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 TI-IE RELiLTION 
 7 
 
 OF THE 
 
 GENEIUL GOVERNMENT 
 
 CITY OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. *' 
 
 The following remarks, touching the relation which the General 
 Government sustains towards the city of Washington, originally ap- 
 peared in the editorial columns the Union, and as they cannot fail to 
 be interesting to all who feel any concern for the prosperity and growth 
 of the National Metropolis, it has been deemed advisable to reproduce 
 them in pamphlet form, to give to them a more extended circulation. 
 
 The American people are proud of the city which bears the revered 
 name of the Father of their Country. They wish it to be built up 
 and ornamented in a manner that will correspond with its magnili- 
 ceut plan, and reflect no discredit upon their patriotic liberality and 
 good taste. It is a great mistake to suppose that the people do not 
 approve of the appropriation of money for useful and ornamental pur- 
 poses in the Metropolis of the country. The thousands, who annually 
 visit Washington, complain that the Government doe^ not contribute 
 more liberally towards its improvement, and are anxious that it should 
 be made, in all respects, a city worthy to be the Seat of Government 
 of a free and enlightened people. 
 
 The interesting address of the Vice President has suggested to us 
 the propriety of one or two articles upon the history, plan, and pros- 
 pects of what has come to be an important subject — the federal city. 
 
 Soon after the close of the struggle which secured our independence, 
 it became a question of much interest where the capital of the newly- 
 established nation should be located. Several of the States desired 
 the honor of having it within their limits and large inducements were 
 offered by the friends of various places to secure it for their respective 
 localities. 
 
 •rOWKUS, I'KINTElt. 
 

 ». .^ \SV\»,->S 
 
 ^' 9. ^k'. 
 
 118 
 
 For wise purposes the constitution provided that Congress should 
 "exercise exchisive legislation in ail cases whatsoever over such dis- 
 trict" (not exceediug ten miles square) as "should by cession of par- 
 ticular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of gov- 
 ernment of the United States." This district could only be acquired 
 by cession, and as early as December, 1788, Maryland ofi'ered to the 
 general government any district of ten miles square within her borders 
 for this purpose. One year later Virginia did likewise, but at the same 
 time, with her accustomed magnanimity, suggested that a situation 
 combining all the advantages requisite could " be had on the banks of 
 the river Potomac above tide-water, in a country rich and fertile in 
 soil, healthy and salubrious in climate, and abounding in all the 
 necessaries and conveniences of life, where in a location of ten miles 
 square, if the wisdom of Congress" should "so direct, the States of 
 I'ennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia" could all " participate in such 
 location." 
 
 On the IGth July, 1700, Congress passed " an act for establishing 
 the temporary and permanent seat of the govermiient of the United 
 States," which, having been subsequently amended by act of 3d March 
 l7l)l, located the district as the same existed up to the time of the re- 
 trocession to Virginia of that portion of it west of the I'otomac. It 
 next became necessary to lay out the city, which was done without 
 delay, and a phm thereof was officially submitted by Gen. Washington 
 to Congress ou the 13th December, 1791, which received the approval 
 of that body. 
 
 In these and subsequent proceedings Congress assumed all the au- 
 thority conferred upon it by the constitution — exclusive jurisdiction. 
 The State of Maryland was induced to pass a law condemning for 
 public uses private property, in certain cases, where it could not other- 
 wise be obtained, so that no possible impediment should exist to the 
 full exercise of such authority. By such means, in part, and by an 
 arrangement with the proprietors in other instances, every foot of 
 gi-ound within the limits of the city was deeded in fee to the agents of 
 the government, who then conveyed back to the original owners one 
 moiety of all the lots not needed for public uses. 
 
 And now, let us inquire, how was the city laid out ? Certainly not 
 with an eye to the advantage of the former owners of the soil, for that 
 would have sacrificed all the broad avenues which so greatly contri- 
 bute to the beauty and healthfulness of the city, and reduced the width 
 of the streets to dimensions adapted to business purposes. This would 
 have given the proprietors a much larger number of lots for sale on 
 their own private account and rendered the city more compact, and 
 far less expensive to improve and keep in order. This, however, would 
 not have answered the ends Congress had in view, for it was evidently 
 its intention not only that the capital should not be a commercial city, 
 but that it should not be a very large one. This must be apparent to 
 any one who will examine the plan of the city with the least ca.re. 
 Of its entire area, five hundred and seventy-eight acres are perma- 
 nently reserved for ])ublic uses, and this extent, large as it is, must be 
 still further increased by the extension of the grounds of the Capitol 
 
and Navy Yard. And then the reservations making up this large 
 surface are so distributed over the city as to sever it into several al- 
 most distinct, because disconnected communities, rendering impossible 
 that compactness of population which is so requisite for extensive busi- 
 ness operations. 
 
 Was this the result of mere accident or of careful forethought ? 
 Doubtless of the latter. Congress had sat in New York and Phila- 
 delphia, and each of those places had been found objectionable, be- 
 cause of its commercial relations. Hence the projection of wide streets, 
 broad avenues, and extensive reservations — unfriendly indeed to busi- 
 ness pursuits, but conducive to health, comfort, and security against 
 loss from fire. Hence the absolute reservation of so large a share of 
 the river front, and the withdrawing of it from all private use. Nor 
 need we stop here. Look at the enormous relative area covered by 
 reservations, avenues, and streets, and then at the limited extent al- 
 lowed for residences. Froiii an official report lately made to Congress, 
 it appears that the government origially owned 10,118 lots. An equal 
 number was assigned to the original proprietors, making in all '20,2;^G 
 lots. Suppose these to have a front of fifty feet each, and we have 
 lots enough for 40,472 houses of twenty-five feet front each. But we 
 know that very many of the more fashionable residences cover several 
 lots, and that, in some cases, they have several more attached to them, 
 so as to be eft'ectually witlidrawn from use for building purposes. We 
 also know that hundreds, an<l perhaps thousands, of lots, along tbe 
 canal, upon the Eastern Branch, and in various other parts of the city, 
 are wholly unavailable for building purposes, and many of them must 
 remain so for years to come, while others can never be used except as 
 ' places for business. Add to all these the squares recently purchased 
 for the arsenal, and those used for burying-grounds, and the lots occu- 
 pied by churches, school-houses, stores, shops of various kinds, and 
 numerous other objects than dwellings, and it will be found that the 
 number thus withdrawn will be so far increased as to leave room for 
 not more, probably, than 20,000 houses, which, at eight souls each, 
 would only accommodate a population of 100,000. Is this a lai-ge 
 population ? Let Boston, Brooklyn, Philadelphia, Baltimore Cincin- 
 nati, answer the question. Had we this number, however, broad as 
 are our streets and avenues, we should yet be able to improve them 
 and to do many other things for the general good of the city, with 
 comparative ease. But this we may not soon, if ever, expect, for what 
 is to sustain it, since all commercial advantages are denied us ? 
 
 The simple truth seems to be that Washington was laid out by the 
 government upon an extensive scale, as the capital of a mighty peo- 
 ple, with the distinct understanding that it would be expected, as a 
 matter of course, to contribute largely to its improvement. The Father 
 of his Country selected its site, and thought it not beneath him to pro- 
 ject its avenues, streets, and reservations, which each year's develop- 
 ment is proving to be more and more beautifal. To carry out the de- 
 sign is not the work of a day or year. Many seasons and heavy out- 
 lay will be required for its consummation. And yet we are not of the 
 number of those who think that the whole burden of these improve- 
 
mcnts shonld be borne by the general government. Tlie city sliould 
 do its share, and no one can question its rcadhiess to do this whenever 
 its duty in the premises is clearly defined. A more acceptable service 
 could hardly be rendered the city by Congress than by the adoption 
 of an '• intelligible line of policy" to enable " some definite understand- 
 ing" to be '• reached by which the corporate authorities could know 
 Avhat expenditures they are expected to make, and what fairly and 
 justly to devolve upon the general government." Unquestionably "the 
 future prosperity and improvement of the city would be greatly pro- 
 moted" by such a measure, which would, at the same time, relieve the 
 members of Congress from the embarrassment they so naturally feel 
 when called upon to legislate upon subjects of an apparently local 
 character. 
 
 Should not these considerations be siifficiently controlling to secure 
 such action at the present session ? 
 
 Not only in laying out the city of Washington did the government 
 exercise all the power given it by the constitution, but also in legisla- 
 ting for it. Congress first assembled here in December, 1800, and 
 within three months thereafter passed " an act concerning the District 
 of Columbia," consisting of sixteen sections, continuing in force the 
 laws previously enacted by Maryland and Virginia, and providing the 
 means required to carry them into eft'ect. On the .3d May, 1802, an 
 act was passed " to incorporate the inhabitants of the city of Wash- 
 ington," conferring upon them certain powers, but expressly providing 
 that the mayor should " be appointed annually by the President of 
 the Unit'd States," and that he (the mayor) should " appoint to all 
 oflices T!i!>ler the corporation." Under this provision of law all the 
 mayors of the city were appointed by the President until June 1812, 
 when, for the first time, its inhabitants were allowed to elect their own 
 chief executive ofticer. This act has since been several times amend- 
 ed, but in no instance has Congress undertaken to transfer, if it could, 
 to the city authorities, the powers vested in it by the constitution, so 
 far even as regards subjects of immediate and vital importance to 
 themselves. On the contrary, it has, in express terms, reserved the 
 right to repeal the act of incorporation and take entire charge of the 
 city at will, as may be seen from the first section of the last act of in- 
 co)'poration passed on the iVth May, 1848. 
 
 Peculiarly, then, is the city of Washington the city of the nation. 
 Every foot of avenue, street, and alley laid down on its original plan 
 actually belongs in fee to the United States. This point was settled 
 by the Supreme Court in the case of Van Ness vs. the United States 
 and corporation of Washington. In addition to this, the government 
 owns Jive hundred and seventy-eight acres of land within the city limits 
 which have been permanently reserved for public uses, worth |13,412,- 
 293 26, as private property is assessed for taxation, upon which improve- 
 ments have been made, as shown by a recent ofiicial report to Congress, 
 costing ^14,Y09,338 09 — making an aggregate of $28,121,031 35. 
 
 Under these circumstances, it is quite natural that the representa- 
 tives of the people who own this large amount of property should feel 
 
a deep interest in tlic Avelfare and prosperity of llie National Metropo- 
 lis. They liave already contributed liberally to its improvement; but 
 bow much yet remains to be done ! The extension of the Capitol ren- 
 ders necessary the enUirgement oi' the g-rounds around it, and their 
 appropriate improvement. Franklin and Judiciary Squares, the Circle, 
 the triangular spaces along Pennsylvania and other avenues, the mall 
 and other public reservations, should, at least, be as well cared for as 
 adjacent private property. The Arsenal grounds likewise require to 
 be graded and adapted to the purposes for which they were purchased, 
 and doubtless all these things will in due time be done. All these 
 improvements must be made by the government ; the city authorities 
 have no power to interfere with them if they would. The obligation 
 of the government, however, does not end here. The 15th section of 
 the act of 15th May, 1820, makes it its duty to pay " a just propor- 
 tion of any expense which " should " be incurred in laying open, pav- 
 ing or otherwise improving any of the streets or avenues in front of, 
 or adjoiuing to, or which may pass through or between, any of the 
 public squares or reservations.'' And in the 12th section of the last 
 act of incorporation passed the iVth May, 1848, this obligation is 
 again recognised as resting upon it. This is as it should be, for it is 
 only applying the same rule to the government which is every day ap- 
 plied to the citizen. The latter is made to pay for the pavement in 
 front of his house or lot, and why should not the former do the same ? 
 Under this law, the justice of which will hardly be denied, the govern- 
 ment is now bound to lay the pavements on the south side of the 
 Botanic Garden and on the west side of it from Pennsylvania to Mis- 
 souri and the sorth side of Maine avenue, between Third and Sixth 
 streets ; on the west side of Fourth street, between Indiana avenue 
 and G street ; on the west side of Fifteenth street, from the Treasury 
 building to the canal, as well as several others of a like character 
 which it is not necessary to enumerate. For these objects an appro- 
 priation of five thousand dollars was asked by the proper department 
 at the last session of Congress, but, from some cause, was not made. 
 
 May we not proceed one stc}) "farther, and say that the government 
 should also contribute in proportion to the value of its property to aid 
 in the general impi-ovement in the city? The revenue of the city is 
 derived from taxation, and exact justice to all demands that this should 
 be as equally distributed as possible. Is it unreasonable that the gov- 
 ernment should be asked to contribute its quota to the general fund ? 
 We think not. It has recently purchased a large number of lots for 
 the use of the Arsenal. Before that purchase the taxes upon those 
 lots were in part relied on to meet the expenses of the city. A large 
 revenue is now derived from taxation of property around the Capitol, 
 which the government must soon own. The moment it makes a pur- 
 chase the property ceases to be taxable, and the revenue of the city is 
 to that extent dried up. Should not this be in some way made up ? 
 If so, is not the principle above suggested fully established? Conced- 
 ing this, it is yet i'reely admitted that " whether the government, as a 
 property-holder, should contribute to these ends in proportion to its 
 interest in the city, is a question which addresses itself exclusively to 
 
the discretion of the national legislature." It alone has the power to 
 appropriate any portion of the pnhlic treasure for these ohjects, and 
 we would presume to do no more than respectfully to submit the pro- 
 positions herein stated for such consideration as they may be thought 
 to deserve. 
 
 \Ve have said that Washington can never be a commercial city, but 
 this is not because she is destitute of natural advantages in that be- 
 half. The reverse is true. She has a long line of water front, every 
 foot of which, it has been clearly demonstrated by the surveys of the 
 ablest engineers in the service of the government, could, at moderate 
 cost, be rendered available for shipping purposes. ]3ut what care has 
 been taken to prevent its being so used ! From a point a little below 
 Georgetown the canal skirts the river bank as for down as l7th street, 
 leaving sufHcient space between it and the channel for wharfage. 
 Thence to the west end of south D street public reservations occupy 
 the entire space. From thoi iwinl to the west end of south P street, 
 an open street or hir/hwa?/, owned hj the governvieiit, has been care- 
 fully interposed het'wec7i the squares set apart for private u,se and the 
 water. And from there down to and around " Greenleaf's Point" the 
 whole front has been reserved for the War Department. Thus it ap- 
 pears that the city has been practically denied the use of the noble 
 Potomac for commercial purposes, except to a small extent between 
 the Observatory grounds and Georgetown — small enough, indeed, to 
 be almost covered on the map by the nail of a man's thumb. 
 
 Gen. Washington, however, was well aware that a population as 
 large as would be attracted to the seat of government 7nust have some 
 facilities for trade, and, in laying out the city, he made such provision 
 therefore as he thought suitable. Referring once more to the map, 
 we find that the lots on the Eastern Branch, cast of Greenleaf's l?oint, 
 extend to the main channel of that stream. These were dovoted to 
 commerce, and here a considerable amount of business was expected 
 to be done. Here was intended to be the' principal terminus of the 
 Chesapeake and Ohio canal, and General Washington himself made 
 investments here in anticipation of large returns. Lots immediately 
 upon the Branch were regarded as very valuable, commanding, sixty 
 years ago, several times more than the very best of them are now 
 offered to the government for, as the site of a jail and penitentiary. 
 What has produced this result? Is it not the diversion h-om. that 
 p)()int to Alexandria of the canal trade by Congress ? And from what 
 possible motive but the apprehension that the commercial o-perations 
 of the city might become so extensive as seriously to interfere with 
 the purposes the Government had in view in selecting it for its me- 
 tropolis ? Surely there was no necessity, otherwise, for so large an 
 expenditure from the national treasury for the constructing of th(3' 
 aqueduct at Georgetown to take the canal across the river. Alexan- 
 dria did not need it, for she had already the broad Potomac, which 
 attbrdcd her every required fsicility. It is reasonable, then, to conclude 
 that Congress, in its wisdom, intended still further to limit the business 
 capabilities of Washington and to intimate to its inhabitants that they 
 
sliould look to otlier sources of prosperity as tlie mca,ns of building up 
 their city. And these happily exist to a larger extent than at any 
 other point in the land. 
 
 The government itself, by its large expenditures for public buildings 
 of various kinds, has furnished employment to a large number of "wor- 
 thy artisans, and contributed materially to the Avelfare of its capital. 
 It must expend millions more for similar objects ; and its buildings 
 and grounds, when completed and improved, to make them, as they 
 should be, the pride of the nation, will in some measure compensate 
 for loss of trade by constantly bringing to the city hosts of visitors 
 from abroad, and rendering it more attractive as a place of residence 
 for those who, able to retire from active business, seek rest, not only 
 from its cares, but from its bustle also, as well as for multitudes of 
 others in circumstances of ease or afHaence. Here reside the execu- 
 tive ofhcers of the nation and the representatives of foreign govern- 
 ments. Here assemble every year the Congress of the United States, 
 and here too the Supreme Court annually meets for purposes of ligis- 
 lation and good government. The vast and constantly increasing 
 interests presented for the consideration of these tribunals, together 
 with those brought before the Court of Claims and executive demrt- 
 ments, require the presence in our midst of ^ coitjjaQr^blg iiiukilsjopaf 
 professional gentlemen of acknowledged legal ability j*vho ma even 
 now beginning to make the city their per^iailpnt ajbp^''^*^ '^ * ''^ 
 
 The superior'^cientific_^advaTitag"es atford'b<^ by the Sjiiithsonian In- 
 stitution are likewise attractmg sc^^aws fo our luefemj^lisXin^ w^may 
 ere long expe%fcj,hat largejuimbers will distjovCT here a quiet retreat 
 alike invitmig: "bo^.contemplation' atid study, •y^ »-^ 
 
 Still other^vi^it^tia spendfa p'ortron*of each ^ar at the national 
 capital to participate in the festivities of fashionable life; and thus we 
 have, and shall ever have, every desirable class of society, from the 
 more humble to the most elevated and refined. The advantages we 
 possess in these respects are just beginning to be appreciated, and the 
 day cannot be far distant when gentlemen of wealth and leisure, adopt- 
 ing Washington for a winter, as Newport for a summer residence, will 
 render this more apparent by their investments in city property. This 
 at present is held at a low figure when contrasted with the high rates 
 which prevail elsewhere. Within one mile of the Capitol, building- 
 lots, beautifully located and commanding a view of the whole city, 
 may be had for less per foot than is demanded for ground in villages 
 five miles or more from Doston, New York, or Philadelphia. And 
 there are others — many others — less eligibly situated, to be had for 
 from two to five cents per square foot. 'Twere the veriest folly to 
 suppose this state of things can long continue. As the city fills up, 
 unimproved property must appreciate and become more and more 
 valuable. Improvements will increase as the population becomes 
 larger, and, with this increase, the city authorities will acquire the 
 means of rendering the city more attractive, and adding to the con- 
 veniences and comforts of its inhabitants. And how long will it re- 
 quire to fill up the city to its utmost capacity ? The Vice-President 
 well remarked that " Washington projected the plan upon a scale of 
 
8 
 
 centuries, and that time enougli remains to fill the measure of his 
 great conception." But let us refer to the past, and from it estimate 
 our future progress. By the census returns our population was — 
 
 In 1800 8,210 
 
 " ISIO 8,208, being an increase of 4,908, or 15.570 per cent. 
 
 " 1820 13,247, " " " 5,039, " 61.40 " " 
 
 « 1880 18,827, " " " 5,680, " 42.12 " 
 
 "1840 23,364, " " " 4,537, " 24.10 " 
 
 "1850 40,001, " " " 16,637, " 71.21 " " 
 
 The venerable Sessford, whose judgment is entitled to great con- 
 sideration, estimates our present population at 62,973. Assuming this 
 to he nearly correct, we may safely set down the nuinher — 
 
 In 1860 at 65,000, an increase of 25,999, or 62.50 percent. 
 
 " 1870 at 97,000, " " 32,000, " 50 " " 
 
 " ISSO at 135,000, " " 38,000, " 4U " " 
 
 " 1890 at 182,000, " " 47,000, " 35 " " 
 
 "1900at 236,600, " " 64,600, " 30 " " 
 
 Is this an extravagant estimate? Reduce the last number by 50,000, 
 and there will still remain enough to fill up the city, pass its bounda- 
 rieSj^aud occupy its surrounding heights. 
 
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