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THE QUAKER INVASION OF 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 3 
 
 RICHARD P. HALLOWELL. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 HOUGHTON, MH^FLIN AND COMPANY. 
 
 New York: 11 East Seventeenth Street. 
 
 1883. 
 
f< 
 
 61 
 
 )i/§ 
 
 Copyright, 1883, 
 By RICHARD P. HALLOWELL. 
 
 All rights reserved. 
 
 The Riverside Press, Cambridge : 
 Electrotyped and Printed by II 0- Ilougliton and Company. 
 
PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 The object of this little volume is to cor- 
 rect popular fallacies and to assign to the 
 Quakers their true place in the early his- 
 tory of Massachusetts. Any one who con- 
 sults it with the expectation of finding a de- 
 tailed and harrowing recital of every case 
 of suffering by the Friends will be disap- 
 pointed. This branch of the subject is 
 treated only so far as is necessary to illus- 
 trate the mode of persecution resorted to 
 by the Colonial authorities and the spirit 
 in which it was resisted by the Quakers. 
 
 In addition to Puritan laws and other 
 documents already published by the State, 
 the Appendix contains some very interest- 
 ing evidence never before published, and 
 much material which, while it may be fa- 
 
iv PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 miliar to students who have made the sub- 
 ject one of special inquiry, will be both 
 new and instructive to the general reader. 
 
 R. P. H. 
 
 Boston, Mass., 4th mo., 1883. 
 
CONTENTS, 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Introductory. — The Rise of Quakerism .... 1 
 
 CHAPTER H. 
 
 The Invasion. — Measures of Resistance and De- 
 fense 32 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 The "Warfare 56 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Character and Conduct of the Invaders. — Mod- 
 ern Reviewers reviewed 69 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 The Cause of the War, and its Results . . . .117 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Colonial Laws for the Suppression of Quakers .... 133 
 Petition for Severer Laws against the Quakers, October, 
 
 1058 153 
 
 The Examination of Quakers at ye Court of Assistants 
 
 in Boston, March 7, 1659-60 157 
 
vi CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 James Cudworth's Letter, written in the Tenth Month, 
 
 1658 162 
 
 The Story of Hored Gardner 172 
 
 Recapitulation of the Sufferings of Laurence and Cas- 
 sandra Southick 173 
 
 A Brief Sketch of the Sufferings of Elizabeth Hooten . 177 
 Order for sending Quakers out of the Jurisdiction ; to- 
 gether with the Petition of John Rouse, John Cope- 
 land, Samuel Shattock and -others to the King for 
 
 interference 182 
 
 Abstract from Joint Letter of William Robinson and 
 
 Marmaduke Stevenson 202 
 
 Letter of Mary Dyer 206 
 
 Abstract of Letter from William Leddra, written to his 
 
 Friends on the Day before his Execution .... 208 
 
 Daniel Gould's Letter 210 
 
 Letter from Mary Traske and Margaret Smith, accusing 
 
 the Government 213 
 
 John Burstow's Letter 217 
 
 Letter from Josiah Suthick, a Quaker, to the Deputies 
 
 assembled in the General Court 220 
 
THE QUAKER INVASION OF 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY. THE RISE OF QUAKERISM. 
 
 PUEITANISM, as the word implies, origi- 
 nated in an effort to purify tlie Protestant 
 Christian Church. It inaugurated a reform 
 almost as radical as the Protestant Refor- 
 mation. 
 
 At a later day the name was narrowed 
 in its significance, and was applied only to 
 those who adhered to Calvinistic doctrines 
 of religion, and attempted to establish both 
 in Old and New England a theocracy based 
 upon the Mosaic law and other teachings of 
 the Old Testament. It was the parent, 
 however, from whose loins issued the brood 
 of rehgious sects which, as we shall see, 
 divided the English people into hostile 
 camps, and ultimately bequeathed to us the 
 religious liberty we now enjoy. 
 
2 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 Under Queen Elizabeth, and notwith- 
 standing her repressive measures, Puritan- 
 ism secured a permanent foothold in the 
 English nation, and before the death of 
 James I. it had become a mighty power. 
 The introduction of the Bible into every 
 cottage in the land inaugurated a revolu- 
 tion of which the end is not yet. All 
 other literature was subordinated to the 
 Old and New Testaments. During the 
 greater part of the seventeenth century the 
 people abandoned themselves to the con- 
 sideration of questions appertaining to civil 
 and religious libert}^, and to the solution 
 of religious problems. Ecclesiasticism, in- 
 trenched in the government, disputed with 
 bitterness and ferocity every step of the 
 people in the direction of freedom. The 
 daring but abortive effort of Laud to bring 
 about a reconciliation between Rome and 
 the Anglican Church contributed largely 
 to the overthrow of Charles I., and ended 
 in the execution of both the Archbishop 
 and his master.^ The bigotry and cruelty 
 of Laud were matched by the bigotry and 
 cruelty of the Presbyterian. Milton be- 
 
 1 Sec account of Laud's trial. Ncal's History of the Puri- 
 tans, Toulmia'rf cditiou, vol. iii. p. 231. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 3 
 
 queatlied to us im epigniiu that will live 
 until religious intolerance ceases to plague 
 the world. It runs, " new Presbyter is but 
 old Priest writ large." 
 
 During the period of the Commonwealth 
 toleration was fostered by the genius of Sir 
 Harry Vane, and in a measure by Oliver 
 Cromwell, but during those yetxrs and the 
 succeeding reigns of Charles IT. and James 
 II., coercion and persecution, as well as 
 political intrigue, played a conspicuous part 
 in the vain effort to stay the progress of 
 free inquiry and to arrest the development 
 of liberal principles. Dissent increased 
 under the stimulus of restraint and perse- 
 cution. The middle of the century was a 
 period of intense excitement. The spirit of 
 controversy seemed to possess all classes. 
 Thousands of controversial books and tracts 
 were published. Parliament turned aside 
 from the consideration of state affairs to 
 discuss questions of religion. The courts of 
 justice were continually the arena of relig- 
 ious debate. Itinerant preachers addressed 
 multitudes of eager men and women in pub- 
 lic houses, in the market-place, in barns, 
 and in the open fields. The churches were 
 filled with congregations gathered not only 
 
4 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 to hear aggressive sermons delivered by reg- 
 ular pastors, but to listen to the harangues 
 of speakers representing other sects. At 
 Leicester, in 1648, no less than four differ- 
 ent sects met in the parish church for the 
 purpose of religious disputation. Officers 
 of the Parliament army, after exhorting 
 their soldiers in camp-meetings, visited 
 the churches and there assumed the role of 
 clergymen. One of the tenets of the Inde- 
 pendents was that " any gifted brother, if 
 he find himself qualified thereto, may in- 
 struct, exhort, and preach in the church," 
 and laymen constantly had access to the 
 pulpit. It was not uncommon for some 
 one, after the usual service, to rise in his 
 place and proceed with his own exposition 
 of the law and the gospel. This was done 
 by Episcopal divines as well as by non-con- 
 formists. It is on record that, in 1656, Dr. 
 Gunning, afterwards Regius Professor of 
 Divinity at Cambridge and Bishop of Ely, 
 went into the congregation of John Biddle, 
 *'the father of English Unitarians," and be- 
 gan a dispute with him.^ 
 
 George Fox was a frequent visitor at the 
 *' steeple-house." On very rare occasions he 
 
 1 Supplement to Neal, vol. iii. p. 556. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 5 
 
 imitated the example of the Bishop, but it 
 was his custom to wait quietly until the 
 minister had ended, Avhen he would often 
 be invited to speak. The sects grew and 
 multiplied. The enumeration of them as 
 classified by Masson i is well worth repro- 
 duction. Beside the Papist who was faithful 
 to Rome and the Churchman who was loyal 
 to the bishops, there were Presbyterians, 
 Independents, Baptists or Anabaptists, Old 
 Brownists, Antinomians, Familists, Mille- 
 naries or Chiliasts, Expecters and Seekers, 
 Divorcers, Anti - Sabbatarians, Traskites, 
 Soul-Sleepers or jMortalists, Arians, Socini- 
 ans and other Anti-Trinitarians, Anti-Scrip- 
 turists, Skeptics or Questionists, Atheists, 
 Fifth Monarchy Men, Ranters, The ^h\g- 
 gletonians, Boehmenists, and Quakers or 
 Friends. 
 
 The ferment of religious and irreligious 
 speculation was something prodigious. In 
 1645 ono Thomas Edwards, a prominent 
 Presbyterian, who is described as a '' fluent, 
 rancorous, indefatigable, inquisitorial, and, 
 on the whole, nasty kind of Christian," pub- 
 lished the " Gangra^na," a catalogue one of 
 hundred and sevent^'-six miscellaneous "er- 
 
 1 Life of Milton, vol. iii. pp. 14a-lo9; vol. v. pp. 15-28. 
 
6 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 rors, heresies, and blasphemies " of the sec- 
 taries, and during the following ten years 
 many others might have been added to the 
 list. 
 
 Mysticism and materialism, devout piety 
 and impious scoffing, noble conceptions and 
 shallow theories of liberty, honest self-abne- 
 gation and Pecksniffian cant, all found utter- 
 ance in the babel of voices that resounded 
 through the nation. It was an age when, 
 as Milton phrases it, men undertook " to re- 
 assume the ill-deputed care of their religion 
 into their own hands again." 
 
 Inevitably, in such a transition period, 
 fanaticism played a conspicuous part. It 
 manifested itself in whipping, scourging, 
 mutilation of the bodies of offenders, in long 
 imprisonments, — some men and women liv- 
 ing for years in noisome and filthy gaols, — 
 and in the confiscation and destruction of 
 property. Weak minds were unhinged by 
 it, and men of strong intellects, and ordi- 
 narily of sober j udgment, defended and even 
 committed excesses, both in speech and ac- 
 tion, that to us, when they do not seem su- 
 premely ridiculous, are simply incredible. 
 
 Robert Barclay, author of the well-known 
 " Apology," an able " explanation and vin- 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 7 
 
 dication " of Quakerism, was one of the few 
 controversial writers of tliat period whose 
 books are still read with interest and profit. 
 He was the peer of the best scholars, an ad- 
 mirable logician, and subtle even to profun- 
 dity. A contemporary describes him as a 
 man "sound in judgment, strong in argu- 
 ment, cheerful in sufferings, of a pleasant 
 disposition, yet solid, plain, and exemplary 
 in conversation. He was a learned man, a 
 good Christian, and able minister, a dutiful 
 son, a loving husband, a tender and careful 
 father, an easy master, and good, kind neigh- 
 bor and friend." 
 
 It taxes our credulity to believe that such 
 a man, even in such an age, could, in any 
 serious degree, be possessed by the spirit of 
 fanaticism, but even as late as 1672, being 
 overpowered by a sense of what he con- 
 ceived to be religious duty, he walked 
 through the streets of Aberdeen covered 
 with sack-cloth and ashes. We read with 
 a feeling of pity akin to sympathy, his ex- 
 planatory address to the people. " I was," 
 he says, " commanded of the Lord God . . . 
 great was the agony of my spirit ... I be- 
 sought the Lord with tears, that tliis cup 
 might pass away from me . . . and this 
 
8 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 was the end and tendency of my testimony, 
 — to call j'^ou to repentance by tliis signal 
 and singular step, which I, as to my own 
 will and inclination, was as unwilling to be 
 found in, as the worst and most wicked of 
 you can be averse from receiving or laying 
 it to heart." He further explains that he 
 acted " after the manner of some of the an- 
 cient prophets, and with similar motives." 
 It was accounted a great virtue by the Puri- 
 tans to imitate the ancient prophets, and 
 they searched their Bibles for names as well 
 as for example and divine law. 
 
 Hebrew names were almost as familiar 
 to the ears of that generation as the names 
 of Patrick and Bridget are to our own. It 
 was said that the genealogy of Jesus might 
 be learned from the names in CromwelFs 
 regiments, and that the muster-master used 
 no other list than the first chapter of Mat- 
 thew.^ 
 
 In Brome's " Travels," a book published 
 in the latter half of the seventeenth century, 
 the author, with evident intent to ridicule 
 these manifestations of pious enthusiasm, 
 professes to have seen the following names 
 OQ a jury list in Sussex: "Accepted Tre- 
 
 1 Nciil, vol. iv. p. 9G. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 9 
 
 vor, Redeemed Compton, Faint-not Hewit, 
 Make-Peace Heaton, God-Reward Smart, 
 Hope-for Bending, Earth Adams, Called 
 Lower, Kill-Sin Pimple, Return Spelman, 
 Be-Faitbful Joiner, Fly-Debate Roberts, 
 Figbt-tbe-good-Figbt-of-Faith Wbite, More- 
 Fruit Fowler, Stand-Fast-on-Higb Stringer, 
 Graceful Herding, Weep-not Billing, and 
 Meek Brewer." Neal, Hume, and otber 
 bistorians accept tbis list as one of genuine 
 baptismal names. Forster, in bis " States- 
 men of England," recognizes its true cbarac- 
 ter, but believes tbat Brome was tbe victim 
 of a joke, and tbat be reports tbe names in 
 good faitb. It is more probable, bowever, 
 tbat be was tbe perpetrator, not tbe victim 
 of tbe jest, for after reciting tbe list, be says 
 soberly, and as if to justify bis bumor, " I 
 myself bave known some persons in London 
 and otber parts of tbis kingdom wbo bave 
 been cbristianed by tbe names of Faitb, 
 Hope, Cbarity, Mercy, Grace, Obedience, 
 Endure, and Rejoice," and be migbt bave 
 added, Praise-God, for sucb was tbe name 
 of a member of Oliver Cromwell's Parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 Fanaticism revived old and enacted new 
 laws under wbicb cburcbes and catbedrals 
 
10 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 were despoiled with ruthless barbarism : im- 
 ages, pictures, painted glass, organs, copes, 
 and fonts were mutilated or destroj^ed. 
 Frenzied and pious Puritans drove horses, 
 swine, and calves into the churches and 
 baptized them with mock solemnity. They 
 tore up the surplice as a remnant of Baby- 
 lon and burned the book of " Common 
 Prayer." ^ In the Puritan '^ Anatomy of 
 the Service-Booke " we read, " As they are 
 altars of Baal, erected and maintained by 
 Baalites or Balaamites, so they, and all their 
 ceremoniall accoutrements, and the Service- 
 Booke itself, are an abomination." The 
 Litany is styled, " not the least sinful, but 
 rather the most offensive " part of the Lit- 
 urgy.2 
 
 Bible phraseology was incorporated into 
 ordinary speech; tracts and treatises were 
 full of it, orators adopted it, state papers 
 and proclamations were embodied in it. 
 Scriptural and unscriptural denunciation 
 and invective were legitimate w^eapons of 
 warfare, and the pens of controversialists 
 were often dipped in gall. Not only igno- 
 rant and obscure writers, but men conspicu- 
 
 1 Mavsden's Later Puritans, pp. 55-57. Brome, p. 258. 
 Coit's Puritanism, p. 61. 
 
 2 Coit, pp. 51-59. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 11 
 
 Oils for their piety, learning, and refinement-, 
 used language bitter, harsh, extravagant, 
 and offensive to good taste. The Rev. Dr. 
 Daniel Featley, a Presbyterian and a mem- 
 ber of the historic Assembly of Divines at 
 Westminster, published a tract in 1644, 
 entitled " The Dippers dipt ; or the Ana- 
 baptists ducked and plunged over head and 
 ears at a disputation in Southwark," in 
 which he calls the Baptists an idle and sot- 
 tisli sect ; a lying and blasphemous sect ; an 
 impure and carnal sect ; a bloody and cruel 
 sect ; a profane and sacrilegious sect.^ In 
 the same year he petitioned the House of 
 Lords that John Milton might be cut off 
 as a pestilent Anabaptist. 
 
 Prynne ridiculed the church choir in set 
 terms. He said, " Choristers bellow the 
 tenor, as it were oxen ; bark a counterpart, 
 as it were a kennel of dogs ; roar out a 
 treble, as it were a sort of bulls ; and grunt 
 out a bass, as it were a number of hogs." '^ 
 
 Milton says of the bishops, " they . . . 
 shall be thrown down eternally into the 
 darkest and deepest gulf of hell . . . the 
 trample and spurn of all the other damned 
 
 1 Quoted in Ivimey's Milton, p. 104. 
 
 2 Quoted in Coit'a Puritanism, p. 455. 
 
12 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 . . . shall exercise a raving and bestial tyr- 
 anny over tbem . . . they shall remain in 
 that plight forever, the basest, the lower- 
 most, the most dejected and down-trodden 
 vassals of perdition." ^ In his reply to Sal- 
 masius, who, in 1649, published a vindica- 
 tion of Charles I., he calls him a " pimp " 
 and a " starving rascal," and denounces 
 him in quaint but vigorous verse thus ; — 
 
 " And in Rome's praise employ liis poisoned breath, 
 Who threatened once to stink the Pope to death." 2 
 
 It would be both pleasant and profitable 
 to pause a moment to contemplate Puritan- 
 ism in its larger and nobler aspect, but it 
 has a place in this treatise only so far as 
 it relates to Quakerism. The preceding 
 sketch of the religious enthusiasm and fa- 
 naticism that marked its rise and progress, 
 it is hoped, will serve a twofold purpose. 
 Though necessarily incomplete, it will aid 
 us to a better understanding of the nature 
 and significance of the conflict between the 
 Founders of Massachusetts and the Qua- 
 kers, when w^e come to consider it, and in 
 the mean time it will, in a measure, indi- 
 cate some of the conditions under which 
 Quakerism was developed. 
 
 1 Coit, p. 455. 2 ivimey, p. 146. 
 
OF MASSACnUSETTS. 13 
 
 George Fox was the founder of the sect. 
 Macaulay, utterly unable to understand or 
 appreciate this remarkable man, can " see 
 no reason for placing him, morally or in- 
 tellectually, above Ludowick Muggleton or 
 Joanna Southcote." He thinks his intel- 
 lect was " too much disordered for liberty, 
 and not sufficiently disordered for Bedlam." 
 Carlyle, with a deeper insight, recognizes 
 in Fox a religious genius and reformer. 
 "This man, by trade a shoemaker," he 
 says, "was one of those to whom, under 
 ruder or purer form, the Divine Idea of 
 the Universe is pleased to manifest itself, 
 . . . who therefore are rightly accounted 
 Prophets, God-possessed. ... Let some 
 living Angelo or Rosa, with seeing eye 
 and understanding heart, picture George 
 Fox on that morning when he spreads out 
 his cutting-board for the last time, and cuts 
 cowhides by unwonted patterns, and stitches 
 them together into one continuous case, the 
 farewell service of his awl ! Stitch away, 
 thou noble Fox ; every prick of that little 
 instrument is pricking into the heart of 
 slavery and World-worship, and the Mam- 
 mon god. Thy elbows jerk, as in strong 
 swimmer's strokes, and every stroke is bear- 
 
14 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 ing thee across the Prison -ditch, within 
 which Vanity holds her Work-house and 
 Rag-fair, into lands of true Liberty ; were 
 the work done, there is in broad Europe 
 one Free Man, and thou art he ! " Fox's 
 parents were members of the Established 
 Church, and were noted for their probity 
 and piety. He was born in Leicestershire, 
 England, in 1624. His school education 
 was limited and insufficient. Very early 
 in life he manifested a serious disposition, 
 sometimes bordering upon melancholy. His 
 pious mother, instead of luring him on to 
 the enjoyment of childish sports, encour- 
 aged his precocity, and, as a consequence, 
 he was never a boy in anything but years. 
 The child was father of the man. He was 
 honest almost to a fault. He would not re- 
 sent an affront, but never flinched in times 
 of trial. " Verily," with him, stood for 
 protestation and determination, and it was 
 a common remark among his companions, 
 that, " if George says ' Verily,' there is no 
 altering him." At the age of nineteen, and 
 for three continuous years, he experienced 
 mental suffering that would have unseated 
 an intellect less vigorous and rugged. He 
 withdrew ivom. all companionship, but was 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 15 
 
 soon made miserable by the reflection that 
 he had forsaken his relations. Returning 
 home, he spent much of his time in solitary 
 meditation and prayer. The Bible was his 
 favorite, and almost his only study. His 
 condition, he tells us, was often one of ab- 
 solute despair. He consulted preachers of 
 the various denominations, but found them 
 " miserable comforters." He likens them 
 to '' an empty, hollow cask." The outcome 
 of this mental conflict was the conviction 
 that the paramount object of human exist- 
 ence is to get into a proper spiritual relation 
 with the Creator. The moral faculties are 
 to be quickened, the law of Love must gov- 
 ern our relations with our fellow-men ; but 
 a spiritual oneness with the Deity attained, 
 the rest would follow as naturally as light 
 follows the rising sun. He learned that 
 the divine law is written upon the hearts 
 of men ; and that to construe or interpret 
 it correctly, he must give heed to the voice 
 of God in his own soul. His mission was 
 now revealed to him. "I was commis- 
 sioned," he says, " to turn people to that 
 Inward Light — even that Divine Spirit 
 which would lead men to all truth." 
 
 This doctrine of the Liward Li<]:ht was 
 
16 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 the corner-stone upon which Fox build ed 
 and upon wliich Quakerism rests. It was 
 no new doctrine. Neither Fox nor his as- 
 sociates laid claim to a discovery. It was 
 older than Christianity itself, but since the 
 days of Jesus and his followers, it had been 
 a mere theory, subordinate to doctrines em- 
 bodied in the creeds. Jesus, in substance, 
 taught the same lesson, but the Christian 
 Church had forgotten it. Christ had come 
 to be God and the Bible, the only revealed 
 word. Fox sought to restore primitive 
 Christianity by calling upon men not to 
 forsake Jesus, but to worship God and to 
 realize, in full, the relation to Him implied 
 when we call him Father. The epithet, 
 heretic, has so often been applied to the 
 early Quakers that it is frequently assumed 
 that they formally denied and denounced 
 theological opinions alleged to be funda- 
 mental. This is a serious error. It is true 
 they were not creed bound. " Where the 
 Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty," and 
 liberty of conscience, liberty to think and to 
 speak, not only found protection in a Quaker 
 meeting, but zealous advocates and defend- 
 ers wherever a Quaker voice was heard. 
 Such liberty inevitably develops variety 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 17 
 
 of opinion, and there was more liititiide 
 among the Friends than within the narrower 
 limits of other sects. They all, however, be- 
 lieved in Father, Son, and Holy Ghost ; in 
 Christ the Saviour ; in the atonement ; in the 
 resurrection ; and in the inspiration of the 
 Bible. Nevertheless, they held that " the 
 letter killeth, but the Spirit giveth life," 
 and that to interpret the written word, 
 men must be inspired by the Spirit that 
 guided the hands of those who wrote it. 
 Fox said '' the holy men of God wrote the 
 Scriptures as they were moved by the Holy 
 Ghost ; and all Christendom are on heaps 
 about those Scriptures, because they are 
 not led by the same Holy Ghost as those 
 were that gave forth the Scriptures ; which 
 Holy Ghost they must come to in them- 
 selves and be led by, if they come into all 
 the truth of them." Barclay, in his " Apol- 
 ogy," declares, " We do firmly believe that 
 there is no other gospel to be preached, but 
 that which was delivered by the apostles. 
 . . . We distinguish betwixt a revelation 
 of a new gospel and new doctrines, and a 
 new revelation of the good old gospel and 
 doctrines ; the last we plead for, but the 
 first we utterly deny." He is careful, how- 
 
18 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 ever, to maintain the supremacy of the 
 Si)irit, and in this connection he assures 
 the reader that some of his friends, " who 
 not only were ignorant of the Greek and 
 Hebrew, but even some of them could not 
 read their own vulgar language, wdio being 
 pressed by their adversaries wdth some cita- 
 tions out of the English translation, and 
 finding them to disagree with the manifes- 
 tation of truth in their own hearts, have 
 boldly affirmed the Spirit of God never 
 said so, and that it was certainly w^rong ; 
 for they did not believe that any of the 
 holy prophets or apostles had ever written 
 so; which, when I, on this account, seri- 
 ously examined, I really found to be errors 
 and corruptions of the translators ; who (as 
 in most translations) do not so much give 
 us the genuine signification of the words, 
 as strain them to express that which comes 
 nearest to that opinion and notion they 
 have of truth." On another page he says 
 the Scriptures " may be esteemed a second- 
 ary rule, subordinate to the Spirit, from 
 which they have all their excellency and 
 certainty ; for as by the inward testimony 
 of the Spirit we do alone truly know them, 
 so they testify that tlie Spirit is that Guide 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 19 
 
 by which the saints are led into all truth; 
 therefore, according to the Scriptures, the 
 Spirit is the first and principal leader." 
 
 The famous Kichard Baxter, in a discus- 
 sion with some Quakers, referring to this 
 Inward Light, asked them, "If all have it, 
 why may not I have it ? " And a learned 
 Unitarian clergyman of Boston calls this 
 " one of his most pertinent questions." If 
 so, Baxter must have been sorely pressed 
 and at his wit's end for argument, for the 
 Quakers could not too strongly urge the 
 universality of the Divine Spirit, and their 
 response no doubt was, that having it, he 
 should heed it. Heed it, friend Baxter, and 
 it will lead thee into all truth. The diffi- 
 culty lay in his denial of it. 
 
 The logic of this cardinal principle of 
 Quakerism led straight to repudiation of 
 the authority of an ordained ministry, to 
 the withdrawal from church membership, 
 and the refusal to pay church tithes. In- 
 tellectual training alone cannot fit men to 
 be religious teachers. The Spirit of God 
 must first illuminate their souls and sanc- 
 tify their lives. The Puritans rebelled 
 against prelacy, and held in special abhor- 
 rence the forms and ceremonies borrowed 
 
20 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 from Rome by the English Church. Com- 
 ing mto power, they estabhshed their own 
 cliurch and compelled an unwilling people 
 to conform to and support it. The Quakers 
 probed deeper. They rebelled against prel- 
 ate and presbyter alike. They claimed 
 not toleration, but liberty of conscience for 
 all as an inalienable right ; the}^ demanded 
 the absolute separation of Church and 
 State; denounced the clergy as priests and 
 liirelings, and in spite of fiendish persecu- 
 tion refused to acknowledge their authority 
 or to contribute so much as a farthing to 
 their maintenance. Where the Spirit of 
 the Lord is, there is liberty ; and the spirit 
 of liberty was infectious. Others as well 
 as the Quakers asserted the religious equal- 
 ity of men and the sufficiency of the Holy 
 Spirit, and with stinging invective exposed 
 the pretenses of pious charlatans. In 1658, 
 John jMilton, in an address to Parliament, 
 said, "For now commonly he that desires to 
 be a minister looks not at the work but at 
 the wages ... it were much better there 
 were not one divine in the university, nor 
 no school divinity known ; the idle sophis- 
 try of monks, the canker of religion. . . . 
 But most of all are they. to be reviled and 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 21 
 
 slmnned who eiy out with tho distinct voice 
 of hirelings, that if you settle not our main- 
 tenance by laws, farewell the gospel ; than 
 which nothing can be more ignominious, 
 and, I may say, more blasphemous against 
 our Saviour, wlio hath promised without 
 this condition both his Holy Spirit and his 
 own presence with his church to the world's 
 end." He continues, " Of which hireling 
 even, together with all the mischiefs, dis- 
 sensions, troubles, wars, merely of their own 
 kindling, Christendom might soon rid her^ 
 self and be happy, if Christians would but 
 know their own dignity, their liberty, their 
 adoption, and let it not be wondered if I 
 say their spiritual priesthood, whereby they 
 have all equally access to any ministerial 
 fu!ictions whenever called by their own 
 abilities and the church, though they never 
 came near commencement or university." 
 
 These bold, brave words might well have 
 been uttered by Fox, or Burroughs, or 
 Tliomas Ellwood, the Quaker reader to the 
 blind old poet. 
 
 With remarkable unanimity the early 
 Quakers held many views of religious ob- 
 ligation that brought them into direct con- 
 flict with the civil authorities and social 
 
22 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 usafres. These views were known as " tes- 
 timonies," and later, wlien an organization 
 was effected, they were incorporated into 
 what is known as the Discipline of the So- 
 ciety. Church ordinances, baptism, com- 
 munion table, prayer-book, were contemned. 
 Silent meditation, interrupted only by a 
 short prayer or exhortation by one or more 
 of them, who, perchance, were moved by 
 the Spirit, constituted their only form of 
 worship. They substituted simple affirma- 
 tion for the oath, defending the innovation 
 with apt and telling quotations from Scrip- 
 ture. They held meetings for worship, and 
 were generally careful to abstain from all 
 unnecessary secular emp]o3anent on the first 
 day of the week, but they did not regard 
 it as especially the *' Lord's day." They 
 claimed that " all days are alike holy in 
 the sight of God." They regarded the use 
 of the plural number in addressing one per- 
 son as a species of flattery, and adopted the 
 simple thee and thou of the Bible. Your 
 Holiness, Your Grace, Your Honor, etc., 
 were " flattering titles," and therefore they 
 addressed all men by their Christian names 
 only. They declared " that it is not lawful 
 for Christians to kneel or prostrate them- 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 23 
 
 selves to any man, or to bow the body, or 
 to uncover the head to men. That it is not 
 lawful for a Christian to use superfluities in 
 apparel, as are of no use, save for ornament 
 and vanity. That it is not lawful to use 
 games, sports, plays, nor, among other things, 
 comedies, among Christians, under the no- 
 tion of recreations, which do not agree with 
 Christian silence, gravity, and sobriety." 
 They considered war " an evil as opposite 
 and contrary to the Spirit and doctrine of 
 Christ as light to darkness," and they would 
 not fight. They laid particular emphasis 
 upon the sacredness of the married rela- 
 tion, nevertheless their bigoted persecutors 
 denounced Quaker marriages as illegal until 
 in 1661 the courts confirmed the legality of 
 such marriages. Even as careful a writer 
 as Masson says " they had no religious cere- 
 mony in sanction of marriage." ^ Professor 
 Masson, as his context proves, had ample 
 opportunity to avoid this blunder, and it 
 can only be accounted for on the theory 
 that his mind is prejudiced by the still pop- 
 ular notion that the presence and offices 
 of an ordained minister are necessary to 
 make a marriage ceremony religious and 
 
 1 Life of Miltoii, vol. v. p. 25. 
 
24 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 to secure the Divine sanction of the nup- 
 tial rites. The Quakers thought otherwise. 
 They repudiated the chiims of the clergy, 
 and believed that God alone can join men 
 and women in the solemn covenant. " It 
 is their custom," says Sewel, " first having 
 the consent of the parents or guardians 
 . . . and after due in(juiry, all things ap- 
 pearing clear, they in a public meeting sol- 
 emnly take each other in marriage, with a 
 promise of love and fidelity, and not to 
 leave one another before death separates 
 them. Of this a certificate is drawn, men- 
 tioning the names and distinctions of the 
 persons thus joined, which, being first signed 
 by themselves, those then that are present 
 sign as witnesses." ^ This custom is still 
 in force, and, with some unimportant ver- 
 bal amendments, the phraseology of early 
 Friends is still preserved. After an appro- 
 priate silence, the groom and bride rise, and 
 taking each other by the hand, each in turn 
 repeats, " In the presence of the Lord an^ 
 this assembly, I take thee to be my wit) 
 (or husband), promising, with Divine assist- 
 ance, to be unto thee a loving and faithful 
 husband (or wife) until death shall separate 
 
 1 Ilistoru of the QuaTc&i's, vol. ii. p. 408. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 25 
 
 US." For religious solemnity and tender, 
 touching simplicity, tbe Quaker marriage 
 ceremony has always challenged compari- 
 son, and if any one desires to feel and real- 
 ize the presence of God in a public or pri- 
 vate gathering, let him attend a Quaker 
 wedding. 
 
 One of the most popular slanders current 
 is the charge that the early Quakers held 
 all civil authority in contempt and were 
 willful law-breakers. So far from this, they 
 were an eminently law-abiding people, and 
 had profound respect for the office of the 
 civil magistrate. For the insignia of office 
 they had, perhaps, too little regard, but 
 for law on which social order and well-be- 
 ing depend, they showed a most exemplary 
 fidelity. George Fox said, " Magistracy is 
 for the praise of them that do well. . . . 
 Magistrates are for the punishment of evil- 
 doers. . . . We are not against, but stand for 
 all good government." Edward Burroughs, 
 in 1658, wrote to Richard Cromwell, " As 
 for magistracy, it was ordained of God to be 
 a dread and terror and limit to evil-doers, 
 and to be a defense and praise to all that do 
 well, to condemn the guilty and to justify 
 the guiltless." In an interview with the 
 
26 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 King, in 1660, Richard Hubberthorn said, 
 " Thus do we own magistrates ; whatsoever 
 is set up by God, whether king, as supreme, 
 or any set in authority by him, who are for 
 the punishment of evil-doers, and the praise 
 of them that do well, such shall we submit 
 unto and assist in righteous and civil things, 
 both by body and estate, and if any magis- 
 trates do that which is unrighteous, we must 
 declare against it, only submit under it by 
 a patient suffering and not rebel against 
 any by insurrections, j)lots, and contriv- 
 ances." Barclay's statement of the attitude 
 of the early Quakers toward the civil law 
 and the magistracy is equally clear and defi- 
 nite. He said, " Since God hath assumed 
 to himself the power and dominion of con- 
 science, who alone can rightly instruct and 
 govern it, therefore it is not lawful for any 
 whosoever, by virtue of any authority or 
 principality they bear in the government 
 of this world, to free the consciences of 
 others, . . . providing always, that no man, 
 under the pretense of conscience, prejudice 
 his neighbor in his life or estate, or do any- 
 thing destructive to, or inconsistent witli, 
 human society ; in which case the law is for 
 tlie transgressor, and justice is to be admin- 
 
OF MASSACnuSETTS. 27 
 
 istered upon all without respect of persons." 
 Perhaps it should be stated here that be- 
 cause Barclay was a highly educated gen- 
 tleman, and wrote his best known works 
 as late as 1673-76, some modern critics in- 
 sinuate, if they do not broadly affirm, that 
 he does not fairly represent the Quakerism 
 of 1656 to 1662. Such criticism is fla- 
 grantly unjust. It is alleged that " the 
 crude and indigested notions which the 
 early Quakers uttered ' in a prophetical 
 wa}',' sounded like the wildest rant, to be 
 relieved of the reproach of blasphemy only 
 by being referred to a besotted stupidity or 
 a shade of distraction." ^ With a magician's 
 power, Barclay, it seems, transformed dis- 
 traction into sobriety. At his touch be- 
 sotted stupidity was metamorphosed into a 
 wise intelligence, and blasphemy into rev- 
 erential religion. This magician, and also 
 William Penn, we are informed, " wrought 
 out for the Friends a religious system for 
 belief and practice, which would do honor 
 to any fellowship of Christians at the pres- 
 ent time." The simple truth is, that cal- 
 umnies almost as harsh as the one just 
 quoted, marred the writings of distinguished 
 
 1 Massachusetts and its Early History, p. lOG. 
 
28 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 divines in the seventeenth, as v^ell as in the 
 nineteenth centuiy. Barchiy, recognizing 
 vital religious truth in the " principles and 
 doctrines " contemptuously called " notions " 
 by our critic, wrote, not only an "explana- 
 tion," but a " vindication " of them. He was 
 a warm personal friend and admirer of Fox, 
 and was admirably fitted for the task by 
 education, sympathy, suffering, experience, 
 and knowledge. It would be a difficult task 
 for an}' one to show w^ierein the " religious 
 system for belief and practice," elaborated 
 by him, differs in essential particulars from 
 the Quakerism of Fox, or Burroughs, or 
 Hubberthorn. There is a striking corre- 
 spondence in their opinions concerning social 
 duty and the limit of their obligation to 
 civil government ; and, bearing in mind the 
 fact that they were not anchored to a creed, 
 we cannot but be impressed by the har- 
 mony of their doctrinal views. But this is 
 a digression. The reader w^ho cares to pur- 
 sue the matter further should consult Bar- 
 clay's " Catechism," his "Anarchy of tlie 
 Ranters," and his "Apology." And for 
 Penn's testimony as to the " extraordinary 
 understanding in divine things," and the 
 " admirable fluency and taking way of ex- 
 
OF MASSACnUSETTS. 29 
 
 pressioii," so characteristic of the " first 
 Quakers," one should read his " Rise and 
 Progress of the People called Quakers." 
 
 Having noted some of the more salient 
 features of Quakerism, we are quite pre- 
 pared to believe that in an age of intense 
 religious excitement some of its more ar- 
 dent professors were victims of religious 
 zeal, and occasionally were guilty of acts 
 inconsistent with proper decorum. It must 
 be added, too, that, when pushed in argu- 
 ment, prominent Friends, including Fox and 
 Penn, justified some of these acts by throw- 
 ing responsibility for them upon the Spirit 
 of the Lord. On the other hand, they dis- 
 owned James Naylor and others on account 
 of their fantastic extravagances. ^ The num- 
 ber of Quakers was counted by tens of 
 thousands, and at one period forty-two hun- 
 dred of them were in the gaols,^ not for any 
 crime or misdemeanor, but because of their 
 stout defense of liberty and their heroic re- 
 sistance to religious tyranny. When driven 
 or dragged from their meeting-houses, they 
 ai'sembled in the streets ; and when the 
 
 } Sewel's History, vol. i. p. 177. 
 
 3 Janney's Life of Fox, p. -477, and man}^ other Quaker 
 histories. 
 
30 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 meeting-houses were torn down they met 
 on the ruins, from whence they were driven 
 only by personal violence. Many of them 
 died in prison and many more suffered long 
 imprisonment only to resume their life of 
 sacrifice and trial when released. They 
 were courageous, aggressive, bold, and un- 
 sparing in their denunciation of sin and sin- 
 ners, but equally tender-hearted, loving, 
 and affectionate. Even women suffering 
 the tortures of the lash could kneel and ask 
 God to forgive the wretched men who dealt 
 the blows.^ 
 
 The name Quaker was applied to them in 
 derision, but as indicative of their charac- 
 ter and aim, thej^ called themselves Friends. 
 When they organized, it was not in order 
 to proclaim a creed or to build up a sect, 
 but for humane purposes, and, in Fox's 
 phraseology, for the " promotion of purity 
 and virtue." The only test of membership 
 was an habitual attendance at religious 
 meetings. If a stranger appeared in thrir 
 business meetings and wished to parti cipa.te 
 therein, he was asked for a certificate frcm 
 Friends of his own town, indorsing, not his 
 soundness in doctrine, but his personal 
 
 i Neio England Judged, p. 61. 
 
OF MASSACriUSETTS. 31 
 
 character. " Tin's precaution," says Fox, 
 *' was to previ'iit any bad spirit tliat may 
 scandalize honest men, from bringing re- 
 proach upon them." 
 
 Questions of policy were not settled by a 
 count of noses or a show of hands, but, after 
 grave deliberation and conference, by what 
 appeared to be the weight or solid judg- 
 ment of the assembly. 
 
 Quakerism in its social and moral aspect 
 was the synonym for brotherly love, purity, 
 simplicity, integrit^^ and benevolence. The 
 early Quakers not onl}^ advocated an en- 
 lightened revision of the criminal laws and 
 a reform in the treatment of prisoners, 
 which was then barbarous, but they visited 
 the prisons, and sought out and aided the 
 poor, the friendless, and the outcasts of so- 
 ciety. They literally loved both friend and 
 foe. Hated, reviled, and persecuted of men, 
 they asked a divine blessing for their bit- 
 terest enemies. 
 
32 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 THE INVASION. MEASURES OF RESISTANCE 
 
 AND DEFENSE. 
 
 It is believed that numbers of the people 
 of the town of Salem, in Massachusetts 
 (together with others of the Plj^mouth Col- 
 ony), had embraced the tenets of the Qua- 
 kers prior to the arrival of some mission- 
 aries in 1656, but there is apparently no 
 evidence to indicate that they had pro- 
 claimed themselves or adopted tlie name of 
 the despised sect. Had tlie}^ done so, they 
 probably would have been at least named 
 iu the recommendation of the Court made 
 in May of tlie same year, that " the 11th 
 day of June next ... be kept as a public 
 day of humiliation, to seek 'the face of God 
 in behalf of our native country, in refer- 
 euce to the abounding of errors, especially 
 tliose of the Ranters and Quakers," ejc. 
 This is the first reference to the Friends 
 found in the printed official records. When 
 it was made, Plymouth Colony had been 
 
OF .UASSACnUSETTS. 33 
 
 settled thirty-five years, and the Massa- 
 chusetts Bay Colony^ a quarter of a cen- 
 tury. Roger Williams, who, with all his 
 shortcomings, is fairly ranked with the 
 apostles of liberty, had been driven into 
 exile. Mrs. Ann Hutchinson had been sup- 
 pressed and banished. Sir Henry Vane had 
 returned to England discouraged and dis- 
 heartened. Coddington, one of the founders, 
 and afterwards a Quaker, had taken ref- 
 uge in Rhode Island, where he enjoyed 
 the liberty of conscience denied him here. 
 Winthrop had died lamenting the part ho 
 had played in persecuting lieresy.^ Sir 
 Richai'd Saltonstall, another founder, had 
 addressed his famous letter, from England, 
 to his old friends, in which he deplored 
 their "tyranny and persecution," and be- 
 sought tliem '' not to practise those coui^ses 
 in a wilderness which you went so far to 
 prevent." ^ His advice, it is needless to say, 
 was unheeded. John Endicott was Gov- 
 ernor, and John Norton the leading minister 
 
 ^ George Bishop's Neto England .Iwhjed, p. 220. First 
 pii >lishecl in IGGl, reprinted in 10G7, witli addition of a Sec- 
 ond Tart. Aftain reprinted in 1702 and bon'nd in one volnme 
 with Jolni Whitiii<,^'s Answer to Cotton Mather, etc. For 
 references in lliis book, sec the edition of 1702. 
 
 2 JIutch insun Papers, pp. 401-407. 
 3 
 
34 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 of the Massachusetts Colony, when the first 
 two Quaker visitors arrived, and the poUcy 
 of repression found in them the sternest of 
 supporters. Ann Austin and Mary Fisher 
 came here in a vessel, in July of 1656. The 
 laws referriug to Quakers had not yet been 
 enacted, and there was no law, human or 
 divine, to prohibit their coming here or 
 brinsfinoj their books with them. On the 
 contrary, the " Bod}^ of the Liberties," en- 
 acted in 1641, was a guaranty of ample 
 protection by the authorities if they were 
 disturbed or molested. The prefatory dec- 
 laration reads : " We do therefore, this 
 da}^ religiously and unanimously, decree 
 and confirm these following rights, liber- 
 ties, and privileges, concerning our churches 
 and civil state, to be respectively, impar- 
 tially, and inviolably, enjoyed and ob- 
 served throughout our jurisdiction forever." 
 The first and second declarations are as fol- 
 lows : — 
 
 "1st. No man's life shall be taken awajs 
 no man's honor or good name shall ''3e 
 stained, no man's person shall be arrested, 
 restrained, banished, dismembered, nor any 
 ways punished ; no man shall be deprived of 
 his wife or children, no man's goods o\ es- 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 35 
 
 tate shall be taken away from him, nor any- 
 way indamaged under color of law or coun- 
 tenance of authorit}^ unless it be by virtue 
 or equity of some express law of the coun- 
 try warranting the same, established by a 
 General Court and sufficiently published, 
 or in case of the defect of a law in any par- 
 ticular case, by the word of God. And in 
 capital cases, or in cases concerning dis- 
 membering or banishment, according to that 
 word to be judged by the General Court." 
 
 " 2d. Every person within tliis jurisdic- 
 tion, whether Inhabitant or foreigner, shall 
 enjoy the same justice and law that is gen- 
 eral for the plantation, which we constitute 
 and execute one towards another, without 
 partiality or delay." 
 
 In the face of this statute, Endicott being 
 out of town, the deputy governor, Richard 
 Bellingham, sent officers aboard the ship, 
 who searched the baggage of these two pas- 
 sengers, and seized their books, which, by 
 order of the authorities, were burned by 
 the common executioner. The women were 
 committed to prison, where they were con- 
 fined for five weeks, when they were sent 
 back to Barbadoes, the master of tlie ship 
 being bound in one hundred pounds to take 
 
36 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 them there, and ordered not to suffer any 
 to speak with them after they were put on 
 board. It seems that while in gaol they 
 used their own beds, which were brought out 
 of the ship ; these and their Bibles the 
 gaoler confiscated to satisfy his fees. Dur- 
 ing their imprisonment no one was allowed 
 to visit or to speak with them, and a board 
 was nailed up before the window so that 
 none might see them ; they were denied all 
 writing material, and no lights were per- 
 mitted at night. They were so ill-fed or 
 so starved, rather, that Nicholas Upsall, a 
 church-member and freeman since 1631, 
 bribed the gaoler with five shillings a week 
 for the privilege of sending them provisions. 
 Prior to this humane deed, he, or some 
 other person whose lieart had been touched 
 by their sufferings, — it was probably Up- 
 sall, — had in vain offered to pay the five 
 pounds penalty if permitted to visit the 
 prisoners. As is usual with official despots, 
 Bellingham made some show of legal pro- 
 cedure when this severe treatment was or- 
 dered. The council was convened, and a 
 declaration issued, whei'ein it was said that 
 '' there are several laws long since made 
 and published in this jurisdiction bearing 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 37 
 
 testimony against heretics and erroneous 
 persons," and that Ann Austin and j\Iary 
 Fisher, " upon examination are found not 
 only to be transgressors of the former hiws, 
 but to hold very dangerous, heretical, and 
 bhisphemous opinions ; and they do also ac- 
 knowledge that they came here purposely 
 to propagate their said errors and heresies, 
 bringing with them and spreading here sun- 
 dry books, wherein are contained most cor- 
 rupt, heretical, and blasphemous doctrines 
 contrary to the truth of the gospel here pro- 
 fessed amongst us. The council, therefore, 
 tendering the preservation of the peace 
 and truth enjoyed and professed among 
 the churches of Christ in this country, do 
 hereby order," etc. What very dangerous, 
 heretical, and blasphemous opinions tlie pris- 
 oners held, we are left to surmise. Quaker 
 authorities, however, furnish us a clew. 
 They relate that one of the women said 
 " thee," to Bellingham, whereupon he said, 
 ** he needed no more ; now he knew they 
 were Quakers." That little magic word 
 was sufficient for the chief inquisitor. We 
 are assured by one who should be excellent 
 authority, that the people of Massachusetts 
 were well informed as to the spirit and 
 
38 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 actings of the Quakers and were on the 
 watch for them.^ At last they had arrived. 
 These two women, it was clear, were Qua- 
 kers, and therefore they were heretics and 
 blasphemers. It is to be observed that 
 without any knowledge whatever of their 
 opinions, their arrest was predetermined 
 and they were imprisoned before they had 
 spoken a word. They were not accused of 
 crime, or misdemeanor, or with the utter- 
 ance of heresy They were arrested, re- 
 strained, and finally banished, solely be- 
 cause they were Quakers and had intended 
 to disseminate their opinions, if allowed to 
 remain here. The magistrates proceeded 
 under color of law, it is true, but none the 
 less in violation of the fundamental law 
 of the colon3\ However, we must not 
 overlook the plea set up by some modern 
 writers. The council, say these apologists, 
 derived their authority from the royal char- 
 ter. This document, after expressly provid- 
 ing that only such " orders, laws, ordinances, 
 instructions, and directions aforesaid, not 
 being repugnant to the laws and statutes of 
 our realm of England," shall be promul- 
 gated, proceeds to invest the government 
 
 1 Massachusetts and its Early Ilistonjj p. 109. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 39 
 
 with tlie war power. It provides " that it 
 shall and may be lawfid to and for the 
 chief commanders, governors, and officers 
 . . . for their special defense and safety, 
 to encounter, expulse, repel, and resist by 
 force of arms, as well by sea as by land, 
 and by all fitting ways and means whatso- 
 ever, all such person and persons as shall 
 at any time hereafter attempt or enterprise 
 the destruction, invasion, detriment, or an- 
 noyance to tlie said plantation or inhab- 
 itants ; and to take and surprise by all 
 ways and means whatsoever, all and every 
 such person and persons, with their ships, 
 armor, munition, and other goods, as shall 
 in hostile manner invade or attempt the de- 
 feating of the said plantation, or the hurt 
 of the said company and inhabitants." We 
 are assured that " through letters from 
 friends at home," and their own familiarity 
 with " the abounding pamphlets of relig- 
 ious controversy of these days," the Puri- 
 tans were apprised of the dark designs of 
 these two desperate and warlike Amazons, 
 Avho in hostile bonnets and gowns had 
 invaded Boston harbor. To be sure the 
 Quaker books they brought with them gave 
 the lie to the letters from England, but 
 
40 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 what need to read them? One of the dread- 
 ful women had said " thee " to the deputy- 
 governor, and her arrest prior to this her 
 declaration of war was thus amply justified. 
 The enemy had been surprised, " as well 
 by sea as by land ; " the invaders had been 
 captured, and for a time, at least, the colony 
 was safe. But could punishment too severe 
 be meted out to such dangerous captives ? 
 John Endicott thought not ; so he wrote a 
 letter from Salem saying that had he been 
 at home he would have had them well 
 whipped. An ordeal far more terrible than 
 scourging awaited them. By official order 
 these two defenseless wotnen were literally 
 stripped of their clothing, and their bodies 
 were examined for witch marks in a man- 
 ner too indecent to be named.^ If any one 
 cares to know all that this implies, let him 
 consult the Winthrop papers, vol. ii. p. 
 397, where he will find a narrative in de- 
 tail of similar infliction upon the bod}^ of 
 Margaret Jones, in the year 1648. The 
 recital is too disgusting and sickening to 
 be repeated. The treatment of that poor 
 woman was inexcusable, but it was just and 
 honorable as compared with the treatment 
 of Ann Austin and Mary Fisher. 
 
 ^ Neto England Judged^ p. 12. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 41 
 
 Before Margaret Jones was arrested she 
 had aroused the superstitious fears of the 
 community. She had " a malignant touch, 
 as many persons (men, women, and chil- 
 dren) when she stroked . . . were taken 
 with deafness ... or sickness. She, prac- 
 tising physic, . . . her medicines were harm- 
 less, as anise-seed, liquors, etc., yet had ex- 
 traordinary violent effects. . . . Some things 
 wliich she foretold, came to pass accord- 
 ingly." During her trial these alarming 
 facts were duly proved to the jury, and she 
 was found guilty of witchcraft and hanged 
 for it. Governor Winthrop further narrates 
 that " the same day and hour she was ex- 
 ecuted, there was a very great tempest at 
 Connecticut which blew down many trees," 
 etc. Though nothing can palliate the re- 
 volting torture to which she was subjected, 
 nor justify the final punishment, it may be 
 urged that in view of her practices a su- 
 perstitious people might be pardoned for 
 putting her under restraint. Her predic- 
 tions, her stroking, and her potions had ter- 
 rified the neighbors, and judging from the 
 record, she was arrested and tried, in obe- 
 dience to public sentiment. No sucli plea 
 can be entered in the case of Ann Austin 
 
42 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 and Mary Fislier. They practiced no mys- 
 teries; tliey never had so much as a chance 
 to speak to man, woman, or child of Bos- 
 ton ; they were not transgressors of any law- 
 There is nothing in the whole history of 
 their case to relieve the blackness of the di- 
 abolical crime of which thej^ were the vic- 
 tims. And yet a vice-president of the Mas- 
 sachusetts Historical Society tells us that 
 the advent of the Quakers here began in 
 " comedy " ! On the contrary, the advent 
 of the Quakers upon the soil of Massachu- 
 setts was marked by ghastly, grim tragedy 
 far more terrible than the subsequent hang- 
 ing of other Quakers, for it involved a liv- 
 ing death, more to be dreaded than the gal- 
 lows. 
 
 A few weeks after the enforced departure 
 of Ann Austin and Mary Fisher, another 
 vessel anchored in the harbor with nine 
 Quakers aboard. They were immediately 
 arrested and were imprisoned for about 
 eleven weeks, when they were sent awa}^ 
 in the ship that brought them, the master 
 of the ship having been compelled by an 
 arbitrary imprisonment to give security to 
 take them to England at his own charge. 
 The women were spared the shocking 
 
OF MASSACnUSETTS. 43 
 
 witchcraft ordeal, and apparently starvation 
 was not attempted, but otherwise these 
 Friends were subjected to the same severe 
 treatment as their predecessors. During 
 their confinement Governor Endicott bul- 
 lied them with threats of hanging. *^ Take 
 heed," he said to them, ''ye break not 
 our ecclesiastical laws, for then ye are sure 
 to stretch by a halter." It was charged 
 that they were guilty of " turbulent and 
 contemptuous behavior to authority," but 
 Bishop, a con tern porar^^ whose integrity 
 is not questioned by any one, pronounces 
 this a " calumny forged out of your own 
 and the brains of your priests." That it 
 was a false charge is probable, for in the 
 same Declaration, referring to Ann Austin, 
 Mary Fisher, and these men and women, the 
 authorities mendaciously assert that their 
 " persons were only secured to be sent away 
 the first opportunity, without censure or 
 punishment." Without censure or punish- 
 ment ! The father of lies mio^ht well be 
 staggered by such a shameless falsehood. 
 
 Early Friends, as has been shown, had 
 profound respect for authority leavened 
 with justice, but when officials degraded it 
 and themselves by acts of cruel tyranny, 
 
44 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 tliey were prompt to resist and to rebuke. 
 In the present case it is quite possible that 
 some of the prisoners spoke their minds 
 freely to their oppressors when opportunity 
 offered. One of them, Mary Prince, it is 
 alleged, saluted Endicott as he passed the 
 gaol on his way to church, with such epi- 
 thets as "vile oppressor," and " tyrant," and 
 foretold that the Lord would "smite" him. 
 It is also said that when the ministers in- 
 terviewed her, she reproached them as 
 " hirelings, Baal's priests," etc. Grant the 
 correctness of these reports. Who does 
 not honor the brave woman, the victim of 
 Endicott's tyranny, for defying him with 
 the simple truth ? Who can censure her 
 for refusing with contempt and righteous 
 indignation the proffered offices of sancti- 
 monious ministers who satirized the words 
 of Jesus, " I was in prison, and ye came 
 unto me," by visiting her to convict her of 
 heresy and blasphem}^ and with insuffera- 
 ble imperiousness to urge upon her the in- 
 fallibility of their own superstitious dog- 
 mas ? 
 
 The next act in this tragedy of errors 
 was performed while these nine Quakers 
 were still in gaol, but before any others had 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 45 
 
 arrived and before any of the residents had 
 avowed the Quaker name and faith. On 
 the 14th day of October, 1656, the General 
 Court enacted the first of a series of dis- 
 graceful laws, aimed exclusively at tlie 
 Quakers.! It begins, " Whereas there is a 
 cursed sect of heretics lately risen up in the 
 world, which are commonly called Qua^ 
 kers," etc. This insulting vituperation is a 
 fit inaugural to their bloody work, and aptly 
 enough it is followed by monstrous calumny. 
 Their victims have given them no cause for 
 condemnation, and as they are the only 
 Quakers with whom they have as yet dealt, 
 they are forced, as we shall see, to trump 
 up the alleged misdeeds of Friends in Eng- 
 land, and to utilize the slanders culled from 
 letters and controversial writings, in order 
 to justify their charges. It is true that on 
 another and later occasion they declare, 
 " we were well assured by our own expe- 
 rience, as well as by the example of their 
 predecessors in jNIunster,'' that it was the 
 " design " of these prisoners '' to undermine 
 and ruin the peace and order '' of the col- 
 ony ; but the assertion is an afterthought 
 unsustained by evidence, and is as gross a 
 
 1 See Appendix, p. 133. 
 
46 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 calumny as the one with which it is coupled. 
 The Quakers were as innocent of the Mun- 
 ster iniquities, which, by the way, occurred 
 in the preceding century, as the Puritans 
 themselves. The preamble to this law con- 
 tinues : " who take upon them to be im- 
 mediately sent of God, and infallibly as- 
 sisted by the Spirit to speak and write 
 blasphemous opinions, despising government 
 and the order of God in church and com- 
 monwealth, speaking evil of dignities, re- 
 proaching and reviling magistrates and min- 
 isters, seeking to turn the people from the 
 faith and gain proselytes to their pernicious 
 ways, this Court, taking into serious consid- 
 eration the premises, and to prevent the like 
 mischief as by their means is wrought in our 
 native land, doth hereby order," etc. These 
 calumnies are repeated under various forms 
 in the text of subsequent laws, and were 
 evidently relied upon to create a public sen- 
 timent thatwould justify the judicial crimes 
 premeditated. After again denouncing the 
 " blasphemous heretics," the law provides 
 heavy penalties for ship-masters and others 
 who may be convicted of bringing Quakers 
 to the colony. Next, it is ordered, that 
 Quakers coming within the jurisdiction 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 47 
 
 " shall be forthwith committed to the house 
 of correction, and at their entrance to be 
 severely whipped, and by tlie master thereof 
 be kept constantly to work, and none suf- 
 fered to converse or speak with them dur- 
 ing the time of their imprisonment, which 
 shall be no longer than necessity requireth/' 
 Quaker books or '* writings concerning their 
 devilish opinions *' are next interdicted, and 
 persons who defend said books or opinions 
 are fined, for the first offense forty shillings ; 
 for the second offense four pounds, and for 
 the third offense they are first imprisoned 
 and then banished. Lastly, it is " ordered, 
 that what person or persons soever shall re- 
 vile the office or person of magistrates or 
 ministers, as is usual with the Quakers, 
 such person or persons shall be severely 
 whipped, or pay the sum of five pounds." 
 
 This formal declaration of war against 
 the Quakers was proclaimed in the streets 
 of Boston by beat of drum. Nicholas Up- 
 sall,^ of whom mention has already been 
 made, was proprietor of the Red Lyon Inn, 
 and hearing the act read before his own 
 door, said, " that he did look at it as a sad 
 
 1 For biography see The N. E. Historical and Genealogi' 
 cat RegisUr for January, 1880. 
 
48 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 forerunner of some heavy judgment to fall 
 on the country." 
 
 The authorities, hearing of this, quickly 
 availed themselves of the opportunity to 
 make perfectly clear what was meant by 
 such terms as " reproaching honored mag- 
 istrates/' They summoned Upsall before 
 the court the next morning, where he, " in 
 much tenderness and love," warned them 
 " to take heed lest ye should be found fight- 
 ers against God." He was fined twenty 
 pounds, Endicott saying, "I will not bate 
 him one groat." He was then banished, 
 with orders to depart in thirty days, four 
 of which he spent in gaol, and before leav- 
 ing he was fined three pounds more for not 
 going to church. 
 
 On the 14th of October, 1657, a second 
 law was enacted, the vituperation and revil- 
 ing " usual " with the Puritan authorities 
 being a prominent feature of the text. It 
 provided for the forfeiture of one hundred 
 pounds by any one who knowingly brought 
 a Quaker into the jurisdiction, and imposed 
 a fine of forty shillings for every hour's en- 
 tainment of a Quaker by any resident. It 
 further ordered that any Quaker man pre- 
 suming to come into the jurisdiction after 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 49 
 
 having once suffered what the law require th, 
 " shall for the first offense have one of his 
 ears cut off . . . and for the second offense 
 sliall have his other ear cut off . . , and 
 every woman Quaker that hath suffered the 
 law here, that shall presume to come into 
 this jurisdiction, shall be severely whipped 
 . . . and so also for her coming again she 
 shall be alike used as aforesaid ; and for 
 every Quaker, he or she, that shall a third 
 time herein again offend, they shall have 
 their tongues bored through with a hot iron. 
 . . . And it is further ordered that all and 
 every Quaker arising from amongst our- 
 selves shall be dealt with and suffer the like 
 punishment as the law provides against for- 
 eign Quakers." ^ 
 
 On the 19th of May, 1658, for a third 
 time the General Court issued its decree 
 against the Friends, forbidding, under se- 
 vere penalties, the holding of meetings or 
 attendance at meetings. This law, also, is 
 well flavored with the usual reviling and 
 calumny.2 
 
 On the 19th of October, 1658, the Court 
 enacted the fourth law, in which they incor- 
 porated Endicott's threat, " take heed ye 
 
 1 Sec Appendix, p. 13G. 2 gee Ai)pemlix, p. 137. 
 
 4 
 
50 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 break not our ecclesiastical laws, for then 
 ye are sure to stretch by the halter." The 
 preamble not only recites the old list of 
 calumnies, but lengthens it with fresh slan- 
 ders. It is followed by an order banishing 
 both visiting and resident Quakers upon 
 pain of death if they return. Very prop- 
 erly this order is amply padded with Puri- 
 tan railing and abuse. 
 
 On May 11, 1659, by a special order, the 
 county treasurers were authorized to sell 
 Daniel and Provided Southwicke, son and 
 daughter to Lawrence Southwicke,^ to any 
 of the English nation at Virginia or Bar- 
 badoes, to satisfy the fines imposed upon 
 them '' for siding with the Quakers and 
 absenting themselves from the public ordi- 
 nances." 2 
 
 Edmund Batter, the treasurer of Salem, 
 undertook to carry out this order. He 
 was a foul-mouthed villain who reveled in 
 assaults upon defenseless men and wom- 
 en, and who was never so happy as when 
 engaged in hunting down the Quakers. 
 Pages might be filled with a recital of his 
 infamous deeds as they are recounted by 
 Bishop, but he shall speak for himself, as 
 
 1 See Appendix, p. 174. 2 gee Appendix, p. 175. 
 
OF MASSAC nUSETTS. 51 
 
 Ills own recorded confession sufficiently in- 
 dicates his character. It may prove an in- 
 structive study to those modern writers who 
 note every expression of righteous indigna- 
 tion uttered by the Quakers, and roll it as a 
 sweet morsel under the tongue, meanwhile 
 remembering to forget the invective and 
 railing of the Puritans. 
 
 In the unpublished county court records 
 at Salem, there is the following entry under 
 date " 26th 4mo. 1660." '' Mr. Edmund 
 Batter being presented to tliis Court for 
 saying that Elizabeth Kitchin had been a 
 pawawing and calling her base quaking slutt 
 with divers other oprobious and taunting 
 speeches, the presentment being not fully 
 proved (he confest that he said to the said 
 Elizabeth) either have you beene, or she had 
 beene a pawawing and did say to her she 
 was a quaking slutt (meeting of her betimes 
 in the morning comeing as he supposed 
 from a quaker meeting, seeing also soni 
 other persons that waies afected) comeing 
 that waye which she came, is by the Court 
 admonished and to pay fees of Court 30s." 
 
 Innocent women were stripped to the 
 waist and thus exposed to public gaze, were 
 beaten watli stripes until the blood ran 
 
bZ TEE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 down their bare backs and bosoms ; the ears 
 of men were cut off and the bodies of men 
 were beaten to a jelly, for attending Quaker 
 meetings and for testifying against "your 
 bloody and cruel laws ; " but cowardly bul- 
 lies and blackguards, such as Edmund Bat- 
 ter, when they insulted Quaker women, were 
 only admonished and obliged to pay court 
 fees ; nor did their indecency prevent their 
 being honored church-members and trusted 
 officials in the Puritan commonwealth, 
 which we are taught to believe was, par ex- 
 cellence, the stronghold of piety and moral- 
 
 This Edmund Batter hunted in vain for 
 a ship- master mean enough to sail freighted 
 with human victims for a Virginia market. 
 One captain, being approached, " to try 
 Batter, said, — that they would spoil all the 
 vessel's company," whereupon he replied, 
 with a testimony to the inoffensive char- 
 acter of the Quakers, rarely extorted from 
 Puritan lips. He said to the ship-captain, 
 " Oh, you need not fear that, for they are 
 poor harmless creatures and will not hurt 
 anybody." "Will they not so? (said the 
 ship-master) and will ye offer to make slaves 
 of so harmless creatures?" Whittier has 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 53 
 
 immortalized this scene by rendering the 
 captain's answer in the following lines : — 
 
 " Pile my ship with bars of silver, — pack with coins of Span- 
 ish gold, 
 From keel-piece up to deck-plank, the roomai^e of her hold, 
 By the living God who made me ! — I would sooner in your 
 
 bay 
 Sink ship and crew and cargo, than bear this child away ! " 
 
 On the 22d of May, 1661, finding the 
 hanmnor business had been somewhat over- 
 done, the Court, with the customary cal- 
 umny and vindictive epithet, enacted a new 
 statute, wherein it is ordered that Quakers, 
 both men and women, are to " be stripped 
 naked from the middle upwards, and tied 
 to a cart's tail and whipped through the 
 town ; " also to "be branded with the let- 
 ter R on their left shoulder," and " the 
 constables of the several towns are em- 
 powered ... to impress cart, oxen, and 
 other assistance for the execution of this or- 
 der." 1 The author of " The New England 
 Tragedies in Prose " probably wrote his 
 
 1 See Appendix, p. 141. The persistent slander of the 
 Quakers is well illustrated by the terms of this law, in which 
 the Friends are described as "vagabonds." The history of 
 Friends, the world over, from the rise of the Society down to 
 the present day, does not afford a single instance of Quaker 
 pauperism or vagrancy. Neither the Colony nor the State 
 of Jfassachusetts was ever asked to spend one shilling fur the 
 beuelit of a Quaker. 
 
5-4 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 narrative under the full conviction tbiit his 
 treatment of the Quakers is very magnan- 
 imous, and his criticism of the Puritans 
 sufficiently severe ; but in common with 
 several other apologists, he manifests an 
 ignorance concerning the real mission and 
 character of the Quakers, combined with 
 an acquired or hereditary bias in favor of 
 the Puritans, by which Jie is emphatically 
 disqualified for rendering impartial judg- 
 ment. In alluding to the passage and the 
 enforcement of the inhuman law, of which 
 the pivotal sentence has just been quoted, 
 he says, with unconscious iron}^, " as the 
 clemency of the rulers began its gentler 
 sway, for a time, at least, the vehemence 
 of the disturbers seemed to increase." A 
 Daniel come to judgment ! Adopting the 
 prejudiced opinions of the historian Palfrey, 
 he believes that "seldom have enthusiasts 
 been more coarse, more unfriendly, more 
 wild and annoying than the early Friends." 
 His sympathy for the persecuted Puritans 
 is so aroused that, for the moment, the 
 spirit of old John Norton seems to possess 
 him. With the vision of an innocent wom- 
 an stripped to the waist, hauled from town 
 to town, and flogged as she is dragged along 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 55 
 
 at tho cart's tail, — with this brutal sight 
 in his mind's eye, he commends " the clem- 
 ency of the rulers," and, with implied sur- 
 prise, notes that under its " gentler sway " 
 the vehemence of the disturbers seemed to 
 increase. Such wretched twaddle is more 
 than discreditable. It is puerile ; and yet 
 it passes for historical criticism. 
 
 On the 27th of November, 1661, in obe- 
 dience to an order from Charles II., King of 
 England, to whom the Friends had applied 
 for relief, the Court ordered " that the ex- 
 ecution of the laws in force against Quakers, 
 as such, so far as they respect corporal pun- 
 ishment or death, be suspended until this 
 court take further order ; " ^ but on the 8th 
 of October, 1662, their fear of the King be- 
 ing allayed, they reenacted the law of May, 
 1661, with an amendment providing that 
 " the whipping be but through three towns ; 
 and the magistrates . . . shall appoint both 
 the towns and the number of the stripes in 
 each town to be given." 
 
 1 For this famous " King's Missive," and brief comment, 
 see Appendix, pp. 188-191. 
 
56 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE WARFARE. 
 
 We have now passed in review the Pu- 
 ritan legislation against the Quakers during 
 the six years of the reign of terror.^ The 
 story of its vigorous enforcement stains the 
 saddest page of our early history, — not 
 even excepting the witchcraft delusion, that, 
 at a later day, swept through the colony. 
 Incredible as the narration seems to us, no 
 one suspects that the sufferers or the Qua- 
 ker historians are guilty of exaggeration. 
 
 The tongue boring and the branding pen- 
 alties were not resorted to in this colony,^ but 
 three victims had their right ears cut off, 
 and four suffered the death penalty. The 
 number of homes broken up by banishment 
 and the extent of the impoverishment of 
 families by confiscation of property have yet 
 to be computed. Nor is it known how many 
 
 1 For subsequent legislation, etc., see Appendix, pp. 191, 
 192. 
 
 2 In the Now Haven Colony, Humphrey Norton was branded 
 " II " (Heresy) in the hand. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 57 
 
 scourgings were inflicted. Dr. Ellis thinks 
 that about thirty victims had suffered whip- 
 pings by order of the General Court alone, 
 and many more from local courts, prior to 
 the passage of the "vagabond law " in May, 
 1661, and it is well known that a carnival 
 of cruelty followed the enactment of that 
 law. 
 
 To the credit of the people of the colony 
 it should be said that the passage of these 
 laws and their merciless enforcement were 
 not sustained by public opinion. It is true 
 that in October, 1658, a petition,^ signed 
 by twenty-five citizens, asked for severer 
 laws against the Quakers, but there is good 
 reason for believing that it was instigated 
 by John Norton and other ministers. It 
 did not represent the sentiments of the com- 
 munity. Kemembering the fate of Nicholas 
 Upsall, it would have been hazardous for 
 any one to circulate or present a counter pe- 
 tition ; nevertheless, there were times when 
 public indignation was with difficulty re- 
 strained from manifesting itself by open re- 
 volt. This was notably true in the early 
 part of 1658, when the barbarous treatment 
 of William Brend by his gaoler was noised 
 
 1 See Appendix, p. 153. 
 
58 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 abroad. To quell the rising turmoil, and 
 to appease an exasperated people, the au- 
 thorities publicly promised to punisb the 
 gaoler; but Brend, whose life for a time 
 hung by a thread, recovered, and the tu- 
 mult subsiding, the insincerity of the mag- 
 istrates was revealed. Their promise was 
 broken, the gaoler retained his office, and 
 his barbarity was applauded b}^ pious John 
 Norton. 
 
 The law ordering banishment upon pain 
 of death had been passed with difficulty, 
 and by a bare majority of one vote. 
 
 In October, 1659, when William Robin- 
 son, Marmaduke Stevenson, and Mary Dyer 
 were sentenced to death, militar^^ precau- 
 tions were taken to prevent an outbreak. 
 A conception of the fears of the magis- 
 trates and the excitement of the populace 
 is possible, when we remember that the 
 population of Boston was, at the most, but 
 a few thousands ; and then read in the offi- 
 cial record that the prisoners were escorted 
 to the gallows by " Captain James Oli- 
 ver, with one hundred soldiers, completely 
 armed with pike, and musketeers, with 
 powder and bullet." A drummer marched 
 in advance of the condemned prisoners, and 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 59 
 
 when either of them attempted to speak, 
 the drum was beaten. During the execu- 
 tion tliirty-six soldiers were posted about 
 the town as sentinels, to preserve the peace. 
 Prior to the execution it was " ordered that 
 the selectmen of Boston shall . . . press 
 ten or twelve able and faithful persons, 
 every night during the sitting of this court, 
 to watch with great care the town, espe- 
 cially the prison," etc. Evidently a rescue 
 was feared. At the same sitting of the 
 court two declarations were issued. One of 
 them is a long document largely devoted to 
 a scriptural refutation of Quaker doctrines.^ 
 The other is mainly composed of a string 
 of calumnies designed to inflame the people 
 against the Friends. Both of them appeal 
 to the religious prejudices and bigotry of 
 the colony, and were evidently published 
 under the fear of righteous retribution by 
 an outraged community. Even stern John 
 Endicott scented danger, and hastened to 
 vindicate the court from " the clamorous 
 accusation of severity." 
 
 The authorities professed that they were 
 reluctant to execute the Quakers, and it is 
 true that at the solicitation of her son a 
 
 1 See Appendix, pp. 143-152. 
 
60 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 reprieve was granted to Mary Dyer, by 
 which her life was spared, only to be taken, 
 however, upon her subsequent visit to the 
 colony. It is very evident that they were 
 determined to make an example of Robin- 
 son and Stevenson, for they turned a deaf 
 ear to the earnest entreaties of their more 
 enlightened neighbors. John Winthrop, 
 Governor of Connecticut, said he would 
 beg them on his bare knees not to execute 
 the law ; and Colonel Temple said to the 
 court that if they really '' desired their 
 lives absent rather than their deaths pres- 
 ent, he would beg them of you, and carry 
 them away at his own charge . . . and if 
 any of them should come amongst ye again 
 he would again fetch them at his own 
 charge." ^ This proposition was favorably 
 received by most of the magistrates ; but 
 the stronger wills of a few leading officials 
 overcame all opposition, and the order for 
 the execution was confirmed. 
 
 When Wenlock Christison, who is errone- 
 ously represented as having recanted,^ was 
 
 1 New England Judged^ pp. 157-158. 
 
 2 See The Memorial History of Boston, p. 187. A fac- 
 simile of Christison's letter is given on page 188. "I, the 
 condemned man, do give forth under m}- hand, that if I may 
 have my liberty I liave freedom to depart this jurisdiction, 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 61 
 
 convicted, the court deliberated for two 
 weeks before a verdict of guilty was ob- 
 tained. Even then it was only through the 
 indomitable will of Endicott that a sentence 
 of death was secured. His more humane 
 comrades faltered, hesitating to add an- 
 other judicial murder to their list of crimes, 
 whereupon Endicott lost his temper, and, 
 
 and I know not tliat ever I shall come into it any more." 
 By "freedom to depart," a mode of expression which is 
 peculiar to Friends even at the present day, the prisoner un- 
 doubtedl}' meant that having obeyed the call of sacred duty 
 by coming here and testifying against the murder of his friend 
 William Leddra (who had been executed in March, lOGl), 
 nothing further was required of him at the time. lie had 
 no vainglorious wish to suffer martyrdom, but was subject to 
 the will of the Lord, and would lay down his life when it 
 was required of him. What the Divine leading might be here- 
 after, he could not foretell. If it took him to Boston, the mag- 
 istrates would see him again, but if not, he had no desire to 
 renew their acquaintance. Instead of "showing the white 
 feather," as the Rev. Mr. Dexter sneeringly puts it in his 
 book, As to Roger Williams, Christison was courageously 
 faithful to duty as it Avas revealed to him. For such a man 
 it was harder to retreat and by so doing subject himself to the 
 charge of cowardice, than it was to face death. His whole 
 life, so far as it is known, sustains this theory. The fact that 
 he did return into the jurisdiction and suffer further violence 
 from the hands of the same officials is sutlicient refutation of 
 the charge of recantation so carelessly made by several writ- 
 ers. Had he obtained his release by a promise not to return, 
 the promise would have been kept, for in spite of an exagger- 
 ated manner of speech charged upon the early Friends, even 
 their n\ost bitter detractors will concede that their word was 
 as inviolate as the judicial oaths of other men. 
 
62 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 flinging something fimously upon the table, 
 wished himself back in England, and said, 
 " You that will not consent, record it ; I 
 thank God I am not afraid to give judg- 
 ment ; " he then, amid confusion, '' pre- 
 cipitately pronounced judgment himself." 
 This impetuous and relentless inquisitor was 
 eventually obliged to stay his hand from 
 further murder, and to satisfy his craving 
 for Quaker blood by drawing it from the 
 backs and breasts of helpless women. ^ 
 
 The story of William Brend's sufferings, 
 as related by Sewel, admirably illustrates 
 the extreme cruelty of the officials, the un- 
 yielding determination of the authorities, 
 and the disapproving public sentiment that 
 extensively prevailed. He says : '' In the 
 latter part of the Fifth months, [1658], it 
 came to pass, that William Brend and AVil- 
 liam Leddra, having been at Salem, came to 
 Newbury ; where at the house of one Robert 
 Adams they had a conference with the 
 priest, in the presence of Captain Gerisli, 
 who had promised that they should not suf- 
 fer ; but after the conference was ended, the 
 captain would not let them go, but on prom- 
 
 1 When the executioner whipped Ann Coleman "he split 
 the nipple of her breast, which so tortured her that it had al- 
 most cost her life." New EiujUuul Jadyed^ p. 430. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 63 
 
 ise presently to depart the town ; which be- 
 ing loth to comply with, as they were on 
 their way, they were sent for back, and 
 Captain Gerish riding after them, com- 
 manded them to return ; which they refus- 
 ing, he compelled them thereunto, and sent 
 them with a constable to Salem ; where, 
 being brought before the magistrates, they 
 were asked ' whether they were Quakers ? ' 
 to which they answered, ' that they were 
 such that were in scorn called so.' Next it 
 was objected to them ' that they maintained 
 dangerous errors.* The}^ asking what these 
 errors were, it was told them, 'that they not 
 only denied that Christ at Jerusalem had 
 suffered on the cross, but also that they de- 
 nied the Holy Scriptures.' They boldly 
 contradicted this, and said ' they owned no 
 other Jesus but he that had suffered death 
 at Jerusalem, and that they also owned the 
 Scriptures.' Now although nothing could 
 be objected against this, yet they were car- 
 ried to the house of correction, as such who, 
 according to the law made at Boston, might 
 not come into those parts. Some days after 
 they were carried to Boston, where in the 
 next month they were brought into the 
 house of correction to work there. But 
 
64 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 they, unwilling to submit thereto, the gaoler, 
 who sought his profit from the work of his 
 prisoners, would not give them victuals, 
 though they offered to pay for them. But 
 he told them ' it was not their money but 
 their labor he desired.' Thus he kept them 
 five days without food, and then with a 
 three-corded whip gave them twenty blows. 
 An hour after he told them ' they might go 
 out, if they would pay the marshal that was 
 to lead them out of the country.' They 
 judging it very unreasonable to pay money 
 for being banished, refused this, but yet said 
 ' that if the prison-door was set open, they 
 would go away.' The next day the gaoler 
 came to Wm. Brend, a man in years, and 
 put him in irons, neck and heels so close to- 
 gether, that there was no more room left 
 between each, than for the lock that fast- 
 ened them. Thus he kept him from five 
 in the morning till after nine at night, be- 
 ing the space of sixteen hours. The next 
 morning he brought him to the mill to 
 work, but Brend refusing, the gaoler took 
 a pitched rope about an inch thick, and 
 gave him twenty blows over his back and 
 arms, with as much force as he could, so 
 that the rope untwisted, and then going 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS, 65 
 
 away, he came again with another rope 
 that was thicker and stronger, and told 
 Brend, ' that he would cause him to bow to 
 the law of the country, and make him work.' 
 Brend judged this not only unreasonable in 
 the highest degree, since he had committed 
 no evil, but he was also altogether unable 
 to work ; for he wanted strength for want 
 of food, having been kept five days without 
 eating, and whipped also, and now thus un- 
 mercifully beaten with a rope. Bat this in- 
 human gaoler relented not, but began to 
 beat anew with his pitched rope on this 
 bruised body, and foaming at his mouth 
 like a madman, with violence laid four-score 
 and seventeen blows more on him, as other 
 prisoners, that beheld it with compassion, 
 have told ; and if his strength and his rope 
 had not failed him, he would have laid on 
 more ; he threatened also to give hiui the 
 next morning as many blows more. But a 
 higher power, who sets limits even to the 
 raging sea, and hath said, ' Hitherto shalt 
 thou come, but no further,' also limited this 
 butcherly fellow, who was yet impudently 
 stout enough to say his morning-prayer. To 
 what a most terrible condition these blows 
 brought the body of Brend, (who because 
 
QQ THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 of the great heat of the weather, had noth- 
 ing but a serge cassock upon his shirt) may 
 easily be conceived ; his back and arms were 
 bruised and bhick, and the blood hanging 
 as in bags under his arms ; and so into one 
 was his flesh beaten, that the sign of a par- 
 ticular blow could not be seen ; for all was 
 become as a jelly. His body being thus 
 cruelly tortured, he lay down upon the 
 boards, so extremely weakened, that the 
 natural parts decaying, and strength quite 
 failing, his body turned cold : there seemed 
 as it were a struggle between life and 
 death ; his senses were stopped, and he had 
 for some time neither seeing, feeling, nor 
 hearing, till at length, a divine power pre- 
 vailing, life broke through death, and the 
 breath of the Lord was breathed into his 
 nostrils. Now the noise of this cruelty 
 spread among the people in the town, and 
 caused such a cry, that the governor sent 
 his surgeon to the prison, to see what might 
 be done ; but the surgeon found the body 
 of Brend in such a deplorable condition, 
 that, as one without hopes, he said, 'his 
 flesh would rot from off his bones, ere the 
 bruised parts could be brought to digest.' 
 This so exasperated the people that the 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 67 
 
 magistrates, to prevent a tumult, set up a 
 paper on their meeting-liouse door, and up 
 and down the streets, as it were to show 
 their dislike of this abominable and most 
 barbarous cruelty ; and said, the gaoler 
 should be dealt wdthal the next court. But 
 this paper was soon taken down again upon 
 the instigation of the high priest, John Nor- 
 ton, who having from the beginning been a 
 fierce promoter of the persecution, now did 
 not stick to say, ' W. Brend endeavored to 
 beat our gospel-ordinances black and blue ; 
 if he then be beaten black and blue, it is 
 but just upon him ; and I will appear in his 
 behalf that did so.' It is therefore not 
 much to be wondered at, that these precise 
 and bigoted magistrates, who would be 
 looked upon to be eminent for piety, were 
 so cruel in persecuting, since their chief 
 teacher thus wickedly encouraged them to 
 it." 
 
 Further evidence of the advanced civil- 
 ization of the people, as contrasted with the 
 inhumanity of the ministers and magis- 
 trates, might be cited, but as this fact is 
 generally conceded, even by very partisan 
 writers, it is unnecessary to pursue the sub- 
 ject further. It may be well to suggest, 
 
68 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 however, that had the right of suffrage 
 been extended to all citizens of character 
 and good repute, instead of being limited to 
 church-members, it is probable there would 
 have been an infusion of true religion and 
 humanity into the laws, and the colony- 
 would have been spared the tragic record 
 which now mars its history. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 69 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 CHARACTER AND CONDUCT OF THE INVADERS. 
 
 MODERN REVIEWERS REVIEWED. 
 
 There are some facts and more fancies 
 in which popular writers believe they find 
 not only the casus belli between the Pu- 
 ritans and Quakers, but also great pallia- 
 tion and partial justification for the perse- 
 cution involved therein. At the outset we 
 are met with the assertion that the Qua- 
 kers had no right to come here, and that the 
 right to prohibit their coming was com- 
 plete. The simple act of entrance into the 
 colony, regardless of the object of the visit, 
 it is alleged, was an aggravated assault upon 
 the Puritan homestead. 
 
 This theory, first propounded by the Pu- 
 ritans themselves, has come to be accepted 
 as historical truth, and no one of our prom- 
 inent writers has thought it important to 
 state that the Quakers denied it with as 
 much emphasis, and with at least as great 
 sincerity, as the Puritans asserted it. The 
 
70 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 Quakers clain^ed that as Englishmen they 
 had the legal right to visit or to live wher- 
 ever the English flag proclaimed English 
 jurisdiction. 1 This claim rested upon that 
 clause in the charter which expressly guar- 
 anties " all liberties and immunities of free 
 and natural subjects of . . . the realm," to 
 all Englishmen " which shall go to and in- 
 habit " Massachusetts, or '' which shall hap- 
 pen to be born there, or on the seas in going 
 thither or returning from thence." ^ The 
 authorities relied upon the same charter, in 
 which they professed to find warrant to 
 build a Chinese wall around the colony. 
 Now the only clause of the charter that can 
 be used to justify such arbitrar}^ legislation 
 is the one already quoted, and which, as we 
 have seen, is a grant of the vrar power to 
 the colonial government, and nothing more. 
 Legal quibbling was apparently as easy then 
 as now, and the charter, wrested from its 
 purpose, was made an instrument of tyr- 
 anny. But if the Puritans quibbled, their 
 apologists do something worse when they 
 justify the treatment of the Quakers on the 
 pretense that they had no business here, 
 
 1 See Bisliop and other early Quaker historians. 
 
 2 Massachusetts Records, vol. i. p. 16. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 71 
 
 and that, by coming, they forfeited their 
 rights; for the fact is, that four fifths of 
 them were residents of the colony, and 
 were recognized as such by tlie authorities 
 long before the persecution began. Upsall, 
 Southwick, and others were freemen. The 
 Buffums, Whartons, Shattucks, and scores 
 of others, were property holders and rep- 
 utable citizens.^ Hereafter when the com- 
 ing of the Quakers is under discussion, in 
 the interest of justice let this fact be re- 
 membered, and let it not be forgotten, that 
 these people bravely maintained what they 
 believed to be their chartered rights. They 
 appealed, also, to the " Body of tbe Liber- 
 ties," previously referred to, wherein they 
 found ample guaranty of protection for both 
 residents and strangers. Paper guaranties, 
 it is true, availed them nothing; but they 
 are of essential value to us when judgment 
 is to be rendered. Sooner or later, the 
 opinion now popular with historians must 
 be reversed, and the claim of the Quakers, 
 both to come and to live here, will be sus- 
 tained. 
 
 1 Samuel Wiiitlirop, a son of Governor Winthrop, was a 
 Quaker. lie does not (i<;ure in the Quaker annals of IMassa- 
 chusetts, but was a resilient and a leading citizen of Autigua, 
 
72 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 But the main charge in the indictment of 
 the Quakers, and the one upon which Pu- 
 ritan apologists most rely to justify their 
 own clients, is that Quakerism manifested 
 itself here in the persistent and frequent 
 lawlessness and indecent conduct of its ad- 
 herents. We are taught to believe that the 
 Puritans were exasperated beyond endur- 
 ance, and that the solution of Puritan per- 
 secution is to be found in the extravagances 
 of the Friends. Will this plea bear the test 
 of examination ? 
 
 In the first place, it is to be remarked that 
 many writers accept this convenient solu- 
 tion, and recount the story as told by prej- 
 udiced authorities, while others rake the 
 records, and, without caring to test their 
 correctness, parade every instance of misde- 
 meanor that they find charged upon the 
 Friends, with relentless fidelity to the pur- 
 pose of their search. In Grahame's History 
 it is related that one Faubord attempted to 
 imitate Abraham, and was only prevented 
 from sacrificing his son by the interference 
 of his neighbors. This story is copied by 
 a later writer and handed down as a speci- 
 
 where he bravely maintained the principles and testimonies 
 of Friends. Besse, vol. ii. chap. ix. p. 371. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 73 
 
 men of a Quiiker's "blasphemous atroc- 
 ity." ^ Now to the mind of any one who 
 has even slight knowledge of Quaker doc- 
 trines the account in itself convicts its au- 
 thor of malicious slander, for the Friends 
 maintained unqualifiedly that the old dis- 
 pensation had been superseded by the gos- 
 pel of Jesus, and that outward sacrifice was 
 an abomination. 
 
 One of the foulest calumnies that disgrace 
 the pages of history is perpetuated by the 
 Rev. Henry M. Dexter,^ who reproduces 
 a story told by Increase Mather, to the ef- 
 fect that two Quaker women and a man 
 named Dunen danced naked together. One 
 of the women, Mary Ross, said she was 
 Christ, and commanded Dunen, whom she 
 called the Apostle Peter, to sacrifice a dog. 
 There is more of similar stuff which need 
 not be repeated. After the recital, the 
 reverend editor, probably to shield himself 
 from the charge of willful misrepresentation, 
 concedes that " the better sort of the new 
 sect by this time had begun to repudiate 
 such excesses;" but, he adds, "the sober 
 
 1 R. II. Allen, in The New Enrjland Tragedies in Prose, 
 p. 51. 
 
 2 As to Ro(jer Williams, pp- 124-141. 
 
74 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 portion of the population of New England " 
 found it " difficult to draw the line between 
 ' Old ' and ' New Quakers.' " This libel 
 upon the Friends was exposed by one of 
 them, a contemporar}^ who wrote a book 
 in answer to the " calumnies, lies and 
 abuses " heaped upon the Friends by Cotton 
 Mather, who repeats the story. Referring 
 to this particular calumny and to others, he 
 says, *^our adversaries . . . rake up such 
 dirty stories to throw at us," and these 
 " mad pranks no more concern the Quakers 
 , . . than they do the Presbyterians." ^ But 
 the extent of the meanness of this attempt 
 by Mr. Dexter to dishonor the early Friends 
 is the more fully realized when he is found 
 characterizing them, in the same book, as 
 " mild and peaceful." ^ This he does when 
 be quotes their condemnation of Roger 
 "Williams for the purpose of justifying his 
 own aspersion of Williams's character. 
 The attack upon early Friends by Hon. 
 Joel Parker,^ published by the Massachu- 
 
 1 Truth and Innocency Defended, pp. 129-132. Bound in 
 one volume -with Neio Enrjland Judged. Edition of 1702. 
 
 2 ^5 to Roger Williams, p. 82. 
 
 3 This ingenious lawyer describes the Quakers as " the 
 nuisance " of the colony, and ]iroves (to his own satisfaction) 
 that they were not persecuted by the Puritan autliorities. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 75 
 
 setts Historical Society, is a master-piece of 
 partisan pleading; but the unfairness of 
 Mr. Dexter in his entire treatment of the 
 Quakers exceeds even that of Parker. 
 
 The "Magnalia"^ of Cotton Mather is a 
 storehouse of ammunition for apologists ; and 
 writers who would not willingly do injus- 
 tice are sometimes betrayed into misrepre- 
 sentation by consulting it and forgetting 
 to consult Quaker histories. A striking 
 example of this may be found in an arti- 
 cle by Mr. John Fiske of Cambridge, pub- 
 lished in " Harper's ]Monthly Magazine '* for 
 December, 1882. In this article Mr. Fiske 
 adopts the popular view of the merits of the 
 conflict waged between the Puritans and 
 Quakers, apparently without having ex- 
 amined the pages of a single Quaker au- 
 thority, and enlivens it with the addition 
 of Cotton Mather's statement, that the 
 Friends called the Bible the " Word of tlie 
 Devil." A slight familiarity with this 
 branch of his subject would have been suf- 
 ficient to prevent Mr. Fiske from marring 
 his entertaining and instructive paper by the 
 introduction of a stale calumny which even 
 
 1 Book vii. chap. iv. The Quakers are called '* devil 
 driven creatures " and " dangerous villains." 
 
76 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 partisan commentators have not had the 
 presumption to renew, and whicli has been 
 refuted by every Quaker writer who meu- 
 tions the Bible, and specifically by a con- 
 temporaneous authority. In his review of 
 Mather's charges, written soon after they 
 were made, John Whiting says, " And as 
 to any Quakers, whom he calls wretches, 
 ordinarily saying among the people, we 
 deny thy Christ ; we deny thy God, which 
 thou callest Father Son, and Spirit ; thy 
 Bible is the Word of the Devil; both these 
 charges we utterly deny, as false in fact, 
 and challenge him to prove who or when 
 any Quaker said so ; and if any ever did or 
 do, we should disown it and testify against 
 them ; for we abhor the very thoughts of 
 any such expressions." ^ F-riend Whiting's 
 challenge, it need not be said, was never an- 
 swered. As the case stands, Mr. Fiske has 
 revived and extensively published a slander- 
 ous falsehood. But Mather, it should be 
 said, has excellent indorsement which ]\Ir. 
 Fiske may have seen. If not, he can find it 
 in the Diary of Judge Sewall, recently pub- 
 lished, wherein the Puritan judge seriously 
 defines Quakerism as "Devil worship." It 
 
 1 Truth and Innucency Defended, p. 89. 
 
OF ^[ASSACnUSETTS. 11 
 
 will be easy now to construct a new justifi- 
 cation of the Puritans, for what more natu- 
 ral than for a people who worshiped the 
 Devil, and accepted the Bible as the in- 
 spired word, to maintain that the Devil 
 wrote it? This important theory being 
 conclusively established by the corrobora- 
 tive testimony of two pious and truthful 
 Puritans, one can only marvel at the for- 
 bearance of the colonial ministers and mag- 
 istrates. 
 
 In justice to Mr. Fiske it must be admit- 
 ted that he is not singular in his methods 
 of research ; for with rare exceptions every 
 modern history of this subject confirms the 
 suspicion that when early authorities have 
 been consulted at all, it has been for the sole 
 purpose of confirming preconceived opin- 
 ions, and for the selection of material to be 
 used in extenuating the crimes of John En- 
 dicott, John Norton, and their associates. A 
 notable illustration of the slip-shod method 
 of some writers who aspire to become histo- 
 rians is furnished by Mr. H. C. Lodge. He 
 says the Friends were drunk with religious 
 zeal. He evidently believes that it was not 
 unusual for them to appear naked in pub- 
 lic, and he describes them as rioters and 
 
78 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 disturbers of the peace.^ Tlie '^ presentation 
 of facts '' wliicli he professes to give is a 
 mere rehash of some of the worst and most 
 abusive attacks upon the Quakers by older 
 writers and has no proper chiim to be called 
 historical. In the preface to his book, Mr. 
 Lodge innocently assures tlie reader that he 
 makes " absolutely no pretense to original 
 research." Cela va sans dire. 
 
 Of the many apologists who essay to deal 
 wdth this subject, the Rev. Dr. George E. 
 Ellis is probably the best informed ; and 
 if he could but address himself to the mat- 
 ter with a mind free from the apparently 
 inevitable New England prejudice, he might 
 do history important service by correcting 
 the errors of his predecessors. He finds 
 something to admire in Quakers and Qua- 
 kerism, and something to condemn in Pu- 
 ritans and Puritanism. His judgments are 
 not always consistent, and they sometimes 
 positively conflict with each other, but in 
 their general tenor and bearing they co- 
 incide with the conclusions and judgments 
 of other apologists. The main difference 
 is, that while such critics as Parker and 
 
 1 A Short History of the Eiifjlish Colonies in America, p. 
 354. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 79 
 
 Dexter indiilgo in wliolesale condemnation 
 of the Friends, Dr. Ellis's verdict is relieved 
 by some recognition of the Quaker virtues 
 and by a recommendation of mercy. He 
 concedes that " the Quakers had hold in 
 common of an advanced truth, quick with 
 the energy of the Spirit." He grants that 
 " they were the advanced pleaders for a 
 liberty which is now our life, for a form of 
 faith and piety which alone has power for 
 a free soul." He " can apprehend the high 
 and pure motive which not only led, but 
 really inspired these unwelcome missionaries 
 to our bay." He pays a tribute to their 
 *' sinceiity " and to their " meek, but always 
 unflinching endurance of contumely and vio- 
 lence." He even admits that " much of 
 their terrible abusiveness of language was 
 wholly free from malice and any ill-inten- 
 tion, but was prompted wholly from an 
 honest and severely righteous sense of the 
 errors and superstitions which they as- 
 sailed." 
 
 It is not easy for the ordinary mind to 
 understand how a people, confessedly gov- 
 erned by a sense of religious duty and led 
 and inspired to come here by a liigli and 
 pure motive, were at the same time im- 
 
80 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 pelled by an " aimless spirit of annoyance," 
 or that, " by every rule of right and reason, 
 they ouglit to have kept away." Nor is it 
 less difficult to realize that the pleaders for 
 a form of faith and piety which alone has 
 power for a free soul uttered, *' in a prophet- 
 ical way," •"' crude and indigested notions " 
 that " sounded like the wildest rant," to be 
 relieved of the reproach of blasphemy only 
 by being referred to " a besotted stupidity 
 or a shade of distraction." There is a sharp 
 contrast, if not flat contradiction, between 
 the portraiture of the Friends, as we have 
 just seen it, and the following sketch, drawn 
 by the same hand. The Quakers, says Dr. 
 Ellis, were " seditious and rancorous visit- 
 ors," and " most of them " were " lawless and 
 ignorant." They were " intrusive, pester- 
 ing, indecent, and railing- disturbers of early 
 Massachusetts," who " regarded themselves 
 as led by the Spirit to give 'testimony,' 
 which, as things then were, would subvert 
 all civil and religious order in this colony, 
 and overwhelm it with confusion and 
 anarchy. ... A spell wrought upon their 
 spirits, and they yielded themselves, as they 
 thought, to a guidance from above, . . . 
 Modest and pure women under this spell 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 81 
 
 would rnsli into the public highways, or 
 into a crowded place of worship, and, inde- 
 pendent of all the art or materials of dress- 
 makers, would make a distressing spectacle 
 of themselves. One such, coming into a 
 meeting-house in this condition, had smeared 
 herself with black paint as a sign, she said, 
 of the black pox, which, she prophesied, 
 God would send on this cruel jurisdiction." 
 This graphic picture is drawn for our con- 
 templation in order to *' relieve the burden 
 of wanton and ruthless cruelty cast upon 
 our legislators," who were " beyond meas- 
 ure provoked and goaded to the course 
 which they pursued. . . . Their Quaker 
 tormentors were the aggressive party ; they 
 wantonly initiated the strife, and with dog- 
 ged pertinacity persisted in outrages which 
 drove the authorities almost to frenzy. . . . 
 Our Fathers cared little, if at all, for the 
 Quaker theology. They did not get so far 
 as that in dealing with them. . . . Our Fa- 
 thers dealt with them on the score of their 
 manners, their lawlessness, and their offen- 
 sive speech and behavior." 
 
 It is inconceivable how an artist can 
 produce two such irreconcilable pictures as 
 these with but one subject for his model, 
 
82 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 and ic must be left to Philip sober and 
 Philip drunk to settle their own differences.^ 
 The substance of Dr. Ellis's diatribe against 
 the Friends is reproduced here, because, as 
 has been said, it is an epitome of current 
 misconception, and because the main argu- 
 ment used to justify the Puritans rests 
 upon this misconception. The aim and 
 purpose of Dr. Ellis is to portray the con- 
 ditions under which the Puritans were 
 "goaded," and thus to account for "the 
 course which they pursued." In opposition 
 to his view of the subject, three statements 
 or propositions are offered for the considera- 
 tion of the reader. 
 
 First. The testimonies of the Quakers 
 were not blasphemous, nor do they indicate 
 "a besotted stupidit}^ or a shade of distrac- 
 tion." On the contrary, they were fer- 
 vently religious, and were often marked 
 by a vigorous understanding that would do 
 credit even to some of the wise men of our 
 own generation. Much of their testimony, 
 had it been heeded^ would have sti-ength- 
 ened the civil and religious order of the 
 
 1 For what Dr. Ellis has written about the Quakers, see 
 Massachusetts and its Early History ; The Memorial History 
 of Boston, vol. i. ; and Pruceedinrjs of the Massachusetts His- 
 torical Society, vol. xviii. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 83 
 
 colony. They testified in behalf of a re- 
 ligious and social order that grows out of 
 an intelligent and just administration of an 
 enliiihtened fjjovernment. Dr. Ellis has su- 
 porior facilities for historical investigation, 
 and no doubt holds in reserve much valua- 
 ble information accumulated during many 
 years of arduous study. If he has evidence 
 to sustain his cruel characterization of the 
 testimony of the Friends he ought to pub- 
 lish it. Such reports as are ordinarily ac- 
 cessible do not warrant his accusation ; and 
 until he makes it good by substantial and 
 conclusive proof, one is obliged to suspect 
 that he has carelessly adopted the unsus- 
 tained charc^es of some earlier writer. 
 
 The sermons of the Quakers were never 
 written nor reported ; but there are letters 
 addressed to the authorities, now on file 
 with the court records, and also other letters 
 printed in Friends' journals and histories, 
 which not only reveal the religious and 
 mental character and the views of the writ- 
 ers, but may also fairly be relied upon to 
 indicate some of the prevailing Quaker opin- 
 ions, both as to ecclesiastical and civil law. 
 A fac-simile of tlie signatures of two Qua- 
 ker women to one of these letters is printed 
 
84 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 on page 185 of " The ]\Iemorial History of 
 Boston." The letter is addressed '' To thee 
 John Indicott and the rest of the rulers of 
 this jurisdiction." The editor calls it "a 
 characteristic letter," and one therefore 
 naturally expects to find it irreligious, where 
 it does not betoken " a besotted stupidity or 
 a shade of distraction." So far from this, 
 a profoundly religious feeling pervades the 
 whole letter, and the unsparing scriptural 
 denunciation is relieved by a tenderness and 
 pathos that free the writers from all suspi- 
 cion of malice. The women were evidently 
 of ordinary education, for their style is not 
 only quaint, but often obscure. It must be 
 remembered, however, that the writing of 
 even literary men in those da3^s was prolix 
 and redundant, and much of it must be re- 
 constructed in order to be made perfectly 
 clear and readily intelligible to the modern 
 eye and ear. The spirit of this letter may 
 be judged from the following abstract : — 
 
 " We can rejoice that we are counted 
 worthy and CiiUed hereunto to bear our 
 testimony against a cruel and hard-hearted 
 people who are slighting the day of your 
 visitation and foolishly requiting the Lord 
 for his goodness and shamefully intreating 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 85 
 
 his hidden ones whom he has sent amongst 
 you to call you from the evil of your ways. 
 . . . The Lord our God is arising as a 
 mighty and terrible one to plead the cause 
 of his people and to clear the cause of the 
 innocent: but surely he will in no wise 
 acquit the guilty who have shed the blood 
 of the innocent and ye shall assuredly feel 
 his judgment. . . . Woe, woe unto you for 
 you have forsaken the Lord, the fountain 
 of living water, and are greedily swallow- 
 ing the polluted waters that come through 
 the stinking ^ channel of your howling mas- 
 ter's unclean spirits ; whom Christ cries 
 woe against and who cannot cease from 
 sin, having hearts exercised with covetous 
 practices : woe unto them (saith the Scrip- 
 tures) for they have run greedily after the 
 error of Balaam who loved the wages of 
 unrighteousness. . . . 
 
 "Surely the overflowing scourge will pass 
 over you and sweep away your refuge of 
 lies and your covenant with hell shall be 
 disannulled. ... Oh that you had owned 
 the day of your visitation before it had been 
 
 1 This old English word, now almost obsolete except in 
 vulgar circles, was familiar to polite ears and in fre(|iit'nt use 
 in the seventeenth century. See (|Uotalion from Milton, p. 12; 
 and from llcv. John lligginson, p. US. 
 
86 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 too late and liad hearkened to the voice oi 
 his servants whom he hath sent unto you 
 aorain and a2:ain in love and tenderness to 
 yourselves. , . . And then these wicked 
 laws had never been made nor prosecuted. 
 . . . Your glorying will be turned into 
 shame and confusion of face and your 
 beauty will be as a fading flower which 
 suddenly withereth away. . . . We have 
 written to clear our conscience, and if you 
 should account us your enemies for speak- 
 ing the truth, and heat the furnace of our 
 affliction hotter, yet know we shall not fall 
 down and worship your wills ; . . . all the 
 sufferings that we have endured (from you) 
 for Christ, have not at all marred his visage 
 to us, but we still see more beauty in him ; 
 well knowing that as they did unto him so 
 they will do unto us, and now they are 
 come to pass, we remember that he said 
 these things. Mary Teask, 
 
 Margaret Smith. 
 
 " From your house of correction where we have 
 been unjustly restrained from our children 
 and habitations, one of us above ten months 
 and the other about eight ; and where we 
 are yet continued by your opj)ressors that 
 know no shame. Boston, 21^' of y^ 10'""^' 
 1660." 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 87 
 
 When Wen lock Cliristison was on trial 
 for his life, he said to the court, " Do not 
 think to weary out the living God by tak- 
 ing away the lives of his servants ! What 
 do you gain by it ? For the last man that 
 you put to death, here are five come in his 
 room : and if you have power to take my 
 life from me, God can raise up the same 
 principle of life in ten of his servants and 
 send them among you, in my room, that 
 you may have torment upon torment, which 
 is your portion ; for there is no peace to the 
 wicked, saitli my God." 
 
 The righteous indignation of this heroic 
 soul is sometimes referred to as evidence of 
 a malicious spirit. Does it not rather show 
 the spirit of a martyr who, in the hour of 
 peril, was faithful to the memory of his mur- 
 dered friends and dared to confront their 
 executioners with uncompromising fidelity 
 to the cause for which they died ? 
 
 John Burs tow was one of the five Friends 
 referred to by Christison, who had come 
 into the presence of the court to support 
 him in the hour of trial. But little is 
 known of him beyond this fact, and that 
 while in gaol, in 16G1, he wrote a letter to 
 his persecutors in which he expresses his 
 
88 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 telief that their hearts were hardened be- 
 yond redemption, and that the righteous 
 judgments of the Lord would be poured 
 forth upon them. His letter is unmistaka- 
 bly that of a Puritan who, having been con- 
 verted to Quakerism, nevertheless continued 
 to draw his inspiration mainly from the old 
 Hebrew prophets. A few sentences will 
 give the spirit of the letter, which, however 
 denunciatory it may be, is neither blasphe- 
 mous nor stupid. *' Your assemblies are an 
 abomination to the Lord, your hands are 
 defiled with blood ... ye that have an ear 
 to hear, hearken and come forth from among 
 them that ye may be as fire-brands plucked 
 out of the fire, for as certainly as the plagues 
 were poured forth upon hard-hearted Pha- 
 raoh, shall the plagues and judgments of the 
 Lord be poured forth upon the inhabitants 
 of this town of Boston." 
 
 Josiah Southwick was a representative 
 Quaker. A full recital of his sufferings 
 would melt a heart of stone, and yet he 
 addressed a letter, from the gaol, to the 
 General Court, of which the following is an 
 extract. It fitl}^ indicates the spirit of the 
 entire letter : " Some have said we are the 
 persecutors, but we know we are the perse- 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 89 
 
 cuted ; yet we can freely say, the Lord lay 
 not your sin to your charge, for I believe 
 many of you know not what you do." 
 
 During her imprisonment, Mary Dyer 
 addressed a letter to the " General Court at 
 Boston," in which she said, " And have you 
 no other Aveapons to fight with against spir- 
 itual wickedness as you call it? Search 
 with the hght of Clirist in you and it will 
 show you of whom you take counsel. . . . 
 It is not my own life I seek, but the life 
 of the seed which I know the Lord hath 
 blessed. And I know this ; that if you con- 
 firm your law, the Lord will overthrow both 
 your law and you, by his righteous judg- 
 ments and plagues poured justl}^ upon you. 
 In love and in the spirit of meekness, I 
 again beseech you, for I have no enmity to 
 the persons of any : but you shall know that 
 God will not be mocked." 
 
 Viewed from a literary, moral, or religious 
 standpoint, ^lary Dyer's letters (and this 
 is equally true of the letters and other writ- 
 ings of very many early Quakers) compare 
 favorably with the best efforts of the lead- 
 ing Puritans. Daniel Gould, a compara- 
 tively illiterate Quaker, wrote a letter dated 
 '' rod Hand the 3 month IGGO," and ad- 
 
90 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 dressed " To tlie rulers & people of the town 
 & jurisdiction of bostene." He appealed to 
 them as follows : " I am grieved to see your 
 cruelty and your hard-heartedness against 
 a people that cannot flatter you nor will- 
 fully do you any wrong, but if any should 
 do you any wrong or trespass against any 
 man, let a righteous law take hold of such ; 
 but what need any law be made against 
 the innocent, those that do you no wrong. 
 . . . Concerning religion let every one be 
 fully persuaded in his own mind and wor- 
 ship according as God shall persuade his 
 own heart, and if any worship not God as 
 they ought to do and yet liveth quietly and 
 peaceably with their neighbors and country- 
 men and doeth them no wrong, is it not 
 safer for you to let them alone to receive 
 their reward from him'who said, I will ren- 
 der veno^eance to mine enemies and reward 
 them that hate me. . . . Let God alone be 
 Lord of the conscience, and not man, and 
 let us have the same libert}^ and freedom 
 amongst you, as other Englishmen have to 
 come and visit our friends and kindred and 
 do that which is honest and lawful to be 
 done in buying or selling ; and if any have 
 a mind to reason or speak concerning the 
 
OF .U ASS AC ri US KITS. 91 
 
 way and worship of God, that tht^y may not 
 be put in prison ov punished for it, and so 
 let people have liberty to try all things and 
 hold fast that which is good." i Had the 
 rulers heeded the advice of this uneducated 
 but liberal and clear-headed Quaker, instead 
 of the bigoted counsel of the cultivated and 
 accomplished John Norton, they might have 
 established a civil and religious order in 
 the colony which would have forever marked 
 them as just and enlightened legislators. 
 
 The second proposition to be considered 
 is, that whereas Dr. Ellis's arraignment of 
 Friends gives the impression that extrava- 
 gant and offensive behavior was the rule 
 with them, the truth is that their extrava- 
 gances were comparatively infrequent, and, 
 aside from their use of emphatic scriptural 
 language, were exceptional. 
 
 The tliird statement is, that the persecu- 
 tion of Friends was not only not the result, 
 but was the direct cause of such improprie- 
 ties as may be proved upon them. These 
 two propositions may be considered jointly. 
 
 As fair specimens of the invective in- 
 dulged in by the Quakers, Dr. Ellis quotes 
 
 1 For this aud other Quaker letters, see Appendix, pp. 
 202-222. 
 
92 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 some liursh language from the journal of 
 Humphrey Norton, which he found in the 
 British Museum. It is not in any of our 
 libraries, but other Quaker works, written 
 during the same period, confirm the belief 
 that Friends, smarting under a sense of 
 wrong and personal injury, did not hesi- 
 tate to call men and things by tlieir right 
 names. And yet they were quick to forgive, 
 and they bore no malice. Their denuncia- 
 tion of persecution and superstitious church 
 ordinances was scriptural almost without 
 exception. It is impossible for any one to 
 cite a single instance of indecent railing by 
 a Quaker, such as we have seen was in- 
 dulged in with comparative impunity by 
 the Puritan Edmund Batter, a government 
 official and church-member. It may not 
 only be admitted, but all lovers of fair play 
 must find satisfaction in the fact, that 
 Friends resorted to scriptural weapons in 
 the unequal conflict. It is questionable, 
 liowever, whether the practice was so habit- 
 ual with them as is represented. It is more 
 probable that their invective was the special 
 utterance extorted by special or specific 
 deeds of Puritan violence. The Puritan 
 court records seem to confirm this view, for 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 93 
 
 the reports of arrests and trials are remark- 
 ably free from charges of rudeness of either 
 speech or behavior, and it is noteworthy 
 that in the scriptm-al argument against 
 Quakerism written by John Norton and 
 published by order of the General Court, 
 October 18, 1659, it is alleged that " the 
 practice of the Quakers ... is to belch 
 out railing and cursing speeches," but the 
 accusation is qualified by the words, " some 
 of them at least." ^ It is a mistake to sup- 
 pose that those Friends who indulged in 
 what, to polite ears of this age, sounds ex- 
 travagant and ill-mannered, were in any 
 way peculiar, or that they spoke in an un- 
 known tongue ; for they merely conformed 
 to the manners and customs characteristic 
 of the age in which they lived, and espe- 
 cially characteristic of the Puritans. This 
 has already been demonstrated as to Eng- 
 land, in the preceding pages, by quotations 
 from Puritan authors who called clergy- 
 men of the Established Church " Baal- 
 ites and P>alaamites," and the "service 
 book " an '' abomination," and by citations 
 of the acts and language of other men and 
 writers, including Milton. In New Eng- 
 
 1 See Appendix, p. 1 IT 
 
94 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 liuid the same customs were prevalent. 
 The Puritans were forward to abuse men 
 with tlieir tongue, and were perfectly at 
 home in the vindictive vernacular. AYe 
 have already observed, how impossible it 
 was for them to enact a law aimed at 
 Friends, without ushering it in with a vitu- 
 perative epithet. In these laws and other 
 documents we are made familiar with such 
 terms as cursed sect of hereticks, blasphe- 
 mouth opinions, devilish opinions, pestilent 
 errors and practices, diabolical doctrine, per- 
 nicious sect, horrid tenets, instrument of 
 satan, rogues and vagabonds, incorrigible 
 rogues, etc. Charles Chauncey, President 
 of Harvard College, in nrging the enforce- 
 ment of capital punishment, spoke of six 
 Quaker prisoners as " six wolves in a 
 trap,"" to which, in a later day, Elizabeth 
 Hooten retorted by denouncing the college 
 as " a cage of unclean birds." 
 
 In Hutchinson's History it is related that 
 at the ordination of Mr. Higginson, in 1G60, 
 John Smith of Salem was arrested for mak- 
 ing a disturbance by crying out, "What you 
 are going about to set U23, our God is pull- 
 ing down ; " while Bishop, witliout, however, 
 designating the time or occasion, quotes 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 95 
 
 Iligginson as stigmatizing tlie Quaker's In- 
 ward Light as "a stinking vapor from bell.'* 
 Were not the Puritans quite equal to the 
 Friends in extravagance of hmguage and 
 the use of harsh and vindictive epithets? 
 
 It is commonly understood that the Qua- 
 kers constantly interrupted the religious 
 meetings and the famous Thursday lecture 
 of the Puritans, but this is an error started 
 by some malicious or careless commentator 
 and greedily adopted by others. In rare 
 instances, such as the one Hutchinson re- 
 lates, they may have done so; but both Pu- 
 ritan and Quaker records prove that the 
 Friends, as a rule, waited until service had 
 ended, before delivering their testimony, 
 and the same witnesses prove that instead 
 of being impelled by an " aimless spirit of 
 annoyance " to address church congrega- 
 tions, they were inspired by an enlightened 
 distrust of religious ordinances and Chris- 
 tian ministration that fostered superstition, 
 dogmatism, and persecution. When they 
 attempted to hold their own meetings, they 
 were violently assaulted, their houses were 
 invaded, and they were haled before the 
 magistrates. A very large number of the 
 arrests, of which there is any report, were 
 
96' THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 made because Friends refused to attend 
 church and bravely maintained their right 
 to hold meetings of their own. Edmund 
 Batter, the two Archers, Benjamin Felton, 
 Henry Skerry — all church-members — and 
 Thomas Roots, are named by Bishop as the 
 " bloody huntsmen " who made themselves 
 especially prominent in ferreting out Qua- 
 ker meetings and dragging the " cursed 
 heretics " to judgment. The Quakers were 
 persecuted and goaded into going to the 
 sanctuary of these inquisitors, and, when 
 meeting or lecture was over, protesting 
 against such outrages and the wickedness of 
 both Christian ministers and the religion 
 that sanctioned them. A careful search shows 
 that in two instances the Friends enforced 
 their righteous protests by the unique 
 method of breaking bottles. Two women, 
 Sarah Gibbons and Dorothy Waugh, went 
 through this dramatic performance in " 2d 
 Month, 1658," in the presence of John Nor- 
 ton, "as a sign of his emptiness." Both of 
 them had been, previousl}^, the victims of 
 persecution. In 1663, Thomas Newhouse, 
 another sufferer, bore his testimony in the 
 same manner, crying out, " So they should 
 be dashed in pieces." Newhouse subse- 
 
OF MASSACnUSETTS. 97 
 
 quently fell from grace, and was disowned 
 as an apostate by more sober Friends, to 
 whom he was a frequent source of trouble.^ 
 When Wenlock Christison was on trial for 
 his life, ill 1661, Catherine Chattam at- 
 tended court, appropriately clothed in sack- 
 cloth and ashes. It is reported, also, that 
 Elizabeth Hooten,^ who came here with an 
 express permit from the King to purchase 
 property and to become a resident, but was 
 refused permission to do so by the author- 
 ities, was arrested as a "vagabond" and 
 barbarously whipped for crying aloud, "• Re- 
 pent," in the streets of Cambridge. Old 
 records and authorities contain these and a 
 few other illustrations of what are known 
 as the extravagances of the Quakers ; but 
 instead of bristling all over with them as 
 Puritan apologists would have us believe, it 
 is impossible to find any considerable num- 
 ber, and the few that are to be found are 
 readily traced to the persecution. Some of 
 the more familiar instances are counted as 
 men in buckram by the excited imagina- 
 
 1 William Edmundson's Journal, p. G9. 
 
 2 Believed to be the first convert to Quakerism made by 
 George Fox. See brief account of her sufferings in xVppen- 
 
 dix, p. 177. 
 
 7 
 
98 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 tioiis of writers, who magnify their number 
 to a degree that would honor Falstaff. 
 
 The most serious of all the charges on the 
 score of extravagance deserves separate con- 
 sideration. One has a right to infer from 
 the sketch Dr. Ellis has given of the state 
 of affairs during the period which he de- 
 scribes, that it was not uncommon for Qua- 
 ker women to parade the streets and to en- 
 ter the churches unattired, and that the 
 colonial authorities w^ere goaded into a re- 
 sort to barbarous legislation by such wild 
 and crazy freaks.^ There is a serious mis- 
 apprehension of the truth here. The rec- 
 ords furnish instances of two women who 
 were literally stripped of their clothing by 
 the authorities ; and many other instances 
 of women who were stripped from the waist 
 upwards and exposed to public gaze, but 
 from the arrival of Mary Fisher and Ann 
 Austin upon these inhospitable shores, in 
 1656, down to the passage of the " vagabond 
 law" in May, 1661, in which the cruelties 
 of corporal punishment culminated, — dur- 
 ing this entire time, there was not a single 
 case of such social indecorum by the Qua- 
 
 1 Massachusetts and its Early History ; also The Memorial 
 History of Boston. 
 
OF JfASSACnUSETTS. 99 
 
 kersV — not one. Dr. Ellis cites the case of 
 a woman who appeared in this condition in 
 Boston, her body being smeared with black 
 paint. He is wrong. The record shows 
 that this woman, Margaret Brewster, was 
 abundantly clothed, and it also shows that 
 this event occurred in the year 1677 ; ^ that 
 is^fifteeyi years after the last year of the times 
 of ivhich Dr, Ellis professes to give a his- 
 tory ! In two instances only, once in " 9th 
 mo. 1662 " and once in May, 1663, women 
 appeared in public without their garments, 
 and in both cases their acts were the result 
 of persecution. A detailed report of the , 
 Ward well case may serve to help us in ac- 
 counting for them. Thomas Wardwell was 
 a Puritan and a freeman of the Massachu- 
 setts colony. He lived in Boston, where 
 on November 23, 1634, his son Eliakim 
 was baptized. Eliakim removed to Hamp- 
 ton about the year 1659. It is not known 
 at what time he embraced the Quaker faith, 
 but on April 8, 1662, he was fined for ab- 
 sence from church on twenty-six Sabbaths. 
 In December, 1662, Ann Coleman, Mary 
 
 1 Judge Sewall's Diary, vol. i. p. 43. For a very inter- 
 esting report of Margaret Brewster's trial, etc., see Appendix, 
 K)p. 193-20-2. 
 
100 THE QUAKER INVASION' 
 
 Tomkins, and Alice Ambrose, at the insti- 
 gation of Rev. ]\Ir. Rayner, and by order of 
 deputy magistrate Richard Walden, were 
 stripped naked from the middle upward, 
 tied to a cart, and, though the weather was 
 "bitter cold," were driven through several 
 towns. On arrival at each town they were 
 cruelly whipped. At Dover, while "the flog- 
 ging was being administered, the^RejuMr. 
 Rayner " stood and looked and laughed at 
 it," whereupon Eliakim Wardwell, who was 
 also present, reproved the reverend gentle- 
 man for his brutalitj^ and thereby added 
 one more piece of insolence to the list of 
 Quaker " outrages." For this offensive be- 
 havior he was put in the stocks along with 
 William Fourbish, who had also manifested 
 irreverence by rebuking the pious Rayner. 
 Soon after this event, Wardwell harbored 
 and entertained his friend Wenlock Christi- 
 son. Such an offense was too grievous to 
 be overlooked, and the Rev. Seaborn Cot- 
 ton, with truncheon in hand, headed a party 
 of order-loving citizens, and marched from 
 his own home to the house of Wardwell, 
 some two miles away. Christison received 
 him and asked him " what he did with that 
 club in his hand." Pastor Cotton replied, 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 101 
 
 saying, " he came to keep tlie wolves from 
 his sheep." Christison was immediately 
 seized and dragged away. The wolf having 
 been secured, Ward well, who, as head of 
 the family, was the bell-wether of Mr. Cot- 
 ton's flock of sheep, was summoned to court 
 and fined. To satisfy the fine, his saddle- 
 horse was taken from him. The horse was 
 worth fourteen pounds, and as this sum ex- 
 ceeded the fine, a vessel of green ginger was 
 left at his house to settle the account. But 
 the green ghiger speedily went the way of 
 the horse, for Wardwell was soon fined 
 again for his own and his wife's absence 
 from church, and in time was rendered al- 
 most penniless by repeated seizures of his 
 property. The Rev. Seaborn Cotton, it 
 seems, had a sharp eye for business, and, 
 knowing the Wardwells would not pay for 
 preaching they did not hear and would not 
 countenance by their presence, he shrewdly 
 sold his " rate " — the sum of money the 
 Wardwells were obliged by law to contrib- 
 ute to his support — to one Nathaniel Boul- 
 ter. How large a share this dealer in lapsed 
 church tithes charged Cotton, we shall never 
 know. We do know, however, that before 
 he concluded the bargain he visited the 
 
102 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 AVardwells under pretense of borrowing a 
 little corn for himself, which they willingly 
 lent him. Having thus surreptitiously dis- 
 covered the quantity of corn in the crib, 
 and its whereabouts, he, " Judas-like," went 
 and bought the " rate " and then returned 
 and " measured the corn away as he 
 pleased." 
 
 Lydia Ward well was married to Eliakim, 
 October 17, 1659. She also was a Pu- 
 ritan, and a church-member to the manor 
 born, being the daughter of Isaac Perkins, 
 who was a freeman of the colony. She is 
 described as "a young and tender, chaste 
 woman," and was no doubt such. She be- 
 came a Quaker, with her husband, and in a 
 loyal, wifely way had shared the trials and 
 sufferings to which they had been doomed 
 during the few years of their married life. 
 She knew the story of Ann Austin and 
 Mary Fisher; she probably had witnessed 
 the flogging of her own friends, Ann Cole- 
 man, Mary Tomkins, and Alice Ambrose, 
 and had heard the laughter of the Christian 
 minister, as the lash descended upon their 
 naked bodies. Four of her friends had been 
 hanged and scores of others tortured. The 
 guest of her fireside had been kidnapped 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 103 
 
 under lier eyes ; the rapacious church tithe 
 dealer and pious magistrates had stripped 
 her home of even the grass that grew in the 
 meadow. The burden laid upon this bride 
 was too heavy for her young spirit, and, in 
 the light of a subsequent event, it is reason- 
 able to suppose that it produced mental 
 aberration. The original narrator of her 
 sad experience states that while these troub- 
 les fell thick and fast and heavily upon her, 
 she was repeatedly sent for, to go to church, 
 '' to give a reason " for her separation from 
 it. Pestered and goaded by these demands, 
 and probably with an imagination disor- 
 dered by her sufferings, she answered a 
 summons in May, 1663, by disrobing her 
 body and, in this condition, entering the 
 church. It was "exceeding hard," the nar- 
 rator says, " to her modest and shamefaced 
 disposition," to pass through this terrible 
 ordeal. She went thus as a " sign " of the 
 spiritual nakedness of her persecutors. This 
 strange and dreadful scene occurred at the 
 church in Newbury. The sequel is far 
 more shocking to us than the deed itself. 
 The poor soul was arrested and on the 5th 
 of May, 1663, was sentenced by the court at 
 Ipswich to " be severely Avhipped and pay 
 
104 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 costs and fees to the marsliall of Hampton 
 for bringing her, 10s. Q>d. and fees, 2s. Gt?." 
 In accordance with this sentence " she was 
 tied to the fence post of the tavern . . . 
 stripped from her waist upwards, with her 
 naked breasts to the splinters of the posts 
 and then sorely lashed with twenty or 
 thirty cruel stripes." ^ Previous to this, in 
 9th mo. of 1662, Deborah Wilson, who had 
 passed through much the same scenes and 
 sufferings, appeared, in the same manner 
 and for the same purpose, in the streets of 
 Salem. In her case the constable, Daniel 
 Rumbal, it is said, took compassion on her, 
 and she escaped with only moderate chas- 
 tisement. It is quite possible that the con- 
 stable had misgivings, or, it may be, positive 
 information regarding her mental condition; 
 for, subsequently and' after persecution was 
 measurably abated, she was arraigned " for 
 frequently absenting herself from the public 
 ordinances," and was dismissed because, as 
 the court record reads, " she is distempered 
 in her head." 
 
 The acts of Lydia Wardwell, Deborah 
 Wilson, Thomas Newhouse, and Margaret 
 Brewster play a conspicuous part in the 
 
 1 New Emjland Jiuhjed, pp. 37G-377. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 105 
 
 Quaker melodrama which wo are told pre- 
 ceded the Puritan traged}^ The truth is, 
 they were not the prelude but the after- 
 piece and the sequel to the tragedy. They 
 are, however, repeatedly and persistently 
 cited in order to justify or to extenuate the 
 cruelties of the Puritan rulers. Such acts, 
 we are told, might well drive a sober peo^^le 
 to desperation, and tempt them to resort to 
 the most severe remedies. But will some 
 apologist take the trouble to explain by 
 Avhat process of reasoning the legislation of 
 1G56 to 1661 can be attributed to offenses 
 committed in 1662, 1668, and 1677? His- 
 tory must be read backwards that this in- 
 tellectual feat may be performed. 
 
 The popular apologies for the Puritans, 
 that now pass for history and are to be read 
 in the pages of standard works (notably 
 those of Palfrey and Bancroft), as well as 
 in the historical essays of many other writ- 
 ers, are based upon an unwarrantable exag- 
 geration of the character and number of 
 Quaker offenses and upon a reckless con- 
 fusion of dates.i This serious and fatal de- 
 fect necessarily renders such historical crit- 
 
 1 TJrvant and Gay's Popular FTistnry of the United States 
 is a uoluble exception. 
 
106 THE QUAKER INVASION' 
 
 icism not only worthless but pernicious. 
 The modern Quaker has a right to appeal 
 from the fiction to the truth of history in 
 vindication of his ancestors. There are 
 scholars in the old Bay State who are never 
 backward when the Puritan fathers are to 
 be defended. They are competent by 
 knowledge, experience, and ability to inves- 
 tigate and to report. Let any one of them 
 examine all the records carefully, with an 
 eye for the truth, and publish the evidence 
 upon which the verdict of these popular 
 writers is supposed to rest. It will be 
 found to be astonishingly meagre. Though 
 "screaming out through barred windows" 
 is believed to have been a popular Quaker 
 metbod of bearing testimony, but few such 
 cases are to be found, and they were jus- 
 tified by the provocation. Friends were 
 sometimes punished by being put in the 
 Btocks, and occasionalh^ while enduring this 
 enforced degradation, they testified aloud 
 against the wickedness and cruelty of the 
 authorities. Unless it can be shown that 
 the prisoners were punished because of 
 some social disorder, it would be unfair to 
 class such acts as extravagances. Instances 
 of the kind are very rare. If they are nu- 
 merous, let us have them. 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 107 
 
 Tnterruption of clmrch service occurred 
 just often enough to suggest the popular fic- 
 tion as to its frequency. Down to the pas- 
 sage of the inhuman law of IMay, 1661, the 
 offenses were confined almost exclusively to 
 righteous rebuke of persecution, sometimes 
 by letter and sometimes verbally. At- 
 tempts to address the ministers and people 
 at the close of sermon or lecture may have 
 occurred a dozen times during the entire six 
 years, though ordinary authorities do not 
 furnish so many cases. Whether or not 
 this class of offenses should be ranked with 
 the " extravagances," can be determined 
 better after the whole matter has been care- 
 fully reviewed. After the execution of four 
 Quakers, and especially after the passage 
 of the law of May, 1661, or, to put it in an- 
 other way, as the persecution waxed hotter, 
 the testimony of Friends became more 
 marked, and perhaps more frequent, but 
 even then the number of those who were 
 guilty of improper acts was by no means 
 great. When we remember the bitter and 
 persistent provocation, we can but admire 
 the calm, quiet, and dignified self-restraint 
 exhibited by '' most " of tliem. Sliould any 
 competent Puritan apologist attempt the 
 
108 TnE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 examination suggested, let us have in full 
 the '' wild rant," the outcome of " besotted 
 stupidity," with the circumstances under 
 which it was uttered, and the date. Let 
 him cite every case of Quaker indecorum 
 and indecency he can find, stating exactly 
 what was done or said, and giving the pre- 
 cise, or, if it is not known, the approximate 
 date of each event. Let him arrange these 
 cases in the order of their occurrence, and, 
 side by side with them, quote the Puritan 
 laws with the dates of their passage, and, 
 also, all other provocatory acts of the 
 authorities. Let him report each in the 
 proper order of time — the numerous ar- 
 rests, the indictments, the pleas of the pris- 
 oners, the notes of the magistrates, the 
 trials, convictions, sentences, and punish- 
 ments inflicted, just as he finds them on 
 the records. It will not suffice to say that, 
 in general terms, the Puritans accused the 
 Quakers of " contemptuous behavior to au- 
 thority," unless substantiating evidence of 
 the alleged misdemeanor is produced, for, 
 as has already been shown, the Puritan offi- 
 cials did not hesitate to bear false witness 
 concerning the victims of their pious wrath. 
 Such evidence is clearly of slight value and 
 
OF MASSACnUSETTS. 109 
 
 inadmissible, unless it is competent for one 
 and the same part}^ to perform the functions 
 of judge, jury, prosecuting attorney, and 
 witness, all in one. It must be remem- 
 bered, too, that by " contemptuous behav- 
 ior " the magistrates often referred to the 
 Quaker's custom of wearing the hat, to his 
 use of the singular number in addressing 
 one person only, and to his refusal to take 
 the oath. These customs were not aimed 
 at authority, nor were they subversive of 
 social order, but, as the Puritans well knew, 
 they were matters of conscience. It was, 
 and is, manifestly absurd to pretend that 
 while the Friends wore hats in their own 
 assemblies and addressed each other in the 
 plain language, they wore the same hats 
 and used the same style of speech, in the 
 presence of government officers and church 
 ministers, as a mark of their contempt. 
 
 Too much of special pleading, reckless 
 writing, and rhetoric, have been expended 
 on this subject. It is time now for the 
 presentation of an impartial statement of 
 the truth, unadorned by efforts of the im- 
 agination. We need a well considered 
 judgment based upon the plain facts. The 
 tenor of such judgment is beyond question. 
 
110 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 It will be found that " most " of tlie Massa- 
 chusetts Quakers were not ignorant and 
 lawless, nor seditious and pestering, nor 
 rancorous and indecent, but that they were 
 fully as intelligent and well-informed, often 
 more enlightened, and, on the whole, quite 
 as well behaved and as guiltless of social 
 indecorum as the Puritans themselves. 
 
 A fair examination can result onl}^ in a 
 complete overthrow of the theory that they 
 were the aggressors, and " wantonly ini- 
 tiated the strife," and that by their wild 
 misdeeds the Puritans were " bej'ond meas- 
 ure provoked and goaded to the course 
 which they pursued." It will be seen tliat 
 the Quakers, not the Puritans, were goaded 
 and tormented, and that it is a reversal of 
 the truth to put it otherwise. Another 
 cause for Puritan cruelty must be discov- 
 ered. We have yet to learn what Quaker 
 offense so frenzied Bellingham as to drive 
 him to inflict such barbarous treatment 
 upon Ann Austin and Mary Fisher, im- 
 mediately upon their arrival here, in the 
 early part of 1656; what the outrage that 
 '"• goaded " Governor Endicott into forward- 
 ing his letter from Salem, saying, had he 
 been at home, he " would have had them 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. \\\ 
 
 well whipped " ; what the nature of the 
 offenses that led to the imprisonment and 
 treatment as criminals of Christopher Hol- 
 der, Thomas Thirstone, William Brend, 
 John Copeland, Mary Prince, Sarah Gib- 
 bons, Mary Whitehead, Dorothy Waugh, 
 and Richard Smith, when they first came 
 here, in 1656. The list of objurgations 
 and indecencies that, in October, 1656, 
 " stung and goaded " the Puritans into 
 passing the first act in the series of cruel 
 legislation is yet to be given. The story of 
 Nicholas Upsall should follow this recital. 
 The checkered career of this brave old man 
 will serve to indicate the '' seditious and 
 rancorous " character of the Quakers. 
 
 Mary Dyer and Anne Burden were the 
 first Quaker visitors who arrived after the 
 passage of the law of 1656. Mary Dyer's 
 career, and especially her bearing when she 
 faced death on Boston Common, will illus- 
 trate the " dogged pertinacity " with which 
 she persecuted her reluctant executioners. 
 Endicott, it is said, gave her an opportunity 
 to save her life by lying, which, however, 
 she was too obstinate to do. This pure, in- 
 telligent, and devoted woman is pilloried hi 
 history ^ as one " of the most insufferable 
 
 1 Memorial History of Boston^ vol. i. p. 1G8. 
 
112 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 tormentors " of Boston. Of what insuffera- 
 ble acts was she guilty ? What is the evi- 
 dence upon which this description of her is 
 based ? The story of her companion is not 
 so widely known. It is interesting as a bit 
 of evidence to show how the authorities 
 were made desperate by the intrusiveness of 
 Quakers. 
 
 Anne Burden was not a preacher. She 
 came here to settle the estate of her de- 
 ceased husband. Bellingham, before whom 
 she was arraigned, could find no fault in 
 her, but said " she was a plain Quaker and 
 must abide the law." Though ill at the 
 time, she was thrust into gaol where she 
 was detained about three months. During 
 her imprisonment some tender-hearted peo- 
 ple collected debts for her to the value of 
 thirty pounds. Finally, she was shipped 
 direct to England. Her request to be al- 
 lowed to go to Barbadoes, as her goods 
 would bring a better price there, was re- 
 fused. Her property was assessed fourteen 
 shillings to satisfy the gaoler's fee, and 
 seven shillings for boat hire to carry her to 
 the ship — for though the captain offered to 
 carry her in his own skiff, without charge, 
 she was compelled to go with the hangman, 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 113 
 
 who, at her expense, had provided one. 
 She was further robbed of goods to the 
 vahie of six pounds ten shillings, for her 
 passage, of which the captain never received 
 a shilling. She, however, on reaching Lon- 
 don, though under no obligation to do so, 
 paid him in full. It is to be hoped that 
 when the Puritan version of this " intru- 
 sive " Quaker's stor}^ is told, we shall learn 
 what became of the six pounds ten shillings, 
 of which she was distrained, though it may 
 be that in the " frenzy " of the moment, 
 produced by her "pestering and indecent" 
 conduct, such trifles were overlooked. Let 
 some one name, if he can, a single act of 
 this woman or a single act of any one of the 
 few Quakers who preceded her, that justi- 
 fies or palliates the treatment she received. 
 Another class of Quaker intruders has its 
 place in our early history. Their " lawless 
 fanaticism," as indicated by the evidence 
 about to be given, may help to explain how 
 the magistrates were beyond endurance pro^ 
 voked by these aggressors and " wanton 
 initiators " of strife. It appears that James 
 Cud worth, a magistrate of New Plymouth 
 and a captain, was left off the bench and 
 lost his captaincy, because he had enter- 
 
114 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 tained some Quakers at liis house in order 
 to become better acquainted with tlieii* prin- 
 ciples, which, however, he never adopted. 
 He says, " the Quakers and I cannot close 
 m divers things, and so I signified to the 
 court I was no Quaker, . . . but as I was 
 no Quaker, so I would be no persecutor." 
 This Puritan Cudworth wrote a letter, dated 
 in the 10th month, 1658, graphically de- 
 scribing the condition of affairs in both 
 colonies, in which he says of the Quakers, 
 " They have many meetings and many ad- 
 herents : almost the whole town of Sand- 
 wich is adhering towards them. . . . The 
 Sandwich men may not go to the Bay, lest 
 they be taken up for Quakers ; W. New- 
 land was there about his occasions, some 
 ten days since, and they put him in prison 
 twenty-four hours, and sent for divers to 
 witness against him, but they had not proof 
 enough to make him a Quaker, which, if 
 they had, he should have been whipped ; 
 na}^ they may not go about their occasions 
 in other towns of our colony, but warrants 
 lie in ambush to apprehend and bring them 
 before a magistrate to give an account of 
 their business. Some of the Quakers in 
 Rhode Island came to bring them goods, to 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 115 
 
 trade with them, and that for far reasona- 
 bler terms than the professing and oppress- 
 ing merchants of the country, but that will 
 not be suffered." Referring to the imita- 
 tion of the Massachusetts Bay magistrates 
 by the Plymouth authorities, in their perse- 
 cution of Quakers, he significantly says, 
 " and now Plymouth-saddle is on the Bay 
 horse." This remarkable letter ^ is too long 
 for reproduction here, but any detailed re- 
 cital of evidence would be incomplete with- 
 out it. It is a curious commentary upon 
 the " aimless spirit of annoyance " that led 
 many of the " pestering and intrusive " 
 Quaker visitors to the Bay. The letter 
 is also of collateral value here, because it 
 suggests the correction of a very serious 
 error which occurs in an essay by Judge 
 William Brigham, published by the Massa- 
 chusetts Historical Society. Judge Brig- 
 ham asserts, with evident satisfaction, that 
 in New Plymouth colony there was a " law 
 against Quaker Ranters, but no Quaker had 
 a hair of his head hurt." Judicially speak- 
 ing, it may be true that the Quaker hair 
 was not pulled in Plymouth as it was in 
 Boston, but Judge Brigham ought to have 
 
 1 See Appendix, pp. 1G2-172. 
 
116 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 known, and might easil}^ have learned, that 
 the Pl3Uiiouth authorities, though less harsh 
 and vindictive than their neighbors, were 
 nevertheless adepts in the business of scourg- 
 ing Quakers. What are we to expect from 
 untrained men, when a distinguished mem- 
 ber of the bar is so heedless in his state- 
 ments ? 
 
 It is by no means necessary to produce 
 the entire record in order to confirm the 
 views expressed, or the positions taken here, 
 in opposition to opinions and theories that 
 prevail in the popular mind ; but the Pu- 
 ritan apologist who cares to revise his judg- 
 ment should read the whole of it. In his 
 review of 1658 he will not overlook the 
 glass bottle feat of Sarah Gibbons and Doro- 
 thy Waugh, but when he tires of this scene, 
 let him leave the church and watch for a 
 moment the threefold knotted whip as the 
 lash descends upon the back of Hored Gard- 
 ner. If he will listen closely, he will hear 
 this Quaker woman's voice, as it ascends to 
 Heaven, pleading for forgiveness of the per- 
 
 secutors.i 
 
 1 See Appendix, pp. 172, 173. 
 
 I 
 
OF MASSACnU SETTS. 117 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE CAUSE OF THE WAR AND ITS RESULTS. 
 
 Dr. Ellis says " our Fathers cared little, 
 if at all, for the Quaker theology. They 
 did not get so far as that in dealing with 
 them.'* On the contrary, their abhorrence 
 of the religious opinions or belief of the 
 Friends was the real cause of the persecu- 
 tion. 
 
 The cardinal principles and leading tenets 
 of Quakerism have been detailed in a pre- 
 ceding chapter, and therefore only brief men- 
 tion of them is necessary here. In common 
 with the Puritans, Quakers believed in the 
 doctrine of original sin, the Christian atone- 
 ment, a future life either in heaven or hell, 
 and the inspiration of the Bible. In com- 
 mon with the Puritans, they condemned as 
 idolatrous the ceremonial service of the 
 Established Church, but they also denied 
 the efficacy of ordination, baptism, formal 
 prayer, and the sacrament of the Lord's 
 supper. They sought to restore the spirit- 
 
118 THE QUAKER INVASrO?T 
 
 uality and simplicity of primitive Christian- 
 ity. Tlieir reliance upon what they called 
 the Inward Light, as a sufficient guide in 
 matters of religion, has always distinguished 
 them from all other religiotis sects. This 
 Inward Light may be briefly explained as 
 follows : God is an indwelling Spirit, and 
 Humanity is His holy temple. His law is 
 written upon the hearts of all men, and 
 obedience to it will lead them into all truth, 
 so far as religious truths are revealed to 
 men. Through the operation of this law 
 the soul of man is accessible to his Creator. 
 It is the rule of life to which every one must 
 subject himself, and out of which duty is 
 evolved. 
 
 The Quakers were further distinguished 
 from other sects by their determined cham- 
 pionship of religious freedom. With other 
 men religious liberty was a matter of opin- 
 ion and political policy, but in the Quaker 
 philosophy it stood as a divine principle and 
 an inalienable birthright. 
 
 New England Puritans denounced the 
 Quaker Light as an ignis fatuus^ and a 
 " stinking vapor from hell." For spirit- 
 ual and moral guidance they relied solely 
 upon the revealed law as contained within 
 
OF MASSACnU SETTS. 119 
 
 the limits of the Bible, and especially tlie 
 Old Testament, and, we might add, they 
 rested their ecclesiastical, civil, and penal 
 legislation npon the same anthority. They 
 attempted to build up a theocratic govern- 
 ment. Leaving their native homes to es- 
 cape persecution, they established them- 
 selves here, only to deny religious liberty to 
 all comers. Toleration was only second to 
 heresy in their list of pernicious errors. If 
 we fully realize the differences that sepa- 
 rated them from the Quakers, we shall see 
 that a conflict between the two was inevita- 
 ble. Resistance to religious tyranny was 
 an imperative and sacred duty with the 
 Quaker. Extermination of heresy and per- 
 secution of non-conformists were essential 
 articles in the creed of the Puritans. Let 
 us review the evidence. 
 
 The first reference to Quakers in the 
 colonial records speaks of their "abounding 
 errors." The first two Quakers arrive and 
 are found to hold " very dangerous hereti- 
 cal and blasphemous opinions." They are 
 closely confined until they can be sent away 
 in order " to prevent the spread of their 
 corrupt opinions." The first count in the 
 indictment embodied in the preamble of 
 
120 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 the first law aimed at Quakers is stated in 
 the emphatic words, " cursed heretics," and, 
 as has been shown, succeeding laws are 
 aflame with charges of heresy and blas- 
 phemy. In October, 1658, John Norton 
 was employed by the Court to write an ex- 
 posure 'and refutation of Quaker errors. 
 The order reads, "Whereas this Court, well 
 understanding the dangerous events of the 
 doctrines and practices of the Quakers, hath 
 by law endeavored to prevent the same, but 
 finding that some of tliem do dispense their 
 papers, so expressing themselves therein as 
 that they may deceive divers of weak capac- 
 ities, and so draw them in to favor their 
 opinions and ways, — now, for the further 
 prevention of infection, and guiding of peo- 
 ple in the truth, in reference to such opin- 
 ions, heresies, or blasphemies by them ex- 
 pressed in their books, letters, or by words 
 openly held forth by some of them, the Court 
 judgeth meet that there be a writing or dec- 
 laration drawn up, and forthwith printed,'* 
 etc. In November, 1659, the Court, ''by 
 the honored Governor," thanked Mr. Nor- 
 ton " for his great pains and worthy labors 
 in the tractate he drew up, and by order of 
 this Court hath been printed, wherein the 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 121 
 
 dangerous errors of the Quakers is fully re- 
 futed and discovered, and to acquaint him 
 that this Court hath given him five hundred 
 acres of land ... as a small recompense for 
 his pains therein." 
 
 When this same Christian minister, John 
 Norton, volunteered to defend the inhuman 
 gaoler who treated William Brend with 
 such horrible barbarity, it was not because 
 Brend was guilty of any breach of the civil 
 law, but because " he endeavored to beat 
 our Gospel ordinances black and blue." 
 In October, 1658, a petition addressed to 
 the Court, asking for additional legislation 
 against the Quakers, complains of "their 
 denial of the Trinity, ... of the person of 
 Christ, ... of the Scriptures as a rule of 
 life." 1 In December, 1660, in an address 
 sent by the General Court to King Charles 
 II., the Quakers were complained of as 
 " open and capital blasphemers, open se- 
 ducers from the glorious Trinity, the soul's 
 Christ, our Lord Jesus, the blessed gospel, 
 and from the Holy Scriptures as the rule of 
 life," etc. 
 
 In the file of unpublished manuscript in 
 the State-house, Boston, there are papers 
 1 See Appendix, p. 154. 
 
122 THE QUAKER INVASION. 
 
 indexed, '' Minutes of tlie Magistrates," 
 dated 1659-60, and headed, "The Examina- 
 tion of Quakers at y® Court of Assistants in 
 Boston." 1 These papers do not indicate 
 the specific charges upon which the Quakers 
 were arrested, but are evidently memoranda 
 made during the progress of the trials. 
 In this collection there arc forty entries. 
 Three of them are too brief and indefinite 
 to indicate their subjects ; three state that 
 some of the prisoners entered court with 
 their hats on ; one states that two of them 
 disturbed the court and were carried out 
 by the gaoler ; one refers to a statement 
 made by some one else, that there was 
 a woman at Salem, " Consader Southwick," 
 who said she was greater than Moses, for 
 she had seen God oftener than he had. 
 (This was, no doubt, a slander.) Of the 
 others, six mention the protests of the pris- 
 oners against the " wicked law," and tiven- 
 ty-six refer to the religious opinions ex- 
 pressed by, and, it is presumable, drawn 
 from them in the process of examination. 
 
 In view of this evidence and otlier facts 
 heretofore narrated, one is forced to the con- 
 clusion that our fathers were not only not 
 
 1 See Appendix, pp. 157-161 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 123 
 
 indifferent to tlie theology, or what they 
 called the heresy, of the Quakers, but that 
 fhe policy of persecution which they inaug- 
 urated immediately upon the advent of 
 the despised and hated sect is directly 
 chargeable to their detestation of the al- 
 leged heresy, and to their fear of its bale- 
 ful influence upon the colony. It is no ex- 
 aggeration to assert that the Quakers were 
 dealt with almost exclusively on the score 
 of their religious opinions. 
 
 It has been said that a realization of the 
 radical differences between the Friends and 
 Puritans will lead to the conclusion that the 
 conflict was inevitable, but to appreciate 
 fully the nature of that conflict, it is impor- 
 tant to understand their agreements. The 
 coming of the Quakers into Massachusetts, 
 as the subject is popularly treated, suggests 
 the descent of a horde of semi-barbarians 
 with pagan customs, grotesque manners, and 
 lawless habits, upon a God-fearing, sober, 
 and law-abiding community. This miscon- 
 ception is fatal to a proper understanding of 
 our early history. Quakerism, historically 
 defined, was an outgrowth of Puritanism. 
 Its ranks were recruited from the English 
 yeomanry. Some of the Friends, before 
 
124 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 their conversion to peace principles, had 
 served in the armies of Cromwell, and most 
 of them had been attached to one or the 
 other of the non - conformist or Puritan 
 churches. This is especially true of the 
 New England Quakers. Tliey were Eng- 
 lishmen by birth and blood, and Puritan 
 by education. While adopting the distinc- 
 tive principles of Quakerism, they retained 
 the characteristics that distinguished the 
 Puritan from the Cavalier. The martyrs, 
 Robinson, Stevenson, and Leddra, who, by 
 the decree of Endicott, Bellingham, and 
 Norton, were hanged on Boston Common, 
 rivaled their executioners in their hostility 
 to the Established Church and in their vir- 
 tuous horror of the profligacy and licen- 
 tiousness of the English court. The Qua- 
 ker testimonies, as enumerated in the Book 
 of Discipline, find their counterpart in the 
 sumptuary laws that grace the statute book 
 of the Massachusetts colony.^ The two 
 
 1 Referring to these laws and to the prevailing dress of the 
 colonists, Mr. IT. E. Scudder well says that "the Puritans 
 . . . vainly sought for a correspondence between the outer 
 man and the inner sanctified spirit." This is equally true of 
 the Quakers, but the same writer classifies them a- a people 
 "who wished to strip off all obstructions to the exhibition of 
 Nature." It would be useless to attempt to cliaracterize such 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 125 
 
 parties held in common a living faith in the 
 wisdom and power of simplicity, sobriety, 
 and godhness, combined with more or less 
 enlightened theories of religious and social 
 equality and intellectual liberty. The in- 
 terpretation of the moral law by either 
 party was equally destructive to social sin, 
 and equally conducive to social welfare. 
 All Puritans were not Quakers, but all Qua- 
 kers were Puritans. Strong sympathies 
 and similarities intensified the heat of the 
 conflict. Family feuds are proverbially 
 bitter, and theirs was a family quarrel. 
 When Greek met Greek, then came the tug 
 of war. Fortunately the methods of war- 
 fare were radically different. The one re- 
 sorted to coercion and the tortures of the In- 
 quisition to enforce an iron will, while the 
 other relied solely upon passive but inflexi- 
 ble resistance, patient endurance, aggressive 
 argument, exhortation, and appeals to con- 
 science. 
 
 It is often urged tliat the Puritan rulers 
 frequently " disclaimed power over the faith 
 and consciences of others," ^ and that their 
 
 writing. It is easier to believe it was a slip of the pen, and, if 
 so, one that both Mr. Sciulder and the editor of the Memorial 
 History of Boston will always regret. See vol. i. p. 484. 
 ^ Massachusttts and its Earlij History, p. 437. 
 
126 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 futile effort to keep the Quakers from en- 
 tering or residing in the colony was only a 
 defense against the " confusion and anarchy " 
 that would surely follow if they were tol- 
 erated here. This apology is as nntenable 
 as the others which have been examined. 
 A disclaimer, to be of value, must be sus- 
 tained by corresponding action, and the 
 founders abundantly disproved the sincerity 
 of these professions. Their treatment of 
 adherents to the Established Church of 
 England may be in part accounted for by 
 the fear of the establishment of Episcopacy 
 here as a political power, under the auspices 
 of the English government, but there is no 
 such excuse for their treatment of Baptists 
 and Quakers. They were resolved, at all 
 hazards, to control the faith and consciences 
 of the whole colony. We have seen that 
 tliey were unremitting in their efforts " to 
 prevent the spread of corrupt opinions." 
 Quaker books w^ere prohibited, men were 
 disfranchised for harboring Friends, Quaker 
 meetings were assaulted and dispersed, and 
 could be attended only at the risk of fine 
 and imprisonment. Non-attendance at the 
 regular church on the '' Lord's day " was a 
 criminal offense. The count}^ court records 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS 127 
 
 show that at Ipswich and Salem alone, 
 during the four years from 1658 to 16G1 in- 
 clusive, there were one hundi-ed and thirty- 
 eight convictions for attending Quaker meet- 
 ings and absence from public worship. 
 As there were but two hundred and eight 
 Sabbaths in the four years, tlie number of 
 convictions seems sufficiently great, but, had 
 there been a separate conviction for each 
 offense, it would be very much greater. 
 The officials would allow their victims to 
 live unmolested for several consecutive 
 weeks, and would then swoop down upon 
 them. The following entries illustrate their 
 methods. 
 
 Couyity Court, Salem, 20^^ b"^^ 1658. — 
 *' Provided Sothwick convicted of her being 
 fiequently absent from publike worship on 
 the Lord's day & alsoe is sensured to pay 
 20^' for being present at two meetings of 
 Quakers and alsoe is to be sett by the feet 
 in the stockes one hower for chargeing the 
 court to be persecutors — to pay 5* costs 
 court." 
 
 " Nicholas Phelps is sensured by this 
 court to pay 40s to the treasurer of this 
 county for defending a quakers meeting & 
 allsoe to be sent to the house of correction 
 
128 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 at Ipswich for owning himselfe to be a 
 qiiaker & there to continue this Courts 
 pleasure : to pay costs SO''." 
 
 ''30: 9"^^ 1658. The wife of George 
 Gardner is fined by this Court 40^ for 8 
 dayes absence from y® pubhque worship of 
 God, the Lord's daies." 
 
 The iron rule of conformity was nowhere 
 more savagely enforced than in JNIassachu- 
 setts. When at last Quaker fidelity to the 
 cause of religious liberty overcame the al- 
 most indomitable will of the rulers and 
 achieved a lasting triumph over despotic 
 bigotry, toleration succeeded persecution 
 with beneficent results. All dread, real or 
 pretended, of violence and disorder, van- 
 ished, and the Quakers were recognized as 
 law-abiding citizens, upright, intelligent, 
 peaceable, and useful members of society. 
 
 We are constantly reminded that in order 
 to judge the policy and acts of the Puritans 
 fairly we must remember that the colony 
 was settled during the first half of the sev- 
 enteenth, and not the List half of the nine- 
 teenth centur}^ Only superficial criticism 
 will apply the tests of our present civiliza- 
 tion to events that occurred two hundred 
 and twenty years ago. That which would 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 129 
 
 be condemned in Boston to-day might have 
 been applauded in Boston in 1660. These 
 suggestions are pertinent, but are they not 
 equally so when the Quakers are called to 
 judgment ? Let the persecutor and his vic- 
 tim stand or fall by the same rules of his- 
 torical criticism. One representative writer ^ 
 draws a pleasant picture of the peaceable, 
 refined, and genial Quaker whom one may 
 meet at any time in our streets and public 
 assemblies, and to whom the epithet '' sly " 
 is the harshest that can be applied. This 
 exemplary citizen, he assures the reader, is 
 a very different person from the Quaker 
 with whom the Puritans had to deal. This 
 ingenious appeal would be more just had it 
 been supplemented by the further reminder 
 that the liberal, courteous, and progressive 
 descendants from Puritan stock seen in our 
 business marts, court-rooms, and pulpits, 
 and to whom the epithet " smart Yankee " 
 is the most severe we can apply, is a very 
 different man from the Puritan with whom 
 the early Quakers dealt. The contrast be- 
 tween Elizabeth Hooten and Lucretia Mott 
 is far less marked than the contrast be- 
 tween Edmund Batter and Nathaniel Ver}-, 
 
 1 Dr. Ellis. 
 
130 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 the present treasurer of the town of Salem. 
 Our Buffums, Shattucks, and Southwicks 
 are not exact copies of their Quaker ances- t 
 
 tors who bore these names, and we shall all \ 
 
 asrree that our well-known Endicotts, Nor- 
 tons, and Higginsons are a vast improve- 
 ment upon their Puritan forefathers. 
 
 The age of Puritanism was an age of re- 
 ligious bigotry, intolerance, and persecution, 
 relieved, however, by the liberal teaching of 
 Milton and many other enlightened men of 
 genius and talent. In New England, Rhode 
 Island was the silver lining to the dark cloud 
 that overhung Massachusetts. The liberal 
 principles and poHcy of Williams, Arnold, 
 and the Quakers, Coddington and Easton, 
 put to shame the rulers of this colony. The 
 average New England Puritan was far be- 
 hind contemporary English reformers, but 
 the rulers here were behind the average 
 New England Puritan. This was partly 
 due to the system of government by which 
 all citizens except church - members were 
 disfranchised. The magistrates and min- 
 isters were reactionists, and were not sus- 
 tained even by their own followers. Their 
 mission here, accepting their own statement 
 as to what it was, met with a richly de- 
 
OF MASSACHUSETTS. 131 
 
 served fate. It was almost a complete fail- 
 ure. Their plan of government was re- 
 pudiated and was succeeded by wiser polit- 
 ical arrangements and more humane laws. 
 Their religion, though it long retained its 
 hold in theory, was displaced by one less 
 bigoted and superstitious. It is now a thing 
 of the past, a mere tradition, an antiquated 
 curiosity. 
 
 The early Quakers, or some of them, in 
 common with the Puritans, may illustrate 
 some of the least attractive characteristics 
 of their time ; but they were abreast, if not 
 in advance, of the foremost advocates of re- 
 ligious and civil freedom. They were more 
 than advocates ; they were the pioneers who 
 by their heroic fortitude, patient suffering, 
 and persistent devotion rescued the old 
 Bay colony from the jaws of the certain 
 death to which the narrow and mistaken 
 policy of the bigoted and sometimes insin- 
 cere founders had doomed it. They forced 
 them to abandon pretentious claims, to ad- 
 mit strangers without insulting them, to tol- 
 erate religious differences, and to incorpo- 
 rate into their legislation the spirit of liberty 
 which is now the life-blood of our institu- 
 tions. The religion of the society of Friends 
 
132 THE QUAKER INVASION 
 
 is still an active force, having its full share 
 of influence upon our civilization. The vital 
 principle — " The Inward Light " — scoffed 
 at and denounced by the Puritans as a de- 
 lirium, is recognized as a profound spiritual 
 truth by sages and philosophers. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 COLONIAL LAWS FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF 
 QUAKERS. MASS. RECORDS, VOL. IV. 
 
 Att a Generall Court, held at Boston 14, of Octo- 
 he?', 1656. 
 
 Whereas there is a cursed sect of hoBreticks 
 lately risen vp in the world, w*^^^ are comonly 
 culled Quakers, who take vppon them to be ime- 
 diately sent of God and infallibly asisted by the 
 spirit to speake & write blasphemouth opinions, 
 despising gouernment & the order of God iu 
 church & coiSonwealth, speaking evill of dig- 
 nitjes, reproaching and revjling magistrates and 
 ministers, seeking to turne the people from the 
 faith, & gajne proseljtes to theire pernicious 
 wajes, this Court, taking into serious considera- 
 tion the p'mises, and to prevent the like mis- 
 chief e as by theire meanes is wrought in our 
 native land, doth hereby order, and by the au- 
 thoritje of this Court be it ordered and enacted, 
 that what master or comander of any ship, barke, 
 pinnace, catch, or of any other vessell that shall 
 henceforth bring into any harbor, creeke, or 
 coue w^''in this jurisdiccon any knoune Quaker 
 
134 APPENDIX. 
 
 or Quakers, or any other blasphemous haereticks, 
 as aforesajd, shall pay, or cawse to be pajd, the 
 fine of one hundred pounds to the Tresurer of 
 the countrje, except it ajipeare that he wanted 
 true knowledg or information of theire being 
 such ; and in tliat case he hath libertje to cleare 
 himself by his oath when sufficljent proof e to 
 the contrary is wautiiig, and for default of pay- 
 ment, or good securitje for it, shall be comitted 
 to prison, & there to con tj new till the sajd 
 some be sattisfied to the Tresurer as aforesajd ; 
 and the comander of any such ship or vessell that 
 shall bring them (being legally convicted) shall 
 glue in sufficijeut securitje to the Gouno^, or 
 any one or more of the magistrates who haue 
 power to determine the same, to carry them 
 backe to the place whence he brought them ; 
 and, on his refusall so to doe, the Gouerno"", or 
 one or more of the magistrates, are hereby im- 
 powered to issue out his or theire warrants to 
 coinitt such master or comander to prison, there 
 to continew till he shall give in sufficijeut secu- 
 ritje to the content of the Gouerno'" or any of 
 the magistrates as aforesajd. And it is hereby 
 further ordered & enacted, that what Quaker 
 soeuer shall arive in this countrje from forraigne 
 parts, or come into this jurisdiccbn 'from any 
 parts adjacent, shall be forthwith comitted to the 
 house of correction, and at theire entrance to be 
 seuerely whipt, and by the master thereof to be 
 kept constantly to worke, & none suffered to 
 converse or speak w"' them during the tjme of 
 
APPENDIX. 135 
 
 tlieire imprisonment, w*^'' shall bo no longer tliaa 
 necessitje requireth. And fnrther, it is ordered, 
 if any pson shall knowingly import into any 
 harbor of this jurisdiccon any Quakers bookes 
 or writings concerning theire diuilish opinions, 
 shall i)ay for euery such booke or writting, being 
 legally prooued against him or them, the some 
 of live pounds ; and whosoeuer shall disperse or 
 conceale any such booke or writing, and it be 
 found w*'^ him or her, or in his or her howse, 
 and shall not iiTiediately deliuer in the same to 
 the next magistrate, shall forfeite and pay five 
 pounds for the dispersing or concealeing of euery 
 such booke or writing. 
 
 And it is hereby further enacted, that if any 
 person w*''in this colonje shall take vppon them 
 to defend the ha^retticall opinions of the sajd 
 Quakers, or any of theire bookes or papers as 
 aforesajd, ex annimo, if legally prooved, shall 
 be fined for the first tjme forty shillings ; if they 
 shall persist in the same and shall so againe de- 
 fend it, the second tjme fower pounds; if still, 
 notw"'standing, they shall againe so defend & 
 maintajne the sajd Quakers haeretticall opinions, 
 they shall be coinitted to the howse of correc- 
 tion till there be convenjent passage for them to 
 be sent out of the land, being sentenced by the 
 Court of Asistants to banishment. Lastly it is 
 heereby ordered, that what pson or persons 
 soeuer shall revile the office or pson of magis- 
 trates or ministers, as is usuall with the Quakers, 
 such person or psons shall be seuerely whipt, or 
 
136 APPENDIX. 
 
 pay the some of five pounds. This order was 
 publised 21 : 8 m*', 56, in seuerall places of 
 Boston, by beate of drumme. 
 
 Att a Gennerall Court, held at Boston, 14: of 
 October, 1657. 
 
 As an addition to y*^ late order in reference to 
 the coming or bringing in any of the cursed sect 
 of the Quakers into this jurisdiction, it is or- 
 dered, that whosoeuer shall from henceforth 
 bring or cawse to be brought, directly or indi- 
 rectly, any knoune Quaker or Quakers, or other 
 blasphemous hsereticks, into this jurisdiccon, 
 euery such person shall forfeite the some of one 
 hundred pounds to y*' countrje, and shall by war- 
 rant from any magistrate be comitted to prison 
 there to remajne till the poenalty be sattisfjed 
 and pajd ; and if any person or persons w*''in 
 this jurisdiccon shall henceforth entertajne and 
 conceale any such Quaker or Quakers or other 
 blasphemous hoereticks, (knowing them so to be) 
 euery such person shall forfeite to the countrye 
 forty shillings for euery howers entertajument 
 and concealement of any Quaker or Quakers, as 
 aforesajd, and shall be comitted to prison, as 
 aforesajd, till the forfeitures be fully sattisfied 
 and pajd. 
 
 And it is further ordered, that if any Quaker 
 or Quakers shall presume, after they haue once 
 suffered what the lavve requireth, to come into 
 this jurisdiccon, euery such male Quaker shall 
 for the first offenc haue one of his eares cutt 
 
APPENDIX. 137 
 
 off, and be kept at vvorke in the liowse of cor- 
 rection till he cann be sent away at his onne 
 charge, and for the second offenc shall haue his 
 other eare cutt of, &c. and kept at the howse of 
 correction, as aforesaid ; and euery woman 
 Quaker that hath suffered the lawe heere that 
 shall presume to come into this jurisdiccbn shall 
 be severely whipt, and kept at the howse of cor- 
 rection at worke till she be sent away at hir 
 oune charge, and so also for hir coming againe 
 she shall be alike vsed as aforesajd ; and for 
 euery Quaker, he or she, that shall a third tjme 
 heerein againe offend, they shall haue theire 
 toungues bored through w*'^ a hot iron, & kept 
 at the howse of correction, close to worke, till 
 they be sent away at theire oune charge. And 
 it is further ordered, that all & euery Quaker 
 arising from amongst ourselves shall be dealt 
 w"^ & suffer the like punishment as the lawe 
 provides against forreigne Quakers. 
 
 At a Gennerall Courte held at Boston, the \^th of 
 May, 1G58. 
 
 That Quakers and such accursed hasreticqucs 
 arising amongst ourselves may be dealt withall 
 according to theire deserts, and that theire pes- 
 tilent errors and practizes may speedily be pre- 
 vented, itt is heereby ordered, as an addition to 
 the former lawe against Quakers, that euery 
 such person or persons professing any of their 
 pernitious wajes, by speaking, writting, or by 
 meetings on the Lords day, or any other tjnie, 
 
138 APPENDIX. 
 
 to strengthen themselves or seduce others to 
 theire cljabolljcall doctrine, shall, after due meanes 
 of conviction incurre the poenalty ensuing ; that 
 is, euery person so meeting shall pay to the 
 countrje for euery tjme tenn shillings, and euery 
 one speaking in such meetings shall pay five 
 pounds a peece, and in case any such person 
 hath binn punished by scourging or whipping 
 the first tjme, according to the former lawes, 
 shall be still kept at worke in the house of cor- 
 rection till they put in securitje w*^ two sufFicjent 
 men that they shall not any more vent theire 
 hatefull errors, nor vse theire sinfull practizes, 
 or els shall depart this jurisdictjon at theire 
 oune charges ; and if any of them returne againe, 
 then each such person shall incurre the poenalty 
 of the lawes formerly made for straingers. 
 
 Att the second Sessions of the Generall Court, 
 held at Boston, the Idth of October, 1 G58. 
 
 Whereas there is a pernitious sect, comonly 
 called Quakers, lately risen, who, by word & 
 writing, haue published & maintayned many 
 dajngerous & horrid tennetts, and doe take vpon 
 them to chainge and alter the received laudable 
 customes of our nation in giving ciuill respect to 
 aequalls or reuerence to superiors, whose actions 
 tend to vndermine the authority of civill gouern- 
 ment, as also to destroy the order of the 
 clmrches, by denying all established formes of 
 worship, and by w*\lrawing from the orderly 
 church assemblies allowed & approoved by all 
 
APPENDIX. 139 
 
 orthodox proffessors of the truth, and insteed 
 thereof, and in opposition therevnto, frequenting 
 private meetings of theire oune, insinuating 
 themselves into the minds of the simpler, or 
 such as are lesse affected to the order & goueru- 
 ment in church and comonwealth, whereby die- 
 ucrse of our inhabitants haue binn infected & 
 seduced, and notw^'^standing all former lawes 
 made (vpon experience of theire arrogant, 
 bold obtrusions to disseminate theire principles 
 amongst vs) prohibbitting theire coming into 
 this jurisdiction, they haue not binn deterred 
 from theire impetuous attempts to vndermine 
 our peace and hasten our mine. 
 
 For prevention whereof, this Court doth order 
 and enact, that euery person or persons of the 
 cursed sect of the Quakers, who is not an in- 
 liabitant off but found w"'in this jurisdiction, 
 shall be app'hended (without warrant), where no 
 magistrate is at hand, by any connstable, comis- 
 sioner, or selectman, and conveyed from conn- 
 stable to connstable, vntill they come before the 
 next magistrate, who shall comitt the sajd per- 
 son or persons to close prison, there to remajne 
 with out bayle vntill the next Court of Asis- 
 tants, where they shall haue a legall trjall by a 
 speciall jury, & being convicted to be of the sect 
 of the Quakers, shall be sentenced to bannish- 
 ment, vpon pajne of death ; and that euery in- 
 habitant of this jurisdiction being convicted to 
 be of the aforesajd sect, either by taking vp, 
 publishing, & defending the horrid opinions of 
 
140 APPENDIX. 
 
 the Quakers, or by stirring vp mutiny, sedition, 
 or rebelljon against the government, or by taking 
 vp theire absurd and destructiue practises, viz*, 
 denying civil respect & reuerence to Eequalls & 
 superiors, w^Mrawing from our church assem- 
 blies, & insteed thereof frequenting private 
 meetings of their oune in opposition to church 
 order, or by adhering to or aj^prooving of any 
 knoune Quaker, or the tenetts & practises of the 
 Quakers, that are opposite to the orthodoxe re- 
 ceived opinions & practises of the godly, and 
 endeavoriuof to disaffect others to ciuill aouern- 
 ment & church order, and condemning the prac- 
 tise & proceedings of this Court against the 
 Quakers, manifesting thereby theire compljance 
 w*^ those whose desigue it is to ouerthrow the 
 order established in church and comonwealth, 
 euery such person, vpon examination & legall 
 conviction before the Court of Asistants, in 
 manner as aboue sajd, shall be coinitted to close 
 prison for one moneth, and then, vnlesse they 
 choose voluntai-ily to depart .the jurisdiction, 
 shall giue bond for theire good abbearance & ap- 
 pearance at the next Court of Asistants, where 
 continuing obstinate and refusing to retract & 
 reforme the aforesajd opinions and practises, 
 sliall be sentenced to bannishment upon pajne of 
 death ; and in case of the aforesajd voluntary 
 departure, not to remajne or againe to returne 
 into this jurisdiction w^^'out the alowance of the 
 majo*" part of the councill first had & published, 
 on poenalty of being banislied vpon pajne of 
 
APPENDIX. 141 
 
 death ; and any one magistrate, vpon informa- 
 tion giuen him of any such person, shall cause 
 them to be app'hended, and if, vpon examination 
 of the case, ho shall, according to his best dis- 
 cretion, finde just ground for such complainte, 
 he shall comitt such person to prison vntill he 
 come to his trjall, as is aboue expressed. 
 
 Att a Generall Court of Election^ held at Boston^ 
 2'2d May, 16G1. 
 
 This Court, being desirous to try all meanes, 
 w*'' as much lenity as may consist w**^ our safety, 
 to prevent the intrusions of the Quakers, who, 
 besides theire absurd & blasphemous doctrine, 
 doe, like rouges & vagabonds, come in vpon vs, 
 & haue not bin restreined by the lawes already 
 provided, haue ordered, that euery such vaga- 
 bond Quaker found w*''in any part of this juris- 
 diction shall be app'hended by any person or 
 persons, or by the connstable of the toune 
 wherein he or she is taken, & by the connstable, 
 or, in his absence, by any other person or per- 
 sons, conveyed before the next magistrate of that 
 sheire wherein they are taken, or comissioner 
 invested w*'^ magistratticall power, & being by 
 the sajd magistrate or magistrates, coiuissioner 
 or comissioners, adjudged to be a wandering Qua- 
 ker, viz*, one that hath not any dwelling or or- 
 derly allowance as an inhabitant of this jurisdic- 
 tion, & not giving ciuil respect by the vsuall 
 gestures thereof, or by any other way or meanes 
 manifesting himself to be a Quaker, shall, by 
 
142 APPENDIX. 
 
 warrant vnder the hand of the sajd magistrate 
 or magistrates, comissioner or comissioners, di- 
 rected to the connstable of the tonne wherein he 
 or she is taken, or in absence of the connstable, 
 or any othere meete person, be stripped naked 
 from the midle vpwards, and tjed to a carts 
 tayle, & whipped thro*^ the toune, & from thence 
 imediately conveyed to the connstable of the 
 next toune, towards the borders of our jurisdic- 
 tion, as theire warrant shall direct, & so from 
 connstable to connstable till they be conveyed 
 thro*^ any the outward most tonnes of our juris- 
 diction. And if such vagabond Quaker shall 
 returne againe, then to be in like manner app'- 
 hended & conveyed as often as they shall be 
 found w*^'in the limitts of our jurisdiction, pro- 
 vided euery such wandering Quaker, hauing 
 beene thrice convicted & sent away as aboue- 
 sajd, & returning againe into this jurisdiction, 
 shall be app'hended & comitted by any magis- 
 trate or comissioner as abouesajd vnto the house 
 of correction w^^'in that county wherein he or 
 shee is found untill the next Court of that 
 County, where, if the Court judge not meete to 
 release them, they shall be branded with the 
 letter R on theire left shoulder, & be severely 
 whipt & sent away in manner as before ; and 
 if after this he or shee shall returne againe, 
 then to be proceeded against as incorrigible 
 rogues & ennemys to the comon peace, and shall 
 imediately be app'hended & coiuitted to the 
 comon jayle of the country, and at the next 
 
APPENDIX. 143 
 
 Court of Asistants shall be brought to theire 
 tryall, & proceeded ag* according to the lawo 
 made anno 1658, page 36, for theire banish- 
 ment on payne of death. And for such Qua- 
 kers as shall arise from amongst ourselves, they 
 shall bo proceeded ag'' as the former lawe of 
 anno 1658, page o6, doth provide, vntill they 
 haue beenc convicted by a Court of Asistants ; 
 & being so convicted, he or shee shall then be 
 bannished this jurisdiction ; & if after that 
 they shall be found in any part of this jurisdic- 
 tion, then he or shee so sentenced to banishment 
 shall be proceeded against as those that are 
 straingers & vagabond Quakers in manner as is 
 aboue expressed. And it is further ordered, 
 that whatsoeuer charge shall arize about app'- 
 heuding, whipping, conveying, or otherwise, 
 about the Quakers, to be layd out by the conn- 
 stables of such tounes where it is expended, & 
 to be repajd by the Tresurer out of the next 
 country levy ; and further, that the connstables 
 of the seuerall tounes are hereby empowred 
 from tjme to tjme, as necessity shall require, to 
 impresse cart, oxen, & other asistance for the 
 execution of this ordcr^ 
 
 The following Scriptural argument, " To vin- 
 dicate the justice of this Courts proceedings 
 in refference to the Quakers," was circulated 
 throughout the Mass. Colony, by order of the 
 " Generall Court" Oct. 18% 1659 : 
 
144 APPENDIX. 
 
 Many of that sect of people which are corn- 
 only called Quakers hauiiig, from forreine parts 
 & from other colonjes, come at soundry times 
 and in seuerall companjes & noumbers into this 
 jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, & those lesser 
 punishments of the house of corrections & im- 
 prisonment for a tjme hauing beene inflicted on 
 some of them, but not sufficing to deterr & 
 keepe them away, but that still they haue pre- 
 sumed to come hither, vpon no other ground or 
 occasion (for ought that could appeare) but to 
 scatter theire corrupt opinions, & to drawe others 
 to theire way, & so to make disturbance, and the 
 honnorcd Generall Court having herevpon made 
 an order & lawe, that such persons should be 
 bannished & remooved hence, on pajne of death, 
 to be inflicted on such of them, as after theire 
 bannishmeut should presume to returne & come 
 hither againe, the making & execution of the 
 aforesajd lawe may be cleered to be warrantable 
 & just vpon such grounds & considerations as 
 these, viz. : 
 
 1. The doctrine of this sect of people is de- 
 structive to fundamental! trueths of religion, as 
 the sacred Trinitje, the person of Christ & the 
 holy Scriptures, as a perfect rule of faith & life, 
 as M"" Norton hath shewed in his tractate against 
 the Quakers ; yea, that one opinion of theires, 
 of being perfectly pure and w%ut sinne, tends 
 to ouerthrow the whole gospell & the very 
 vitalls of Christianitje, for they that haue no 
 sinne, haue no neede of Christ, or of his sattis- 
 
 ^ 
 
APPENDIX. 145 
 
 faction, or liis blood to cleanse them from theire 
 sinne ; no need of faith to believe in Christ, for 
 imputed righteousnes to justify them, as being 
 perfectly just in themselves ; no neede of re- 
 pentance, as being righteous & w%ut sinne, for 
 repentance is only for such as have sinne ; no 
 neede of growing in grace, nor of the word and 
 ordinances of God, that they may grow thereby, 
 for what neede they to grow better who are al- 
 ready perfect ? no neede of Christian watchful- 
 nes against sinne who haue no such ennemy as 
 sinne dwelling in them, as Paul had, but are 
 free from the presence and being of sinne, & 
 therefore Christ needs not to say to them, as 
 sometjmes to his disciples, 'Watch & pray, that 
 yee enter not into temptation ; the spirit is will- 
 ing but the flesh is weake ' ; for hauiug no such 
 flesh or weakenesse in them, they haue no such 
 neede of watchfulnesse ; they haue no neede to 
 purify themselves dayly, as all Christians should, 
 for they are perfectly pure already ; no neede to 
 put off the old man and put on the new, like the 
 Christians to whom Paul wrote his Epistles, for 
 what neede they to doe this when they are al- 
 ready w^'out sinne, and so w%ut all remainders 
 of the old man ? Such fundamentals of Chris- 
 tianitje are ouerthroune by this one opinion of 
 theires, & how much more by all theire other 
 doctrines! Now, the coinandment of God is 
 plajne, that he that presumes to speake lyes in 
 the name of the Lord & turne people out of the 
 way which the Lord hath comanded to walk in, 
 
 10 
 
146 APPENDIX. 
 
 such an one must not Hue, but be jiut to death ; 
 Zach. 13:3; Deut. 13:6; & 18 : 20 ; & if the 
 doctrine of the Quakers be not such, let the 
 wise judge. 
 
 2. It is the comandment of the blessed God, 
 that Christians should obey magistrates, Tit. 
 3 : 1 ; & that euery soule should be subject to 
 the higher powers, Rom. 13 : 1 ; yea, be sub- 
 ject to euery ordinance of man for the Lords 
 sake, 1 Peet. 2 : 13 ; & yeeld honnor & reuer- 
 ence or feare to such as are in authoritje, Prou. 
 24: 21; 1 Pet. 2: 17; & forbeare all cursing 
 and reviling & evill speeches touching such per- 
 sons, Exod. 22: 28; Eclesiast. 10: 20; Tit. 3: 
 2 ; Acts 23 : 5 ; & accordingly good men haue 
 beene wont to behaue themselves w*^ gestures 
 and speeches of reuerence and honnor towards 
 superiors in place and power, as Abraham bowed 
 downe himself to the Hittites, Gene. 23 : 7, 12; 
 Jacob & his wives & children unto Esau, Gene. 
 33 : 3, 6, 7 ; Josephs brethren vnto Joseph, 
 being governor in iEgipt, Gene. 42 : 6 ; & 43 : 
 26 & 28 ; Joseph to his father Jacob, Gene. 48; 
 12 ; Moses to his father in lawe Jethro, Exod. 
 18: 7; Ruth to Boaz, Ruth 2 : 10 ; Dauid to 
 Saul, 1 Sam. 24: 6; ... 1 Kings 1: 16, 23, 
 31 ; w"' otherr that might be added. And for re- 
 viling or contemptuous speeches, they haue binn 
 so farre therefrom that they haue spoken to and 
 of theire superiors w*^ termes & expressions of 
 much honor & reuerence, as father, 1 Sam. 19 : 
 o ; 1 Kings 19 : 20 ; & 2 : 2, 12 ; master, 2 Kings 
 
APPENDIX. 147 
 
 G : 15 ; 1 Sam. 24 : 6 ; lord, Gen. 33 : 13, 14 ; 1 
 Pet. 3 : 6 ; my lord, 1 Sam. 24 : 8 ; Gen. 44 : 
 18, 19, 20; 1 Sam. 1: 15, 2G ; most noble 
 Festus, Acts 26 : 25 ; most excellent Theophilus, 
 Luke 1:3; and the like ; that servant of Abra- 
 ham's, Gen. 24, doth call Abraham by the terme 
 & title of master, a matter of twenty times or 
 not much lesse, in that one chapter ; and on the 
 contrary, it is noted as a brand & reproach of 
 false teachers, that they despise dominion and 
 are not afrajd to speake evill of dignitjes, 2 Pet. 
 2:10; Jude 8 ; though the very aingells would 
 not doe so vnto the divill, 2 Peet. 2:11; Jude 
 9. Now, it is well knoune that the practize of 
 the Quakers is but too like these false teachers 
 whom the apostles speake of, & that they are 
 farre from giving that honnor & reuerence to 
 magistrates which the Lord requireth, & good 
 men haue giuen to them, but on the contrary 
 show contempt against them in theire very out- 
 ward gestures & behavior, & (some of them at 
 least) spare not to belch out raj ling & cursing 
 speeches. Wittnes that odjous, cursing letter of 
 Humphrey Norton ; and if so, if Abishaj may 
 be judge, they are worthy to die ; for so he 
 thought of Shiraej for his contemptuous carriage 
 and cursing speeches against Dauid, 2 Sam. 16: 
 9 ; & 19 : 21. And though Dauid at that tjme 
 did forbeare to put him to death, yet he giues 
 chardge to Solomon, that this Shimej hauing 
 cursed him w"^ such a grievous curse, he should 
 not hold him guiltlesse, but bring doune his 
 
148 APPENDIX. 
 
 hoarje head to the graiie w*"^ blood, 1 Kings 2 : 
 8, 9 ; according to which direction King Solomon 
 caused him to be put to death, Vers. 44, 46. 
 
 3. Also, in this story of Solomon & Shimej, 1 
 Kings 2, it is recorded how Solomon confined 
 Shimei to Jerusalem, chardging him vpon pajne 
 of death, not to goe out thence, & telling him 
 that if he did he should dj^e for it, which con- 
 finement when Shimej had broken, though it 
 were three yeares after, & vpon an occasion that 
 might seeme to haue some weight in it, viz., to 
 fetch againe his servants that were runne away 
 from him, yett for all this, the confinement being 
 broken, Solomon would not spare him, but putts 
 him to death ; and if execution of death be law- 
 full for breach of confinement, may not the same 
 be sajd for breach of bannishment ? Confine- 
 ment, of the two, may seeme to be much 
 sleighter, because in this a man is Ijmited to one 
 place & debarred from all others, whereas in 
 bannishment a man is debarred from no place 
 but one, all others being left to his liberty ; the 
 one debarres him from all places, saue that it 
 giues liberty to one ; the other giues liberty to 
 all places, saue that it restraines frona one ; and 
 therefore if death may be justly inflicted vpon 
 breach of confinement, much more for returne 
 vjDon bannishment, which is these Quakers case. 
 
 4. There is no man that is possessed of house 
 or land, wherein he hath just title & propriety as 
 his oune, but he would count it vnreasonably 
 injurious that another who had no authoritje 
 
APPENDIX. 140 
 
 thereto should intrude & enter into his house 
 w^''out his, the ouno''^ consent; yea, and when 
 the ouno'" doth expressly prohibitt & forbidd the 
 same. Wee say, when the man that so pre- 
 sumes to enter hath no authoritje thereto ; for if 
 it were a connstable or other officer legally au- 
 thorized, such an one might indeed enter, not- 
 wStanding the householders dissent or charge 
 to the contrary ; but for them that haue no au- 
 tlioritje the case is otherwise. And if such one 
 should presume to enter into another man's 
 house & habitation, he might justly be im- 
 pleaded as a theife or an vsurper ; & if in case 
 of such violent assault, the owno'" should, se de- 
 fendendo, slay the assaylant & intruder, his 
 blood would be vpon his oune head. And if 
 private persons may in case shed the blood of 
 such intruders, may not the like be graunted to 
 them that are the publicke keepers and guard- 
 ians of the comonwealth? Haue not they as 
 much power to take away the Hues of such, as 
 contrary to prohibition, shall jnvade & intrude 
 into theire publicke possessions or territorjes as 
 private and particcular persons to deale so w"' 
 them that, w*''out authoritje, shall presume to 
 enter into theire private & particcular habita- 
 tions? which seemes clearly to be the present 
 case ; for who cann belieue that Quakers are 
 connstables ouer this colon je, to intrude them- 
 selves, invade, & enter, whither the colonje will 
 or no, yea, & notw*^standing theire expresse 
 prohibition to the contrary ? If in such violent 
 
150 APPENDIX. 
 
 and bold attempt they loose theire Hues, they 
 may thank themselves as the blameable cause & 
 autho''" of theire oune death. 
 
 6. Who cann make question but that a man that 
 hath children & family both justly may, & in 
 duty ought to, preserve them of his chardge (as 
 farre as he is able) from the daingerous com- 
 pany of persons infected w"^ the plague of pesti- 
 lence or other contagious, noysome, and mortall 
 diseases ? and if such persons shall offer to in- 
 trude into the mans house amongst his children 
 & servants, notw^^standing his prohibition and 
 warning to the contrary, & thereby shall jn- 
 dainger the health & lines of them of the 
 familje, cann any man doubt but that in such 
 case the father of the familje, in defence of 
 himself & his, may w"'stand the intrusion of 
 such infected & daingerous persons & if other- 
 wise he cann not keepe them out, may kill 
 them ? Now, in Scripture, corruption in minde 
 & judgment is counted a great infection & de- 
 filement, yea, & one of the greatest ; for tlie 
 apostle, saying of some men that to them there 
 is nothing pure, giues this as the reason of it, 
 because euen theire minde & conscience is de- 
 filed. Tit. 1 : 15 ; as if defilement of the minde 
 did argue the defilement of all, & that in such 
 case there was nothing pure ; euen as when lep- 
 rosie was in the head, the preist must pronounce 
 such a man vtterly vncleane, sith the plague was 
 in his head, Levitt 13 : 44. And it is the Lords 
 comand that such corrupt persons be not re- 
 
APPENDIX. 151 
 
 ceaved into house, 2 John 10, which plainly 
 cnougli impljes that tlie householder hath power 
 to keeps them out, & y* it was not in theire 
 power to come in if they pleased, whither the 
 householder would or no. And if the father of 
 a particcular family may thus defend his chil- 
 dren & household, may not magistrates doe the 
 like for theire subjects, they being nursing 
 fathers and nursing mothers by the account of 
 God in Holy Scripture ? Isaj. 40 : 23d. Is it 
 not cleare, y' if the father in the family must 
 keepe them out off his house, the father in the 
 comonwealth must keepe them out of his juris- 
 diction ? And if sheepe & lambes cannot be 
 preserved from the dainger of woolves, but the 
 woolves will breake in amongst them, it is easy 
 to see what the shephard or keeper of the 
 sheepe may lawfully doe in such a case. 
 
 6. Itt was the comandinent of the Lord Jesus 
 Christ vnto his disci[)les, that when they were 
 persecuted in one citty, they should flee into 
 another, Math. 10 : 23 ; & accordingly it was 
 his oune practise so to doe many a tjme, both 
 when he was a child. Math. 13 : 14 ; & after- 
 wards, 12: 15; Job. 7: 1 & 8; last, 10: 39; 
 and so was also the practise of the saints. 
 
 Wittnes what is written of Jacob, Gen. 27 : 
 42, 43 & 28: 5; of Moses, Exod. 2: 14, 15; 
 of Eljas, 1 Kings 19 : 3 ; of Paul, Acts 9 : 24, 
 25, 29, 30, & 17: 13, 14 ; & of the apostle. 
 Acts 14: 4, 5, & others, who when they haue 
 beene persecuted, haue fled away for theire oune 
 
152 APPENDIX. 
 
 safety ; and reason requires that when men haue 
 liberty vnto it, they should not refuse so to doe, 
 because otherwise they will be guilty of tempt- 
 ing God, & of incurring theire ouue hurt, as 
 having a faire way open for the avojding 
 thereof, but they needelessly expose themselves 
 thereto. If therefore, that which is donne 
 against Quakers in this jurisdiction were indeed 
 persecution, as they account of it, (though in 
 ti'ueth it is not so, but the due ministration of 
 justice ; but suppose it were as they thinke it to 
 be) what spirit may they be thought to be acted 
 & led by, who are in theire actings so contrary 
 to the comandment & example of Christ & of 
 his saints in the case of persecusion, which these 
 men suppose to be theire case ? Plaine enough 
 it is, that if theire case were the same, theire 
 actings are not the same, but quite contrary, so 
 that Christ and his saints were led by one spirit, 
 and those people by another; for rather then 
 they would not show theire contempt of author- 
 itje, and make disturbance amongst his people, 
 they choose to goe contrary to the expresse direc- 
 tions of Jesus Christ, & the aprooved examples 
 of his saints, although it be to the hazard & per- 
 rill of theire oune liueso 
 
APPENDIX. 153 
 
 PETITION FOR SEVERER LAWS AGAINST 
 THE QUAKERS, OCTOBER, 1658.1 
 
 To the Honored General Court now afsembled at 
 Boston. 
 
 The humble Petition of vs whose Names are 
 Vuderwritten : Humbly shevveth. 
 
 That where as through the good hand of the 
 Lord, this Country hath for seuerall yeares past, 
 by means of the pious care & faithfullnes of those 
 which haue satt att y° helme, beene preserued 
 from many menacing dangers, both as to its 
 ciuill & religious interest, in respect of w*^^ we 
 may not but allwayes acknowledg o'"selues w"' 
 great thankfullues debtors to the Lord first, and 
 then to o"" gouernors in the Lord yett finding by 
 experience, Satan is not wanting to this day by 
 himself and instrum*' to attempt new wayes, vnto 
 the disturbing, nay we may truly say the Sub- 
 vertino- of o^ ciuill & religious Polities, as well 
 as in other p''ts. 
 
 And although, this hath in its measure beene 
 taken notice of, &> foreseene by this Hon'^ Court 
 in respect of many who haue of late audaciously 
 intruded themselues among vs, vnder the name 
 of Quakers, whence your pious Endeauours haue 
 beene exerted to free vs of soe great an Euill 
 threatned. 
 
 Notwithstanding, in so much as the prouisioQ 
 1 Massachusetts Archives, vol. x. p. 246. 
 
154 APPENDIX. 
 
 y* is already made [by reason of their prodigious 
 insoleucy] doth not secure vs of the future en- 
 joym* of o"" ciuill & religious Libertyes, as is to be 
 desired. Wee therefore take o'selues bound, 
 both in conscience to God, and faithfullnes to 
 this Gouermn^ and people, whereof we are a part, 
 to present the following Propositions to yo'" most 
 serious considerations, & y* at such a time. 
 
 1'^ Not here to examine their malignitj'' ags* 
 the establishm* of ciuill Gouermn*, in the hands 
 of any such, as is subseruient to y*^ end thereof 
 viz* the good of y'^ people. 
 
 whether these persons, are not indeed to be 
 looked at, as professed Enemies to y*^ christian 
 Magistrate,^ and open Seducers of y^ peoj^le there- 
 from, where they are permitted to be, they call- 
 ing disobedience, vnto a great part of y*^ b^^ Com- 
 mandm", obedience : we say of y^ 5*^ commandm*, 
 y® foundatio of y® p^'cepts of y^ 2*^ table, and this 
 they hauld forth as openly, if not as much, as 
 ags* y^ power of y^ Magistrate, in matters of re- 
 ligion belonging to the first Table. 
 
 2^^. Whether, their practise vnder pretence of 
 new light, tends not manifestly, to y^ vtter sub- 
 version of the verry body of religion, witnes, their 
 deniall of the Trinity, y* is to say, the Trinity of 
 persons, or distinct subsistances in y^ diuine na- 
 ture, their deniall of y'^ person of Christ, of y'' 
 Scripturs as a rule of life, & of y® whole church 
 institution of y*^ Gospell, y*^ ordinary means 
 appointed for y*^ conuersion and edification of 
 Soules. 
 
 1 See Capital Law title Conspiracy. 
 
APPENDIX. 155 
 
 3'-^ Whether, their incorrigiblenes after soe 
 mucli means vsed both for their conviction, & 
 preserving this place from contagion, being sucli, 
 as by reason of their malignant obduratices, dayly 
 increaseth rather then abateth o*" feare of y*^ Spirit 
 of Muncer, or Jo° of Leyden reviued, & conse- 
 quently of some destructiue euill impending : Itt 
 be not necessary, after y^ example of other chris- 
 tian comon weales infected w*'^ pests, not more 
 perillous then these are, and y® common & vni- 
 uersally approued argum* of se defendendo, vpon 
 y® sad experience of y'' remedy hitherto applyed, 
 is not only not effectuall, but contemned, and 
 abused w"' y® highest hand, if after y*^ sentance 
 of banishra' added therevnto, they shall still pre- 
 sumptuously obtrude themselues vpon this juris- 
 diction, whetli"" we say, it be not necefsary to 
 punish soe high incorrigiblenes, in such and soe 
 many capitall euills, w"' death, rather y'' expose 
 religion, this gouermn*, & y*' whole people to 
 both temporall and etern^^ ruine. And as for 
 any y* may arise among o'^Selues after conviction 
 of being quakers w*"^ an admonition therevnto, 
 they shall still continue obstinate, y'^ then they 
 in like man' may be sentenced to banishm*, and 
 if thay shall againe presumptiously obtrude them- 
 selues vpon this jurisdiction, y* y^° thay may be 
 proceeded w*^ as y^ others. 
 
 Much Ilon*^ these Propositions humbly & re- 
 ligiously presented [yo'' Servants are far fro pre- 
 scribing any thing to yo"" wisdomes] w*'' o"" 
 prayers y* a'diuiue Sentence may proceed out of 
 
156 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 yo"" mouth, & y* yo'" lips may not transgress in 
 judgm*, concerning some elFectuall & speedy ex- 
 pedient, y* may crowue you with being y° jnstru- 
 mentall Sauior^ of this people, in soe weighty a 
 cause, & in this hower of N E temptation and 
 together w*^ deliuerance from o'^ feares, minister 
 matter of perpetuall thanksgiuing on yo'' behalfe 
 vnto o'"selues, who are 
 
 Yo'"* most humbly devoted in all christian Ser- 
 vice. 
 
 W"^ Dauis 
 James Johnson 
 Nathaniell Williams 
 Henry Powning 
 John Euered alies Webb 
 Hezekiah Vsher 
 Thomas Bumsted 
 Tho Clark 
 Theodore Atkinson 
 Willyam Dinsdale 
 Tho : Snow 
 John Hull 
 Anthony Stoddard 
 
 Natha: Duncan 
 John Wilson 
 Will Colbron 
 James Penn 
 Ed Kaynsford 
 Robert Waker 
 Tho Marshall 
 Will Hudson 
 William Salter 
 Henry Phillips 
 Thomas Savage 
 John Newgate 
 
APPENDIX. 157 
 
 THE EXAM. OF QUAKERS AT Y^ COURT OF 
 ASSISTANTS IN BOSTON, MARCH 7, '59-GO.i 
 
 Joseph Nicliolson, Jane his wife, and Wains- 
 locke Christophersonne. 
 
 Christopher sayth he owns y*^ Scripture to be 
 a true declaracon of X' & be true words ; he 
 saith y^ mind of God man must know as they 
 did w'^'' gave forth y*" Scriptures ; X* is y*" rule for 
 evrie one to walk by. 
 
 X' is y° word. 
 
 the letter kills ; y® Spirit giveth life. 
 
 I have not put y*" Scripture in y° roome of X*. 
 
 Nichols to y'' Gov'' : thou errest, not knowing 
 y^ Scripture nor y« pow"" of God, thou art not 
 come to y* w'^'^ gave forth y'^ Scriptures. God 
 heareth us, all th. is but jangling. 
 
 Christ. X* sayth sweare not at all, love y*" en- 
 emies, 4* he y* swears is out of y'^ Doctrine of X', 
 
 Nicholson, you er from y® Scripture in keep- 
 ing y^ 1st day instead of y'^ Sabbath. Wee owne 
 ministers of y^ word, but not of y*" letter, they 
 y* take titles were nev^ sent of God. 
 
 that X' in whom I believe is a Spirit, a savio' 
 to y*" M^J^"" Denis : thou nev heardest by voice, 
 hearken to y® voyce of X' w*4n. 
 
 : y* will shew the thy sins. 
 
 Christoph. he hath a body. one body, & 
 one spirit t. & no other but w* is meant in y* 
 place Preaching, reading, singing, done by y* 
 
 1 Massachusetts Archives, vol. x. pp. 2G1-264. 
 
158 APPENDIX, 
 
 Spirit of y® Lord we owne. All other is an 
 abominacon. 
 
 Christoph. in obedience to y^ Lord we come 
 hither. 
 
 Nicholson. Wee owne quakering to be of 
 God, and wee owne quakers whom you so call 
 to be children of God & to be of y"" they call 
 quakers. 
 
 Christopher & Jane also answered Each of y™ 
 for thems. that they were of them they called 
 Quakers. 
 
 The Jury was called over to y'" all, and libty 
 given to y'" all to challenge any of y"^ off y® 
 Bench. 
 
 March 8^ 1660. 
 
 Joseph Nicholson sayth y** law ag^* Quakers is 
 a wicked law, & not of God. 
 
 His wife denyes y° law as not of God. 
 
 AV. Christophson sayth as a witness for God & 
 his law he stands ag'* you & yo'" law, & y* y^ law 
 ag^* y° quakers is ag^* y^ law of God and is a cor- 
 rupt law neither pure nor holy, seeking for 
 bloud ; & Christ fulfilled y^ law w*^'' appoint mur- 
 derers to be put to death. 
 
 Sayth he saw y*^ law before he came at M, & 
 he came for a testimony ag^* this cruelty ; & the 
 God of order y*^ know not. In y^ name & feare 
 of God I am come. 
 
 J. N. sayth y** God y* made Heaven S^ Earth is 
 not yo"" God. 
 
 W. C. sayth the true God y* made heaven & 
 earth we know Sf owne. 
 
APPENDIX. 159 
 
 INIatli. Stanly sayth she bears witnes ag'* y*^ law, 
 for X* came not to kill but to save. 
 
 Wm. King sayth he is warned of God not to 
 goe, & y* he will stay, tho banished. 
 
 W. Christoph. sayth that he owned y'' scrip- 
 ture to be a true declaraccon, but not y*" mind of 
 God, & sayth that we know not y*' word of God, 
 & y* not one man here can prove y*" scripture to 
 be y® word of God. Sayth they are y*" words of 
 God, but not y'^ word ; he sayth w* he sayth is 
 truth according to Scripture, & y* he stands hero 
 a witnes for God. 
 
 JNIargarett Smith sayth she denies y° law, & 
 stands as a witnes ag^* y° same. 
 
 Benj. Bulflower sayeth he hath fulfilled y® law 
 of God, & done all y* it requires. 
 
 Nich. Jn*^ Endecutt. I stand as an evidence 
 ag^* y^ thou knowest not y*" pow"" of God, & y* 
 w*^*^ thou callest heresie in me shall stand for ev. 
 higher than thee, although as high as y^ Pope. 
 
 Chambline. sayth y* he find not y'^ opinion 
 of y<^ Quakers to be cursed, but y* w*^'^ shall stand 
 when all yo" shall fall. 
 
 W" King sayth he own y® Scripture to be a 
 true declaraccon of y'' word of God. 
 
 Mary Trask. & Smith & Martha Stanly, in a 
 contemptuous & seditious mann. began & con- 
 tinued to speak, to y*' disturbance of Court, so y* 
 y^ Court was forced to charge y*^ Jailor to cary 
 y"* out of y*' Court. 
 
 W" King sayth I am sure God doth & will 
 plead d" cause. 
 
160 APPENDIX. 
 
 from Redding. 
 
 Benj. Bulflower came into Court w*^ his hat 
 cockt: remaineing on his head. & refusing to pull 
 it of w comanded. & said he could justifie his 
 accon by y^ Scripture. Alleading for his prooffe 
 y* Scripture, y* God threatned his people y* for 
 y'' sin he would bring a nation ag^* y"^ y* would 
 not Hon"" y^ person of y^ old man, 
 
 being examined in Court, 
 
 Asserted, y* after y^ Dissoluccon of y^ Body & 
 soule. y*^ body should nev be united to y^ soule 
 more, y* y*" first day of y® weeke was not y^ sab- 
 boath but y^ last day of ye weeke. y® 7th day. 
 
 Martha Stanly, late of tenterdon in Kent. & a 
 single woman. 
 
 Saith she had a message from y*^ Lord, to vis- 
 sitt her freinds in prison at Boston, her message 
 was to turn people from darknes to light to y'^ 
 virtues w*4n : in her measure she hath spoaken 
 y® same. & shall go on to y*^ laying down her life. 
 
 Saith wee meet w*^ many y* tell us we must 
 sin whiles we live. 
 
 as any keep to y*^ light made manifest in con- 
 science they sin not. 
 
 Sayth I acknowledge my selfs to be one of y™ 
 whom y*^ world in scorne call quakers. 
 
 Jn° Chambline of Boston came into Court w*^ 
 his Hatt on. 
 
 ffrom Salem. 
 
 W"' King w*'^ his Hatt on & IMary Trask & 
 Mary Smith came into Court. 
 
APPENDIX. 161 
 
 owned y* they were at a meeting at Whartons 
 on y^ Sabboath day. & y* they were such as y° 
 world called Quakers, this all of y™ pticularly 
 owned. 
 
 W" King sayth "Wharton was not at home w 
 they were there — and I am sure We have 
 obeyed y® voyce of God in w' we have done & 
 God sayth wo. be to y"^ pastors y* destroy y® 
 flock of X*. 
 
 March 9, GO. 
 
 Major Hawthorne at Dinn"" w*'' y^ Gov'" & 
 maiestrates at a court of assistants, said that at 
 Salem y"" was a woman called Consader Southieck, 
 y* said shee was greater y"" Moses, for Moses had 
 seen God but twice & his backe parts, & shee 
 had seen him 3 times face to face, instancing the 
 place (i. e.) her old House one time, & by such 
 a swamp another time. 
 
 Also he said a woman of Lin being at y* meet- 
 ing w W'" Robinson was y'' who pressed much y'' 
 seeking for y*' pow"" w*hin. shee asked him How 
 shee should come to feele y*' pow"^ w"'iu. He 
 told her y* shee must cast of all attendance to or- 
 dinances, as publike p'*ching, pray"", reading y° 
 Scripture, & attending to times of Gods wor^, and 
 then wayte for the communicaccon of y*^ pow"" 
 w*^n. 
 
 and He added y* Hee y* will do so, it will 
 not be long, but y'' Devill will appeare, either 
 more explicitely, or at least implicitely to comu- 
 uecate hims — 
 
 11 
 
162 APPENDIX. 
 
 JAMES CUDWORTH'S LETTER, AVTUTTEN IN 
 THE TENTH MONTH, 1658.1 
 
 As for the State and Condition of Things 
 amongst us, it is Sad, and like so to continue; the 
 Antichristian Persecuting Spirit is very active, 
 and that in the Powers of this World : He that 
 will not Whip and Lash, Persecute and Punish 
 Men that Differ in Matters of Religion, must not 
 sit on the Bench, nor sustain any Office in the 
 Common-wealth. Last P^lection, Mr. Hatherly, 
 and my Self, left off tlie Bench, and my self 
 Discharged of my Captainship, because I had 
 entertained some of the Quakers at my House, 
 (thereby that I might be the better acquainted 
 with their Principles) I thought it better so to 
 do, than with the blind World, to Censure, Con- 
 demn, Rail at, and Revile them, when they neither 
 saw their Persons, nor knew any of their Prin- 
 ciples : But the Quakers and my self cannot 
 close in divers Thinj^s ; and so I si<^nified to the 
 Court, I was no Quaker, but must bear my Tes- 
 timony against sundry Things that they held, as 
 I had Occasion and Opportunity : But withal, I 
 told them, That as I was no Quaker, so 1 would 
 be no Persecutor. This Spirit did Work those 
 two Years that I was of the Magistracy ; during 
 which time I was on sundry Occasions forced to 
 Declare my Dissent, in sundry Actings of that 
 Nature ; which, altho' done with all Moderation 
 of Expression, together with due respect unto 
 
 1 New England Judged, p. 168. 
 
APPENDIX. 103 
 
 the Rest, yet it wrought great Disaffection and 
 Prejudice in tliera, against me; so that if I should 
 say, some of themselves set others on Work to 
 frame a Petition against me, that so they might 
 have a seeming Ground from others (tho' first 
 moved and acted by themselves, to lay me what 
 they could under Reproach) I should do no 
 Wrong. The Petition was with Nineteen Hands ; 
 it will be too long to make Rehearsal : It wrought 
 such a Disturbance in our Town, and in our 
 Military Company, that when the Act of Court 
 was read in the Head of the Company, had not I 
 been present, and made a Speech to them, I fear 
 there had been such Actings as would have been 
 of a sad Consequence. The Court was again 
 followed with another Petition of Fifty Four 
 Hands, and the Court return'd the Petitioners 
 an Answer with much plausibleness of Speech, 
 carrying with it great shew of Respect to them, 
 readily acknowledging, with the Petitioners, my 
 Parts and Gifts, and how useful I had been in 
 my Place ; Professing they had nothing at all 
 against me, only in that Thing of giving Enter- 
 tainment to the Quakers ; whereas I broke no 
 Law in giving them a Nights Lodging or two, 
 and some Victuals : For, our Law then was, — If 
 any Entertain a Quaker, and keep him after he 
 is warned by a Magistrate to Depart, the Party 
 so entertaining, shall pay Twenty Shillings a 
 Week, for Entertaining them. — Since hath been 
 made a Law, — If any Entertain a Quaker, if 
 but a quarter of an Hour, he is to forfeit Five 
 
164 APPENDIX. 
 
 Pounds. — Another, — That if any see a Quaker, 
 he is bound, if he live . Six Miles or more from 
 the Constable, yet he must presently go and give 
 Notice to the Constable, or else is subject to the 
 Censure of the Court (which may be Hanging) — 
 Another, — That if the Constable know, or hear 
 of any Quaker in his Precincts, he is presently 
 to apprehend him ; and if he will not presently 
 Depart the Town, the Constable is to Whip him, 
 and send him away. — And divers have been 
 Whipp'd with us in our Patent ; and truly, to 
 tell you plainly, that the Whipping of them 
 with that Cruelty, as some have been Whipp'd, 
 and their Patience under it, hath sometimes been 
 the Occasion of gaining more Adherence to them, 
 than if they had suffered them openly to have 
 preached a Sermon. 
 
 Also another Law, — That if there be a Qua- 
 ker Meeting any where in this Colony, the Party 
 in whose House, or on whose Ground it is, is 
 to pay Forty Shillings ; the Preaching Quaker 
 Forty Shillings ; every Hearer Forty Shillings : 
 Yea, and if they have Meetings, tho' nothing be 
 spoken, when they so meet, which they say, so 
 it falls out sometimes — Our last Law, — That 
 now they are to be apprehended, and carried be- 
 fore a Magistrate, and by him committed to be 
 kept close Prisoners, until they will promise to 
 depart, and never come again ; and will also pay 
 their Fees — (which I perceive they will do nei- 
 ther the one nor the other) and they must be 
 kept only with the Counties Allowance, which is 
 
APPENDIX. 165 
 
 but small (namely, Course Bread and Water.) No 
 Friend may bring them anything ; none may be 
 permitted to speak with them ; Nay, if they have 
 Money of their own, they may not make use of 
 that to relieve themselves. — 
 
 In the Massachusets (namely, Boston Colony) 
 after they have Whipp'd them, and cut their Ears, 
 they have now, at last, gone the furthest step 
 they can : They Banish them upon pain of 
 Death, if ever they come there again. We ex- 
 pect that we must do the like ; we must Dance 
 after their Pipe : Now Plimouth-Saddle is on the 
 Bay-Horse (viz, Boston) we shall follow them on 
 the Career : For, it is well if in some there be not 
 a Desire to be their Apes and Imitators in all 
 their Proceedings in things of this Nature. All 
 these Carnal and Antichristian Ways being not 
 of God's Appointment, effect nothing as to the 
 Obstructing or Hindring of them in their Way 
 or Course. It is only the Word and Spirit of 
 the Lord that is able to Convince Gainsayers : 
 They are the Mighty Weapons of a Christian's 
 Warfare, by which Great and Mighty Things 
 are done and accomplished. They have many 
 Meetings, and many Adherents, almost the whole 
 Town of Sandwich is adliering towards them ; 
 and, give me leave a little to acquaint you with 
 their Sufferings, which is Grievous unto, and Sad- 
 dens the Hearts of most of the Precious Saints 
 of God ; It lies down and rises up with them, 
 and they cannot put it out of their Minds, to fee 
 and hear of i)Oor Families deprived of their Com- 
 
166 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 forts, and brought into Penury and Want (you 
 may say, By what Means ? And, to what End ?) 
 As far as I am able to judge of the End, It is to 
 force them from their Homes and lawful Habi- 
 tations, and to drive them out of their Coasts. 
 The Massachusets hath Banish'd Six of their In- 
 habitants, to be gone upon pain of Death ; and I 
 wish that Blood be not shed : But our poor Peo- 
 ple are pillaged and plundered of their Goods ; 
 and haply, when they have no more to satisfie 
 their unsatiable Desire, at last may be forced to 
 flee, and glad they have their Lives for a Prey. 
 
 As for the Means by which they are impover- 
 ished ; These in the first place were Scrupulous 
 of an Oath ; why tlien we must put in Force an 
 Old Law, — That all must take the Oath of 
 Fidelity. — This being tendered, they will not 
 take it ; and then we must add more Force to 
 the Law ; and that is, — If any Man refuse, or 
 neglect to take it by such a time, he shall pay 
 Five Pounds, or depart the Colony. — When 
 the time is come, they are the same as they 
 were ; Then goes out the Marshal, and fetcheth 
 away their Cows and other Cattle. Well, an- 
 other Court comes, They are required to take 
 the Oath again, — They cannot — Then Five 
 Pounds more: On this Account Tliirty Five 
 Head of Cattle, as I have been credibly in- 
 formed, hath been by the Authority of our 
 Court taken from them the latter part of this 
 Summer ; and these People say, — If they have 
 more right to them, than themselves, Let them 
 
APPENDIX. 1G7 
 
 take them. — Some that had a Cow only, some 
 Two Cows, some Three Cows, and many small 
 Children in their Families, to whom, in Summer 
 time, a Cow or Two was the greatest Outward 
 Comfort they had for their Subsistance. A poor 
 Weaver that hath Seven or Eight small Chil- 
 dren (I know not which) he himself Lame in 
 his Body, had but Two Cows, and both taken 
 from him, The Marshal asked him, What he 
 would do ? He must have his Cows. The Man 
 said, — That God that gave him them, he 
 doubted not, but would still provide for him. — 
 To fill up the Measure yet more full, tho' to the 
 further emptying of Sandwich-Men of their out- 
 ward Comforts. The last Court of Assistants, 
 the first Tuesday of this Instant, the Court was 
 pleased to determine Fines on Sandwich-Men 
 for Meetings, — sometimes on First Days of the 
 Week, sometimes on other Days, as they say : 
 They meet ordinarily twice in a Week, besides 
 the Lord's Day, — One Hundred and Fifty 
 Pounds, whereof W. Newland is Twenty Four 
 Pounds, for himself and his Wife, at Ten Shil- 
 lings a Meeting. W. Allen Forty Six Pounds, 
 some affirm it Forty Nine Pounds. The poor 
 Weaver afore spoken of. Twenty Pounds. 
 Brother Cook told me, one of the Brethren at 
 Barnstable certified him, That he. was in the 
 Weaver's House, when cruel Barloe (Sandwich 
 Marshal) came to demand the Sum, and said, he 
 was fully informed of all the poor Man had, and 
 thought, if all lay together, it was not worth Ten 
 
168 APPENDIX. 
 
 Pounds. What will be the End of such Courses 
 and Practices, the Lord only knows. I heartily 
 and earnestly pray, that these, and such like 
 Courses, neither raise up among us, or bring in 
 upon us, either the Sword, or any devouring Ca- 
 lamity, as a just Avenger of the Lord's Quarrel, 
 for Acts of Injustice and Oppression ; and that 
 we may every one find out the Plague of his own 
 Heart; and putting away the Evil of his own 
 Doings, and meet the Lord by Entreaties of 
 Peace, before it be too late, and there be no 
 Remedy. Our Civil Powers are so exercised in 
 Things appertaining to the Kingdom of Christ, in 
 Matters of Religion and Conscience, that we can 
 have no time to effect anything that tends to the 
 Promotion of the Civil Weal, or the Prosperity 
 of the Place ; but now we must have a State- 
 Religion, such as the Powers of the World will 
 allow, and no other : A State-Ministry, and a 
 State way of Maintenance : And we must Wor- 
 ship and Serve the Lord Jesus as the World 
 shall appoint us : We must all go to the publick 
 Place of Meeting, in the Parish where he dwells, 
 or be presented ; I am Informed of Three or 
 Fourscore last Court presented, for not coming to 
 publick Meetings ; and let me tell you how they 
 brought this about : You may remember a Law 
 once made, call'd Thomas Hinckley's Law, — 
 That if any neglected the Worship of God, in 
 the Place where he lives, and sets up a Worship 
 contrary to God, and the Allowance of this Gov- 
 ernment, to the publick Prophanation of God's 
 
APPENDIX. 169 
 
 Holy Day and Ordinance, shall pay Ten Sliil- 
 lino-s, — This Law would not reach what then 
 was aimed at : Because he must do so and so ; 
 that is, all things therein expressed, or else 
 break not the Law. In March last a Court of 
 Deputies was called, and some Acts touching 
 Quakers were made ; and then they contrived to 
 make this Law serviceable to them ; and that 
 was by putting out the Word [and] and putting 
 in the Word [or] which is a Disjunctive, and 
 makes every Branch to become a Law. So 
 now, if any do neglect, or will not come to the 
 publick Meetings, Ten Shillings for every De- 
 fect. Certainly we either have less Wit, or 
 more money, than the Massachusets : For, for 
 Five Shillings a Day a Man may stay away, till 
 it come to Twelve or Thirteen Pounds, if he 
 had it but to pay them. And these Men alter- 
 ing this Law now in March, yet left it Dated, 
 June 6. 1651. and so it stands as the Act of a 
 General Court; they to be the Authors of it 
 Seven Years before it was in being ; and so you 
 yourselves have your part and share in it, if the 
 Recorder lye not. But what may be the ReaSon 
 that they should not by another Law, made and 
 dated by that Court, as well effect what was in- 
 tended, as by altering a Word, and so the whole 
 Sense of the Law ; and leave this their Act by 
 the Date of it charged on another Court's Ac- 
 count? Surely the Chief Instruments in the 
 Business, being privy to an Act of Parliament 
 for Liberty, should too openly have acted repug- 
 
170 APPENDIX. 
 
 nant to a Law of England ; but if they can do 
 the Thing, and leave it on a Court, as making it 
 Six Years before the Act of Parliament, there 
 can be no danger in this. And that they were 
 privy to the Act of Parliament for Liberty, to 
 be then in being, is evident, That the Deputies 
 might be free to act it. They told us. That now 
 the Protector stood not engaged to the Articles 
 for Liberty, for the Parliament had now taken 
 the Power into their own Hands, and had given 
 the Protector a new Oath, Only in General, to 
 maintain the Protestant Religion ; and so pro- 
 duced the Oath in a Paper, in Writing ; whereas 
 the Act of Parliament and the Oath, are both 
 in one Book, in Print : So that they who were 
 privy to the one, could not be Ignorant of the 
 other. But still all is well, if we can but keep 
 the People Ignorant of their Liberties and Priv- 
 iledges, then we have Liberty to Act in our own 
 Wills what we please. 
 
 We are wrapped up in a Labyrinth of Con- 
 fused Laws, that the Freemens Power is quite 
 gone ; and it was said, last June Court, by one, — 
 That they knew nothing the Freemen had there 
 to do. Sandwich-Men may not go to the Bay, 
 lest they be taken up for Quakers : W. Newland 
 was there about his Occasions some Ten Days 
 since, and they put him in Prison Twenty Four 
 Hours, and sent for divers to Witness against 
 him; but they had not Proof enough to make 
 him a Quaker, which if they had, he should have 
 been Whipp'd: Nay, they may not go about 
 
APPENDIX. 171 
 
 their Occasions in other Towns in our Colony, 
 but Warrants lie in Ambush to Apprehend and 
 bring them before a Magistrate, to give an Ac- 
 count of their Business. Some of the Quakers 
 in Rhode-Island came to bring them Goods, to 
 Trade with them, and that for far Reasonabler 
 Terms, than the Professing and Oppressing Mer- 
 chants of the Country ; but that will not be suf- 
 fered : So that unless the Lord step in, to their 
 Help and Assistance, in some way beyond Man's 
 Conceiving, their Case is sad, and to be pitied : 
 and truly it moves Bowels of Compassion in all 
 sorts, except those in place, who carry it with a 
 high Hand towards them. Through Mercy we 
 have yet among us worthy Mr. Dunstar, whom 
 the Lord hath made boldly to bear Testimony 
 against the Spirit of Persecution. 
 
 Our Bench now is, Tho. Prince, Governour ; 
 Mr. Collier, Capt. Willet, Capt. Winslow, Mr. 
 Alden, Lieut. Southworth, W. ^Bradford, Tho. 
 Hinckley. Mr. Collier last June would not sit 
 on the Bench, if I sate there ; and now will not 
 sit the next Year, unless he may have Thirty 
 Pounds sit by him. Our Court and Deputies last 
 June made Capt. Winslow a Major. Surely we 
 are all Mercenary Soldiers, that must have a 
 Major imposed upon us. Doubtless the next 
 Court they may choose us a Governour and As- 
 sistants also. A Freeman shall need to do noth- 
 ing but bear such Burdens as are laid upon him. 
 Mr. Alden hath deceived the Expectations of 
 many, and indeed lost the Affections of such, as 
 
172 APPENDIX. 
 
 I judge were his Cordial Christian Friends ; who 
 is very active in such Ways, as I pray God may 
 not be Charged on him, to be Oppressions of a 
 High Nature. 
 
 THE STOEY OF HORED GARDNER.! 
 Hored Gardner, who being the Mother of 
 many Children, and an Inhabitant of Newport 
 in Rhode-Island, came with her Babe sucking at 
 her Breast, from thence to Weymouth (a Town 
 in your Colony) where having finished what she 
 had to do, and her Testimony from the Lord, 
 unto which the Witness of God answered in the 
 People, she was hurried- by the baser sort to 
 Boston, before your Governour, John Endicot, 
 who after he had entertained her with much 
 abusive Language, and the Girl that came with 
 her, to help bear her Child, he committed them 
 both to Prison, and Ordered them to be 
 whipp'd with Ten Lashes a-piece, which was 
 cruelly laid on their Naked Bodies, with a three- 
 fold-knotted- Whip of Cords, and then were con- 
 tinued for the space of Fourteen Days longer in 
 Prison, from their Friends, who could not Visit 
 them. The Women came a very sore Journey, 
 and (according to Man) hardly accomplishable, 
 through a Wilderness of above Sixty Miles, be- 
 tween Rhode-Island and Boston ; and being kept 
 up, after your Cruel Usage of their Bodies, might 
 have died ; but you had no Consideration of this, 
 or of them, tho' the Mother had of you, who after 
 1 Reported in New Enrjland Judged, pp. 60, Gl. 
 
APPENDIX. 173 
 
 the Savage, Inhumane and Bloody Execution on 
 her, of your Cruelty aforesaid, kneeled down, 
 and Prayed — The Lord to Forgive you — 
 which so reached upon a Woman that stood by, 
 and wrought upon her, that she gave Glory to 
 God, and said, — That surely she could not have 
 done that thing, if it had not been by the Spirit 
 of the Lord,— 11th of 3d Month, 1G58. 
 
 EECAPITULATION OF THE SUFFERINGS OF 
 LAURENCE AND CASSANDRA SOUTIIICK.i 
 
 First, while members of their Church, they 
 were both imprisoned for entertaining strangers, 
 Christopher Holder and John Copeland, a Chris- 
 tian duty, which the apostle to the Hebrews ad- 
 vises not to be unmindful of. And after seven 
 weeks imprisonment, Cassandra was fined 40s. 
 for owning a paper written by the aforesaid 
 persons. Next for absenting from the public 
 worship and owning the Quakers' doctrine. On 
 the information of one captain Hawthorn, they 
 with their son Josiah were sent to the house of 
 correction, and whipped in the coldest season of 
 the year, and at the same time Hawthorn issued 
 his warrant to distrain their goods for absence 
 from their public worship, whereby there were 
 taken from them cattle to the value of 4/. 155. 
 Again they were imprisoned with others for be- 
 ing at a meeting, and Cassandra was again 
 whipped and upon their joint letter to the magis- 
 
 1 Gough's History of the Quakers, vol. i. pp. 379-381. 
 
174 APPENDIX. 
 
 trates before recited the other appellants were 
 released, but this family, although they with the 
 rest had suffered the penalty of their cruel law 
 fully, were arbitrarily detained in prison to their 
 great loss and damage, being in the season of 
 the year when their affairs most immediately de- 
 manded their attendance. While they were in 
 prison, William Maston coming through Salem 
 in his way to Boston, brought them some pro- 
 visions from home, for which he was committed 
 to prison, and kept there fourteen days in the 
 cold winter season, though about seventy years 
 of age. And last of all were banished upon pain 
 of death by a law made while they were impris- 
 oned, and consequently against which they had 
 not offended : Thus spoiled of their property, 
 deprived of their liberty, driven into banish- 
 ment, and in jeopardy of their lives, for no other 
 crime than meeting apart, and dissenting from 
 the established worship, the sufferings of this in- 
 offensive aged couple ended only with their lives. 
 But the multiplied injuries of this harmless 
 pair were not sufficient to gratify that thirst of 
 vengeance which stimulated these persecutors, 
 while any member of the family remained unmo- 
 lested : During their detention in prison, they 
 left at home a son and daughter named Daniel 
 and Provided; these children, not deterred by 
 the unchristian treatment of their parents and 
 brother, felt themselves rather encouraged to fol- 
 low their steps, and relinquish the assemblies of 
 a people whose religion was productive of such 
 
APPENDIX. 175 
 
 relentless persecution, for their absence from 
 wliich they were fined 10/. tliough it was well 
 known they had no estate, their parents havin<r 
 been reduced to poverty by repeated fines and 
 extravagant distraints; wherefore to satisfy the 
 fine, they were ordered to be sold for bond-slaves 
 by the following mandate : " — 
 
 Alt a Generall Court of Election^ held at Boston^ 
 nth of May, IGiVJ.i 
 
 COUNTY TRKASUUKR A UTIIOIIIZKD TO SELL 
 QUAKKIiS. 
 
 Whereas Daniell and Provided Southwicke, 
 Sonne & daughter to Lawrence Souihwicke, haue 
 binn fyned by the County Courts at Salem & 
 Ipswicli, ptending they haue no estates, resolving 
 not to worke, and others likewise haue binn 
 fyned, & more like to be fyned, for siding w^'' the 
 Quakers & absenting themselves from the pub- 
 licke ordinances, — in ans*" to a quocstion, what 
 course shall be taken for the sattisfaction of the 
 fines, the Court, on pervsall of the lawe, title 
 Arrests, resolve, that the Tresurers of the seu- 
 erall countjes are and shall hereby be impowred 
 to sell the sajd persons to any of the English na- 
 tion at Virginia or Harbadoes. 
 
 Letter of Laurence Southick and others} 
 
 This to the Magistrates at the Court in Salem. 
 Friends, 
 
 Whereas it was your pleasures to commit us 
 
 1 Mass. Records, vol. iv. p. 'M\(\. 
 '^ New J'Jn.fjland Judijcd, jip. 74, 75. 
 
176 APPENDIX. 
 
 whose names are under-written, to the house of 
 correction in Boston,- although the Lord, the 
 righteous Judge of Heaven and Earth, is our 
 witness that we have done nothing worthy of 
 stripes or of bonds ; and we being committed by 
 your court to be dealt withal as the law jDrovides 
 for foreign Quakers, as ye please to term us ; and 
 having some of us suffered your law and pleasures, 
 now that which we do expect is. That whereas we 
 have suffered your law, so now to be set free by 
 the same law as your manner is with strangers, 
 and not to put us in upon the account of one law, 
 and execute another hiw upon us, of which accord- 
 ing to your own manner we were never convicted, 
 as the law expresses : If you had sent us upon the 
 account of your new law, we should have expected 
 the jailer's order to have been on that account, 
 which that it was not, appears by the warrant 
 which we have, . and the punishment which we 
 bare, as four of us were whipped, among whom 
 was one that had formerly been whipped ; so now 
 also, according to your former law. Friends, let 
 it not be a small thing in your eyes, the exposing, 
 as much as in you lies, our families to mine. 
 It's not unknown to you, the season and the time 
 of the year, for those that live of husbandry, and 
 what their cattle and families may be exposed 
 unto ; and also such as live on trade : We know 
 if the spirit of Christ did dwell and rule in you 
 these things would take impression on your spir- 
 its. What our lives and conversations have been 
 in that place is well known ; and what we now 
 
APPENDIX. 177 
 
 suffer for, is much for false reports, and un- 
 grounded jealousies of heresy and sedition. These 
 things lie upon us to lay before you : As for our 
 parts, we have true peace and rest in the Lord in 
 all our suiferings, and are made willing in the 
 power and strength of God, freely to offer up 
 our lives in this cause of God, for which we suf- 
 fer: Yea, and we do find (through grace) the 
 enlargements of God in our imprisoned state, to 
 whome alone we commit ourselves and families, 
 for the disposing of us according to his infinite 
 wisdom and pleasure, in whose love is our rest 
 and life. 
 
 Laurence ^ 
 Cassandra >- Southick. 
 
 JOSIAH ) 
 
 Samuel Shattuck. 
 Joshua Buffum. 
 
 From the house of bondage in Boston, wherein we are 
 made captives by the wills of men, although made free 
 by the Son. John 8-36. In which we quietly rest, this 
 IGth of the 5"°. 1658. 
 
 A BRIEF SKETCH OF THE SUFFERINGS OF 
 ELIZABETH HOOTEN, AS RELATED IN 
 SEWEL'S HISTORY OF THE QUAKERS, 
 383-385. 
 
 The usage Elizabeth Hooten met with, I can't 
 pass by in silence, because of her age, being 
 about sixty, who hearing of the wickedness com- 
 mitted by those of New-England, was moved to 
 make a voyage to America. 
 
 In order thereto she went from England in the 
 12 
 
178 APPENDIX. 
 
 year 16G1, having one Joan Broksup with her, a 
 woman near as aged as herself, who freely re- 
 solved to be her companion : and because they 
 could not find a master of a ship that was willing 
 to carry them to New-England, because of the 
 fine for every Quaker that was brought thither, 
 they set sail towards Virginia, where they met 
 with a ketch which carried them part of the way, 
 and then they went the rest by land, and so at 
 length came to Boston. But there they could 
 not soon find a place of reception, because of the 
 penalty on those that received a Quaker into 
 their houses. Yet at length a woman received 
 them. Next day they went to the j^rison to visit 
 their friends ; but the gaoler altogether unwilling 
 to let them in, carried them to the Governor En- 
 dicot, who, with much scurrilous language, called 
 them * witches,' and asked Elizabeth, ' what she 
 came for ? ' to which she answered, ' To do the 
 will of him that sent me.' And he demanded, 
 * what was that ? ' she replied, ' To warn thee 
 of shedding any more innocent blood.' To 
 which he returned, ' that he would hang more 
 yet ; ' but she told him, ' he was in the hand of 
 the Lord, who could take him away first.' This 
 so displeased him, that he sent them to prison, 
 where many more of their friends were. After 
 consultation what to do with them, they were 
 carried two days' journey into the wilderness, 
 among wolves and bears : but by Providence they 
 got to Rhode-Island, where they took ship for 
 Barbados, and from thence to New - England" 
 
APPENDIX. 179 
 
 agaiu, and so they returned to Boston. But then 
 they were put into a ship which carried them to 
 Virginia, from whence Elizabeth departed to Old 
 England, where she staid some time in her own 
 habitation. 
 
 But it came upon her to visit New-England 
 again ; and so she did, taking her daughter Eliza- 
 beth along with her. And being arrived, those 
 of the magistrates that were present, would have 
 fined the master of the ship an hundred pounds 
 for bringing her over contrary to their law. But 
 he telling them, that Elizabeth had been with 
 the king, and that she had liberty from him to 
 come thither to buy her a house, this so puzzled 
 these snarling persecutors, that they found them- 
 selves at a loss, and thus were stopped from seiz- 
 ing the master's goods. 
 
 Elizabeth being come to Boston, notwithstand- 
 ing the rulers, went to them, and signified that she 
 came thither ' to buy a house for herself to live 
 in.' She was four times at the court for that 
 purpose, but it was denied her : and though she 
 said, ' that this denial would give her occasion, if 
 she went to England again, to lay it before the 
 king,' it was in vain, and had no influence upon 
 them. 
 
 Departing then, and passing through several 
 places, she came to Cambridge, and was thrust 
 into a stinking dungeon, where there was nothing 
 to lie down on or sit on. Here they kept her 
 two days and two nights, without affording her 
 anything to eat or drink ; and because a certain 
 
180 APPENDIX. 
 
 man in compassion brought her a little milk, he 
 was also cast into prison, and fined five pounds. 
 Being brought to the court, they ordered lier 
 to be sent out of their coasts, and to be whipped 
 at three towns, with ten strij)es at each. So at 
 Cambridge she was tied to the whipping-post, and 
 lashed with ten stripes, with a three - stringed 
 whip, with three knots at an end : At Watertown 
 she had ten stripes more with willow rods ; and 
 to make up all, at Dedliam, in a cold frosty 
 morning, she received ten cruel lashes at a cart's 
 tail. And being thus beaten and torn, she was put 
 on horse-back, and carried many miles into the 
 wilderness ; and towards night they left her there, 
 where were many wolves, bears, and other wild 
 beasts, and many deep waters to pass througli: 
 but being preserved by an invisible hand, she 
 came in the morning into a town called Reho- 
 both, being neither weary nor faint ; and from 
 thence she went to Rhode-Ishind, where coming 
 to her friends, she gave thanks to God, for hav- 
 ing counted her worthy, and enabled her to suf- 
 fer for his name-sake, beyond what her age 
 and sex, morally speaking, could otherwise have 
 borne. 
 
 After some stay there, she returned to Cam- 
 bridge, about eighty miles, to fetch her linen and 
 clothes, which the inhuman persecutors would 
 not suffer her to take w^ith her when they had 
 whipped her. Having fetched these things, and 
 going back with her daughter and Sarah Cole- 
 man, an ancient woman, shewas taken up by the 
 
APPENDIX. 181 
 
 constable of Charlestown, and carried prisoner to 
 Cambridge ; where being asked by one of the 
 mao-istrates whose name was Daniel Gofifjjin, 
 '.wherefore she came thither, seeing they had 
 warned her not to come there any more : ' she 
 answered, ' that she came not there of her own 
 accord, but was forced thither ; after she had 
 been to fetch her clothes, which they would not 
 let her take with her when she was whipped, and 
 sent away ; but that now returning back she was 
 taken up by force out of the higliway, and carried 
 thither.' Then the other old woman was asked, 
 
 * whether she owned Elizabeth and her religion ? ' 
 to which she answered, ' she owned the Truth.' 
 And of Elizabeth's daughter he demanded, ' Dost 
 thou own thy mother's religion ? ' To which she 
 was silent. And yet they were sent to the house 
 of correction, with order to be whipped. Next 
 morning the executioner came betimes before it 
 was light, and asked them, ' whether they would 
 be whipped there ? ' which made Elizabeth ask, 
 
 * whether he was come to take away their blood 
 in the dark ? ' and ' whether they were ashamed 
 that their deeds should be seen : ' But not heed- 
 ing what she said, he took her down stairs, and 
 whipped her with a three-stringed whip. Then 
 he brought down the ancient woman, and did the 
 like to her. And takinor Elizabeth's dauorhter 
 he gave the like to her also, who never was there 
 before, nor had said or done anything. After 
 this Elizabeth the mother was whipped again at 
 a cart's-tail at Boston and other places, where she 
 
182 APPENDIX. 
 
 came to see her friends ; since which I have sev- 
 eral times seen her in England in a good con- 
 dition. 
 
 OKDER FOR SENDING QUAKERS OUT OF 
 THE JURISDICTION.! 
 
 Jtt is Ordered that all the Quaker's now in 
 prison, except the persons Condemned to be 
 whip* be acquainted w*^ the new lawe made 
 agaiost them and forthwith released from i^rison 
 and sent from Constable to Constable out of 
 this Jurisdiction and Jf they or any of them be 
 found after twelve liowres w*4n the same he or 
 they shall be proceeded w*^ according to the 
 lawe made this present Court. The magis*® haue 
 past this w"' Reference to the Consent of theire 
 brethren the dep^s hereto 
 
 Edw Raws on Secret 
 
 7 June, 1661. 
 
 The Deputyes Consent hereto, withall Desire- 
 ing that Browne & Peirson may ptake of the 
 same liberty with the rest, Desireing o"^ Hono^* 
 Magists Consent hereto 
 
 The magis*s Consent not Edw Rawson Secret, 
 but Agree y* y^ 2 psons shall only be whip* at 
 y^ Carts tayle in Boston not exceeding twenty 
 stripes & so dischardged w*^^ y^ Rest if theire 
 brethren the Depu*s consent hereto 
 
 Edw Raavson Secret 
 Consented to by the Deputyes 
 
 Wm Torrey Cleric 
 1 Massachusetts Archives, vol. x. p. 273. 
 
APPENDIX. 183 
 
 This order was issued under the fear of inter- 
 ference by the Crown. ^ Samuel Shattuck, who 
 had been banished upon pain of death if he re- 
 turned, was now in England, and with others 
 had petitioned the King to " restrain the vio- 
 lence of these Rulers of New-England." The 
 petition may be found in vol. i. of Besse's " Col- 
 lection of Sufferings," where it is given as fol- 
 lows : — 
 
 A Declaration of some Part of the Sufferings 
 of the People of God in Scorn called Quakers, 
 from the Professors in New-England, only for 
 the Exercise of their Consciences to the Lord, 
 and obeying and confessing to the Truth, as in 
 his Light he had discovered it to them. 
 
 1. Two honest and innocent Women stripped 
 stark naked, and searched after such an inhuman 
 manner, as modesty will not permit particularly 
 to mention. 
 
 2. Twelve strangers in that Country, but free- 
 born of this Nation, received Twenty-three Whip- 
 pings, the most of them being with a Whip of 
 
 Three Cords with Knots at the Ends, and laid on 
 with as much Strength as could be by the Arm 
 of their Executioner, the Stripes amounting to 
 Three Hundred and Seventy. 
 
 3. Eighteen Inhabitants of the Country, being 
 free-born English, received Twenty three Whip- 
 pings, the Stripes amounting to I'wo Hundred 
 and Fifty. 
 
 4. Sixty Four Imprisonments of the Lord's 
 1 Sewel, Besse, aud others, coiilirm this statement. 
 
184 APPENDIX. 
 
 People, for their Obedience to his Will, amount- 
 ing to Five Hundred and Nineteen Weeks, much 
 of it being very cold Weather, and the Inhabit- 
 ants kept in Prison in Harvest-time, which was 
 very much to their Loss ; besides many more 
 imprisoned, of which Time we cannot give a 
 just- Account. 
 
 5. Ttvo beaten with Pitched Hopes, the blows 
 amounting to an Hundred and Thirty nine, by 
 which one of them was brought near unto Death, 
 much of his Body being beaten like unto a Jelly, 
 and one of their Doctors, a Member of their 
 Church, who saw him, said. It ivould he a Mira- 
 cle if ever he recovered, he expecting the Flesh 
 should rot off the Bones, who afterwards was 
 banished upon pain of Death. There are many 
 Witnesses of this there. 
 
 6. Also an Innocent Man, an Inhabitant of 
 Boston, they banished from his Wife and Cliil- 
 dren, and put to seek an Habitation in the 
 Winter, and in Case he returned again, he was 
 to be kept Prisoner during his Life, and for re- 
 turning again he was put in Prison, and hath 
 been now a Prisoner above a year. 
 
 7. Twenty Five Banishments upon the Penal- 
 ties of being whipt, or having their Ears cut, or 
 branded in the Hand, if they returned. 
 
 8. Fines laid upon the Inhabitants for meet- 
 ing together, and edifying one another, as the 
 Saints ever did ; and for refusing to Swear, it 
 being contrary to Christ's Command, amounting 
 to about a Thousand Pounds, beside what they 
 
APPENDIX. 185 
 
 have (lone since that we have not heard of, many 
 Families, in which there are many Children, are 
 almost ruined by their unmerciful Proceedings. 
 
 9. Five kept Fifteen Days in all, without 
 Food^ and Fifti/ Eight Days shut up close by 
 the Gaoler, and had none that he knew of ; and 
 from some of them he stopt up the Windows, 
 hindring them from convenient Air. 
 
 10. One laid Neck and Heels in Irons for Six- 
 teen Hours. 
 
 11. One very deeply burnt in the Right-Hand 
 with the Letter (II) after he had been ivhipt 
 with above Thirty Stripes. 
 
 12. One chained to a Log of Wood the most 
 Part of Twenty Days, in an open Prison, in the 
 Winter- time. 
 
 13. Five Appeals to England denied at Bos- 
 ton. 
 
 14. Three had their Right Ears cut by the 
 Hangman in the Prison, the Door being barred, 
 and not a Friend suffered to be present while it 
 was doing, though some much desired it. 
 
 15. One of the Inhabitants of Salem, who 
 since is banished upon Pain of Death, had one 
 Half of his House and Land seized on while he 
 luas in Prison, a Month before he knew of it. 
 
 16. At a General Court in Boston they made 
 an Order, That those who had not where-ivithall 
 to answer the Fines that were laid upon them 
 for their Consciences, should be sold for Bond- 
 men and Bondwomen to Barbadoes, Virginia, or 
 any of the English Plantations. 
 
186 APPENDIX. 
 
 17. Eighteen of the People of God were at 
 several Times banished upon pain of Death ; six 
 of them were their owu Inhabitants, two of 
 which being very aged People, and well known 
 among their Neighbours to be of honest Conver- 
 sation, being banished from their Houses and 
 Families, and put upon Travelling and other 
 Hardships, soon ended their Days, whose Death 
 we can do no less than charge upon the Rulers 
 of Boston^ they being the Occasion of it. 
 
 18. Also Three of the Servants of the Lord 
 they put to Deaths all of them for Obedience to 
 the Truth, in the Testimony of it, against the 
 Wicked Rulers and Laws at Boston. 
 
 19. And since they have banished Four more 
 upon Pain of Death, and Twenty Four of the 
 Inhabitants of Salem were presented, and more 
 Fines called for, and their Goods seized on to 
 the Value of Forty Pounds for meeting together 
 in the Fear of God, and some for refusing to 
 Swear. 
 
 These Things, O King ! from Time to Time 
 have we patiently suffered, and not for the 
 Transgression of any just or righteous Law, 
 either pertaining to the Worship of God, or the 
 Civil Government of England, but simply and 
 barely for our Consciences to God, of which we 
 can more at large give thee, or whom thou 
 mayst order, a full account (if thou will let us 
 liave Admission to thee, who are banished upon 
 Pain of Death, and have had our Ears cut, who 
 are some of us in England attending upon thee) 
 
APPENDIX. 187 
 
 botli of the Causes of our Sufferings^ and the 
 Manner of their disorderly and illegal Proceedings 
 against us; they began with Immodesty^ went 
 on in Inhumanity and Cruelty, and were not 
 satisfied until they had the Blood of Three of the 
 Martyrs of Jesus : Revenge for all which we do 
 not seek, but lay them before thee, considering 
 thou hast been well acquainted with Sufferings, 
 and so mayst the better consider them that suf- 
 fer, and mayst for the future restrain the Vio- 
 lence of tliese Rulers of New-England, having 
 Power in thy Hands, they being but the Chil- 
 dren of the Family of which thou art Chief 
 Ruler, who have in divers their Proceedings ybr- 
 feited their Patent, as upon strict Enquiry in 
 many Particulars will appear. 
 
 And this, O King ! we are assured of, that in 
 Time to come it will not repent thee, if by a 
 close Rebuke thou stoppest the Bloody Proceed- 
 ings of these Bloody Persecutors, for in so doing 
 thou wilt engage the Hearts of many honest 
 People unto thee both there and here, and for 
 such Works of Mercy the Blessing is obtained ; 
 and showing it is the Way to prosper : We are 
 Witnesses of these Things, who 
 
 Besides many long Imprisonments, and many 
 cruel Whippings, had our Ears cut, 
 
 John Rouse 
 John Copeland. 
 
 Besides many long Imprisonments, divers cruel 
 Whippings, with the seizing on our Goods, are 
 
188 APPENDIX. 
 
 banished upon Pain of Deaths aud some of us 
 do wait here in England, and desire that we may 
 have an Order to return in Peace to our Fam- 
 ilies, 
 
 Samuel Shattock Josiah Southick 
 Nicholas Phelps Joseph Nichqlson 
 Jane Nicholson 
 
 Commenting upon the above petition, Besse 
 
 " This representation of their case to the King, 
 with the earnest and incessant solicitations of Ed- 
 ward Burrough, aud others, on their behalf, pro- 
 cured a Mandamus from that Monarch by which 
 an effectual stop was put to the proceedings in 
 New-England of putting men to death for Relig- 
 ion, by which their blind zeal and fury would 
 otherwise probably have destroyed many inno- 
 cent people. Nevertheless they yet continued 
 by cruel whippings, and other barbarities to de- 
 monstrate that they repented not of their former 
 cruelty, but that they were restricted by force of 
 the Kings authority, aud not from any alteration 
 in their own tempers or inclinations, as will 
 plainly appear by the narrative of their proceed- 
 ings." 
 
 It is probable that Besse is not entirely accu- 
 rate in stating that the presentation of this peti- 
 tion " procured a Mandamus," though it doubtless 
 prepared the way for one. When it was presented 
 the news of the execution of Leddra at Boston 
 had not reached England. Sewei, who is an 
 
APPENDIX. 189 
 
 earlier authority than Bessc, states that the king 
 liad seen a copy of George Bishop's account of 
 the "cruel persecution," and was so much af- 
 fected by it that he resolved to interfere. His 
 resolve was soon after confirmed by the " news 
 of William Leddra's deatli." Edward Burrough 
 having obtained an audience, said to the king, 
 " There was a vein of innocent blood opened in 
 his dominions, which if it were not stopped, 
 would overrun all." To which he replied, " But 
 I will stop that vein." The Mandamus was 
 granted forthwith, and Shattuck was empowered 
 to carry it to Boston. Whittier's poem, " The 
 King's Missive," makes it unnecessary to repeat 
 here a detailed account of Shattuck's arrivitl, for 
 this poem is, or should be, in every American 
 household. The reception of the Missive by 
 the Massachusetts authorities placed them in a 
 dilemma. They dare not ohey the command to 
 send the prisoners to England for trial, ^ nor could 
 they proceed with the cases in their own court. 
 There was but one course left by which they 
 could avoid a conflict with the Crown. Hither- 
 to, gaol deliveries implied scourging and banish- 
 ment of Quaker prisoners. For once, it was 
 necessary to forego these pious festivities. Pros- 
 ecution and persecution must be suspended tem- 
 porarily ; such Quakers as were in gaol must be 
 set at liberty. An order for their unconditional 
 release and discharge was issued. Sewel gives 
 
 1 Tho Quakers had repeatedly appealed to be sent to Eng- 
 land for trial. 
 
190 APPENDIX. 
 
 the text of the Royal Mandamus, and the or- 
 der for the release of the Friends, as follows : — 
 
 Charles R. 
 
 Trusty and Well-beloved, We Greet you well. 
 Having been informed that several of Our sub- 
 jects amongst you, called Quakers, have been, 
 and are Imprisoned by you, whereof some have 
 been Executed, and others (as hath been re^Dre- 
 sented unto us) are in danger to undergo tbe 
 like : we have thought fit to signify our pleasure 
 in that behalf, for the future ; aud do hereby re- 
 quire, that if there be any of those people called 
 Quakers amongst you, now already condemned 
 to suffer death, or other corporal punishment, or 
 that are imprisoned, and obnoxious to the like 
 condemnation, you are to forbear to proceed any 
 further therein ; but that you forthwith send the 
 said persons (whether condemned or imprisoned) 
 over into this our kingdom of England, together 
 with the respective crimes or offenses laid to 
 their charge ; to the end that such course may be 
 taken with them here, as shall be agreeable to 
 our laws, and their demerits. And for so doing, 
 these our letters shall be your sufficient warrant 
 and discharge. Given at our court at Whitehall, 
 the dth day of September, 1661, in the IWi year 
 of our reign. 
 
 By his majesty s command, 
 
 William Mokris. 
 
 The superscription was, " To our Trusty and 
 
APPENDIX. 191 
 
 Well-beloved, John Endicot, Esq. and to all and 
 every other the governor, or governors, of our 
 plantations of New-England, and of all the col- 
 onies thereunto belonging, that now are, or here- 
 after shall be ; and to all and every the ministers 
 and officers of our said plantation and colonies 
 whatsoever, within the continent of New-Eng- 
 land." 
 
 Orders for Release and Discharge of Quaker 
 Prisoners} 
 
 " To William Salter, keeper of the prison at 
 
 Boston : 
 
 You are required by authority, and order of 
 the general court, forthwith to release and dis- 
 ciiarge the Quakers, who at present are in your 
 custody. See that you don't neglect this. 
 
 By order of the court, 
 
 Edward Ratvson, Secretary.'^ 
 
 Boston, the dth of December, 1661. 
 
 A Quaker jubilation ^ followed this gaol deliv- 
 ery, but the liberty they enjoyed was of short du- 
 ration. Fear of further interference from Eng- 
 land having been allayed, the law of May 22, 
 1661, with slight modification, was reenacted. 
 This was done on the 8th of October, 1662. The 
 fires of persecution were rekindled. John Endi- 
 cott pursued the Friends with relentless cruelty 
 until, in March, 1665, death ended his wicked 
 and bloody career. 
 
 1 Sewcl, p. 321. 2 Bessc, vol. ii. p. 22G. 
 
192 APPENDIX. 
 
 Bellingham succeeded Endicott, but was less 
 persistent, and instances of cruelty, under his ad- 
 ministration, are not numerous. His clemency 
 was due in part to the interference of royal com- 
 missioners, who, on the 24th of May, 1665, sub- 
 mitted a series of demands to the General Court, 
 one of which was, that the Quakers should be 
 allowed to attend to their secular business with- 
 out molestation.-^ Bellingham died in December, 
 1672. In November, 1675, persecution was re- 
 vived by the passage of a law prohibiting Qua- 
 ker meetings,^ and in May, 1677, it was further 
 provided, that the constables should " make dili- 
 gent search" for such meetings, and should 
 " break open any door where peaceable entrance 
 is denied them." ^ For a brief period it seemed 
 as if the scenes of 1661 and 1662 were to be re- 
 enacted. Men and women were seized, dragged 
 to gaol, imprisoned, fed on bread and water, 
 fined, and publicly whipped. In the 6th month 
 (August) fourteen Quakers were taken at one 
 meeting, and in the following week a second ar- 
 rest of fifteen was made. Most, if not all of 
 them, in addition to other punishment, suffered 
 flogging at the whipping post. These are the 
 latest cases of corporal punishment noted by 
 Besse. The Friends rallied in increasing num- 
 bers and once more the authorities were forced 
 to respect their rights. It was during this period 
 of excitement that Margaret Brewster was ap- 
 
 1 Mass. Eecoi'ds, vol. iv. p. 212. 
 
 2 Ibid. vol. V. p. 00. 3 JOld. p. 134. 
 
APPENDIX. 193 
 
 prehended for the performance of an act which, 
 however peculiar or fanatical it may be consid- 
 ered, was refined and dignified as compared with 
 the brutal indecency of the Court when she was 
 on trial. The following report of the trial will 
 well repay the reading. It is worth remarking 
 that while INIargaret Brewster furnishes Puritan 
 apologists with most productive capital, no one 
 of them has yet acknowledged the obligation by 
 naming the cause of her performance, the cir- 
 cumstances attending it, the conduct of her 
 judges, or the punishment meted out to her. 
 
 Trial, or Examination, of Margaret Brewster, 
 and others, at the Court in Boston, on the ^th 
 of the Sixth Month, 1677.^ 
 
 Cleric. Margaret Brewster 
 
 M. B. Here. 
 
 Clerh. Are you the Woman ? 
 
 M. B. Yes, I am the Woman. 
 
 Governour.' Read the Mittimus. 
 
 The Mittimus was read. 
 
 Governour, to the People. What have you to 
 lay to her Charge ? 
 
 Constable. If this be the Woman, I don't 
 know ; for she was then in the Shape of a Devil : 
 I thought her hair had been a Perriwigg, but it 
 was her own Hair. 
 
 The Constable said more, but so faintly and 
 low as not to be understood. 
 
 1 Besse, vol. ii. pp. 261-265. 
 
 2 John Leverett. 
 
 13 
 
194 APPENDIX. 
 
 Gov. You hear your Accusation. 
 
 M. B. I do not hear it. 
 
 Gov. Are you the Woman that came mto Mr. 
 Thatcher's Meeting-house with your Hair fru- 
 zled, and dressed in the ShajDe of a Devil ? 
 
 31. B. I am the Woman that came into Priest 
 Thatcher's House of Worship with my Hair 
 about my Shoulders, Ashes upon my Head, my 
 Face coloured black, and Sackcloth upon my 
 upper Garments. 
 
 Gov. You own yourself to be the Woman. 
 
 M. B. Yea, I do. 
 
 Gov. What made you come so ? 
 
 M. B. I came in Obedience to the Lord. 
 
 Gov. The Lord ! The Lord never sent you, for 
 you came like a Devil, and in the Shape of a 
 Devil incarnate. 
 
 M. B. Noble Governour ! Thy Name is 
 spread in other Parts of the World for a mod- 
 erate Man, now I desire thee and thy Assistants 
 to hear me with Patience, that I may give an Ac- 
 count of my so coming among you. 
 
 Gov. Too moderate for such as you : But go 
 on. 
 
 31. B. The Lord God of Heaven and Earth, 
 the Maker and Creator of all Man kind, laid this 
 Service upon me more than three Years ago to 
 visit this bloody Town of Boston. 
 
 Here some spake to the Governour to stop her 
 from speaking any more ; but the Governour 
 said, Let her go on. 
 
 31. B. And when the appointed Time drew 
 
APPENDIX. 195 
 
 near, the Lord pleased to visit me with Sickness, 
 before I could clearly give up to this Service, 
 and as I may say, I was raised as one from the 
 Dead, and came from my sick Bed to visit the 
 bloody Town of Boston, and to bear a living Tes- 
 timony for the God of my Life, and go as a Sign 
 among you ; and as I gave up to this Service, my 
 Sickness went away. It is said the Prophet 
 Jonah was three Days in the Whale's Belly, but 
 I could compare my Condition to nothing, but as 
 if I had been in the Belly of Hell for many 
 Weeks, and I think I may so say for some 
 Months, until I gave up to this Service; and 
 now if you be suffered to take away my Life, 
 I am very well contented. 
 
 Gov. You shall escape with your Life. 
 
 Simon Broadstreet. You are a Blasphemer. 
 
 ^f. B. I have not blasphemed. 
 
 aS. Broadstreet. I cannot believe what you say 
 to be true. 
 
 M. B. Canst thou not believe? Well, I am 
 sorry thou canst not believe. 
 
 Gov. Are you a married Woman ? 
 
 M. B. I am. 
 
 Gov. Did your Husband give Consent to your 
 Coming ? 
 
 M. B. Yea, he did. 
 
 Gov. Have you any Thing to shew under his 
 Hand? 
 
 M. B. He gave his Consent before many Wit- 
 nesses in Barbadoes, and said. He did believe this 
 Service was of God, and he durst not withstand 
 
196 APPENDIX. 
 
 it, but was willing to give me up to this Ser- 
 vice, as many in Barbadoes can witness ; and 
 now, if you be suffered to take away my Life, 
 I can now lay down my Head in Peace, for I 
 have thus far done what the Lord required at my 
 Hands, and am clear of the Blood of all People 
 in this Place, so far as I know ; and the Desire 
 of my Soul is, that it may be with this Town as 
 it was with Nineveh of old, for when the Lord 
 sent his Prophet Jonah to cry against Nineveh, 
 it is said. They put on Sackcloth, and covered 
 their Heads with Ashes, and repented, and the 
 Lord withdrew his Judgments for forty Years : 
 And my Soul cries to the Lord that this People 
 may repent, that the Lord may spare them yet 
 forty Years : For it was in true Obedience to 
 the Lord, and in Love to your Souls, that I was 
 made to come as a Sign amongst you, for I feel 
 that in my Heart at this Moment, that I could 
 even o-ive up my Life, to be sacrificed for the 
 Good of your Souls. I have notliing but Love 
 in my Heart to the worst of my Enemies here in 
 this Town. 
 
 Gov. Hold, hold Woman, you run too fast. 
 Silence in the Court. 
 
 M. B. Governour ! I desire thee to hear me a 
 little, for I have something to say in Behalf of my 
 Friends in this Place : I desire thee and thine 
 Assistants to put an End to these cruel Laws that 
 you have made to prosecute my Friends for meet- 
 ing together to worship the True and Living 
 God. Oh Governour ! I cannot but press thee 
 
APPENDIX. 197 
 
 again and again, to put an End to these crnel 
 Laws that you have made to fetch my Friends 
 from their peaceable Meetings, and keep them 
 three Days in the House of Correction, and then 
 whip them for worshipping the True and Living 
 God : Governour ! Let me entreat thee to put 
 an End to tliese Laws, for the Desire of my Soul 
 is, that you may act for God, and then would you 
 prosper, but if you act against the Lord and his 
 blessed Truth, you will assuredly come to noth- 
 ing, the Mouth of the Lord hath spoken it , for 
 if you will draw your Swords against the Lord 
 and his People, the Lord will assuredly draw his 
 Sword against you ; for there nfever was any 
 Weapon formed against God and his blessed Truth 
 that ever prospered : It 's my Testimony for the 
 Lord God of my Life. 
 
 Gov. Hold Woman. Call Lydia Wright. 
 
 Clerk. Call Lydia Wright of Long-Island. 
 
 L. Wright. Here. 
 
 Gov. Are you one of the Women that came in 
 with this Woman into INIr. Thatcher's Meeting- 
 house to disturb him at his Worship ? 
 
 L. W. I was ; but I disturbed none, for I came 
 in peaceably, and spake not a Word to Man, 
 Woman, or Child. 
 
 Gov. What came you for then ? 
 
 L. W. Have you not made a Law that we 
 should come to your Meeting ? For we were 
 peaceably met together at our own Meeting-house, 
 and some of your Constables came in, and haled 
 some of our Friends out, and said. This is not a 
 
198 APPENDIX. 
 
 Place for you to worship God in. Then we asked 
 him, "Where we should worship God ? Then they 
 said, We must come to your publick Worship. 
 And upon the First-day following I had some- 
 thing upon my Heart to come to your publick 
 Worship, when we came in peaceably, and spake 
 not a Word, yet we were haled to Prison, and 
 there have been kept near a month. 
 
 S. Broadstreet. Did you come there to hear 
 the Word ? 
 
 L. W. If the Word of God was there, I was 
 ready to hear it. 
 
 Gov. Did your Parents give Consent you 
 should come thither ? 
 
 L. W. Yes, my Mother did. 
 
 Gov. Shew it. 
 
 L. W. If you will stay till I can send Home, I 
 will engage to get from under my Mother's Hand, 
 that she gave her Consent. 
 
 Juggins, a Magistrate, said. You are led by 
 the Spirit of the Devil, to ramble up and down 
 the Country, like Whores and Rogues a Cater- 
 wawliug. 
 
 L, W. Such Words do not become those who 
 call themselves Christians, for they that sit to 
 Judge for God in Matters of Conscience, ought 
 to be sober and serious, for Sobriety becomes the 
 People of God, for these are a weighty and pon- 
 derous People. 
 
 Gov. Did you own this Woman ? 
 
 L. W. I own her, and have Unity with her, 
 and I do believe so have all the faithful Servants 
 
APPENDIX. 199 
 
 of the liOrd, for 1 know the Power and Presence 
 of the Lord was with us. 
 
 Juggins. You are mistaken : You do not know 
 the Power of God ; you are led by the Spirit and 
 Light within you, which is of the Devil : There 
 is but one God, and you do not worship that God 
 which we worship. 
 
 L. W. I believe thou s[)eakest Truth, for if 
 you worship})ed that God which we worship, you 
 would not persecute his People, for we worship 
 the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and the 
 same God that Daniel worshipped. 
 
 So they cried, Take her away. 
 
 Then Mary Miles was called. 
 
 Clerh. Mary Miles of Black-point. 
 
 M. 31. I am here. 
 
 Gov. Do you live at Black-point ? 
 
 31. 31. Nay : My former Living was there, but 
 my outward Living is now at Salem, when I am 
 at Home. 
 
 Gov. Are you a married Woman ? 
 
 M. 31. Nay, I am not married. 
 
 Gov. Did you come into Mr. Thatcher's Meet- 
 ing-house with this AVoman that had a black 
 Face ? 
 
 31. 31. Yea, I did. 
 
 Gov. What was the Cause ? 
 
 31. 31. My Freedom was in the Lord, and in 
 Obedience to his Will, and the Unity of his Spir- 
 it, I came. 
 
 Gov. So, so, then you had Unity with her, it 
 seems, but you had not Communion with her, for 
 you had not a black Face. 
 
200 APPENDIX. 
 
 M. M. I had good Uuity with her, and do be- 
 lieve, and witness, and hear my Testimony for 
 the Lord, that it was his Work and Service that 
 she went in ; therefore I had Unity and Fellow- 
 ship with her, and the Lord in his due Time will 
 reveal and manifest his own Work. 
 
 Gov. Hold your Tongue, you prating House- 
 wife ; you are led by the Spirit of the Devil to 
 run about the Country a wandring, like Whores 
 and Rogues. 
 
 M. M. They that are led by the Spirit of God 
 deny the Works of the Devil : The Earth is the 
 Lord's and the Fulness thereof ; and he can com- 
 mand his Servants to go wheresoever he pleaseth 
 to send them ; and none can hinder his Power, 
 for it is unlimited. 
 
 Cryer, Take them away, and carry them to 
 Prison. 
 
 M. M. Yea, I am made willing to go to Prison, 
 and to Death, if it were required of me to seal the 
 Testimony of Jesus with my Blood, as some of 
 my Friends and Brethren have done, whose 
 Blood you have shed, which cries to the Lord for 
 Vengeance, and the Cry will not cease till Ven- 
 geance come upon you. 
 
 Then Barbara Bowers was called. 
 
 Margaret Brewster answered, Barbara Bowers 
 was not concerned with us in this Service. 
 
 Gov. Let us hear what she says. 
 
 B. Bowers. I was in the Meeting-house, but did 
 not go in with them. 
 
 Then thoy were all carried to Prison again, 
 
APPENDIX. 201 
 
 and about an Hour after brought again into the 
 Court, when the Governour being present, the 
 Clerk read the Sentence as follows, viz. 
 
 Margaret Brewster, You are to have your 
 Clothes stript off to the Middle, and to be tied to 
 a Cart's Tail at the South Meeting-house, and to 
 be drawn through the Town, and to receive 
 twenty Stripes upon your naked Body. 
 
 M. B. The Will of the Lord be done : I am 
 contented. 
 
 The Clerk proceeded, saying, Lydia Wright 
 and jMary Miles, You are to be tied to the Cart's 
 Tail also. Barbara Bowers, you are to be tied 
 also. 
 
 31. Brewster. I told the Court before, that Bar- 
 bara was not concerned with us in the Service, 
 and therefore I desire you may remit her Sen- 
 tence ; for I knew not of her Coming with us, 
 neither did I see her with us, till we came into 
 the Common-Gaol : Therefore I desire she may 
 not suffer. 
 
 Gov. Take her away. 
 
 Gaoler. I am loth to pull you. 
 
 31. B. I will go without pulling, and go as 
 chearfully as Daniel went to the Lion's Den, for 
 the God of Daniel is with me ; and the God of 
 Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, goes along with me : 
 The same God that was with the three Children 
 in the fiery Furnace goes with me now ; and I 
 am glad that I am worthy to be a Sufferer in 
 this Bloody Town, and to be numbred amongst 
 my dearly and well-beloved Brethren and Sis- 
 
202 APPENDIX. 
 
 ters, that sealed their Testimonies with their 
 Blood. 
 
 So they were carried to Prison again, this 
 being the Seventh-day of the Week; and on 
 the Fifth day following, the Sentence was exe- 
 cuted. 
 
 During the Examination of these "\Yomen, 
 they appeared altogether unconcerned as to 
 themselves, being fully resigned to whatsoever 
 Sufferings might be their Portion ; stedfastly 
 maintaining their full Assurance of a divine 
 Call to the Service they went upon, and a per- 
 fect Peace and Serenity of Mind in yielding 
 Obedience thereunto : In all which they seem to 
 have really exercised the Faith and Patience of 
 the Saints and People of God. 
 
 ABSTRACT FROM JOINT LETTER OF WIL- 
 LIAM ROBINSON AND MARMADUKE STE- 
 VENS ON.i 
 
 We that are Free-born English-men, we de- 
 mand our Liberty for the Exercise of our pure 
 Consciences in this Country, as well as other 
 English-men ; we being Free-born English-men, 
 we may, by the Law of God, claim our Liberty 
 before many other People : We who are not 
 Transgressors of the Law of God, neither of 
 any Law or Decree that is according thereunto. 
 What is the Reason that we should be Banished 
 upon Death, out of your Jurisdiction, more than 
 1 New Enjland Judfjed, pp. 252-259. 
 
APPENDIX. 203 
 
 any other People ? What, is it because we are 
 Turners of the Worhl upside-down ? AVhat, is 
 it because we are termed Ring-leaders of a Peo- 
 ple, that are, in Scorn, called Quakers ? What, 
 is it because the Laws of our God, which we 
 Obey, are different from all the Unrighteous and 
 Bloody Laws of New England ? What, is it 
 because we cannot Obey the Commandment of 
 the Rulers of New England, that have com- 
 manded us to Bow to the Spirit that ruled in 
 Haman, which now rules in these bloody Rulers 
 of Boston, and elsewhere in New England? 
 Nay, I say, the Lord our God hath Raised, and 
 is Raising, the Royal Seed and Spirit that ruled 
 in Mordecai, that could not, nor cannot Stoop 
 nor Bow to the Spirit that ruleth in proud 
 Haman : I say, see and behold, if the same 
 Spirit rules not in you, ye Rulers, Chief Priests, 
 and Inhabitants of Boston and elsewhere. . . . 
 Are not you preparing a Gallows to Hang us 
 thereon, as Haman did for Mordecai ? But, 
 take heed, We Warn you in the Name of the 
 Lord God, consider what you are going to 
 do : In the Name of the Lord we demand, 
 that we may have Liberty, for the Exercise 
 of our pure Consciences, within your Juris- 
 diction, as well as other English -men, seeing 
 that you cannot lay to our Charge, the Trans- 
 gression of any Law of God, we being Men 
 that Fear the Lord God of Heaven and Earth ; 
 and we come not for any Thing of yours, God 
 is our Witness ; it is not for any Thing that 
 
204 APPENDIX. 
 
 you have, that we come for ; for we do not 
 hick auy outward Thing ; for many of us have 
 both Houses and Land of our own, and Silver 
 also, in Old England, so that we seek not any 
 Thing that you have (God is our Witness, whom 
 we Serve in the Spirit of Truth, who hath con- 
 strained us to leave all, and to follow him) that 
 it is not the World (that doth perish with the 
 handling thereof) that we seek or labour for, but 
 the Good and Eternal Welfare of the Sons of 
 Men : For the Seed's sake, which is Oppressed 
 in New England, and other parts of the World, 
 do we Labour, and Travel, and Suffer all man- 
 ner of Hardships : For Christ's sake are we 
 become Fools, and do Suffer all manner of Evil 
 to be done unto us. Christ said unto his Dis- 
 ciples, They shall do all manner of Evil to you, 
 for my Name sake; but those that did it, and 
 those that do it, know neither God, nor his Son 
 Jesus Christ, neither have they the Love of God 
 abiding in them : ... It is written in the 
 Warrant, whereby wis were Committed to Pris- 
 on, That we shall be Tryed according to Law. 
 We desire no more, than to be Tryed according 
 to Equity, Truth, and true Judgment, to be 
 Tryed according to the Law of God ; but your 
 Law, you unjust Men, we deny to be Tryed by 
 it ; for you are both our Accusers and Judges ; 
 which is not according to the Law of God : For, 
 Equity and Truth Judgeth and Condemneth all 
 unsound Judgment, Unrighteousness, Partiality 
 and Respecting of Persons. . . . This is a Warn- 
 
APPENDIX. 205 
 
 ing to you all in New-England, who have had a 
 Hand in persecuting the Saints and Children of 
 the Lord (who are by you, in Scorn and Con- 
 tempt, called Quakers). Give over your Cruehy; 
 cease from Oppressing the Innocent ; for the 
 Lord God hath regard unto their Sufferings, and 
 the Lord God is Risen, and Arising, to plead 
 their Cause against all their P^nemies, and all 
 their Adversaries must fall before them ; for the 
 Lord is with them, and the Shout of a Mighty 
 Prince is among the Innocent People, called 
 Quakers ; and this is the Day of their Suffering, 
 and the Day of your Cruelties and Persecution 
 upon them, within this New-England : But the 
 Day of their Deliverance draweth near, and the 
 Day wherein they shall Rejoyce in the Lord, 
 the God of their Salvation, who is mighty to 
 Save, and able to Deliver them out of the 
 Hands, and out of the Mouths of Devourers, 
 and from the Jaws of the Ungodly and Cruel 
 Men; who will take Vengeance at that Day 
 upon all bloody-minded Men and blind Perse- 
 cutors : And at that Day you shall find that the 
 Lord will be too hard for you, tho' you now 
 Boast in your Wickedness. And thus far I am 
 Clear, and have cleared my Conscience to you 
 at this time : And whether you will hear, or for- 
 bear, I am clear of your Blood : I who am now 
 a Sufferer under you, with my Brother and Com- 
 panion, whose Lives are not dear unto us, to lay 
 them down as a Witness against such a Bloody, 
 and Unrighteous, and Hypocritical Generation : 
 
206 APPENDIX. 
 
 And this we are ready to Seal with our Blood, 
 for the breaking of your Bloody Law. 
 
 From us, who are in Scorn called Quakers, who 
 are Sufferers under Zions Oppressors. The 6th 
 Month, 1659. 
 In the Common Gaol, in the Bloody Town of Bos- 
 ton. 
 
 William Robinson. 
 Marmaduke Sevens on. 
 
 LETTER OF MARY DYER.i 
 
 The 2Sth of the Sth Month, 1659. 
 Once more to the general court assembled 
 in Boston, speaks Mary Dyar, even as before: 
 my life is not accepted, neither availeth me, in 
 comparison of the lives and liberty of the truth 
 and servants of the living God, for which in the 
 bowels of love and meekness I sought you : yet, 
 nevertheless, with wicked hands have you put 
 two of them to death, which makes me to feel, 
 that the mercies of the wicked are cruelty ; I 
 rather choose to die than to live, as from you, as 
 guilty of their innocent blood : therefore seeing 
 my request is hindered, I leave you to the right- 
 eous Judge, and searcher of all hearts, who, with 
 the pure measure of light he hath given to every 
 man to profit withal, will in his due time let you 
 see whose servants you are, and of whom you 
 have taken counsel, which I desire you to search 
 into : but all his counsel hath been slighted, and 
 1 Sewel's History of the Qualers, p. 265. 
 
APPENDIX. 207 
 
 you would none of his reproofs. Read your 
 portion, Prov. i. 2,4 to 32. For verily the night 
 Cometh on you apace, wherein no man can work, 
 in which you shall assuredly fall to your own 
 master. In obedience to the Lord, whom I serve 
 with my spirit, and pity to your souls, which you 
 neither know nor pity, I can do no less than once 
 more to warn you, to put away the evil of your 
 doings, and kiss the son, the light in you, before 
 his wrath be kindled in you ; for where it is, 
 nothing without you can help or deliver you out 
 of his hand at all ; and if these things be not so, 
 then say, ' there hath been no prophet from the 
 Lord sent amongst you.' Though we be nothing, 
 yet it is his pleasure, by things that are not, to 
 bring to naught things that are. 
 
 When I heard your last order read, it was a 
 disturbance unto me, that was so freely offering 
 up my life to him that gave it me, and sent me 
 hither so to do, which obedience being his own 
 work, he gloriously accompanied with his pres- 
 ence, and peace, and love in me, in which I 
 rested from my labour ; till by your order and 
 the people, I was so far disturbed, that I could 
 not retain any more of the words thereof, than 
 that I should return to prison, and there remain 
 forty and eight hours ; to which I submitted, 
 finding nothing from the Lord to the contrary, 
 that I may know what his pleasure and counsel 
 is concerning me, on whom I wait therefore, for 
 he is my life, and the length of my days ; and as 
 I said before, I came at his command, and go at 
 his command. Mary Dyaii. 
 
208 APPENDIX. 
 
 ABSTRACT OF LETTER FROM WILLIAM 
 LEDDRA WRITTEN TO HIS FRIENDS ON 
 THE DAY BEFORE HIS EXECUTION.i 
 
 3Iost dear and inwardly beloved, 
 
 The sweet influences of the Morning-Star, like 
 a flood distilling into my innocent habitation, 
 hath so filled me with the joy of the Lord in the 
 beauty of holiness, that my spirit, is as if it did 
 not inhabit a tabernacle of clay, but is wholly 
 swallowed up in the bosom of eternity, from 
 whence it had its being. 
 
 Alas, alas, what can the wrath and spirit of 
 man, that lusteth to envy, aggravated by the heat 
 and strength of the king of the locusts, which 
 came out of the jiit, do unto one tliat is hid in 
 the secret places of the Almighty? Or unto 
 them that are gathered under the healing wings 
 of the prince of peace ? under whose armour of 
 light they shall be able to stand in the day of 
 trial, having on the breast-plate of righteousness, 
 and the sword of the spirit, which is their weapon 
 of war against spiritual wickedness, principalities 
 and powers, and the rulers of the darkness of this 
 world, both within and without ! Oh, my be- 
 loved! I have waited as a dove at the windows 
 of the ark, and have stood still in that watch, 
 which the Master, (without whom I could do 
 nothing) did at his coming reward with fulness 
 of his love, wherein my heart did rejoice, that I 
 might in the love and life of God, speak a few 
 i Sewel, p. 312. 
 
APPENDIX, 209 
 
 words to you sealed with the spirit of promise, 
 that the taste thereof might be a savour of life, 
 to your life, and a testimony iii you of my inno- 
 cent death : and if I had been altogether silent, 
 and the Lord had not opened my mouth unto 
 you, yet he would have opened your hearts, and 
 there have sealed my innocency with t]ie streams 
 of life, by which we are all baptized into that 
 body which is in God, whom, and in whose pres- 
 ence there is life ; in which, as you abide, you 
 stand upon the pillar and ground of truth : for, 
 the life being the truth and the way, go not one 
 step without it, lest you should compass a moun- 
 tain in the ivilderness ; for, unto e.verythiafj there is 
 a season. . . . fear not what they can do unto 
 you : greater is he that is in you, than he that is 
 in the world: for he will clothe you with humil- 
 ity, and in the power of his meekness you shall 
 reign over all the rage of your enemies in the 
 favour of God ; wherein, as you stand in faith, 
 ye are the salt of the earth ; for, . many seeing 
 your good works, may glorify God in the day of 
 their visitation. 
 
 Take heed of receiving that which you saw 
 not in the liglit, lest you give ear to the enemy. 
 Bring all things to the light, that they may be 
 proved, whether they he wrought in God ; the love 
 of the world, the lust of the flesh, and the lust 
 of the eye, are without the light, in the world ; 
 therefore possess your vessels in all sanctilica- 
 tion and honour, and let your eye look at the 
 mark : he that hath called you is holy : and if 
 14 
 
210 APPENDIX. 
 
 there be an eye that offends, pluck it out, and 
 cast it from you : let not a temptation take hokl, 
 for if you do, it will keep from the favour of 
 God, and that will be a sad state ; for, without 
 grace possessed, there is no assurance of salva- 
 tion : by grace you are saved ; and the witness- 
 ing of it is sufficient for you, to which I com- 
 mend you all, my dear friends, and in it remain, 
 Your hr other, 
 
 William Leddra. 
 Boston gaol, the 13tli of the First Month, 16f f 
 
 DAXIEL GOULD'S LETTEE.^ 
 To the rulers S^ peopele of the toim S^ Jurisdiction 
 
 of bostene. 
 
 It is writen in the criptuars w°^ you say is 
 3'ouar rule, y* Christ sayed, lern of me. Whear 
 is it writen or declared in the criptuars y* Christ 
 ever tought or commanded eny to parciquet, to 
 put in prison or to bannish any for thear relegin ; 
 but is it not writen to the contry, & did not he 
 say to his desippels, let them alone, these be 
 blind leders. Now if we wch yee call quakrs be 
 the blind leaders then see if you do not mak it 
 manifest also that you . . . For his desipels 
 obayed his command & let them alowen, but y*^ 
 do not. Now what doe you exspect to be judged 
 by when your own condems you so plainly. Con- 
 seder it well, the blind ledars were them that did 
 not belive in the light but denyed the light and 
 1 Massachusetts Archives, vol. x. p. 2G5. 
 
APPENDIX. 211 
 
 would dim up sum other way & so be in tlio 
 wrong way, there foar caled blind leders out of 
 the light. . . . Again consider of whom yee 
 lerne, for Christ said to his desi[)els, resist not 
 evel, but yee have put in prison & banished 
 them that have dune you no wrong nor thoght 
 eny towards you. And Peter speking of his suf- 
 arings, said he left us an exsampell y* we should 
 follow his steps ; now thearfore consider in youer 
 selves & in your secrit chambers lay it to hart 
 and with the true light which will deceive no 
 man, sarch & see in whose steps ye are, whether 
 in the steps of the sufarars or in the steps of the 
 pursi(pitars, for I am greved to see your cruelty 
 and your hard hartednes against a peopell that 
 cannot flatar you nor willfully doe you eny 
 wrong, but if any should doe you any wrong or 
 trespas against eny man, let a rightus law take 
 hold of such ; but what ned any law be made 
 against the innosent ; those y* doe you noe wrong. 
 . . . Couserning religun lete every one be fully 
 parsvvaded in his owen mind & worship acording 
 as God shal preswad his owne hart, & if any wor- 
 ship not God as thay ought to doe & yet liveth 
 quietly & pesably with ther naibers & contery 
 men & doth them noe wrong, is it not safar 
 for you to let them aloene to receive thear re- 
 ward from him who said I will render venganse 
 to myne ennmy^ & reward them that hate me. 
 Let God alone be Lord of the conscience & not 
 man, & let us have the same liburty & freedom 
 amongst yee as other ingleshmen hav to com and 
 
212 APPENDIX. 
 
 visit owar frends & kindered, & doe that wich is 
 honest & lawfal to be done in bying or seling ; 
 and if any have amind to reason or s,\)Qk. con- 
 sarning the way and worshijj of God, that thay 
 may not be put in prison or punished for it ; soe 
 let peopel have libarty to try all thing & hold 
 fast that which is good : I allso desiar you serisly 
 to consider & give me an answar to these towe 
 querys. . . . whether Gallio did well being a 
 deputy, yea or nay, when the Jewse brough 
 Paule to the jidgment seate, saying this felow 
 preswads peopell to worship God contrary to the 
 law, & his ansar was, if it wear a matar of wrong 
 or wicked leudnes to y*^ Jewes, reason would that 
 I should bear with you, but if it be a questyou 
 of words or names of yor law, lok you to it, for 
 I will be no judg on such matters ; & he drove 
 them fram the Judgment seat. Acts the 18"', 13, 
 14, 15, 16. Whether Gemaliall, being a doctor of 
 law, did councell well, yea or nay, when . . . 
 took counsel to kill the apostels after hee had 
 told them of sume that were scatared & brought 
 to naught, & said, take hede to your selvs of 
 what you intend to doe touching these men and 
 let them alone, for if this counsel or this work 
 be of man it will came to naught but if it be of 
 God yee cannot overthrow it, lest yee be found 
 fighters against God. Read the Acts, 5*^ from 
 DO to 40. Dannial goulld 
 
 rod Ilaud the 3 month 1660. 
 
APPENDIX. 213 
 
 LETTER FROM MARY TRASKE AND MAR- 
 GARET SMITH, ACCUSING THE GOVERN- 
 MENT.! 
 
 To Thee John Indicot & y^ rest of y^ rulers 
 of this jurisdiction, who are given up to figlit 
 ag«* yc Lord & his truth in this y*^ day wherein 
 its springing forth, & by y*^ comlines of it hath 
 y^ Lord o"" God constrained us to take up y*^ cross 
 and to follow him through greate tryalls & suffer- 
 ings as to y*^ outward. And herein we can rejoyce 
 y* we are counted worthy & called hereunto to 
 beare our testimony against a cruell & hard- 
 hearted people who are slighting y® day of yo"" 
 visitation & foolishly requiting y*^ Lord for his 
 goodnes, & shamefully intreated his hidden ones 
 whom he hath sent amongst yo^^ to call yo^^ from 
 y*' evill of yo"" waies, y* yee might come w"^ them 
 to partake of his love & feel his life & power in 
 yo"" owne hearts ; y* with us y^'' might have been' 
 brought to be subject to y'' higher power, Christ 
 Jesus ; whom yo'"" should have been obedient to 
 and hearkned to his judgments while he stood at 
 y^ dore & knocked (for he will not alwaies strive 
 w**^ man) & then it should have been well w*'^ 
 yo^. But seing yee are gone from this y* leadeth 
 into tendernes, love & meeknes, & to doe imto 
 all as yo^"" would be done unto ; therefore yee 
 are given up unto a Spirit of Error & hardnes 
 of heart & blindnes of mind ; y° eye of yo"" minds 
 being blinded by y*^ god of this world ; so y' yo'^ 
 
 1 Massachusetts Archives, vol. x. p. 2G7. 
 
214 APPENDIX. 
 
 cannot se our life w^^ is hid w*'' Christ in God, 
 who is become our light & life & hope of glory 
 and our exceeding greate reward ; in whom we 
 doe reigne ; yea surely y*^ God of Jacob is w"^ us 
 w*ever yo" may be able to say against us : for be- 
 hold y*^ Lord our God is arising as a mighty and 
 terrible one to plead y'^ cause of his people and 
 to cleare y^ cause of y^ innocent ; but surely he 
 will in no wise acquit y^ guilty who have shed 
 y^ bloud of y® innocent ; & yee shall assuredly 
 feel his judgments who have wilfully put forth 
 yo^ hands against his Chosen ; & yee have cut 
 of y*^ righteous from amongst yo^ & are still tak- 
 ing councell against y*^ Lord, to proceed against 
 more of his people, but this know, y^ Lord our 
 God will confound yo"" councell & lay your glory 
 in y^ dust, & to whom will yo'' flee for help ; 
 whither will yo" goe to hide yo'" selves ; for verely 
 y'^ Lord will strip of all yo' coverings, for yo" are 
 not covered with y*^ Spirit of y*^ Lord, therefore 
 y*^ wo is gone out against yo^ ; for yo' place of 
 defence is a refuge of lies & under falsehoods 
 yee have hid your selves ; wo : wo : unto yo^ for 
 yo" have forsaken y*^ Lord, y^ fountaine of living 
 water, & are greedily swallowing y^ pointed wat- 
 ers y* comes through y^ stinking channell of yo'" 
 hireling masters unclean spirits, whom Christ 
 cries wo against, & who cannot cease from sin, 
 having hearts exercised w*^ coveteous practices : 
 wo unto them (saith y® scripture) for they have 
 run greedily after y^ Error of Balaam who loved 
 y^ wages of unrighteousnes ; & are seeking in- 
 
APPENDIX. 215 
 
 chantments against y*' seed of Jacob ; but there 
 divinations against Israeli y^ Lord will confound; 
 and all yo"" wicked councells bring to nought : wo 
 unto yo" y* decree unrighteous decrees & write 
 greiviousnes, y* yo" have prescribed to turne 
 away y*^ poore & needy from there right. Have 
 ye not sold yo'" selves to worke wickednes, & are 
 strengthning yo'" selves in your abomination till 
 y'' measure of your iniquity be full ; surely y^ 
 overflowing scourge will pas over yo" & sweep 
 away yo*" refuge of lies, & yo"" covenant w*^ hell 
 shall be disanulled ; for loe, destruction & misery 
 is in yo'' way & y® way of peace yee doe not 
 know, for yo" are gone from y® good old way 
 after yo'" owne waies, therefore y*^ way of holi- 
 nes is hid from your eyes. O y* yo" had owned 
 y*= day of yo'' visitation before it had been to 
 late, & had hearkned to y® voice of his servants 
 whom he hath sent unto yo" againe & againe in 
 love & tendernes to yo*" soules ; but yo" would 
 not hearken unto y^ Lord when he called, there- 
 fore when yo"" cry & call he will not heare yo". 
 Although you may call unto him yet he will not 
 answer ; he will laugh at yo*" calamity when it 
 Cometh ; for yo" have set at nought all his coun- 
 cell, & have chosen rather to walke in yo"" owne 
 councell ; but this know, y* if you had hearkned 
 to y*' councell of y"" Lord (y^ light) w'^*^ is now 
 yo'' condemnation, & had waited there to know 
 his will ; then yo" should have knowne it ; and 
 then these wicked lawes had never been made 
 nor prosecuted by yo", w*^'^ yo" have made in yo"" 
 
216 APPENDIX. 
 
 owne wills, contrary to y^ law of God, w*^^ is pure 
 and leadeth all y* yeldeth obedience to it into 
 purity & holines of life. And for our being obe- 
 dient to this law w*^^ y® Lord hath written in our 
 hearts, we are hated & persecuted by yo"" who are 
 in Cains nature murdering y^ just; yea, surely 
 y° cause is y^ Lords, for w'^'' we have suffered all 
 this time, & y*^ battell is y^ Lords, & he will arise 
 and stand up for them y* faithfully beares forth 
 there testimony to y® end. And yee shall be 
 as broken vessells before him which cannot be 
 joyned together againe ; therefore feare et trem- 
 ble before y*^ Lord, who is coming upon yo"^ as a 
 theife in y^ night ; from whom yo" shall not be 
 able to hide your selves, & will reward yo" ac- 
 cording to yo'" workes ; whose judgments are just ; 
 and he is risen to plead w*"^ unjust rulers preists 
 and people, who are joyned together in a profes- 
 sion of godlines, & glorying in it but denying y® 
 power thereof in them where it apeares ; but your 
 glorying will be turned into shame & confusion of 
 face, & yo"" beauty will be as a fading flower w'^'^ 
 suddenly withereth av/ay ; & this yo"^ shall find 
 to be true in y° day when y*^ Lord shall accom- 
 plish it upon yo". And we have written to cleare 
 our conscience, & if yo^ should account us yo"^ 
 enemies for speaking y*^ truth, & heat y*' furnace 
 of our affliction hotter, yet know we shall not 
 fall downe & worship yo*" wills ; neither esteeme 
 all y*" dumb idolls, after w*'^ yo'' are led, of no 
 other use but to be throwne aside to y*' moles and 
 y^ batts, for so is y^ shadows (if it were of good 
 
APPENDIX. 217 
 
 things to come) to y*' substance, & y* w'^'' seemed 
 glorious luitli no glory in respect of y' vv'"'' ex- 
 celletli ; & all the sufferings y* we have endured 
 (from yo") for Christ hath not at all marrd his 
 visage to us, but we still se more beauty in him; 
 well knowing, y* as they did unto him so they 
 will doe unto us, & now they are come to pas, we 
 remember y' he said these things. 
 
 Mary Traske 
 Margaret Smith 
 From yo'" house of Correction where wc have been 
 unjustly restrained from o'' children & habitations 
 one of us above tenn months & y* other about 
 eight; & where we are yet continued by yo' ©pres- 
 sors y' knows no shame ; 
 Boston 21"" of y" lO-"'" 1660 ; 
 
 JOHN BURSTOW'S LETTER.i 
 The day of yu"" visitation is gon over yu"" heads : 
 when yee had y" light yee walked not in it ; then 
 darkness overtooke you & y^ light judged & con- 
 demned you : then yee hated y*' light because 
 yu"" deeds wear evil, & now yee are in y*^ night 
 wherin noe man can worke or doe any thing 
 w*^'' is exsepted of y*" Lord. Your prayers are 
 sinne & stinke, & an ill saver are you to y^ Lord 
 ou*" God, & yu"" assemblies are an abomination to 
 y*' Lord ; yu'" hands are defiUed w*'' blood : yu"" 
 eyes are full of adultery & yu"" harts is as a caige 
 of unclean spirits, & y* w*^*" should be a house of 
 1 Massachusetts Archives, vol. x p. 269. 
 
218 APPENDIX. 
 
 prayer is become a clenn of theiv^es & robers, and 
 yee comitt ludeness & are joyued w*^ y^ destruc- 
 tion w'*^ is swiftly coming upon you : yee y* have 
 an eare to beer, barken & com forth from among 
 them, y* yee may be as fier brands plucted out 
 of y^ fier, for as sartainely as y^ plauges was 
 powered forth upon hard harted Faro, shall y^ 
 plauges & judgements of y® Lord be powered 
 forth upon y^ inhabitanc of this towne of bos- 
 ton ; & then yee shall know who are y^ faulce 
 prophets ; wheather we w*^'^ pronounce judge- 
 ments & plauges, or yu'" hierling prists w°^ spacke 
 peace to you whilest you put into their mouth. 
 And they are blind leaders of y^ blind, & yee 
 shall fall & perish : boath yee & yu'" prists whose 
 king is the angell of y*^ botomless pit ; & out of 
 y^ botomless pitt have thay their wisdom w^'^ thay 
 feede you w**^; all w*^^ is earthly, sencuall, divil- 
 ish. And this earthly & durty wisdom is y^ sar- 
 pents meat w'^'^ is had in you : but now is y*^ seed 
 of y^ woman made manifest to bruse y® sarpents 
 head : and wee tread upon scorpions & handell 
 sarpents & cast out unclean spirits by y'^ power 
 of y® Lord, and thay cannot hurte or destroy, in 
 all his holy mountaine. 
 
 Who can make a sej^eration betwixt y*^ presh- 
 ous & y^ ville amongst you : or who can deserne 
 betwixt y*^ clean & y^ unclean amongst you, for 
 y'' word of y® Lord is gon forth & y*^ decree of y® 
 Lord is sealed, & thus it is fellen out to this 
 wicked & untoward generation whose last estate 
 is worse then their beginning ; whose house was 
 
APPENDIX. 219 
 
 once swept and garnished, but a spirit seven 
 times worse is entered into them & y*^ parfection 
 of wickedness is among them. This is y'' word of 
 truth seen & declered in y*' light w*^'' tryeth and 
 deserneth all spirits, wheather thay will heer or 
 forbear. Saith y^ Lord spacke thou unto them, 
 but thay will not harken unto thee, for thay will 
 not harken unto me, y'' light w*^'^ reproveth them 
 and woundeth them in y'' secrets of their harts, 
 but thay have revolted more & mor & have not 
 greived nor remembred the affection of Joseph 
 but have comitted whordoms against y*^ Lord 
 and joyned w*^' y** adulterated spirit w°^ huntes 
 after y'^ preshaus life to destroy it. There for y* 
 w*^*" is for destruction to destruction, y* w^*^ is y° 
 sword to y*^ sword, y* w^^ is for fier to y*' fier. 
 And this shall be the end of them all : he y* is 
 unjust lett him be unjust still : he y* is filthy lett 
 him be filthy still, & he y* is righteous let him be 
 righteous still, & he y* is holy let him be holy 
 still. And to y* w*^^ yee are joyned to shall yee 
 take yo^ portion. And y*^ reward of yu*^ workes 
 mine eye shall not pitty : or regard yu*" crye when 
 in y® bitterness of yu'' soules yee cry out for y^ 
 extreame anguish & horror w*^^^ shall be on yu"^ 
 spirits ; but as I have called & you regarded not, 
 soe shall you call & cry, but I will not answer 
 you w*^ y*^ least drope of water or mixtuer of 
 peace to Ease y* spirit, w*^^ shall be tormented, 
 but y® druges & y*^ cup shall yee drinke, w*^^ is 
 prepared for you w%ut mixtuer. Lett not yu'" 
 prists deceive you by spaking peace to you, for 
 
220 APPENDIX. 
 
 you & thay shall be cast into y*' bed of torment 
 together. 
 
 This is y^ word of truth to you : Declared in 
 y^ Life & power of y^ Lord. 
 
 John. Burstow 
 
 Boston Jayell : 
 
 The First day of y* 4 month 
 1661. 
 
 LETTER FROM JOSIAH SUTHICK, A QUA- 
 KER, TO THE DEPUTIES ASSEMBLED IN 
 THE GENERAL COURT.i 
 
 Freinds a few lines I thought good to lay be- 
 fore you, being moved by y^ Lord therunto. . . . 
 O freinds, for so I can call you : I am at enmiti 
 with nothing in you but y* w^^' sets it selfe ags* y'' 
 libertie of y*" Lords redeemed ones : w*^^ is to serve 
 y*^ Lord w^^ y° whole hart & y^ spiret, & not in y® 
 leter : whose praise is not of men but of God : 
 what shall I say or how shall I speake unto you : 
 let prejudices & ungrounded jelosies be set aside: 
 and let us reason togeather : . . . take heed you 
 take not y^ place of God upon you to judg where 
 God would hav you judg your selvs : for this 
 know y* y*' god of heaven, hath searched our 
 harts : & discovered to us y"^ truth, & for folow- 
 ing & obeying y^ truthe are wee made ofenders 
 and transgressors of your lawes & hath rather 
 chose to suffer under y™ nor obey y°^ : because 
 we have sertiuly found y* your wills & require- 
 ings have bene contrari unto y® will of our God, 
 1 Massachusetts Archives, vol. x. pp. 251, 252. 
 
APPENDIX. 221 
 
 therfore we dare not submit to y"^ in obeying y"^: 
 . . . Did Clu'ist persecute them y* called him a 
 blasphemer or did he desire ani bodili punish- 
 ment on them y* sayd hee cast out divells by 
 belsebub y^ princ of divells : is not his counsell 
 other weise ; did not he say love your ene- 
 mies, bless y"^ y* curss you, doe good to y™ y* 
 hate you, pray for y"^ y* despitefully use you and 
 persecute you : y* yee may bee y*^ children of 
 your father which is in heaven ; for he maketh 
 his sun to rise on y*^ just & on y*^ unjust : and 
 maketh his rayne to rain on y® evile & on y*^ 
 good : some have sayd wee were y^ persecuters ; 
 but wee know wee are y® persecuted, yet wee can 
 freely say, y^ Lord lay not your sin to your 
 charge, for T beleve mani of you know not what 
 you doe : . . . doth not Christ say, hee y* smiteth 
 thee on y^ one cheek turn to him y*^ other also : 
 have you such a spiret in you : ... is it y* 
 spiret y* doth so rage when it is not honored or 
 bowed too : consider your selvs & deale playnely 
 wth your own harts be not deceivde . . . have 
 you not a law made by w'^'' you can make all doe 
 as you doe & as it were say as you say, or else to 
 y^ prisson & whiping poste : . . . . are you not 
 out of y'* right way : doe such actions proseed 
 from the spirete of Christ or y° spiret of meek- 
 nes wch y*" falen brother is to be recovered with : 
 . . . where Christ sayth doe good, there you 
 doe evil : where hee sayth love, there do you 
 hate : where hee sayth hold your hand, there doe 
 you smite : where hee sayth judg your selvs, 
 
222 APPENDIX. 
 
 tbeire doe yee judg others & leave your selvs 
 un judged, & with y* spiret w*^*^ is un judged in 
 your selvs, doe yee judg us & condemn us, but it 
 revileth us not, for wee have y* peec you cannot 
 give nor take away : . . . But hee y* knoweth 
 my hart knoweth I desire nothing more then y* 
 you may know him & return unto him you have 
 fought against: for what you doe unto any of 
 Cln-ist's servants, hee looks upon it as don unto 
 himself : let these lines not be slited by you, but 
 what you aprehend is not acording to truthe in 
 y"\ let me have a reply derected unto a freind 
 of y^ Lord & a prissoner for keeping his com- 
 mands : who am with held from my fameli voca- 
 tions & kept in y® house of opression in boston. 
 Known by name Josiah Suthick . . . From my 
 hart I wish you may doe y^ thing y* is right be- 
 fore y^ Lord : wch you will doe as his counsell 
 you take : wch in a word is this ; doe unto all 
 men as yee would hav y™ doe unto you : & in 
 y* you will liave peace : & wether you heare or 
 forbeare, I am cleer of 3^ou before the Lord, the 
 God of my salvation in whom I trust & desire 
 for ever to follow & obey both in prosperiti and 
 in adversity. J. S. 
 
 They lust after bloud, it is just with God they 
 should have bloud to drink. From y^ house of 
 corection in boston, y^ 21 of y^ 8 mo*'' 61. 
 
 For y° hands of ye Deputies in Generall, at 
 present asembled in Boston. Let this be read 
 amongst you, because it conserns you all. 
 
raDEX. 
 
 Allen's (R. H.) Keio England 
 Triif)p(li(',s in Prose criticised, 
 54, 7:3. 
 
 Ambrose, Alice, publicly 
 wliippeJ, 100. 
 
 Austin, Ami, arrives in Boston, 
 34 ; her arrest and persecu- 
 tion, 35-40. 
 
 Barclay, Robert, humiliates him- 
 self, G-8 ; his views on the 
 Scriptures, 18 ; on the civil 
 law and magistracy, 26 ; his 
 qualifications as a writer, 28. 
 
 Barclay's (Robert) Ajwlogi/, 17, 
 28; Catechism, 28; Anarchy 
 of the Ranters, 28. 
 
 Batter, Edmund, treasurer of 
 Salem, 50 ; insults a Quaker 
 woman, 51 ; attempts to seU 
 the Southwicks, 52 ; perse- 
 cutes the Quakers, 9(5. 
 
 Baxter, Richard, on the Inward 
 Liglit, 10. 
 
 Belliiigham, Gov. Richard, con- 
 venes tlie council for banish- 
 ment of Aim Austin and Mary 
 Fialier, 30 ; succeeds Eudicott, 
 192 ; death of, 192. 
 
 Besse's (Joseph) Collection of 
 Sajferings, 72, 183, 188. 
 
 Biddle, John, the father of Eng- 
 lish Unitarians, 4. 
 
 Bishop's (George) Xew England 
 Judqed, 30, 40, 43, GO, 70, 94, 
 90, i04, 102, 172, 175, 202. 
 
 "Body of the Liberties," the, 
 extracts from, 34, 71. 
 
 Bowers, Barbara, trial of, 200. 
 
 Brend, William, barbarous treat- 
 ment of, 57, 02-07. 
 
 Brewrfter, M a-garet, 99, 104 ; 
 trial of, 193-202. 
 
 Brigham, Judge William, on the 
 Quakers in New Plymouth Col- 
 ony, 115. 
 
 Brome's (James) Travels over 
 Scotland, England, and Wales, 
 8,10. 
 
 Bryant and Gay's Popnlar Ilis- 
 tory of the United States, 105. 
 
 Burden, Anne, 111 ; imprisoned 
 and banished, 112. 
 
 Burrough, Edward, 21, 25 ; his 
 appeivl to the King, 188. 
 
 Burstow, John, letter of, to liis 
 persecutors, 87, 217. 
 
 Carlyle's (Thomas) opinion of 
 George Fox, 13. 
 
 Charles I. , overthrow of, 2. 
 
 Charles II., King of England, 
 orders laws against the Qua- 
 kers suspended, 55, 189. 
 
 Cliattam, Catherine, dresses in 
 sackcloth and ashes, 97. 
 
 Chaimcey, Charles, President of 
 Harvard College, 94. 
 
 Christison, Wenlock, letter of, 
 GO ; sentenced to death, Gl ; 
 liis speech to the court, 87 ; 
 harbored by Eliakim Ward- 
 well, 100. 
 
 Coddington, WQliam, 33. 
 
 Coercion and persecution under 
 Cliarles II. and James II., 3. 
 
 Coit's (Thomas Winthrop) Puri- 
 tanism, 10, 11, 12. 
 
 Coleman, Ann, torture of, G2, 90. 
 
 Colonial laws for suppression of 
 the Quakers, 133-152. 
 
 Copeland, Jolm, 111; petitions 
 the King in behalf of the iM is- 
 sachusetts Quakers, 183-187. 
 
 Cotton, Rev. Seaborn, a perse- 
 cutor of the Quakers, 100. 
 
224 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, 3. 
 
 Cudworth, James, proscribed for 
 entertaining Quakers, 113 ; let- 
 ter of, 114, 102. 
 
 Dexter's (Rev. H. M.) As to 
 Roger Williams, 61 ; its calum- 
 nies against the Quakers,73-T5. 
 
 Dyer, Mary, sentenced to death, 
 58 ; reprieved and subse- 
 quently executed, GO ; her let- 
 ter to the General Court, 89 ; 
 her courageous bearing. 111 ; 
 letter of, 20G. 
 
 Early Quakers, doctrines of the, 
 16-31. 
 
 Edwards, Thomas, publishes the 
 Grungraena, 5. 
 
 Edmundson's (William) Journal, 
 97. 
 
 Ellis, Rev. George E., his treat- 
 ment of the Quakers consid- 
 ered, 78, 129 ; his inconsisten- 
 cies, 79-82. 
 
 Ellis's (Rev. George E.) Massa- 
 chnsptts and its Early History, 
 32, 82, 98, 125. 
 
 EUwood, Thomas, 21. 
 
 Eudicott, .John, Governor of Mas- 
 sachusetts Colony, 33 ; bullies 
 and threatens the Quakers, 43 ; 
 denounced by Mary Prince, 
 44 ; fines Upsall. 48 ; defends 
 execution of the Quakers, 59 ; 
 sentences Christisou to death, 
 G2 ; letter of Mary Trask and 
 Margaret Sniitli to, 84 ; re- 
 ceives and obeys the King's 
 Missive, 191 : renews his per- 
 secutions, 191 ; death of, 192. 
 
 Examination of Quakers iu Bos- 
 ton, 157-161. 
 
 Fanaticism in the seventeenth 
 
 century, G, 9. 
 Featley, Rev. Dr. Daniel, his 
 
 tract on the Anabaptists, 11 ; 
 
 his hostility to Milton, 11. 
 Felton, Benjamin, 9G. 
 Fisher, Mary, arrives in Boston, 
 
 34 ; lier arrest and persecution, 
 
 35-40. 
 Fourbish, William, put in the 
 
 stocks, 100. 
 Fiske's (John) careless repetition 
 
 of slanders against the Qua- 
 kers, 7&-77. 
 
 Forster's (John) Statesmen of 
 England, 9. 
 
 Fox, George, visits and speaks 
 in steeple - houses, 5 ; the 
 founder of Quakerism, 13 ; 
 opinions of Macaulay and Car- 
 lyle concerning, 13 ; his par- 
 ents, 14 ; early religious ex- 
 perience, 14 ; his mission 
 revealed to liim, 15 ; his views 
 on magistracy, 25. 
 
 Gardner's (George) wife fined for 
 absence from church, 128. 
 
 Gardner, Hored, whipping of, 
 IIG, 172. 
 
 Gibbons, Sarah, 9G, 111, 116. 
 
 Gough's (John) History of the 
 Quakers, 173. 
 
 Gould, Daniel, letter of, to the 
 rulers and people of Boston, 
 90, 210. 
 
 Grahame's (James) History of 
 the Hise and Progress of the 
 United States of North Amer- 
 ica, 72. 
 
 Gunning, Dr., Bishop of Ely, 4. 
 
 Higginson, Rev. Jolm, of Salem, 
 94, 95. 
 
 Hireling ministry, a, Milton's 
 views concerning, 20. 
 
 Holder, Christopher, 111. 
 
 Hooten, Elizabeth, 94; barba- 
 rously whipped, 97 ; the first 
 convert to Quakerism, 97 ; her 
 sufferings, 177. 
 
 Hubberthorn, Richard, 26. 
 
 Hutchinson, Mrs. Ann, banished, 
 33. 
 
 Hutchinson Papers, the, 33, 94. 
 
 Inward Light, the, doctrine of, 
 
 16, 118, 132. 
 Ivimey's (Joseph) Life and Times 
 
 of John Milton, 1\, 12. 
 
 Janney's (Samuel M. ) Life of 
 
 George Fox, 29. 
 Jones, Margaret, 39 ; hanged for 
 
 witchcraft, 41. 
 
 "King's Missive," the, 55, 189- 
 
 191. 
 Kitchin, Elizabeth, insulted by 
 
 Edmmid Batter, 51. 
 
 Laud's (Archbishop) abortive at- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 225 
 
 tempt to reconcile Rome and 
 the Anglican CJiurch, 2 ; exe- 
 cution of, 2. 
 
 Leddra, William, imprisoned and 
 scourged, G2-G4 ; put to death, 
 61 ; letter of, 208. 
 
 Lodge's (H. C.) A Short His- 
 tory of the English Colonies in 
 America, 78. 
 
 Macaulay's (T. B.) estimate of 
 George Fox, 13. 
 
 Marsden's (J. B.) Later Puri- 
 timx, 10. 
 
 Massachusetts Archives, the, ex- 
 tracts from, 153-1 Gl, 182, 210, 
 213, 217, 220. 
 
 Massachusetts Historical Society, 
 Proceedings of the, 82. 
 
 Massachusetts, General Court of, 
 enacts laws against tlie Qua- 
 kers, 45, 48, 40, 53 ; suspends 
 and reenacts them, 55 ; employs 
 Jolm Norton to write a refuta- 
 tion of (iuaker errors, 120 ; pe- 
 titions to, against the Quakers, 
 121, 1.53. 
 
 Massachusetts Records, 70, 192 ; 
 extracts from, 133-152, 175- 
 177. 
 
 Masson's (David) Life of Milton, 
 5,23. 
 
 Mather, Cotton, his abuse of the 
 Quakers, 74 ; liis Magnalia, 75. 
 
 Memorial Histori) of Boston, the, 
 82, 85, 98, 111, '125. 
 
 Miles, Mary, trial of, 109. 
 
 Milton, John, epigram on the 
 Presbyterians, 3; denounced as 
 a pestilent Anabaptist, 11 ; an- 
 athematizes the Bishops, 11 ; 
 replies to Salmasius's vindica- 
 tion of Cliarles I., 12; his views 
 on a hireling ministry, 20. 
 
 "Minutes of the Magistrates " of 
 Boston, 122. 
 
 Mott, Lucretia, 129. 
 
 Muggleton, Ludowick, 13. 
 
 Muuster iniquities, the, 45, 4G. 
 
 Naylor's (James) fantastic ex- 
 travagances, 29. 
 
 Neal's (Daniel) History of the 
 Puritans, 2, 8. 
 
 Newhouse, Thomas, 90, 104. 
 
 Newland, VV., imprisoned, 114. 
 
 Norton, Hmuphrey, branded for 
 heresy, 5G ; journal of, 92. 
 15 
 
 Norton, Rev. John, leading min- 
 ister of the Massachusetts Col- 
 ony, 33 ; his hatred of the Qua- 
 kers, 57, 58, G7 ; his scriptural 
 argument against them,9.J,120; 
 recompensed therefor, 121; his 
 defense of Brend's gaoler, 121. 
 
 Parker's (Hon. Joel) attack upon 
 early Friends, 74. 
 
 Penn's (WilUam) Rise and Prog- 
 ress of t/ie People called Qua- 
 kers, 29. 
 
 Petition, for severer laws against 
 the Quakers, 121, 153; to tlie 
 King for interference, 183-187. 
 
 Phelps, Nicliolas, fined and im- 
 prisoned, 127. 
 
 Philanthrophy of the Quakers, 
 
 Presbyterians, the, bigotry and 
 cruelty of, 2 ; Milton's epigram 
 on, 3. 
 
 Prince, Mary, denounces Endi- 
 cott, 44; imprisoumeut of , 111. 
 
 Prynne's ridicule of church 
 choirs, 11. 
 
 Puritanism, defined, 1; its growth 
 and spread, 2-12 ; Quakerism 
 an outgrowth of, 123. 
 
 Pui-itans, the English, Scriptural 
 names adopted by, 8, 9; de- 
 spoil churclies and cathedrals, 
 10. 
 
 Puritans in Massachusetts, their 
 persecutions of the Quakers, 
 32-08, 99-104, 120-128 ; their 
 assertion that Quakers had no 
 right to enter the colony re- 
 futed, 09-71 ; their strong and 
 abusive language, 94 ; modern 
 apologies for, 105 ; their accu- 
 sations agauist tlie Quakers, 
 108 ; their abliorence of Qua- 
 ker opinions the cause of the 
 persecution, 117 ; their denun- 
 ciations of the Inward Light, 
 118; their intolerance, 119; 
 their plan of government a 
 failure, 131. 
 
 " Quaker," a term applied in de- 
 rision, 30. 
 
 Quakerism an outgrowth of Puri- 
 tanism, 123. 
 
 Quakers, tlie, their doctrines and 
 beliefs, 10-31 ; their views on 
 the Inward Light, 10, 118 ; ou 
 
226 
 
 INDEX 
 
 liberty of thought and speech, 
 IG ; on the Scriptures, 17 ; on 
 an ordained mhiistry and 
 church tithes, 19, 20 ; on bap- 
 tism, coniniiinion, prayers, and 
 oaths, 22 ; on the Sabbath, 
 22 ; on titles, 22 ; on war, 23 ; 
 on marriage, 23 ; a law-abidmg 
 people, 25 ; persecution of, 29 ; 
 style themselves Friends, 30 ; 
 their test of membership, 30 ; 
 modes of procedure, 30, 31 ; 
 plulanthropy, 31 ; arrival of 
 Quaker missionaries at Bos- 
 ton, Massachusetts, 32, 34 ; 
 their arrest, 35 ; abuse and ban- 
 ishment of, 38-40 ; arrival of 
 others at Boston, 42 ; more im- 
 prisoned and banished, 42 ; the 
 General Court enacts laws 
 against, 45, 48, 49, 53 ; women 
 stripped and whipped, 51, (32 ; 
 falsely branded as vagabonds, 
 53 ; temporarily relieved by 
 the " King's Missive," 55 ; 
 mutilated, hanged, banished, 
 and scourged, 56, 57, G2-CG ; 
 popular sympathy with, 57-59, 
 6G-G8 ; their right to enter 
 the colony, G9, 70 ; four fifths 
 of them residents before the 
 persecution, 71 ; slanders 
 against, 72-74 ; their treat- 
 ment by modern " histori- 
 ans," 75-82 ; their testimonies 
 considered and vindicated, 82- 
 91 ; not guilty as a body, of 
 improper behavior, 91 ; special 
 accusations against examined, 
 94 ; the cases of Lydia Ward- 
 well and Deborah Wilson, 99- 
 104 ; interruptions of church 
 service, 107 ; their custom of 
 wearmg tlie hat, 109 ; persecu- 
 tion of, in the Plymouth Col- 
 ony, 114 ; their religious opin- 
 ions the real cause of the 
 persecution, 117 ; their leading 
 tenets common with those of 
 the Puritans, 117 ; i-adical dif- 
 ferences,110; summary of pros- 
 ecutions against, in Boston, 
 122 ; themselves Puritans, 125 ; 
 their final triumph, 128 ; their 
 religion still an active force, 
 132 ; colonial laws for their 
 suppression, 133-152 ; examin- 
 ation of, in Boston, 157-lGl ; 
 
 order of banishment, 182 ; pe- 
 tition the Iving to iuterfere, 
 . 183 ; the liing's Missive, 189, 
 190 ; prescriptive laws reen- 
 acted, 191 ; trials of, 193-202 ; 
 letters of William Robmsou, 
 Marmaduke Stevenson, Jlary 
 Dyer, and other leading 
 Friends, 202-222. 
 
 Rayner, Rev., instigates whip- 
 ping of Quaker women, 100. 
 
 Religious controversj^ and debate 
 in England during the seven- 
 teenth century, 3. 
 
 Robmson, WilUam, sentenced to 
 death, 58 ; letter of, 202. 
 
 Roots, Thomas, 9G. 
 
 Rouse, Jolm, petitions the King 
 in behalf of the Massachusetts 
 Quakers, 183-187. 
 
 Saltonstall, Sir Richard, deplores 
 persecution of the Quakers, 
 33. 
 
 Scriptures, the, Quaker views 
 concerning, 17. 
 
 Scudder, H. E., 124. 
 
 Sects m the seventeenth century 
 enumerated, 5. 
 
 Sewall's (Judge Samuel) defini- 
 tion of Quakerism, 75 ; Diary, 
 99. 
 
 Sewel's (William) History of the 
 Quakers, 23, 29, 177, 188, 206, 
 208. 
 
 Shattuck, Samuel, petitions the 
 King in belialf of the Massa- 
 chusetts Quakers, 183. 
 
 Skerry, Henry, 96. 
 
 Smith, Margaret, letter of, to 
 Governor Endicott, 84, 213. 
 
 Smith, Richard, 111. 
 
 Southcote, Joanna, 13. 
 
 Southwick, Consader, 122. 
 
 Southwick, Daniel and Provi- 
 ded, ordered to be sold into 
 slavery, 50 : Provided fined, 
 127. 
 
 Southwick, Josiah, addresses a 
 letter to the General Court, 88, 
 175, 220. 
 
 Southwick (Southick), Laurence 
 and Cassandra, sufferings of, 
 173 ; Laurence, letter of, 175. 
 
 Stevenson, Marmaduke, sen- 
 tenced to death, 58 ; letter of, 
 202. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 227 
 
 Temple, Col., endeavors to pre- 
 vent execution of Quakers, GO. 
 
 Thirstone, Tlionias, 111. 
 
 Toleration fostered under the 
 Commonwealth, 3. 
 
 Tomkius, Mary, publicly 
 whipped, lOO. 
 
 Trask, Mary, letter of, to Gov- 
 ernor Eudicott, 84, 213. 
 
 Upsall, Nicholas, sends provi- 
 sions to imprisoned Quakers, 
 3G : laments anti-(iuaker legis- 
 lation, 47 ; fined and banished, 
 
 Vane, Sir Henry, 3, 33. 
 Very, Nathaniel, 1'29. 
 
 Wardwell, Eliakira, 99; put in 
 
 the stocks, 100. 
 Wardwell, Lydia, case of, 102 ; 
 
 her cruel punishment, 104. 
 
 Wardwell, Thomas, 99. 
 
 Wangli, Dorotliy, 9(1, 111, 110. 
 
 M'hitehead, Mary, 111. 
 
 Whitin":, John, refutes Cotton 
 Mather's slanders, 70. 
 
 Whiting's (Jolui) Truth and In- 
 vovnu-ji Defended, 74, 70. 
 
 Whittier's (John G. ) lines on Cas- 
 sandra Southwick, 53 : poem 
 on the King's Missive, 189. 
 
 Williams, Eoger, driven into ex- 
 ile, 33. 
 
 Wilson, Deborah, the case of, 
 104. 
 
 Winthrop, John, Governor of 
 Connectictit, protests against 
 hanging Quakers, GO. 
 
 Wintlirop, John, Governor of 
 Massachusetts, regrets liis per- 
 secution of "heresy," 33. 
 
 Winthorp, Samuel, son of Gov. 
 Winthrop, a Quaker, 71. 
 
 Wright, Lydia, trial of, 197. 
 
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