s 
 
 (HZx) 
 
Stenographer s Report 
 
 of the 
 
 Seligman 
 
 vs. 
 
 Waton 
 Debate 
 
 <L^ 
 
 MARX-ENGELS INSTITUTE 
 
DEBATE 
 
 "Is the failure of socialism, as evinced 
 by the recent partial return to capitalism, 
 due to the fallacies of Marxian theory?" 
 
 AFFIRMATIVE: 
 
 Professor Edwin R. A. Seligman 
 
 Head of Department of Political Economics, Columbia University 
 
 NEGATIVE: 
 Harry Waton 
 
 Marxian Writer, Lecturer and Teacher 
 Educational Director of Marx-Engels Institute 
 
 GLARE SHERIDAN 
 
 CHAIRMAN 
 
 HELD AT THE 
 
 MANHATTAN OPERA HOUSE 
 
 NEW YORK CITY 
 
 SUNDAY AFTERNOON, APRIL 30th, 1922 
 
 MARX-ENGELS INSTITUTE 
 
 15 SPRUCE STREET, NEW YORK 
 
u 
 
 HBso, 
 
 JUH-7'?2 
 

 Copyright, 1922 
 
 by 
 
 Marx-Engels Institute 
 
 New York 
 
 The Co-Operative Press. 15 Spruce Street, New York 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Page 
 Foreword 7 
 
 Introductory Remarks of the Chairman, Clare 
 Sheridan 15 
 
 Opening Presentation of the Affirmative, Pro- 
 fessor Edwin R. A. Seligman 19 
 
 Opening Presentation of the Negative, Harry 
 Waton 33 
 
 Rebuttal of the Affirmative, Professor Edwin R. 
 A. Seligman 49 
 
 Rebuttal of the Negative, Harry Waton 53 
 
 Surrebuttal of the Affirmative, Professor Edwin 
 R. A. Seligman 60 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 The Russian Revolution — what a colossal event, what a 
 great historic reality ! By its nature, its extent and its effect upon 
 the human race, it eclipses all other historic events. Its greatness 
 showed itself in its successful resistance of the universal attempt 
 of the ruling class to destroy it. It manifested itself in most 
 illuminating light at the Genoa conference. There it showed to 
 the whole world that the proletariat of Russia, which was placed 
 into power and into possession of Russia by the Russian revolu- 
 tion, is the only real power in the world. 
 
 But the Russian revolution is only the beginning of the his- 
 toric proletarian revolution. It is Marxism in action. To under- 
 stand the character of the Russian revolution, its historic sig- 
 nificance, and its relation to the international proletarian revolu- 
 tion, we must understand Marxism. A knowledge of Marxism 
 is even more essential to know what steps the international 
 proletariat should now take, and to know how to direct its future 
 struggles against the present order of society. Never before, 
 therefore, was a knowledge and understanding of Marxism so 
 essential. Never before were such knowledge and understanding 
 so accessible to the masses, as they can now see it in action, see 
 its achievements and results. 
 
 The Marx-Engels Institute — the Marx Institute reorganized 
 as the Marx-Engels Institute — has always realized the value and 
 importance of Marxism for the international proletariat ; and for 
 more than twelve years it has most persistently, and in the face 
 of almost universal opposition and overwhelming difficulties, en- 
 deavored to spread among the masses a knowledge and under- 
 
 7 
 
standing of Marxism. This it did through regular study classes, 
 lectures, debates, and the publication of books and periodicals. 
 
 The first chapter of the Russian revolution was about coming 
 to an end, culminating in the Genoa conference. Events were all 
 pointing to the eventual triumph of the Russian proletariat ; and 
 while the Powers of the world were making preparations for the 
 Genoa conference, the Marx-Engels Institute felt that this was 
 the most opportune time for a fundamental public discussion of 
 the merits of Marxism in the light of the achievements of the 
 Russian revolution, and this could be brought out best through a 
 debate between competent representatives of Marxism, on the 
 one hand, and Capitalism, on the other hand. As the Genoa con- 
 ference was progressing, making it ever more and more clear 
 that the Russian proletariat is the real master of the situation, 
 the interest of the masses in the Russian position and the doc- 
 trines of Marxism grew ever more and more. And under this 
 favorable opportunity the debate took place between Professor 
 Seligman and Harry Waton. 
 
 The debate was a phenomenal success. It took place in the 
 presence of a large and cultured gathering on the 30th of April, 
 1922, at the Manhattan Opera House, in New York City. The 
 time was opportune, the debaters were most competent, and on 
 this occasion were at their best. The audience responded most 
 readily to the spirit of the debate, and rose to the heights of the 
 presentation of the subject on either side. We feel sure in saying 
 that they will forever feel grateful to us for the opportunity 
 afforded them to partake in such an intellectual feast. 
 
 The Marx-Engels Institute spared neither means nor effort 
 to make this debate a phenomenal success, and a phenomenal 
 success it was indeed. The ideas presented and the thoughts 
 communicated and the theories developed at this debate will for 
 a long time remain a monumental contribution to the knowledge 
 and the understanding of Marxism and of the Russian revolution. 
 Realizing that the crystallized results of this great effort would be 
 of lasting value to the thoughtful and the studious, the Marx- 
 
Engels Institute caused the debate to be taken down by a 
 stenographer, so as to be able to publish it, thus affording oppor- 
 tunity to the tens of thousands to read it, study it, and reflect on 
 it. It is this monumental debate that we herewith present to the 
 reading public. 
 
 Now a few remarks about the participants of the debate. 
 Clare Sheridan, the English sculptress who is best known for 
 making the busts of the leaders of the Russian revolution, acted 
 as chairman. Little else is known about her in America. Her 
 experience and report of Russia proved her to be one of the 
 many, throughout the world, who see in Russia's experience a 
 great historic event, but, being little acquainted with the philos- 
 ophy of Socialism, are inspired but unconvinced. Prior to her 
 trip into Russia she knew nothing of the truth of Socialism. 
 Brought up in comfort and culture, she soon found herself estab- 
 lished as most people of her class. 
 
 The war broke out, and her husband, who became a captain 
 in the English army, was killed. For the first time in her life 
 she faced the problem of providing for herself and her two chil- 
 dren. She had talent in sculpture work which she discovered 
 some time before. She now thought of this talent and decided 
 to develop it. She progressed rapidly and in a very short time 
 won recognition as a great artist. She made the busts of such 
 men as Marconi, Asquith, Churchill and many others. 
 
 Two years ago, when Krassin was in England on a mission 
 from Russia, he urged her to go to Russia and make the busts 
 of the Russian leaders. 
 
 Her experience there proved to be the greatest event of her 
 life. Her desire to tell the world of it all brought her name before 
 the American public. The situation in which she finds herself now 
 made her truly fit as a chairman of such a debate. 
 
 Professor Edwin R. A. Seligman, head of the department 
 of political economy of Columbia University and president of the 
 Ethical Culture Society in New York, is one of the foremost 
 
 9 
 
American men of political science. He has acquired an education 
 in America and Europe vouchsafed to but few. He devoted more 
 than forty years to the study of all phases of political science 
 and has gained an international reputation. He is recognized as 
 one of the great authorities, and his works on political economy 
 are used as text-books in many colleges. His library is hardly 
 equalled anywhere. It contains no less than thirty thousand vol- 
 umes covering every school of political science — books written in 
 the original language as well as translations. His studies included 
 Marxian economics which enabled him to debate the question of 
 Socialism from a much higher standard than that of most 
 opponents to Socialism. 
 
 These facts make him the outstanding figure to uphold his 
 side of the debate. 
 
 Harry Waton is the educational director of the Marx-Engels 
 Institute. This organization has for its purpose the carrying on 
 of classes in economics, psychology, philosophy and history in 
 their relation to human progress. The founder, Harry Waton, has 
 made it his life purpose to master the works of the greatest 
 master minds, past and present, and to bring this knowledge to 
 the working class. For more than twenty-eight years he has been 
 connected with the revolutionary movement of the workers. 
 During these years he taught thousands, who were eager to learn, 
 the great truths of Marx, Kant, Spinoza and many others, en- 
 abling them to acquire a comprehensive and progressive view of 
 life and history. Many of his students went to other countries 
 spreading the teachings of Marx the understanding of which but 
 few Socialists could boast. 
 
 The many who came drank from that inexhaustible fountain 
 of knowledge and spiritual strength. By his example of devotion 
 for the cause of Socialism and by his persistence he inspired 
 many to follow his noble example. There are many of his 
 students who teach, write and lecture on Socialism and kindred 
 subjects. His thorough understanding of the works of Marx, 
 through study and teaching, enabled him to comprehend and 
 
 10 
 
interpret the Russian revolution from the viewpoint of that great 
 mind. All this enabled him to handle the subject under debate 
 in a masterly way. 
 
 To the thousands who read this booklet we have a word to 
 say. If you are an opponent of, a sympathizer for, or an 
 enthusiast about Socialism — it is in your interest to have a thor- 
 ough knowledge of this subject. There is only one correct way 
 to acquire this knowledge — go to the works of the founder of 
 Scientific Socialism — Marx. To understand these works you 
 may need aid. This institute is ready to give such aid. 
 
 In addition to our many activities in and near New York City 
 we have found need for some means to reach the serious-minded 
 and studious who are scattered throughout the world and who are 
 interested in our work. We take this opportunity to announce 
 the resumption this fall of the publication of "The Marxian." 
 
 As the name of this magazine implies, its primary purpose will 
 be to spread among the working class a deep, fundamental and 
 comprehensive knowledge of Socialism as understood and taught 
 by Marx. In the universe light is latent everywhere, yet it re- 
 quires a sun to manifest that light on a great scale. Likewise, in 
 society light is latent everywhere, yet it requires a Marx to mani- 
 fest that light on a great scale. The class struggle assumed his- 
 toric significance, and the course of social evolution became 
 apparent, and the working class came into ever greater power, 
 only tfeea when Marx shed the light of a master mind on the 
 inner mechanism of social life. And it is this light which the 
 working class need in their onward march towards their historic 
 goal. It is the aim of "The Marxian" to foster in the working 
 class a desire and to cultivate in them a capacity to seek after 
 such knowledge and to understand it thoroughly, so that the mem- 
 bers of the working class should not need to look into the mouth 
 of self-styled Marxists or reputed leaders in the Socialist move- 
 ment for light and knowledge, as they were compelled to do until 
 now. It will be the aim of this magazine to make the members 
 of the working class competent enough to read and understand 
 
 11 
 
the truths and the principles of Socialism and to judge of them 
 in the light of our greater master minds. 
 
 And for this purpose, this magazine will continue with the 
 next issue a series of articles or studies under the heading, "An 
 Aid to the Study of 'Capital'." In this series of articles the 
 monumental work of Marx will be taught, explained and illus- 
 trated, beginning with the first and ending with the last of the 
 volumes of this work. This will be a work of years, but, indeed, 
 it is a work for years. The reader of this magazine is at once 
 invited to join this study class, procure the works of Marx, and 
 begin with the next issue and continue through the years. 
 
 That this important work should be carried on in a vigorous 
 and interesting manner, so as to bring to the reader the maximum 
 of profit, the readers will constitute themselves a sort of study 
 class and cooperate with one another. And we from our side will 
 endeavor to the best of our abilities to help them understand this 
 monumental work in all its fulness, difficulty and sublimity. 
 
 In addition to the study of Marx's "Capital," this magazine 
 will also open a department for the study of other Socialist 
 classics as well as for the study of other classics. 
 
 Further, this magazine shall comment on Current Events, 
 review books of importance, and shall produce original work 
 of our students and readers. 
 
 To those who wish to begin their study of Marx's works 
 now, we call attention to the book quoted in the debate : "The 
 Philosophy of Marx," by Harry Waton. 
 
 We invite all those interested in our work to write us. 
 
 MARX-ENGELS INSTITUTE. 
 
 12 
 
Seligman 
 
 W at o n 
 Debate 
 
CLARE SHERIDAN: 
 
 My Friends : — It is my privilege to introduce to you Pro- 
 fessor Seligman, professor of political science and economics 
 of Columbia University, and Mr. Harry Waton of the Marx- 
 Engels Institute, both of them well known to you. 
 
 It seems to me presumptuous that I, a foreigner, should 
 introduce to you your own distinguished shining lights; but 
 I was asked to do so, and being a woman, my vanity was 
 touched and I fell for it. But it seems to me there must be 
 millions of people better fitted to take my place. 
 
 I don't know why this honor was clone to me ; it cer- 
 tainly wasn't on account of my knowledge of economics. I 
 know a little about a few things, but I know nothing of 
 economics. My father, Moreton Frewen, wrote a book many 
 years ago called "The Economic Crisis," and he has talked 
 to me about bi-metallism ever since I can remember and to- 
 day he still sends me pamphlets on the Silver Question. He 
 says, if the world had done as he recommended it would be a 
 better world today. 
 
 Well, "the economic crisis" of which he wrote seems to 
 me still in the ascendent. I am glad he isn't here to hear me 
 say that I haven't read his treatises on silver to find out what 
 it is about ! Nor have I read Marx because a Marxian told 
 me if I did I wouldn't understand it. So, discouraged at the 
 start, I didn't begin. 
 
 It seems to me that the only reason for my being asked 
 to be Chairman of this historic meeting is just the fact that 
 I went into Russia at a moment when Russia, so to speak, 
 was not open to the public, and I came out deeply interested. 
 Lots of other people did that too. Some were more impressed 
 than others. But, they didn't most of them, start from a 
 sheltered conservative nursery. 
 
 My reaction to Russia was on the whole emotional and 
 artistic. The artist in me (and you must accept me as such 
 because that's all that I am) appreciated the artist in them. 
 
 Before I go any further I just want to take you into my 
 confidence. I can't talk unless I have an understanding with 
 
 15 
 
my audience. On this solemn occasion I feel as though I was 
 in church and those who asked me to be Chairman knew quite 
 well my ignorance and that I couldn't possibly say anything 
 serious and relevant to the occasion, so on their own heads 
 be it. 
 
 They also told me that I have got to speak for twenty min- 
 utes, but owing to the chaos ensuing from the daylight saving 
 time change which began today I think that I may cut short my 
 speech. I feel I have no right to take up precious time which is 
 so needed for the contest, but it seems to me that I must say 
 something vaguely that has to do with the present debate and of 
 course Russia is the great figure looming in our background. 
 
 Incidentally, this is the very, very last time that I am ever 
 going to speak in public, as I don't like it ! and so, I am going to 
 take this occasion to tell you why I was impressed by Russia. I 
 will say it quite shortly but I must also explain what led to that 
 state of mind. 
 
 I spent some years before the war living a conventional tra- 
 ditional life in England which was perfectly unproductive and 
 perfectly futile. In fact, I endured unendurable boredom. 
 People don't attribute enough importance to boredom. Boredom 
 has often driven people to drink, to suicide and also to extremes 
 of vice and even to murder. Nobody except those who have been 
 through it know the anguish of boredom. I didn't rebel against 
 it. I didn't know there was any other life to live. I thought 
 everybody was bored and I divided them into two kinds, people 
 who like me were conscious of their boredom and others, luckier 
 ones, who were not. Then came the War. 
 
 People were no longer bored ; they were heartbroken, and I 
 assure you that a broken heart is more endurable than boredom. 
 The War affected a great many people very much as the Russian 
 revolution did. It forced some people to work who never had 
 worked before and I was one of those. The War taught me the 
 healing value of work. Then came to me this wonderful oppor- 
 tunity of going into Russia. And such was the frame of mind in 
 which I was prepared for Russia. 
 
 When I got there suddenly I was conscious of the great 
 spirit of reconstruction. The Russia that I saw seemed to me 
 like a gigantic piece of sculpture ; it was something modern, vital, 
 strong, being hewn as it were out of a mountain of rock. 
 
 I didn't ask if it was practical ; I didn't go around looking 
 
 16 
 
for small faults of detail and I didn't try to criticize the technique. 
 I just bowed reverently before something which seemed to me a 
 gigantic piece of modern realism. 
 
 Here were people, cultured people, starving people, a 
 crushed and weary people working at something in spite of 
 everything", working on something that was experimental, 
 with no precedent to guide them, making mistakes and never 
 losing courage, scoffed at 'by those who stood aloof and yet 
 never losing belief. 
 
 That was my reaction to Russia. It is something that can 
 be felt rather than explained. 
 
 Your American writer who is dead, Stephen Crane, wrote 
 a little love poem and in three lines he expressed what I feel 
 about Russia. He said : 
 
 My love is a temple, 
 
 And in that temple is an altar, 
 
 And on that altar is my heart. 
 
 And I think that represents very much what Russia is to a 
 a great many people. It is a temple, and it has an altar, an 
 altar of sacrifice, on which those who love her lay their hearts. 
 Russia I love as I should love somebody who had brought 
 everything worth while into my life. 
 
 Forgive me for intruding love into this economic debate. 
 Love has no place here and I have no right to go on taking 
 precious time from the contest. I have no part in this. I am 
 only a perfectly good bridge between two opposing factions, 
 but I am content to be a bridge. What we want are more 
 bridges. Bridges between nation and nation and between 
 class and class, and between extreme thought and extremest 
 thought. 
 
 Every time we get together and discuss this thing 
 amicably, there is another bridge 'built. When Kings and 
 Bolshevists lunch together another bridge is built. This 
 doesn't mean that the King is moved nor that the Bolshevik is 
 convinced, but it does mean that there is a greater chance of 
 peace and more understanding. 
 
 This afternoon the Professor is not going to convince Mr. 
 Waton, and Mr. Waton is not going to move the Professor, 
 but I dare say there are many among you here, like me, who 
 
 17 
 
are ready to be convinced, and so, go to it. Fight it out and hit 
 hard, but as sportsmen who want to win a game, hit without 
 bitterness. Good luck to both of you. (Applause.) 
 
 Prof. Seligman is going to fight for fifty minutes; Mr. 
 Waton will then fight for fifty minutes. Then they will return 
 to it, the Professor for twenty minutes and Mr. Waton for 
 twenty-five minutes. I hope they will keep within the scheduled 
 time. The Professor will have the great good luck of having 
 the last word. He will speak for the last ten minutes. 
 
 Professor Seligman will now have fifty minutes for the 
 affirmative. 
 
 18 
 
PROFESSOR SELIGMAN: (Applause.) 
 
 Madam Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : — 
 
 I have been urged to begin with a fight. But I shall do my 
 best to enter as a gentle and sucking dove trying to put you in a 
 good humor, if I can, and in a mood to appreciate some of the 
 ideas which appear to me to be important. The fight, if the fight 
 comes, will show itself a little later. 
 
 Now, the situation is a little embarrassing for both of us, 
 because the topic of the debate reads, as you know : Resolved that 
 the failure of Socialism in Russia, as evinced by the partial return 
 to capitalism, discloses the fallacies of the Marxian theory. You 
 see, there are three points in that statement. 
 
 The first is, Socialism has failed. That is taken for granted, 
 although it may not appeal to the other side. But it will perhaps 
 have to be explained in a few words. How has Socialism failed? 
 
 In the second place, the statement goes on to say,"a.y evinced 
 by the partial return to capitalism." What, exactly, does that 
 partial return mean? How partial is it? How complete is it? 
 
 And finally the last point, that it shows the fallacies of the 
 Marxian theory. Here again we must ask, what is the Marxian 
 theory, and what are the fallacies if there be fallacies? 
 
 So you see, Ladies and Gentlemen, there are three points 
 which it is incumbent on me to explain at the very beginning. 
 
 Now, before proceeding to that explanation I want to say a 
 word about my appreciation, and that of every scholar, not only 
 of the good work, the admirable work that has been done along 
 some lines by that mighty thinker, Karl Marx, but also about my 
 appreciation of the efforts of those whole-souled, devoted pro- 
 tagonists of the new order in Russia, who, however we may crit- 
 icise them here or there for what they have done or left undone, 
 have nevertheless succeeded in accomplishing some very remark- 
 able results, even if not in the economic sphere. 
 
 I take all of that for granted, however, because I assume 
 that the large majority of my audience today is composed of 
 those who know and appreciate full well most of what has been 
 achieved. Therefore, I go on at once to the first point in my 
 exposition. 
 
 19 
 
What has been the failure of Socialism in Europe, in Russia? 
 Now, of course, you can't explain what the failure has been unless 
 you understand what it is that they have attempted to accomplish 
 and then in what respects they have failed to achieve it. 
 
 As I look upon it, there are five points in the program of 
 Marx accepted by the present leaders of Russia which picture, as 
 it were, the ideal to be achieved. What are those five points which 
 have been attempted? 
 
 The first is what you might call the complete socialization of 
 all economic effort, of all production and of all consumption. 
 Marx, as we know, looked forward to the time when the revolu- 
 tion having once been accomplished, there would be a complete 
 socialization, first — I don't mean first in time — but first in order, 
 of agriculture, then of industry, and then of commerce and trade. 
 That means that all the private machinery of production, land, 
 implements of agriculture, stock in trade, factories, machines and 
 the whole complicated organism of commerce and trade should 
 be taken out of the hands of individuals who utilize it for private 
 profit and put into the hands of the group, whether small groups 
 working in harmony with each other, or ultimately the large 
 group, the State, the whole national organization. 
 
 That was the first idea, socialization, disappearance of private 
 property in all the means of production, and a method of distri- 
 bution of wealth which would be maintained and developed by 
 this communal social spirit. 
 
 The second point is a corollary of the first ; that all private 
 trade should disappear, that with the victory of the proletariat 
 or the real working class, the bourgeoisie in the sense of the 
 smaller property owners and of the larger capitalists, would go, 
 and with the disappearance of trade, of commerce, of private 
 commerce and of the bourgeoisie speculation would of course 
 also disappear. 
 
 The third point, naturally, would follow, that as a conse- 
 quence of these two phenomena money would no longer be 
 needed, because since there would be no more private production 
 and no more private products, there would not be any sale of pri- 
 vate products. There would not be anyone who could buy those 
 things, because there would only be the social group as a possible 
 purchaser, and the social group would not purchase anything but 
 would simply produce everything that was to be produced and dis- 
 tribute it without the intermediary of bargain and sale. 
 
 20 
 
Money, therefore, would no longer act as a standard of 
 value; money would no longer be needed and we should come to 
 what is conceived to be a far higher and better form of transfer 
 of labor products. 
 
 The fourth point would be a consequence of the preceding, 
 namely that labor now being under this aegis of national produc- 
 tion, the whole community now being composed of laborers, 
 everyone working, there being no non-worker, no faineant, no 
 idle recipient of interest or rent, everyone would work equally 
 and every one would be paid equally. That is to say, every one 
 would have an equal share in production, and an equal share in 
 the enjoyment or the emoluments of production. With this 
 equality which is one of the fundamental tenets of the Marxian 
 theory there would also go liberty, because when all these 
 shackles will have been stricken off the productive forces of 
 humanity, we shall have complete equality and complete liberty. 
 
 The final conclusion, the fifth point, is that as a result of all 
 these preceding forces, there would be a great increase of wealth, 
 a great increase of production, and universal prosperity. This is 
 clearly brought out by Marx and also by Lenin. At all events, 
 if not a very great increase, at least a maintenance of the present 
 production and a far more equal and ideal distribution. That 
 means happiness, that means the reconstructed order of the fu- 
 ture. That is the program of Marx, and the program of Lenin 
 as contained in his book that was published just before the 
 revolution. 
 
 Now, then, coming to the second problem, what is the result? 
 What were the difficulties that were encountered by the statesmen 
 in working out this great theory? 
 
 In the first place, as regards socialization, let us discuss the 
 socialization of land. In 1918 Lenin started out with the decree 
 which constituted the Soviet estates, where the old estates of the 
 large land-owners were taken over and were to be worked on 
 co-operative lines under the order of the Soviet Commissars. In 
 addition to these Soviet estates or examples of direct central so- 
 cialization all the rest of private property in land was to be 
 socialized and production was to be carried on in common by the 
 local group. 
 
 Almost from the very beginning, however, reluctance was ob- 
 served on the part of the peasants to conform to this plan. Al- 
 though the Soviet leaders attempted to bring about the so-called 
 
 21 
 
"War of Classes" on the land by introducing among the small 
 and middle peasants, the so-called proletarian peasants, the only 
 result was to intensify the idea on the part of the great mass of 
 the peasants — eighty-five or ninety per cent of the population of 
 Russia — that the revolution meant to them not any socialization 
 of land, but the getting for each peasant a little more land than 
 he had before and getting it in a much clearer and definite way 
 than he had before. 
 
 The whole attempt at socialization of the land broke down as 
 had, indeed, already been warned by some of the Socialistic 
 writers like David, ten or fifteen years ago. So that before long 
 the government was compelled to adopt an entirely different plan. 
 
 They now recognized this invincible obstinacy on the part of 
 the peasants. They saw that there was growing up on these con- 
 fiscated estates a differentiation between the peasants, and the 
 development of the large peasant, the able man who was getting 
 more land gradually. The Government now, in 1919, said to the 
 peasants, you may keep your private property but you will have 
 to fit into our general social scheme. Therefore, you will be 
 allowed to retain only as much as you need to support yourself 
 and your family, and all the rest of your produce you will have 
 to give up to us. 
 
 That was the program of confiscation of the surplus produce, 
 the Government still maintaining the idea that the produce of the 
 land belonged to the whole community. 
 
 What was the result of this second program? The natural 
 result was that the peasant refused to work as long as he knew 
 that he had to give up all of his surplus. Therefore, he produced 
 only enough to support himself and not enough to go to the towns 
 to support the population there. This led finally to such an im- 
 mense decrease of output that in 1921, when starvation stared 
 them in the face, the whole policy was again changed. As we 
 shall see in a moment, this idea of making the peasant a part of 
 the huge state-wide enterprise was completely abandoned, and 
 with this the socialization of the land disappeared. Of the present 
 situation I shall speak in a few minutes. 
 
 The breakdown of Socialism in the land was followed by a 
 similar breakdown in industry. At first the theory, as I have said, 
 that the workmen should take over the factories and that all 
 should work and be paid equally ; there was, however, such an 
 immediate falling-off in output and such an alarming increase of 
 
 22 
 
expense that it took only a few months before the first theory, I 
 that of equality of pay, was abandoned. In 1918 there were 
 introduced one by one all the characteristics of our capitalistic 
 regime of remuneration of labor, inequality of pay, bonuses, re- l 
 numeration for overwork, penalties for non-work, and the like. 
 
 But that didn't help much. When the workmen took over 
 the industries the managers all left,, and the workmen, without 
 any control, soldiered on their jobs, that is, instead of working, 
 they loafed accordingly. Within a short time Trotzky, as you I 
 remember, issued his famous order : "No more equality, no more 
 liberty; we shall now militarize all the workingmen." Every 
 person was now compelled to work, either as a member of the Red 
 Army or in the industrial army, of course with this militarization 
 of labor the old ideas of liberty and equality completely dis- 
 appeared. 
 
 It is true that a beautiful labor code was drawn up with the 
 most magnificent and generous provisions, but one by one they 
 were neglected as they had to be neglected in order to keep up 
 even a pitiful proportion of the output. 
 
 I shan't trouble you with the figures, but in the main it may 
 be said that in every industry, month by month, the expense in- 
 creased so prodigiously and the output diminished so greatly 
 that by 1920 there was only about four to ten per cent, and in 
 some cases very much less than that, not more than one per cent 
 of what it was before the revolution. What that means can well 
 be imagined. 
 
 The militarization of labor, therefore, didn't do much good 
 in the way of increasing the output. As the workmen now no 
 longer were able even to get enough to keep them alive, all the 
 usual concomitants of disorganization appeared, slackness of 
 work, malingering, corruption in every form, even theft of every 
 possible material, until finally the debacle became apparent. As 
 all the old managers had been killed off or sent off, or gone off, 
 there now ensued a veritable crisis, resulting finally in starvation 
 with a general collapse of all industry. 
 
 That was the actual result of the effort at socialization of 
 industry. The further consequences of course were to be ex- 
 pected. We come thus, in the second place, to the projected dis- 
 appearance of the trader and the speculator. 
 
 Of course, under these conditions mentioned above, trade 
 returned and speculation returned and the bourgeoisie returned. 
 
 23 
 
But it was now clandestine and secret trade. It was the secret 
 trader from whom you could buy what you wanted. And we 
 soon witnessed all the excesses of secret speculation which were 
 not restrained. Of the bourgeoisie I don't speak much save to 
 mention the Sov-Bur, the new bourgeoisie of the Soviet bu- 
 reaucracy. They are the ones who have had the inside track. 
 They alone were able not only to support themselves, but to make 
 money and become rich. The Sov-Bur is today the great phenom- 
 enon in Russia, as is the ordinary bourgeois in France, Italy and 
 in this country. Read in Mr. Harrison's book of the champagne 
 suppers at the homes of the Sov-Bur. 
 
 Thirdly, money instead of becoming less important, is be- 
 coming more important. At first with the idea that money was 
 to be of no value, the government printed more and more bills. 
 On the first of last month there was in existence in Russia 
 eighteen trillions of paper rubles. 
 
 We got accustomed during the war to speak of millions and 
 even of billions, but it remained for Russia to bring to us the 
 conception of a trillion, a million million, and I think it was on 
 the first of February that a gold ruble was worth 260,000 paper 
 rubles. Of course you can tell exactly just how much paper a 
 good housewife would have to carry with her in order to buy her 
 eggs, jams and the other goods which she could always get in a 
 certain way at those clandestine speculative shops. In fact the 
 paper money industry in Russia is the only industry which has 
 been prosperous. The workmen in the State printing offices zvork 
 in two shifts, twelve hours each; it is the only industry which has 
 really accomplished anything. That is the result of the money 
 situation. 
 
 We come, fourthly, to liberty and equality. The equality of 
 the workman can best be gauged by remembering the details of 
 the report of the Italian Socialist Commission, which, on return- 
 ing from Russia after examining the situation in 1920, said : 
 "Yes, the only equality that had been attained is the equality of 
 universal misery." That's the equality for the workingman. 
 
 As regards liberty, I need not point out the very travesty 
 of liberty consequent upon this militarization of labor. You had 
 about as much liberty in industry as you have in the Army. Labor 
 became more and more wretched as time went on. I could read 
 you many documents if there were time. Not alone did the day's 
 labor become nine hours, but ten, twelve, fourteen and sixteen 
 hours a day. 
 
Not only do we see child labor again, but woman labor again, 
 one by one we find pretty much all the old abuses which were 
 found in the former system, all coming again inevitably to the 
 fore. 
 
 And, finally, what about the reduction of output? Reduction 
 of output was such that on the land even two or three years ago 
 careful statisticians even in Soviet Russia warned of an impend- 
 ing famine. They pointed out that the least little trouble of a 
 climatic kind would bring about a catastrophe such as had never 
 been known before outside of China in civilized society. Their 
 predictions were verified and the result is that you now have got- 
 ten back to the conditions of mediaeval economic life. 
 
 The population of Russia which had been above one hun- 
 dred and eighty millions was reduced to one hundred and thirty 
 millions. The population of the cities has been going down by 
 leaps and bounds, forty-four per cent in Moscow and more in 
 some others. Russia is gradually getting away from a condition 
 of modern civilized society, and reverting back to the misery 
 and the barbarism of mediaeval civilization. 
 
 Don't say that this is a result of fighting during the two or 
 three years. Don't say that it is the result of the blockade or of 
 the famine. I have statistics galore which I could read to you to 
 prove that, notwithstanding all of the changes that have been 
 made, the diminution of production in both agriculture and in- 
 dustry is going on at the same rate since there has been peace, 
 since there was an opening of trade with Latvia and other coun- 
 tries, since all the war and all the war efforts have ceased. No, 
 the real trouble has been the disorganization of the conditions of 
 production and consumption that I have pointed out. 
 
 Now then, finally, what was the result ? The result was real- 
 ized by all the Soviet leaders themselves, that the old game was 
 up, and that the endeavor to rely on socialism or communism in 
 peace time was hopeless. What the country now needed was cap- 
 italism, not socialism. Thus beginning eight months ago, one after 
 another, each element in the whole situation has been reversed. 
 
 Now what has been done? First on the land, private property 
 has been in effect completely re-established. The peasants are al- 
 lowed to produce as they like and to sell of their produce to whom- 
 ever they like, and are required only to pay just as we do in this 
 country, a tax to the state. There is now no difference between 
 Russia and the United States so far as ninety per cent, of the 
 
 25 
 
people is concerned. Profits, private profits, private sale and 
 private property have been re-established on the land. 
 
 In industry, what has been done? First, the effort to get 
 foreign concessions ; giving the foreign concessionaires all the 
 powers of unitary management over the whole enterprise. Labor 
 has no more power at all Trotzky himself has recently written 
 a book to show how important it is to have what he calls unitary 
 management now. Labor in Russia has now less voice in the 
 business than in many an American enterprise. The government 
 says to the coming concessionaires: get as much money as you 
 can, and make as high profits as you can, and it says this not only 
 to the foreigner, but aiso within the country. First to the small 
 bourgeois it says : introduce competition, increase output, make 
 as much money as you can, and finally large industry also. So 
 far as large industry is still in the hands of the State, the State 
 is to follow the plan of purchase and sale just as the private 
 individual. But it also says to the able engineers and managers: 
 come and take these large industries and develop them. You saw 
 in the papers this morning, that under the new plan proposed 
 to the foreign countries, the new managers are to get all their 
 property or enterprises on long leases for 99 or 999 years, just 
 as some of our railroads got control of their former competitors 
 by leasing them. There is no difference between the economic 
 aspect of a long lease or private ownership. The land of Eng- 
 land today still all belongs in theory to the king. 
 
 So that you have, one by one, every phase of private property 
 being brought back. So in the same way with the cooperatives 
 which were all done away with. Now an effort is being made in 
 the case of the credit cooperatives and of the production co- 
 operatives to bring them back. So the trade unions are being re- 
 constituted in order to be able to fight the employers. 
 
 Thirdly the old idea that money is to be done away with has 
 gone by the boards, like all other ideas, money is now accepted as 
 such an invaluable measure of value that the Russian economists 
 of the Soviet group are now devising ways and means of es- 
 tablishing the standard of value. But with the trillions outstand- 
 ing that is an almost impossible task. Finally we have now not 
 only private property in land, not only private property or what 
 amounts to it in industry, we also have private property and 
 private profits in capital and trade. We have the big state bank 
 which now pays interest and which contracts loans. We have a 
 
 26 
 
Chamber of Commerce constituted of people who do usually what 
 they like. We have trade carried on by individuals and groups. 
 
 By all these means it is hoped that every man in Russia, and 
 out of Russia, will be induced to increase the output by working 
 for himself. The government says : it is wise for capitalism to be 
 re-introduced. Then we shall learn from the capitalists how to 
 conduct ourselves, and then the time will come when we shall be 
 able to re-introduce Socialism, Communism and Socialization. 
 What a pitiful, what a childish idea, — The idea that by strengthen- 
 ing Capitalism you will create socialists out of capitalists! 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen, that is the record of what had been 
 accomplished. In other words, one by one every one of the ideas 
 of Marx as worked out first by Lenin and then by Trotzky, 
 every one of them in turn has disappeared. The original com- 
 munism gave way to state socialism, state socialism gave way 
 to a modified or militarized private property, militarized private 
 property has finally given way to frank capitalism, with rent and 
 interest, with money and profits, with trade and speculation. 
 
 In one .way or other we have, to all intents and purposes, 
 except in name, all the worst features of modern capitalism and 
 none of the real saving forces which are beginning to operate 
 in some other countries that have capitalism. 
 
 Now, then, I have shown to you the breakdown, I could give 
 you by the hour if I had time, quotations from Lenin's speeches 
 and all modern writers. The refrain everywhere is: We have 
 failed, we must make a retreat. But, Lenin says, one defeated 
 man is worth two undefeated men. Therefore, let us make an- 
 other retreat. 
 
 Then the question is, how many defeats will he still have to 
 undergo before he gets a success? 
 
 We come, then, in closing to the last problem. What are the 
 theories of Marx which have led to this situation? They are, in 
 short, as follows : 
 
 First, there is the Marxian theory of economic or materialistic 
 interpretation of history; that you must interpret all history in 
 terms of economic facts. I haven't much to say against that. I 
 have written a book on that subject myself, and in a certain sense 
 there is a great deal of truth in the statement that economic facts 
 do largely mold the framework of the society within which strife 
 is developed. It is, however, in the first place exaggerated to 
 think that it is only economic causes that influence the world. 
 
 27 
 
Take the last war. Economic forces no doubt had something 
 to do with it. But we know how large a role nationalist, religious 
 and purely political forces have played. See what is going on in 
 Ireland today and elsewhere. 
 
 It is unnecessary to point out that there are a great many 
 other forces in addition to the economic forces that explain human 
 actions. 
 
 But apart from that, the real weakness of the Marxian theory 
 is the peculiar version. I object not so much to economic inter- 
 pretation as to his particular brand of interpretation. The Marx- 
 ian version in my opinion is a fallacy. Why so? 
 
 First, the Marxian theory of value, of profits, and of the 
 whole substratum of modern economic life, Marx took this from 
 Ricardo. One was the founder of individualism, the other the 
 founder of Socialism. One a Spanish Jew and one a German 
 Jew ; two of the keenest intellects we have ever had. 
 
 Without going into the refinements of economic theory, for 
 which this is not the place, I want to point out that the surplus 
 value theory of profits, the theory that profits come simply 
 through taking away from the laborer the surplus of the value 
 that is created by him, a theory that was first formulated many 
 years before Marx in England, that whole theory is patently 
 fallacious, as anyone can see from looking at the facts today. 
 
 Take Mr. Ford, with whose philosophic opinions I don't 
 always agree. Would we say that his wealth has been due to the 
 surplus value of the work created by his workmen? Take McCor- 
 mick of the McCormick Reaper, or Westinghouse of the Westing- 
 house Air Brake. Take any of those men whose inventions, 
 whose brains have redounded to the wealth of the community 
 because they have decreased cost. Would you say that all their 
 profits are due to filching from labor? What would the labor have 
 amounted to without. him? 
 
 / don't deny there are many profits today which arc unholy. 
 I don't deny there arc illegitimate speculative profits, that there 
 are fraudulent commercial profits, that there is a maltreatment 
 of labor and all that. What I do mean to say is that the funda- 
 mental theory of Marx is a fallacy. The modern theory of profits 
 is that profits in the long run are a reward for service and that 
 the man who invests capital, who applies the brains and who re- 
 duces costs, like Ford, or McCormick, or Westinghouse, while 
 
 28 
 
he perhaps makes inordinate profits for himself, yet in the main 
 gives more to the community than he gets from it. 
 
 The next theory of Marx was the pauperization of the work- 
 ingman, the theory that as society develops and capitalism grows, 
 the workman will be pushed into a worse and worse position, till 
 finally he will be ready for revolution because he can't make 
 body and soul meet. 
 
 When Marx was making studies for his book in the 30's and 
 40's, when he was formulating his ideas, it looked very much 
 that way, in the beginning of the factory system in England. But 
 we know now that the facts have gone the other way. We know 
 that there has been not alone an absolute increase of wages in all 
 countries like England, the United States or Germany, but also 
 a relative increase in wages. 
 
 We know there is less revolutionary spirit in England to- 
 day than in the eighteenth century, and that on the whole, things 
 are not getting worse, but are getting better. Of this I can simply 
 state approximately, I have not time to give facts and figures. 
 I can state only what is the accepted verdict of sound and impar- 
 tial thinkers today even among the Socialists. 
 
 Take Bernstein, take the revisionists, take Tugan 
 Bogdanovsky. They all agree that that statement of Marx 
 and that theory must be abandoned. 
 
 Then we come to the next great theory of Marx, the theory 
 that capitalism carries within itself its own death knell because 
 we have these commercial riots, each one becoming more and 
 more intense until finally there will be a a collapse. This theory 
 of the cataclysm of society rests upon the theory of the concen- 
 tration of industry; the theory, namely, that as capitalism goes on, 
 capital will be centralized and concentrated more and more in a 
 few hands. That looked very plausible when Marx wrote. But 
 Marx reckoned without his hosts. 
 
 It is true that we have a growing integration of industry 
 as exemplified in the United States Steel and all the other Trusts. 
 But Marx did not foresee that instead of capitalists becoming 
 fewer and fewer, through the modern corporation which dev- 
 eloped only since 1850, through the operation of corporate in- 
 vestment in capital, capital is being disseminated instead of 
 concentrated and that there are continuously more and more 
 competitors springing up instead of less. 
 
 29 
 
Only the other day the head of the Standard Oil Trust in 
 Indiana told me there are more competitors in oil today than 
 there were twenty or thirty years ago. 
 
 Marx's thought has turned out not to be a fact. 
 
 So also with his theory of the cataclysm of society. Marx 
 wrote, and it is perfectly explicable that he should write, in 
 view of the crisis of 1818, 1835 and 1857 each of which was 
 worse than its predecessor. It looked as if what he said would 
 be true and that things would get worse and worse. 
 
 But the crisis of 73 wasn't much worse than that of '57. 
 The crisis of '84 was less than that of '73 and the crisis of 1907 
 was still less intense in this country and really didn't amount to 
 much abroad, and finally at the present time the present de- 
 pression with all the troubles of the war, with the present un- 
 employment situation, doesn't begin to compare in gravity with 
 what it was in the 90's or the 70's. 
 
 What Marx did not foresee is that there are certain forces 
 which go far to explain why crises under the modern organiza- 
 tion of capitalist society are becoming less and less severe in- 
 stead of more and more severe. You will never get a cataclysm 
 that way. 
 
 Moreover the fallacy of the theory is in Russia itself. 
 
 According to the Marxian theory where ought the revolu- 
 tion to break out? The revolution ought to break out in the 
 country where there is the most developed and extreme form of 
 private capitalism as in England, United States and Germany. 
 Yet in all of those countries there has been no revolution and 
 there is less revolutionary spirit today than ten years ago, or 
 fifty years ago, and nothing comparable to what it was in Eng- 
 land a hundred years ago. 
 
 Where has it broken out? In Russia where there was no 
 capitalism, instead of in the country where there was the most 
 capitalism. As a result of this failure of the theorv, and of the 
 failure of the revolution to spread to others and more capital- 
 istic countries. Lenin and Trotzky now say that we must develop 
 a capitalism — state controlled, indeed, but still a private capital- 
 ism in Russia. The Soviet leaders are today preaching on every 
 platform throughout Russia, arguments and doctrines for which 
 men were sent to the executioner or the firing squad only a few 
 years ago. 
 
 30 
 
The very arguments that were used by the Mensheviks and 
 the others are being used by the Bolshevists today. Yes, indeed, 
 we were wrong. 
 
 I still have five minutes left so that I can not explain the 
 last point, namely, the fallacy underlying Marx's theory of the 
 war of classes and how that has been disproved by recent events 
 in Russia. Marx with all his ability made an inadequate analysis 
 of movements as they were going on at that time. He reminds 
 me for all the world of Henry George, another great thinker, 
 another man who has done much for the world today. 
 
 Henry George worked up his theory of the Single Tax be- 
 cause he lived in California at a time when everything seemed 
 to point to the aggregation of land in a few large hands — the 
 bonanza farms. The Single Tax movement has disappeared today 
 everywhere as anything to count with because we know that 
 things have gone just in the opposite direction. We know now 
 that our farms are getting to be less in size, smaller than they 
 were, and that tenancy is not increasing in the sense it was pre- 
 dicted by George and the others. 
 
 So in the same way Karl Marx lived in the infancy of the 
 capitalist system. Things were going badly in England at the J 
 time and he formulated a theory which seemed to be true in all 
 those countries where capitalism was first introduced. But like 
 George he failed to foresee the future. 
 
 Now, then, ladies and gentlemen, my respected antagonist 
 must show these things in order to convince me and to win the 
 debate. He has got to show first that the debacle and the col- 
 lapse of production has been due not to the inherent tendencies 
 of communism, but that they have been due to the war or the 
 blockade. He must also disprove the facts which I have quoted 
 to show that there was developing a situation of socialism which 
 would gradually bring about the conditions of a famine, even in 
 all those districts outside of the real famine districts itself. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 In the next place he must take up one by one the Marxian 
 theories. He must show that I am wrong in stating that the 
 theory of surplus profits is a fallacy. 
 
 He must show that concentration of capital is developing 
 apace, in refutation of my statement that there is a growing dis- 
 semination rather than concentration of capital. 
 
 He must show, in the fourth place, that crises are becoming 
 
 31 
 
worse instead of becoming less severe. He must show finally 
 that all those facts that I have mentioned about the liberty of the 
 workmen, about the incentive on the part of the peasant, that all 
 those alleged facts are false facts. 
 
 If my respected antagonist can do that, if, instead of keep- 
 ing, as he might otherwise do, to a philosophic discussion as to 
 the general advantages of Marxism he will come down to bed- 
 rock and meet me on the points that I have made, one by one, 
 then I shall be glad, indeed, to take up the issue with him. 
 
 (Applause.) 
 
 32 
 
THE CHAIRMAN: 
 
 Mr. Waton will now have fifty minutes for the negative. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 HARRY WATON: 
 
 Madam Chairman and Comrades : 
 
 The Russian Revolution is a great historic reality. In nature, 
 extent and effect upon the human race it transcends all other 
 revolutions known in history. It is impossible for us, standing 
 so near this colossal event adequately to appreciate its historic 
 significance. It seems to be a universal law of Nature that any 
 of her manifestations on a grand scale can be perceived and 
 appreciated only from a great distance. For instance, the report 
 of a volcanic eruption, though distinctly heard by persons standing 
 hundreds of miles away from the volcano, is hardly heard by 
 persons standing near it. The Russian revolution is an event of 
 so great a nature, and in its consequences will be so fundamental 
 and far-reaching, that it will take generations of historians and 
 philosophers clearly to perceive its grand outlines and adequately 
 to appreciate its effect upon the life and the progress of the 
 human race. The Russian revolution is unprecedented in history, 
 and therefore in its consequences it will be unparalleled. With 
 the Russian revolution mankind passed from the state of boy- 
 hood and entered into the state of manhood. But the Russian 
 revolution is Marxism in action! 
 
 Since 1847, when the historic function of the international 
 proletariat found an adequate expression in the "Communist 
 Manifesto," Marxism had become ever more and more a light 
 and guide to the working class of the world. For more than 
 seventy years Marxism had been studied most assiduously, had 
 been subjected to a most rigorous criticism, and had become the 
 cause and centre of the fiercest and most comprehensive intellec- 
 tual and spiritual struggle of modern times. At last the time 
 came for Marxism to emerge from the realm of thought and to 
 enter into the realm of action, to demonstrate its soundness and 
 feasibility in the crucible of practical experience ; and the Russian 
 revolution afforded the opportunity. 
 
 33 
 
When in 1917, the imperialistic war, itself the result of the 
 inherent contradictions of capitalism — the greatest crisis that the 
 ivorld ever sazv — and this in answer to my opponent's statement 
 that the crises became ever milder and smaller — when the impe- 
 rialistic war created in Europe a revolutionary situation, which 
 aroused the European proletariat from the nightmare of the war 
 and infused in them a revolutionary spirit, it was inevitable that 
 the revolutionary potentiality should become an actuality; and, 
 as motion is in the direction of least resistance, it was natural 
 that that great, historic, revolutionary potentiality should find 
 reality and actuality first in Russia, the country in which there was 
 at the time the most fundamental and most comprehensive con- 
 tradiction between the great intellectual and spiritual progress of 
 the nation, and especially the great intellectual and spiritual, pro- 
 gress of the Russian proletariat, and the antiquated and barbarous 
 nature of its political institutions — a contradiction that rendered 
 Russian society most unstable and therefore least capable of 
 resisting a great social disturbance. And hence the Russian revo- 
 lution. 
 
 At first the character of the Russian revolution was unde- 
 termined. It was not certain whether it would degenerate to a 
 mere bourgeois revolution, (as every bourgeois revolution in the 
 twentieth century must be a degenerate revolution), or it would 
 rise to the height and dignity of a proletarian revolution. But 
 when the Bolsheviki came into power and began to direct the 
 revolution along the lines of Marxism, then the proletarian 
 character of the revolution became definitely established. The 
 historic function of the international proletarian revolution is to 
 expedite, regulate and control the great historic process that 
 transforms mankind from the state of capitalism, through social- 
 ism, into the state of communism. The proletarian revolution, 
 though in form appears at first to be limited in scope and nation- 
 alistic in purpose, in substance it is universal in scope, interna- 
 tional in aim, and tends to become a world revolution. Once the 
 proletarian revolution started it will not cease until it has covered 
 the entire earth, has comprehended the whole human race, and 
 has firmly established the state of communism. (Applause). 
 The Russian revolution is but the first chapter of the great inter- 
 national proletarian revolution ; and a most splendid chapter it is 
 indeed. 
 
 The ruling powers, reading in the Russian revolution their 
 doom and inevitable annihilation, united in a universal attack 
 upon the revolution. Through their hired Balaams they flooded 
 
 34 
 
the world with lies, falsehoods and criminal misrepresentations 
 about Russia, seeking therewith to poison the mind of the rest of 
 the human race and to arouse their passions against the Russian 
 revolution. They set up gigantic counter-revolutionary plots, and 
 fomented civil war. They instituted formidable invasions upon 
 Russia, and instigated the neighboring bankrupt nations for a 
 Judas' pay to wage a war of extermination against Russia. And 
 to cap it all, they surrounded Russia with an iron blockade, iso- 
 lating Russia from the rest of the world and cutting off the Rus- 
 sians from the means of life. Thus with fiendish vindictiveness 
 and hellish means they sought to destroy the Russian revolution. 
 
 And though the enemies of the Russian revolution were 
 many, rich and powerful, while its friends were few, poor and 
 weak, yet such is the sublime truth, the divine wisdom and mar- 
 vellous power of Marxism that by its aid it conquered all its 
 enemies and came out of the struggle victorious, triumphant. The 
 Russian revolution was not destroyed, the Bolsheviki were not 
 overthrown, and Marxism was not defeated. On the contrary, 
 the Russian revolution has become more and more a living his- 
 toric reality, the Bolsheviki have become more firmly intrenched 
 in power, and Marxism, more than ever before, is now battling 
 for the cause of the international proletariat. Nay, more than 
 this, the situations and roles have changed. Only a while ago the 
 Russian revolution feared capitalism, now capitalism fears the 
 Russian revolution. (Applause.) 
 
 The capitalist ruling class, having failed to destroy the Rus- 
 sian revolution, having failed to overthrow the Bolsheviki, having 
 failed to discredit Marxism, having failed to rehabilitate capital- 
 ism in their own countries, having failed to remove the cause that 
 constantly increases the number of unemployed and constantly 
 foster in the proletariat a spirit of revolution, having failed to 
 safeguard themselves against the impending revolution, they were 
 compelled to conclude peace with the Russian revolution. They 
 called to a peace conference the very Bolsheviki whom they had 
 branded as murderers, bandits and enemies of society, of civiliza- 
 tion, of religion, family, property and order. They invited them 
 to the Genoa conference, and to this conference, not the English, 
 not the French, not the Italians, but the Russians came as victors, 
 and carried away the victors' prize. (Applause.) The treaty 
 between Russia and Germany is worth to Russia infinitely more 
 than the Versailles treaty means to the capitalist countries. 
 
 And so it came to pass that since the Russian delegation came 
 
 35 
 
to Genoa, the Germans on their side, the Allied Powers on their 
 side, and even the Catholic Church on its side, each party sought 
 to convince the Russian delegation in its favor; and, as Marx 
 says, "him whom we seek to convince we recognize the master of 
 the situation," the world recognizes the Russian proletariat as the 
 master of the situation ; and, indeed, the Russian proletariat, as 
 we shall presently see, is the master of the situation. 
 
 Such has heen the wonderful achievement of the Russian 
 revolution; such is the suhlime truth, the divine wisdom and the 
 marvellous power of Marxism ! Well may we say now with the 
 Psalmist: "The stone which the builders despised and rejected 
 has become the chief corner-stone." The down-trodden, despised 
 and illiterate proletariat of Russia has become the chief corner- 
 stone of reconstruction ! 
 
 In the meantime, however, the Russians have undergone a 
 terrible ordeal. The profuse bleeding of the nation and the 
 economic ruin of the country that resulted from the Russian par- 
 ticipation in the imperialistic war before the revolution, and the 
 life and death struggle of the Russians since the beginning of the 
 revolution, compelled the Russian leaders to content themselves, 
 and only for the time being, with a less ambitious plan of recon- 
 struction upon a communistic basis than they had at first hoped 
 for. This is taken by the upholders of the present order as a 
 fact that proved that socialism failed in Russia, that the Russians 
 partially returned to capitalism, and that this proves that Marx- 
 ism is fallacious. 
 
 Hazing failed to destroy the Russian revolution by force, 
 they nozv direct their attack against Marxism, and right they are. 
 Marxism is the light, the guide, the soul, the strength and the 
 pozver of the proletarian revolution, and the Russian revolution 
 is but the beginning of the proletarian revolution. Without 
 Marxism it would have been impossible. And today we have as- 
 sembled here to continue that struggle upon an intellectual plane, 
 making Marxism the point of attack and defence. 
 
 My opponent framed the issue of the debate, not in the form 
 of a resolution, as he stated to you, but in the form of the follow- 
 ing questions : "Is the failure of socialism in Russia, as evinced by 
 the partial return to capitalism, due to the fallacies of Marxian 
 theory ?" My opponent answers it in the affirmative ; I answer it 
 in the negative. 
 
 My opponent sought to impose certain conditions attached 
 
 36 
 
to the phrasing of the subject for debate, but he had never con- 
 sulted me about those conditions before we came here. He simply 
 gave me the wording as it is, and I accepted it. I am therefore 
 at liberty to construe it as I understand it. And just as lawyers 
 in a similar situation interpose what is called a general denial, I, 
 in taking the negative, deny everything. (Applause.) 
 
 At the outset, comrades, I must call your attention to, and I 
 must ask you to bear most distinctly in your mind, the following : 
 
 First. The debate concerns itself primarily about Marxism, 
 and only secondarily, if at all, about socialism; that is, the ques- 
 tion before us is, whether Marxism is true, sound, feasible, or 
 not ; but it is not the question before us, whether socialism is good 
 or bad, workable or not. 
 
 I call your attention to this, not because I am shy of the 
 subject of socialism. On the contrary, I should have been only 
 too glad to go into this question. But, because the subject for 
 debate is Marxism, the merits of socialism would be irrelevant. 
 
 Second. As the subject for the debate is framed, it involves 
 the assumption of the following three facts : First, that the Rus- 
 sians had the necessary means and the proper opportunity to in- 
 augurate and establish socialism in Russia. Second, that social- 
 ism failed in Russia. Third, that there was in Russia a partial 
 return from socialism to capitalism. 
 
 My opponent assumes these three facts, and upon them as a 
 premise he builds his conclusion that Marxism therefore proved 
 itself to be a fallacy. I deny these facts. I deny that the Rus- 
 sians had the necessary means and the proper opportunity to 
 inaugurate and successfully to establish socialism in Russia. I 
 deny that socialism failed in Russia. I deny that there was in 
 Russia a partial return from socialism to capitalism. I therefore 
 deny the conclusion that Marxism proved itself to be fallacious. 
 
 Third. My opponent seeks to attack Marxism. He seeks to 
 prove that Marxism is fallacious by the actions and the methods 
 pursued by the Bolsheviki in Russia. By the very position that 
 my opponent takes he is compelled to recognize the Bolsheviki as 
 Marxists. For, if he should say they are not Marxists, their 
 actions and methods could not be laid at the door of Marxism, 
 My opponent is therefore compelled to recognize unhesitatingly 
 and absolutely the Bolsheviki as Marxists. Being Marxists, their 
 policy and their actions can be laid at the door of Marxism. 
 
 37 
 
But we know that the socialists were absolutely and most 
 bitterly opposed to the Bolshevik principles, methods, policies and 
 ideas. We know that between the Bolsheviki and the Socialists 
 there was a life and death struggle. We know that the socialists 
 had no share in the direction of the revolution and all that had 
 since been done by the Bolsheviki. 
 
 Since my opponent is compelled to recognize the Bolsheviki 
 as Marxists, and since the socialists were opposed to them, he is 
 for the same reason compelled to recognize the socialists as not 
 being Marxists, and their doctrines and ideas therefore can have 
 absolutely no bearing upon Marxism. 
 
 I do not want to say that among the socialists there are no 
 Marxists. I do not want to say that the socialists have not pro- 
 duced Marxists. But for the purposes of the subject for debate 
 before us, and springing, as it does, from the very nature of the 
 position which my opponent takes, he cannot consider the social- 
 ists and the Bolsheviki on the same level. Either the Bolsheviki 
 are Marxists or the socialists are Marxists. But, since he ac- 
 cepted the Bolsheviki as Marxists, he must rule the socialists out 
 of court, and disregard their judgment and opinion. 
 
 Therefore, when my opponent went to the Italian commis- 
 sion, the socialist commission, when he went to Bernstein, Tugan 
 Bogdanovsky, and the others, he had no right to do it, because 
 the opinion of socialists has absolutely no bearing on Marxism 
 in questions in which Russia and the Bolsheviki are concerned. 
 Therefore, I rule all these out of court, as being irrelevant, im- 
 material and incompetent, and I shall never advert a single word 
 to any of the references made by my opponent to the socialists. 
 
 We are dealing here only with Marxism. Now then, let us 
 examine the facts upon which my opponent built his whole theory. 
 My opponent assumes that the Russians had the necessary means 
 and the proper opportunity to inaugurate and establish socialism 
 in Russia. He insisted that since the war stopped in 1918, they 
 should have had all the opportunities and the means to inaugurate 
 and establish socialism. 
 
 We are not foreigners to Russia, and we know something 
 about the Russian revolution and the conditions under which it 
 was carried out. I ask, what warrant did my opponent have to 
 make the assumption that the Russians had the necessary means 
 and the proper opportunity to inaugurate and establish socialism 
 in Russia? And, if my opponent cannot demonstrate this, as I 
 
 38 
 
shall presently tell you he must, then it is entirely absurd to speak 
 of a failure of socialism in Russia. In other words, if the Rus- 
 sians did not have ample means and the proper opportunity to 
 inaugurate and establish socialism in Russia, and it is even more 
 absurd to lay that failure of socialism in Russia at the door of 
 Marxism. Now, let us see the facts. 
 
 Before the Russian revolution broke out the Russians had 
 gone through a most terrible ordeal. About eight million Rus- 
 sians had been killed and crippled in the imperialistic war before 
 the revolution. All industry had been paralyzed and was almost 
 at a standstill. All means of life had almost entirely been con- 
 sumed, wasted and destroyed. The granary of Russia, Ukrainia, 
 was in the hands of the Germans, and Siberia was then in the 
 hands of outside powers. Under these conditions the Russians 
 were drawn into a revolutionary struggle. Then they had to 
 take up the struggle anew against an enemy more formidable 
 than the Central Powers were. Since the outbreak of the revo- 
 lution the Russians were compelled to abandon all constructive 
 work and concentrate all their efforts, means and time to a life 
 and death struggle with their enemies. During all this time the 
 Russians had not a single day of peace nor a moment of rest. 
 They therefore did not have the means and the opportunity to 
 inaugurate and establish socialism ; they had neither the means 
 nor thenpportunity to do any reconstructive work upon any basis, 
 capitalistic, socialistic or communistic. 
 
 The Russians were in a position like that of a man who, after 
 he had fought fiercely against beasts and had with great effort 
 succeeded to reclaim a piece of land, and just as he is about to 
 begin to cultivate the land and to build a home for himself, a 
 gang of bandits armed with deadly weapons were to attack him 
 from all sides with the intention of killing him and taking away 
 from him the land. And while he is fighting with the bandits for 
 his life, someone from a distance were to jeer at him that he 
 failed to cultivate the land and build the house, and failed to 
 establish himself. Is it not preposterous, to say the least, to ex- 
 pect the Russians to have succeeded to implant socialism in 
 Russia under such conditions? Did they have the opportunity? 
 If not, what sense is there in speaking of the failure of socialism 
 in Russia? 
 
 But, if my opponent means to say that notwithstanding all 
 this the Russians could establish successfully socialism in Rus- 
 sia, that their failure is attributable, not to the war, not to the 
 
 39 
 
struggle of the revolution, but to some inherent fallacy in the 
 policy and methods they pursued, in other words, to the fallacies 
 of Marxism, then my opponent is treading upon most dangerous 
 ground. 
 
 My opponent must admit that it was infinitely harder for 
 the Russians under those conditions successfully to erect a new 
 order upon the ruins of an old order than it was for the Allied 
 Powers to rehabilitate capitalism in their own countries. Now, 
 what do we find? Not to speak of the small countries that are 
 so hopelessly ruined that they actually live on charity ; not to 
 speak of Austria and Germany, the conquered countries ; but 
 what about Italy, France and England ? These are the victorious 
 countries. These emerged triumphant. These countries received 
 from us billions of dollars and ammunitions worth billions of 
 dollars. These countries had exacted from the Germans tribute 
 in the billions. Surely, if there was some strength and life in 
 capitalism, the Allied Powers should have been able to rehabil- 
 itate capitalism in their countries. They had no war since then, 
 no revolution, no change of order, and things were in a normal 
 state. What do we find? 
 
 We find that the condition in Italy, France and England is 
 so desperate, so hopeless, that the ruling powers were compelled 
 to call a peace conference, to invite, not only the Austrians and 
 the Germans, but also the Russians, and Lloyd George in Parlia- 
 ment appealed to his confreres to sanction the Genoa conference 
 because, as he said, the people of England demand it, Europe 
 needs it, and the world cries for it. 
 
 Yes, the capitalist world cried for a peace conference with 
 the Russians. Why? Because, a paragraph later, Lloyd George 
 tells them : The unemployment increases in England ; and if you 
 do not like the Genoa conference, you will pretty soon see the 
 beginning of something which you will hate even more, namely, 
 revolution. 
 
 In this situation, being unable to rehabilitate capitalism, and 
 in their face staring the revolution that may destroy them all. they 
 were compelled to come to the Russians and together to work out 
 a plan whereby they may save themselves. Let us pause to reflect 
 on the situation. 
 
 The Russian Soviet Republic is a communist soviet republic. 
 It was built by communists, in the spirit of communism, upon 
 communist principles, and with the purpose of establishing com- 
 
 40 
 
munism, not only in Russia, but all over the world. The ruling 
 class, to save themselves from political destruction, and the capi- 
 talist class, to save themselves from economic ruin, were com- 
 pelled to go to the Russians and to enter with the communist 
 Soviet Republic into political and economic relations. 
 
 Now, the ruling powers cannot enter with the Russian Soviet 
 Republic into political relations ; they cannot confirm the Russian 
 communists in power ; they cannot accord recognition to the com- 
 munist principles, without making the idea of a communist soviet 
 republic very popular in the world, and without throwing seeds 
 that would soon gain deep root in the consciousness of the prole- 
 tariat. And the capitalist class cannot enter with the communist 
 Soviet Republic into economic relations, without sanctioning 
 communist principles, without recognizing that communism is 
 here to stay, without spreading among the proletarians of their 
 own countries a knowledge of communism, and without arousing 
 in them a desire for communism, and finally a determination to 
 have communism even in their own capitalist countries. 
 
 The ruling powers and the capitalist class knew all this all 
 along. That was why they bent all their efforts to destroy the 
 communist Soviet Republic, because they knew that the com- 
 munist Soviet Republic was a mortal enemy to capitalism. 
 
 Now, the Russian communists, to help themselves in the 
 present difficulties, are compelled to make concessions to capital- 
 ism, to enter with the capitalists into political and economic rela- 
 tions. The capitalists, to save themselves from absolute ruin and 
 destruction, are compelled to make concessions to the communist 
 Soviet Republic of Russia. Hence, while on the one hand we see 
 on the part of the Russians a partial return to capitalism, on the 
 other hand we see on the part of the capitalists a step towards 
 communism. If my opponent contends that a partial return by 
 the communists to capitalism means that Marxism has proved 
 itself fallacious, then with greater reason I contend that the 
 partial advance by the capitalist towards communism proves that 
 the doctrines sustaining capitalism are antiquated, worse than use- 
 less and amount to nothing. 
 
 The capitalist countries are compelled to go to the commun- 
 ists for help, because they suffer from a pernicious anaemia. 
 They must go to the communists for a transfusion of blood, to 
 transfuse into their capitalist system communist blood. But it is 
 all in vain. 
 
 41 
 
Comrades, communism is the most poisonous, mortal enemy 
 to capitalism. The capitalist system cannot imbibe communist 
 blood, without embodying the poison that will annihilate it. So 
 hopeless is the state of capitalism that even for a momentary 
 respite, for a possible help, the capitalists are compelled to go 
 and conclude a compromise with communism. But, by concluding 
 a compromise with communism, they conclude a compromise 
 with the rising order that will annihilate the old order. And that 
 capitalism is in this desparate strait is shown by the following 
 facts : 
 
 On the one hand, the inherent contradictions of capitalism, 
 predicted by Marx, demonstrated by Marx, brought about, not 
 merely a petty crisis in some industry, but a universal crisis, 
 which crisis compelled the nations to plunge into a world war, a 
 universal slaughter, to destroy one another, to destroy property, 
 family, religion, civilization, and everything that has been accum- 
 ulated by the human race for thousands of years. On the other 
 hand, capitalism is now compelled to conclude peace with com- 
 munism. 
 
 While the capitalist class is in this state and capitalism in 
 this perilous situation, I leave it to my opponent to show us how 
 the capitalist class and capitalism can help themselves out of the 
 situation, without the co-operation of Rusia. If he can show 
 something, let him show this. Hie Rhodus, hie salt a! 
 
 That the capitalist class and capitalism cannot help them- 
 selves without the co-operation of Russia is due to the fact, 
 springing from Marx's theory of value and surplus-value, that 
 the capitalist countries produce the necessaries of life, not for 
 use, but for profit ; that capitalism may live, it must dispose of 
 its surplus produce at a profit. This it cannot do in the capitalist 
 countries. Capitalism therefore is compelled to gain ever more 
 and more foreign markets where it can dispose at a profit of its 
 surplus produce. Should the foreign markets be cut away from 
 the capitalist countries, not only will the capitalists not receive 
 their profits, but also they will not be able to employ the prole- 
 tariat of their own countries. In that event, the proletariat will 
 be compelled to rise against the capitalist system and destroy it. 
 At present the only foreign market yet open to the capitalists is 
 Russia. With the co-operation of Russia the capitalists may yet 
 succeed to prolong for some time their rule and sway over the 
 proletariat. Hence, the capitalists are bound to deny their God, 
 repudiate their Religion, scoff at their principles, overthrow their 
 
 42 
 
doctrines, and come to the Bolsheviki and ask them to help them 
 out. 
 
 But communist Russia does not produce the necessaries of 
 life for profit : it produces these necessaries for use. They do 
 not need foreign markets. They therefore can get along very 
 well without the co-operation of the capitalist countries. It is 
 true the Russians are now in a deplorable state, due to all the 
 calamities that overwhelmed them, including even that of God 
 and Nature, the famine. But, being in possession of one-sixth 
 of the world, with infinite resources, with infinite storehouse of 
 human energy, it may be only a question of five, ten or twenty 
 years, and they will emerge from their difficulty, owners of one- 
 sixth of the earth and producers of all things for human enjoy- 
 ment. 
 
 That is why the Russian delegation can go away from the 
 Genoa conference, without concluding any treaty with the Allied 
 Powers, and not be the worse off. But let Mr. Lloyd George and 
 the capitalist countries dare go away from the Genoa conference 
 without concluding peace with Russia, and the revolution will 
 overwhelm them in the very near future. 
 
 Since capitalism is so hopeless that it is compelled to make 
 such concessions, how does it lie in the mouth of my opponent to 
 speak impliedly of capitalism, as if it were God-ordained, ap- 
 proved by God, Nature and Man, when in the face of all this 
 overwhelming situation, the capitalist world cries for peace with 
 Russia? How can my opponent maintain that capitalism is 
 sound ? 
 
 Now, while I leave to my opponent the ungrateful task of 
 showing how to galvanize the dead corpse of capitalism, I shall 
 betake myself to the grateful task of showing that socialism 
 never failed in Russia, but is there most prosperous. 
 
 If my opponent had read the works of Marx attentively, and 
 had not acquired his knowledge of Marxism second hand, from 
 the Bernsteins and others, then my opponent would know, and I 
 demand of him that he should know, that Marxism never aimed 
 at socialism, but at communism. Marx zvas a communist. All 
 his works are but one continuous argument in favor of commun- 
 ism, and his whole lifetime he devoted to the cause of 
 communism. 
 
 Marxism teaches that all social evolution tends irresistibly 
 towards the state of communism. But, though all social evolution 
 
 43 
 
tends towards the state of communism, neither the material con- 
 ditions of existence nor the human habits as they now are, are fit 
 for the state of communism. The material conditions of exist- 
 ence and human habits must first be prepared for the state of 
 communism. The historic task to prepare both the material con- 
 ditions of existence and human habits is the task of the inter- 
 national proletariat. The reason for this I shall tell you later on. 
 
 Now, the international proletariat cannot begin this process 
 of transformation out of air, out of conditions and materials that 
 will exist in the future. It must start with conditions and mate- 
 rials that it finds on hand right now, and these are capitalistic in 
 nature. In other words, the international proletariat must begin 
 upon a capitalistic basis, with capitalistic conditions of existence 
 and human habits, to build the state of communism. And in doing 
 this the international proletariat will co-operate with the great 
 historic process that transforms society from capitalism into 
 communism. 
 
 My opponent told you that Marx believed in the economic 
 interpretation of history. Now, I read a book of my opponent in 
 which he tells us that he more or less agrees with Marx, and he 
 told us the same thing now. But I must tell you that my opponent 
 never understood Marx's interpretation of history, and I chal- 
 lenge him to prove that he did understand it. He has my book, 
 "The Philosophy of Marx." Let him read it carefully and see 
 whether he has ever learned that Marx was the only man known 
 to history that fought against the crude economic interpretation 
 of history that had been in vogue since the days of Moses. I 
 could quote the prophets and the old philosophers showing that 
 the crude materialistic interpretation of history had been known 
 before Marx, and that Marx fought all his lifetime against that 
 materialistic interpretation. 
 
 Marx taught that between Man and Nature there is a 
 material interaction, but that it is "man that starts, regulates and 
 controls" that material interaction. Man is the active, conscious, 
 controlling factor in the making of human history ; Nature is but 
 the passive element and condition in that history. But men can- 
 not create a world while they are making their history. They 
 must take the world as they find it und must change it. There- 
 fore, men must regulate and control the historic process of the 
 zvorld, and by changing the world they also change themselves. 
 That is why Marx said : "Men make their own history, but they 
 do not make it out of the whole cloth ; they do not make it out 
 
 44 
 
of conditions chosen by themselves, but out of such as they find 
 close at hand, given and transmitted." And since the proletariat 
 is the only class in society that has a vital interest in changing the 
 material conditions of existence and human habits, the proletariat 
 must take the regulating and controlling part in this great historic 
 process. 
 
 This the proletariat can perform by raising itself to the posi- 
 tion of the ruling class and by establishing the dictatorship of the 
 proletariat. And here I challenge my opponent to find a single 
 expression in all the zvorks of Marx in favor of liberty. Marx 
 never believed in the bourgeois liberty. He believed in the iron 
 rule of the proletariat, and in the first instance also in the iron 
 rule over the proletariat. That is Marxism. The proletariat must 
 establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, use its political su- 
 premacy and the dictatorship of the proletariat to wrest by 
 degrees all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all means 
 of life in the hands of the tvorkvng class, to increase the efficiency 
 of production, and, finally, to direct all social evolution towards 
 the state of communism. 
 
 But that may take some time. It may take perhaps a century, 
 perhaps even more. What will happen in the meantime ? In the 
 meantime we shall have a hybrid state composed of capitalism 
 and communism. The foundation and basis are capitalistic, and 
 upon that basis, under the given conditions and with the given 
 materials the proletariat will begin to build the state of commun- 
 ism. That will be a hybrid state, and that state is called socialism. 
 Socialism therefore is capitalism mixed with communism. 
 (Laughter.) 
 
 When we watch the transition from night to day, we find 
 that due to the fact that the earth is spherical and revolves on its 
 axis very slowly, once in twenty-four hours, the light of the sun 
 cannot instantaneously remove the darkness of the night, and a 
 period of an hour or more is required for that transition. That 
 period is neither night nor day. It is dawn, a mixture of night 
 and day. Socialism is the dawn between the night of capitalism 
 and the day of communism. 
 
 Socialism means organized dictatorial power of the prole- 
 tariat. It means the very ownership by the proletariat as an 
 organized power of the land, the natural resources, the great in- 
 dustries, and the like. And this, comrades, we have in Russia. 
 Socialism does not seek to establish equality. On the contrary, 
 Marx in his "Criticism of the Gotha Programm" condemns that. 
 
 45 
 
Under socialism there cannot be that equality or freedom which 
 can happen only in a state of communism that is raised upon its 
 own foundation. Until then we shall have capitalistic justice, the 
 law of equivalents, the law of value, capitalistic self-conscious- 
 ness, money, and ownership of things for personal consumption, 
 until the material conditions and human habit have been ade- 
 quately prepared for communism. When communism rises on 
 its own foundation, then a new principle of human existence will 
 regulate and determine all social relations : "From every one 
 according to his faculties, unto every one according to his needs." 
 
 Now, then, since my opponent himself asserts, in the 
 words of the issue of the debate, that the Russians only par- 
 tially returned to capitalism, he impliedly asserts that besides 
 capitalism there exists some other state. Since we know that 
 the Bolsheviki are Communists, and we know that they en- 
 deavored to inaugurate and establish in Russia communism ; 
 we have in Russia both the state of capitalism and the state 
 of communism. In other words, we have in Russia socialism. 
 
 Now, whether it is good or bad is not the question. When 
 our Americans fought in their revolutionary war against Eng- 
 land, they at that stage of the game were no better off than 
 the Russians now are, and their revolution was but child's 
 play in comparison with the gigantic revolution in Russia. 
 
 Therefore, my friends, socialism exists in Russia. Since 
 socialism did not fail in Russia, the whole theory of my op- 
 ponent falls to the ground, and the conclusion which he ar- 
 rives at is entirely inadmissible. In other words, my op- 
 ponent failed to prove that Marxism is fallacious. 
 
 If I were concerned only with this debate, I could well 
 afford to rest right here. I would not care to go into other 
 discussions. This is not the occasion for me to discuss failures. 
 I am concerned about Marxism, and so are you. Whether 
 you are satisfied with my position or not is immaterial ; what 
 is material is that my opponent did not make good his posi- 
 tion. And since we are all concerned about Marxism, we must 
 go a step further and consider the matter with reference to 
 Marxism. 
 
 The Bolsheviki in Russia in the year 1917 and 1918 made 
 a tremendous step towards communism. Since then they 
 made a backward step. They now content themselves with a 
 position nearer towards capitalism. Does not that prove that 
 
 46 
 
the plan which they had in mind was not workable? Does 
 not that prove that the underlying theory of Marxism was 
 fallacious? 
 
 Therefore, though I am not called upon to do so, I will 
 go into the matter a little further, because I want to convey 
 to you the message of Marxism that, on the one hand, you 
 may perceive that there is in Marxism more than hundreds 
 of thousands of my opponents could tell you, and, on the 
 other hand, that you may understand why Marxism spreads 
 so rapidly among the international proletariat, and why in its 
 hands it is such a divine power. 
 
 If my opponent read attentively the works of Marx, he 
 ought to know that Marxism contemplates the state of com- 
 munism, not as a state of a country or of a nation, but as a 
 state of society, as a state of the whole human race. Nothing 
 further from Marxism can be conceived or imagined than the 
 idea that communism could be successfully established in one 
 country, while all other countries remained capitalistic and 
 hostile to it. 
 
 (The Chairman here notified the speaker that he had three 
 minutes in which to conclude.) 
 
 When a fellow gets into the depths of Marxism he loses 
 all idea of time. 
 
 Marxism most emphatically teaches that communism 
 can be successfully established only upon an interna- 
 tional basis. That is why Marxism always appealed to the in- 
 ternational proletariat to rise in a world revolution 
 against the whole capitalistic system. That was why the 
 Bolsheviki appealed to the international proletariat to help 
 make the Russian revolution a world revolution. That was 
 why the Bolsheviki repeated thousands of times that, unless 
 the international proletariat rose to help make the Russian 
 revolution a world revolution, they would not be able to es- 
 tablish communism, not even in Russia. This fact was so 
 universally known that in every instance in which the Bolshe- 
 viki came into contact with the Allied Powers the first con- 
 dition demanded of the Bolsheviki was that they abandon the 
 idea of the international revolution. 
 
 How, with the idea of attacking Marxism can one speak 
 of a failure of communism in Russia, when Marxism teaches 
 
 47 
 
that, unless it be established on an international basis, it must 
 fail? If this is a confirmation of Marxism, it is therefore not 
 a refutation of Marxism, and Marxism stands vindicated, jus- 
 tified and in every way absolutely established. (Great applause.) 
 
 (At this point an announcement was made by The Marx- 
 Engels Institute.) 
 
 48 
 
THE CHAIRMAN: 
 
 The debate was getting rather hot and I am glad we have 
 had time to cool off. I now call on Professor Seligman, who 
 has fifteen minutes. 
 
 PROF. SELIGMAN: 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen : Let me take up the points in their 
 order. First : My respected antagonist challenged me to quote 
 anything from Marx in favor of liberty. I have in my hands a 
 book enttitled "The Philosophy of Marx," by Mr. Waton. On 
 page 196 he quotes from the Communist Manifesto in which 
 Marx outlines the future of society and says at the end : 
 
 "When that period arrives we shall have an association in 
 which the free development of each is the condition for the free 
 development of all." If that is not liberty, I do not understand it. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 Secondly : My respected opponent says that Marx does not 
 ask for equality. It is true that I have not brought with me any 
 marked passage of Marx's writings, all of which I beg to say 
 that I read probably before my respected antagonist was born, 
 but I have here a quotation from no mean student of Marx, 
 namely, Mr. Nicholas Lenin. In a work in which he expounded 
 the theory of Marx to his friends in 1918 he quotes at the end of 
 a long passage explaining Marxism and referring to the workers 
 the following : 
 
 "The important thing is that they should work equally, con- 
 scientiously and be paid alike." 
 
 If that is not equality of work and equality of pay I do not 
 understand equality. 
 
 Now, then, Mr. Waton speaks in various passages in his 
 book as he did so eloquently today of the "sublime victory" that 
 has been accomplished by communism in Russia. 
 
 Let me quote in opposition a few words from the last speech 
 of Lenin. He says : ^__ 
 
 "We have suffered a defeat, and unless we acknowledge it, 
 we shall do worse." 
 
 49 
 
These are his very words. "If we do not wish to play the role 
 of people who do not see their failure; if we do not care to look 
 straight into the face of danger, we must see that we have suf- 
 fered defeat." 
 
 And again : "We must admit, however, that our first retreat 
 proved inadequate, we must now make a supplementary retreat." 
 
 That is my reply to the statement of my respected antagonist 
 as to the wonderful success, of the "sublime success" that has 
 been achieved by the modern development. But I have here a few 
 quotations from the leading Socialists and Communists of Russia 
 today to explain why they have failed. 
 
 Let us take up first the remark of Mr. Osinsky, the Com- 
 missioner of Agriculture, six months ago quoted in this book of 
 Prof. Zagorski formerly of Petrograd, which appeared only 
 last week; "Soviet exploitation is a Utopia." 
 
 Let me quote the report of four months ago of the Minsk 
 Executive Soviet Committee: "Collective culture has turned out 
 to be an idle dream." 
 
 Let me quote from a statement of Lenin to the effect (I 
 am translating from the French) :"We must now endeavor to 
 develop a national economy based upon the real psychology of 
 the middle peasant whose motives and sentiments we have been 
 unable to change in these three years." 
 
 There is the "sublime success" that has been achieved! I 
 might go on and speak of the statements of Tschekoff and others, 
 all of them referring to the necessity of re-introducing, one 
 by one, all of the competitive motives that communism thought 
 it might accomplish. If the success was so "sublime," why all 
 the steps in retreat? 
 
 We come now to the argument of my opponent. That the 
 other countries in coming to the Genoa conference are implicitly 
 adopting communism, or rather, to put it more accurately, that 
 capitalism is on the road to accepting communism. Let me quote 
 from a note of the Soviet Government of March 15th to the 
 Entente government in which Russia accepted the invitation to 
 Genoa and say the following : 
 
 "The essential point in the policy of the republic henceforth 
 is the desire to create in Russia conditions that tvill favor the 
 development of private initiative in the fields of industry, agri- 
 culture, transport and commerce." Is that a capitulation of capi- 
 
 50 
 
talism to communism, or is it a capitulation of communism to 
 capitalism? (Applause. ) 
 
 Finally, when my respected opponent speaks of the sacl con- 
 ditions in this country, in England, in France, etc., I ask you, 
 ladies and gentlemen, whether there isn't a difference between 
 unemployment and cannibalism. Cannibalism is what we have 
 actually come to in Russia today. Not for centuries have there 
 been such conditions. And not only do we find this fierce struggle 
 to support life, but we find the same collapse in all the higher 
 manifestations of the spirit in the struggle of the human soul. 
 
 Let me read one or two passages from letters that have 
 come to some of us in the last few months. 
 
 Here is a letter from Professor Maximoff of the medical 
 academy in Petrograd : "With every day life becomes more in- 
 tolerable. People die like flies. If it were not for the hope of 
 escaping I would have committed suicide." 
 
 Another great scholar, a man who in former times was 
 honored, writes : "Tired and exhausted after a day spent in 
 searching for food I enter a cold and dark apartment. No water 
 or candle. I go. to bed without taking off my clothes, I try to 
 keep warm. One had to go out and sweep the streets and clean 
 the roads of sand. When I see my entomological collections 
 perish from cold I do not feel any more of my hunger, but I run 
 like a mad man to make a fire to warm up and save my labora- 
 tory." 
 
 What does Mr. Rachmaninoff, your famous representative 
 of Russian intellect, right here in this country say? He says: 
 "Imagine a regime that prohibited by force the publication of 
 books or magazines or any outlet for the theories and very arts 
 and fictions and drama that surge in so many American minds. 
 Imagine a condition which made of the creation of new music or 
 wondrous paintings an effort not only to be derided and ridiculed, 
 but a crime as well." 
 
 Finally, what does he tell us about the labor that is imposed 
 upon intellectuals in Russia? "Hard work will never hurt any- 
 one." But when a violinist, a doctor of philosophy, a poet, or a 
 great portrait painter, whose hands have been made for honorable 
 effort, in honorable profession, is forced, for no reason under the 
 sun than the mad whim of temporary rulers, to the bench, plow, 
 mop and the hoe, there is danger that the brave spirits within 
 
 51 
 
these artists may droop with discouragement and their messages' 
 die unspoken for the delight of posterity. 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen : The conditions may be bad in Po- 
 land, France, Austria and even the United States, but nothing 
 remotely resembling the unspeakable conditions which are barely 
 hinted at in what I have read you and which could be duplicated 
 many times over by letters that I have received from eminent 
 thinkers and scientists in Russia. There and there only everything 
 that we call civilization is slowing, crumbling and disappearing. 
 
 This is the land of "sublime accomplishment." This is the 
 land which one by one is giving up all the theories of Marx upon 
 which Lenin and Trotzky started out. This is the land which, if 
 not soon saved by the rest of Europe, as it was partly saved from 
 the horror of the famine by the United States a few months ago, 
 this is the land which will afford to us an evidence not of the 
 victorious theories of Marxism, but an evidence of the depths to 
 which fatalistic idealism will bring a great and devoted and prom- 
 ising nation. 
 
 Ladies and Gentlement : In closing I will say that in my 
 antagonist's reply he must show what he has not shown, that 
 socialism or communism, call it what you will, has succeeded, 
 whereas by the statement by Lenin himself it had thus far failed. 
 Failed, as he says, "In the hope that, although we are standing 
 on a precipice and do not know the result, we shall hope that we 
 shall vanquish." What my antagonist must deal zvitJi is not hopes 
 but accomplishments. (Applause.) 
 
 52 
 
THE CHAIRMAN: 
 Mr. Waton will now address you for twenty minutes. 
 
 HARRY WATON: 
 
 Comrades, I must be brief. First, as to liberty. My op- 
 ponent quoted from the "Commmunist Manifesto," which I 
 quoted in my "Philosophy of Marx," the following: "In the 
 place of the old bourgeois society with its class antagonisms, we 
 shall have an association, in which the free development of each 
 is the condition for the free development of all." 
 
 If you turn to the chapter on Cooperation, in the first volume 
 of Capital, there Marx says : When one systematically cooperates 
 with his fellow beings, he strips off the fetters of his individu- 
 ality and attains to the capacity of his race. In other words, 
 only through cooperation, only through the denial of that liberty 
 which the capitalist class insists upon is it possible for a man to 
 strip off the fetters of individualism and attain to the capacity 
 of the race. 
 
 That is what Marx means. The free development, not liberty. 
 The free development of each will be the condition to the free 
 development of all. Development and liberty are two different 
 things. I, for instance, want to become a writer, a speaker or a 
 musician. I can attain to that on condition that I subject my- 
 self to the laws, conditions and the requirements of the arts, the 
 sciences and the philosophies, and the like, to be able to write, 
 to speak and to create as the sciences require and the arts dictate. 
 
 But that does not mean liberty. It means free development. 
 Likewise, when we want to bring out the social powers for pro- 
 duction, we must subordinate all individuals to one centralized 
 plan, and then can we bring out the development of the individual 
 and of society. But my opponent will search in vain in the writ- 
 ings of Marx for a single word as to liberty. On the contrary, 
 he laughs at liberty. And Lenin, the greatest exponent of 
 Marxism, shows that liberty is nonsense, and in my "Fetishism 
 of Liberty" I showed it is an absurdity. 
 
 My opponent in his first address challenged me to prove 
 
 S3 
 
that Marx's theory that everything tends towards the concentra- 
 tion of capital in fewer and fewer hands is true. I leave it to 
 you, comrades, to turn to the 32nd chapter of the first volume 
 of Capital. I have no time to quote it now. Read it. 
 
 If you will find a single word about the concentration of 
 capital — and I challenge my opponent to demonstrate it, to prove 
 it — then I will be willing publicly and at my own expense to ap- 
 pologize for making that challenge. Marx speaks of centraliza- 
 tion of capital and not of concentration. I leave it to my op- 
 ponent to go to Marx and find out what is the difference between 
 centralization and concentration. 
 
 My opponent read letters from professors. Did you ever 
 see professors on the side of the proletariat? The Russian pro- 
 fessors would have drowned the Russian revolution in blood. He 
 must quote to me from Bolshevik proletarians that they are dis- 
 satisfied. I admit that the professors look upon Russia as Mr. 
 Rachmaninoff, who left his brothers to starve, and came to Amer- 
 ica to make money. 
 
 Lenin is the greatest man for having had the courage to ad- 
 mit that they failed in many directions; for, in his address to the 
 Congress of the Metal Workers only recently, he said : We make 
 no more regress, but on the contrary we now go forward. And 
 we see that a great movement has been started to re-unite the con- 
 flicting element in the camp of the proletariat. There is now 
 being forged a united front. The united front, coupled with the 
 Russo-German treaty, will make themselves felt in a few months 
 from now. 
 
 Lenin, on purpose, has always talked to the Russians and 
 told them to be frank and truthful, in order to learn. If you 
 consult Lenin's work, " The Soviets at Work," written by him a 
 few months after the Bolshevik coup d'etat, you will find that 
 even then, more than four years ago, Lenin said : "We must 
 engage experts at salaries of even twenty-five thousand dollars a 
 year." And more than four years ago Lenin said that the suc- 
 cess of the revolution will depend upon the concessions which we 
 will make to foreign capitalists. 
 
 Lenin did not expect communism to be established in a jiffy. 
 He demonstrated that it would have to take at least two genera- 
 tions to do it. But in the meantime we have in Russia socialism. 
 Who has ever pictured Russia in a good state? I would like to 
 know how my opponent would feel if for eight years he were 
 
 54 
 
battered and badgered and starved- to death as the Russians were. 
 The Allied Powers wanted to starve Russia. They succeeded. 
 And the Great Almighty came to their assistance and added for 
 good measure the famine. 
 
 But, my good comrades, I have something more important. 
 What about the retreat of the Russian Bolsheviki? How far 
 will it go? Here I ask you to permit me to be very quick, because 
 I have to speak a lot. 
 
 My opponent as a historian presumes to judge of the great 
 historic process. He ought to have made sure of the nature and 
 method of the course of progress. Did he? We shall presently see. 
 
 Progress is a moving forward. It is essentially movement, 
 and all movement is rhythmic, that is forward and backward. 
 The reason for this, as shown by Herbert Spencer, is that every 
 body moving" in space meets with resistance, and the resultant 
 therefore can be but a forward and backward movement. A few 
 illustrations will make it clear. 
 
 When standing at the sea-shore and observing the coming in 
 of the tide, we notice the following : The sea sends out a wave 
 beyond the low water mark, which waves returns. It sends out 
 another wave beyond the first wave, which second wave returns. 
 It sends out a third wave beyond the second wave, which returns. 
 And so it sends waves forward and backward until it reaches the 
 high water mark. 
 
 When we reflect on this, we notice that though the move- 
 ment of the sea was forward and backward, in the main it was 
 forward. 
 
 Likewise, when we reflect on the progress of the seasons, we 
 perceive the same thing. We rise in the morning, go out into the 
 street ; the sky is clear, the sun is bright, the atmosphere is warm 
 and we feel glad; spring is here. We feel like taking off our 
 winter clothes and look forward towards bright and warm days. 
 The next day, however, disappoints us : it is cloudy, cold and ends 
 in snow. A few days later we have again bright and warm days, 
 followed by cloudy, cold and rainy days, and again bright and 
 warm days, until we have Spring in all its glory. 
 
 Here, again, when we reflect on the course of the season, we 
 perceive that, though its movements were forward and back- 
 ward, in the main they were forward. This is the universal 
 characteristic of progress. 
 
 55 
 
If time permitted it would be most illuminating to make an 
 excursion through astronomic, geologic, psychologic and socio- 
 logic phenomena and perceive that throughout all the infinite 
 manifestations of existence this is the course of progress. But I 
 must limit myself to a hasty survey of human progress. When 
 we contemplate human progress both from the point of the 
 achievements and from the point of the means of progress, 
 namely, the human race, we find that all human progress was 
 rhythmic, a forward and backwrd movement. When we con- 
 template from the point of the achievements, we find that after 
 periods of great religious exaltation and creative work came 
 periods of religious depression and indifference. After great 
 political progress came political regress. After periods of re- 
 naisancc in the arts, the sciences, the industries and the philo- 
 sophies came periods of indifference, stagnation, degeneration 
 and decay, followed again by periods of exaltation, progress and 
 regeneration, and so on indefinitely. 
 
 Again, when we contemplate the course of progress of the 
 human race itself, here we perceive a most wonderful truth which 
 has escaped, not only the scientists, but also the socialists of the 
 world. Here we perceive a most remarkable thing. As the sea, 
 life sent out a wave of progress through the Chinese and other 
 ancient nations, and that wave returned. Life then sent out an- 
 other wave of progress through the Egyptians, the Babylonians 
 and the Hindus, then below the Chinese in progress, which wave 
 went beyond the first wave and returned. It then sent out a third 
 wave of progress through the Jews, the Greeks and the Romans, 
 then below the Egyptians, the Babylonians and the Hindus, which 
 wave went beyond that of the latter and returned. Life then 
 sent out another wave of progress through the Teutons, the 
 Saxons, the Normans and the Franks, then below the Jews, the 
 Greeks and the Romans in progress, which went beyond the 
 preceding wave and returned. The same was followed in the 
 case of the Arabs, the Turks, and also in the modern renaisance. 
 And now life sends out a wave of progress through the Russians, 
 that are below the Teutons, the Saxons, the Normans and the 
 Franks, but this wave will go beyond all preceding waves of 
 progress, and it, too, will return, to be followed by still higher 
 waves of progress in other nations, and so ad infinitum. 
 
 Now, when we contemplate the course of human progress, 
 we perceive that, though its movements were forward and back- 
 ward, in the main they constituted one grand epic of human 
 progress. The course of progress always started a new wave 
 
 56 
 
through an element below the one that served as the previous 
 medium of progress and moved further. Here we find a new 
 truth, brought to light by Hegel and Spencer, that every step in 
 progress becomes a hindrance to further progress. My opponent, 
 like most socialists, asked the question : Why did not the revolu- 
 tion break out in England ? Here he finds the answer, because the 
 English had made previous progress, which became a hindrance 
 to their further progress, and life therefore will use a medium 
 for progress such as offers least resistance, such as is not blocked 
 by previous progress. This is a truth we find throughout all 
 history. 
 
 And now we shall be able to understand the course of the 
 Russian revolution. But, before we come to the Russian revolu- 
 tion, let me give you a brief sketch of an analogous revolution, 
 namely, the bourgeois revolution in France. Prior to 1789 
 France was feudalistic and monarchic. A crisis precipitated the 
 revolution. The first revolutionary wave brought the Constitu- 
 tionalists to the fore. The second wave brought the Girondins 
 to the fore. The third wave brought the Jacobins to the fore. 
 In 1793 the revolutionary waves reached the highest crest. Great 
 political and economic changes were inaugurated. But, as France 
 did not receive fresh revolutionary streams from other countries, 
 the revolution began to subside. And then the process is re- 
 versed. The Jacobins are overthrown, then the Girondins, then the 
 Constitutionalists, and Napoleon takes their place. In 1815 even 
 Napoleon is overthrown, the Bourbons are restored, the mon- 
 archy is reestablished, and reaction is settled down, and it seems 
 as if the revolution is dead. But it is not dead. In 1830 it sends 
 out a new wave which overthrows the landed aristocracy and 
 brings to the fore the finance aristocracy, and inaugurates some 
 political changes. In 1848 another revolutionary wave over- 
 throws the finance aristocracy, brings to the fore the industrial 
 capitalist, inaugurates some political changes and establishes the 
 republic. Here, again, the revolutionary tide of Europe failing, 
 the revolution in France begins to subside. Louis Bonaparte de- 
 stroys the republic, establishes again the monarchy, reaction sets 
 in, and it seems that the revolution is again dead. But it is not 
 dead. In 1870 it sends out another revolutionary wave which 
 overthrows the monarchy, reestablishes the republic, the most 
 proper form of government for capitalism, clears the ground for 
 the capitalist class and the historic task of the revolution is ac- 
 complished. 
 
 When we contemplate the course of the bourgeois revolution 
 
 57 
 
in France, we find that, though its movements were forward and 
 backward, in the main they were forward. The revolution ac- 
 complished its historic purpose. It destroyed monarchy and 
 feudalism, annihilated the feudal aristocracy and nobility, cleared 
 the ground for capitalism, and established the capitalist class in 
 power. And the course of the bourgeois revolution in France 
 was only typical of its course in all other capitalist countries. 
 And now we shall be able to understand the Russian revolution. 
 
 We shall not go far into ancient history, but come straight to 
 the Russian revolution. When the revolution broke out, the first 
 revolutionary wave brought to the fore the Lvofs and the 
 Miljukoffs, constitutionalists. The next wave brought to the fore 
 Kerensky and the Menshiviki, more revolutionary. The third 
 revolutionary wave brought to the fore Lenin and the Bolsheviki, 
 the most revolutionary. Great political and economic revolutions 
 are effected and fundamental changes are inaugurated. But here, 
 as in France, as no new revolutionary streams come from Europe, 
 the revolution in Russia began to subside. The Bolsheviki were 
 then confronted with this alternative: either to pursue the for- 
 ward course towards communism and like the Jacobins in France, 
 to be guillotined, or to yield to the logic of events and, as Lenin 
 said, to hold on to that link which the chain of progress presents 
 each day. Fortunately for the cause of the international pro- 
 letariat, the Bolsheviki learned from Marx to retreat a step in 
 order to be able to make a new advance. This was foreseen by 
 Lenin even in the days of the bight of the revolution, as can be 
 seen from his "Soviets at Work," written by him only a few 
 months after he came into power. Then he said, this is the time 
 to pause, to retrench ourselves, to come nearer to the base of 
 operation and to begin to make preparations for further progress. 
 
 Hence, the partial return to capitalism. This was in perfect 
 accord with the eternal and universal law of progress, and a con- 
 formity with the eternal and universal law of progress is not a 
 failure, is rather a success. The fact, that the Russians are still 
 suffering, proves nothing. I might take a plot of land, plow it 
 through and sow seeds in it. A fool, standing nearby, might 
 laugh at me for taking good seeds and throwing them into the 
 ground, there to be lost and destroyed, while I might rather have 
 eaten the seeds now and satisfied my hunger and enjoyed. But, 
 what the fool does not know, I know. I know that the seeds will 
 neither be lost nor be destroyed. But. on the contrary, that as 
 soon as I throw the seeds into the ground, Mother Nature takes 
 them up, bathes them in the rain, warms them in the sunshine, 
 
 58 
 
feeds them from her breast on her infinite energy, and day and 
 night with infinite care watches them, and so for a period of three 
 months ; when, lo and behold, there from the seeds sprouted out 
 and grew up strong and beautiful plants, yielding in return seeds 
 a hundredfold, a thousandfold. It is true that I am now hungry 
 and would enjoy the seeds now ; but I know that, unless I suf- 
 fered now and patiently bided my time and made the best of the 
 circumstances and prepared for the future. I would be even in 
 greater peril of losing my life in the future. Unless I sow the 
 seeds in the Spring, I shall starve to death in the Fall. This is the 
 law of existence, and in accordance with this law the Russians 
 have been sowing the seeds for the last five years, to reap a rich 
 harvest in the future. 
 
 Can my opponent rationally, intelligently and humanly ex- 
 pect that the Russian revolution, the greatest revolution on earth, 
 covering one-sixth of the earth's surface, that has been in ex- 
 istence only five years, that this revolution should already have 
 been prosperous now? Why, comrades, it would have been pre- 
 posterous ; it would be absurd ; it would be impossible. It would 
 mean a miracle more than God himself could do. 
 
 There is a Jewish saying which, as a Jew I appreciate very 
 much, and which I want to tell you in conclusion: "Don't show 
 to fools uncompleted work." 
 
 (The applause at this point was very great and continued to 
 increase, whereupon Mr. Waton rose and asked the audience to 
 join him in three cheers for the Russian Soviet Republic. The 
 cheers were deafening.) 
 
 59 
 
PROFESSOR SELIGMAN: 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen : 
 
 • First, as to a very minor point, the point of concentration 
 versus centralisation. I quote again from a very remarkable 
 work, "The Philosophy of Marx," by Mr. Waton. In the middle 
 of page 255 he objects to the present system because "it excludes 
 the concentration of the means of production." On page 256 you 
 will find, "the transformation of the individualized and scattered 
 means of production into socially concentrated ones." And at the 
 bottom of the page and continuing to the next we find : "This 
 expropriation is accomplished by the imminent laws of capitalist 
 production itself, by the centralization of capital ; that is, not by 
 the concentration of capital into the hands of capitalists, but by 
 the centralization, organization and cooperation of capital. The 
 capitalist whose capital has been consolidated and centralized . . ." 
 On page 259 : "Centralization and not merely concentration." 
 That means concentration as well as centralization. 
 
 Let us stop all these absurd disputes which add nothing 
 anyway to the discussion. Let us come to the next point. My 
 opponent poured out his wrath upon the professors and intel- 
 lectuals who have always been against progress. Was Marx an 
 intellectual or not? (Interjected by Mr. Waton: "Yes, an intel- 
 lectual but not a professor.") Were about half of the great social- 
 ists that Russia has known professors or not? 
 
 In fact the whole intellectual armory of socialism and com- 
 munism comes from the thinkers and the professors. 
 
 Moreover, my objection to communism is not simply that it 
 calls intellectualism a joke and kills the intellect, but that is also 
 kills the workingmen. 
 
 My opponent asks whether any Bolsheviks have objected. If 
 there were time I should like to read to you the protest from the 
 trade unions, from the workingmen in the various parts of Rus- 
 sia protesting against the way in which the strikes were ruthlessly 
 suppressed ; protesting against the way the strike leaders were 
 executed ; protesting the way they are compelled to work eighteen 
 hours in some of the factories. All of this I could quote to you 
 if there were time. 
 
 60 
 
The real objection to communism is indeed, as my opponent 
 has intimated, that it kills individualism, and in killing individual- 
 ism it kills art as well as science. Art is nothing if not the expres- 
 sion of the individual. The efforts that are being made now by 
 the Art Commissar to force into art those fictitious acceptances 
 of communism are killing art just as they are killing science. 
 
 Mr. Lenin, in the speech which I hold in my hand, says there 
 are three things we must guard against. "The three principal 
 enemies which we have to face are communistic arrogance, il- 
 literacy and barbarity." 
 
 How does he define communistic arrogance? "Communistic 
 arrogance means that a man who is a member of the communist 
 party and has not yet been cleaned out, imagines that he can solve 
 all his tasks by communist phrase-making." 
 
 I don't wish to be impolite because my antagonist has sedu- 
 lously observed the better conventions of a debate, but I would 
 appeal to you that, after all, this battle can never be fought out 
 by mere phrase-making. 
 
 You have got to face the facts. The facts are that one by 
 one Lenin and the rest are going back surely but slowly in sub- 
 stance and even in form to all the positions which they opposed 
 a few years ago. 
 
 Now, ladies and gentlemen, I submit that my antagonist has 
 not met me on those fundamental points. He has not contro- 
 verted a single one of the facts which show that Russia today is 
 becoming, on the one hand, a huge chaos, and on the other hand, 
 the greatest example of forcible suppression on the part of every 
 one who is not a member of the tiny group that is running the', 
 country. He has not sought to controvert my argument as to the 
 inadequacy of the specific Marxian theories of surplus value, of 
 concentration or centralization of capital, of pauperism and of 
 the cataclysm of society, and he has not been able to explain how 
 a return to capitalism means a return to socialism. In all these 
 points he has failed to make good. 
 
 In conclusion, the reason why international communism is 
 going to pieces today in this country as well as in other countries, 
 and why only a fraction of the socialists outside of Russia are 
 adherents of the communist idea, is, as I take it, twofold ; first 
 and foremost, the communists in Russia are not willing to admit 
 that real progress comes not through revolution but through evo- 
 lution. If there is any soundness in socialism at all it is on the 
 
 61 
 
side of those who preach socialism through evolution rather than 
 socialism through revolution. 
 
 Although I, of course, concede revolution has had its place in 
 our own American republic and elsewhere, it can only succeed as 
 it did then, when the inner forces are in harmony with the outer 
 forms. When this is not the case it is bound to be a failure. As 
 a consequence the whole labor reform and social reform move- 
 ment in every country outside of Russia is making progress 
 through evolution and not through revolution. 
 
 But there is a second reason why Marxism will in the end 
 never succeed. Marx objected to the sentimental socialist. He 
 objected to anything that emphasises the spiritual side of man- 
 kind. 
 
 Now, ladies and gentlemen, I also believe in reform. I am 
 like many or all of you, by no means satisfied with the social 
 conditions of today, but the social reform that I believe in is a 
 gradual, a sound, pervasive reform, a reform so replete with har- 
 mony between the inner and the outer phases that it will be at 
 once abiding and far-reaching. 
 
 It is only in this way, ladies and gentlemen, that you ever 
 effect a reconciliation with justice and liberty, the liberty which 
 we are told in Russia every one derides today. It is only in this 
 way that we shall be able to affuse the creative and the acquisitive 
 spirit ; it is only in this way that we shall be able to lay the founda- 
 tions of social production so broad and so firm and so enduring 
 that on them it will be possible to erect the future temple of social 
 peace with its wide and glorious wave of equal opportunity and 
 its slim and lofty spire of ideal fulfilment — cleave the clouds of 
 antagonism rising above the mists of prejudice, distrust and soar- 
 ing into the deep and eternal blue of infinite achievement and 
 unending progress. (Applause.) 
 
 62 
 
LITERATURE 
 
 The Marx-Engels Institute carries a complete line of 
 standard literature on economics, sociology, anthropology, 
 history, philosophy, and kindred subjects, and can supply 
 books on any subject when desired. 
 
 We especially call your attention to the following works 
 by Harry Waton : 
 
 "Pain and Pleasure/' printed on high-grade paper, 
 
 and well bound in dark red cloth $1.50 
 
 "The Fetishism of Liberty/'' bound in dark red 
 
 cloth 1.00 
 
 Same in paper cover 25 
 
 "The Philosophy of Marx/' bound in flexible red 
 
 cloth 1.00 
 
 Same in paper 25 
 
 "The Seligman-Waton Debate" 25 
 
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