and their sincerity and 
 kindness produced on the minds of our countrymen a profound 
 impression ... all these did immense service in introducing 
 Japan to the rest of the world and in cultivating the minds of the 
 Japanese people, and such work was mostly done by American 
 residents in Japan. These circumstances completely changed 
 our attitude towards Christianity." "Fifty Years of New 
 Japan," by Count Okuma, pp. 91-92. 
 
JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 127 
 
 ligious worship, freedom of the press and speech 
 followed, and the Christian calendar was adopted. 
 Buddhism and Shinto were disestablished. The 
 Bible was translated, and Christian schools and 
 colleges were founded throughout the empire by 
 missionaries from the West. 
 
 Probably no country in the world has ever made 
 more rapid and remarkable advance than did Japan 
 during the forty-five years of the reign of Meiji, 
 the late emperor, from 1868 to 1912. During this 
 single reign, the area of the country was increased 
 seventy-five per cent ; the population increased from 
 30,000,000 to 60,000,000; the revenue increased 
 ten-fold, and the foreign trade more than forty-fold, 
 from $13,120,000 to $550,000,000. 
 
 In the light of her past history and achievements, 
 we may now better understand the character of her 
 people. If we were to sum up the outstanding 
 characteristics of the Japanese in a single sentence, 
 we would say that they are intensely patriotic, 
 practical, highly intelligent, ambitious, and imita- 
 tive, with a capacity to adopt and adapt all that is 
 best from other nations; they are enthusiastic, 
 aesthetic with a passionate love for the beautiful, 
 cheerful, fight-hearted, courteous and polite, and 
 above all progressive and open-minded to new ideas. 
 No nation has made so many changes, has renounced 
 so many old customs and institutions, or adopted so 
 many new practices in the last generation as has 
 
128 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 Japan. In moral character the Japanese are marked 
 by strong loyalty, filial piety, and self-control. 
 Bushido, or "the warrior's way," the code of 
 knightly honor of the ancient Samurai or feudal 
 soldiers of Japan, developed the qualities of courage, 
 endurance, fortitude in suffering, absolute obedience, 
 the suppression of all show of feeling, and loyalty. 
 Buddhism developed their love of art, gentleness, 
 pity, and the strain of pessimism and fatalism found 
 among the people. Shinto taught cleanliness and 
 simplicity. 
 
 Japan has been so busy appropriating the vast 
 complex of an outward material civilization of the 
 West that she has not so fully received or understood 
 the spiritual and unseen, the heart and soul of 
 Christian civilization. There is a vein of materialism 
 still running through much of the modern civiliza- 
 tion of Japan. It would be strange if this were not 
 so. Her faults are sociological rather than biological, 
 the temporary result of her environment rather than 
 the essential or permanent characteristics of the 
 people. Nearly all nations have found it easier to 
 adopt first the outward or material; the inward or 
 spiritual comes later and is more difficult. How 
 rapid has been our own advance in material civiliza- 
 tion ; but how little we can boast, as we found in the 
 first chapter, if we look at the inward and the 
 spiritual, the social, moral, and religious aspects of 
 our national life. 
 
JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 129 
 
 There is no country more misunderstood than 
 Japan, and there is no country which America in 
 particular more needs to understand. A thousand 
 years of repressive Bushido and warring feudalism 
 have made the Japanese necessarily reserved, sensi- 
 tive, and suspicious, even towards one another. They 
 are not by nature so open, frank, and friendly as 
 the Chinese. But truth and fairness impel us to do 
 them justice. It is frequently asserted in a sweeping 
 generalization that the Chinese are honest and the 
 Japanese are dishonest; and that they have to 
 employ Chinese assistants for their banks because 
 they cannot trust their own people. It would be 
 difficult to make a more false statement. Yet this 
 threadbare He will doubtless be repeated in America 
 for years to come. 9 Japan's military feudal regime 
 developed the qualities of courage and loyalty 
 rather than the commercial virtues of the Chinese 
 guild system. In business, the Chinese early learned 
 that honesty is the best policy. In their political 
 life, however, the Japanese are far more honest 
 than the Chinese and would compare favorably with 
 Americans. Their municipal politics have rarely 
 
 •Chinese tellers were and are still used in foreign banks in 
 Japan, whose head offices were in China. These tellers were 
 expert in dealing with Chinese fractional currency and were 
 experienced in the policy and methods of these foreign banks. 
 But Japanese banks in Japan do not employ a single Chinese 
 teller and they never needed to do so because of any lack of 
 confidence in their own people. 
 
130 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 sunk to the depths of the cesspools of Tammany 
 Hall and the system of political rings, bosses, and 
 graft of our own great cities. 
 
 When the writer was in inland China a bank was 
 opened by the Japanese. Immediately there was a 
 rush to deposit in it by the Chinese who knew their 
 money would be safe there. The men of the best 
 f amilies in ancient Japan were warriors and scholars ; 
 all money making was despised and trade was left 
 to the lower classes. Honesty is not so readily de- 
 veloped under a military regime as under a commer- 
 cial system like that in China. But the best men of 
 Japan are now throwing themselves into business 
 and the professions, and the standard of commercial 
 honesty is rapidly rising, and will compare favorably 
 with that of other nations. 
 
 Japan was molded in her medieval life by three 
 religions. Shinto, "the way of the gods," a simple 
 combination of primitive nature and ancestor wor- 
 ship, has been developed into a national code of 
 patriotism and emperor worship. Confucianism 
 supplied Japan with a moral code as the finest flower 
 and gift of China's civilization. Buddhism, with 
 its religious hopes and fears, brought to Japan the 
 choicest gift which India could give her in "The 
 Light of Asia." 
 
 Her three ancient religions and the barren mate- 
 rialism of Western science all combined have failed 
 to give Japan the great central truth and mighty 
 
JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 131 
 
 dynamic of life for the individual, the family, and the 
 nation. All combined have not given her what the 
 message of good news of Christianity alone can im- 
 part. The universal and loving fatherhood of one 
 God; the mighty inclusive brotherhood of one 
 humanity; the peace and blessing of abundant spirit- 
 ual life; the personal purity, integrity, and unswerv- 
 ing honesty of moral righteousness; the reverence 
 for women which creates true homes; the passion for 
 social justice for the poor and oppressed, which come 
 with true Christianity — this is what Japan needs 
 and this is what we can share with her in the great 
 principle of brotherhood. The leaders of modern 
 Japan have always regarded religion as a means to 
 some ulterior end. They have not yet produced a 
 single profoundly religious statesman. Japan has 
 not yet had a Gladstone, a Washington, or a Lincoln. 
 Nevertheless, the record of the progress of the 
 dynamic principles of Christianity in this generation 
 in Japan has been more significant, though less 
 obvious, than her material advance. It is here that 
 the idealism of America is needed. Let us mark the 
 achievement and the record of modern Christian 
 missions in one short generation. The number of 
 missionaries has increased in the last fifty years 
 from ten to 1428; the Christians from four to 213,819; 
 while the Christian community of adherents is sev- 
 eral times as large, and a leading Japanese estimates 
 that " there are in Japan a million persons who are 
 
132 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 fashioning their conduct according to the prin- 
 ciples of Jesus Christ." The Sunday schools grew 
 from nothing to an enrolment of 156,245. Fifty years 
 ago there was no Japanese Bible available, today its 
 circulation runs into the millions. There was then 
 hardly an asylum or hospital in the land. Christian- 
 ity has been the pioneer in establishing schools for 
 girls, hospitals, refuges for the poor, the blind, the 
 fatherless, the leper, the outcast, and the criminal. 
 As Count Okuma says, "the direct influence of 
 Christianity has poured into every realm of Japanese 
 life." 
 
 Japan needs today a strong central Christian 
 university adequately endowed. There is need of 
 strengthening the Christian forces in their educa- 
 tional, evangelistic, medical, literary, and social 
 service activities. Nothing but the truth will finally 
 triumph in Japan and we believe that she will be- 
 come ultimately a Christian country as surely as 
 our own. Japan will yet share in the enlightenment 
 and evangelization of Asia and will have her full 
 part in Everybody's World. 
 
VI 
 THE CRISIS IN CHINA 
 
 China appeals to the mind, the heart, the imagina- 
 tion. As we have come in contact with her people 
 during recent months and moved through her toiling 
 cities, we have been impressed anew with her vast 
 magnitude, her great antiquity, her unmeasured 
 resources, her immediate need, and her immense 
 future possibilities. 
 
 China has an area twelve times that of Great 
 Britain or seven times that of France. Her area 
 represents a quarter of all Asia, and nearly one- 
 twelfth of the world. Her teeming population is 
 estimated at 400,000,000, or eight times that of 
 Japan, nearly ten times that of Great Britain, and 
 four times that of the United States. Approximately, 
 of every four men in the world, one lives in China. 
 And the destiny of nearly one-quarter of the human 
 race matters profoundly in Everybody's World. 
 As Abraham Lincoln said of the common people, 
 God must love them because He made so many of 
 them. 
 
 The Chinese are remarkable for their great 
 antiquity. They are one of the three root races of 
 the world. They formed the ancient "Middle King- 
 dom," when all around them were "outer bar- 
 barians." China was clad in silks and civilized 
 
 133 
 
134 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 when our ancestors were little more than savages. 
 Before the eighth century, she had reached her zenith 
 in art, in literature, and in ancient industries, while 
 Europe was in the Dark Ages. 
 
 China impresses us also with her great resources. 
 As we journeyed through her inland provinces we 
 saw rich veins of coal and iron jutting out at the 
 very surface. We passed through the province of 
 Shansi, where the German geologist, Baron von 
 Richthofen, estimated that the coal in this province 
 alone would furnish the world's supply for some cen- 
 turies. In another province we passed a vein of 
 coal now being mined at the surface, which runs from 
 100 to 170 feet in width, and is probably the widest 
 vein known in the world. China has a fertile soil, 
 well watered, with a network of canals and rivers 
 that make the finest waterways in the world; she 
 has a favorable climate in the temperate zone, and 
 resembles America in her ability to maintain a large 
 population both by agriculture and manufacture. 
 The Far East will become one of the great trade 
 centers of the world. All nations are vitally inter- 
 ested in its development. 
 
 In spite of her great magnitude, antiquity, and 
 resources, China's immediate need is overwhelming. 
 Plunged into the form of republican government 
 before she had time for the preparation, education, 
 and democratization necessary to stand the strain 
 of modern life, China's position is most precarious. 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 135 
 
 She is in the midst of civil war between the north 
 and the south. Swept by flood and famine, she has 
 not had time to develop her vast resources before 
 she was preyed upon as spoil for other nations. 
 Unable to maintain law and order in the face of 
 rising bandit armies from within, and menaced by 
 dangerous and subtle foes without, her Government 
 is today in danger of breaking down. Her ancient 
 religions have not produced an official class sufficient- 
 ly honest, fearless, patriotic, and progressive to save 
 China in the present crisis. 
 
 To recall China's past, however, fills us with hope 
 for her future. This ancient nation alone survives 
 after witnessing the rise and fall of Nineveh and 
 Babylon, Assyria and Persia, Greece and Rome, the 
 Empire of Charlemagne and the mushroom growths 
 of medieval Europe. China saw the Aryans entering 
 India, civilization rising in Egypt, the Greeks under 
 Alexander conquering the world, yet she survives 
 them all. More than thirty-five centuries ago the 
 civilization of China was advanced in her intellectual, 
 social, and economic life, in writing, in the decimal 
 system, and in engineering, irrigation, and canals. 
 Two thousand years ago she possessed a rich litera- 
 ture, conducted competitive examinations, carried 
 on commerce with Rome, and used cannon in 
 warfare. 
 
 When Marco Polo visited China in the thirteenth 
 century he found it far in advance of Europe in its 
 
136 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 civilization. China had used gunpowder before the 
 Christian era; she had used the compass centuries 
 before our ancestors were civilized; she had dis- 
 covered the art of printing from movable type five 
 hundred years before Gutenberg at Mainz. Her 
 porcelains and works of art were the admiration of 
 the ancient world. To safeguard her ancient civiliza- 
 tion she built the Great Wall across her northern 
 boundary for 1,500 miles to shut out the barbarians, 
 and erected nearly 1,700 walled cities throughout 
 the empire. 
 
 We are impressed by the majestic march of this 
 mighty people through forty long centuries. They 
 have outlived twenty-four proud dynasties; they 
 have survived the rule of their own autocrats and of 
 foreign conquerors. We stand in reverence in their 
 great ancestral halls, where our Chinese friends look 
 back on an unbroken line for more than twenty cen- 
 turies, and record the names of their ancestors for 
 more than sixty-seven generations. If we agree with 
 Hegel that the events that have taken place in his- 
 tory are essentially God's work, we must believe 
 that He has some great providential purpose for 
 this race, which like that of the Hebrews goes on 
 forever. 
 
 China is impressive not only because of her size, 
 her antiquity, her rich resources, and her present 
 need, but because of her vast possibilities. Her chief 
 wealth lies in the character of her people. She may 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 137 
 
 yet fulfil Napoleon's prophecy, "When China is 
 moved, she will move the world." John Hay, de- 
 claring that the storm center of the world would pass 
 from the Balkans to the Far East, said, "Whoever 
 understands this mighty empire, socially, politically, 
 economically, religiously, has the key to world pol- 
 itics for the next five centuries." The Chinese people 
 are hardworking, industrious, frugal, law-abiding, 
 orderly, and highly intelligent. They are obedient 
 and courteous, peaceful and practical, loyal in their 
 relationships. They are just, honest, naturally 
 democratic, with no aristocracy of birth or wealth 
 but only that of learning and ability. They are con- 
 servative, they honor character, they are adaptable, 
 capable of thriving in any climate or under any 
 conditions, and survive all other nations when 
 brought in competition with them. 1 
 
 The most striking characteristic of the Chinese 
 people is their moral earnestness. Their courage and 
 heroism were proved to the whole world during the 
 Boxer uprising, when 16,000 of them forfeited their 
 lives rather than deny their faith in Christ, offer 
 incense to the gods, or trample upon a piece of paper 
 bearing the symbol of the Cross. Probably Con- 
 
 x Sir Robert Hart, after forty years in China, wrote: "The 
 Chinese are well behaved, law-abiding, intelligent, economical, 
 and industrious. They can learn anything, and do anything. 
 They are punctiliously polite, they worship talent, and they 
 believe in right so firmly that they scorn to think that right 
 requires to be supported or enforced by might. These are 
 qualities not of isolated cases, but of the race as a whole." 
 
138 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 fucianism has produced in them the highest moral 
 character of any non-Christian nation in the world. 
 Yet our recent visit convinces us that China in her 
 Government and in some aspects of her civilization 
 is breaking down under the strain of modern life, 
 and that no non-Christian religion is adequate per- 
 manently to sustain a nation, and to furnish the 
 constant stimulus to progress which will enable it to 
 survive in the fierce competition of the modern 
 world. The plain fact is that China today des- 
 perately needs Christian civilization and the moral 
 leadership of Christian character, for all her religions 
 of the past have failed her in this hour of crisis. 
 
 If we agree that civilization is the harmonious 
 development of the entire life of a people, spiritually, 
 morally, intellectually, socially, politically, and 
 materially, then we find that in each of these phases 
 China, especially in her Government, is in danger of 
 breaking down under the strain of modern life. 
 
 We write in deepest friendship for China, with 
 strong love for her great people, with confident hope 
 for her future. But we can see only one solution in 
 her present crisis. In the spiritual sphere, at the 
 very heart and center of fife, is to be found China's 
 deepest need. Her ethical system has centered not 
 in God as a personal Father, but in a self-centered 
 "superior man." In large measure the spiritual and 
 divine have been ignored. Starting from this false 
 center, the moral maxims of Confucius have produced, 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 139 
 
 at best, a prudential morality, an enlightened and 
 calculating self-interest, with the result that the 
 whole life of the nation today is honeycombed with 
 selfishness. The main cause of the present break- 
 down of China's political life is the lack of honesty 
 and moral character on the part of her officials . 
 This is not caused by any essential defect in the 
 character of the Chinese people, but because of the 
 false center of their materialistic system. . 
 
 If we pass to the intellectual and educational sphere 
 we find that China is among the mosfciback warg^ pf 
 all the great nations. 
 
 ^t^Uiiancl and onj^ajjBP^Tris in a thoulahd are in 
 school. Nine-tenths of the population cannot read 
 and write. Although China has in theory adopted 
 the modern methods of education, her present 
 officials are so corrupt that they have failed to 
 provide a satisfactory educational system. This also 
 is due to no defect in the people themselves, as is 
 demonstrated by their literary past and the record 
 which Chinese students are making in other lands. 
 
 If we turn to her social life we find China's need 
 even greater. As we visited her mills and factories, 
 we saw the crying social needs of her womanhood, 
 her childhood, and manhood, of the toiling masses 
 of the great cities and the poor of the provinces. 
 We have witnessed the sad sight of weary troops of 
 children from twelve years of age and upward at 
 five o'clock in the morning coming from the mills 
 
140 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 after their long night's toil, and another plodding 
 company coming to begin their day's work at dawn. 
 Politically, China is under a dark cloud of mis- 
 government. Many of the leading Chinese feel that 
 she now seems to be in danger of losing the priceless 
 treasure of her independence. 
 
 If, last of all, we turn to the material and economic 
 life of this great people, we find the same pathetic 
 need. Roads and railways, mines and factories, 
 trade and commerce, are alike undeveloped. In her 
 material wealth China stands with India as the 
 poorest of the great nations. In agriculture she is 
 using the same plough, the same methods which 
 were discarded by other nations centuries ago. Is 
 it, then, too much to say that under the pressure of 
 modern life, China seems to be in danger of breaking 
 down in government, and is failing in her spiritual, 
 moral, educational, social, political, and material 
 life? Unquestionably there have been times of 
 greater corruption during periods of transition at the 
 fall of dynasties in China's past history. But then 
 China was isolated, the " Middle Kingdom" in a 
 medieval world, where she had leisure to work out 
 her own salvation unmolested and apart. Today she 
 finds herself in the fierce struggle for existence in 
 the midst of the modern world, and she must set 
 her own house in order to receive help from without. 
 
 As the most changeless nation of antiquity, and 
 as the most conservative of all peoples, the Chinese 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 141 
 
 astonished the world in 1911 by a.sudden and almost 
 bloodless revolution, adopting a constitution, and 
 proclaiming a republic. But China had not the 
 foundation of a Christian civilization, of education, 
 and trained moral leadership suddenly to stand the 
 strain of democracy and the conduct of a successful 
 republic. The sanctions of Confucianism had sur- 
 rounded the people with such restrictions that they 
 had learned to be honest in the family, the clan, and 
 the guild. In business the Chinese were honest from 
 policy rather than from conscience or character. 
 The officials, however, underpaid, surrounded by a 
 throng of hungry subordinates and burdensome 
 relatives, inheriting the corrupt traditions of the 
 Manchus, turned to "squeeze" and bribery as their 
 traditional perquisite. The result is today that the 
 officials of China are probably the most corrupt of 
 any nation in the world. Some of them have been 
 selling out the nation's treasures of coal and iron, 
 and mortgaging her priceless resources to representa- 
 tives of a foreign power. China is a loose agglomera- 
 tion of family units, loyal to the family, but un- 
 developed in national consciousness, in patriotism, 
 and in public service. Lawlessness is growing and 
 bandits are increasing in many provinces. We found 
 that armored cars were being run on the principal 
 railway of China to protect the trains from the as- 
 saults of robber bands. Famine and flood have dev- 
 astated the north. War and revolution have wasted 
 
142 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 Central China in the conflict between the north and 
 south. Under the soil lie undeveloped resources 
 of mineral wealth, but above the soil her people toil 
 in poverty and want, and China's progress is crippled 
 and arrested. 
 
 During his last week in China the writer met the 
 delegates who had come from the north and the 
 south in an effort to make peace and end the Chinese 
 Revolution before the European Peace Conference. 
 We told the delegates that we believed there were 
 four possible choices in the present crisis in China, and 
 they agreed with us that these fairly represented the 
 conditions: 
 
 1. China will now have one last chance to save 
 the situation from within. This can be done only 
 by reconciliation between the north and the south, 
 by ending the widespread " squeeze," graft, and 
 corruption now prevailing among the officials of 
 China, and by doing away with the dangerous power 
 of the military governors, who, with their provincial 
 armies or undisciplined armed mobs, threaten the 
 government and control policies for their own selfish 
 ends. 
 
 2. If China cannot speedily put her house in 
 order politically, and if conditions continue to grow 
 worse, she must drift into bankruptcy, internal 
 strife, and the breakdown of her own Government. 
 This might result in the temporary or partial loss of 
 her independence. She cannot possibly go on at the 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 143 
 
 present rate, for she is gradually losing control of 
 law and order, of her economic resources, and her 
 political autonomy. 
 
 3. If China does not end her dissensions and 
 check the corruption of her officials, who are be- 
 traying her and selling out her interests, another 
 power which has already secured valuable conces- 
 sions of a large portion of her coal, iron, and mineral 
 wealth, choice railway and commercial privileges 
 and some of her territory, may endeavor to control 
 China. This is not the fault of the people of this 
 foreign nation, who as yet have little voice in the 
 control of their own public affairs, but is due to the 
 militaristic policy of the little clique of their oli- 
 garchic clan government, which has hitherto con- 
 trolled the policy of that nation for their own 
 national interests. 
 
 4. If China becomes bankrupt and cannot control 
 her own situation, with this pressure brought to bear 
 from without for exploitation, the League of Na- 
 tions, or a group of powers, may feel forced to take 
 over the finances and some regulation of the govern- 
 ment, under an international control or receivership 
 for a period of years. We found many of China's 
 leaders themselves suggesting such a plan. This 
 should never be permitted, however, except as a 
 last resort. Foreign control is fraught with danger 
 because of its selfish interests. But, on the other 
 hand, no nation can go headlong to destruction 
 
144 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 without being a menace to other nations as well. 
 No nation can now live to itself alone. Bolshevism 
 rampant in Russia is contagious for the rest of the 
 world. Misgovernment in Mexico inevitably affects 
 not only a few capitalists but nations as well. An 
 unsanitary cesspool, breeding disease in the slums 
 of a great city, affects the life and welfare of the 
 entire community. And the misgovernment of one 
 quarter of the human race vitally affects the other 
 three quarters. 
 
 A temporary receivership would not end China's 
 autonomy. Should this occur there would at once 
 be a widespread awakening of patriotism in the 
 nation, as among the Poles and other conquered 
 peoples. Education and democracy would spread. 
 No combination of powers would be able permanent- 
 ly to withhold China's autonomy from her. Some- 
 one has said that any power could take China if it 
 provided 400,000,000 policemen to keep it. The 
 Chinese are naturally democratic and liberty loving, 
 and woe to the power that seeks selfishly to exploit 
 them! The giant will one day be roused and will 
 take back its own. Should an international control 
 of China take place, even this situation would have 
 its elements of hope. Under a stable and peaceful 
 government, we would have time to train a sufficient 
 number of strong Christian leaders to enable China 
 to resume her independence and autonomy. 
 
 During the Peace Conference in Paris, the edu- 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 145 
 
 cated leaders in China were deeply stirred and 
 indignant over the proposal that Japan should hold 
 the German territory and concessions in Shan- 
 tung Province. They felt that Japan had no more 
 right to this territory than Britain had to the portion 
 of Belgium which she had conquered from the 
 Germans. On May 17, 1919, the students of Peking 
 went on a complete strike in protest against the 
 surrender of Shantung to the Japanese. On June 
 3rd these students went out in lecturing bands to all 
 parts of the city to protest against this loss of 
 Chinese autonomy. Ten or twelve students in each 
 band carried a banner bearing the name of their 
 institution. Crowds gathered to listen to the 
 student orators. The traffic policemen were unable 
 to disperse the crowds. As telephone calls came from 
 all parts of the city from the helpless policemen, the 
 cavalry was called out to break up the crowds; 
 but as fast as the audiences were scattered, they re- 
 assembled about the lecturers who held their 
 ground. 
 
 In the afternoon, the military forces were sent 
 out to arrest the lecturers. As the jails of the city 
 could not hold the students, the police took over the 
 Law College of the Government University. Two 
 hundred lecturers were soon arrested. On the next 
 day, five hundred more students went out to lecture 
 with the expectation of being arrested, carrying 
 blankets and food ready to go to prison. As the 
 
146 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 students were captured and brought in, they were 
 cheering and shouting, "Long live the Republic," 
 while an answering cheer came from those already- 
 arrested, "Long live the students." Nine hundred 
 students were soon confined, but the student or- 
 ganization was prepared to send out five hundred 
 new lecturers every day until all the students should 
 be arrested. 
 
 On June 4th seven hundred women students 
 marched to the President's Palace to present a 
 petition on behalf of the men who had been arrested, 
 and demanded the right to further the movement 
 for the sale of home products against Japanese goods. 
 Public sentiment was strongly with the students 
 against the officials. By Thursday night, June 5th, 
 the Government surrendered and withdrew the 
 guards, but the students refused to leave their 
 prisons. They demanded that they be granted the 
 right of free speech, that the Government should 
 apologize for having wrongfully arrested them, and 
 that the students should have the right of making 
 a demonstration throughout the city. This demand 
 the officials were finally compelled to grant. 
 
 On June 8th the students marched in triumph 
 through the city and placed their lecturing bands 
 throughout Peking. The residences of the Chinese 
 ministers who had favored Japan were attacked and 
 looted. Finally these ministers resigned and the 
 students had won. On June 29th the President re- 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 147 
 
 ceived a student delegation and assured them that 
 China would not sign the Peace Treaty forfeiting 
 her rights in Shantung. This is typical of the 
 democratic spirit among the students of China 
 after eight years of republican education. The stu- 
 dent strikes and boycott of Japanese goods are the 
 most potent political force in China at the present 
 moment. 
 
 As in the case of Japan, two forces have been 
 brought to bear upon China in the past: The 
 material force of selfish exploitation, and the spiritual 
 force of Christian missions and education. A review 
 of China's checkered history under the play of 
 these two forces compels our sympathy for this 
 long-oppressed people. The Chinese are naturally 
 peaceful, law-abiding, and friendly. They received 
 with open-minded toleration the first missionaries 
 of Buddhism from India, and of Nestorian Christian- 
 ity from the Near East. 
 
 In the thirteenth century Marco Polo was royally 
 received and made a governor of one of China's 
 greatest cities. But with her intercourse with 
 foreign nations China's troubles commenced. The 
 invading Portuguese early in the sixteenth century 
 began their nefarious policy of robbery and exploita- 
 tion. Visit today their "Christian" settlement at 
 Macao. It is degenerate and diseased, literally rotten 
 with corruption. The chief sources of its revenue are 
 the forbidden opium which it has poured into 
 
148 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 China, the enormous income from its gambling 
 dens, and the exploitation of commercialized vice. 
 It is perhaps the most wicked and degraded com- 
 munity in the world, but it is maintained by foreign 
 treaties, backed by the powerful gunboats of so- 
 called Christian powers. Had it not been for these, 
 China would have arisen long ago and swept it away 
 in righteous indignation. 
 
 Early in the seventeenth century the Spaniards 
 murdered some 20,000 of the Chinese in the Philip- 
 pines. The Dutch taught the Chinese to mix opium 
 with their tobacco about 1650 and later to smoke 
 opium alone. For over a century China fought to 
 keep from her shores this cursed drug which was 
 poisoning her people. The French had seized Saig- 
 on and Cochin China, and later on Kwangchauwan. 
 Russia had taken practically half a million square 
 miles of Chinese territory. At Nirchinsk on the 
 Amur River, some fifty Cossacks took 5,000 peaceful 
 Chinese, a hundred at a time, drove them into the 
 river at the point of the bayonet, and drowned them 
 like rats. In 1898 Russia seized Port Arthur and 
 Dalny. In the same year Germany, making an 
 excuse of the death of two of her missionaries at 
 the hands of a local mob, seized Tsingtao and the 
 territory of Kiaochau, and pushed into the sacred 
 province of Shantung, the birthplace of Confucius 
 and the Holy Land of China. She seized railway 
 and mining concessions and used them to open up a 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 149 
 
 dangerous avenue of approach which threatened 
 Peking. China had lost to the British Hong Kong 
 and Weihaiwei. Then she had to surrender Burma 
 and Korea. She practically had lost her control of 
 Manchuria, with its priceless forests and mines, and 
 was threatened in Mongolia and Tibet. For seventy 
 years China has been so selfishly exploited that 
 she has not been allowed to fix her own tariffs, pro- 
 tect her infant industries, and develop her manufac- 
 tures and mines. No wonder she began to speak of 
 these outer barbarians as " foreign devils." Is it 
 any wonder that the British writer Harold Gorst can 
 say, "Rapine, murder, and a constant appeal to 
 physical force chiefly characterize the commence- 
 ment of Europe's commercial intercourse with 
 China"? Money making, land-stealing, drink, en- 
 forced trade in opium, humiliating treaties, crooked 
 commercial dealings, bullying, browbeating, and 
 robbery have marked much of the selfish policy of 
 the foreign powers. A democratic world will no 
 longer permit such practices, and similar attempts 
 in the future will be exposed and condemned before 
 the bar of humanity. 
 
 During the last decade the Chinese people have 
 dreaded Japan more than all other nations. The 
 record of her twenty-one demands upon China "to 
 keep the peace of the Far East," and of the dealings 
 of her militarists in Manchuria, Shantung, and 
 Peking, have filled the Chinese with alarm. It is 
 
150 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 not too much to say that the Chinese feel that they 
 have suffered more at the hands of Japan than all 
 other nations combined. 
 
 America cannot stand apart in Pharisaic self- 
 righteousness and point the finger of scorn at other 
 nations. Her attitude toward the Chinese and other 
 Orientals on the Pacific Coast has not been cal- 
 culated to win their friendship. The immoral 
 lives of many of her commercial representatives 
 abroad have made it more difficult for the missionary 
 to proclaim Christianity. The sharp practices of 
 some of her business men have not compared 
 favorably with the long established reliable British 
 firms. We found the people in Shanghai perturbed 
 over the proposed introduction of American brew- 
 eries as they are driven out of the United States by 
 "dry" laws. Meanwhile, the feeble and ineffective 
 backing from Washington of America's ministers 
 and consuls under successive administrations, both 
 Republican and Democratic, has left our diplomats 
 and representatives to eat their hearts out while 
 China is exploited with amazing enterprise by others. 
 
 Nevertheless, because of her democratic policy, 
 America holds today an enviable reputation in 
 China and a unique opportunity to help her. During 
 recent years she has been proclaimed as China's 
 best and often her only friend. It was Abraham 
 Lincoln's representative, Anson Burlingame, who 
 in 1861 fought against the spoils system that was 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 151 
 
 then exploiting China, and so won the confidence of 
 the Chinese that he was sent as their own representa- 
 tive to plead their cause in foreign courts. It was 
 John Hay in 1899 who stood for the open door policy 
 against the " spheres of influence" which were tend- 
 ing toward the partition and exploitation of China 
 by foreign powers. It was America in 1900 that 
 resisted the partition of China after the Boxer up- 
 rising, protested against the iniquitous indemnity 
 that was forced upon her, and returned what was in 
 excess of her own actual loss. It was America under 
 Mr. Roosevelt that helped to exclude the Russo- 
 Japanese War from China, and by the treaty of 
 peace to restore Manchuria to her. It was America 
 in 1907, through the Red Cross Society, that came 
 to China's relief in her suffering from famine and 
 flood. It was America which stood by China in her 
 fight against opium, forbidding its importation to 
 the Philippines, and promoting an international 
 opium commission. It is to democratic America 
 that China looks today. American missions have 
 established more colleges, schools, hospitals, and 
 institutions of relief and friendly ministry to China 
 than have all other nations combined. It is America 
 which holds no possession of China's territory, asks 
 no control of her tariffs, no exploitation of her 
 people, and stands in a position to help her today 
 in her hour of desperate need. 
 
 Thus two forces have been for several centuries 
 
152 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 and still are, being brought to bear on China, the 
 one the force of selfish materialism, which has sought 
 to exploit her, to keep her divided and helpless, and 
 seize control of her economic and military resources ; 
 the other the force of humanity, of liberty, of 
 democracy, of organized Christian effort, seeking to 
 strengthen China, to raise up a new and loyal 
 leadership from amongst her own people, to help her 
 work out her own salvation, and utilize her vast 
 resources for the enrichment, not of foreign powers, 
 but of her own toiling millions. 
 
 The force of selfish materialism in China has been 
 strengthened by the influence of her own early 
 religions which have molded her life. By worshiping 
 the dead past her progress was arrested and her 
 life petrified. 
 
 Ancestor worship and Animism, or nature wor- 
 ship, have furnished the two sources of her native 
 religions. 
 
 Buddhism, imported from India nearly nineteen 
 centuries ago, has furnished the religious life of the 
 masses. 
 
 Confucianism, the principal religion of China, 
 especially of the educated classes, provided her 
 ethical teaching. The ancient literature, practices, 
 and moral maxims of China were codified and 
 nationalized by her sage Confucius, who was prob- 
 ably the greatest conservative of the human race. 
 An agnostic, so far as the spiritual, the unseen, or 
 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 153 
 
 the supernatural was concerned, he ignored God but 
 gave to China her great moral code, which has been 
 the foundation of her lasting character. 
 
 Taoism, the religion of the Tao, the way, or order 
 of the universe, founded by the great philosopher 
 Lao-tsze as a mystic system of philosophy, has 
 degenerated into a corrupt pantheon of demons 
 and deities, and has been unable to lift itself above 
 gross idolatry, superstition, and polytheism. 
 
 There have also been several eclectic systems by 
 which modern Chinese students have sought to find 
 in Western science, in Japanese agnosticism, and 
 in various systems of philosophy, ancient or modern, 
 some substitute for their own decaying and im- 
 potent religions. But all alike have failed. 2 
 
 One of China's leading patriots, a man who some 
 day may be her national leader and democratic 
 president, thus voices the need of the hour: 
 
 "The outlook for China is exceedingly dark and 
 very seriously dangerous. The whole country is 
 torn by factions. As a result of this internal strife 
 there is really no spot in China which you may call 
 safe, where life and property are adequately pro- 
 tected. What will happen to China I do not know; 
 whether she will live as a nation I do not know. 
 
 2 Dr. Faber points out that even Confucianism, which is ethi- 
 cally by far the best of Chinese religions, recognizes no relation 
 of the common people to a personal God, takes no adequate 
 account of sin, permits polygamy and polytheism, is without a 
 mediator and without prayer, deifies human ancestors in the 
 place of God, and offers no comfort either in life or in death. 
 
154 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 We have to try to think of ourselves as at the throne 
 of Christ ; that God after all rules the world and that 
 the destinies of all nations are in His hands. . . . 
 We need Jesus Christ today because we need more 
 light. There is utter darkness, and it is largely the 
 ignorance of the people that has been the cause of 
 all the great trouble in China. We need Christ 
 because of the richer life which He brings; and I do 
 not believe that richer life can come to China unless 
 we have a penitent life with which to begin. The 
 root of all evils in China is the love of self. The evils 
 produced by such sins as concubinage, gambling, 
 seeking power and wealth are largely due to selfish- 
 ness and to the idea that man himself is the most 
 important. Christ comes and teaches us to think 
 in terms of God, in terms of humanity. This is the 
 only hope, so far as I can see. " 
 
 The whole history of China points to her im- 
 perative need of a truly Christian civilization. 
 Under long centuries of foreign exploitation, however, 
 China was slow to open her doors to the proclama- 
 tion of the foreigner's religion and civilization. The 
 combined foreign powers had struggled for twenty- 
 five years, until the treaty of Peking in 1860, before 
 China consented to receive foreign envoys in the 
 capital, even as despised inferiors. For forty years 
 more her scholars and officials resented the presence 
 of the foreigner. When Robert Morrison sought to 
 enter China a century ago, he was excluded by a 
 chain cable at Canton. He was forbidden to preach 
 in public, and only behind closed doors, in secret and 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 155 
 
 in danger, could he teach a few servants or in- 
 quirers. He was threatened, persecuted, and ob- 
 structed, beaten, driven out both from Canton and 
 Macao, to labor for long years without a convert. 
 After twenty-five years the little group of mis- 
 sionaries could not point to ten converts. After 
 fifty years of Protestant effort, there were not a 
 thousand Christians in China. The writer saw Mr. 
 Graves in Canton, who told him that when he 
 arrived in China, sixty years ago, there were not fifty 
 Christians in the Chinese Empire, outside the single 
 city of Amoy. But today, within the lifetime of a 
 single missionary, we have gathered a Protestant 
 community of half a million, and there are over a 
 million more Roman Catholic and other Christians. 
 When the writer came out to Asia, just before 
 1900, China was approaching the reactionary Boxer 
 uprising. When Dr. Mott visited China less than 
 two decades ago, he was informed that not in his 
 lifetime would he ever see the Chinese literati and 
 officials listening to or receiving the message of 
 Christianity. Peking, the capital, was a medieval 
 city, stagnant and filthy. Men were sometimes 
 drowned in the rainy season in the deep pools of 
 mud and water in the main streets. To contrast 
 with this the changes of a single decade, take for 
 illustration our last two visits to that same capital 
 city, the one in the opening and the other in the 
 closing year of the War. As we entered the city 
 
156 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 the President received us and expressed his interest 
 in our meetings. The vice-president, General Li, 
 gave a luncheon and permitted us to address his 
 family and guests with the message of Christianity. 
 
 A decade and a half before, the Dowager Empress 
 had sent out from the Forbidden City a decree to 
 kill "the foreign devils" and sweep them into the 
 sea. Now the officials had opened this very For- 
 bidden City for our meetings. Four thousand 
 students crowded the pavilion. On the third night 
 as we spoke for over an hour on "Jesus Christ, the 
 Only Hope for China," several hundred of these 
 young men joined Christian Bible classes to study 
 the life and teachings of Christ with open mind, and 
 two hundred and fifty of these men were later bap- 
 tized and received into the churches. A hundred 
 Chinese newspapers freely printed the Christian 
 addresses throughout China. Similar meetings were 
 held in the provincial capital cities throughout the 
 Republic. Of course such meetings were made 
 possible only by the long century of patient mis- 
 sionary preparation that had preceded. They were 
 the result of the united cooperation of the mis- 
 sionaries and Chinese Christians, standing on one 
 common platform and presenting a united front. 
 
 Our recent visit to Peking convinces us that the 
 doors of opportunity are wide open to the forces of 
 moral righteousness, social service, and Christian 
 civilization. On our arrival we had a meeting with 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 157 
 
 the returned Chinese students from America, appeal- 
 ing to them for moral leadership, and later a dinner 
 with some two hundred Chinese officials, including 
 four members of the President's cabinet, several 
 generals of the northern army, the leaders of China's 
 national banks and railways, and the officials of the 
 departments of Foreign Affairs, Education, Agricul- 
 ture, Trade, and Commerce. We spoke to them frank- 
 ly of the imminent danger in which China is stand- 
 ing today, and of the one hope of national reform. 
 On the third day we began a series of meetings in 
 four sections of the city, working with the leading 
 denominations to reach the higher classes of non- 
 Christian students and officials in Peking. At 
 the Presbyterian Mission the audience was composed 
 largely of Manchus. During the two days following 
 the meetings were attended by 1,000 men each night 
 in the Congregational Church. These men sat for 
 two hours each evening listening to two addresses. 
 A break between the meetings enabled several 
 hundred Christian workers to deal personally with 
 their non-Christian friends and help to lead them 
 to an intelligent decision. A third series of meetings 
 was held in the Methodist Church, with 1,200 
 picked men in attendance. The final series, which 
 was held under the auspices of the Anglican and 
 London Missions, was also fruitful. In fact there 
 was not a single night that a number of non-Chris- 
 tians did not make the final decision to enter the 
 
158 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 Christian life. Following the meetings in Peking 
 three years ago an average of 600 non-Christian 
 students and other men attended Christian Bible 
 classes for two years, and more than 250 of these 
 men were baptized and received into the churches. 
 A larger number will join the churches this year, 
 as the work being done by the Christians themselves 
 has been incomparably stronger. The meetings 
 indeed have only been an incident in what we believe 
 is a great, growing indigenous movement in the 
 Christian churches of China. 
 
 In addition to the meetings held in the churches 
 of the city, we had time to visit some of the col- 
 leges. At Tsing Hua, the American Indemnity 
 College, where more than 500 Chinese students are 
 being trained to enter the universities of America, 
 a number of students decided for the Christian life. 
 Twenty-nine of them were later baptized in a single 
 church. On another day we had the privilege of 
 addressing the students of the great normal college 
 where 1,500 of China's future teachers are being 
 trained for educational leadership in all parts of 
 this great republic. On the closing day some 200 
 officials gave us a parting reception and we were 
 again able to present the claims of Jesus Christ as 
 the hope of China. On all sides China's ancient 
 temples and altars, her city walls and palaces are 
 showing signs of decrepitude and decay. The old 
 order is dying, but a new life is being born in the 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 159 
 
 heart of this ancient nation. China's temples may 
 fall, her altars may crumble, the outward form of 
 her government may change, but the Chinese 
 people will endure. This present hour is the darkest 
 politically but the brightest religiously that this 
 nation has ever known. Her very humiliation has 
 broken down the age-long conservatism and ex- 
 clusion of her past self-sufficiency. The hour of her 
 desperate extremity is our opportunity. 
 
 Today, with the sanction of the Government in 
 Peking, the missionaries have taken up the new 
 phonetic alphabet of thirty-nine letters, which will 
 in time for the common people take the place of 
 China's classic literature with its 45,000 characters. 
 Instead of taking long years of effort for a few 
 proud scholars to master these complicated hier- 
 oglyphs, an educated man may learn this alphabet 
 in an hour, or a child or coolie may begin to read in 
 a week. The introduction of this phonetic alphabet 
 may mean as much for the literature of China as did 
 the translation of the Bible into English by Wyclif, 
 which left Latin as the dead language of the past 
 for the scholar and the antiquarian. Deliberately 
 the Christian missions in China are now undertaking 
 to teach her millions to read and to spread the 
 mighty force of modern education through the land. 
 
 China's moral earnestness was shown recently by 
 the official action of the Government which bought 
 and destroyed 1,200 chests of opium, worth more 
 
160 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 than its weight in silver, or more than $10,000 a 
 chest. Four organizations were selected to burn 
 this cursed drug, the Chamber of Commerce, the 
 Young Men's Christian Association, and two others. 
 During the recent United War Work Campaign 
 the new spirit was manifest. Dr. Mott had cabled 
 out asking if China could, in the midst of her own 
 war and famine, generously contribute $100,000 for 
 war work among the Allied soldiers, including the 
 Chinese labor battalions. The first city to take up 
 Dr. Mott's request was Tientsin. Their share of 
 the $100,000 was $10,000. While the Europeans 
 were meeting to consider how they could possibly 
 raise this large sum of money in the community, a 
 Chinese gentleman walked in and said: "We do 
 not know what you Europeans propose to do, but 
 we Chinese have just held a meeting and decided 
 upon our share of this fund. The Provincial Parlia- 
 ment has decided to vote $100,000, the Chinese 
 merchants of this city will give another $100,000, and 
 you Europeans can give what you wish in addition." 
 They made good their pledge of over $200,000 gold 
 in the first city, or twenty times their quota, when 
 the nation as a whole was only asked for half that 
 amount. Peking took the matter up with great 
 enthusiasm, the President, the Cabinet, the Parlia- 
 ment, officials, business men, and students vying 
 with one another to contribute. More than 25,000 
 persons in the city gave to the fund. In their 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 161 
 
 enthusiasm, 16,000 students marched throughout 
 the city, six abreast in a line which extended for 
 several miles. In a few days, instead of the $100,000 
 requested, China had cabled over $1,000,000 gold 
 as her contribution. 
 
 The last day the writer spent ashore in the old 
 city of Nanking seemed to visualize and make con- 
 crete both the terrible need and the splendid op- 
 portunity presented by China in her present crisis. 
 We stood there upon the old Drum Tower, built 
 about the time Columbus discovered America, 
 and looked out over the ancient and massive wall 
 which circles the city for more than twenty miles in 
 circumference. This wall is from thirty to ninety 
 feet in height and broad enough in some places 
 for two automobiles to pass one another on its 
 summit. There in the distance are the crumbling 
 remains of the ancient examination halls that mark 
 the passing of China's classic system of education. 
 Just opposite is the fine modern building of the Nor- 
 mal School where an athletic meet is being held, with 
 5,000 modern students taking part. Beyond the 
 city wall rises Purple Mountain, where Chinese 
 Gordon captured the city from the Taiping rebels. 
 
 We had come to Nanking to see two important 
 men. We were met at the station by the first of 
 these, a Chinese official, the Assistant Commissioner 
 of Police, Mr. Wang. During the meetings last 
 year the Chinese business men, officials, and students 
 
162 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 filled the large hall. In the front were some thirty 
 of the leading officials of the province. Mr. Wang 
 was the strongest character among them. On the 
 last day he left the Confucian officials and came to 
 the platform as the Christian chairman of the meet- 
 ing. He rose and boldly stated to the whole audience 
 that he had decided to become a Christian. He said 
 he had hoped the Revolution and the Republic 
 would save China and solve her problems, but con- 
 ditions seemed only to grow worse. He himself was 
 convinced that Christianity was the only hope of 
 saving the country. Over a hundred non-Christians 
 in this meeting decided that they would follow his 
 example. Mr. Wang is now to enter the Christian 
 Church. He is known today as an honest official 
 making a fight for righteousness, for social justice, 
 and political honesty. 
 
 The second man we had come to see was Mr. Wen, 
 the governor's advisor on foreign affairs. The record 
 of this man is typical both of the need of China's 
 officials and the influence of Christianity upon them. 
 We saw him first eight years ago as he made the 
 journey from Hangchow to Shanghai to meet Dr. 
 Mott and myself in order to ask for a Young Men's 
 Christian Association building for his city. Long 
 trained in the moral maxims and prudential morality 
 of Confucius, he firmly believed in moral character 
 in theory, and in practice — for others. He was con- 
 vinced that they needed the benefits of such a Christian 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 163 
 
 institution for the young men of the nation. As he 
 boldly confessed later in public, he had himself, 
 however, been taking the traditional bribes as an 
 official, and was living a sensual life. 
 
 During the opening year of the war when the 
 writer visited Hangchow, 2,000 Confucian students 
 crowded the great theater and 2,000 others were 
 waiting outside to gain admission to hear the 
 Christian address repeated each day. The military 
 governor on the third day invited us to a banquet 
 with the officials of the province, after which he 
 asked us to address them. At the close of the ban- 
 quet the writer said to Mr. Wen, " Nineteen cen- 
 turies ago one told this same message of good news to 
 an Ethiopian official like yourself, who said, 'What 
 doth hinder me to be baptized?' Why should not 
 you also become a Christian today, and try to lead 
 your province out into the light of Christian civiliza- 
 tion?" Mr. Wen replied, " Christianity is the true 
 religion. Some day I hope to resign from public 
 office, and retire to a private life of meditation and 
 become a Christian. If I did so now I might lose my 
 office." We replied, "China needs men who can 
 rise above the corruption and impurity of public 
 life and save this tottering republic. This is the 
 decisive decade of China's history. If you believe 
 in Christianity as the true religion, will you not 
 become a Christian now while it is so needed and so 
 hard?" Instantly the man replied, "I will." 
 
164 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 That night he stayed up until midnight explaining 
 Christianity to the young governor, who dared not 
 take the step himself. The next day Mr. Wen rose 
 before a whole theater full of students and boldly 
 told them he had decided to become a Christian. 
 The next Sunday he went down and asked to be 
 publicly admitted to the church and made his con- 
 fession before them. At the time of his baptism he 
 said, "I may lose my official position, and I may be 
 put out of office. But I take my stand today for 
 Jesus Christ in this church, believing that only by 
 organized Christianity, only by the Church of 
 Christ, can we save China. A thousand of our 
 students in the theater this week have promised to 
 join Bible classes and study the life of Christ. I 
 wish to lead them into the Church, and I cannot ask 
 them to enter if I do not do so myself." For four 
 years this man has consistently lived a Christian 
 life in the full glare of public scrutiny. The writer 
 recently heard him stand fearlessly before an au- 
 dience of students and officials and confess how as 
 an official he had been addicted to bribery, lust, 
 gambling, and drink, and how by the mighty dynamic 
 power of the living God, through Jesus Christ as a 
 personal Saviour, he had found deliverance from the 
 sins which bound him and were dragging China down 
 to her ruin. He boldly proclaimed the power of pure 
 and vital Christianity to save the individual, trans- 
 form society, and uplift the nation. He pleaded with 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 165 
 
 Chinese leaders to base their national life upon this 
 only lasting foundation. 
 
 Upon visiting China this year we went to see this 
 man to ask him to make one more great sacrifice. 
 As he sat there, clad in costly silks and furs valued 
 at several hundred dollars, we asked him if he would 
 leave official life, forego his large salary, his chance 
 of promotion and a possible governorship, and enter 
 Christian work. With splendid courage he accepted 
 the call, and together we went to the governor to 
 ask for his release. After an hour's conversation on 
 the present crisis in China the governor consented 
 to release him. Such a man as Mr. Wen epitomizes 
 in his own person the transformation which alone can 
 save China. He stands today as a moral miracle, con- 
 verted as truly as the profligate St. Augustine or the 
 wild St. Francis of Assisi. What other power can trans- 
 form China's officials, educate her illiterate masses, 
 and bring her to her proper place in the world? 
 
 As we left Nanking we had the privilege of address- 
 ing a meeting of Chinese Christians gathered from 
 all denominations. That week the Christians and 
 missionaries of that city were uniting in a federation 
 or union of all the churches. They propose to have 
 one common name, and one central executive com- 
 mittee in control, which shall have charge of locating 
 churches, missionaries, and Chinese workers wher- 
 ever they are needed. This will do away with all 
 denominational names and competition, rivalry, 
 
166 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 waste, and overlapping. The Christian Church here 
 in the heart of China will present a united front to 
 the world. The practical Chinese Christians have 
 little enthusiasm or sympathy for our denominational 
 differences propagated from the West. Yet that 
 week a secretary of a mission board in the south 
 of the United States told the representatives of his 
 denomination that they could not consistently 
 receive money from the society at home if they 
 fraternized or cooperated with the Christians or 
 missionaries of other denominations. Thank God 
 he was an exception. May his tribe not increase. 
 The same week the Chinese Christians of all de- 
 nominations in Nanking were meeting to unite in 
 one federation. Cannot the laymen and ministers 
 of America follow the example of these Chinese 
 Christians? 
 
 Three forces can be brought to bear on China for 
 her advancement. Honest business will open up 
 channels of trade, commerce, and international 
 intercourse. Western scientific education can sweep 
 away her ignorance, and alleviate much of her 
 poverty, misery, and human suffering. The third 
 and greatest of these forces is the dynamic of 
 Christian missions. China's new day dawns when 
 Robert Morrison steps ashore amid the toil and 
 poverty and abysmal ignorance of Canton. He 
 founds a little Christian church which generates a 
 new type of character, with a capacity for moral 
 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 167 
 
 leadership. He opens a mission press and floods 
 China with the message of liberty and light. He 
 starts a Christian hospital, and later Peter Parker 
 and others open China at the point of the lancet, 
 and break down her prejudices by practical Chris- 
 tian helpfulness. Today the Rockefeller Foundation 
 is turning out a body of skilful surgeons and doctors 
 who will revolutionize China's archaic medical 
 malpractice. Morrison opened a school which be- 
 came in time a college, and today missionary in- 
 stitutions are training the coming leaders, officials, 
 railway builders, enterprising business men, lawyers, 
 doctors, ministers, and social service experts, who 
 will yet make China one of the great Christian 
 nations of the world. 
 
 At the united call of the Christian churches, as 
 the agent and instrument of them all, the Young 
 Men's Christian Association has entered with its 
 multiplied points of contact, its friendly avenues of 
 approach, and its practical contribution to the 
 national life of China. The triangle is a symbol 
 of China's threefold need. 
 
 First, there is the pressing, obvious physical need 
 of the nation. In several of the capital cities a 
 modern Association building has been erected with 
 a gymnasium and athletic field. An Anti-Tuberculo- 
 sis League soon follows, and lectures on sanitation, 
 hygiene, and health, so sorely needed in this nation, 
 for the officials, students, and leaders of China. 
 
168 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 The second side of the triangle stands for China's 
 intellectual need. Every Association building is 
 built to accommodate a day and night school. 
 From several hundred to a thousand students crowd 
 in, eager for modern education. The library and 
 reading room and a continual series of modern 
 lectures are factors in the new civilization. By its 
 science lectures the Young Men's Christian Associa- 
 tion seeks to teach Chinese leaders to develop their 
 vast resources unselfishly and efficiently for the en- 
 richment of their own toiling masses. 
 
 At the top of the triangle there is the moral and 
 spiritual side of the work. The young manhood of 
 the nation is seeking to make the transition from 
 the medieval to the modern world. The sanctions 
 of Confucianism and the superstitions of the past 
 are breaking down. Y r oung men are following the 
 example of Japan, of France after the French Rev- 
 olution, and of the materialistic West, and are 
 plunging into license, immorality, and agnosticism. 
 China now desperately needs new foundations for 
 her individual, social, and national fife. All the 
 systems of the past have failed her. She has steadily 
 grown weaker. The hope of China lies in raising up 
 an educated, moral, Christian leadership to develop 
 her resources, educate her illiterate millions, rule 
 her toiling masses, and make them free citizens in 
 Everybody's World. Shall we help China in this 
 crisis or leave her to her fate? 
 
VII 
 THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 
 
 We are writing on the sultry plains of South 
 India. It is August in the tropics, near the equator. 
 A long journey of six months in the throbbing heat 
 of this land convinces us that we are facing a new 
 India. In fact we have found India one of the 
 storm centers of the new world emerging out of the 
 W'ar. Here the sharp conflict between East and 
 West, ancient and modern, autocracy and democ- 
 racy, is at its height. In India we have the most 
 typically Oriental nation caught in the conflict 
 between the new ideals and the old, and seeth- 
 ing with new currents of thought and life. India, 
 China, and Russia are the three largest nations in 
 the throes of this upheaval. The recent movement 
 in Russia has been revolutionary and destructive; 
 in India the movement has been for the most part 
 evolutionary and constructive under the strong hand 
 of British rule. 
 
 India! Land of mystery and paradox, she still 
 casts over us her ancient spell. This land with its 
 pearl fisheries, the diamond mines of Golconda, 
 "the wealth of Ind," the desire of the nations, the 
 prize of conquest, the goal of explorers, the quest 
 of Columbus when he was deflected by the discovery 
 of America, the land of a hundred invasions and a 
 
 169 
 
170 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 thousand wars, the land of philosophy, art, and 
 religion, grips the heart and challenges the imagina- 
 tion. India! The word is filled with a content more 
 vast and various than that of any other nation. 
 We have just come down across this great sub- 
 continent of Southern Asia in a journey of two thou- 
 sand miles from the Himalayas to Cape Comorin. 
 We stood there at that highest barrier on earth, the 
 titanic Himalayas, ever covered with ten thousand 
 feet of eternal snow, on the crest of their rocky 
 summits, and looked out toward one great valley 
 in which could be placed the whole of Switzerland, 
 whose loftiest peaks would be lost to view fifteen 
 thousand feet below the Himalayan ridge. 
 
 Leaving the mighty snow barrier that separates 
 India from the rest of Asia, we crossed the vast 
 level plain of the North, watered by two of the 
 world's greatest rivers, and peopled by teeming 
 villages and populous cities — Lahore, Delhi, Luck- 
 now, Allahabad, Benares; and Agra with its price- 
 less Taj Mahal, the most beautiful building in the 
 world, a mountain of marble carved into lace, telling 
 of the glory of the great Mughals, and of the loyalty 
 and devotion of one of the greatest of them to his 
 wife. We have passed from the wide plains of the 
 North, through the tropical verdure of the South, 
 among the green rice fields, under the palms and 
 pepper vines of fields that he level to the foot of the 
 blue hills, with their dense forests and elephant and 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 171 
 
 tiger jungles. We have drifted down the back- 
 waters of dreamy Travancore, overarched with 
 fronded palms, under the hills rich with plantations 
 of rubber, cocoa, tea and coffee, spices, and various 
 tropical fruits. 
 
 As we have again journeyed through this great 
 land we have been impressed by the fact that India 
 is colossal and continental. We have passed through 
 most of her fourteen provinces, and many of her 
 675 native states. In China prevailingly we found 
 the simple, solid fact of Confucianism, but in India 
 we have been dealing with men representing eight 
 of the world's great religions and many minor 
 faiths: Hindus, Muhammadans, Buddhists, Sikhs, 
 Jains, Parsees, Jews, Animists, and Christians. We 
 have passed through populations separated in speech 
 by 147 different languages. We have been staggered 
 by the problem of 2,000 different castes, prison cells 
 which have barred progress, forbidding men to 
 intermarry or to dine with men of other castes, and 
 placing sixty million " Untouchables " beyond the 
 pale of humanity. Yet India today, despite all these 
 handicaps and divisions, through the difficult me- 
 dium of a foreign tongue, under her own leadership 
 is being born a new nation with a new national 
 consciousness. Although she is divided and sub- 
 divided into sharper antagonisms of race, rank, 
 and religion, of caste, creed, and color, than any 
 other nation in the world, yet she is being forged 
 
172 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 into one burning unit of national aspiration so far 
 as her leaders are concerned. Educated leaders 
 today are joining hands in a growing demand for 
 home rule, with the cry, " India for the Indians." 
 Since the War the tide of democracy has been sweep- 
 ing around the world. It has been affecting the 
 misguided Bolshevism of Russia, the nationalism of 
 Ireland, of Egypt, Korea, the Philippines, China, 
 and many other lands. This tide of democracy is 
 sweeping over the continent of India today. 
 
 The sources of this new movement are found in a 
 strange combination of the ancient and modern, 
 the Oriental and Occidental, in the action and 
 reaction of two civilizations. On the one hand the 
 War has awakened a yet deeper national pride in 
 her own ancient heritage, while on the other, it has 
 led her to claim her full share in the liberty, equality, 
 and fraternity of modern democracy. The union 
 of these two elements furnishes the unique interest 
 of modern India. 
 
 The nation has been stabbed wide awake by the 
 War. Japan's victory over Russia awoke educated 
 India; the World War wakened even rural India. 
 A million of her sons were drawn from the villages, 
 a million men were writing letters home with their 
 new ideas gained in France, Egypt, Mesopotamia, 
 and Africa; a million, less the fallen, returned cherish- 
 ing the glories of the War and awakened hopes of a 
 new India! A million men are a force to reckon with. 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 173 
 
 They could almost quicken the three-quarters of a 
 million villages of rural India. 
 
 A new glory is burning in India's heart, a new 
 pride in her soldiers who fought the world's most 
 formidable army. An old memory is rekindled of 
 her ancient past, in the golden age of her own heroes, 
 a pride of race that gathers in its new-born patriot- 
 ism the thought of three thousand years of high 
 civilization, from the Aryan conquerors down the 
 long line of rulers and philosophers, from the great 
 Asoka and Akbar to her modern heroes. She, like 
 other nations, has not been backward in giving full 
 credit to her own sons and in believing that they 
 won the War. There are signs on every hand, as we 
 travel through this land today, of a vast awakening 
 of this conservative fifth of the human race, per- 
 meating from the leaders to the masses, from the 
 cities to the towns and villages — an awakening 
 political, economic, social, and religious, destined to 
 regenerate India as a united nation. 
 
 Politically, India is making the eternal demands 
 of democracy in the press, on the platform, in 
 political conventions and conferences, in private 
 conversations, in railway carriages and from the 
 house tops. She is asking for liberty, equality, and 
 fraternity. She is asking for self government, and 
 many want it at once. Economically the War has 
 shown the British and Indians alike her dependence, 
 isolation, and need of an industrial and commercial 
 
174 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 reorganization. The program proposed by the In- 
 dustrial Commission will mean an industrial awaken- 
 ing for India. Socially, the leaven of discontent, of 
 reform, and of social revolution is working. The 
 political movement is affecting the social fabric and 
 wide-sweeping changes have begun. Religiously, the 
 dynamic ideas of monotheism, of the divine Father- 
 hood, of a new united human brotherhood, of the 
 service of love leading to a cross of self-sacrifice 
 and renunciation, and of the principles of the Sermon 
 on the Mount are working powerfully in all religions 
 and in all communities, with or without the Chris- 
 tian name, and vitally affecting and changing life. 
 India is rising to take her rightful place in Every- 
 body's World. 
 
 The full glare of a new day of national conscious- 
 ness seems to have broken suddenly upon sleeping 
 India, but that day was preceded by long night and 
 lingering dawn. Four dates mark the sources of 
 India's new national life: 1834, 1858, 1905, 1917. 
 In 1834 Lord Macaulay's Educational Minute gave 
 India Western education; in 1858, Queen Victoria's 
 Proclamation gave the promise of religious freedom 
 to all alike and an increasing share in the govern- 
 ment for the Indian people; in 1905, Japan's victory 
 over Russia thrilled the entire Orient with new 
 national hopes; and on August 20, 1917, came the 
 pronouncement, called forth in part by the War and 
 the unrest in India, of the Government's new policy 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 175 
 
 of reform and responsible government by the people 
 of India. 
 
 Each of these dates marked the opening of a new 
 era. In 1834, Lord Macaulay in his famous Educa- 
 tional Minute decreed that India, through the 
 medium of English education, should receive the 
 science and civilization of the West. His words 
 were prophetic of a new spirit of responsibility and 
 unselfish service for India's future welfare. 1 
 
 In 1858, following the Mutiny, when India was 
 transferred from the East India Company to the 
 Crown, the ideal purpose of British rule was re- 
 asserted in the Queen's Proclamation, which ac- 
 knowledges that the government is a trust for the 
 welfare of the people. 2 
 
 1 "Are we to keep the people of India ignorant in order that we 
 may keep them submissive? Or do we think that we can give 
 them knowledge without awakening ambition? ... I have 
 no fears. The path of duty is plain before us: . . . It may be 
 that the public mind of India may expand under our system till 
 it has outgrown that system; that by good government we may 
 educate our subjects into a capacity for better government; 
 that, having become instructed in European knowledge, they 
 may, in some future age, demand European institutions. . . . 
 Whenever it comes it will be the 'proudest day in English history. 
 . . . The sceptre may pass away from us . . . But there 
 are triumphs which are followed by no reverse. There is an 
 empire exempt from all natural causes of decay. Those triumphs 
 are the pacific triumphs of reason over barbarism; that empire 
 is the imperishable empire of our arts and our morals, our 
 literature and our laws." 
 
 2 "We hold ourselves bound to the natives of Indian territories 
 by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all other sub- 
 jects; and these obligations by the blessings of Almighty God 
 
176 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 In 1905 Japan had conquered Russia, one of the 
 smaller Asiatic nations had crushed the Colossus of 
 Europe, the dread of the supposedly invincible 
 West. A powerful Asiatic nation had been born in a 
 day. With the swiftness and shock of an electric 
 current the thought flashed through the mind in the 
 Orient, "Why should not we do what Japan has 
 done?" This was the spark that fired the imagina- 
 tion of India and set Asia ablaze. China at once 
 began the reforms that led to a republic, the Shah 
 of Persia called a national council, even the Amir of 
 Afghanistan summoned a " consultative assembly." 
 Japan had awakened the self-respect of all Eastern 
 peoples. 
 
 The positive stimulus to India of Japan's victory 
 was met by the negative and repressive force of 
 Lord Curzon's regime. His crucial act was the 
 partition of Bengal, which the Indians claimed was 
 to break the back of the opposition of that province 
 to the Government. This "set Bengal in a blaze" 
 and bound India more closely together in national 
 consciousness. The country was soon swept by 
 
 we shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfill. Firmly relying 
 ourselves on the truth of Christianity and acknowledging with 
 gratitude the solace of religion, we disclaim alike the right and 
 the desire to impose our convictions on any of our subjects. 
 . . . It is further our will that, so far as may be, our subjects of 
 whatever race or creed be freely and impartially admitted to 
 offices in our service, the duties of which they may be qualified 
 by their education, ability, and integrity to discharge." 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 177 
 
 violent agitation followed by attempts at assassina- 
 tion. The cry of "swaraj" or "home rule," was 
 raised, and that of "swadeshi" or "home industries" 
 was followed by a boycott of British goods. Fifteen 
 thousand Chinese students and a smaller but equally 
 enthusiastic band of Indians had poured into Japan 
 to learn her secret of success. Feverish attempts were 
 made to start Indian manufactures on modern lines, 
 but many of them ended in failure through want of 
 experience. 
 
 To meet this rising tide of sedition Lord Curzon's 
 successor, Lord Minto, with Lord Morley, Secretary 
 of State for India, framed the Morley-Minto re- 
 forms of 1908. The purpose of the reforms was not 
 to bring about self-government, but to add Indian 
 advisors, to enlarge the legislative councils, and to 
 extend their functions so as to "effectively associate 
 the people of India with the government in every- 
 day administration." The promise of these reforms 
 for a time aroused high hopes in the Indian leaders, 
 but these hopes were dashed to the ground and gave 
 place to sullen disappointment when it was seen how 
 the plan worked in practice. The enlarged councils, 
 which it was hoped might become miniature parlia- 
 ments, became mere academic bodies for debate and 
 voiced the increasing dissatisfaction of the people. 
 They aroused aspirations which they could not 
 satisfy, they gave opportunity only for unlimited 
 criticism, offering no responsibility and little train- 
 
178 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 ing in self-government. Faced by a rising tide of 
 irresponsible criticism, the Government became 
 timid, and the people became restless and dis- 
 satisfied. India was drifting toward a precipice. 3 
 
 This feeling of discontent culminated during the 
 War. India had raised over a million men. She 
 felt that her princes had given liberally and her 
 soldiers had fought gallantly. The papers were 
 filled with the reports of the exploits of her brave 
 soldiers at the front, who were holding their own 
 against the most highly trained soldiers of Europe, 
 driving the Turks from Mesopotamia and 
 the Germans from East Africa, holding Egypt, and 
 guarding the Suez Canal. Probably each nation 
 exaggerated its own contribution. But certainly the 
 War intensified India's sense of nationhood. If 
 you asked a soldier in France who he was, he no 
 longer was the provincial Punjabi, or Maratha. "I 
 
 3 Educated Indians began to ask: "Why is not India a self- 
 governing member of the British Empire on an equality with 
 the Dominions? Why is she not allowed fiscal autonomy and a 
 protective tariff to develop her backward industries instead of 
 being regarded as a profitable market for British goods? Why 
 are not Indians allowed to carry arms? Why are they excluded 
 from the commissioned ranks of the army? What is the cause of 
 the discrimination of the Dominions against Indians in their 
 immigration rules? Why are nearly all the higher and lucrative 
 positions in government held by Europeans? Why have we not 
 had compulsory primary education, when after sixty years of 
 educational effort only six per cent of the population is literate, 
 and less than four per cent of the total population is under 
 instruction?" 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 179 
 
 am an Indian," was his proud response, and 
 the new national feeling was reechoed throughout 
 India. 
 
 Through the War thousands took a new interest 
 in public affairs. The returning Sepoys, the plat- 
 form orators, the widening influence of the press, 
 and the news that finally reached and aroused the 
 villagers around the evening fires, began to awaken 
 even the masses. The leaders believed that surely 
 India's rightful place in the Empire would be hers 
 after the War. The speeches of President Wilson 
 were eagerly devoured as he championed the cause 
 of backward nations and upheld the principle of 
 self-determination. On September 1, 1916, a Home 
 Rule League was formed in Madras, and Mrs. Besant 
 and other political leaders made India ring from 
 end to end with the demand for self-government. 
 Mrs. Besant was arrested and interned, but upon 
 her release she was eagerly received by the people. 
 Soon afterwards the Indian National Congress and 
 the Muslim League drew up a joint proposal aiming 
 at self-government, and the long divided Hindu and 
 Muhammadan communities joined hands in the 
 common cause of home rule. 
 
 The government of the vast, uneducated, heteroge- 
 neous population of India is, at best, one of the most 
 difficult tasks on earth. The War precipitated for 
 Great Britain one of the greatest problems ever 
 faced in the government of one country by another. 
 
180 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 The educated leaders who were demanding home 
 rule represented only five per cent of the population, 
 knowledge of English was confined to two million, 
 or not one in a hundred of that population, only 
 six per cent could meet the test of literacy, while 
 ninety per cent of the people were living in the 
 villages, occupied for the most part with the fierce 
 struggle for subsistence, and caring nothing for 
 politics or government. Yet the educated leaders 
 were now beginning successfully to arouse the masses, 
 especially in the cities. Strikes and boycotts proved 
 possible of manipulation. The end of the War had 
 not brought the immediate advance toward home 
 rule for which India had fondly hoped, and this 
 gave opportunity for nationalist leaders to fan 
 popular discontent into a flame. 
 
 As we traveled from Ceylon to the North we found 
 that political conferences were being called by the 
 people in all parts of the country. Caste organiza- 
 tions everywhere were assembling for political pur- 
 poses. The Muslims also were restless. They had 
 resented Italy's war on Turkey; the Balkan wars 
 had seemed to them to represent the Cross against 
 the Crescent; and then the final fall of Turkey and 
 Egypt as the last stronghold of Islam, the loss of 
 Mesopotamia and Palestine and the threatening of 
 their holy places were used by agitators to rouse 
 them to a Jihad or Holy War. But India as a whole 
 stood loyal throughout the struggle, and none more 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 181 
 
 so than those fighting against their fellow-Muslims 
 in Mesopotamia and Palestine. 
 
 In the south the Home Rule League was led by the 
 Brahmins, ever alert, subtle, and able. But home rule 
 meant Brahmin rule and the long-suffering lower 
 castes much preferred a foreign but just British 
 control to their ancient tyranny. Accordingly the 
 Non-Bralimin League was formed, attempting to 
 unite all the other castes in the common cause of 
 democracy. They asked full representation under 
 British control rather than caste rule. The Pan- 
 chamas, or outcastes, also began to assemble and to 
 assert their rights. High caste or low caste, farmers 
 came on foot and by train to attend these political 
 conferences and we found a new spirit abroad even 
 in the country districts. On the day we left the 
 south of India a great caste conference of the Nadars 
 was in progress with its elephant processions, bands, 
 speeches, and convention. This caste, long shut out 
 from the temples of Hinduism, has been forging 
 forward in education, in wealth, and in social and 
 religious reform, by its indomitable energy and 
 latent ability. It has furnished some of the greatest 
 Christian leaders and will play a part in the re- 
 sponsible government of the new India. 
 
 A social awakening has followed the political 
 awakening. Desiring self-government, India now 
 realizes how hopelessly she is divided. She sees her 
 ranks separated by caste and conflicting religious 
 
182 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 creeds. She realizes as never before the hard lot of 
 the long oppressed outcastes, crushed by the laws 
 of her own sacred books. She sees the evils of child 
 marriage in its weakening of the race, and the sad 
 fate of her child widows. She is forced to face the 
 need of uplifting her womanhood, educating and 
 safeguarding her childhood, and instituting a hun- 
 dred reforms that Christian missions have long 
 advocated. The whole caste system of India is being 
 gradually affected, as the walls of her decaying tem- 
 ples are cracked and broken by the trees that sprout 
 and grow from the tiny seeds dropped into the 
 crevices. Democracy at last is permeating even 
 caste-ridden India. 
 
 Pariahs and outcastes are in many parts for the 
 first time being admitted to public meetings, to the 
 use of public wells, and to political office. Their 
 political support is now sought by various parties. 
 The practice of interdining is spreading throughout 
 the cities and towns. While we were in Madura the 
 high caste leaders of the Non-Brahmin movement 
 gave a dinner to a score of us foreigners, disregarding 
 the rules of their caste. 
 
 The Madras, Travancore, and Mysore govern- 
 ments have now opened the public schools to all 
 outcastes. For the first time the depressed classes 
 are represented as equals in the Legislative Councils. 
 Women, who have taken a leading part in war work, 
 are now demanding woman suffrage, and have a 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 183 
 
 place on the programme in political meetings. 
 Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, the poetess, with other Indian 
 ladies has come forward as a prominent and powerful 
 political agitator. 
 
 Strikes are spreading rapidly. Beginning in the 
 unorganized uprising of the workers in Bombay, 
 labor unions are being formed, and the movement 
 has extended to all parts of India. This can only 
 end in improving the miserable and inhuman condi- 
 tions under which labor in India is often forced to 
 toil. The hundreds per cent profits of the owners of 
 some cotton and jute mills during the War have stood 
 out in glaring contrast to the pathetic fight for 
 subsistence of their neglected employes, and even 
 the conscience of India has been aroused. 
 
 All the elements of the economic strain and 
 political tension after the War were used by a small 
 party of hidden agitators to arouse a deeper unrest. 
 To meet this situation Judge Rowlatt was sent from 
 England to investigate the laws dealing with sedi- 
 tion. Upon his recommendation the Government 
 introduced two bills giving to the executive drastic 
 powers in seditious provinces. Probably the Govern- 
 ment knew more reasons for such legislation than it 
 was able to make public. But these Rowlatt Bills 
 produced an extraordinary effect. Instead of the 
 immediate reward for their loyalty in the War which 
 the people had eagerly expected, they were met by 
 what seemed to them autocratic, repressive legisla- 
 
184 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 tion. In an indignant press, on a thousand platforms, 
 India flamed out again as she had over the partition 
 of Bengal. Nationalists and moderates, Hindus, 
 Muhammadans, and Christians alike were united 
 against these Rowlatt Bills. In the face of the solid 
 protest of the Indian members in the Viceroy's 
 Legislative Council the first Bill was hurriedly 
 passed. Some months have elapsed and no occasion 
 has arisen for the exercise of the acts. They were 
 apparently a tactical blunder. 
 
 As one result of the passage of these acts, uprisings 
 took place in various parts of the North. As we 
 have traveled about India we have not known what 
 a day might bring forth and some members of our 
 party were at times in personal danger. Under the 
 influence of the national leader, Mr. Gandhi, with 
 his movement of passive resistance against the 
 Rowlatt Bills, the shopkeepers in Delhi were per- 
 suaded to close their shops, and traffic was forcibly 
 interrupted. When the soldiers tried to enforce 
 order, riots ensued and many persons were killed. 
 The uprising in Delhi, the ancient capital of India, 
 kindled the other cities. In Lahore, where we had 
 just been holding meetings, colleges were closed, 
 students went on strike and marched in procession 
 through the streets. Meetings of protest were 
 broken up by the police. On the evening of the 
 arrest of Mr. Gandhi a menacing mob was formed 
 and rushed shouting towards the European section 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 185 
 
 of the city. When the police ordered them to halt 
 they still surged on, and upon passing the forbidden 
 line they were stopped by rifle fire. Ten students 
 were killed and many others were wounded. In 
 protest against this use of force, the Hindus and 
 Muhammadans met together in the great mosque. 
 The people assumed a threatening attitude, shops 
 were closed, and martial law was proclaimed by 
 Government. 
 
 In Amritsar mobs looted and burnt the foreign 
 banks, and five Europeans were killed and others 
 injured. The Indian Sepoys fired upon the mob, 
 and it is reported that over a thousand people were 
 killed. Railway trains were attacked or wrecked, 
 telegraph fines were cut, travelers were assaulted, 
 and North India was aflame with excitement. 
 British and Indian troops were used to restore order. 
 Indians in other parts of the country bitterly pro- 
 tested against this use of force. Rabindranath 
 Tagore, the poet, and one or two others renounced 
 their English titles. Order has now been restored 
 but it has left the people of the cities sullen, bitter, 
 and distrustful of the Government. They are pes- 
 simistic after the reaction following the War. 
 
 An impartial spectator cannot help seeing the 
 tragedy of the situation. On the one hand we can- 
 not fail to sympathize with the natural, the in- 
 evitable aspirations for freedom and self-govern- 
 ment of such a great people. On the other hand, 
 
186 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 one cannot be blind to India's present unprepared- 
 ness for such government. One must recognize 
 sympathetically both the aspirations of India and 
 the tremendous difficulties of the British Govern- 
 ment. With all its faults, as the mind travels over 
 history one cannot recall a single instance of the 
 government of one people by another where the 
 task undertaken was so titanic or where it was more 
 nobly fulfilled. We do not except the Philippines 
 nor any other colony or country. 
 
 Perhaps we can better understand this political 
 movement if we pause to glance at the leader who 
 embodies it and sums it up, the reformer and pa- 
 triot, Mr. Mohandas Gandhi. He will enable us to 
 understand something of the aspirations of the 
 Indian nationalists and also of the difficulties of 
 the British rulers in the conflict that arises between 
 the East and the West. 
 
 Mr. Gandhi was born in a small native state of 
 western India in which his forefathers had long 
 been prime ministers. As a student of the Inner 
 Temple in London he remained true to the vow he 
 had made to his mother to abstain from wine, from 
 flesh, and from sexual immorality. He studied both 
 the Hindu Gita and the Christian Gospel, and 
 accepted for himself the principle of self-renuncia- 
 tion and passive resistance. After returning to 
 India to practice law, he proceeded to South Africa 
 in connection with a case. Finding 150,000 of his 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 187 
 
 Indian fellow-subjects there unjustly persecuted and 
 threatened with the Asiatic Exclusion Act, he 
 identified himself with the poor and despised Indian 
 community, and tried to prevent their disfranchise- 
 ment and banishment. For them he offered his life 
 and his money though he was mobbed and half 
 killed. 
 
 Here he began the practice of passive resistance 
 that was successfully sustained for the next eight 
 years. He called his principle Satyagraha, "Truth- 
 Force" or soul-force, as opposed to brute-force, 
 based on the overcoming of evil by good. Time and 
 again Mr. Gandhi was arrested and sent to jail, 
 only asking that he might have the maximum 
 sentence which was inflicted upon his people. In 
 prison he read Tolstoy, whom he closely resembles, 
 Ruskin, Emerson, the Bhagavad Gita, and the Bible. 
 
 The Indians in South Africa were willing to suffer 
 and cheerfully went to jail by hundreds. Mr. 
 Gandhi roused all India to sympathetic and indig- 
 nant protest against the ill treatment of their fellow 
 countrymen by another colony of the Empire. 
 Lord Hardinge's famous speech in Madras, when as 
 Viceroy he placed himself at the head of Indian 
 public opinion, and the intervention of the British 
 Government, helped at last to win the long fight and 
 to remove, at least for the time, the color bar of 
 race discrimination. Mr. Gandhi raised an Indian 
 Stretcher-Bearer Corps to serve in South Africa 
 
188 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 during the native rebellion, and at the outbreak of 
 the Great War organized an Indian Volunteer 
 Ambulance Corps. He threw himself loyally into 
 recruiting for the Indian army and the Empire. 
 
 Mr. Gandhi has long lived a life of voluntary 
 poverty. He eats but one meal a day, and that only 
 of fruits and vegetables. His years of strain and 
 frequent long fasts have aged him and somewhat 
 broken his health. Upon returning to India he 
 formed his Satyagraha Society to train men from 
 childhood for public service by austerity of life and 
 self-denial. 4 
 
 Mr. Gandhi exemplifies India's ideal of detach- 
 ment, the complete separation of the spiritual life 
 from the material world. He is one with the Indian 
 rishis and sadhus of thirty centuries who have left 
 the world to contemplate God and the soul in forests 
 and deserts. But Mr. Gandhi does not leave the 
 world. He lives in it and rouses all India to passive 
 resistance at his word. 
 
 In his own "Confession of Faith" he utterly 
 repudiates modern civilization and all material com- 
 
 4 Each member of the Society takes the following vows : (1) The 
 vow of truth; (2) of overcoming evil by good; (3) of celibacy and 
 absolute abstinence from the life of the flesh; (4) of simple food; 
 (5) of self-denial and non-possession of anything they do not 
 absolutely need, that all may have enough; (6) of patriotism 
 and the development of Indian industries; (7) of fearlessness 
 and readiness to suffer; (8) of the use of Indian vernaculars; 
 (9) of the dignity of labor; (10) of political, economic, and social 
 reform, rooted in the religious spirit. 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 189 
 
 forts. He says that cities are plague spots, medical 
 science and hospitals are of the devil, railways and 
 telegraphs, lawyers and doctors, modern inventions 
 and machine-made clothing must go, and India must 
 hold to the primitive plough and her ancient simple 
 life. 
 
 Mr. Gandhi is literally worshiped today wherever 
 he goes in India. Thousands will prostrate them- 
 selves in the dust at his feet. He is a man fearless, 
 selfless, patriotic. A word from him and his followers 
 take the vow of Satyagraha, or passive resistance, 
 to refuse to obey whatever laws he shall proscribe. 
 A word from him misunderstood, and Delhi is in 
 riot and North India aflame. The Government 
 politely arrests him for a day and India is ready to 
 rise if he bids it ; yet he deprecates any such violence 
 or use of force. 
 
 Professor Gilbert Murray, of Oxford, writing of 
 Mr. Gandhi speaks of "this battle of a soul against 
 a government,' , and says, "He is a dangerous and 
 uncomfortable enemy because his body, which you 
 can always conquer, gives you so little purchase 
 upon his soul." And Gandhi is typical of India 
 which worships him. India's new nationalism is 
 rooted in religion, and finds in it the mainspring of 
 conduct. 
 
 The political demands of the National Congress, 
 the Muslim League, and the other Indian leaders 
 were finally answered in the House of Commons by 
 
190 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 the epoch-making pronouncement of August 20, 
 1917. "The policy of His Majesty's Government 
 .... is that of the increasing association of Indians 
 in every branch of the administration and the 
 gradual development of the self-governing institu- 
 tions with a view to the progressive realization of 
 responsible government in India, as an integral part 
 of the British Empire. . . . This policy can only 
 be achieved by successive stages. Ample opportu- 
 nity will be afforded for public discussion of the 
 proposals which will be submitted in due course to 
 Parliament." 5 This was one of the most momentous 
 utterances ever made in India's history. It marked 
 the end of a century of British rule of the people, 
 and the beginning of a new era of rule by the people. 
 It was the first clear official recognition by the 
 British Government that India's goal was responsible 
 government by the people themselves. 
 
 To carry out this policy, Mr. Montagu, the Secre- 
 tary of State, came to India, consulted with Indian 
 and foreign leaders throughout the country, and 
 finally drew up the celebrated Montagu-Chelmsford 
 Reform Scheme. This scheme promises to India 
 three things based upon three principles. The three 
 things are "The progressive realization of responsible 
 government" — local, provincial, and national. It 
 proposes (1) to give complete local self-government in 
 villages, municipalities, and districts, which will 
 6 For full text of the pronouncement see Appendix IV. 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 191 
 
 train up intelligent electorates, beginning with about 
 five million voters; (2) to give partial self-govern- 
 ment in the provinces, to train the people of India 
 as the original thirteen colonies of America were 
 prepared for national self-government; and (3) to 
 retain British control for the present in the national 
 government, though providing for larger Indian 
 representation. The crucial advance is in the prov- 
 inces, some of them having a population of four and 
 five times that of New York State or Pennsylvania. 
 The three principles upon which these reforms 
 are based are: (1) The principle of Indian respons- 
 ibility. Britain is to give over at once certain "trans- 
 ferred" subjects to the control of Indian ministers 
 responsible to their constituencies which elect them. 
 These men are free to make their own mistakes and 
 must suffer for them. They lose office when they 
 fail to command the support of the majority in the 
 provincial assembly. (2) The principle of temporary 
 British control over law and order. Until India is 
 ready for full self-government, certain subjects are to 
 be "reserved" under British control, such as the 
 maintenance of law and order, the police, jails, 
 land revenue, and the welfare of the masses. 6 
 (3) The principle of the gradual increase of respons- 
 
 6 The subjects to be transferred to Indian control include 
 probably education, agriculture, forests, fisheries, provincial 
 taxation, local self-government, roads, public buildings, sanita- 
 tion and medicine, and the development of arts and industries. 
 
192 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 ibility until India shall be a self-governing member of 
 the British Empire with its own constitution. This 
 divided responsibility between the subjects " trans- 
 ferred" to Indians and those "reserved" for British 
 control is described as diarchy. It has been violently 
 attacked on the one hand by Indian extremists who 
 clamor for immediate and complete home rule, and 
 on the other hand by many British officials, who 
 make up the conservative bureaucracy of India, and 
 who say that India is incapable of responsible 
 government. The truth probably lies between the 
 two. It is difficult to see how practical statesman- 
 ship could have devised a plan that could more 
 surely and safely have made possible the great 
 transition from paternal government to popular 
 government by India herself. The present plan is 
 based on the principle that only the exercise of 
 responsibility calls forth a capacity for it, and that 
 "good government is no substitute for self-govern- 
 ment." Education and political responsibility are 
 to be the two means of training the new India. 
 
VIII 
 THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 
 
 (CONTINUED) 
 
 In addition to the political and social awakenings 
 in India, there is at present a religious awakening 
 which is the more remarkable if we consider it 
 against the background of India's great religious 
 past. India and China alone can trace back an un- 
 broken civilization with a highly developed litera- 
 ture, philosophy, and religion for over thirty cen- 
 turies. The fair Aryans who entered India from the 
 North were closely related to the Anglo-Saxons in 
 both race and language. Caste, in its origin, was a 
 natural, self-protective effort to preserve the color 
 line and the purity of their blood from any inter- 
 mingling with that of the dark aborigines. The 
 Indian Aryans were civilized and were composing 
 the great Vedic hymns to their gods before Homer 
 wrote the " Iliad," and while our own ancestors were 
 scarcely emerging from barbarism. Gautama 
 Buddha, India's greatest religious genius, was send- 
 ing out his yellow-robed monks with the teaching of 
 his law before Greece had awakened to her full 
 splendor. The great Asoka (B.C. 272-231) en- 
 hanced India's glory by his tolerant and enlightened 
 reign, and transformed Buddhism into a world 
 religion. 
 
 193 
 
194 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 After Asoka, for fifteen centuries India was rav- 
 aged by one long almost unbroken stream of fierce 
 invaders — the Greeks, Scythians, Bactrians, Mon- 
 gols, Huns, Arabs, Afghans, Turks, and the border 
 tribes invaded the land in turn. One conqueror 
 alone ravaged the north seventeen times. But India 
 was intent upon her own life, her philosophy, her 
 literature, and her religion. "She let the legions 
 thunder past, and plunged in thought again." For 
 India is always religious. To her, life is spiritual, 
 and everything is divine. The material is unreal, 
 God is the one great reality. "India is the spiritual 
 mother of half mankind." She has been the great 
 philosopher nation. But to her the one aim of 
 philosophy and of life itself has been to find God. 
 This is often expressed in boundless devotion, 
 measureless asceticism, utter self-renunciation; in 
 pilgrimages, fastings, self-torture, vigils, and years 
 of silent meditation in the solitude of the forest or 
 of the burning plains. All these tell the story of the 
 most devoted and tragic search for God ever made 
 by any nation in the world. 
 
 As India's ancient conservatism and autocratic 
 caste divisions sprang from her religion, so one of 
 the main sources of the new democracy and progress 
 is found in the Christian religion brought from the 
 West. Carey had landed in India in 1793. He 
 brought a dynamic message which was to create a 
 new personal, social, and political fife. He founded 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 195 
 
 the first university college in India, the first educa- 
 tional institutions for women, the first English 
 magazine, the first vernacular newspaper, the first 
 agricultural and horticultural society in Bengal. 
 He published the first Sanskrit grammar and dic- 
 tionary in English, supervised the translation and 
 publication of the Scriptures in some forty languages, 
 and founded eighteen mission stations as radiating 
 centers of the new life. In 1830 Alexander Duff, the 
 founder of the English educational system, landed, 
 and finally drew his converts from twenty-six of the 
 leading families of Calcutta, furnishing the leader- 
 ship for the Christian civilization that was to spread 
 across India. The work of Carey and Duff cul- 
 minated in Macaulay's Educational Minute and the 
 movement for social reform. Their work stimulated 
 the first Indian reformer, Raja Ram Mohun Roy, 
 and led to the foundation of the Brahmo Samaj and 
 other progressive institutions. 
 
 Religion, whether true or false, molds life, makes 
 character, shapes the individual, society, and govern- 
 ment. It is the great architectonic force in human 
 life. And religion is determined by its conception of 
 four ideas — God, man, duty, destiny. Hinduism, 
 while it has contained so much that was tragically 
 noble and good, has never been able to throw off the 
 ignoble and evil. In the main it has thought of God 
 in terms of pantheism or polytheism; man's per- 
 sonality seems a temporary illusion; it has no sure 
 
196 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 foundation for a high morality in ethical monotheism 
 and it has lost any clear view of destiny in the mists 
 of endless transmigration and rebirth in this world, 
 and of impersonal absorption of the individual in 
 the world to come. India is left today, in spite of 
 all her noble and undeveloped possibilities, as the 
 country in all Asia most filled with poverty, illiter- 
 acy, superstition, and idolatry. The product of 
 Hinduism is India. 
 
 Carey and Duff and the four thousand missionaries 
 in India today have brought to this land four 
 dynamic concepts: One God as a loving, personal 
 Father; one humanity of universal brotherhood, 
 where every individual man is of infinite worth; one 
 Saviour, with a new standard of righteousness ex- 
 pressed in self-sacrificing service; and a new hope of 
 social redemption, of personal immortality and 
 eternal life. These four principles have been lived 
 out in the life of Christian homes and communities; 
 they have been inculcated in the character of future 
 leaders through thirty-eight well equipped Christian 
 colleges, and 13,000 mission schools with more than 
 500,000 pupils. They have been exemplified in the 
 work of hundreds of mission hospitals, printing 
 presses, and philanthropic institutions. They have 
 been seen in the rapid expansion of a growing Chris- 
 tian Church. 1 These principles have been shown in 
 
 during a decade according to the last census, while the 
 Buddhists increased eleven per cent, the Muhammadans and 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 197 
 
 the mighty transformation of many of the 60,000,000 
 untouchables, cast out of Hinduism. The Methodist 
 Church alone has rescued from among them over 
 100,000 converts in the last two decades. Christian 
 missions are the greatest single force for the regenera- 
 tion of India today. The Indian Empire is being con- 
 verted as surely and steadily as the Roman Empire 
 in the early centuries. 
 
 During the last six months, as we have been tour- 
 ing India, we have seen evidences on every hand of 
 this religious awakening. Quite apart from con- 
 verts, let us notice first the indirect result of missions 
 in the changes evident in the non-Christian com- 
 munity. Educated Hindus are turning more and 
 more to monotheism. They are adopting the con- 
 ception of God as a loving Father and seeking Him 
 in prayer. They are seeing the evils of caste and 
 admitting the claims of human brotherhood. Fol- 
 lowing the example of the missionaries, many have 
 begun work for the depressed classes. The uplift and 
 education of womanhood and the noble movement 
 for social reform are gathering strength. The edu- 
 cated Hindus of today are unconsciously taking 
 their ideals of life largely from Jesus Christ. From 
 the Sermon on the Mount, from His demand for 
 
 Parsees each six per cent, and the Hindus only four per cent, 
 while the Jains decreased nine per cent, the Indian Protestant 
 Christian community increased nearly fifty per cent. Some 1,200 
 every week or 5,000 a month have been added to the Church 
 during the last decade. 
 
198 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 moral purity, from His example of self-denying 
 service, from the sacrifice of His cross, they are draw- 
 ing their inspiration and example for life. Mr. 
 Gandhi is a case in point. Largely because of its con- 
 tact with Christianity there is a wide-spread move- 
 ment to reform Hinduism, to cleanse away its 
 obscenities and evil practices. 
 
 None of this comes within the visible circle of 
 Christian statistics. Here is a concrete example. 
 There lies before us a letter just received from a 
 Rajah in South India. Nominally he would be 
 classed as a Hindu Brahmin. But at the top of his 
 letterhead is a picture of Christ, and under it the 
 words, "Love thy God and thy neighbor as thyself." 
 He has translated the gospels into Telugu verse. 
 The present letter is to thank the writer for getting 
 Dr. Sheldon's permission for him to translate "In 
 His Steps" for Indian readers. He freely acknowl- 
 edges Christ as the only Saviour and the only hope 
 of India, though he is not a member of any church. 
 Daily he spends much time in reading the New 
 Testament and in prayer. He is far more truly a 
 Christian than the vast majority of Christians in the 
 West. The man is typical of hundreds and even 
 thousands in India. The Christians in India num- 
 ber only some 4,000,000, but the unseen Christ has 
 entered to a greater or less degree every institution 
 in India, every reform, every movement for political, 
 social, economic, and religious transformation, and 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 199 
 
 the day will come when India will acknowledge Him 
 and make her matchless contribution to His King- 
 dom. She will bring forth from her treasures things 
 new and old: the old, from her thirty centuries of 
 devotion to the quest of the spiritual and unseen; 
 the new, from a quest rewarded and fulfilled in 
 Christ, the only answer of her deep desire. 
 
 We have found a second evidence of the present 
 religious awakening in the Christian community. 
 As we have journeyed through the land we have 
 seen two new developments of great promise, the 
 indigenous movement of personal evangelism, where- 
 by the Church itself is undertaking the task of win- 
 ning India, and the movement for corporate union 
 among the Christian churches. 
 
 On our last Sunday in the South, at Arupukottai, 
 we saw the village Christians, miles from any rail- 
 way, bringing in the results of their work during the 
 past weeks, in men won by themselves through per- 
 sonal work. On Sunday morning in one church we 
 saw baptized 123 men and women, gathered from 
 fourteen different castes of Hinduism. These Hindus, 
 separated from one another by the prison bars of 
 caste, who had never had any mutual relations, 
 either in eating or in intermarriage, were now 
 entering one great Christian family and one com- 
 mon brotherhood for the winning of India. These 
 fourteen castes, from the highest next to the Brah- 
 min to the lowest pariah, embraced landlords, culti- 
 
200 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 vators, goldsmiths, accountants, coolies, and three 
 of the robber castes, including the cattle-lifters and 
 the jewel thieves. In the evening during the last 
 evangelistic meeting five more men from different 
 castes rose and publicly confessed Christ. One of 
 them, an astrologer and leader among the people, 
 stepped forward and gave his testimony. He 
 swayed the whole audience as he spoke. He had been 
 providing charms and horoscopes and deceiving the 
 people by sorcery. He publicly repented of his past, 
 gave up his lucrative occupation and came out boldly 
 as a Christian. We took him with us to the next 
 city for training, and already he gives promise of 
 becoming an Indian evangelist of power. 
 
 In the Tinnevelly district, some miles from the 
 railway, fifty wealthy Hindu women had come out 
 publicly for Christ without their husbands and had 
 been baptized. They have been persecuted, dragged 
 through the streets, beaten, and forced by the mob 
 into the outward forms of their old idol-worship, but 
 they are standing firm today and are now winning 
 their husbands to Christianity. In Madura 500 
 Christian women were praying and working for the 
 non-Christian women of the city. The church was 
 filled every night with an audience of non-Christian 
 men listening to the evangelistic addresses. The 
 movement for evangelism is gathering headway, 
 deepening and spreading among the people them- 
 selves. A special "week of evangelism" has been 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 201 
 
 organized and is being taken up by the Christians all 
 over India and China. 
 
 A second result of this cooperation of all Indian 
 Christians for evangelism has been an unforeseen 
 movement for church union, to unite the three lead- 
 ing churches of South India. On May 1 and 2, 1919, 
 a conference of Indian ministers was held on the 
 subject of church union at old Tranquebar, where 
 Protestant mission work was begun more than two 
 centuries ago. At this conference the ministers of two 
 denominations voted unanimously for a plan of union 
 to establish a more truly national Indian Church. 
 These two bodies were the Church of England and 
 the South India United Church, which already in- 
 cludes all of the Congregational, Dutch Reformed, 
 Free Church of Scotland, Established Church of 
 Scotland, and the Basel Reformed missions of South 
 India. Following this meeting another conference of 
 ministers was held among the Syrians and Anglicans 
 in Travancore. The leaders of the Mar Thoma 
 Syrian Church also decided to join the movement for 
 union. 
 
 The Indian leaders of these three bodies have 
 agreed unofficially upon forming a truly Indian 
 Church, uniting the polity of the Congregational, 
 Presbyterian, and Episcopal churches all in one. 
 The coming together of these three churches would 
 unite in one body the converts of the mission work 
 of England, Scotland, and America. They repre- 
 
202 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 sent the three great divisions of the Christian 
 Church — the Western Church, the Eastern Church, 
 and the free Protestant churches. It was said at the 
 Edinburgh Conference in 1910 that union on the 
 mission field would be equivalent to doubling all our 
 Christian forces. If this union is formed it will be the 
 first time in four hundred years since the Reforma- 
 tion that the great division between the episcopal 
 and non-episcopal churches has been healed. It will 
 be the first time in nine centuries, since the division 
 between the Eastern and Western Churches, that 
 bodies related to these two branches of the Church 
 have ever come together. It would unite some 
 550,000 Christians in the largest church of the 
 whole world mission field. May not these churches 
 in India be leading the way toward the Church of 
 the future and the reunion of a divided Christendom? 
 May they not have a lesson to teach us in the 
 divided West? 2 
 
 A brief glance at the ancient Syrian Church of 
 Travancore may serve to show the significance of the 
 movement, both for evangelism and for Christian 
 union in India today. 
 
 It has been the persistent tradition of the Syrian 
 Church that it was founded by the Apostle Thomas 
 in the first century. While this lacks historical 
 proof, it is certain that after the fourth century a 
 
 2 A full statement of the plan of union will be found in Ap- 
 pendix V. 
 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 203 
 
 strong Christian church existed in South India. 
 About the year 345 A. D. a large emigration of 
 Christians from Syria seems to have arrived and for 
 centuries the church was dependent upon the 
 Patriarch of Antioch. 
 
 In 883 A. D. King Alfred of England sent am- 
 bassadors with gifts to them. For centuries the 
 Church has maintained its existence in spite of per- 
 secution. After two of their bishops had been 
 murdered, 30,000 of these persecuted Syrians as- 
 sembled around the historic Coonen cross, and taking 
 hold of ropes attached to the cross, took a solemn 
 oath that they would resist the Roman Inquisition 
 and stand for the freedom of their faith. During the 
 last century they have been quickened to new life, 
 largely through the efforts of devout workers of the 
 Church Missionary Society. The Mar Thoma 
 Syrian Church has been thoroughly reformed, and 
 has returned to the ideal of its early apostolic 
 simplicity. It has a married priesthood, an open 
 Bible, a simple and vital faith, and is maintaining 
 active and efficient work in other parts of India. 
 Bishop Abraham was educated in Wycliffe College, 
 Toronto, and no church has a more devout and 
 spiritual leadership. 
 
 In February we attended the great convention of 
 the Mar Thoma Syrians held annually in Travancore. 
 Imagine yourself in Maramanu at the Sunday morn- 
 ing service in the great palm leaf pavilion, where 
 
204 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 30,000 Syrian Christians have gathered from all 
 parts of this native state of Travancore. It is stifling 
 hot even in winter, down here near the Equator. 
 Above us rise the graceful cocoanut palms, the 
 pepper vines, and banana trees. 
 
 On the platform at our left are seated the white- 
 robed priests of this ancient church, and upon 
 raised seats on the right are the two bishops in their 
 purple satin robes, with golden girdles and quaint 
 headdresses. One is of the old school, looking like 
 the ancient Nestorian patriarch of Antioch, from 
 whom his bishopric draws its historical descent. The 
 other is a young man, modern, keen, alert, whom we 
 knew as a college student a dozen years ago, when 
 he decided one night to give up his future ambition in 
 the law and to enter Christian work. After com- 
 pleting his education in Canada he returned to spend 
 his life in vitalizing this ancient church in which he 
 was born. In front of the platform in this great 
 pavilion the Christians are seated. They have been 
 gathering from hundreds of distant villages, coming 
 up like the tribes of old to the Feast of Tabernacles 
 at Jerusalem. All are clad in flowing white garments 
 and are seated on the dry sand of the river bed, the 
 men on the right, the women on the left. As the 
 people unite in intercession you can hear a distant 
 murmur rising gradually like the sound of the sea. 
 A wave of prayer seems to sweep over the vast 
 audience. The Bishop leads in a last prayer and we 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 205 
 
 begin the morning's address. We have continued 
 one theme throughout the entire week, that of per- 
 sonal evangelism, or the indigenous effort of this 
 ancient church to win India for Christ through the 
 laity. 
 
 After the address we throw the meeting open for 
 personal work to train the rank and file of Christians 
 for this service, before they return to their distant 
 villages. The young Bishop leaves the platform to 
 work among the people. Some fifty priests scatter 
 among them, all busily at work. Nearly twenty-five 
 years ago their first convention was held here in the 
 sands of this river bed with a thousand or two 
 present. Their numbers have grown until now this is 
 by far the largest Christian convention in the world. 
 They are turning back to the primitive and simple 
 Christianity of the early days, with an open Bible, 
 fervent prayer, and simple witnessing to the glad 
 news of abundant life. Here is an ancient Indian 
 church, using its own forms of worship and expressing 
 Eastern methods of devotion. 
 
 All about us are the teeming villages of India, 
 737,000 of them; so many that if Christ had visited 
 one every day during His life on earth, and one every 
 day since that time, He would not yet have finished 
 the task to tjiis date. Yet here in this ancient Syrian 
 Church in all its branches are enough Christians to 
 place one in every village in India. Once this church 
 is awakened, it will be a mighty factor in the evan- 
 
206 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 gelization of this land. It is awakening today and 
 its leaders are proposing a movement for the cor- 
 porate union of Christians which puts to shame the 
 divisions of the Church of Christ in the West. 
 
 Just as we attempted to show the political problem 
 epitomized in a leader like Mr. Gandhi, so we can 
 perhaps best appreciate the work of missions if we 
 note two or three concrete examples of typical Indian 
 Christians. We will take three men whose work 
 we have seen on our recent tour, representing three 
 different Indian types, the saint, the churchman, 
 and the statesman, as exemplified in Sadhu Sunder 
 Singh, Bishop Azariah, and Mr. K. T. Paul. 
 
 Of the three, the Sadhu is the most typically 
 Indian, for no other country could produce him. As 
 in the case of Mr. Gandhi, the asceticism and re- 
 nunciation of thirty centuries are summed up in this 
 Christian ascetic, for the calling of a sadhu means 
 lifelong renunciation, to wander a homeless, penni- 
 less beggar, utterly detached from the material 
 world. 
 
 He was born of the warrior Sikhs, of a wealthy 
 family, and as a boy had memorized the sacred 
 scriptures of the Sikhs and Hindus. He was sent to 
 the village mission school for an education, but the 
 Bible roused within him the fiercest antagonism. 
 He tore up his New Testament and burnt it. For 
 years he sought God in his own religion, in sacred 
 books, vigils, and fasts. Sikh, Hindu, and Christian 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 207 
 
 ideals were all struggling in his soul. One day he 
 resolved to find God or die, and spent the whole 
 night in prayer with his New Testament. Just 
 before dawn he believed he saw the radiant figure 
 of Christ, calling him to take up his cross and to fol- 
 low Him. 
 
 For nine months he bore the persecution, the tears, 
 and the entreaties of his own home, and then at the 
 age of sixteen, disowned because he had become 
 a Christian, his life attempted by poison, he 
 left as an outcast, henceforth to be a home- 
 less wanderer. He was baptized in 1905 and took 
 the simple saffron robe of the mendicant ascetic. 
 He began telling the good news of the Christian 
 message in his own town and through the Panjab, 
 on into Afghanistan and Kashmir. Clad in his single 
 cotton cloth and with his bare feet often bleeding, 
 he slept in caves, forests, or village streets. In 1905 
 he first hazarded the dangers of Tibet, and spent the 
 hot months of each succeeding year there. Many a 
 time, when it was known that he was a Christian, 
 he was driven from the villages to sleep in jungles or 
 caves. 
 
 In 1914 in Nepal he was thrown into prison, but 
 still preached to the prisoners there. He was then 
 exposed in the stocks in the public marketplace 
 without food, while leeches were thrown upon him to 
 suck his life-blood. When set free he fell uncon- 
 scious, but was finally able to crawl away. In 
 
208 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 Tibet he met the persecution of the Lamas in bigoted 
 Lhasa, which has witnessed the murder of so many. 
 He was at one time tried and condemned to death 
 for preaching Christ. He was lowered into a dry 
 well, to starve among the bones of others who had 
 perished there. After terrible tortures, on the third 
 night he was released by some one from above, and 
 after regaining strength returned again to preach in 
 the city from which he was once more driven out. 
 
 During our six months' tour in India we ran across 
 the Sadhu's track in every part of the country. In 
 Travancore, in Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta, he 
 is almost worshiped by many, for India finds in him 
 her ascetic ideal, a life of renunciation and detach- 
 ment from the material. Upon thousands of lives he 
 has left a more extraordinary impression than any 
 other man in India. Everywhere he seems to remind 
 men of Christ on earth. This summer he held meet- 
 ings in Japan and China, and as we write he has once 
 more entered Tibet. He is the typical Indian Chris- 
 tian sadhu or saint. 
 
 We may take the life of Bishop Azariah, as a 
 second typical Indian biography. His ancestors 
 were from the humble caste of tree climbers, shut 
 out from the temples and from the pale of Hinduism. 
 This caste, however, is making rapid progress 
 today in education and furnishing some of the 
 strongest Christian leaders in India, an argument 
 for Christ's principle of brotherhood and human 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 209 
 
 worth, as against the false principle of caste. For 
 some years Azariah was the writer's fellow-worker 
 in India as a secretary of the Y. M. C. A. 
 
 One night under the palm trees of Ceylon he 
 caught a vision of his country's need, of his people 
 unawakened, and his land unsaved. Returning to 
 his own church, he gathered a dozen young men and 
 organized the Indian Missionary . Society of Tin- 
 nevelly, working with Indian men, Indian money, 
 Indian methods, and Indian management. After 
 rousing Christians in India to evangelize their own 
 country, he himself felt the call to go to the neediest 
 and most degraded people in the native state of 
 Hyderabad. Ten years ago he began work among 
 these depressed classes. In 1912 in the Cathedral at 
 Calcutta, in the presence of the Governor of Bengal 
 and a distinguished assembly, he was consecrated by 
 the Metropolitan and Bishops of India, Burma, 
 and Ceylon as the first Anglican Indian Bishop. 
 
 Having witnessed the humble beginnings of his 
 mission work, we went at Easter time this year to see 
 what had been accomplished. Before sunrise the 
 people at Dornakal had assembled to celebrate the 
 dawn of Easter Sunday. Here was a congregation of 
 four hundred Christians, part of several thousands 
 gathered in the last few years from the lowest out- 
 castes, who have been transformed by the spirit 
 of Christ and are becoming a powerful force for the 
 evangelization of this native state. Only a decade 
 
210 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 ago we had seen these people living in drunkenness, 
 dirt, debt, and illiteracy. Many of them were carrion 
 eaters, living upon dead carcasses. But today what 
 a change! How can we account for this transforma- 
 tion of the character and lives of these people? The 
 cause is found in the man who has just entered the 
 door to lead the Easter service, the young Indian 
 Bishop. It is he who a decade ago founded this Indian 
 Missionary Society, who with his able fellow-workers 
 has won 3,000 converts in this first station, and who 
 now has the care of 60,000 Christians in his diocese. 
 Upon his arrival the Bishop began to gather these 
 people into schools and congregations to teach them. 
 They were so ignorant that there were men and 
 women who after six weeks of patient instruction 
 literally could not repeat the first sentence of the 
 Lord's Prayer. Accordingly the Bishop dropped the 
 method of teaching by rote, and found that in a day 
 or two they could be taught to pray spontaneously 
 out of their own hearts. We looked into the bright 
 faces of the boarding-school children. In the sur- 
 rounding villages are reformed drunkards, thieves, 
 and outcastes, who are now in charge of congrega- 
 tions, earning their own livelihood and receiving 
 not a cent for Christian work. The whole work is 
 natural, indigenous, and spontaneous. No foreigner 
 has ever controlled it. No evangelist is paid for 
 preaching the Gospel. Evangelism is considered to 
 be the universal privilege of the Church. 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 211 
 
 The boarding-school boys are taught weaving, 
 carpentry, and agriculture. The plan is similar to 
 that of Hampton and Tuskegee in America for the 
 industrial uplift of an impoverished race. Here are 
 boys who will go out as self-supporting workers, 
 many of them to take charge of a village congrega- 
 tion. Take a case in point. We have just been having 
 a talk with Thomas, a new convert. He told us his 
 own story. A member of the thief caste, for ten 
 years Thomas was a professional robber. He had 
 been twice in prison. Eight years ago Thomas was 
 baptized. He went out by himself and won two vil- 
 lages to Christianity. He has charge of a congrega- 
 tion which he teaches on Sunday and shepherds on 
 week days. His wjfe teaches the night school in the 
 village and both are laboring hard to win the people 
 of their own robber caste. Neither receives any sal- 
 ary for this work. The Christian people have given 
 up drink, the women are well clad, for the first time 
 in their lives they have at least two regular meals a 
 day, their debts are paid, and Thomas's wife is the 
 proud possessor of a War Bond. For years Thomas 
 was on the black books of the police as a "known 
 depredator" and had to answer the thieves' roll call 
 every night. He is now a member of the Diocesan 
 Council, the head of a congregation, a living witness 
 to the transforming power of the Gospel of Christ. 
 Can you imagine what a spiritual force a thousand or 
 two such living arguments would be in the midst of 
 
212 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 the corruption, drunkenness, and illiteracy around 
 them? These men are the hope of India's 60,000,000 
 outcastes. And such men as Bishop Azariah are the 
 hope of the Christian Church. 
 
 A third type of Indian Christian may be seen in 
 Mr. K. T. Paul, an organizer and Christian states- 
 man. He is a nationalist as truly as Gokhale or 
 Gandhi, but as much of a practical organizer as any 
 American or Britisher. One remembers the night 
 many years ago when he made his great decision, re- 
 nounced his ambition and professional prospects, 
 and came out to serve his country as the head of the 
 National Missionary Society. This organization is 
 successfully conducting its own missions in five 
 sections of India, with missionary magazines in as 
 many vernaculars. It has already gathered nearly 
 3,000 converts. Mr. Paul later became National 
 Secretary of the Y. M. C. A. The British and 
 American Associations combined have in two de- 
 cades been able to send out only one or two men of 
 equal ability in organization. With his colleagues he 
 is grappling today with the overwhelming problems 
 that India presents. There are the young men of the 
 cities who will lead the political movements, as India 
 enters upon a new era of responsible government. 
 There are India's 60,000 students in the universities 
 and the 2,000,000 former students who speak Eng- 
 lish. Who is to guide these young men amid the 
 perils of the present situation? Then there are the 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 213 
 
 nine-tenths of the population found in the villages 
 of India. Mr. Paul has been facing the problems of 
 all these classes. He has been developing an able 
 Indian leadership and adapting the Christian move- 
 ment to Oriental conditions. 
 
 He and a growing band of Indian Christian college 
 graduates are the hope of the new era of responsible 
 government. Democracy will be on trial in ancient 
 India. The problem of India, and in fact of the whole 
 of continental Asia is whether Hinduism and the 
 non-Christian religions can produce honest and 
 efficient democratic government. 3 
 
 May we venture on a prediction from the analogy 
 of history? Responsible government in India will 
 succeed — in part. Great leaders like Gokhale and 
 Gandhi will rise above selfish interest and caste 
 prejudice and from motives of patriotism will serve 
 their country loyally and effectively. In so far as 
 responsible government succeeds, it will be a clear 
 gain. But India may witness a great outbreak of 
 bribery and corruption. She will have something to 
 do besides criticizing others. Just as there is much 
 corruption in some of her municipalities which we 
 visited recently, this will probably appear on a 
 
 3 Conditions in Japan are wholly exceptional and unparalleled. 
 There the solidarity of the nation and the powerful motive of 
 patriotism among the masses, who are now widely educated, 
 furnish the ground, upon the material plane, for a relatively 
 honest and highly efficient administration of a benevolent 
 oligarchy. 
 
214 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 larger and more dangerous scale nationally. In 
 just so far as her own religions cannot produce 
 honesty and efficiency and democracy; in just so 
 far as they cannot lift the outcastes, and rise above 
 bribery and special caste privilege, they will be 
 driven back to the great dynamic Christian principles 
 and the motive power that has produced men like 
 Sadhu Sunder Singh, Bishop Azariah, and Mr. K. T. 
 Paul. The regeneration of India must depend upon 
 personal character. The need of the future lies in 
 multiplying the leaders who will share in these 
 characteristics of the Christian saint, the Christian 
 churchman, and the Christian statesman. And 
 Christianity alone can produce such Christians. 
 
 As one of the problems with which Mr. Paul and 
 other Christian leaders are trying to grapple, let us 
 try to grasp the poverty of the nearly 300,000,000 in 
 rural India. Let us survey this vast area of human 
 need. 
 
 We are standing on a hill top in western India in 
 the midst of the famine district. As far as the eye 
 can reach toward the burning horizon we look out 
 over these parched plains of death. Fields that 
 should be green with corn are burnt like brick and 
 the sky above seems brass. With the failure of the 
 rain the crops withered and died nearly six months 
 ago. Skeletons of dead cattle which have already 
 succumbed lie by the roadside. Just ahead is one 
 of the government relief works where 6,000 people 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 215 
 
 are building a road. The men get eight cents a day, 
 the women seven cents, and the children from two 
 to four cents. On the bare height is the deserted 
 Hindu temple with its hideous dead idol of stone, 
 with no message and no motive for service in such 
 an hour of need. Above, the vultures dot the sky 
 awaiting the next carcass. Parts of India are in the 
 thrall of famine again. Even in normal times this 
 is the neediest section of this round world of human 
 need. Here one-fifth of the human race lives in the 
 midst of greater poverty, ignorance, illiteracy, 
 superstition, idolatry, debt, and famine than any 
 other large section of Asia. 
 
 When we landed in India more than twenty years 
 ago we went through the experience of a great 
 famine when 5,000,000 died and 50,000,000 suffered 
 the gnawing pains of hunger. During the last half 
 century twenty-two famines have swept away 
 28,000,000 of the population. The average per 
 capita wealth is only about $100, or about one- 
 twentieth that of America or England. The average 
 income of each person according to Lord Cromer was 
 only ten dollars per year, or about three cents a day. 
 How can they get three meals a day on an income 
 of three cents? They simply do not get them. 
 Wages vary from four to ten cents a day for a day 
 laborer. We learned recently of two boys who were 
 daily walking twenty-two miles to get work at four 
 cents a day in order to support their widowed 
 
216 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 mother and her children. Living from hand to mouth, 
 the people easily fall a prey to the voracious money- 
 lender and soon become his slaves. Rates of inter- 
 est vary all the way from 18 to 150 per cent per 
 annum. Near a city through which we have just 
 passed a poor villager was compelled to pay 400 per 
 cent interest in two years without reducing the 
 principal. Unable to read or write, forced to make 
 his mark on any document which the money-lender 
 placed before him, the man speedily became the 
 slave of this Shylock. He is now caught in the 
 spider's web; his time, his labor, his cattle if he has 
 any, his land, and even his wife and children are 
 under the control of this usurer who becomes 
 his lord and master. If he is insubordinate, he is 
 dragged to court and his family become paupers. 
 
 Is there any remedy for this state of things? 
 Five years ago the Young Men's Christian Associa- 
 tion in India, under the leadership of its National 
 General Secretary, Mr. K. T. Paul, opened a Rural 
 Department to endeavor to grapple with the terrific 
 economic and social needs of the downtrodden out- 
 caste masses of the poor. After a thorough canvass 
 of the field, a Christian Central Bank was organized. 
 This Central Bank loans money at seven and a half 
 per cent to cooperative societies, which are organized 
 by the Y. M. C. A., subject to inspection by Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Able young Indian college graduates of strong 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 217 
 
 moral character are chosen and given a thorough 
 training in government agricultural schools, in con- 
 ducting cooperative societies, or as specialists in 
 weaving, sericulture, leather-working, and other 
 industries. The rural work of the Y. M. C. A. is 
 based on foundations laid by Government, which 
 has done splendid work, but the people are suspi- 
 cious of a government official and averse to change, 
 and here voluntary Christian organizations can 
 help. 
 
 Let us imagine a young Indian secretary, an 
 English-speaking college graduate, entering a rural 
 field endeavoring to lift the whole tone of life in a 
 group of twenty surrounding villages. He makes a 
 survey of the field and prepares to form a coopera- 
 tive society with unlimited liability. First of all the 
 old debts and mortgages of the villagers, which have 
 been hanging like a mill-stone about their necks 
 and preventing all hope of progress, are paid off, and 
 new loans are made which are confined strictly to 
 productive investments. One man now buys a few 
 acres of land and begins a little farm. Another buys 
 a pair of ploughing oxen, another procures one of the 
 new type of Meston ploughs, a Western plough 
 adapted to Indian conditions which can be pulled 
 by Indian oxen. New tools, better implements, and 
 modern methods of agriculture are introduced. In a 
 village where the people are weavers, the new "fly 
 shuttle loom" is procured and the people are in- 
 
218 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 structed in its use. With this loom they can soon 
 double or treble their income. 
 
 The rural secretary teaches the people to keep 
 their books and educate their children. He drills 
 them in business methods, teaches them to prepare 
 their documents, and instructs them in reading and 
 writing so that they can affix their signatures. He 
 teaches the farmers better methods of fertilizing and 
 preserving of crops and fodder; he introduces the 
 silo, teaches the people rotation of crops, better 
 methods of caring for cattle and poultry, and how 
 to secure the best market for their produce. Coopera- 
 tive societies soon inculcate new habits of thrift and 
 self-help. If multiplied in India, they will help to do 
 away with the curse of chronic famine. The coopera- 
 tive society and its economic benefits are made the 
 leverage for lifting the entire life of the village — 
 moral, social, educational, and religious. 
 
 A new moral standard is soon discernible in the 
 village. In the evening the secretary calls together 
 the boys of the village and instructs them in simple, 
 non-equipment games. Later on he may introduce 
 football and volley ball. The whole village collects 
 in the moonlight to watch the children with the new 
 spirit of joy and play. The elders stand by wistfully 
 looking on, until finally they plead that they also 
 may be allowed to join in and play the games of 
 which they never heard when they passed through 
 their relatively joyless childhood. Lantern lectures 
 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 219 
 
 on popular subjects and motion pictures are next 
 used to open the eyes of these people. 
 
 Take a typical rural worker such as we have just 
 seen. He has buried his life out in the district among 
 the people of Travancore and already there is a 
 wonderful response. Scores of men have been re- 
 leased from debt. People whose outcaste ancestors 
 had lived from hand to mouth as coolies, forbidden 
 by the Law of Manu to own land or to live decently, 
 have now secured property of their own. Some 
 have doubled and trebled their incomes. Some have 
 new and better houses. This one man is conducting 
 work through twenty-five rural Y. M. C. A.'s which 
 have been organized in his own district. Last year 
 more than one thousand cottage prayer meetings 
 were conducted, fifty Bible classes were held, and 
 more than fifty men joined the Church. And all 
 this work has been accomplished by one educated 
 Indian Christian. 
 
 In no case during the five years has there been one 
 bad loan, non-payment, or default, or a single law- 
 suit in connection with the Christian Central Bank. 
 Principal and interest have both been paid. The 
 government auditor shows that one hundred per 
 cent of the loans due have been paid to date. The 
 whole plan is sound, sane, and practical and it is 
 working. There is need of opening this work in 
 thousands of villages immediately. 
 
 Here is the appeal India makes to us, the mute 
 
220 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 appeal of one vast immeasurable human need. The 
 people of India are ready to help themselves in so 
 far as that is humanly possible. The British Govern- 
 ment stands ready to do its part, in so far as official 
 help can be given, but it is strictly pledged to re- 
 ligious neutrality. India's deepest need cannot be 
 met by official government action and it has not 
 been met by thirty-five centuries of India's indige- 
 nous religions, noble as has been her long search for 
 truth. One thing alone can meet her need, the 
 dynamic of vital Christianity. That and that alone 
 will enable her to take her place in Everybody's 
 World. 
 
IX 
 ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 
 
 America's " splendid isolation" is apparently- 
 ended forever. She is no longer islanded in the 
 New World. Through no purpose or plan of her own 
 a Providence has driven her beyond her own borders, 
 and called her to take her place among the nations. 
 It is gratifying that the republics of France and 
 America have been bound together. 
 
 No result of the war, however, is more significant 
 than that which has drawn America into closer 
 relationship with Great Britain in the reunion of the 
 Anglo-Saxon peoples. For the first time in history 
 the British Union Jack has floated from the Wash- 
 ington monument — the only foreign flag, so far as 
 we know, which has ever been placed there — and the 
 Stars and Stripes from the Tower of the House of 
 Parliament in London, where no other foreign flag 
 has ever been unfurled. 
 
 Beginning as obscure Teutonic tribes, moving 
 westward from Europe to the little island of Britain, 
 and then across the wide Atlantic to the American 
 continent, the liberty-loving Anglo-Saxon people 
 have risen to a place of unique importance and re- 
 sponsibility in the world. It is of deep significance 
 that the British Empire and the United States com- 
 
 221 
 
222 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 bined control nearly one-third of the habitable land 
 of the globe. 
 
 Taken together, these Anglo-Saxons have the 
 responsibility for the go* ernment of more than 
 550,000,000 people, or nearly one-third of the popula- 
 tion of the world. 1 If we consider for a moment 
 the numbers of the white race in each country, the 
 British Empire has about 60,000,000, governing 
 some 380,000,000 of other races; while the United 
 States has a white population of some 90,000,000, 
 governing about 20,000,000 of other races. 
 
 In wealth, these Anglo-Saxon peoples hold a place 
 of even greater importance than in the matter of 
 area and population. The wealth of the United 
 States before entering the War, according to the 
 latest estimates of the Census Bureau in Washing- 
 ton, was approximately $228,000,000,000; and that 
 of the British Empire over $130,000,000,000, or the 
 enormous total of $358,000,000,000. Granting that 
 all estimates of wealth are only a rough approxima- 
 tion, their combined wealth is greater than that of 
 the score of other nations who were fighting in the 
 late war all taken together, and is nearly one-half 
 of that of the entire globe. 2 
 
 More important than their area, population, and 
 
 1 The estimated population of the United States and her 
 possessions at the close of the War was over 113,000,000 and the 
 British Empire 439,000,000— "Statesman's Year Book," and 
 "World Almanac." 
 
ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 223 
 
 wealth, are the underlying ideals and principles upon 
 which these Anglo-Saxon nations are built. We do 
 not claim here any superiority to others, or that 
 we have yet attained or lived up to our ideals. But 
 we cannot deny the responsibility of a great in- 
 heritance. There is the common possession of the 
 ideal of liberty, hard won by centuries of strife and 
 sacrifice. Together the two peoples have stood for 
 the ideal of democracy and self-government, and 
 with France they have led in democratic institutions. 
 Together these nations have maintained high ideals 
 in education and great traditions in their religious 
 life. 
 
 With all their faults, and despite many exceptions, 
 
 ^Estimated Wealth of Belligerent Nations 
 
 National Wealth Per Capita 
 Wealth 
 
 United States $228,000,000,000 $2,012 
 
 United Kingdom 90,000,000,000 1,915 
 
 France 65,000,000,000 1,625 
 
 Russia 60,000,000,000 343 
 
 Italy 35,000,000,000 972 
 
 Belgium and Serbia 13,750,000,000 1,165 
 
 Portugal and Roumania 7,500,000,000 536 
 
 Entente Total $499,250,000,000 $1,224 
 
 Germany, before the War 80,000,000,000 1,177 
 
 Austria-Hungary, before the 
 
 War 45,000,000,000 849 
 
 Turkey and Bulgaria, before 
 
 the War 8,750,000,000 330 
 
 Alliance Total $133,750,000,000 $ 907 
 
 All Belligerents $633,000,000,000 $1,092 
 
 See "War Loans and War Finance," page 32. 
 
224 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 it cannot be denied that these two Anglo-Saxon 
 peoples have been possessed by a great moral earnest- 
 ness. These two nations have led during the last 
 century in their philanthropic and missionary out- 
 reach. Apart from the Church of Rome, England 
 and America together are furnishing nearly three- 
 fourths of the missionaries of the world, and more 
 than four-fifths of the financial expenditure for social 
 and national uplift among the less favored peoples. 
 Out of 24,039 missionaries, North America is furnish- 
 ing 10,865 and Britain 6,599. Out of a total annual 
 expenditure of $38,922,822., North America is fur- 
 nishing $19,135,445., or about one-half, and Britain 
 $13,819,340. 
 
 These nations have also held the aim of peace 
 founded on righteousness, although they have not 
 always been able to preserve this peace or main- 
 tain this righteousness. We do not hold that all of 
 England's wars have been just and her possessions 
 unselfishly gained, while a study of the history of the 
 treaties of the United States with the Red Indians 
 will not enable an American justly to assert that his 
 own Government has always kept its obligations. 
 But none the less, these two peoples have inherited 
 a great common tradition and have held a high ideal 
 of righteousness. Only if we maintain these ideals 
 of unselfish service and insist on the right of full and 
 free development for all other peoples for whom we 
 may be held responsible, can we justify our existence. 
 
ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 225 
 
 Our responsibility is enormous. From an authority 
 higher than any League of Nations we hold a man- 
 date for all that we possess. And we must render an 
 account of our stewardship. 
 
 Surely it has been entrusted to us, not for the 
 enrichment of ourselves but as a mandate for the 
 welfare of the world. The Anglo-Saxons never set 
 out deliberately to conquer a third of the globe or 
 to build up vast empires for themselves. The Pil- 
 grim Puritans never dreamed of America as a con- 
 tinent of wealth, but sought a place of liberty, where 
 they could worship God in peace. The hardy col- 
 onists who resisted taxation without representation 
 never thought of a great republic. Their successors 
 who felt that they were driven to intervene in the 
 persecution and misgovernment in Cuba and the 
 Philippines, could not forsee a precedent and a 
 policy that would force them beyond their own 
 borders to take their full part in the world's life. 
 The American is more ready to grant an overruling 
 Providence and disinterested motives to himself 
 than he is to his British brother, just as the latter 
 in turn is likely to misunderstand the former in his 
 position with regard to the War. But the British 
 Empire was built in the same unforeseen way. 
 
 The British never dreamed of an empire in India 
 when the Dutch monopoly of pepper and spices 
 forced them into more direct trade relations with the 
 East. But step by step the defense of their trade 
 
226 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 and factories, the internal strife of native princes 
 and their mismanagement, the wars with the French 
 and other causes led them on to their present posi- 
 tion in India. They could not now suddenly with- 
 draw without plunging the country into the civil 
 war and bloodshed which existed for fifteen centuries 
 before their entry. It was the same in Egypt. The 
 hopeless state of her finances, the mismanagement 
 and prodigal waste of Ismail Pasha forced England 
 to intervene. The efficient reorganization of the 
 country by Lord Cromer created a new and prosper- 
 ous Egypt, a blessing instead of a burden to the 
 world. The great danger in India, Egypt, and the 
 Philippines alike is to look at the whole world from a 
 self-centered standpoint and to forget our divine 
 mandate. 
 
 It is our conviction that the two great Anglo- 
 Saxon peoples have been united again, not only for 
 the winning of the War, but for the winning of the 
 world. If then the Anglo-Saxon peoples have been 
 drawn together for some great providential purpose, 
 it is of the utmost importance that we should under- 
 stand each other and cooperate in the achievement of 
 that purpose. At present there is need of a better 
 understanding between these two peoples. The 
 very fact that we have common traditions, a com- 
 mon history, a common language and literature, the 
 very fact that we belong to the same family, means 
 not only a closer relationship, but a source of pos- 
 
ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 227 
 
 sible friction. Unfortunately, we are often at our 
 best with strangers and at our worst with our rela- 
 tives. British and Americans hardly look upon each 
 other as foreigners, but rather as cousins, but for 
 that very reason the two nations are perhaps more 
 critical of each other. The schoolbooks of America 
 and our traditions from the Revolutionary War have 
 helped to maintain on this side of the Atlantic some- 
 thing of the old prejudice. The press in each coun- 
 try until a few years ago emphasized the faults, 
 peculiarities, and shortcomings of the other nation 
 and did much to increase this prejudice. 
 
 The fact that we speak the same language is, 
 strangely enough, another cause of friction. As a 
 matter of fact we have a common literature, but we 
 do not speak the same language. Only long residence 
 in a country can enable us to understand the lan- 
 guage of its people. Americans and English start out 
 with the misconception that they understand each 
 other's speech, but as a matter of fact we often use 
 words with quite different intent. All nations, due 
 to their own provincialism, have a certain natural 
 prejudice against foreigners. As Lowell once ob- 
 served, there is "a certain condescension in for- 
 eigners," which is not confined to any one people. 
 
 Mr. Samuel Crothers, in his delightful essay on 
 "The Anglo-American School of Polite Unlearn- 
 ing," points out the necessity for both nations to 
 unlearn their prejudice and the great mass of mis- 
 
228 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 information which each has accumulated about the 
 other. They must both realize that there is more 
 than one way of doing things and that our way is 
 not necessarily the best. 
 
 With a view to arriving at a better understanding 
 of each other, we must ask leave to make two rather 
 extended quotations from widely separated writers, 
 on both sides of the Atlantic. Emerson, in his " Eng- 
 lish Traits," written seventy years ago, after his 
 voyages to England in 1833 and 1847, makes some 
 observations which throw light upon both the strong 
 and weak points of the unchanging English char- 
 acter. 
 
 "They are free forcible men. They give the bias 
 to the current age. They have sound bodies, and 
 supreme endurance in war and in labor. . . . They 
 are impatient of genius. They have a supreme eye 
 to fact, keeping their eye on their aim. ... In 
 short, everyone of these islanders is an island him- 
 self, safe, tranquil, incommunicable. In a company 
 of strangers, you would think him deaf; his eyes 
 never wander from his table and newspaper, he 
 is never betrayed into any curiosity or unbecoming 
 emotion. . . . They have all been trained in one 
 severe school of manners. They are positive, me- 
 thodical, cleanly, and formal, loving routine and con- 
 ventional ways; loving truth and religion, to be sure, 
 but inexorable on points of form. . . . Let who 
 will fail, England will not. 
 
 "They hate nonsense, sentimentalism, and high- 
 flown expression; they use a studied plainness. They 
 
ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 229 
 
 are blunt in saying what they think, sparing of 
 promises, and they require plain dealing of others. 
 . . . Here exists the best stock in the world, 
 broad-fronted, broad-bottomed, best for depth, 
 range, and equability, men of aplomb and reserves, 
 great range and many moods, strong instincts, yet 
 apt for culture. 
 
 "Our swifter Americans, when they first deal 
 with English, pronounce them stupid; but later, do 
 them justice as people who wear well, or hide their 
 strength. The stability of England is the security 
 of the modern world. The English stand for liberty. 
 . . . Already it is ruddering the balloon, and the 
 next war will be fought in the air." 3 
 
 We also add a quotation from a Scotchman which 
 throws light upon the Englishman of today, taken 
 from Ian Hay's delightful essay on "The Oppressed 
 English." 
 
 "The Englishman's Secular Decalogue: 
 
 "(1) Thou shalt own allegiance to no man, save 
 the King. Thou shalt be deferential to those above 
 thee in station, and considerate of those below thee. 
 To those of thine own rank thou mayest behave as 
 seemeth good to thee. 
 
 "(2) Thou shalt worship thine ancestors and 
 family connections. 
 
 "(3) Thou shalt not talk 'shop'. 
 
 " (4) Thou shalt not put on 'side'. 
 
 "(5) Thou shalt not speak aught but flippantly 
 of matters that concern thee deeply. 
 
 3 Emerson, "English Traits," pp. 26, 63, 83. 
 
230 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 " (6) Thou shalt never make public thy domestic 
 affairs. Above all, thou shalt never make open 
 reference to thy women, in places where men gather 
 together, such as the club. 
 
 "(7) Thou shalt make war as a sportsman. Thou 
 shalt play the game. That is to say, thou shalt not 
 study the science too laboriously beforehand, for 
 that would savour of professionalism. And when 
 thou dost fight thou shalt have strict regard for the 
 rules, even if it be to thine own hurt. Moreover, 
 thou shalt play for thy side and not for thyself. 
 Thou shalt visit no personal affront upon thine 
 enemy when thou dost capture him, for that is not 
 the game. 
 
 " (8) Thou shalt never be in a hurry. Thou shalt 
 employ deliberation in thought. 
 
 "(9) Thou shalt not enter into friendly relations 
 with a stranger, least of all a foreigner, until thou 
 shalt have made enquiry concerning him. When 
 thou hast discovered a common bond, however 
 slight, thou shalt take him to thy bosom. 
 
 "(10) Thou shalt render thyself inconspicuous. 
 Thou shalt not wear unusual apparel, or thou shalt 
 be committed to a special hell reserved for those 
 who, knowing better, wear made-up ties, or who com- 
 pass unlawful combinations of frock-coats, derby 
 hats, and tan boots." 4 
 
 Both these quotations throw fight upon the 
 English character and help us to understand it. 
 The American has long been isolated, and the 
 Englishman is naturally reticent and conservative, 
 
 4 Ian Hay, "The Oppressed English," pp. 19-26. 
 
ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 231 
 
 but we simply must seek to understand each other, 
 not for reasons of sentiment, but for solid accom- 
 plishment in cooperation, to fulfil our destiny of 
 service to the world. 
 
 The writer has been many times in England and 
 he lived for fifteen years with British residents in 
 India. In attending a recent British Student Con- 
 ference, he was struck by the contrast in mentality 
 between British and American students. He ob- 
 served the same in the two new volunteer armies as 
 he compared young Englishmen with the same class 
 in the American army. For the sake of clearness, 
 he has drawn up a series of ten contrasts in parallel 
 columns. This, confessedly, is subject to the danger 
 of all sweeping generalizations, which are never com- 
 pletely true. Contrasts are often too sharp, and in 
 some cases necessarily exaggerated to bring out the 
 differences. There are, of course, many exceptions 
 and many qualifications that would have to be made 
 in each case. 
 
 This table of contrasts was submitted to a group 
 of cosmopolitan students, both English and 
 American, who had traveled widely, and most of 
 them agreed with the majority of the points. Let 
 us then state the ten contrasts, and briefly explain 
 them afterward. If they are in a measure true they 
 will explain many causes of misunderstanding and 
 friction that have arisen from time to time between 
 the two peoples. 
 
232 
 
 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 CONTRASTS IN ANGLO-SAXON MENTALITY. 
 
 English 
 
 1 . The Mentality of Age 
 
 The product of an environ- 
 ment older, more highly de- 
 veloped and conventionalized. 
 
 2. Conservative 
 
 Suspicious of change. Em- 
 pirical and pragmatic. 
 The judicial mind, cautious, 
 moderate, and just. 
 
 3. The Intensive Mind 
 
 With a natural aversion to 
 statistics; an emphasis on 
 quality rather than quantity. 
 
 4. Individualistic and Critical 
 Critical of self, of others, of 
 political opponents, and of 
 national leaders. 
 
 5. Reserved 
 
 Less free to speak, yet more 
 frank, sometimes brutally 
 frank in expression. Reserve 
 often due to shyness. 
 
 6. Self-Depreciating 
 Self-confident in thought and 
 action, but self-depreciating 
 in speech. 
 
 7. Lacking in Social Democracy 
 Born of social privilege, in an 
 older social order, with stra- 
 tification of class and caste 
 divisions. 
 
 Superior attainment in social 
 culture. 
 
 8. Strong in Political Democracy 
 Insistence on personal rights, 
 self-government, and good 
 government. 
 
 American 
 The Mentality of Youth 
 With the natural advantages, 
 disadvantages, and limitations 
 thereof. 
 
 Radical 
 
 Progressive and inventive. Vo- 
 litional in temperament. 
 The executive personality, aim- 
 ing at efficiency. 
 
 The Extensive Mind 
 With a craving for exact and 
 concrete measurement, and a 
 love of statistics. 
 
 Social and Appreciative 
 Power of analytical criticism 
 less developed, and more sensi- 
 tive to criticism. 
 
 Unreserved and Expansive 
 More direct, open, and friend- 
 ly; yet more tactful and diplo- 
 matic in expression. 
 
 Youthfully Optimistic 
 Self-confident, not only in 
 thought and action, but often 
 in speech, which is obnoxious 
 to the British. 
 
 Stronger in Social Democracy 
 Less class and caste division, 
 more appreciation of innate 
 worth. 
 
 In a period of social construc- 
 tion, more callow and crude. 
 
 Weaker in Political Democracy 
 Despite outward republican 
 forms, more tolerant of bad 
 government. 
 
ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 233 
 
 CONTRASTS IN ANGLO-SAXON MENTALITY— Continued 
 English American 
 
 9. Tendency to Prejudice Breadth rather than Depth 
 In matters of politics, social With opinions unformed and 
 distinction, language, and often lacking in thought. More 
 pronunciation; prejudice versatile and adaptable, but 
 against foreigners and foreign with the danger of super- 
 customs, ficiality. 
 
 10. The Historic Stand-point The Prophetic Standpoint 
 
 The long-distance view of Straining toward the future; 
 
 time, producing patience and lacking in experience of its 
 
 persistence in accomplish- own limitations; boundless 
 
 ment. Proving all things and hope of accomplishment, drive, 
 
 holding fast that which is push, and hurry, 
 good. 
 
 We are here contrasting only English and Ameri- 
 can men of the same class. We do not include the 
 Scotch, Irish, Canadians, or other Colonials, for 
 they have the same difficulty in understanding the 
 English that Americans have. The Canadians and 
 Colonials, and indeed most people of newer countries, 
 would, in most of their characteristics, have to be 
 placed in the righthand column, in contrast with the 
 English. Strangely enough if the contrast were be- 
 tween the English and the older countries of Europe, 
 the former in turn would have to be moved over to 
 the righthand column as relatively younger, more 
 radical, progressive, optimistic, democratic, than 
 their kindred of an older civilization on the main- 
 land. In a word, we are all just human, made of the 
 same raw material, the product of our differing 
 environments, but more marked in our similarities 
 than in our differences. We may be the product of 
 
234 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 an environment older or younger, more developed 
 or primitive, more conventional or crude, but we are 
 brothers still. We all have so many faults that 
 boasting is excluded for the cosmopolitan. 
 
 The first contrast is, of course, only relatively 
 true. England, however, is an older country, more 
 highly developed, more conventionalized, more 
 mature in its social life and institutions. The 
 American has been busy conquering the vast material 
 resources and the virgin soil of a new continent. Not 
 only is England an older nation, more highly de- 
 veloped in its life, but the English college student is 
 more mature in his thought and reading and social 
 life than is the American student of the same age. 
 Youth and age each has its advantages and dis- 
 advantages. 
 
 Broadly speaking, the Englishman is certainly 
 more conservative and the American more radical 
 and progressive. The Englishman hates change, 
 the American loves it. The Englishman is often 
 more thoughtful than the American. Though neither 
 has the capacity for the thorough abstract thought of 
 the German, both are more practical, empirical, and 
 intuitive. The American has the volitional tempera- 
 ment, he is a man of action rather than thought. 
 While the Englishman is more judicial and cautious 
 in mind, the American has more executive ability and 
 efficiency in administration. These differences of 
 viewpoint and habit of mind are a possible cause of 
 
ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 235 
 
 misunderstanding. Conservatives and radicals are 
 often mutually prejudiced and opposed. The con- 
 servative, however, is only an old radical, and the 
 radical only a young conservative. Each must 
 supplement and learn from the other. 
 
 The third contrast, if true, explains another minor 
 cause of misunderstanding. The more mature 
 Britisher has generally a more intensive mind; more 
 often he gets down to first principles; he has, as it 
 seems to the American, a strange aversion to sta- 
 tistics and to mere bulk and bigness; he thinks in 
 terms of value rather than of dimension. The 
 American, on the contrary, has a natural love for 
 what is large, an everlasting craving for figures, for 
 exact and concrete measurements. He would feign, 
 perforce, inform his English brother of the glories 
 of Chicago, the exact floor space of its big depart- 
 ment stores, the number of stories of his skyscrapers, 
 the prosperity of his business, and the bigness of his 
 continent. He has a childlike love for whatever is 
 "the largest on earth," and "the greatest in the 
 world." He possesses a great many of these things 
 and loves to tell a waiting world of their wonders. 
 The Englishman, however, does not take his youth- 
 ful cousin as seriously as he takes himself, and seems 
 to be more struck with the misgovernment of his 
 city than by his forty-story skyscraper. 
 
 The fourth contrast also explains a cause of mis- 
 understanding between the two peoples. The 
 
236 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 Englishman dearly holds to his eternal prerogative 
 of criticizing everything. He is critical of himself, 
 of his party, most of all of his political opponents. 
 He thinks the whole country is going to the dogs 
 when the opposition is in power. 
 
 The fifth contrast brings out a strange difference 
 between the two peoples. At first sight the English- 
 man is more reserved than the American, who is more 
 open, talkative, and expansive. The Englishman is 
 slow to speak, but if he speaks at all he is more 
 direct and often brutally frank in his expression. 
 The American is more open and friendly. He talks 
 more, yet he is instinctively more tactful and diplo- 
 matic in expression. His reserved, yet frank brother, 
 John Bull sometimes mistakes this for insincerity, 
 but it is not so. As an illustration of this, an Ameri- 
 can woman while traveling in England was asked on 
 three different occasions to stay with various families. 
 She declined in each case, but she did it so tactfully 
 that all three thought she had accepted and were 
 surprised when she did not come. Any American 
 would have understood his fellow-countrywoman. 
 Both nationalities were misled by the supposition 
 that they were speaking the same language. If they 
 would understand one another let the Englishman 
 try to be friendly, and let the American be less tact- 
 ful and say what he thinks. 
 
 The sixth contrast brings out a difference which is 
 a much more fruitful source of misunderstanding 
 
ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 237 
 
 between the two peoples. Boasting is considered 
 bad form in England, and the boy is habitually- 
 taught in the home, in the public school, and through- 
 out life, if he is of gentle birth, that it is vulgar. It is 
 good form to be modest in one's appraisal of himself, 
 of past accomplishments, or future expectations. 
 The Englishman, if he is a gentleman, is self-depre- 
 ciating in speech, but he is self-confident in action. 
 He believes that he never has been, never is, and 
 never can be beaten. Self-confident in action, he will 
 plod along until he "muddles through" somehow. 
 But having done a thing, he does not talk about it. 
 Now the American, like his English cousin, is 
 equally self-confident in action. He, too, thinks he 
 never has been, never is, and never can be beaten. 
 But if he honestly believes this he frankly says so. 
 He admits it ! The Englishman's self -depreciation 
 seems to him to be hypocritical and insincere ; while 
 1 the American's self-confidence in speech seems to the 
 Englishman the most obnoxious and vulgar boast- 
 ing. For to the Englishman, of all things, "swank," 
 bragging and boasting, "talking big," and claiming 
 the earth, are the most detested. They are, in 
 England, the sure and certain mark of bad breeding. 
 When, therefore, the Englishman hears his youthful 
 and optimistic cousin, with his frank self-confidence 
 in speech, he lays it to vulgar lack of breeding, not 
 realizing that his own habit of speech has been 
 formed under a conventional rule of etiquette which 
 
238 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 does not necessarily obtain in other countries. The 
 chief point is that we must not misunderstand each 
 other or think that our way is the only way. 
 
 Instances of this tendency to boast occurred in the 
 
 war zone. At B , where there were a number of 
 
 British patients from the hospital — crippled, wound- 
 ed, and convalescent — out on the dock, an American 
 Sammy, arriving three years late, possibly feeling a 
 little uneasy that his nation had previously done so 
 little in. the War, and trying to make up for it by 
 "tall talk," told these veteran patients how America 
 was going to show them how to win the War. The 
 patients were naturally so indignant that they fell 
 upon the Yankee, gave him a good beating, and 
 threw him off the end of the dock. 
 
 The next two contrasts in the table also illustrate 
 a difference which leads to misunderstanding. The 
 American imagines that he has a " corner" on 
 democracy. He comes from a "glorious republic," 
 where liberty, equality, and fraternity have been 
 achieved. Surely all the world must know, as he has 
 since his earliest school days, that America is "the 
 land of the free and the home of the brave." Aristo- 
 cratic England in his eyes has the sad misfortune 
 to be governed by a king. 
 
 As a matter of fact, while America has achieved 
 much in social democracy, she is still, despite her 
 outward form of republican government, behind 
 England in political democracy. The American who 
 
ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 239 
 
 boasts of his liberty is strangely submissive to 
 tyranny. The Englishman, the Frenchman, even 
 the German, would not for a moment put up with the 
 corrupt political, graft-ridden, boss-driven rule of 
 some of our American cities. The Englishman is 
 much more insistent upon his personal rights; he will 
 fight harder for good government than the American. 
 There is far less "graft" in England than in the 
 United States. 
 
 On the other hand, the British are behind in social 
 democracy. They have a riper, older social culture, 
 achieved by a leisured class with a fine ideal of a 
 gentleman. England socially is living on her ac- 
 quired capital, while the American, in his shirt- 
 sleeves, is out making his fortune in a period of social 
 construction. But if more callow and crude, he is 
 socially more democratic, with less regard for class, 
 and in principle and practice holds closer to the truth 
 that "a man's a man for a' that." 
 
 They are alike in their love of liberty, their refusal 
 to admit the possibility of defeat, both have a strong 
 instinct for competition, the commercial vein, the 
 passion for work, and moral earnestness. But both 
 are prejudiced, and both nations have their faults 
 and limitations. For the sake of our common tradi- 
 tions in the past, and our high calling in the future, 
 can we not cultivate a larger and more generous 
 appreciation of each other? In many things we must 
 agree to differ and accept each other as we are. 
 
240 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 Unfortunately we were not consulted as to our 
 ancestry, and we did not altogether choose our 
 virtues or shortcomings. We are so close together 
 and so much alike that often we get upon each 
 other's nerves. Let the Englishman who has any 
 regard for Anglo-Saxon relations in the future try- 
 not to seem reserved, cold, proud, and patronizing, 
 as he so often does to the stranger from America or 
 the colonies. Let him be as frank and friendly as 
 he can be. Let the American drop his statistics, his 
 encyclopedic giving of unasked information, and 
 above all, if he has it, his habit of boasting, which 
 does so much to cheapen the real value of his nation 
 and make it seem vulgar to foreigners. 
 
 Here then, are two nations which are provi- 
 dentially called into the closest relations with each 
 other. There are no two peoples or powers whose 
 mutual friendship will do so much for the welfare 
 of the world. If America and the British Empire 
 stand together they alone furnish a nucleus for 
 world peace, for brotherhood, for a League of 
 Nations. If they are divided what guarantee have we 
 for these things? 
 
 Our interests for the most part are common. We 
 both want an open door of trade in the Far East, 
 the integrity of China, strengthened as a great and 
 prosperous trading republic, not weakened and 
 divided as spoil for warring nations. We both want 
 to see Russia under a true democracy, a blessing to 
 
ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 241 
 
 herself and the world, not the helpless tool of ex- 
 ploitation either by any selfish class among her own 
 people, whether high or low, or by any foreign power. 
 We both wish to see the great principles for which we 
 fought in the War — liberty, democracy, and right- 
 eousness — honestly and impartially applied in our 
 own countries, our colonies and possessions, and 
 in all other lands. We both desire to "get a really 
 new world." United, at our best, and living up to our 
 own ideals, we can almost guarantee these things. 
 We can make possible a League of Nations and 
 world peace. Divided we can almost insure war, 
 sooner or later, into which we shall both be dragged. 
 Let us together stand for the freedom of democracy, 
 with an open door of trade, an open door of oppor- 
 tunity for all classes, an open diplomacy, an open 
 Bible with liberty of conscience, and an open world 
 — Everybody's World. 
 
X 
 
 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 We stand at the close of the greatest human event 
 in history, Everybody's War; we now face the great 
 crisis of reconstruction, in the making of Everybody's 
 World. If these millions have not died in vain, we 
 must win for them and for all humanity a new world. 
 As we review the whole situation today, is it too 
 much to say that we face an utterly unprecedented 
 world-crisis? In summing up, let us try to grasp the 
 gravity of the situation in the six areas of human 
 need that we have surveyed. 
 
 In the Near East we find Egypt swept by a 
 nationalist uprising similar to that in India. The 
 Nationalist Party demands complete independence. 
 The political strikes of the government officials and 
 the students in the schools have been followed by 
 industrial strikes. Young Egypt has seized the 
 catchwords of democracy and is clamoring for " self- 
 determination," without realizing the conditions and 
 responsibilities of self-government. After thirteen 
 centuries of the rule of Islam, there has not yet 
 dawned the first conception of granting full rights of 
 citizenship to subject races of other faiths. Under 
 self-government, within six months massacre would 
 be rife. Egypt has not yet produced any national 
 democratic leaders whose vision transcends the 
 
 242 
 
EVERYBODY'S WORLD 243 
 
 division of class and creed. The educated classes 
 have shown little concern for their own peasantry, 
 and little toleration for their fellow-subjects of the 
 Christian faith. 
 
 On the other hand, we must realize that in Egypt, 
 as in other lands, this passion of nationalism springs 
 from the same source as our own. The Anglo-Saxon 
 is tempted to believe that he is destined for self- 
 government, but that others are never fit for it. 
 The Commission to Egypt under Lord Milner will 
 doubtless appreciate the depth and sincerity of 
 the nationalist spirit in Egypt, and make pro- 
 vision for her steady advance toward responsible 
 government. Repression will only lead to re- 
 action. Where this deep spirit of nationalism ex- 
 ists, we must provide for normal evolution or face 
 revolution. Egypt must have her place in Every- 
 body's World. 
 
 In Turkey, Constantinople will stand as the 
 crucial city between Europe and Asia. All nations 
 are met there. The time has come to make some 
 settlement that will insure a just and generous 
 government, with the widest toleration for majorities 
 and minorities, for Muslim, Jew, and Christian, with 
 full liberty of conscience and absolute suppression 
 of the barbarous massacres which have emanated 
 from this city for five centuries past. The problem 
 of Turkey must finally be faced. For decades it has 
 been evaded, postponed, compromised, and the wel- 
 

 244 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 fare of the whole Near East has been sacrificed to 
 the jealous intrigues of Western nations. As we 
 passed those graves and lonely cemeteries on the 
 rocky ridge of Gallipoli, we could only raise a prayer 
 that Turkey might at last be free from foreign 
 intrigue without, and from the self-destruction 
 which has menaced her from within. The whole Near 
 East is volcanic with the possibilities of danger and 
 of menace for the world, yet a new day of justice, of 
 law and order, of religious toleration and develop- 
 ment, is at hand, if only the Anglo-Saxon nations 
 will do their plain duty here. 
 
 We are also faced with the plea of threatened 
 Armenia. For a thousand years this people has been 
 persecuted. Massacre has followed massacre during 
 the whole of the last century. At no time have the 
 Armenians been in greater danger than today. It 
 lies between the Anglo-Saxon nations, and especially 
 with America, to see that after criminal international 
 neglect and evasion for a whole generation, this 
 people should not be further sacrificed. 
 
 Russia, continental, colossal, chaotic, appeals to 
 us out of the depth of its starving agony. As Arme- 
 nia among the small nations, Russia has suffered 
 most of all the great nations of the world. After a 
 thousand years of oppression, five centuries of 
 Czardom, and five years of War and its aftermath, 
 can we blame this great people, generations behind 
 the rest of Europe in progress, for blindly striving 
 
EVERYBODY'S WORLD 245 
 
 for liberty? The French Revolution sought the 
 overthrow of political oppression, while the Russian 
 Revolution has tried to sweep away at one stroke 
 both political and social injustice and to establish 
 a new social order. Can we Anglo-Saxons, who in 
 England fought for our Magna Charta of liberty, 
 and in colonial America resisted the least feather- 
 weight of injustice in the Stamp Act, blame this 
 mass of struggling humanity for trying to throw off 
 their bitter yoke of bondage? Behind all the fog of 
 misrepresentation and the smoke of battle, the 
 Russian people, renouncing the injustice of Bolshe- 
 vism, may work out for all humanity a social solu- 
 tion such as the French Revolution worked out in 
 the political sphere. 
 
 Russia today needs not words but deeds, not 
 empty sympathy but practical help. Religiously 
 also she needs our cooperation, but we must go not 
 to proselytize but to vitalize. Russia does not need 
 more sects, churches, or organizations; she does not 
 need imported denominationalism; she will reform 
 her own Church. If we go to her aid with no selfish 
 or ulterior motive, with no desire for foreign ex- 
 ploitation, but for the welfare of her own people, we 
 shall find that no nation on earth will so eagerly and 
 gratefully accept our help. If we cannot believe 
 in Russia, we cannot believe in humanity. To be 
 defeated there would be to be defeated everywhere. 
 We are members one of another. The class hatred 
 
246 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 of an unjust, triumphant Bolshevism would be a 
 menace to the world, while a democratic Russia will 
 help to make the world safe for democracy. Let us 
 not for a moment forget that the future of the Anglo- 
 Saxon nations is bound up with the welfare of 
 Russia. 
 
 Japan also is facing a second great crisis in her 
 history. She learned her first lesson and entered the 
 geographic and economic world in 1854. But today, 
 not Commodore Perry, but all nations are knocking 
 at her door with the plea that, in the political, social, 
 and spiritual sphere as well, she will enter into the 
 true democracy of Everybody's World. An exploited 
 Shantung means the menace of China and of every 
 free nation represented there. A generous attitude 
 toward China on the part of Japan will mean a 
 wide open door of equal opportunity for all, in 
 which Japan by virtue of her position will easily 
 excel, where no Western nation can successfully 
 compete with her or will envy her. Japan stands 
 today at the cross-roads. We have faith that she 
 will not take the wrong turning. 
 
 Let the Anglo-Saxon nations remember that we 
 also are menaced from within by selfish materialism 
 and by commercialism. Do we ourselves believe in 
 our spiritual principles sincerely enough to practice 
 them? If we now meet Japan on the basis of selfish 
 materialism, what defense can we have if some day 
 more than 600,000,000 of the yellow race meet us 
 
EVERYBODY'S WORLD 247 
 
 mercilessly on the same ground? As we have said, 
 the possible Yellow Peril of the future is today the 
 golden opportunity of Christendom. The reason we 
 are tempted to judge Japan so harshly is that there 
 is so much of the same spirit in ourselves. Japan 
 met us generously when she opened her doors in 
 1854. It is our firm faith that she will meet us in 
 the same spirit today, if we ask her to join us in 
 entering the democracy of Everybody's World. 
 
 China, with one fourth of the human race, must 
 also have her part in the new world. As Lord Bryce 
 says, "Her future is of immense significance to all 
 mankind." China is facing at once the greatest 
 political crisis and the largest religious opportunity 
 of her history. We found that politically she is 
 threatened with the collapse of her Government 
 through bribery and corruption, because the non- 
 Christian religions have not furnished any lasting 
 moral foundation for national life. To whom may 
 she turn? What other principle or gospel can offer 
 her any equivalent for a Christian civilization? Two 
 forces in the past have been contending for China: 
 material exploitation and Christian philanthropy. 
 We must choose which we will follow. Now is the 
 time to make the China of the future. Whether the 
 present Government stands or falls, the next two 
 decades will be decisive in the raising up of a great 
 national leadership founded upon Christian prin- 
 ciples. We are not contending here or elsewhere for 
 
248 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 a nominal Christianity. We plead for no sect, denom- 
 ination, church, or organization, but where else 
 can China find an enduring foundation for national 
 life save in Christian principles, and who is to help 
 her if we do not? 
 
 In India we must realize the depth and breadth of 
 the new nationalism. Here is one-fifth of humanity in 
 tragic need, long left illiterate and in dire poverty. 
 Raised up out of this toiling mass of over 300,000,000, 
 are 250,000 English-speaking educated men of the 
 politically minded classes, united by a new national 
 consciousness, bridging the gulfs of caste and creed, 
 of race and language. We must not forget that this 
 patriotism is of the same stuff as our own. It is 
 forged in the fire of affliction. It voices an unfath- 
 omed depth. It would be sheer madness not to heed 
 it. The Anglo-Saxon, who is democratic at home, is 
 tempted to be imperialistic abroad. He who has 
 fought for his own liberty must recognize this right 
 for others. The choice in India, as in Egypt and 
 Russia, is between evolution and revolution. India 
 will be the chief glory of the British Empire or the 
 monument of her failure. And here also America 
 must make her full contribution. In unselfish 
 philanthropic service the Englishman, as a represent- 
 ative of the governing nation, is at a great disadvan- 
 tage. The democratic American can sympathize 
 with the national aspirations of other peoples and 
 render a disinterested service without suspicion. But 
 
EVERYBODY'S WORLD 249 
 
 no foreigner should go to Asia who is not prepared 
 to serve. We should go not to be leaders, but to 
 make leaders. Such true ''Servants of India" are 
 needed in this period of transition. 
 
 Facing this vast and turbulent world, amid "the 
 restless tossing of long-enthralled nationalities," 
 stand the two great Anglo-Saxon allies of democracy 
 and peace. We have seen that together we are re- 
 sponsible for about one-third of the land area of the 
 globe and nearly one-third of its population; that 
 we possess nearly one-half of its wealth and half of 
 its trade. Selfishly held for the exploitation of 
 British imperialism or American commercial suprem- 
 acy, this must arouse the jealousy and opposition of 
 the world. But if it is held as a sacred trust for demo- 
 cratic development, for responsible government and 
 self-determination for all backward people and un- 
 privileged classes, these two nations face their 
 supreme opportunity. For good or ill, it is mainly 
 these two peoples that have been working in the 
 Near East, that have helped Russia, opened Japan, 
 tried to maintain an open door in China, stood for 
 the education and emancipation of India and been 
 responsible for the great bulk of the Christian phil- 
 anthropy of the world. 
 
 Yet at the very moment when the whole dis- 
 tracted world is calling with outstretched hands to 
 us to come over and help them, we must face the 
 clamant demands of the social problem at home. At 
 
250 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 the moment of writing, the great struggle of labor is 
 in progress. All the railways were on strike in 
 England, with the other trade unions threatening to 
 join them. A British labor leader, says : "The center 
 of gravity is passing from the House of Commons to 
 the headquarters of the Trade Unions." The triple 
 alliance of workers in the railways, transportation, 
 and mines threatened to hold up the Government 
 and bring to a standstill the economic life of England. 
 The strikes and the upheaval of the labor movement 
 in the United States and Canada are symptoms of the 
 same social malady. Fortunately the labor party in 
 England, unlike the materialistic Marxian socialist 
 parties in Germany and Russia, is based largely upon 
 Christian principles. 
 
 In any one strike the labor leaders may make a 
 tactical blunder, or may be unjust. They may strike 
 at the wrong time, in the wrong way, on a wrong 
 issue. Worst of all, there may be dark and sinister 
 foreign elements seeking to exploit and drive to 
 unjustifiable extremes what might have been a 
 reasonable issue. But let us not be blind to one 
 fundamental question which underlies this whole 
 industrial and social movement. If, as we saw in the 
 first chapter, two per cent of the people of America 
 possess sixty per cent of its wealth, while sixty-five 
 per cent of the unprivileged classes have only five 
 per cent of the wealth; if in Great Britain, a quarter 
 of the entire population is living in poverty, can we 
 
EVERYBODY'S WORLD 251 
 
 say that our present industrial order is founded 
 upon social justice? Is it not in the trend of things 
 that we shall see throughout the Anglo-Saxon na- 
 tions a widening social control? Are we to face this 
 social problem and seek to find a solution based on 
 Christian principles, or are we to leave Bolshevism 
 to find one? 
 
 Have we ever cared, or dared, to stop and think of 
 our present life and business in the light of the teach- 
 ing of Jesus? Is it possible that we, like men in other 
 days, are blinded by our own prejudice and self- 
 interest so that we do not see the truth with single 
 eye? For centuries, men read complacently the 
 doctrine of " justification by faith" and felt sure it 
 meant just the opposite of what it said. For cen- 
 turies they justified from the Bible slavery, the 
 Inquisition, the burning of witches, race prejudice, 
 class exploitation, and every unjust social practice. 
 Is it possible that we, too, are blinded today? 
 
 During the strike of the railway workers in 
 England, the writer tried to read afresh with 
 open eyes the Sermon on the Mount, to see if 
 it contained any indication of a solution for our 
 social and political problems in the present world 
 crisis. And this is what he found: 
 
 A New Social Order 
 
 1. Fatherhood. God is the loving Father of us all, 
 and we are to pattern our lives according to His plan 
 (Matt. 5:45, 48) 
 
252 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 2. Personality. Each man as potentially a son of 
 God, is of infinite worth, and of concern to us. If 
 any man or class has a grievance against us, we are 
 to seek, if possible, immediate reconciliation (5:22, 
 23). 
 
 3. Brotherhood. All men are meant to be brothers, 
 bound together in one great family of love in the 
 purpose of God. We are to love and care for all, 
 even our enemies (5:45). 
 
 4. Responsibility. We are responsible for others, 
 as our brother's keeper, as the salt or savor of 
 society, as the light of a new social order, like a city 
 on a hill, an example to the world (5:13-16, 23-26). 
 
 5. The Object of Life. The summum bonum, the 
 end of life, our one aim and object is, socially, to seek 
 the Kingdom of God, the moral organization of man- 
 kind, in a social order of humility, righteousness, 
 mercy, purity, and self-sacrifice : and, personally, to 
 do to each and all as we would be done by — i. e. to 
 put ourselves in the other's place (6:33; 7 :12; 5:3-11). 
 
 6. Wealth. Selfish hoarding of material wealth is 
 forbidden to the sons of the Kingdom. They are to 
 seek with singleness of eye to be servants of God and 
 brothers of men, not slaves of money (6:19-24). 
 
 7. Service. We must each consecrate his life for 
 the realization of the Kingdom, to work and pray for 
 its coming, and thus build on the rock of eternal 
 reality and not on the shifting sand of personal 
 selfishness. (6:9, 10; 7:21-27). 
 
EVERYBODY'S WORLD 253 
 
 If we review these seven principles, do we believe 
 that they are just? Are they the teaching of Jesus? 
 If we are to translate these principles into the con- 
 crete of actual life, would the following be a fair 
 application of them? 
 
 The Application of These Principles to 
 The Present Social Order 
 
 1. Before God as our common Father, our whole 
 industrial, social, and political system must be 
 tested by its fruits. Wherever it has failed, it must 
 be rebuilt on the rock of justice and truth in a social 
 order, of, for, and by the people, with democratic 
 equality of opportunity for the full development 
 and happiness of all. 
 
 2. If, although each man is of infinite worth, labor 
 has been exploited and has not had its due propor- 
 tion of the wealth it has helped to create, then a fair 
 living wage for all who toil should be the first charge 
 on industry. 
 
 3. If, in the light of human brotherhood, our 
 present social system is unjust as tested by its 
 fruits, then all who toil, whether by hand or brain 
 should be adequately represented in the control 
 and in the sharing of the profits of highly organized 
 industry. 
 
 4. If we are our brother's keeper, all men, classes, 
 and sections of the community are entitled to social 
 justice. But all should aim at evolution rather than 
 
254 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 revolution, at fulfilment rather than destruction. 
 Each case should, if possible, be settled by concilia- 
 tion on the basis of social justice, not on the basis of 
 selfishness backed by force or violence on either side. 
 
 5. God's Kingdom or rule is the unseen reality. 
 Our present system is not yet true or real as tested 
 by its fruits. In this period of reconstruction, are 
 we ready to seek first God's Kingdom in our 
 business, and to do unto others who toil, what we 
 would that men should do to us? 
 
 6. If it is true that capital is only the surplus 
 energy of society, which should be released for the 
 welfare of all, we must beware of selfish hoarding or 
 of the robbery of our brother's rights. We must 
 strive by the consecration of wealth, of time, and of 
 service to lay up treasure, that is, the surplus energy 
 of human toil, for its sole true end, the production of 
 lasting character and happiness for all. 
 
 7. The Kingdom can come only by the obedience 
 of each individual, class, and nation, yielding its 
 selfish privileges to socialize all fife. This is to build 
 upon the rock of eternal reality, and not on the sand 
 of selfishness. 
 
 Do you believe that the above represent at least 
 a partial application of the principles of Jesus to 
 modern life? If not, what did He mean? Are you 
 willing to apply His teaching to your own life and 
 business, or are you of those who merely say "Lord, 
 Lord," and do not the things which He says? Are 
 
EVERYBODY'S WORLD 255 
 
 you willing to do your part in the social reconstruc- 
 tion of Everybody's World? 
 
 Is it not evident that we are in the midst of a 
 vast interrelated world movement? What civilized 
 nation is not affected? Twenty-three local wars 
 have already grown out of the World War. More 
 than a score of monarchs have already lost their 
 thrones. Every nation seems to be in the midst of 
 strife — either military, political, social, or economic. 
 The world is in the agony of the birth pangs of a new 
 order, struggling to be born. We had thought to 
 confine the war at first to Serbia and Austria, then 
 to Germany, then to Europe, then to the political 
 sphere; but it is as wide as the whole life of the 
 world. Behind it is the driving force of the newly 
 awakened democratic conscience of mankind, inco- 
 herently demanding a better world. 
 
 Only the superficial view of the present world 
 situation is pessimistic. Perhaps the backward 
 swing of the pendulum of social war may carry the 
 hour hand along the dial plate of progress as fast as 
 the forward swing of peace. A new world order will 
 I be worth all it costs. Better war than an unrighteous 
 peace under Germany, we said. And better war 
 again than the continuance of a social order funda- 
 mentally unjust. " All humanity has struck its tents 
 and is on the march." We are in the midst of a vast 
 adjustment, or transition, in the ordered life of 
 mankind — political, social, and economic — from 
 
256 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 autocracy to democracy, from militarism to true 
 freedom, from the material power of might to the 
 moral power of right. "And we live in it." Many 
 have been vociferous in condemning certain individ- 
 uals in the War and at Paris. But now it is our 
 turn. Is America going to sit as the international 
 Dives, with the beggared world knocking with gaunt 
 and bony hands at our gates of brass? We have 
 said that others have failed us, but is America now 
 going to fail the world? We have shown a lively 
 interest in Shantung, as an academic matter of de- 
 bate, but in actual practice what are we going to do 
 for China, for Armenia, for the world? Is our aim 
 merely to get the world's trade or to give the world 
 peace? 
 
 In summing up, let us try to focus in one mental 
 picture the six great areas of human need that we 
 have surveyed. There is the crisis of the Near East 
 and the chaos of a vast, elemental upheaval in 
 Russia. In Japan and the Far East we face the 
 problem of the Pacific, in the issue between militar- 
 ism and democracy. China is facing the great 
 political crisis of her history, and is threatened with 
 the collapse of her Government. India with her 
 300,000,000 is surging with a new nationalism, and 
 with united front is demanding representative 
 government. The Anglo-Saxon nations have to face 
 not only this unprecedented situation abroad, but 
 at home the great crisis in the labor situation, and 
 
EVERYBODY'S WORLD 257 
 
 the whole issue of social and economic reconstruc- 
 tion. Where are we to find the solution for these 
 overwhelming problems? Is there any hope of 
 bringing out of this chaos the ordered beauty of 
 Everybody's World? 
 
 The whole world is undergoing a cataclysmic 
 change. The old world is in the melting pot, the 
 new will run into moulds of our making. Are we to 
 view this vast revolution that is taking place before 
 our eyes with the blind prejudice of men partisan 
 and selfish, who can conceive of no new idea, or are 
 we to build a new world according to the pattern 
 that we have seen in the Mount? Emerson says: 
 
 "What is the scholar, what is the man for, but 
 for hospitality to every new thought of his time? 
 Have you leisure, power, property, friends? You 
 shall be the asylum and patron of every new thought, 
 every unproven opinion, every untried project, 
 which proceeds out of good will and honest seeking. 
 All the newspapers, all the tongues of today will 
 of course defame what is noble; but you who hold 
 not of today, not of the times, but of the Ever- 
 lasting, are to stand for it; and the highest compli- 
 ment man ever receives from heaven is the sending 
 to him its disguised and discredited angels." 
 
 Here then is the challenge of our time. Shall we 
 choose revolution or evolution, selfishness or service, 
 the material or the spiritual, Mammon or God? Are 
 we to seek the biological kingdom of the German 
 Haeckel, with the brute struggle for the survival of 
 
258 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 the fittest; or to build the Kingdom of God, in the 
 moral organization of mankind? Is it to be the con- 
 flict of selfishness and the chaos of hell, or the con- 
 struction of Everybody's World? 
 
 Reader, where do you stand? What part will you 
 play in the building of the new world? As the writer 
 returns from a journey through these great areas of 
 human need and conflict, it seems to him that men of 
 all nations, East or West, at home or abroad, are 
 unconsciously grouped in four great parties. To 
 which of these do you and I belong? 
 
 1. The Reactionaries. These embrace all members 
 of the selfish, privileged classes of birth and breed- 
 ing, of wealth, education, commercial advantage, or 
 political power, who are unwilling to share their 
 privileges with others. There are many in respectable 
 circles unconsciously belonging to this reactionary 
 party. It includes not only the Czarists of Russia, 
 the militarists of Japan, the commercial profiteers 
 of America, many imperialists in England and 
 France, but also the Turks who are working to 
 exterminate the Armenians. It includes some men 
 high in the parliaments and cabinets of the state, 
 and in the orders of the Church. These men have 
 no belief in humanity, no faith in any nationalism 
 save their own, no sympathy with the toiling masses 
 in their struggle for liberty. 
 
 2. The Revolutionaries. In all these lands these 
 include not only the Bolsheviki in Russia, but men 
 
EVERYBODY'S WORLD 259 
 
 in Europe, Asia, and America who would sweep 
 away with violence the present system and in its 
 place institute the selfish rule of the unprivileged 
 classes. 
 
 3. The Neutrals, the compromisers, the drifters, 
 the slackers. This party includes not only the un- 
 thinking mass, but some students in our colleges, 
 some men of culture who have the capacity for 
 thought but do not exercise it ; men who in the midst 
 of this world crisis have no vision, no conviction, no 
 program, no passion, no life-purpose. They include 
 the colorless, drab, dead souls. 
 
 These three classes include the majority in all 
 countries, but none of them belong to Everybody's 
 World. 
 
 4. The Party of Social Redemption. These men 
 have a purpose and a program. They have a grip 
 on life. They are practical idealists, they have a 
 working creed. They believe that at the center of 
 the universe is a purpose of divine love, for peace on 
 earth and good will among men. They believe that 
 humanity is one, sacred and divine, in which each 
 individual, each class, each backward nation is of 
 infinite worth, with limitless possibilities of develop- 
 ment. They believe in the application to daily life 
 and politics of the eternal moral law of righteousness. 
 They hold to the spiritual principle of service and 
 sacrifice — one God, one humanity, one moral law, 
 one fellowship in service. These men are the 
 
260 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 citizens of the new world, the builders of the 
 Eternal City. 
 
 These four classes, the privileged reactionaries, 
 the unprivileged revolutionaries, the neutral drifters, 
 and the party of social redemption, make up our 
 world today. To which of these do you belong? 
 What have you done for the betterment of mankind 
 and the building of the new world? There is no 
 conscription here, no enforced or slave-driven service, 
 but there is a universal call for volunteers. The men 
 of the last party hold the future. The stars in their 
 courses fight for them. All the ultimate power of 
 the universe is with them. Behind them are the 
 Cross of Calvary, all the glorious dead of the great 
 War, all the vast offering of human sacrifice since 
 time began. As we survey the dark past, the threat- 
 ening present, and the possible future, we are driven 
 back to the Christian answer as the only solution of 
 fife. Where else shall we go? To materialism, to 
 Prussian militarism, to naturalism, and the brute 
 struggle for existence? Can men turn with any hope 
 to revolution, to Bolshevism, to Nihilism, which end 
 in chaos? Have the nations found any ultimate solu- 
 tion, any adequate basis for national life, any hope 
 of the rearing of Everybody's World in Confucian- 
 ism, Shintoism, Buddhism, Hinduism, or Islam? 
 We are driven back to the one center of fife, the 
 eternal God manifest in the Christ of Calvary. We 
 must Christianize the whole of life, we must claim the 
 
EVERYBODY'S WORLD 261 
 
 whole man in all his relationships. We must seek the 
 ordered development of the spiritual, the moral, the 
 intellectual, the social, the political, and the material 
 life of man — coordinated, unified, and redeemed. 
 
 Will you, Reader, dedicate your life to this new 
 world, with a deeper faith in the common man, a 
 fight for social justice at home and abroad, a new 
 belief in the democracy of nations and the right of 
 the unprivileged classes, and a new internationalism 
 — all made possible by a life of service and sacrifice? 
 Will you dedicate your life to the service of Every- 
 body's World? 
 
APPENDIX 
 
APPENDIX I 
 
 CASUALTIES AND COSTS OF THE WAR 
 
 From the President's Official Statement 
 
 I. The Battle Dead 
 
 Russia 1,700,000 
 
 France 1,385,000 
 
 Italy 462,000 
 
 Great Britain 900,000 
 
 Serbia 125,000 
 
 Belgium 102,000 
 
 Rumania 100,000 
 
 Greece 7,000 
 
 The United States 50,300 
 
 The Teutonic Nations : 
 
 Germany '. 1,600,000 
 
 Austro-Hungary 800,000 
 
 Turkey 250,000 
 
 Bulgaria 100,000 
 
 Total Battle Dead 7,582,000 
 
 The total battle deaths in all the wars of the world from 
 1793 to 1914 were something like 6,000,000. Add, how- 
 ever, to this total the number of deaths from supplemen- 
 tary causes and the aggregate will exceed 10,000,000 men, 
 both in these previous wars, and in the last war. 
 
 The cost of the War to the United States in man power 
 is now estimated officially as 116,492 dead and 205,590 
 wounded, a total of 322,082. 
 
 265 
 
266 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 II. The Costs of the War (not including ruined 
 
 PROPERTY, ETC.) 
 
 Great Britain and her dominions $38,000,000,000 
 
 France 26,000,000,000 
 
 Russia 18,000,000,000 
 
 Italy 13,000,000,000 
 
 Belgium, Japan, and the smaller 
 
 nations 16,000,000,000 
 
 The United States 22,000,000,000 
 
 The Central Powers: 
 
 Germany $39,000,000,000 
 
 Austro-Hungary 21,000,000,000 
 
 Turkey and Bulgaria 3,000,000,000 
 
 Total Costs of the War $329,000,000,000 
 
 APPENDIX II 
 
 THE STUDENTS OF RUSSIA 
 
 Education in Russia has been backward. Out of every 
 1,000, only 211 or 21 per cent, can read or write. The 
 Revolution of 1905 introduced a new era of reform in 
 education and by January, 1912, there were 125,723 
 institutions with 8,263,999 pupils or slightly more than 
 the total number of students in Japan or India. These 
 were divided as follows : 
 
 In universities and higher education 68,671 
 
 In secondary schools 467,558 
 
 In elementary schools 6,697,385 
 
 The students of Russia are not scattered through 
 six hundred colleges as in the United States, but are 
 gathered in nine great university centers. Their intellectual 
 standards are exceedingly high, resembling those of the 
 
APPENDIX III 267 
 
 German universities. The number of students in these 
 universities, at the beginning of the war, was: Moscow 
 9,940, Petrograd 8,446, Kief 4,008, Kharkoff 5,347, 
 Yurieff (Dorpat) 2,747, Warsaw 1,556, Kazan 3,484, 
 Odessa 3,193. 
 
 There is an absence of discipline and restraint among 
 the Russian universities. The students are for the most 
 part hard-working and often bitterly poor. We found 
 some struggling to live on two dollars a month, who were 
 on the verge of starvation; others who had not the price 
 of a hair-cut or a postage stamp to write home. 
 
 APPENDIX III 
 THE RUSSIAN CHURCH 
 
 Russia forms one of the sixteen independent churches 
 of the Orthodox Eastern Church. Converted to Christian- 
 ity in 988, she adopted the Byzantine or Greek form. 
 Russia accepts the decrees of the seven Ecumenical 
 Councils of the undivided Catholic Church. From the 
 ninth to the eieventh century the schism arose which 
 divided the Eastern and Western Churches, and the 
 Russian Church was arrested in its development and 
 long remained stationary. It has a simple definition of 
 dogma, and there is no living authority to which it is 
 obliged to submit. It has a married priesthood, and the 
 open Bible was never officially forbidden to the people. 
 It is a kind of half-way house between the Catholic and 
 1 Protestant Churches. It has been passing through a 
 period of reformation during the War. 
 
 The Russian is not only deeply reverent and mystical, 
 
268 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 but he looks rather to conduct than to creed. There has 
 occasionally been a political desire for "Russification," 
 but the idea of proselytism is foreign to the Russian mind. 
 If we are to help Russia today we need not to proselytize 
 but to vitalize, not to found new competing sects and 
 denominations, for they already have countless sects — 
 Greek, Roman, and Protestant — but to bring them life 
 more abundantly, that shall permeate all churches and all 
 departments of national life, religious, civic, and social. 
 
 APPENDIX IV 
 
 RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN INDIA 
 
 The Declaration of August 20, 1919. 
 
 The following is the text of the pronouncement made 
 in the House of Commons on August 20, 1919, by the 
 Rt. Hon. Mr. E. S. Montagu, the Secretary of State for 
 India on behalf of His Majesty's Government: — 
 
 "The policy of His Majesty's Government, with 
 which the Government of India are in complete accord, 
 is that of increasing the association of Indians in every 
 branch of the administration and the gradual develop- 
 ment of self-governing institutions with a view to the 
 progressive realization of responsible government in India, 
 as an integral part of the British Empire. They have de- 
 cided that substantial steps in this direction should be 
 taken as soon as possible, and that it is of the highest 
 importance, as a preliminary to considering what these 
 should be, that there should be a free and informal ex- 
 change of opinion between those in authority at Home 
 and in India. His Majesty's Government have accord- 
 ingly decided, with His Majesty's approval, that I 
 should accept the Viceroy's invitation to proceed to India 
 
 
APPENDIX IV 269 
 
 to discuss these matters with the Viceroy and the Govern- 
 ment of India, to consider with the Viceroy the views of 
 the Local Governments, and to receive the suggestions 
 of representative bodies and others. I would add that 
 progress in this policy can only be achieved by successive 
 stages. The British Government and the Government of 
 India, on whom the responsibility lies for the welfare and 
 advancement of the Indian peoples, must be judges of the 
 time and measure of each advance, and they must be 
 guided by the cooperation received from those upon whom 
 new opportunities of service will thus be conferred and 
 by the extent to which it is found that confidence can be 
 reposed in their sense of responsibility. Ample opportu- 
 nity will be afforded for the public discussion of the pro- 
 posals, which will be submitted in due course to Par- 
 liament." 
 
 According to the Montagu-Chelmsford Scheme each 
 Provincial Legislature will have an elected majority of 
 Indians chosen by direct election on a broad franchise of 
 some five million voters, including the literate classes, 
 property owners, etc. Backward minorities, like the 
 Muhammadans and Sikhs, will elect their own special 
 representatives to safeguard their interests. 
 
 Government recommends that one third of the superior 
 posts of the Indian Civil Service will in future be re- 
 cruited in India itself, and not in England as heretofore. 
 British commissions have now for the first time been 
 granted to Indian officers in the army. 
 
270 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 SOUTH INDIA CONFERENCE ON 
 
 CHURCH UNION 
 
 TRANQUEBAR, MAY 1 and 2, 1919 
 
 " We as individual members of the Anglican Communion 
 and the South India United Church, having met at 
 Tranquebar in the first ministers' conference on Church 
 Union, after prayer and thought and discussion, have 
 agreed on the following statement concerning the union 
 of the Anglican Church with the South India United 
 Church. 
 
 "We believe that union is the will of God, even as 
 our Lord prayed that we might be all one that the world 
 might believe. We believe that union is the teaching 
 of scripture, that 'There is one body, and one Spirit, 
 even as also ye were called in one Hope of your calling; 
 one Lord, one Faith, one baptism, one God and Father of 
 all, who is over all, and through all and in all. ' 
 
 "We believe that the challenge of the present hour in the 
 period of reconstruction after the war, in the gathering 
 together of the nations, and the present critical situation 
 in India itself, call us to mourn our past divisions and 
 turn to our Lord Jesus Christ to seek in Him the unity 
 of the body expressed in one visible Church. We face 
 together the titanic task of the winning of India for 
 Christ, one-fifth of the human race. Yet confronted by 
 such an overwhelming responsibility we find ourselves 
 rendered weak and relatively impotent by our unhappy 
 divisions — divisions for which we were not responsible 
 
APPENDIX V 271 
 
 and which have been, as it were, imposed upon us from 
 without; divisions which we did not create, and which 
 we do not desire to perpetuate. 
 
 "In this Church we believe that three scriptural elements 
 must be conserved: (1) The Congregational element, 
 representing the 'whole Church' with 'every member' 
 having immediate access to God, each exercising his gift 
 for the development of the whole body. (2) We believe 
 it should include the delegated, organized or Presbyterian 
 element, whereby the Church could unite in a General 
 Assembly, synods, or councils in organized unity. (3) 
 We believe it should include the representative, executive 
 and Episcopal element. Thus all the three elements, no 
 one of which is absolute or sufficient without the others 
 should be included in the Church of the future, for we 
 aim not at compromise for the sake of peace but at com- 
 prehension for the sake of truth. 
 
 "In seeking union, the Anglican members stand for the 
 one ultimate principle of the historic Episcopate. They 
 ask the 'acceptance of the fact of episcopacy and not 
 any theory as to its character. ' The South India United 
 Church members believe it is ' a necessary condition that 
 the episcopate should reassume a constitutional form ' on 
 the primitive, simple, apostolic model. While the Anglicans 
 ask for the historic Episcopate, the members of the South 
 India United Church also make one condition of union, 
 namely, the recognition of spiritual equality, of the univer- 
 sal priesthood of all believers, and the rights of the laity 
 to their full expression in the Church. They ask that 
 this principle of spiritual equality shall be maintained 
 throughout at every step of the negotiations. 
 
272 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 
 
 "Upon this common ground of the historic Episcopate 
 and of spiritual equality of all members of the two Churches 
 we propose union on the following basis : — 
 
 (1) The Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testa- 
 ments as containing all things necessary to salvation. 
 
 (2) The Apostles' Creed and the Nicene Creed. 
 
 (3) The two Sacraments ordained by Christ Himself — 
 Baptism and the Lord's Supper. 
 
 (4) The Historic Episcopate, locally adapted. 
 
 "We understand that the acceptance of the fact of the 
 Episcopate does not involve the acceptance of any theory 
 of the origin of episcopacy nor any doctrinal interpretation 
 of the fact. It is further agreed that the terms of union 
 should involve no Christian community in the necessity 
 of disowning its past, and we find it no part of our duty 
 to call in question the validity of each other's orders. 
 
 "Fully recognizing that we do not commit our respec- 
 tive bodies to any action, we individually and unofficially 
 agree upon the following plan of union : After full deliber- 
 ation let the South India United Church, if it desires 
 union, choose from its own members certain men who 
 shall be consecrated as Bishops. In the consecration of 
 these Bishops it is suggested that three or more Bishops 
 of the Anglican Church shall lay their hands upon the 
 candidates, together with an equal number of ministers 
 as representatives of the South India United Church. 
 
 "As soon as the first Bishops are consecrated, the two 
 bodies would be in intercommunion, but the further limita- 
 tion of existing ministers with regard to celebrating the 
 communion in the Churches of the other body might 
 still remain. In accordance with the principle of spiritual 
 
APPENDIX V 273 
 
 equality we desire to find some means to permit ministers 
 of either body to celebrate the communion in the Churches 
 of the other body.* 
 
 "While not committing our respective bodies, we, un- 
 officially and individually, with the blessing of God, 
 agree to work toward union on such a basis." 
 
 *"As one possible solution, we would suggest that a 
 special 'Service of Commission' should be held. All 
 ministers of both bodies desiring authority to officiate 
 at the communion throughout the whole Church should 
 present themselves to receive at the hand of all the Bishops 
 of the United Churches a commission for such celebration 
 of the communion. Ministers of either body desiring to 
 officiate at the communion in other churches would be 
 under no obligation to present themselves, as full liberty 
 would be claimed for individuals on the extreme wing of 
 each body to maintain their present views and practices. " 
 
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