I;l3/ii, Qass Book liilxl^ (kpightW i9n 'i. i COPYRIGHT DEPosrr OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO, ILLINOIS Hgents THE BAKER & TAYLOR COMPANY NEW YORK THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON AND EDINBURGH OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS DEVELOPED IN A SERIES OF PROBLEMS BY MEMBERS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO, ILLINOIS w "^"i ■^ KSf Copyright 1910, 1912, By The Univeesity of Uhicago All Rights Reserved Published September 1910 Second Impression February 1911 Second Edition September 1911 Second Impression October 1911 Third Edition October 1912 Coniposoil anil Printed Ky The University of Chicaijo Press Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A. PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION This book, which has been revised, expanded, and to a consider- able extent rewritten since its first pubHcation in tentative form a year ago, is the outgrowth of a three years' experiment in elementary economic instruction. The problem with which this experiment has had to do is sufficiently familiar to teachers of introductory economics: the problem of imparting the essentials of economic theory to college students who, at the same time that they condemn such generahza- tions as remote and unpractical, betray in many ways how limited is their own understanding of practical, commonplace, economic facts. Fortunately, it is possible not only to link economic theory with descriptive material, but in a measure to build the theory up out of the familiar events of economic life. This procedure the authors have attempted to embody in a series of problems designed to guide the student in his reading and to give definiteness and direc- tion to classroom discussion. The method of the book has been called inductive; but it is induc- tive in only a very limited sense. Questions and answers could hardly enable beginners in the subject to arrive independently at the con- clusions which economic scholars have accepted. The instructor must still hold the discussion to a true course. Yet questions can and, as experience shows, do serve to arouse interest, to point the way in which a sound conclusion lies, and to give a basis for discrimi- nating and independent judgment respecting the adequacy of the con- clusion which, imder guidance, is reached. A student is well on the road to understand the fundamentals of economics so soon as he learns^ to reflect intelligently upon what is happening every day in the world 3 of affairs about him. It is not intended that the Outlines shall take the place of a text- book. Rather they have been designed to parallel some text, with its systematic presentation of economic theory, and they may well be further supplemented by readings of a descriptive character. A "case-book" of illustrative material is already in preparation for use with the Outlines. vi OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS The authors have been aided both in the writing of the book and in the experimenting which led to it, by co-operation, criticism and suggestions from many teachers of economics in their own Uni- versity and in other institutions. In particular they wish gratefully to acknowledge the assistance rendered by Professor J. Laurence LaughUn, Professor A. S. Johnson, and Professor R. F. Hoxie, of the University of Chicago; Professor F. M. Taylor, of the University of Michigan; Professor A. B. Wolfe, of Oberlin College; and Professor T, N. Carver, of Harvard University. Leon C. Marshall Chester W. Wright James A. Field September, 1911 NOTE TO THE THIRD EDITION In preparation for this new edition the section on The Marginal Utility Explanation of Value has been moved to a position more in conformity with the order of presentation followed in most of the economic textbooks. Minor changes have been made here and there throughout the book; but there has been no attempt at thoroughgoing revision. May, 191 2 CONTENTS PAGE A. Introductory i B. Economic Wants, Motives, and Choices .... 3 I. The Characteristics of Wants 3 II. Means of Satisfying Wants 4 C. Preliminary Survey of the Economic System ... 7 I. The Evolution of Industrial Society ... 7 II. Certain Characteristics of the Present Eco- nomic System g 1. Private Property 10 2. Freedom of Competition 10 3. Co-operation through Exchange of Goods . . 11 4. The Money Economy 12 D. The Productive Process 14 I. The Meaning of Production 14 II. Natural Agents and the Productive Process . 15 1. The Function of Natural Agents in the Productive Process 16 2. The Increase of Production as Determined by Land 16 a) Physical Limitation of Land b) Exhaustion of the Powers of Land c) The Law of Return 3. The Conservation of Natural Resources . , . 17 III. Labor and the Productive Process ... 19 1. The Definition of Labor 19 2. The Elements of the Labor Power of a Community 19 c) The Number of Laborers (see the topic "In- crease of Population" below) vii Vlll OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS b) The Efficiency of Each Individual i. Heallh and Strength ii. Mental Qualities iii. Moral Qualities iv. Social Conditions c) Time of Labor d) Division of Labor (treated under "Organiza tion") 3. The Conservation of Human Energy 4. The Increase of Population a) Natural Increase i. The Problem of Numbers ii. The Problem of Quality . b) Immigration .... IV. Capital and the Productive Process 1. The Definition and Function of Capital 2. The Accumulation and Conservation of Capital V. Organization and the Productive Process 20 22 22 22 23 24 25 25 26 27 Specialization a) Specialization in Relation to Exchange b) The Separation of Occupations c) The Division of Labor d) Territorial or Geographical Specialization i. Grouping of Related Industries ii. Grouping of Many Plants of the Same In- dustry e) Factors Limiting the Degree of Specialization i. The Nature of the Industry ii. The Extent of the Market iii. Social Institutions iv. Financial Organization The Economic Proportioning of the Productive Factors 29 CONTENTS ix PAGE 3. Present Forms of Industrial Organization . . 30 a) Forms of Business Organization ... -30 i. The Individual Firm ii. The Partnership iii. The Corporation iv. Co-operative Enterprise (treated under "Social Reform") b) The Size of the Most Efficient Unit . . 31 4. Modern Organization Exemplified by Certain In- dustries 32 a) Agriculture 32 b) Transportation 34 i. Transportation in General .... 34 ii. Railroad Transportation 35 (a) The Development of Railroad Trans- portation 35 {b) Characteristics of the Railroad Industry 35 (c) Railroad Rates 36 c) Manufactures: Large-Scale Industry — the Trusts 39 i. The Origin of the Trust Problem ... 39 ii. The Trust Movement in the United States . 40 iii. The Promotion and Organization of a Trust 40 iv. Analysis of the Causes of the Growth of Trusts and the Results of the Trust Organi- zation 41 V. The Lines of Procedure in Deahng with the Trust Problem 42 E. Exchange 44 I. Markets 44 II. Value 45 1. The Nature of Value and Price .... 45 2. Demand and Supply in Relation to Value . . 46 3. Normal Value and Normal Price .... 48 4. The Marginal Utihty Explanation of Value . . 49 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS 5. Analysis of Demand ..... a) Meaning of Demand b) Determinants of Demand .... i. Desire (i) Individual Determinants of Desire (2) Social Determinants of Desire ii. Effectiveness of Desire — Purchasing Ability iii. Persons Affected c) Certain Characteristics and Special Forms of Demand i. Elasticity of Demand ii. Alternative Demand: The Principle of Sub stitution iii. Derived Demand iv. Composite Demand V. Joint Demand .... 6. Analysis of Supply ... a) Meaning of Supply b) Determinants of Supply i. Cost of Production, Simplified Treatment (i) Uniform Cost per Unit of Product "Constant Cost" (2) Different Costs for Different Units of Product (a) "Increasing Cost" lb) "Diminishing Cost" ii. Indeterminate Cost of Production (i) Direct Cost and Indirect Cost (2) Joint Cost (3) Effects of Progress in Methods of Pro duction (4) Appreciation and Depreciation iii. Physical Limitation of Supply iv. Monopolistic Limitation of Supply v. Social Determinants of Supply (i) Formal Social Control (2) Informal Social Control CONTENTS XI PAGE c) Certain Special Forms or Manifestations of Supply 65 i. Perishable Goods 65 ii. Joint Supply and By-Products ... 66 iii. Composite Supply 66 7. General Questions on Value 67 III. The Mechanism of Exchange 69 I. Money Exchange 69 a) The Nature and Functions of Money b) The Characteristics of a Satisfactory Money Good . , c) The Forms of Money ...... i. Standard Money ii. Token and Subsidiary Currency iii. Credit Money d) The Value of Money i. The Value of Standard Money ii. The Value of Other Forms of Money e) Gresham's Law f) The Kinds of Standard .... The Single Standard (monometallism) The Double Standard (bimetallism) The Limping Standard .... The Tabular Standard and the Method of Index Numbers V. The Paper Standard (fiat money) Credit Exchange a) Credit and Credit Instruments b) Credit Institutions (with particular reference to banking) i. Principles of Banking .... ii. Clearing-House Operations iii. Comparison of Banking Systems . iv. Foreign Exchange (treated under "Interna tional Trade") 1. ii. iii. iv. 69 70 71 72 72 74 74 75 75 75 77 77 78 78 78 79 79 81 82 xii OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS PAGE IV. International Trade 83 1. The Principles Determining International Trade . 84 a) Trade Based upon Insuperable Diflcrenccs of Economic Conditions b) Trade Based upon Differences Constituting Re- ciprocal Superiority c) Trade Based upon Differences Constituting Relative Superiority 2. The Balance-of-Trade Idea 86 3. Foreign Exchange and International Payments . 87 4. Regulation of International Trade (with particular reference to the protective tariff) .... 88 F. The Distributive Process 91 I. Introductory II. Rent 1. Introductory 2. The Differential Return (without necessary refer ence to any particular system of ownership) . 3. The Relation of Economic Rent to Contract Rent under a Regime of Private Property 4. Rent and Cost of Production .... 5. Rent in Relation to Taxation .... 6. Rent and Social Reform 7. Economic Phenomena Analogous to Rent III. Wages and Trade Unionism .... 1. The Demand for Labor 2. The Supply of Labor 3. Some Practical AppHcations of the Principle of Demand and Supply to the Subject of Wages 4. The Specific Productivity Theory of Wages . 5. Trade Unionism a) Causes of Trade Unionism .... b) Trade Union Organization and Demands . 91 93 93 93 96 97 98 98 99 ICO too roi 102 104 106 106 107 CONTENTS Xlll c) Trade Union Theory d) Trade Union Policies and Methods e) The Social Problem of Unionism 107 108 109 IV. Interest 1. Introductory .... 2. The Demand for Capital . a) The Demand for Capital Goods b) The Demand for Funds i. Long-Run Demand . ii. Momentary Market Demand 3. The Supply of Capital a) The Supply of Capital Goods b) The Supply of Funds . i. Long-Run Supply . (i) The Savable Surplus (2) The Motives to Saving ii. Momentary Market Supply 4. General Questions on Interest . V. Profits 1. Introductory .... 2. The Risks of Industry a) The Nature of Industrial Risks b) Speculation in Relation to Risks c) Insurance in Relation to Risks 3. General Questions on Profits no 112 112 112 112 "3 114 114 114 114 no 117 118 118 119 119 120 123 124 G. Public Finance and Taxation . I. The Forms of Public Expenditure II. The Sources of Public Revenue 1. PubHc Loans 2. PubUc Domain .... 3. Public Industries and Investments 4. Fees and Assessments . 126 126 126 126 128 128 128 XIV OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS b) Taxation a) Canons of Taxation i. The Principle of Benefit . ii. The Principle of Ability or Faculty Forms and Incidence of Taxation i. The General Property Tax ii. Customs Duties iii. Excise Taxes .... iv. Income Taxes .... V. Inheritance Taxes vi. Corporation and Business Taxes Tax Reform c) PAGE 129 129 130 130 132 132 133 133 134 134 13s 135 H. Social Reform I. Criticisms of the Present Industrial Order 1. Economic Defects a) Defects of the Productive Process i. Wastefulness and Duplication of Effort ii. Artificial Stimulation of Wants iii. Production for Sale Rather Than for Service iv. Carelessness in Conserving Human Energy b) Defects of the Distributive Process i. Great Inequalities in Possessions and Incomes ii. The Unfortunate Situation of the So-called Lower Classes iii. The Consequences 2. Resulting Social and Political Defects a) Corruption, Favoritism, and Inefficiency in Government b) Militarism c) Vice and Crime 3. Difficulty (impossibility?) of Remedying These Evils under the Present System II. Remedies Which Have Been Suggested . . 137 I. Individual Reform — the Development of Different Ideals 137 CONTENTS XV PAGE a) The Significance of Individual Reform b) The Agencies of Individual Reform 2. Social Reform 138 a) Reforms Involving No Vital Change in the Present Order 138 i. Reforms of the Immediate Conditions of In- dustry (i) On the Initiative of the Persons to Be Benefited {a) The Trade Union Movement (b) Co-operative Enterprises (2) On the Initiative of Other Persons (fl) Profit-sharing (3) On the Initiative of the State (o) Regulation of the Conditions of Work (b) Workingmen's Insurance and Pen- sions ii. General Economic and Social Reforms (i) On the Initiative of Private Persons (a) Philanthropic and Charitable Enter- prises (2) On the Initiative of the State (a) Direct Aid to the Needy — Poor- Rehef (6) Tax Reforms (c) Enlarged Educational Facilities (d) Provisions for the Public Health b) Reforms Practically Amounting to Revolution 140 i. Land Nationalization (dealt with under "Rent") ii. Anarchism iii. Communism iv. Socialism (i) The Socialist Philosophy as Exemplified in (a) Utopian Socialism XVI OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS PAGE (b) Christian Socialism (c) State Socialism (d) Marxian Socialism (i) The Materialistic Conception of History (ii) The Marxian Theory of Ex- ploitation (iii) The Doctrine of Capitalistic • Contradictions (iv) The Class Struggle and the Social Revolution (v) The Co-operative Common- wealth (2) The Socialist Movement (a) The Sociahst Program (b) The Organization and Extent of the Movement (c) The Aids and Hindrances to the Movement III. Suggested Ideals of Distributive Justice . . 142 1. The Aristocratic Ideal 2. The Communistic Ideal 3. The Socialistic Ideal 4. The Competitive Ideal A. INTRODUCTORY Economics is the scientific study of tlie activities of men in the process of getting a living. As such, it is one of the social sciences; for the methods by which men attempt to make a Uving depend on the way in which men live together in society. All modern business involves a high degree of co-operation, and is to that extent social in character. Certain industries and trades are possible only under special social conditions: elevated railways and subways do not pay except in large cities; shopkeepers can sell only those goods which conform to the fashion and usage of the day; saloons and lotteries are subject to the public sense of right and wrong, expressed in law. To differ- entiate economics sharply from the other social sciences would in fact be impossible. Each of these social sciences, investigating its own special problems, is, in its attempt to explain them, driven to study the forces now operating in society as a whole. All the social sciences deal with the process, the evolution, of society; recognize its momentary aspect as but one phase of a continuous change; and seek in the past history of social institutions an indication of the forms they may be expected to assume in the future. In so far as separate social sciences are to be distinguished, the distinction is not in fixed, exclusive boundaries, but rather in a difiference of emphasis and viewpoint. Working within the common field of organized social relations, each science treats primarily and centrally a problem characteristically its own. The economist, in studying the process of getting a living, is primarily interested in the manner in which men endeavor to satisfy their wants — typically, though not exclusively, the material wants, of food, clothing, and other necessary or desirable commodities that we make, and sell, and buy, and use. Consequently, in what follows we shall study (i) the nature of wants and the appUcation of goods to their satisfaction (generally called consumption) ; (2) the bringing into existence of the means of satisfying wants (generally called produc- tion); (3) the valuation set upon goods in the process of exchanging them (generally called exchange) ; and (4) the apportionment or shar- ing of these goods among the members of society (generally called distribution). Of course some wants are satisfied without effort on our part, e.g., our want for air. As such cases present no problem, the economist does not concern himself with them. In most cases, however, nature does not spontaneously satisfy our wants, and this one commonplace fact goes far to explain all human social activity. 2 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS Questions V I. What do you consider the ten most important questions of the / day ? Which of these are essentially economic questions ? How many directly or indirectly involve economic matters ? 2. Name some of the laws passed by our legislatures that have economic consequences. Can you mention any important legisla- tion that is without economic effect ? 3. Try to estimate how large a portion of our hfe is given over to Xthe attempt to satisfy economic wants. 4. "To attain better satisfaction of our wants we might do several things: (a) diminish the number of our wants; (b) change the char- acter of our wants, e.g., develop altruism; (c) provide for larger pro- duction and better distribution of wealth." Are any of these being done today ? What part of the problem falls to the economist ? 5. What social problem primarily interests the student of political science ? of history ? of ethics ? of social psychology ? How is each of these problems related to the central problem of economics ? 6. If men were never in danger of hunger or other pressing want would they work, or steal, or go to war? Are work, and crime, and war economic phenomena ? 7. Would far-reaching economic changes, such as the change from good times to hard times, be hkely to have political consequences? Would such changes be likely to affect the average man's attitude toward life ? 8. Do you believe that you can form a satisfactory judgment upon a given historical period, e.g., the colonial period in America, without having a knowledge of the economic conditions of the time ? B. ECONOMIC WANTS, MOTIVES, AND CHOICES I. The Characteristics of Wants II. Means of Satisfying Wants This phase of economics is commonly known as The Consumption of Wealth, or, more briefly, Consumption, I. The Characteristics of Wants Since political economy is concerned with the effort to satisfy wants, some idea must be gained of the characteristics of wants, motives, and choices. This section of the work is, of course, largely a discussion of social psychology. Our main concern is with the con- sequences of this psychology in so far as these consequences are economic. Questions 1. Try to draw up a classified list of our wants. Are they confined to things which enter into commerce ? Are they confined to material things ? 2. In the case of most of our wants it is said that a "law of dimin- ishing utility" or "law of satiety" applies. a) State this law, giving particular attention to a formulation of the conditions under which it is true. b) What practical results of the working of this law appear in the industrial world ? 3. It is said that "the sum total of human wants cannot be sated." a) What evidence can you advance concerning the validity of this statement? b) What practical results of the working of this law appear in the industrial world ? 4. It is said that "wants are determined largely by social standards." a) What evidence can you advance concerning the validity of this statement ? b) What practical results of the working of this law appear in the industrial world ? 5. Are our wants wholly under the control of our reason ? Do we always desire those things which are beneficial ? Worthy ? Can you give cases where wants seem to flow from the action of habit ? custom ? social inheritance ? instinct ? 4 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS V-6. X)o people actually apportion their expenditures for the articles tne5MJuy in accordance with their abstract opinions of what would be judicious exi)enditurc ? ""y. Since you must make choices, you probably seek first to gratify your most pressing desire, x. Can you tell why :v is at the moment the most pressing of your desires ? Would it always be ? 8. Suppose you had $ioo to spend. Would you spend all of it at once ? What would you buy ? Would you buy the same things at all times and under all circumstances ? 9. If you had $200 to spend, would you include among your purchases all the things you would have bought for $100? ■<^io) A spends annually $600. B spends annually $60,000. Is it likely that B spends just 100 times as much for clothing as A does? Following out this suggestion, classify the expenditures of the ordinary 'i jJ family under half a dozen general heads and indicate what proportion of the total expenditure might fall under each of these heads in the cases of A and of B. 11. Make a list of reasons why men engage in industry and trade. Are they ever actuated by altruism, love of power, or patriotic desire to contribute to the welfare of their own community ? Should the economist deal with such motives as these ? 12. Should the economist deal with "economic wants, motives, and choices," or with all wants, motives, and choices which have economic significance? Is economics the only science which is con- cerned with human wants ? 13. Do you think of any form of economic activity which is not consciously directed toward the satisfaction of wants ? A II. Means of Satisfying Wants Means of satisfying wants are called goods. Goods, which may be material or non-material, are characterized by the quality of utility — the capacity to satisfy wants. The following diagram suggests a dcscripti\e classification of goods : ■ Material (wealth) Economic Goods (have utility, are scarce and appropriable) Means of Satisfying ) \ Non-Material (services) Wants — ^(Jocds \ Material Free Goods [The economist does not concern him- (have utility) j J self with these] Non-Material ECONOMIC WANTS, MOTIVES, AND CHOICES 5 Questions 'i . Does every good possess utility ? Is everything which possesses ut^ity a good ? 2. Have the following utility: whiskey, a gambler's pack of cards, clothes of an obsolete fashion, opium, grand opera, air? 3. Which has the greater utility, a diamond or a barrel of flour? the rare first edition of an old book or a modern copy, better printed and better bound ? Why ? 4. Are the following appropriable: (a) a loaf of bread; (b) a coal mine; (c) sunshine; ((/) the Mississippi river; (g) a public park ; (/) a band-concert ? What is meant by "appropriable" ? /' 5. Give examples of non-material economic goods, of non-material free goods, and of material free goods. 6. Should the economist be as much concerned with non-material as with material economic goods? Can we say that one class is more important than the other ? Jly Make a list of things which are clearly wealth. (^, Make a list of things which are clearly not wealth. 9. Make a list of things concerning which you are in doubt whether they are wealth. 10. Define wealth. v^^^^-TiV^re the following wealth: an ocean steamship; a pleasure yacTTT; a ship on the bottom of the ocean ; gold in the mine; gold, to a shipwrecked sailor on a desert island ; a wooden^leg ^ health ; eyesight ; a waterfall; a head full of useful knowledge; water? "~~ "~ 12. "A thing may be wealth th'onglritTSTiot useful, e.g., an Indian arrowhead." Comment. 13. Is an encyclopedia wealth ? among Indians ? 14. Could a thing that was wealth at one time cease to be wealth X Policy of maintenance in crisis •In giving figures for capital, etc., give amounts in the currency of the respective coun- tries, with the equivalent sum in dollars m parentheses. 2. What provisions of law, peculiar to the United States national banking system, interfere with the reasonable extension of bank credit (including deposits and notes) in time of financial stringency ? EXCHANGE 83 ^. What has been the effect of suspending the act of 1844 during periods of embarrassment for the Bank of England ? Would experi- ence suggest the repeal of the act, to give the bank greater freedom at all times ? n , , r t- :> 4. Why is a large reserve maintained (a) by the Bank of I' ranee f (b) by the Bank of England? 5. Explain in detail whether or not the following statement would represent a proper condition of the n-ih National Bank of Pittsburgh: Capital $150,000 Loans $500,000 Surplus " 25,000 U.S. bonds SS.ooo Undivided profits 5,000 Other bonds and stocks 125,000 Deposits 600,000 Real estate 90,000 Iy|-Q(_es 160,000 Other assets 25,000 Due from banks 80,000 Deposited with U.S. treasurer 7,000 Specie and legal tender 55>ooo 6. Rank the national banks of the United States, the Bank of England, the Bank of France, and the Reichsbank in the order of (a) security of notes; (b) elasticity of note-issue; (c) reserve specifi- cally held against deposits; {d) normal proportion of total reserve to deposits; (e) proportion of deposits to notes; (/) closeness of governmental control or supervision. 7. Why is an elastic currency desirable? Which of the means of payment in common use in this country are elastic ? 8. State briefly the essential provisions of the Aldrich-Vreeland Act of 1908 and explain their purpose. 9. Why do not bankers in England and Germany resort to com- bined reserves in time of panic as is done in this country ? 10. Do the reasons which make a speedy redemption of bank notes desirable apply in the United States today? 11. Give the arguments for and against state guarantee of bank deposits. 12. Give the arguments for and against a central bank of issue in the United States today. iv. Foreign Exchange (treated under "International Trade") IV. International Trade 1. The Principles Determining International Trade 2. The Balance-of-Trade Idea 3. Foreign Exchange and International Payments 4. Regulation of International Trade (with particular reference to the protective tariff) 84 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS International trade does not differ essentially from domestic trade. The motives leading to trade between inhabitants of the United States and inhabitants of England are not different from the motives leading to trade between inhabitants of Illinois and inhabit- ants of California. It has become customary, however, to give separate treatment to international trade, largely because such trade is almost everywhere the subject of special regulation by government. I. The Principles Determining International Trade a) Trade Based upon Insuperable Differences of Economic Condi- tions (e.g., trade between tropical and temperate regions) b) Trade Based upon Differences Constituting Reciprocal Superiority (one region being superior in one line, the other region being superior in a different line, e.g., American export of breadstuffs to Cuba in exchange for sugar) c) Trade Based upon Differences Constituting Relative Superiority (e.g., American wheat in exchange for British steel) Given two regions where in each case the one is able, through natural endowment or character of population, to produce goods which the other cannot, it is natural that trade should arise. It is not diflScult to see, furthermore, that given two regions where one has a superiority (though not a monopolistic superiority) in one commodity while the other region has a superiority (though again not a monopolistic superiority) in another commodity, trade is again a natural result. The third case is somewhat more puzzling. Given two regions, one of which is superior to the other in both lines of production, trade may arise provided the superior region is relatively stronger (compared with the inferior region) in one line of production than it is in the other line. Note. — In every country natural advantages in production are reflected in the rates of wages and interest. In a country of superior advantages, the rates of wages and interest are likely to be high. Thus in the United States, the natural endowment of which is especially rich, wages are higher than in any other country; interest rates are also higher than in Western Europe. It follows that in industries requiring a relatively great expenditure of labor and an extensive capital equipment, as in many branches of manufacture, money costs of production are likely to be higher in the United States than in Europe, in spite of the fact that American workmen are often more efficient than European, and of the further fact that American capital frequently takes the form of better equipment than that of European countries. The money cost of production in the United States is EXCHANGE 85 likely to be relatively low in the industries that make a large drain upon natural resources and require comparatively little use of labor and capital, as in many of the extractive industries. With the steady increase in population and capital, the United States gradually overcomes the disadvantages that lie in the way of successful manufacture. Owing to the operation of the law of diminishing returns it loses gradually its advantages in extractive industries. Accordingly, even without interference on the part of the government, the United States would become more and more a manufacturing nation and become less and less engaged in extractive industries. Questions 1. A is a good musician but is temperamentally unfitted for other work. B, while fond of music, is eflficient only in farming. 'Is an exchange likely to take place? Would the situation be different if A and B represented regions of different natural endowment ? 2. A by one day's labor can make nine units of x or two units of y. B by one day's labor can make two units of x or nine units of y. Would specialization and exchange be likely to take place ? Would the situation be different if A and B represented regions instead of men ? 3. A by one day's labor can make 20 units of x or 10 units of y. B by one day's labor can make 15 units of x or 5 units of y. Would specialization and exchange be likely to take place? Would the situation be different if A and B represented regions instead of men ? 4. A is a very able lawyer and also a very skilful stenographer. Is it surprising that he confines himself to the law and hires a stenog- rapher who is much less skilful ? 5. In the eight months ending August i, 1909, the export and import trade of the United States with Europe amounted to $1,323,- 000,000; the export and import trade with South America amounted to $166,000,000. Do you believe that the relative volume of the two branches of our foreign trade will be the same fifty years from now ? Why ? 6. Every important commercial nation has, in the last two decades, endeavored to establish control over some portion of the tropics. Explain this fact on the basis of the conditions underlying inter- national trade. 7. When China becomes modernized can the United States expect to export to that country large quantities of (a) manufactures ? (b) agricultural products ? 8. If Canada and the Um'ted States were one country would trade relations be different from those of today ? 86 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS 9. An American statesman of the nineteenth century declared that it was bad poHcy for the United States to import any commodity that could be produced in the United States ? Do 'you agree ? 10. Another statesman urged that no commodity which can be produced in the United States with the same amount of labor as in foreign countries could be economically imported. Do you think this position tenable ? 11. It has been asserted that the income of the citizens of the United States could be greatly augmented if all commodities now imported were produced at home, and all commodities now exported were consumed at home. The cost of transportation, now amount- ing to several hundred millions annually, would thus be saved. Apply this argument to trade between the Middle West and the Pacific slope, and expose the fallacies involved in it. 12. "When we buy goods abroad, we get the goods and the foreigner gets the money. When we buy goods at home we get the goods as before, but the money remains in this country." Is this a valid argument against importing foreign products? 13. From your knowledge of the development of wants under modern conditions, should you argue that international trade will tend to increase or to diminish in the future ? 14. What accounts for the fact that England exports cutlery and fine hardware to all parts of the world ? Is it due simply to superior resources of coal and iron? 15. Is international trade likely to be permanent if based upon (a) differences of climate and other natural conditions ? (b) differences in relative supply of land ? (c) differences in relative supply of capital ? (d) differences in character of population ? Tell why you answer as you do in each case. 2. The Balance-of-Trade Idea The doctrine of the balance of trade, although it is of relatively little significance in the economic science of the present day, has historically been important. It merits discussion at this point chiefly because of its lingering influence upon uncritical public opinion and because of its relation to the subject of the international exchanges. Questions 1. What is meant by an unfavorable balance of trade? 2. Is an "unfavorable balance of trade" really disadvantageous to a country ? 3. Does the term balance of trade refer to a balance between one nation and another nation or between one nation and the rest of the world ? EXCHANGE 87 4. The United States imports heavily from South America but exports very little to that continent. Is there any way in which the resulting indebtedness can be settled without a transfer of money? If so, explain how. 5. It is argued that imports of foreign goods may result in the necessity of exporting money to pay for them, and that, therefore, where such is the case, such imports should be stopped. Do you agree ? 6. In the seventeenth century many nations tried to regulate trade so as to bring money into the country and keep it from going out. Was their plan a wise one ? 7. Could a country continue to export gold for a long period of time ? If not, why not ? If so, under what conditions ? 8. The value of British imports is nearly $1,000,000,000 in excess of the value of British exports and an excess of imports has continued for many years. How can you explain this? 9. The United States, in recent years, has had a favorable balance of trade and yet has exported gold. Explain. 3. Foreign Exchange and International Payments Questions 1. Make a list of the causes which may lead to a flow of money from one country to another. 2. Explain the steps in the mechanism of foreign exchange by which a Chicago importer can pay a debt which he owes in London. 3. What is the par of exchange ? How is it determined ? 4. What are the gold points ? Why does not exchange normally rise above the upper gold point or fall below the lower gold point ? 5. "The nations of the world should adopt a uniform system of currency with a common standard. This would do away with all this bother about 'par of exchange,' 'gold points,' 'rate of exchange,' etc." Why or why not? 6. What persons deal in foreign exchange ? 7. "The rate of exchange is simply another case of the applica- tion of the principle of demand and supply. Given two trading regions, if the payments due each from the other are equal, exchange will be at par. If an unequal balance exists, demand will exceed supply, or vice versa, and the rate of exchange wall move away from parity." Take two regions, assume certain trading operations, and demonstrate this assertion. 8. Is the New York rate of exchange on London likely to fall below par at one period of the year and to rise above par at other times ? If so, when and why ? 88 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS 9. If a Chicago merchant imports coffee from Brazil, and nobody in Brazil imports goods from the United States, how could the debt be paid with foreign exchange? 10. "International payments are made by credit instruments as long as they last. Gold flows only as a last resort." Explain. 11. If there should be a failure of the cotton crop next year, would there be any effect upon international exchange ? 12. Would a rise in the rate of interest in New York tend to affect the international flow of gold ? Would it tend to affect the rate of exchange on London ? 13. How would the opening of rich gold mines in the United States tend to affect the rates of foreign exchange ? 14. Would a rise in prices due to an inflated paper currency, such as took place during the Civil War, increase imports ? 15. How is a country like England, which has no gold mines, supplied with gold? 16. Can gold have a lower value in England than in the United States ? 17. Would the discovery of a rich field of gold in the United States increase or diminish the real wealth of England ? 18. How does it concern the people of the United States whether or not a foreign country adopts the gold standard ? 19. Should you expect gold to have a lower value in Alaska than in England ? How great could such a difference in value be ? 20. In the long run international payments tend to take the form of commodities, rather than of exchange or of specie. Explain the way in which (a) rates of foreign exchange stimulate exports at times when imports are in excess; (b) flow of money automatically gives place to movement of goods. 4. Regulation of International Trade (with particular reference to the protective tariff) Questions 1. What is the distinction between a protective tariff and a tariff for revenue only ? 2. It was once thought by some that if one person gained in trade the other lost. Do you believe this ? Would such a theory hold true as regards trade between nations? 3. Assuming it to be constitutional, would it be wise for the state of lUinois to levy tariff duties on goods brought in from other states ? 4. If the duty on oranges were sufl&ciently high it might be possible EXCHANGE 89 to develop the orange-growing industry in Illinois. Would it not be wise to do so ? 5. It is argued that the protective tariff by making it profitable to carry on an industry increases the output and engenders a compe- tition which ultimately lowers prices. Do you think so ? How does this argument agree with the argument that a permanent tariff is needed ? 6. What is the infant-industry argument? Is it economically sound in your opinion ? Does it apply to the conditions in the United States today ? 7. At one time it was argued that because wages were high in this country a tariff was necessary to protect the manufacturers against European products made by cheaper labor. At a later period it was argued that wages were high because of the tariff, therefore the tariff should be continued in order to keep up the high level of wages. Can these statements be reconciled ? Are they correct ? 8. Can one without inconsistency use the infant-industry argument and at the same time argue for a permanent tariff to protect labor ? 9. Protectionists assert that a developed and sheltered "home market" is of great benefit to sellers and buyers ahke. Is such a home market worth the cost of protection (a) to the manufacturer ? (b) to the consumer ? ID. "If universal free trade were practicable it would doubtless be economically desirable. In actual fact, however, most commercial nations maintain protective tariffs; and consequently no single nation can afford to adopt a free trade policy, which would put it in the position of exempting foreign manufactures from duties while its own manufactures were taxed in foreign ports, and would deprive it of the power to secure tariff concessions from other countries by threats of retahatory tariff rates." What do you think of this argument ? 11. One contention in favor of a protective tariff for a nation with highly developed industries is the claim that such a tariff is necessary to prevent the "dumping" of goods by foreign makers, and conse- quent depression of the home market. Is this a valid argument? Does it make any difference whether the "dumping" is persistent or sporadic? Would "dumping" be a serious evil if there were general free trade ? 12. Nation A levies no protective duties, and has, as a result, highly specialized industry, the products of which it exports in ex- change for foodstuffs. Nation B, by heavy protective duties, has artificially forced the diversification of its industries. Which nation is better prepared for war ? Which is better prepared for peace ? 13. Do you think that considerations of military necessity, social 90 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS solidarity, and the cultural advantages of advanced and diversified industry have a more or a less important bearing upon tariff problems than the economic question of the cheapness of goods ? Are they independent of the cheapness of goods ? 14. "The protective tariff not only protects American industry: it also forces the European producer to pay for most of the expenses of running our government." Do you agree ? 15. Who actually pays protective duties? Do you suppose the revenue to the government is as great as the increased expense caused to consumers of imported goods ? 16. Suppose that a protective duty of $1 per pound on a com- modity never before produced within the country has so stimulated domestic industry that only one miUion of the four miUion pounds of this commodity consumed in the country are now imported. How great will be the expense to consumers due to the imposition of the duty ? How great will be the customs revenue to the government ? What becomes of the difference ? Does the government get any of it ? 17. "Everything we buy abroad diminishes by so much the demand for American labor." Comment. 18. When did the United States adopt a policy of high protective duties and what were the reasons put forward at the time ? 19. Why has the South favored free trade ? 20. What are the reasons for the growing demand for a reduction of the tariff ? 21. Explain the attitude of the different sections of the country toward the tariff at the present time. 22. What arguments can be advanced in favor of continuing the policy of protection in the United States ? 23. We have had protection and the country has prospered greatly; therefore protection should be continued. Do you agree ? 24. What is reciprocity ? Has it any advantages over (a) unquali- fied protection ? (b) absolute free trade ? 25. Would it be more economical to aid American industries by giving them a bounty equal to the protective duty instead of that duty? 26. Why do we not have export duties in the United States? If export duties were imposed, whom would they benefit ? 27. How would the adoption of free trade affect the American laborer? Which would better protect American labor, high tariff duties or laws restricting immigration ? 28. What is the effect of a protective tariff on the conservation of natural resources? 29. Who really determines, in this country, whether an industry shall be protected? Who determines what amount of protection shall be given ? Is the method a scientific one ? F. THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS I. Introductory II. Rent III. Wages and Trade Unionism IV. Interest V. Profits I. Introductory We have to do here with the sharing among the members of society of the economic goods produced— of the social dividend. How do men secure shares of this social dividend? What determmes the amount of their shares? Of course, these shares are derived ulti- mately from production, and as industry is now organized the social dividend is distributed in the first instance mainly among the pos- sessors of the productive agents. The laborer receives wages; the landlord, rent; the capitalist, interest; and the entrepreneur, profits. Ordinarily the payment is made in the medium of exchange, money. But money-wages, money-rents, etc., are merely the nominal shares in the distribution of wealth, and are technically called nominal wages, nominal rents, etc., accordingly. Real wages, rents, interest, and profits are shares or specific incomes of goods, and these shares plus taxes, etc., make up the amount of the social income or social dividend— the total of goods available for current use. The determination of these distributive shares is not of course effected in practice by formal division of the social dividend as a lump sum. The term social income does not refer to goods actually col- lected together as an aggregate, or administered collectively for soci- ety. Practically, wages, interest, and rent are fixed by the bargains of entrepreneurs, and represent what they pay for labor and for the use of capital and land. In other words, the problems in distribution are problems in value. At this point the principles of value should be reviewed and the forces and manifestations of both demand and supply should be recalled to mind. ^ It is not contended that in actual practice all mdividual mcomes are in exact proportion to productive service rendered. In the indi- vidual case, shares in the social dividend are secured in many ways and a multitude of forces bear upon the matter. For example, shares of 91 92 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS the social dividend are often the result of gift, inheritance, customary or legal appropriation, force, fraud, or theft. Most incomes of adult persons, however, are received because of direct or indirect partici- pation in the productive process. Questions 1. Was there any distributive problem when each household was economically self-sufficient ? 2. A man devotes his time and effort, and the use of tools and land which he owns, to the making of one commodity, which he sells. Is the determination of his income, as a practical matter, a question of exchange or a question of distribution ? 3. Four men, A, B, C, D, co-operate in producing a commodity. A provides the land, B furnishes the capital, C does the manual work, and D watches the market and directs the production. Explain whether it is a question of exchange or a question of distribution to determine (a) the aggregate earnings of the four men; (b) the earn- ings of each man individually. 4. If a man co-operates with others in making one commodity, can he expect to get more than a share of the product ? Try to answer the question : What determines the extent of the share he can secure ? 5. "The distribution of wealth has become a practical problem because of specialization in industry." Comment. 6. "The theory of distribution is the theory of value applied to the valuation of productive services." Do you agree ? 7. "Since real wages, rent, interest, and profits are shares of goods, they must be paid from the products of industry already past; for the goods which any given land, labor, and capital are in process of producing are not yet available." Why or why not ? 8. In view of the gradual expansion of industry, will past products available for the payment of real wages, interest, etc., ordinarily be equal in amount to the output which those who receive the pay- ment are currently engaged in producing? Does this suggest an element of unfairness in distribution ? Does it suggest a motive for continued production ? 9. Can you say which is more important, the productive process or the distributive process ? Are they entirely separate and distinct ? 10. "The only question of any real significance in economics is the question of distribution. Give us proper distribution." Do you think the amount to be divided has any significance ? THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS 93 II. Rent 1. Introductory 2. The Differential Return (without necessary reference to any particular system of land ownership) 3. The Relation of Economic Rent to Contract Rent under a Regime of Private Property 4. Rent and Cost of Production 5. Rent in Relation to Taxation 6. Rent and Social Reform 7. Economic Phenomena Analogous to Rent 1. Introductory The term Rent is here employed in a special and technical sense with reference primarily to the productivity of land. Rent is the return for the use of land under conditions which give it superior productiveness. As has been explained, the amount of this return is a question involving the application of the theory of value, and it depends, as always in a value problem, upon demand and supply. Questions 1. Is the demand for land a case of derived demand? elastic demand ? composite demand ? joint demand ? Show why you answer as you do in each case. 2. Does the elasticity of the demand for land depend on the use to which the land is to be put ? Illustrate your answer by means of examples. 3. In what ways is the supply of land influenced by each of the following forces: (a) physical limitation; (b) social limitation, either formal or informal ; (c) cost of production ? 4. Is there greater scarcity of good sites for ofiice-buildings than of good corn-land ? Why ? 5. Could you "make" land of a character suitable for (a) building sites? (b) quarries? 2. The Differential Return (without necessary reference to any particular system of ownership) Let us assume a given demand for the services of land. It is then to be noticed that on the supply side conditions arise in actual experience which give rise to a "differential return," according to the qualities of the land, and the way it is used. It is important to notice 94 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS that this "differential return" would exist under any organization of society. Quality of land is by no means a matter of fertility alone. In the case of agricultural land, for example, the superiority of one piece over another consists in its capacity to yield a given product at lower cost; and since the cost of transportation to market forms part of the cost of production, properly speaking, accessibility of location is no less important than fertility of soil in determining the rent of agri- cultural land. Hereafter such land will be regarded as good in pro- portion as it combines fertility with favorable situation. It need scarcely be pointed out that in the case of building sites location is usually the only element of practical significance. Questions I (to illustrate agricultural rent, assuming extensive cultivation alone). Suppose that in a certain self-sufl&cing community there are three plots of land. A, B, and C, of different grades such that the equivalent of loo days' labor of a man with appropriate tools pro- duces on A 200 bushels of wheat; on B, 150; and on C, 100. That is, a bushel of wheat costs on A half a day of labor and capital service ; on B, two-thirds of a day; on C, i day. Obviously A will be culti- vated first. B will not be cultivated until the demand for wheat warrants a labor and capital cost of two-thirds of a day per bushel, and C will be cultivated only when the demand warrants a cost of I day per bushel. Assuming that the product of each piece of land is limited to the amount specified above, make out a table such as is indicated below, showing, for each plot of land and under each of the given conditions, the yield in bushels and the rental in bushels which would be paid. When Demand for Wheat Warrants Land A Land B Land C Production at a Cost of Yield Rental Yield Rental Yield Rental § day per bushel 2. Explain, step by step, the causes of rent under conchtions of extensive cultivation by showing why, given the assumptions of the previous problem, (a) the price of wheat rises; (b) poorer land is resorted to; (c) the better land commands a rental; (d) the worst land in use does not command a rental. THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS 95 3 {to illustrate agricultural rent, assuming intensive cultivation alone). Suppose that land A, as described in the preceding problems, is the only land available. If the application of more than too days' labor on this land causes diminishing returns to appear, not more than 200 bushels can be raised at the initial cost per bushel of a half-day's use of labor and capital. Using the same figures as m Question i, assume demand to increase so that a total of first 100, then 200, "and then 300 days' labor is applied mth a resultant product of first 200, then 350, and tiien 450 bushels. Work out the rent in each case. Bear in mind that value in such cases must cover the cost of the marginal, or most costly, unit of the product. The total value of the crop will therefore exceed the total cost of the crop. 4. In actual practice, if difierent grades of land are simultaneously under cultivation, will cultivation be intensive (o) on any of the land ? {b) on all the land? 5. Formulate a statement explaining the amount of rent which a given piece of land will command as a result of both intensive culti- vation and differences in quality of land. 6. "Assuming demand, the cause of rent is the inadequacy of the better grades of land. This inadequacy depends upon {a) the physical scarcity of the better grades of land, and (&) the law of diminishing returns." Do you agree ? 7. If all land were equally good, could there be rent? 8. Could the worst land under cultivation yield rent ? 9. Does rent inevitably exist if at any one time lands of different fertility are cultivated ? 10. Could land command rent while other land equally good remained unused ? 11. Can there be no-rent land? Can there be no no-rent land? Under what conditions ? 12. What would be the effect upon rents if new land were dis- covered ? if a railroad opened up a new country ? 13. If the state owned all the land would there be any rent? Why? , . 14. "The doctrine of rent breaks down because the doctrine of marginal cost is absurd. Suppose that the marginal cost of wheat to a certain farmer is 70 cents per bushel and that wheat is selling for 70 cents. If the average cost to this farmer is 50 cents, he will be under strong incentive to increase his output. Thus marginal cost does not operate so powerfully as average cost in price determi- nation and thus the rent theory breaks down." Why or why not? 15. Is the rental of building-sites determined by the same prin- ciples which apply to agricultural land ? If so, what use of building- sites corresponds to intensive cultivation ? 96 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS 1 6. Two isolated islands, A and B, are connected by a bridge. No foreign traffic exists. A can be used for cultivation alone, B for habitation alone, (a) Can any land on A have rent ? Can any land on B ? (b) Can all land on A have rent ? Can all land on B ? 3. The Relation of Economic Rent to Contract Rent under A Regime of Private Property For want of a better term let us call the "scientifically determined differential" discussed in the preceding section economic rent. Now, in this present society of ours, the actual payment for the use of land (sometimes called commercial or contract rent) may be widely different from the economic rent, owing to imperfect competition, custom, long-term contracts, etc. Questions 1. Assuming perfect competition, demonstrate that (a) the land- lord cannot exact more than the economic rent from a tenant; {b) the tenant cannot secure the use of land without paying as much as the economic rent. 2. Can you cite cases where commercial rent exceeds economic rent ? cases where it is less than economic rent ? Try to explain the discrepancy in each case. 3. Does contract rent tend to equal economic rent under the share system ? 4. What determines the amount which would be paid for a year's use of (c) timber lands? {b) ore-bearing lands? (c) city lots? {d) factory sites ? {e) land controlling sources of water power ? (/) fishing waters ? 5. Is the "rent" of a down-town New York office rent in the economic sense of the term ? 6. How much could be exacted for the use of land if it afforded an absolute monopoly of the sources of some rare mineral ? 7. What is the reason for the assessment of betterments when a street is improved ? 8. Are we to term the income yielded by permanent improvements on land rent, interest, or profits? g. Are tenants likely to make permanent improvements upon rented land ? Why ? 10. How would rents in this country be affected by inventions radically improving, as regards efficiency and cheapness, {a) harvest- ing machinery ? {b) artificial fertilizers ? (c) refrigerator freight cars ? {d) automobiles ? 11. It is said that the development of the bicycle affected sub- urban site-rents. Explain. THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS 97 12. Will agricultural rents increase in the United States? Will urban rents increase ? Why ? Would your answer be the same for all sections of the country ? 13. Why did the land-owning classes in England oppose the repeal of the Corn Laws, which levied a duty on imported grain ? 14. A 50-acre farm has a normal yield of 20 bushels of wheat per acre, and the normal price of wheat is one dollar per bushel. The farmer's outlay for labor, use of tools, etc., is $300 annually. His own labor is worth $500. (a) What is the probable marginal cost of wheat on this farm ? (b) What is the economic rent ? (c) If, because of a temporary corner, wheat were to sell for Si . 50 for a few days, would that affect (a) the marginal cost ? (b) the economic rent ? (c) the contract rent ? 15. "The price of land is ordinarily fixed by capitalizing the rental — ^i.e., a person will pay for a piece of land an amount which, if it were used for another investment equally secure and promising, would yield an income equal to the rent of the land." Is this an adequate statement? Is present rental or expected, future rental, capitalized ? 16. "We all know perfectly well that much land which is not yet used will sell for a good figure. Take, for example, building land at the outskirts of the building section. The capitalization of rental in this case would be zero, yet the land will bring a good price." Comment. 17. A certain lot of city land is leased for 99 years at $10,000 a year. If taxes on the land amount to $2,500 per year, what price would the land sell for, assuming that the prevalent rate of net return from similar investments is (a) 4 per cent? (b) 5 per cent? (c) 6 per cent ? 4. Rent and Cost of Production Questions 1. From the standpoint of a tenant, is the rent he pays one of his expenses of production ? 2. Suppose that the tenant should have his rents remitted by a benevolent landlord. Would the tenant increase his output ? Would he sell this output at a lower price per bushel ? Does the payment of rent affect the price of the products of rented land ? 3. Taking the term cost of production to mean marginal cost, or the cost which determines the supply-price of the commodity pro- duced, is rent determined by cost of production or is cost of pro- duction determined by rent in the simple case of one agricultural commodity, as wheat, raised on different grades of land ? , 98 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS 4. If the owners of wheat lands mentioned in the last problem refused to be paid for the use of their lands, would the cost of produc- tion of wheat be changed ? 5. In fact, land is used for many purposes. Does the fact that buildings are erected on better lands than are now used for growing wheat cause the marginal cost of wheat to be greater than it would be otherwise ? 6. Is rent a result of production, a condition preceding production, or an outlay in course of production, (a) in the case of newly reclaimed land wanted for only one use ? (b) in the case of land which has proved its fitness for many purposes ? 7. A grocer establishes his shop on a corner site in a fashionable residence quarter of a large city. Should you expect his rental to be high ? Why ? Should you expect him to charge high prices ? Why ? Why should he choose such a location ? 8. The small shopkeeper on the outskirts of a large city frequently says that he can sell his goods cheaper than the big stores in the center of the city because his rent is low. If that is so why do not the large stores move to a place where their rents would be lower? 5. Rent in Relation to Taxation Questions 1. Suppose a tax, equal to the economic rent, levied on every piece of land. Assuming perfect competition, and assuming that the tenant leaves the land in as good condition as he found it, could a landlord shift to his tenant the burden of the tax, wholly or in part ? What would be the effect of the tax upon agricultural prices ? 2. How should you modify your answers to the preceding question if the tax were less than the economic rent, but proportional to it ? 3. In actual practice who would be likely to bear the burden of the tax in each of the above cases ? 4. How would the price of land be affected in each of the above cases? Would a man who bought the land after the tax had been imposed bear any of the burden of this taxation ? 5. How would a tax of 10 cents per bushel on wheat affect rents ? 6. Rent and Social Reform Land is characteristically a free gift of nature, and many of the advantages of owning land arc the results of natural or social condi- tions which the owner has done nothing to bring about. Hence the income of the landlord has been called the unearned increment, and social reformers have (iesired to aboUsh it. THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS 99 Questions 1. Give a strildng case of the unearned increraenf from your own experience. 2. A corporation buys a tract of waste land and proceeds to con- struct a large industrial plant, and to develop transportation facilities, lay out streets, and otherwise provide for the building up of a mill town. Do rents in such a town constitute an unearned increment ? 3. Did individuals or society at large create the conditions which cause rent to emerge ? 4. Do you consider that the real justification of private property in land is the fact that the acquisition of the land has involved effort and sacrifice, or the fact that land held as private property is more likely to be utilized eflSciently for production ? 5. Would the amount of available land be changed if private • property in land were abandoned ? 6. What advantages to society result from the private ownership of land ? 7. If land nationalization is to be resorted to should you favor accomplishing it by the method of compensation or by that of con- fiscation ? Why ? 8. Is it right to buy stolen property? Since land is Nature's gift, has one a better right than another to it? Could we justify confiscation by this line of reasoning ? 9. Can it be said that at present the rent surplus is practically to be regarded as interest on the money spent in the purchase of the land? Does that justify us in continuing the payment of rent to individual landowners? 10. Should you regard it as confiscation to tax away all future unearned increment ? Could it be done ? 11. Is land-owning always profitable? Do land- values always rise? 12. Would a tax on rent, by jeopardizing the advantages of land- owning, prevent the improvement of land ? Do you know of cases in which persons have erected buildings or made other improve- ments on land they did not own ? 7. Economic Phenomena Analogous to Rent The principles of rent have often been extended to explain by analogy economic phenomena other than the differential return to land. Thus the excess of the total utility of a commodity over its total cost is called consumers' rent; the excess of interest received for loans of capital above the cost of saving which lenders have incurred is called savers' rent, etc. lOO OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS Again, the higher earnings of specially skilled workmen or highly efficient entrepreneurs are often Hkened to rent. A particularly interesting analogy is presented by the case of capital goods which cannot readily be duplicated or increased in amount, and which thus afford at least temporarily a superior and limited productive service. The return for such services has been called quasi-rent and constitutes the borderland between rent and interest. III. Wages and Trade Unionism 1. The Demand for Labor 2. The Supply of Labor 3. Some Practical Applications of the Principle of Demand and Supply to the Subject of Wages 4. The Specific Productivity Theory of Wages 5. Trade Unionism The problem here is the evaluation of the services of labor. Wages in a specific case are the payment given for labor service rendered. Fundamentally, wages are economic goods — commodities and services (real wages). Practically, labor is paid for in money (money-wages or nominal wages) which gives the laborer command over these goods. Our discussion will center on the application of principles of demand and supply to the problem of the value of labor. I. The Demand for Labor Questions 1. Is the demand for labor a derived demand? a composite demand ? a joint demand ? an elastic demand ? a case where the prin- ciple of substitution has wide play ? Prove your answer in each case. 2. Is the demand for the labor of footmen direct or derived? Is it a joint demand ? 3. In determining the wage of a particular man, are we concerned with the demand for labor in general, or with the demand for labor of the kinds he can furnish, or with the demand for labor in his trade ? 4. " Since labor is in demand simply as a means to the attainment of the utilities it serves to produce, the maximum price which will be paid for labor can never normally exceed the normal price of the THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS loi product. Whenever tools, etc., are necessary in production the maximum price which could be paid for labor will be less than the price of the product by the amount which must be spent for the use of the other productive factors." Do you agree with this Kne of reasoning ? 5. Are these acts necessarily offers of employment to labor: (a) an offer to purchase a watch; (b) an offer to let a contract to build a $100,000 house; (c) investment of $1,000 in a savings bank ? 6. Does a demand for antiques, paintings by old masters, etc., affect the general demand for labor ? 7. Is the demand for commodities already manufactured a demand for labor ? 8. If it takes 20 days to make an automobile, does an order for the delivery of an automobile within a week create a demand for labor ? 9. Does the manufacture of shoes create a demand for the employ- ment of labor in other industries ? 10. Will the demand for labor be greater in a sparsely settled country or in a densely settled country, assuming rich natural resources in each case ? 11. Speaking generally, does the laborer gain or lose by working under conditions of abundance of land and capital ? 12. If a factory town is destroyed by fire will the demand for labor throughout the country at large increase or decrease? 13. Why should not the farmer who uses good land pay higher wages than the farmer on poorer land, instead of pa3dng rent ? 2. The Supply of Labor The value of commodities in general has been shown to be related to conditions of supply — physical limitation, cost of production, formal and informal social control, monopoly, perishability, etc. Now, in attempting to discover how labor-service is evaluated, we must inquire whether this particular commodity is subject to the same laws of supply as the others. The inquiry is complicated by the fact that supply of labor is largely a matter of the number and abilities of the persons who work. But it is not permissible to regard persons as laborers only, with no interest in life except the rate of wages. These same persons are consumers, to meet whose needs the industrial system exists. Their capacities, their willingness to work, their very existence, depend not simply on the desire of others for their services but also on the desire to live and the ideals of living which have animated their ancestors and which continue to animate the workers themselves. I02 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS Questions 1. Does every individual represent the same amount of labor- power ? Why ? 2. Is there at a given moment any physical limitation of the supply of (a) laborers? (b) labor? What is the nature of the limitation ? 3. What relation exists between the standard of living and the supply of (a) laborers ? (b) labor ? 4. Ordinarily an increased demand for a commodity which is not absolutely limited in amount will result in an increased supply. To what extent would this be true of laborers ? of labor ? 5. Does cost of production in the case of labor mean (a) mere subsistence of the particular laborer? (b) mere subsistence plus a return for expense of training ? (c) sufficient return to enable a laborer to rear a family ? If the last, how large a family ? 6. Does what it "cost to produce" a given laborer determine his wage? Does it have any bearing on the rate of wages in the future ? 7. Does the amount of labor which will be supplied depend to any extent upon the rate of wages ? If so, does the rate of wages influence the number of persons able to work, or their wiUingness to work, or both ? 8. To what degrees and in what ways is the supply of labor service affected by (a) perishability ? (b) difficulty of transportation ? 9. "The owner of labor cannot be separated from the commodity he sells. He must deliver it in person. This makes a difference between the supply of labor and the supply of other goods." How ? 10. Cite cases where formal social control affects the supply of labor. Cite cases where informal social control affects it. 11. Does legal limitation of the hours of labor affect the supply of labor? May it in some cases actually increase labor supply? 12. Cite cases of monopolistic limitation of the supply of labor. 13. Do you think that immigration increases the supply of labor? 3. Some Practical Applications of the Principle of Demand AND Supply to the Subject of Wages Questions I. It has been said that an increase in the number of laborers cannot depress general wages because this increase impUes a corre- sponding increase in consumption and in demand for labor. Is anything overlooked in this argument ? THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS 103 2. How would a sudden introduction of machinery aflfect wages? 3. Why are the wages of skilled managers greater than those of street cleaners ? 4. Why are the wages of servants higher in the United States than in England for the same grade of service ? 5. What should you have to pay a cook in an Alaskan gold- mining camp ? 6. Laborers on railway embankments in India were paid, accord- ing to Mr. Brassey, from 9 to 12 cents a day, but in England from 75 to 87 cents a day; yet the expense of building a mile of rail- way was about the same in the two places. How do you account for this? 7. Does unskilled labor sufifer more or less than skilled labor by forced changes to new employment ? 8. Can laborers, by strikes and combinations, raise their wages to a point where nothing is left for rent or interest ? Why not ? 9. Differences of wages have been classified as follows: (i) Differences of Wages for Different Employments: (i) Differences tending to equalize the advantages of all occupa- tions by making reward proportionate to effort and sacrifice, (ii) Differences arising from the more or less limited number of persons whose aptitudes, inborn or acquired, permit them adequately to perform a given task. (2) Differences of Wages for Different Persons in a Given Employ- ment: Differences corresponding to differences of eflSciency. Explain wherein these various differences are due to conditions of demand and wherein they are due to conditions of supply. 10. Give examples of cases in which arduous and unpleasant work commands a high compensating wage. Give examples of other cases where low wages and hard conditions of work go together. Can you explain the difference between the two groups of cases which results in this difference of remuneration ? 11. Is the labor market a single, competitive market ? Does the illiterate immigrant compete for work with the lawyer? 12. Show by means of examples how differences of wealth, educa- tion, social connection, inborn ability, etc., may separate the labor market into non-competing groups. 13. In the United States are the economic barriers between social classes effectual barriers ? 14. "To secure the practical results of free competition as between employments it is not necessary that every person in any one employ- ment shall be free to change to another. If a few are mobile their shifting will ordinarily suflSce to adjust the supply of labor to the I04 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS demand in each employment." Explain this statement. What bearing has it on the principle of non-competing groups ? 15. "Competition between apparently non-competing groups is in some cases made operative by an application of the principle of substitution. It may be possible, e.g., to replace skilled laborers by unskilled laborers working with improved machinery. The gap which exists between the two grades of labor is here bridged by substituting capital for superior skill of workmen." Give examples of indirect competition of this sort. 16. What effect on wages should you expect as a result of better provisions for free technical education ? 17. Are the farmer, the miller, and the baker members of the same group of laborers, or of competing groups, or of non-competing groups ? 18. Does the principle of non-competing groups help to account for differences between men's wages and women's wages? 19. In a certain office a man and a woman are sitting side by side doing the same work. The woman is, if anything, more efficient than the man. Her wage is considerably lower. Explain how this can be. 20. What reasons can you offer to explain why the wages of women are generally lower than the wages of men ? 21. If laws were passed requiring that women should have the same wages as men wherever they were employed in similar work would men or women derive the greater benefit from the rule ? 22. It is urged that a minimum wage should be fixed by law for certain industries. Why, or why not ? 23. Allowing for all the influences thus far considered, what con- ditions fix the maximum and minimum limits to the rate of wages in a particular case ? What determines the wage actually paid ? 4. The Specific Productivity Theory of Wages The value of labor appears to depend on the efficacy of labor. The efficacy of labor in turn depends on the manner in which labor is employed. Under certain conditions of demand and supply, labor may be used in conjunction with land and capital so inadequate that the product of the industry is restricted by the intensive operation of the principle of diminishing returns. In such cases where the labor force is disproportionately large, the product per laborer will be small. This suggests the principle that individual wages for a given grade of labor will not exceed the amount which is added to the product by the effort of the marginal laborer; that if the supply of labor is THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS 105 not excessive, and if laborers are able to exact favorable terms of employment on account of competition among persons who wish to hire them, wages will not fall substantially below the amount of the product added by the marginal laborer. The term "marginal laborer" means here, as most commonly, not the least competent laborer but the laborer of normal capacity employed under the con- ditions least favorable for his productiveness. The theory that wages correspond to the marginal productivity of labor (i.e., to the productivity of those laborers who are least effectively employed) is known as the specific productivity theory of wages. Its adequacy to explain actual wages is disputed. At least it affords an interesting suggestion for the analysis of the demand for labor. Questions 1. Could there be any production without labor? How is it possible to estimate the share of the product which labor, as dis- tinguished from capital and land, produces? 2. Could an employer ascertain how much of the total product depends on the work of any one laborer? 3. Why should laborers in general consent to the remuneration which conforms to the product of the marginal laborer — i.e., of the laborer employed under the most unfavorable circumstances ? Could they force the employer to pay more ? 4. Can the laborers control the conditions which make the mar- ginal productivity of labor small ? 5. Suppose an increase in the number of persons seeking employ- ment as laborers without any increase in the number of consumers of the products of labor. What will be the effect on wages ? Will this effect be due to change in the marginal utility of the product or to change in the number of units produced by the marginal laborer ? 6. Explain, according to the specific productivity theory, how, other factors remaining unchanged, wages would be affected by (a) increase in the number of laborers; (b) decreased demand for the product. Do you arrive at the same conclusion if you answer accord- ing to the demand-and-supply theory ? 7. Does the specific productivity theory of wages take adequate account of supply of labor ? How ? Of demand for labor ? How ? 8. Do differences of wages as between occupations correspond to differences in the marginal productivity of labor? io6 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS 5. Trade Unionism a) Causes of Trade Unionism b) Trade Union Organization and Demands c) Trade Union Theory d) Trade Union Policies and Methods e) The Social Problem of Unionism Trade unions, like railroads and trusts, are an important factor in the productive organization of industry. The unions have devel- oped into a complex organic network which tends to parallel the pecuniary and political organization of society and influences eventu- ally the productive process. Trade unions are discussed in this outline under the distributive process because they are organized to secure, primarily, higher wages, shorter hours, and better conditions of employment generally for their members. They seek these ends by a great variety of means. Promi- nent among these means are: (i) the estabUshment of a standard or uniform rate of wages for each kind of work; (2) the fixing of a normal or uniform working day or week; (3) the establishment of standard or uniform methods of work and processes of production; (4) limita- tion and control of the speed and output of the workers; (5) entrance restrictions and apprenticeship regulations; (6) arbitration and con- ciliation; (7) strikes and boycotts; (8) trade union insurance; and (9) labor legislation. The activity of trade unions has of late greatly stimulated the organization of employers' associations. Some understanding of these associations is essential to an estimate of the significance of unionism. a) Causes of Trade Unionism Questions 1. How do the economic functions, status, and social environment of the wage-workers and the employers differ essentially ? 2. What is it that has caused these differences and what was their historical origin ? 3. Do such differences create diverse notions on the part of workers and employers in regard to justice, rights, and importance of economic functions ? 4. If you were a wage-worker should you feel that your interests and those of your employer were essentially opposed in any vital matters? 15. Under the conditions of capitalistic production and distribu- THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS 107 tion what advantages has the individual employer over the indi- vidual worker in the bargaining which immediately fixes wages and conditions of employment ? 6. Under modern conditions is the employer disposed or forced to exercise to the full extent any bargaining advantage which he may have over the workers ? 7. Under what circumstances and in what ways might trade unions be of distinct advantage to employers ? 8. As a matter of historical fact, when and under what circum- stances were trade unions first organized ? 9. Are unions at the present time usually of spontaneous origin? What circumstances ordinarily lead to their organization ? b) Trade Union Organization and Demands Questions 1. What are the essential differences between a trade union, an industrial union, and a labor union ? Name an example of each 2. What is a local union? What is a national or international union? What are the general relations between the local and the national union? 3. What are the principal union officers? Describe the duties ordinarily performed by the secretary, the organizer, the walking delegate or business agent. What is the sovereign union authority ? 4. What is the American Federation of Labor ? What is its rela- tion to the various local and national unions ? What are its policies ? c) Trade Union Theory Questions 1. Some unionists look with disfavor upon the individual who "uses up more than his share of the demand for work." Examine the practical validity of this attitude. 2. Why do unions attempt to estabHsh the principle of uniformity with respect to wage-rates, hours of work, and conditions of employ- ment generally in a trade ? 3. By what arguments do unions support their attempts to limit and control the speed and output of workers? 4. On what grounds do unions attempt to limit the numbers and control the workers in a trade ? 5. Employers claim that unions attempt to prevent the introduc- tion of machinery and improved processes. How would union advo- cates justify such attempts ? io8 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS 6. Unionists claim that "high wages breed high wages." On what assumptions is this claim based ? Are they legitimate assump- tions ? 7. Can shorter hours and better conditions of employment be secured by all workers without lowering the wages of some ? 8. When one set of workers secures higher wages without a corre- sponding increase of output, must someone else suffer ? If so, who ? 9. Will increase of the efficiency of one group of workers neces- sarily increase their wages or make it possible for them to secure higher wages ? ID. If the anthracite coal miners forced the mine owners to grant a 20 per cent increase in wages, who might foot the bill ? d) Trade Union Policies and Methods Questions 1. What is the practice of unions in regard to the admission of members? If the union refuses to admit a capable man does the union gain ? Does anyone besides the debarred worker suffer ? 2. What is the poHcy of unions in regard to apprenticeship? Is union apprenticeship an effective method of training skilled workers ? What are the actual purposes of unions in maintaining the apprentice- ship system ? 3. Unionists claim that they favor industrial education "when it does not play into the hands of the employers." Explain this statement. 4. Most unions demand and attempt to enforce the union or closed shop; most employers are bitterly opposed to it. Why in each case ? 5. Unions attempt to estabUsh a minimum wage for each kind of work and a maximum number of hours that a man may work. Why, in each case ? 6. In many recent wage disputes agreement was reached by three men — a representative of the employers, a representative of the unions, and a third chosen by these two. What is this mode of settling disputes called ? 7. Distinguish arbitration, concihation, and collective bargaining, and compare their advantages as methods of regulating the conditions of employment. 8. What is a trade agreement ? 9. Are strikes as such beneficial to union laborers? On what grounds do unionists justify the resort to strikes ? ID. What is a sympathetic strike ? II. In the last telegraphers' strike in Chicago workers in front THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS 109 of the Western Union offices were arrested for "vagrancy." What strike duty were they performing at the time ? 12. Unions are violently opposed to "scabs" and "rats," and such persons frequently fall into the hands of "educational committees." Explain the meaning of this statement. If you were a unionist should you have the same attitude toward scabs, and if so, why? 13. In a labor controversy the employer sometimes discharges all the workers; what is this action called? Has the employer a right so to discharge ? 14. What is a blacklist? What is a "whitelist"? 15. What is the consensus of judicial decisions in regard to the legality of (a) sympathetic strikes ? (b) picketing ? (c) the boycott ? (d) blackHsts ? Can you detect any general principle underlying these decisions ? 16. What is an injunction? Why are injunctions especially effective in suppressing strikes ? What changes in the law concerning injunctions are desired by the unions ? Why ? 17. Do the unions act as effective employment agencies? Why does a good unionist demand "union labor goods" ? 18. What are the main methods used by employers' associations in fighting unions ? 19. Are all employers' associations "union smashers"? What conciliatory or constructive functions may such associations perform ? 20. If employers' associations continue to develop until practically all employers are associated in such organizations, will the position of the union laborer be better than the position of the individual laborer was before the days of collective bargaining ? e) The Social Problem of Unionism Questions 1. Samuel Gompers believes that trade unions are one of the greatest educative forces in the country. Can you find grounds for this belief? 2. If all workers belonged to unions, could wages and con- ditions of employment be bettered for all by union policies and methods ? 3. It is said that unions create an aristocracy of labor. Is it better socially to have a few workers highly paid and many poorly paid than to have all workers very moderately paid ? 4. In some trades the American standard of living is threatened by the competition of immigrants satisfied with low wages and poor living conditions. Are the unions performing a social service in no OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS attempting to maintain the American standard in these trades at all hazards and by all means ? 5. If trade unions and employers are opposed, industry is likely to be unproductive and the public service interrupted; if the unions and employers combine, monopoly is likely to be the outcome. Is there any escape from this dilemma ? 6. Would it be well to have a law in the United States similar to that of New Zealand providing for the compulsory arbitration of trade disputes? What is the attitude of the employers and unions in this country toward compulsory arbitration, and why? 7. Would it be well to have a law in this country providing for a government investigation of all cases where strikes or lockouts are threatened in public utilities and mines, and for the publication of the facts before a strike or lockout should be permitted ? IV. Interest 1. Introductory 2. The Demand for Capital 3. The Supply of Capital 4. General Questions on Interest I. Introductory Interest is the income from the use of capital. It is a part of the social dividend and represents the payment for the services of capital. Capital has been defined as wealth used for further production — i.e., as producers' goods. The brief discussion of capital which was attempted under the head of " The Productive Process " conformed to such a definition, treating of social capital rather than acquisitive capital, and dealing with the tangible forms of capital, or capital goods, rather than with the loanable fund of purchasing power, which, expressed in dollars and cents, constitutes pecuniary capital and conveniently measures the aggregate of tools, machinery, material, or other goods which it is used to buy. For the analysis of the problem of interest a more inclusive view becomes imperative. In the first place there are some forms of con- sumers' goods which, while not capital to society, still are not used directly to satisfy the wants of the owner, but only as a means of obtaining an income — e.g., a dwelling rented to another person. These goods, called acquisitive capital, yield interest, and are not in practical affairs sharply differentiated from producers' goods. In the second place the saving and lending of capital, and the reckon- THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS in ing of the amount of capital, are accomplished most familiarly and easily in terms not of concrete goods, but of value, and especially in terms of money-value — pecuniarily. We must, then, give present attention to the concept of capital as a fund, partly to be invested in producers' goods, partly to be used in purchasing acquisitive forms of consumers' goods, and even in some part to be loaned and dissipated in luxurious expenditure, but always with the expectation of a return — the interest which is now to be explained. The business man, as has previously been suggested, frequently speaks of the sum total of wealth invested in his business as his capital, regardless of whether this wealth consists of land, machinery, or wages advanced to labor. Similarly, he is apt to speak of the return from any income-yielding investment as interest, irrespective of the ques- tion whether the income is derived from capital, land, or any other source. The question where to draw the line between interest and profits in particular is something upon which economists have not entirely agreed. For present purposes we may, however, distinguish : (a) the net return to capital, as determined by competitive conditions, without reference to the special form which the capital takes, and apart from any allowance for loss; {b) the gain or loss attributable to the way in which the capital is used, and including elements of compensation for industrial risk, of wages of skilled management, and of the excep- tional return due to exceptional bargaining position. The factors enumerated under {b) do not strictly belong to the interest problem. They will be considered in the study of profits. Questions 1. Can any part of the earnings of a bootblack be called interest? 2. Is the income derived from the following interest: a railroad bond; a share of stock in a land company; a share of stock in a coal- mining company ? 3. A business man receives a salary of $10,000 a year as president and manager of a shoe-manufacturing concern ; he receives a dividend on some stock in the same company which he happens to own; he is an active partner in a profitable leather firm; he owns a 5 per cent mortgage on some city real estate, 100 shares of stock in the United States Steel Corporation, and 50 shares in the American Tobacco Company; and he has a savings bank deposit paying 3 per cent. To what extent does the element of interest enter into each of these varieties of income ? 4. When a concern declares an unearned dividend is the stock- holder getting interest ? 112 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS 2. The Demand for Capital a) The Demand for Capital Goods h) The Demand for Funds a) The Demand for Capital Goods Questions 1. Is the demand for capital goods a derived demand? a joint demand? an elastic demand? a demand ai^ected by the principle of substitution? 2. Is there a composite demand for (a) coal ? {b) sewing machines ? (c) churns ? {d) nails ? (e) gasoHne engines ? 3. Explain whether, in what sense, and under what conditions the demand for each of the following commodities constitutes or involves a demand for capital goods: (a) steel rails; {b) overalls; (c) wheat; {d) candy; {e) wild flowers. 4. How would a rapid increase in the supply of labor affect the demand for (o) labor-saving machinery ? {b) labor-equipping tools ? 5. Does the demand for a capital good depend upon its produc- tivity ? 6. What is meant by the productivity of- capital goods ? Answer this question with reference to {a) a hammer; (6) a locomotive; (c) raw wool; {d) seed-grain; (e) grape-juice as it comes from the wine-press. 7. Are capital goods usually sold or hired? Are we concerned with demand for the goods, or with demand for their services ? b) The Demand for Funds i. Long-Run Demand ii. Momentary Market Demand i. Long-Run Demand Questions 1. Is the demand for loanable funds a derived demand? a joint demand ? an elastic demand ? a composite demand ? a demand affected by the principle of substitution ? 2. What do you think of the proposition that the demand for pecuniary capital is derived from the demand for capital goods? Can you reconcile this statement with ihe fact that pecuniary capital THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS 113 is the purchasing power which makes the demand for capital goods effective ? 3. Is the demand for loanable funds due entirely to demand for producers' goods ? 4. What was the prevailing attitude toward money-lenders in the Middle Ages? Do we today assume the same attitude toward bankers who provide the funds for business enterprise ? Why ? 5. Why do people who borrow money to buy consumers' goods which result in no new product have to pay the same rate as if they were borrowing to pay for productive capital ? 6. How should you expect the demand for pecuniary capital to be affected by increase in the supply of labor ? 7. Would a new and important invention increase the demand for pecuniary capital ? 8. In what sense is pecuniar}^ capital productive ? 9. Is capital in the pecuniary form more usually sold or loaned ? In the study of interest are we ordinarily concerned with the value of such capital or with the value of its ser\dces ? ID. Is it demand for capital funds or demand for the use of such funds which, strictly speaking, bears upon the problem of the interest- rate? ii. Momentary Market Demand Questions 1. During a flurry of the stock market is the demand for loans on the part of speculators trying to "cover" likely to bear any close relation to the productivity of capital goods in industrial use ? 2. Why is there an excessive demand for loans in time of financial panic? Is industry particularly productive at such times? Are people in general increasing their investments? 3. Why are the banks in this country so often led to a dangerous extension of loans during the early autumn? 4. The rate of interest on "call loans" is ordinarily lower than the rate on loans for a long period; but in time of panic call-loan rates may rise far above the general interest-rate. Can you account for this phenomenon on the ground of exceptional conditions of de- mand? 114 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS 3. The Supply of Capital a) The Supply of Capital Goods b) The Supply of Funds a) The Supply of Capital Goods Questions 1. Is the supply of capital goods, as commodities, subject to (a) physical limitation ? (b) social limitation ? (c) monopoly control ? (d) the principle of cost of production ? Give examples. 2. Is the investment of capital limited by the conditions which limit the supply of capital goods ? 3. Does the productivity of a given kind of producers' goods bear any relation to the supply of such goods ? b) The Supply of Funds i. Long-Run Supply ii. Momentary Market Supply i. Long- Run Supply (i) The Savable Surplus (2) The Motives to Saving The analysis of the supply of capital is somewhat aided by the above distinction between the savable surplus and the motives to saving — or, in the phraseology of John Stuart Mill, between the amount of the fund from which saving can be made, and the effect- ive strength of the desire for accumulation. The distinction is, however, arbitrary. Plainly, what is "savable" depends on how much privation persons will undergo because of their desire to save. No attempt has been made to separate the following questions into two groups; but students should bear in mind, when discussing them, the two aspects of the supply of funds which are here suggested. Questions 1. Could an individual save and accumulate capital if all the goods which his utmost efforts could acquire barely maintained him in a hand-to-mouth existence ? 2. Could capital be accumulated within a country where the total amount of available goods would barely suffice to keep alive the present number of inhabitants ? THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS 115 3. Does accumulation of capital facilitate further accumulation ? How? 4. What is saving ? Distinguish the saving of capital from hoard- ing. 5. Would not some persons refrain from using all their income and lay by money "against a rainy day" even if there were in the mean- time no opportunity to derive a return from its investment ? If so, why should interest be paid for loans ? 6. It is said that the rate of interest has to be sufficient to com- pensate the sacrifice made in saving the last or marginal unit of capital — the unit which represents the greatest sacrifice in saving. Why or why not ? 7. The disinclination to save without compensation is sometimes stated to be due to the fact that persons ordinarily prefer present goods to future goods; the extent of this preference being indicated by the interest-rate necessary to induce saving. Try to draw up an analytical scheme of the reasons for thus discounting a future good. Do people fear they will never reahze the good ; or that its significance will not be the same when it comes; or are they merely too impatient to wait ? 8. Suppose that a typical college student of twenty were offered (a) money to pay for his education; (b) a theater ticket; (c) a suit of clothes in the present style; (d) five years' life insurance; (e) a mahogany dining-table; and suppose that in every instance he were given the option of having the gift at once or ten years later. How would he choose, and why ? 9. Vary the conditions of the previous problem by supposing that the dining-table were offered now or not at all, and that the money for education were promised at a date ten years later. Would the recipient be willing to borrow money at interest to anticipate the money-gift ? Would he be willing to pay storage on the table until he had need of it ? What light do your answers throw on the ques- tion of the inclination or disinclination to save ? 10. Does the necessity of saving exist because of the present organi- zation of society ? Would there be " saving " in a socialistic society ? If so, who would do the saving ? 11. "Capital, though saved, and the result of saving, is neverthe- less consumed. The word saving does not imply that what is saved is not consumed, nor even necessarily that its consumption is de- ferred." Explain. Who is the consumer? Is the consumption usually deferred? 12. It has been said that the original formation of capital is due to abstinence or saving, but its permanent maintenance is not. What do you say to either statement ? ii6 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS 13. How would an increase in the efficiency of industry affect the supply of capital ? 14. In what ways might a more general and a better education of the people affect the supply of capital ? 15. How would a rise of the standard of living affect (a) the savable surplus ? (b) the motives to saving ? 16. How does the constant breaking out of war among the Central American states affect their supply of capital ? 17. Is the effective desire of accumulation stronger in the United States than in Central America ? Why ? 18. What is it that prevents capital from increasing indefinitely ? Provided the disposition to save remains the same, would as much be saved if the return to capital and labor constantly diminished ? 19. "The supply of capital is limited by considerations of cost, in two forms: (a) the cost of production of capital goods, and (b) the cost, or sacrifice, of saving." Do you agree with this statement ? What is the remuneration for each of these elements of cost ? ii. Momentary Market Supply Questions 1. How would such a disaster as the destruction of San Francisco affect the supply of capital ? 2. Can you explain high interest- rates in time of financial panic on the ground of reduced supply of loans ? Why should the supply be reduced ? Is there less desire to save under such circumstances ? 3. Banks commonly loan money "on call" at very low rates. How can the bank afford to do this ? Why does not the demand for capital for industrial purposes force the rate up? Could the con- struction of a railway be financed by call loans ? 4. What is the "money market"? Who are the buyers and sellers ? What do they buy and sell ? 5. It is said that interest is paid for capital, not for money. Is this true ? 6. The economic history of the United States shows that repeat- edly, in sections of the country where capital was scarce, the people have clamored for a more abundant currency. Do you think that this would have removed their difficulty? 7. Does the supply of money on the market affect the rate of interest ? 8. When gold is leaving England the Bank of England raises the rate of discount. Does this show that the amount of money deter- mines the rate of interest ? THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS 117 4. General Questions on Interest Questions 1 . Try to formulate, in a few words, a specific productivity theory of interest on the analogy of the specific productivity theory of wages. 2. Can you reconcile the statement that the rate of interest is determined by the marginal productivity of capital with the state- ment that it is determined by demand and supply? 3. It has also been stated that it is the difference between the estimation of the present value and the estimation of the future value of the last unit of capital saved which determines the rate of interest. Can you reconcile this with the previous statements ? 4. If producers' goods merely replaced themselves — i.e., added to the product of industry an amount equal to their own value as commodities — would there be any basis for the payment of interest ? Would capital be saved ? Would producers' goods be made ? 5. How can you explain the fact that several centuries ago the rate of interest on investments in Holland was around 2 per cent, while today it is considerably above that ? 6. Can legislation effectively regulate the rate of interest ? 7. Is interest different from usury ? If so, what is the difference ? 8. Would industry benefit if the maximum rate of interest were legally fixed at 3I per cent ? 9. What economic results would ensue if the charging of interest were prohibited by law ? 10. Is capital mobile ? Does it move freely from one country to another ? How extensive is the market for capital ? 11. Are there differences in the rate of interest as between different places or different occupations which cannot be explained by differ- ences in risks ? 12. Why has the rate of return on investments been around 10 per cent in the West, 7 per cent in the Central states, 5 per cent in New York, and 4 per cent in Germany ? 13. Does the net return from an investment in capital such as a steel plant tend to equal the net return from the same amount of money invested in land, assuming the risk to be the same ? 14. Are all investments in specialized capital likely to prove equally profitable ? Why ? 15. Suppose that a newly invented machine at present pays more than the prevailing rate of net return on its cost price. Is this situation Hkely to continue ? Under competitive conditions, will the earning power of the new machine and the earning power of other machinery ultimately be equalized ? How ? ii8 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS i6. The selling-price of a machine is said to be determined by: (a) its cost of production; (b) the total value it is expected to add to what could have been produced without it; (c) the prevailing interest-rate. Criticize these statements. Can they be reconciled ? V. Profits 1. Introductory 2. The Risks of Industry 3. General Questions on Profits I. Introductory Profits are the share of the industrial product which goes to the entrepreneur. The chief elements entering into profits are: a) The wages of management, a return for assuming the labor and burden of management. This element tends to equal the amount which the manager could get if he were employed at a fixed salary. Some economists prefer to classify this under the head of wages. b) A gain or loss resulting from the risks inevitable in industry. Not only is there uncertainty in undertaking a new industry, but the more or less extended period of time required for production leaves any industry subject to the risks arising from chance or uncertain events. c) An acquisitive gain due to superior bargaining power, resulting from monopolistic or other conditions. For example, monopoly or a position of particular advantage may enable the charging of higher prices for products, the paying of lower prices for materials, the con- trol of labor supply, the acquisition of special privileges from public and semi-public bodies, such as low taxation and railway rebates, etc. Questions 1. Are the following entrepreneurs: a cobbler, a farmer, a consult- ing engineer, the boss of a section gang, a banker ? 2. In a corporation there may be bondholders, stockholders, directors, a president, a treasurer, and a general manager. Who is the entrepreneur ? Who receives profits ? 3. Should the income of an inventor be classified as wages or profits ? 4. A promoter buys up various street railway lines, forms a new company, which is greatly over-capitalized, and sells the stock at a gain. Is the gain profit, and if so, what kind of profit ? 15. What sort of profit do you think has been the basis of most of THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS 119 the more recently acquired large fortunes in this country ? Are they the result of acquisitive or of productive effort? What have the owners done to serve society ? 6. The syndicate which underwrote the securities of the United States Steel Corporation is said to have made over $60,000,000. Was that profit ? Do you think it was earned ? 7. Give instances, taken from the actual business world, in which profits are to be regarded as essentially (a) wages of management; (b) the result of a fortunate issue of a risky enterprise; (c) due to monopoly of the sale of the product; (d) extortion from underpaid laborers; (e) "graft," under the form of franchise privilege, or of immunity from prosecution for illegal acts. 2. The Risks of Industry a) The Nature of Industrial Risks b) Speculation in Relation to Risks c) Insurance in Relation to Risks a) The Nature of Industrial Risks Questions 1. Describe some of the chief risks in industry. Group these into classes. 2. Is the process of production in modern industry spread over a longer period of time and is it more roundabout than formerly? How does this affect risks ? 3. If everyone endeavored, year after year, to make the same articles in the same way, to sell the same quantities at the same prices, and to buy the same variety of goods at the same shops, would the risks of business disappear ? 4. Are risks greater in a changing condition of industry ? Why or why not ? 5. Assuming that industrial methods are constantly changing, should you agree to the suggestion that those persons who are pioneers in introducing the new methods make profits because of the change, and that those who cling to obsolete methods are commonly losers ? Explain your answer. 6. Is it possible by foresight and calculation to reduce or to avoid some of the risks of industry ? all of the risks of industry ? 7. Do you think that some men have special abihty to grapple successfully with the risks and changes of business ? If their ability 120 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS were recognized as characteristic would they not command high salaries as managers ? 8. Is the theory of differences of wages according to differences of abiHty sufficient to explain the business man's gains from successful running of risks ? Would it explain losses ? 9. If we were to have a socialistic society would risks disappear ? b) Speculation in Relation to Risks We may distinguish two forms of speculation: (a) industrial; (b) commercial. Industrial speculation consists in preparing for market, by changing the form, products the demand for which is uncertain, or products whose conditions of production are unknown or shifting. Commercial speculation consists in buying goods in one market and selling them in another where different price conditions prevail, or in buying at one time for sale at a more or less remote time. A certain degree of speculation is inherent in all competitive business. Successful speculation involves profits; the speculator is, however, always exposed to losses. Both industrial and commercial speculation are carried on largely by persons who make a careful study of conditions of supply and demand, and are therefore better fitted to perform this function than are others. The chances of sudden wealth, however, attract to the speculative market large numbers of men who have no special knowl- edge of conditions affecting the goods in which they deal. Not only do they usually suffer personal losses; but through rash buying when prices tend to rise and precipitate selHng when prices tend to fall they exaggerate the natural tendency toward price fluctuation. There are also men who are skilled in market conditions who manipulate the market and cause fluctuations which would not otherwise exist. When a speculative market has developed, the actual producers of commodities can frequently transfer many of the risks of price change to the professional speculator. In a speculative market contracts for purchases or sales may be made at any time, to mature at some future period. A man who contemplates producing pig iron may insure himself against a price insufficient to cover materials and other expenses by seUing pig iron for future delivery to a specu- lator. If the price of pig iron declines it is the speculator who bears the loss. When the finished product is not of a character to admit of speculative dealings, the manufacturer may nevertheless insure himself against serious price fluctuations by speculative dealings in the raw materials, since the finished product and the raw material usually undergo parallel price fluctuations. An example will illustrate. A miller buys in February 10,000 THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS 12 1 bushels of wheat to turn into flour which he has contracted to deliver June I, at the market price then ruling. To avoid the risks of a change in the price of wheat in the interval, and of a consequent change in the market price of flour at which he will have to sell, he "hedges" by selling "short," for future delivery, 10,000 bushels of "May wheat" at the same time that he buys for cash in February, If quotations are for Cash wheat in February $1 .02 May wheat in February i .04 Cash wheat in May i.oi then the transaction will be as follows: February Wheat Account May Wheat Account Cost of cash wheat $10,200 Received for "short sale" of Storage, insurance, interest, May wheat in February . . . $10,400 etc 195 Cost of cash wheat in May to "cover" 10,100 Total cost of wheat $10,395 " Value in May of the wheat used Profit on transaction in making the flour 10,100 Miller's loss by fall in price.. $295 Thus, though the miller's decision to buy his wheat in February results in a loss of $295, on account of the lower price of wheat in May, the "hedging" transaction offsets this loss by a gain of $300. Questions 1. Work out the above case of deaHng in wheat, substituting, as the price of cash wheat in May, (a) $1 .08, (b) $0.90. 2. A certain cotton manufacturer displays great ability in the production of cloth, but he is nevertheless barely able to keep his head above water, because he is a poor judge of the raw cotton market and is more likely than not to buy when prices are inflated. Show how he could liberate himself from the consequences of this defect of judgment. 3. Miller A always covers purchases of wheat for milling by corresponding short sales. Miller B boasts that he is no speculator, and refrains entirely from transactions on the exchange. Whether prices rise or fall, A is insured his miller's profit, and never receives more. If prices rise, B makes a profit over and above his miller's profit. When prices fall, not only may his miller's profit be wiped out, but he may incur additional losses. Which one is really the speculator ? 4. In 1906 a shipment of Dakota grain was sent by way of Seattle to Japan. By the time the grain reached Japan the price of wheat 122 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS there had fallen so low that this shipment was reconsigned to Liver- pool, and sold at a price inferior to that paid for the wheat in Dakota. Did the actual shippers of the wheat necessarily lose on the trans- action ? 5. Speculators are often regarded as mere gamblers. If the whole body of speculators were to cease bujdng and selling grain, and limited themselves to betting upon the course of prices, would the work of commerce and industry be carried on exactly as it is at present ? 6. Farmers often urge the abolition of speculative exchanges on the ground that they depress the price of produce; millers and spinners urge this abolition on the ground that they enhance prices. What is your opinion of the situation? Do you think it is true, as has been contended, that short sales create an artificial increase of supply, and necessarily lower prices for that reason ? 7. Do men speculate because prices fluctuate or do prices fluctuate because men speculate ? 8. It has been maintained that grain-speculators as a class cannot gain by a rise in price of their own creating. Why ? Do the same reasons prevent individual speculators from manipulating prices to their own advantage ? 9. Would the foregoing statement hold true of speculators on the stock exchange ? Why ? 10. Would speculation be destroyed if the organized speculation of the exchanges were prohibited by law ? 11. Short sales of land are by nature impossible. Does this fact interfere with speculation in land, or make such speculation less hazardous than speculation in produce or securities ? 12. During the Civil War certain wool manufacturers made enormous profits because of the rise in price of raw materials which they had on hand. After the war there were cases where these profits were nearly wiped out by losses consequent upon the fall in prices of raw materials. Explain. Could the loss have been avoided? 13. "Industrial speculation anticipates the wants of society. If the speculator has judged wisely, society is better provided with goods than it would have been had its entrepreneurs been averse to taking chances. If the speculator has miscalculated, he incurs a pecuniary loss and society suffers from wasted resources." Is this true? Write out a similar statement concerning commercial specu- lation. 14. It is argued that if a shortage of a staple commodity occurs, a rise in its price is a social advantage. Explain, using as illustrative commodities (a) ice; (b) sugar; (c) structural steel. 15. State briefly your opinion of the relation of speculation to industry. THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS 123 16. How do you distinguish between socially desirable and socially undesirable speculation ? c) Insurance in Relation to Risks The discussion of speculation showed that in many cases specu- lative markets make insurance against risks possible. Insurance is treated in this present section with particular reference to the definitely organized business of insurance, e.g., fire insurance, etc. Questions 1 . Why do people insure against risk ? Does insurance decrease risks ? 2. What is the service performed by an insurance company? Is insurance productive ? 3. What determines the premium paid for insurance? In the long run, do premiums paid exceed in aggregate amount the settle- ments for losses ? If so, how can a person afford to carry insurance ? If not, how can insurance companies remain solvent? 4. Suppose one concern owns buildings in a great many different places, so that the fire risk is distributed. Would it pay better to insure in a fire insurance company, or merely to set aside a reserve against losses ? For example, should the Pennsylvania Railroad Co. insure its station buildings? Should the Postoffice Department insure the fittings of rural post-ofiices? 5. Does insurance, such as fire insurance or plate-glass insurance, enter into the cost of production ? 6. Is the number of fires Ukely to be increased by the fact that buildings are insured ? 7. In some cities the fire-insurance companies contribute heavily to the maintenance of fire departments. Is this properly a part of the insurance business ? 8. One insurance company has insured buildings pretty generally throughout the country; another has confined itself exclusively to a certain city. With which should you prefer to insure your property, and why ? 9. Insurance, like speculation, has sometimes been Hkened to betting. I pay $36 to a certain company: if my house burns down within three years, the company pays me $3,000. This means, in a certain way of thinking, that I bet $36 against $3,000 that my house will burn down. Is this a proper view of the situation ? If I were a gambler by disposition, should I be likely to insure my house ? 10. At the time of the coronation of King Edward VII London T24 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS tradesmen took out insurance against his death. Again, when King George V was crowned, the rain-insurance reached very large figures. Why? Is such insurance of benefit to society? 11. Is it possible for manufacturing concerns to unite, apply fire protection scientifically, exclude those who will not protect, and reduce fire losses to a minimum ? Is that an advantage to society ? 12. Why are there no insurance companies that undertake to insure producers against price fluctuations ? 13. Why should not insurance companies undertake to bear the risks of business and to pay (or charge) to entrepreneurs a fixed annual sum in commutation ? 3. General Questions on Profits The student should keep in mind the fact that the subject of profits covers losses as well as gains. Differences in profits are not simply the difference between a large profit and no profit, but also the difference between a large profit and a heavy loss. Questions 1. Do profits tend to an equiUbrium as between different indi- viduals ? different occupations ? different places ? 2. It is said profits and losses in a given industry tend to balance each other. Is this true of gold mining ? Why or why not ? 3. Are differences in profits due more to skill and ability than to chance ? 4. Are the profits of a business man a good measure of his service to society in the production of wealth ? 5. "Profits are analogous to rent in that the skilled risk-taker gets a differential return over the risk-taker of ordinary capacity." Why or why not ? 6. Do profits enter into cost of production ? 7. If an industry were generally depressed, but one employer were by exception making high profits, what rate of wages would he pay ? If industry were prosperous, but one employer were by exception making no profit, what rate of wages would he pay ? 8. "The entrepreneur is the residual claimant of industry." What does this mean ? Do you think the statement is true ? 9. According to the specific productivity theory land, labor, and capital tend severally to receive returns commensurate with their respective productive services. If this is true, what is left for the entrepreneur ? 10. Is business management to be regarded as a fourth pro- THE DISTRIBUTIVE PROCESS 125 ductive factor, co-ordinate in importance with land, labor, and capital, or is it merely the proper proportioning of those three factors ? 11. In a new industry, or when new methods are introduced into an old industry, profits are said to be due to the temporary, exceptional productivity of land, labor, and capital which are nevertheless paid for at the rates previously paid in other industries. If so, would profits disappear as soon as the new industry was established on a basis of general competition ? 12. After a change in industrial methods which greatly increases productive capacity, profits are commonly no greater than before; yet after all we depend on the self-interest of the entrepreneur and his desire for profit to secure both (a) the introduction of better methods and (b) their maintenance after introduction. Explain how this can be. 13. "Monopoly profits are more likely to be permanent than competitive profits." Do you agree ? 14. In what way will a sudden depreciation of the currency aflfect profits ? a sudden appreciation ? 15. "Profits as a return for risk is nonsense. We know that many men engage in industry because they love independence and delight in risks. They would engage in industry even if there were no return to risk." Comment. 16. "Profits are a great factor in promoting economic progress." " Profits are unnecessary. These gains should go to the other factors of production." With which statement do you agree? Does it make any difference whether the profits spoken of are monopoly profits or competitive profits ? 17. What definition of profits do you accept? 18. Could it be said that profits are determined by the demand for business management and the supply of managerial ability ? G. PUBLIC FINANCE AND TAXATION I. The Forms of Public Expenditure II. The Sources of Public Revenue I. The Forms of Public Expenditure Questions 1. Draw up a classified list showing the more important items of expenditure of the federal, state, and local governments in the United States. 2. Why should the following facilities and services be provided by the government rather than by private persons: military defense; police; administration of justice; postal service; roads; street- lighting; lighthouses; improvement of rivers and harbors ; preserva- tion of forests; agricultural experiment farms; parks and play- grounds; sewers; medical examination of school children ; hospitals; asylums; poor relief; protection against fire; libraries; museums? 3. From a purely selfish viewpoint is it to the advantage of par- ticular individuals to avoid the payment of taxes ? Would it be ad- vantageous if everyone avoided taxation ? 4. If the government renders services which are greater in pro- portion to the money spent than individuals could procure for them- selves, should the poor be exempt from contributions to the support of government ? 5. Should government expenditures be absolutely small, or merely small in relation to the benefits to be secured ? 6. Are government activities in general, at the present day, increas- ing in scale? In range? Why? Does this imply larger public expenditures ? II. The Sources of Public Revenue 1. Public Loans 2. Public Domain 3. Public Industries and Investments 4. Fees and Assessments 5. Taxation I. Public Loans By borrowing, a government may utilize unemployed private capital in meeting extraordinary needs for expenditures too great 126 PUBLIC FINANCE AND TAXATION 127 to be paid from the ordinary public revenues. The burden of the loan can thus be distributed over a series of years by payments for interest and sinking fund. Such borrowing may become an abuse if it results in pledging the income of the future for merely present benefits. It is justifiable in the adjusting of slight temporary deficits, and also (i) as a means of tiding over some great emergency, or (2) to provide for government investments on capital account from which is expected to result either (a) a definite income sufficient to cover the interest and the ultimate repaying of the principal of the loan, or (b) a real and lasting, though less tangible, benefit accruing in the future. Questions 1. A municipality sells bonds (a) to build a schoolhouse; (b) to instal a system of sewers; (c) to construct waterworks; (d) to pro- vide a public display of fireworks on the Fourth of July. Which of these transactions meet your approval ? 2. During the development of transportation facilities in the Middle West several states issued bonds as a means of providing money for the construction of canals. Interest on the bonds was to be derived from the earnings of the canals, after they were completed. Was this a legitimate method of raising revenue ? 3. In time of war governments commonly borrow to a very large extent. Is this good policy ? Does the war provide the means for the payment of interest or the repayment of the debt ? 4. When a government issues paper money in the form of notes redeemable in gold on demand is it borrowing ? 5. What are the advantages or disadvantages of note issue as contrasted with bond issue for purposes of public finance ? Do the circulating notes bear interest? Are they sure to be ultimately presented for payment ? 6. During the latter part of the Civil War the United States government issued large quantities of greenbacks in exchange for supplies bought at the high prices^ then prevailing as a result of the inflation of the currency by previous issues. Subsequently the govern- , ment has been redeeming the greenbacks in gold in times of much lower prices. Was the transaction wise ? 7. The Cleveland administration, at the time of the currency troubles of 1893, resorted to the sale of bonds and paid out the pro- ceeds in redemption of the greenbacks and treasury notes which were being presented for payment. This expedient has been much criti- cized. Do you think it was appropriate ? 128 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS 2. Public Domain The public domain, which was an important source of revenue in feudal times and in monarchies which preserved the usages of feudalism, yields little income in the United States. This is due to the fact that here the general poHcy has been to grant public lands, etc., on easy terms to private owners, rather than to exact payment for their use. Possibly the charging of royalties for the use of timber and mineral lands and for water power may become more prevalent. At present the revenue thus derived is so slight as to be unimportant, especially in view of the expenses of maintaining the public domain. 3. Public Industbies and Investments The primary purpoFe of governmental industry may be (1) to restrict the use of certain commodities, as opium, alcohol; (2) to rendti improved service; (3) to maintain a so-called fiscal monopoly. In the first and second ca'^es revenue is more or less incidental; in the third the expectation of revenue is the dominant motive. Questions 1. What forms of pubHc industry are maintained in this country, and what is the reason for state control in each case ? 2. Is the government mail service either fiscal or restrictive in character ? 3. What is the purpose of the tobacco monopoly of the French government ? 4. Fees and Assessments kfee is a contribution exacted from a person (natural or corporate) to defray in part or in full the expense of a specific service rendered him by the government: e.g., the fees in connection with court pro- ceedings, with the issue of certificates of various sorts, or with special facilities rendered by public educational institutions. A special assessment is a compulsory contribution, levied upon persons who are assumed to derive particular benefit from some public facility or service provided primarily for the general good, and appor- tioned among them according to their participation in the benefit: e.g., assessments for betterments levied on owners of property abutting on streets which are widened, paved, etc. It should be noted that the services for which fees are charged are also rendered with reference to the pubUc good, as is implied by their governmental character; but they ordinarily involve the general PUBLIC FINANCE AND TAXATION 129 welfare less obviously than do the services which give rise to special assessments, and they are commonly rendered in response to the specific request of the person who pays the fee. Questions 1. Do the fees incidental to Htigation interfere with the proper administration of justice ? 2. Would litigation be more prevalent and prolonged if all the expenses were borne by the government without the charging of fees ? Would this promote justice ? Would it be economical ? 3. Is it desirable or fair to make the peaceable members of a community pay for the contentions of those who are constantly going to law ? 4. Do you know of cases in which the fees collected by pubUc officials have exercised a demoralizing influence in politics ? 5. Is special assessment an appropriate method of paying for improvements in a street (a) if the abutting property owners desire the improvement ? (b) if they oppose it ? 6. Do you know of cases in which special assessments have taken the form of exploitation of property owners for the benefit of the contractors who were given the job ? 5. Taxation a) Canons of Taxation b) Forms and Incidence 0/ Taxation c) Tax Reform "A tax is a general compulsory contribution of wealth collected in the general interest of the community from individuals or corpora- tions by an exercise of the sovereign power of government, and levied without reference to the special benefits which the contributors may severally derive from the public purposes for which the revenue is required." — U.S. Census Report on Wealth, Debt, and Taxation. a) Canons of Taxation i. The Principle of Benefit ii. The Principle of Ability or Faculty Taxation is the principal source of public revenue, yielding in this country about three-quarters of the total revenue of the govern- ment. Consequently it is of the greatest importance to devise a system of taxes which shall be in the highest possible degree efficient and equitable. Simplicity, stability, convenience, and economy in I30 OUTLINES OF ECONOI\IICS collection, with the largest possible yield, are criteria of a good tax, The justice of different forms of taxation is tested by certain canons or principles of which the most familiar are considered below. i. The Principle of Benefit Questions 1. Would it be equitable (a) to tax German subjects in order to enlarge the British navy? {b) to tax citizens of California to build roads in New York ? (c) to tax the citizens of the United States in general to deepen the harbors of coast cities ? {d) to impose a protect- ive tariff which raises prices throughout the country for the benefit of a local industry ? (e) to tax the rich for the support of poorhouses ? (/) to tax the childless for the maintenance of public schools ? 2. Should you agree that individuals should not be forced to support public activities from which they do not consciously benefit or that the burden of a given tax should be distributed in proportion to benefits received? 3. If taxation were regulated exclusively according to the prin- ciple of benefit, would taxes differ from fees ? 4. Is it proper for the state to care for needy citizens ? If so, who is to pay ? 5. How could one determine how much a given citizen was bene- fited by the construction of a "Dreadnought" ? by the maintenance of the Supreme Court of the United States ? 6. Do the rich or the poor benefit more by the activities of govern- ment? Which is the more dependent on government: the man with much to gain or the man with much to lose ? ii. The Principle of Ability or Faculty Questions 1. Can it be maintained that the well-to-do should pay more tax than the poor on the ground that (a) the poor have a right to be sup- ported by the wealthy ? {b) the possession of wealth is prima facie evidence that the possessor has enjoyed special benefits as a result of living under the government which he is asked to support? (c) ethically, one should sacrifice himself for others as far as possible ? {d) someone must pay, and the poor cannot pay without great hardship ? 2. Is taxation according to ability a penalty on attainment and a premium for sloth ? 3. What is the test of ability to pay? Is abihty proportional to income ? to property ? Is it measured by excess of possessions above a minimum regarded as indispensable ? PUBLIC FINANCE AND TAXATION 131 4. Are indirect taxes inequitable in that they raise for all persons alike the cost of necessities of life ? 5. Is equality of sacrifice a satisfactory criterion of the justice of taxation ? b) Forms and Incidence of Taxation i. The General Property Tax ii. Customs Duties iii. Excise Taxes iv. Income Taxes V. Inheritance Taxes vi. Corporation and Business Taxes i. The General Property Tax Questions 1. Who bears the burden of (a) an established tax on land? (b) a newly imposed tax on land ? 2. Who bears the burden of a tax on buildings (a) if the tax is imposed after the buildings are constructed ? (b) if the buildings are constructed after the tax has gone into effect ? 3. Should real property and personal property be subject to the same sort of taxation ? Should the same tax be levied on (a) land and buildings ? (b) furniture and investment securities ? 4. It is maintained that because of the widespread evasion of taxes on intangible personal property, those owners of stocks an,d bonds who do declare their holdings are forced to pay in taxes an exorbitant proportion of their income. Is their burden heavier than that of the landowner ? Why or why not ? 5. Might a low rate of taxation on intangible personal property bring in more than a high rate ? Why ? 6. If all investments in stocks and bonds were declared for taxa- tion would the aggregate value of taxable property be appreciably greater than is now the case ? Could present tax-rates be lowered ? 7. Is a high tax-rate on a low assessment or a low rate on a high assessment the more advantageous from the standpoint of (a) the taxpayer ? (b) a city desirous to issue bonds ? (c) a landowner trying to mortgage his property ? (d) a municipaUty required to pay over, out of its receipts from taxation, a fixed number of mills on the dollar as a state tax ? 8. It is contended that the general property tax, by making it relatively unprofitable to hold landed property, encourages exhausting 132 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS cultivation, slaughter of timber lands, and exploitation of natural resources in general. Explain. g. Is the general property tax equitable ? Is it effectual ? ii. Customs Duties Questions 1. What advantages does a system of customs duties offer as a means of raising revenue ? 2. Would customs duties be a satisfactory source of revenue for the United States in time of war with a great naval power ? 3. Make a list of the disadvantages of a system of customs duties. 4. Should customs duties for purpose of revenue preferably be imposed on necessities or on luxuries? on goods with an elastic demand or on goods with an inelastic demand ? Does your conclu- sion conform to the principle of ability to pay ? 5. Is a protective tariff an economical method of taxation ? 6. Mention five commodities on which import duties for purpose of revenue would in the case of this country be especially appropriate. 7. Distinguish between specific and ad valorem duties. Mention a commodity on which a specific duty would be the better. Mention a commodity on which an ad valorem duty would be preferable. 8. Who bears the burden of a revenue tariff ? 9. Who bears the burden and who gets the benefit of a protective tariff (a) in so far as the taxed commodities are chiefly imported? (b) in so far as the taxed commodities are chiefly produced within the country? iii. Excise Taxes Questions 1. Define excise taxes. 2. What advantages does a system of excise taxes offer as a means of raising revenue ? How are excise taxes collected ? 3. State the disadvantages of a system of excise taxes. 4. For purposes of revenue is it better that excise and customs taxes should be levied on the same or on different commodities ? 5. Do excise taxes discourage home industries and favor the foreign manufacturer ? 6. For the purpose of revenue should excise taxes preferably be imposed on necessities or on luxuries ? What is the practice in this respect in the United States? Does this practice conform to the principle of ability? 7. Are excise taxes in this country imposed strictly for fiscal PUBLIC FINANCE AND TAXATION 133 purposes ? May they be regarded as being equivalent to sumptuary laws, either in effect or by intention ? 8. Who bears the burden of excise taxes ? iv. Income Taxes Questions 1. What has been the chief obstacle to a federal income tax in the United States? Has this obstacle prevented state taxation of income ? 2. What has been the chief obstacle to effectual administration of state income taxes? Would this difficulty have the same force in the case of a federal income tax ? 3. What is taxation of income at the source ? 4. For purposes of fiscal administration could income be satis- factorily defined ? Does the definition of income include increase in the value of property ? Does it exclude allowance for depreciation ? 5. Should income taxes be progressive? Should incomes below a certain amount be exempt from taxation ? 6. Who bears the burden of an income tax ? 7. Are income taxes in harmony with the principle of ability? with the principle of benefit ? with the principle of equal sacrifice ? 8. Should you regard an income tax of 33^ per cent as excessive ? Is it really heavier than a general property tax of 20 mills on the dollar, levied on a 4 per cent security assessed at two-thirds of its market value ? v. Inheritance Taxes Questions 1. How high a rate should you approve in taxation of inheritances ? Has anyone a right to inherit ? to unrestricted inheritance ? 2. Should inheritance taxes be progressive? If so, should the progression be based on the amount of the estate, the amount of the specific inheritance, the amount of the previous property of the heir, or the degree of kinship ? 3. What inconveniences result from the separate administration of inheritance-tax laws by the several states ? 4. Is it proper to tax an inheritance in more than one state ? Is the tax in practice to be paid in the state of the testator, of the bene- ficiary, of the location of the property, or of the trustee under the will? 5. Who bears the burden of an inheritance tax? Is the burden according to benefit? according to abihty? 134 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS vi. Corporation and Business Taxes Questions 1. Who really pays a tax levied on (a) the granting of a corpora- tion charter ? (b) a factory owned by a corporation ? (c) the franchise privileges of a public service corporation ? 2. Is the value of a franchise an unearned increment? Should the total income attributable to the special privilege of the franchise be absorbed by taxation ? Would such taxation be confiscatory ? 3. What is the best test of the taxable value of a business ? 4. Is a high-hcense tax on saloons a desirable form of taxation ? Why ? Who bears the burden of the tax ? c) Tax Reform Questions 1. Distinguish between direct and indirect taxes. Is the distinc- tion of importance in economics ? in United States constitutional law ? 2. Of the several forms of taxation which have been discussed, which, in this country, are primarily employed (a) by the federal government ? (b) by the states ? (c) by local governments ? Why ? 3. Of our present forms of taxation which are likely to increase and which are likely to decline in importance with the progress of scientific reforms ? 4. Is the need of government revenues increasing? Will taxa- tion in the future be depended upon for larger resources than at present ? Would a heavier burden of taxation furnish an incentive to tax reform ? 5. Try to estimate the amount of indirect tax which you pay in the course of a year. If people in general realized how large a pro- portion of their total expenditure goes for taxes would the problems of tax reform receive more attention ? 6. Is the benefit theory or the ability theory of taxation the more acceptable at present ? Does the movement toward larger functions of government indicate a growing belief in one of these theories rather than in the other ? If so, which seems to be gaining ground ? 7. Is a thoroughly good system of taxation attainable in this country without amendment oi the Constitution of the United States ? Do you anticipate such an amendment ? H. SOCIAL REFORM I. Criticisms of the Present Industrial Order II. Remedies Which Have Been Suggested III. Suggested Ideals of Distributive Justice Up to this point, the study of industrial society has been confined almost entirely to a study of things as they are — to an analysis of the actual structure wHh but little reference to proposed changes. The present industrial order is however neither final nor satisfactory. Its defects have evoked endless criticism, and many modifications of the existing regime have been suggested, some of which amount to social revolution. These criticisms and suggested remedies we may now consider and test with the aid of the principles established in our study of the economic situation as it exists. The outline of social reform which follows is on an extremely limited scale. Only so much is attempted as shall indicate some of the directions in which a more thorough inquiry might proceed. Questions are introduced, as elsewhere throughout the book, to develop important problems for investigation ; but on many points the analysis hardly goes beyond a mere schematic statement of the case. I. Criticisms of the Present Industrial Order 1. Economic Defects a) Defects of the Productive Process i. Wastefulness and Duplication of Effort ii. Artificial Stimulation of Wants iii. Production for Sale Rather Than for Service iv. Carelessness in Conserving Human Energy b) Defects of the Distributive Process i. Great Inequalities in Possessions and Incomes ii. The Unfortunate Situation of the So-called Lower Classes iii. The Consequences — unbalanced social development, and probable impairment of the efl&ciency of production 2. Resulting Social and Political Defects a) Corruption, Favoritism, and IneflSciency in Government b) Militarism c) Vice and Crime 3. Difficulty (impossibility?) of Remedying These Evils under the Present System ^35 136 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS Questions 1. Mention two instances which illustrate each of the above- mentioned defects of the productive process. 2. Is non-competitive enterprise free from waste and duplication of effort ? 3. Is wastefulness an advantage in competitive industry ? Could it be maintained that the stimulus of competition prevents waste more than it causes waste ? 4. Which is the greater danger: that competitive industry will stimulate excessive and artificial wants, or that non-competitive conditions will result in neglect to provide for wants already felt ? 5. Would adulterated goods be offered for sale except under an individualistic and competitive economic regime ? 6. How do you distinguish between adulterated or spurious goods and cheap substitutes? Are cheap substitutes desirable? Does competition favor the invention and production of such goods ? 7. The investigators of the Pittsburgh Survey found that industries in the Pittsburgh district had resulted in 526 deaths from accidents in one year. Is this due to defects of the present industrial system ? 8. Cite cases where fraud has been one of the forces in the present distributive process. 9. How can it be argued that defects in distribution harm pro- duction and social development ? 10. Are the rich growing Icher and the poor growing poorer ? 11. Is the control of wealth ever confused with the ownership of wealth in discussing the great fortunes of today ? 12. When we speak of the economic inequalities of today do we mean inequalities of property or of income ? 13. Does the inducement to political corruption for individual advantage exist only where industrial conditions are professedly individualistic ? 14. With what justice can the prevalent social and political defects be charged to the industrial situation ? Does the mere fact that defects exist condemn a system? Is any system likely to be free from defects ? 15. "There can be no real political democracy without industrial democracy." What does this mean ? 16. Can you give instances of wars or menace of war due to (a) national need for economic expansion, by enlargement of territory or increase of foreign trade ? (b) commercial aggression of individuals in foreign countries ? (c) agitation by persons who would be pecuni- arily gainers if war should occur ? Which of these cases are charge- able to the present economic system ? SOCIAL REFORM 137 17. Make a list of forms of vice and crime which are fostered by the present industrial system, and show their relation to such causes as exhausting conditions of work, unemployment and want, chronic poverty, tenement and lodging-house conditions, etc. 18. Judging from what you know of the way in which development of any kind takes place, does it seem to you likely that one could reason out a system which would prove more efficient in production than one which has actually developed through decades? Do you think it reasonable to expect any sudden change in the characteristics of the factors of production ? 19. Does the present system seem to you to be mainly good with some defects, or mainly bad with some good points ? 20. Make out a Ust of the good points of the present system. II. Remedies Which Have Been Suggested 1 . Individual Reform — the Development of Different Ideals 2. Social Reform I. Individual Reform — the Development of Different Ideals a) The Significance of Individual Reform b) The Agencies of Individual Reform Questions 1. If all men were actuated by high ideals would it make much difference what the industrial system was? Should we do better to bring our attempts at reform to bear upon the individual, or upon the system ? 2. Mention professions whose representatives are engaged pri- marily in reforming individuals. Mention other professions whose representatives are engaged primarily in reforming the social system. 3. Do you think that individual reform would react upon social reform? Do you think that social reform would react upon indi- vidual reform ? 4. Should you expect right-minded and law-abiding men and women to grow up in the streets of city slums ? 5. Which is the more pertinent statement: (a) that men and women are inefficient and vicious and criminal because they have been born and have grown up in wretched surroundings, or (b) that the cause of their having been born and reared under such conditions is to be sought in the fact that their parents and predecessors in general were ineflScient, vicious, and criminal? 138 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS 6. How can a person with ideals of social service make up his mind whether he should engage primarily in movements making for individual reform or in movements making directly for social reform ? 2. Social Reform a) Reforms Involving No Vital Change in the Present Order b) Reforms Practically Amounting to Revolution a) Reforms Involving No Vital Change in the Present Order i. Reforms of the Immediate Conditions of Industry (i) On the Initiative of the Persons to Be Benefited (a) The Trade Union Movement {b) Co-operative Enterprises (2) On the Initiative of Other Persons (a) Profit-sharing (3) On the Initiative of the State (a) Regulation of the Conditions of Work {b) Workingmen's Insurance and Pensions ii. General Economic and Social Reforms (i) On the Initiative of Private Persons (a) Philanthropic and Charitable Enterprises (2) On the Initiative of the State {a) Direct Aid to the Needy — Poor-Relief {b) Tax Reforms — including the readjustment of the burden of government expenditures and also the less radical of the tax reforms designed to prevent excessive concentration of wealth, such as progressive income and inheritance taxes (c) Enlarged Educational Facilities {d) Provisions for the Public Health — hospitals, medical aid, facilities for recreation, housing regulations Questions 1. What functions, apart from those of regulating the relations between workmen and employees, do trade unions commonly perform ? 2. Which is likely to have greater success, producers' co-operation or consumers' co-operation (so-called) ? Why ? 3. Cost of living is high. Would it be wise for a certain class of SOCIAL REFORM 139 people (say college teachers) to form co-operative societies to secure their household provisions? What factors would make for success in such a venture ? What factors would make for failure ? Would the enterprise be apt to succeed better if membership were confined to one class of society ? 4. Is there any element of co-operation in the present order? If so, of what kind ? 5. Describe several forms of profit-sharing, and explain their respective advantages and defects. 6. Do you think that labor unions are likely to look with favor upon profit-sharing ? Why ? 7. Do you expect that either profit-sharing or co-operation will become general in the United States ? 8. Is there more cause for inspection, regulation, etc., in industry than there was 150 years ago? Exactly why? Does the fact of more regulation prove that we are drifting into socialism? 9. What are the grounds for labor legislation protecting women and children ? Do these reasons hold equally well for such legisla- tion for the protection of men ? 10. Why is it more difiicult to get suitable factory legislation in the United States than in England ? 11. What is the "sweating" system? What are its chief evils? 12. In what industries is the sweating system most prevalent? How can its evils be eliminated ? 13. Name five trades or occupations that are especially dangerous to workers. Should the state pass special legislation to protect the workers in such occupations? 14. What is meant by "employers' Hability" ? 15. Should the burden of workingmen's insurance be carried by the employer or by the state ? Why ? 16. Which man renders the greater service, the soldier in the army or the worker in industry? Which more deserves a pension? Do you think that the United States should have a system of working- men's insurance against sickness, accident, old age, and death ? 17. Suppose that sick benefits, old-age pensions, etc. (if provided for) raise the prices of goods to the consumer. Do you think this is fair to the consumer who does not receive such a benefit or pension ? 18. Should the efforts of philanthropy and charity be directed more toward alleviation or toward prevention of misery ? 19. Is the right of inheritance a natural, inherent right ? Is primogeniture ? Give arguments for and against the right of inherit- ance. Give arguments for and against the right of bequest. I40 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS b) Reforms Practically Amounting to Revolution i. Land Nationalization (dealt with under "Rent") ii. Anarchism iii. Communism iv. Socialism (i) The Socialist Philosophy as Exemplified in {a) Utopian Socialism {b) Christian Socialism (c) State SociaHsm {d) Marxian Socialism (i) The Materialistic Conception of History (ii) The Marxian Theory of Exploitation (iii) The Doctrine of Capitalistic Contradictions — commercial crises, concentration of capital and industry, progressive misery, development of the proletariat (iv) The Class Struggle and the Social Revolution (v) The Co-operative Commonwealth (2) The SociaHst Movement (a) The Socialist Program {b) The Organization and Extent of the Movement (c) The Aids and Hindrances to the Movement Questions 1. Carefully distinguish between anarchism, communism, and socialism, as social ideals, 2. Does the philosophical anarchist seek primarily an economic reform ? Does the communist ? the socialist ? 3. Can you cite cases where economic conditions appear to have determined men's views on morals, politics, philosophy, religion, etc. ? 4. In reality do you think that economic conditions determine men's views or that men's views determine their economic conditions ? 5. To what extent is the course of history explained by economic causes ? Consider, e.g., the discovery and settlement of America, and the various wars in the history of the United States. 6. Do political parties represent the economic interests of con- tending groups of people ? 7. Suppose it is established that labor is exploited by the employ- ing class. Does that prove the right of the laborer to the total prod- uct of industry, or establish the correctness of Marx's analysis of wages ? Might there be any possible remedy other than socialism ? 8. Is there a class struggle in the United States today ? g. Is there a growing concentration of wealth in the hands of the SOCIAL REFORM 141 few ? If so, why is this unfortunate ? Is the concentration move- ment inevitable in all industries ? If it is, is socialism the only remedy ? 10. Is socialism to be judged by its ideal or by its probable work- ings ? Do you think one should commit himself to socialism because its ideals are high ? Are the ideals of the competitive system lower ? 11. Draw up a list of difficulties which you think the co-operative commonwealth would experience. 12. Do you think that all the evils of today are due to any one cause ? Do you think there is any one cure ? 13. Does the present system stand committed to the continuance of present evils ? 14. Do you think anyone is sufficiently wise to predict the course of human development for the next hundred years ? Should you take the stand that any set program for the future is unwise ? 15. Do you think it possible for a government representing the workers to take over one great industry after another and to operate these great industries for the common welfare rather than for profits ? 16. Suppose socialism were realized. What would be the effect upon rent? interest? profits? wages? Would there be anything corresponding to these shares ? Would the underlying facts of pro- duction be altered ? 17. Would the necessity of taking industrial risks disappear under socialism? If not, who would be the risk-taker? Would risks be taken more wisely than under the present system ? 18. Would the necessity of saving disappear under socialism? If not, who would do the saving and how? Would it be done more wisely than under the present system ? 19. In a collectivist state would the worker have any more free- dom than he has today? 20. It has been said that progress implies the elimination of the "mere muscle man." Do you agree? Is his case becoming steadily worse under the present system ? If so, would socialism continue that tendency ? 21. Does the socialist urge equal distribution of wealth ? 22. The socialists deny they would have a "dead level" society. They would permit inequalities of incomes and of possessions. Why should they ? When they say this do they concede the usefulness of many of the motive forces of the present order ? Do they retain many of the temptations of the present system ? 23. If socialism were given a practical trial, do you suppose the result would be found free from the evidences of greed, unscrupulous personal ambition, fraud, and indolence which have always revealed themselves in other forms of economic society? 24. Would such defects of human character be as detrimental to 142 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS the public welfare in a socialistic system as they arc when associated with excessive individual wealth ? 25. The plea for socialism, it is said, has a fallacious persuasive- ness in consequence of the human tendency to magnify the evils of the existing situation, and to assume that any change will be an improvement. The prejudice against socialism, on the other hand, is aggravated by the mental inertia which resists all change. Which of these biases is the stronger ? Which is the more unreasonable ? 26. When a man contemptuously dismisses a proposal for reform as "sociaHstic" what does he ordinarily mean? 27. Is the capitalist in a position to form an unprejudiced opinion on socialism ? Is the laborer ? 28. Are the men who vote the socialist ticket in this country com- mitted to any definite system of social reorganization, or are they opportunists, taking advantage of every available way toward reform ? 29. What are the main planks of the platform of the socialist party in the United States today ? Is everyone who approves of any or even most of these planks a socialist ? 30. Draw up a statement of the forces at present making for sociaUsm in the United States. Draw up a statement of the forces militating against socialism. 31. Do you think the agitation for socialism, by counteracting the extreme tendencies of our present system, will lead to a compro- mise which will be better than either ? 32. In what ways do you think a socialist state would be superior to the present competitive regime ? III. Suggested Ideals of Distributive Justice 1. The Aristocratic Ideal: Special privileges for persons of special ability, attainment, or position. 2. The Communistic Ideal: Equal division of all goods, or division according to the maxim: "From everyone according to his ability: to everyone according to his needs." 3. The Socialistic Ideal: To everyone according to his labor- service to society. 4. The Competitive Ideal: To everyone according to the value of his services. The above brief statement of the several ideals of distributive justice is designed to suggest the difference of viewpoints rather than to afford an adequate description of each. Communism and social- ism really differ not so much in ideals as in the social mechanisms by which they hope to reach the ideal result. The stated ideals of the SOCIAL REFORM 143 socialistic and competitive systems are obviously similar, but are to be distinguished in that (a) sociaUsm requires some governmental appraisal of labor-service, while competition furnishes at least a tangible criterion of service in terms of exchange-value; (b) essentially different economic programs are advocated as the means of attain- ing them. Questions 1. Should an unjust system of distribution endure? Is it likely to do so ? What do you mean by unjust ? 2. Do any of the following illustrate the aristocratic theory; primogeniture, right of inheritance, the closed shop, slavery ? 3. What advantages might be claimed for an aristocratic economic system in the earlier stages of civiUzation ? 4. Does the principle of the survival of the fittest give support to the aristocratic theory of economic society ? Assuming that human ability is largely hereditary, is it not best that the descendants of the wealthy and successful should be given superior opportunities ? 5. Are all men equal? If so, why do some secure exceptional advantages? If not, why attempt a social system which assumes equality ? 6. Is it possible to reward every man according to his needs? How can the needs of two persons be compared? Are "needs" urgent necessities of bare existence, or economic wants in general, or aspirations ? 7. Does the dictum "From each according to his ability" express a right of the incompetent to receive aid from the more capable, or an ideal of altruistic conduct for those in a position to be of service ? 8. If the weaklings are given the most aid, and the burden of aid- ing falls most heavily on the able, will the race degenerate through a reversal of natural selection ? 9. Suppose one were to accept the ideal "to each according to his labor." Does this mean physical labor, sacrifice, labor-time, or results accomplished ? 10. Does not the present system reward according to the signifi- cance a service possesses for particular individuals and small classes ? May this not put a premium upon trivial or even immoral things? Would it be better to let a government bureau adjudge the worth of the service ? How is this bureau to arrive at its standards ? How is it to apply them ? 11. "In order that the motive of self-interest may be made to serve the interests of society, all harmful or socially unprofitable ways of pursuing self-interest should be closed. The advantage of individuals will then depend upon the measure of their contribution 144 OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS to the well-being of others." Is this true? Give examples of the way in which law and public opinion have directed competition into beneficial channels. 12. Advocates of the competitive system have more or less ex- pressly assumed (a) that every individual of mature age and sound mind knows his own interest better than a body of officials can, and (b) that each individual, if left to himself, will pursue his own interest. Criticize these assumptions. To what extent are they true ? 13. Does the competitive ideal seem to you harder to attain than the others? Is it made more easily attainable by the fact that it utilizes both selfishness and unselfishness ? 14. Do you see any difference between saying that things ought to be thus and so and saying that the state should at once proceed to make things thus and so ? 15. Which is more important: approximate equality of possessions or approximate equality of opportunity? Do we have to destroy the present order to secure the latter ? 16. With a more general diffusion of knowledge, culture, publicity, etc., is political democracy in more or less danger? Is equality of opportunity more or less likely to ensue ? 17. Do you think that the indictments of the present order by men who are the results of this order indicate anything as to the possibility of improvement under the present system ? 18. What real difference is there between the professed ideal of socialism and the professed ideal of the competitive system ? OCT 16 1912 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 008 941 693