iHi<^«K}liti 1 Cliiss ii'-v 'I I,- K "^vMl S PRRSENTCD BY \ &W / 1i ^,% Mr JiMM^^'^^'^^^ f%^ U^'O.i Napoleon in his Coronation Robes. BOURRIENNE^S MEMOIES OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AMPLIFIED FROM THE WORKS OF LAS CASES, KOVIGO, CONSTANT, GOURGAUD, RAPP, A.ND 0TH3R CELEBSATED TP-ENCH WRITEBS. AN APPENDIX, EMBKACING THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS IN THE EMPEROR'S LIFE, FROM 1815 UNTIL HIS DEATH AT ST. HELENA ; ALSO, A PARTICULAR ACCOUNT OF THE EXHUMATION OF HIS REMAINS, AND THEIR FINAL DISPOSITION, IN ACCORDANCE WITH HIS LAST WISH, IN THE HOTEL DES INVALIDES. CONDENSED FROM THE WORKS OF O'MEARA, ANTOMMAECHI, NAPIEE. SCOTT, HORNE, &c. EDITED BY W, C. AEMSTEON&. HARTFORD: PUBLISHED BY SILAS ANDRUS & SON. 1851. U5t ENTERED, ACCORDING TO ACT OF CONGRESS, IN THE YE.AR 1S50, BY SILAS ANDRUS & SON, IN THE CLERJv'S OFFICE OF THE DISTRICT COURT OF CONNTICTICUT. FOCXDRY OF , • PRESS OP S. ANDRUS AND SON, WALTER S. WILLIAMS, HARTFORD. HARTFORD. J.INEWAY A. HILL, Stereolr/per, EDITOR'S PREFACE. A NEW EDITION of a work so well known and widely read as Bour- rienne's ^Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte,' would seem to require some statement of its claims to superiority over any other yet issued. In discharging this duty, the editor is content to mention a few facts in relation to the work and to his own connexion with it, leaving the reader to judge of the correctness of his views concerning the peculiar merits of the present edition. The opportunities possessed by Bourrienne of becoming well ac- quainted with the character of Napoleon, were incomparably greater than those enjoyed by most others. Their intimacy commenced at that early age when friendship is regarded as something more than a name — when the better feelings of humanity gush up from the purest recesses of the heart, and are untainted by that selfishness which too often warps and distorts them in after-life. In habits of daily social and political intercourse with the subject of these '■Memoirs' — on terms of easy familiarity with him in private — occupying a situation requiring that mutual confidence should be unlimited — it is no marvel that he was able to enter into the minuiice. of the character he so graphically depicts, and to impart to his work an interest which no .other author has so fully attained. But there were many transactions of importance connected with the life of Napoleon which Bourrienne has neglected to record, and the particulars of which it was not in his power to give until after they had been furnished to the world by others. These have been selectecT from 4 EDITOR'S PREFACE. such sources as are esteemed authentic, and are arranged in their proper places — i. e. chronologically — either as notes or incorporated in the text; materially amplifying the original, and presenting in con- secutive order every prominent event which distinguished the career of Napoleon — as scholar, subaltern, general, consul, emperor, and exile. Incidental to the additions which have been made to the work of Bourrienne will be found a variety of interesting matter, from which may be gathered an outline history of France in the stormy time of the Revolution, and in the successive periods of the Directory, the Con- sulate, and the Empire. The biographies of many distinguished person- ages, who occupied prominent positions in the time of Napoleon, have also been entered upon so far as they have a reference to his; and, in like manner, the events of the world's changeful history have been given, so far as they stood in relation to him, influencing his actions, or receiving from him the "impress of their destiny." The advantages consequent upon including such collateral circumstances, are too apparent to require any comment : they are appreciable by all classes of readers, as tending to gratify a natural curiosity which is inseparable from the desire of knowledge. It is, of course, impossible to state occurrences with that minuteness which would be expected in a work of more general scope ; but sufficient will be found to afford a tolerably correct idea of every notable transaction in which France was concerned during the eventful period of Napoleon's participation in her affairs. The Appendix, upon which more than ordinary care has been bestowed, embraces an interesting collection of facts and documents, which will be found at all times both useful and instructive. Every occurrence worth relating, from the period of Napoleon's return from Elba until he breathed his last at St. Helena, has been scrupulously preserved ; and anecdotes, illustrative of the bearing of those occurrences upon his ever-active and sensitive mind, have been interwoven in such a manner as to relieve the monotony almost necessarily attendant on a mere detail of ordinary or extraordinary incidents. Of course, this portion has been mostly culled from the works of those who participated with him EDITOR'S PREFACE. 5 in the eventful scenes which they describe. But besides the "pith and marrow" of O'Meara, Las Cases, Antommarchi, &c., it also includes much important matter not before published in this country, and which has recently been issued from the English press. All that is deemed essential to a full comprehension of the splendid reception with which France at last honoured the remains of her great Emperor, will also be found in the Appendix ; and an endeavour has been made to present the details in so clear a manner, that the reader may obtain as vivid a conception of the gorgeous ceremonies of that occasion, as can be conveyed by mere description. In compiling the necessary additions* to Bourrienne, and the great variety of interesting particulars which make up the Appendix, the editor makes no pretensions to having accomplished more than any other individual of ordinary capacity and industry could have done ; yet it is something which has not been previously undertaken, and without which, Bourrienne, in comparison with some authors of a later period, would lose a great portion of the estimation in which he has been justly held fbr so many years. The difficulties inseparable from the supervision and compilation of a work which involves the account of so many actions and events, so many designs and policies, so many complicated feelings and interests — all ramifying over a prodigious extent of the civilized world — may well render the editor diffident of his success. But he can honestly say, that he has striven to his utmost to present every subject in its true colours, as nearly as unbiased judgment could decide between coflicting statements. In almost every work consulted, it was evident that the authors had allowed their personal or political predilections to exercise * These additions consist, for the most part, o' mportant details of prominent events, which were so well known at the time the Memoirs were originally given to the world, as not to have entered into the plan of this author. Incidents and charac- ters are also included with which Bourrienne could not have been personally acquainted, and it is well known that he professes to relate but few circumstances except such aa came under his immediate observation. g EDITOR'S PREFACE. too great an influence over their statements. While, in the main, they preserved an outline of truth, they sometimes also so distorted well- known facts, as to convey impressions calculated to favour the peculiar views entertained by each writer. Of the real character of Napoleon, both in public and private, and of the true history of his actions, we have endeavoured to embody, from the material at command, as clear, just, and succinct a view, as has yet been published in this country or abroad ; and it is confidently hoped that the task has been accomplished in such a manner as will render this work acceptable to "the future as well as the present times." w. c. A. Hartfokd, Octoler, 1850. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. PAGE. BiKTH and Parentage of Napoleon Bonaparte ; his Education at Brienne ; his Early Taste for Military Amusements ; enters the Militai-y College of Paris ; his Observations on the System of Instruction pursued there ; he obtains his First Commission ; witnesses the breaking out of tlie Revolution ; returns to Corsica, . . . . . . . .13 CHAPTER II. Sent on a Mission to Genoa ; his Arrest ; Proposal to send him to La Vendee ; is struck off the List of General Officers ; the 13th Vendemaire ; the Day of the Sections ; Marries Josephine ; appointed to command the Army of Italy ; Battles of Monte Notte ; Millesimo ; Mondo^i ; Peace granted to Sardinia, ....>..... 27 CHAPTER III. The Fi-ench cross the Po; the Bridge of Lodi; MUan occupied; Mantua besieged; Battles of Lonato, CastigUone, Roveredo, Primolano, Bassano, St. George, Ai-cola, Eivoli, and La Fevorita ; Surrender of Mantua ; Treaty of ToUenttno, . . . . . .39 CHAPTER IV. state of Venice ; Battle of TagUamento ; the Austrians retreat ; Treaty of Leoben ; Bom-rienne joins the Army; Reasons for Delay; Leaves Sens for Italy; Insurrection in the Venetian States ; Reflections on Venice, ......... 59 CHAPTER V. My Arrival and Reception at Leoben; Arrival at MUan; Negotiations with Austria; Bona- parte complains to the Du-ectory ; Royalist Clubs ; sends La Valette, Augereau, and Bema- dotte to Pai-is ; 18th Fructidor, ......... 65 CHAPTER VI. Effect of the 18th Fructidor; Treaty of Campo-Formio ; leaves Italy; Arrival at Rastadt; In- trigues against Josephine ; Grand Reception at Paris by the Directory ; Egyptian Expedition projected ; Bonaparte's Arrival at Toulon ; Departure for Egypt, . . . .71 CHAPTER VII. The Expedition to Egypt; Arrival at Malta; the Fleet escapes Nelson ; Alexandria taken; the Battle of the Pyramids; Cairo smrenders; the French Fleet destroyed at Abouliir . . 79 CHAPTER VIII. Revolt at Cairo; Expedition to Syria; Bonaparte at Suez; El-Arish; Jaffa; Acre; Sir Sidney Smith; Retreat from Acre ; the Turks destroyed at Aboukir ; Bonaparte's Departure from. Egypt, 83 CHAPTER IX. Voyage fVom Egypt; Danger of Capture; Lands at Frejus; Joy of the People; State of the Comitry ; Bonaparte anives at Paris; his Intrigues; Plot and Conspiracy; the 18th Brumaire; Bonaparte First Consul, .......... 100 8 CONTENTS. CHAPTER X. PAGE. Portrait of Bonaparte; his Domestic Manners; his Habits; his Prejudices; his Opinions; Re- marks on Josephine ; Murat ; Murat married to Caroline Bonaparte, .... 114 CHAPTER XI. First Acts of the First Consul ; Suppression of the Festivals ; Modest Budget ; Visits the Temple, and Discharges the Hostages; General Latour-Foissac; the Recall of the Exiles, . . 131 CHAPTER XII. Secret Police ; Fouch6 ; Removal to the Tuileries ; Review ; Assumes the Prerogative of Mercy; Contribution from Hamburg ; Josephine's Debts ; Evening Walks with Bonaparte ; Taste for Monuments and Improvements, ......<.. 138 CHAPTER XIII. Louis XVHL writes to Bonaparte ; Bonaparte's Answer ; Conversation on the subject ; Bonar parte and Paul I. ; Lord Whitworth ; Paul's Admiration of Bonaparte, . . . .150 CHAPTER XIV. Negotiations for Peace ; Negotiations xmsuccessful ; Preparations for War ; Bonaparte departs from Paris ; at Dijon ; Passes the Great St. Bernard ; Battle of Marengo, . , .156 CHAPTER XV. Results of the Battle of Marengo ; Bonaparte returns to Paris ; is received with Enthusiasm ; Conspii-acies formed against him ; Infernal Machuie ; Arbitrary Condemnations, . . 176 CHAPTER XVI, Austria, bribed by England, refuses to ratify the Treaty of Peace ; Rupture of the Armistice ; Battle of Hohenlinden ; Congress at Luneville ; Peace between France and Austria ; Death of Paul I. of Russia ; the Fi'ench Defeated in Egypt, and Evacuate the country ; Negotiations •with England ; Peace of Amiens, ......... 183 CHAPTER XVII. The Peace of Amiens glorious for France ; Expedition to St. Domingo ; is Unsuocessful and Dis- astrous ; First Symptoms of Bonaparte's Malady ; Josephine's Intrigues for the Marriage of Hor- tense ; Hortense married to Louis ; Falsehood contradicted ; Bonaparte President of the Cisal- pine Republic ; Peace of Amiens signed ; his Dislike to the Liberty of the Press ; General Sebastiani sent to Constantinople; his Report; Legion of Honour; Consulate for Life, . 150 CHAPTER XVIII. Bonaparte authorized to appoint his Successor ; Barbmity of Lucien ; his Theatricals ; the Con- sul's Private Theatre ; Lost Watch; Canova; Disgrace of Fouch6; Josephine's Regret and Fears; Injustice done to her Memory at St. Helena; Prosperity of France; MiUtary Gk)vern- ment; Bonaparte's Quarrel with Lannes ; Disgrace of Bourrienne, . . . .309 CHAPTER XIX. The First Consul's doubts respecting the continuance of Peace ; the Discontent of England; her Bad Faith ; Bonaparte and Lord Whitworth ; Bonapai-te's Message to the Senate ; Causes of the Discontent of England ; Lord Whitworth's Departure ; Complaints of the English Govern- ment; My Interview with Bonaparte ; Fauche-Borel ; Moreau and Pichegru ; Reports respect- ing Hortense ; Death of the Duke d'Enghien ; Josephine's Grief, . . . .230 CHAPTER XX. Consequences of the Death of the Duke d'Enghien ; Pichegru an'ested ; his Death ; Moreau ; his Treatment in Prison ; the Trial of Georges, Moreau, and others ; their Sentence, . . 244 CONTENTS. CHAPTER SXI. PAGE. Tfie Empire Rehearsal ; Secret Negotiations with the Senate ; Hereditary Succession proposed by the Tribune Ciu-ee ; the Piwposition adopted by the Tiibune ; Address of the Senate ; the Emperor's Reply; Revival of old Fonnulas and Titles ; the Creation of the Marshals ; the Invar sion of England never seriously contemplated ; the Fete of the 14th of July; Church Festivals a Waste of Time ; Grand Ceremonial at the Invalids ; Depai-ture for Boulogne ; Distribution of the Crosses of the Legion of Honour ; Intrepidity of two English Sailors ; Negotiations with the Pope ; the Pope ai'rives at Fontaiubleau ; the Coronation ; Distribution of the Eagles in the Champ-de-Mars, .......... 251 CHAPTER XXII. Remarkable Events contemporary with Napoleon's Coronation ; his Letter to the King of Eng- land ; Acts of HostOity against Spain on the part of England ; Opening of the Sittings of the Legislative Body ; my Appointment as Minister to Hambm-g ; Interview with Napoleon ; his Views respecting Italy; Demands of the Holy See ; Napoleon's Depai-ture for Italy; Last Inter- view with the Pope at Tm-in ; Alessandi'ia ; Napoleon crowned King of Italy at Milan ; Symp- toms of Dissatisfaction on the part of Austria and Russia ; Napoleon retm-ns to Paris, and departs for Boulogne ; Unfortunate Result of a Naval Engagement ; my Depai'tui-e for Ham- bm-g ; Militai-y ObseiTations, and Indications of War, , ^ . . . . 265 CHAPTER XXIII. Difficulties of my Situation at Hambm-g ; Warlike Preparations in Austria ; Najwleon's Com- plaints agauist the Emperor of Austria ; Napoleon at Sti-asbm-g ; Captain Bemai-d's Reconnoi- tering Expedition ; Rapidity of Napoleon's Operations ; the French Anny before Ulm ; Capit- ulation of Ulm ; Napoleon before and after Victory ; his Address to the Captive Generals ; Abstract of the Causes which led to the Renewal of Hostilities— their Consequences, . 276 CHAPTER XXIV. The Emperor's Proclamation ; Ten Thousand Prisoners taken by Murat ; Mission of M. de GiiUay ; the first French Eagles taken by the Russians ; Bold Adventui-e of Lannes and Miu-at ; the Fi-ench enter Vienna ; the Battle of Austerlitz, ...... 287 CHAPTER XXV. Interview of Napolecm and the Emperor of Austria; Treaty of Pi-esbm'g; Consequences of the Campaign; Conduct of Prussia; Battle of Trafalgar; Financial Difficulties; Ouvrard; his Chai-acter and Treatment by the Emperor, ........ 298 CHAPTER XXVI, The King of Sweden ; Projects in Holland ; Negotiations for Peace ; Mr. Fox, British Minister ; Intended Assassination of Napoleon ; Propositions made through Lord Yannouth ; the Em- peror retm-ns to Paris ; Creation of the new Nobility, ...... 308 CHAPTER XXVII. Menaces of Prussia ; Hostilities commenced between France and Prussia ; Battle of Jena ; Death of the Duke of Brmawick, .......... 313 CHAPTER XXVIII. Triumph of the French Armies ; Generous Conduct of Napoleon towai'ds the Pitoce of Hatzfeld ; Blucher my Prisoner: his Cliaracter ; Pi-iuce Paul of Wu-temberg also a Prisoner ; Negotiations for Peace ; the Demands of Napoleon rejected ; Displeasure of the King of Sweden, . . 319 CHAPTER XXIX. The Berlin Decrees ; Remarks on the Continental System ; its Tendencies to produce Napoleon's FaU, 326 10 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXS. PAGE. Deputation of the Senate to Berlin ; New System of War ; Napoleon mai'ches to meet the Rus- sians; Murat enters Warsaw; Excitement in Poland; Military Preparations; the Battle of Eylau ; Gardanne'a Mission to Persia ; Fall of Dantzic ; Battle of Friedland, . . . 330 CHAPTER XXXI. Interview between the two Emperora at Tilsit ; the Treaty of Tilsit : its Coijseqiiences ; the King- dom of Westphalia fomided ; the Duchy of Warsaw ; King of Saxony ; Bombardment of Copenhagen ; Napoleon's Retm-n to Paiis ; Suppression of the Tribimate ; Affairs of Portugal ; the Code Napoleon ; Introduction of French Laws into Germany, .... 340 CHAPTER XXXII. Disturbed State of Spain ; Godoy, Prince of Peace ; Differences between the Kmg of Spain and his Son ; both appeal to Napoleon : are deceived, and Induced to abdicate ; Mui'at at Madrid ; his Ambition ; the Crown of Spain destined for Joseph ; Summary of Events ; Insm'rection in Spain and Portugal ; Landing of the British ; Junot defeated ; Convention of Cintra, . 349 CHAPTER XXXIII. Arbitrary Conduct of the French Military Governors ; General Dupas at Hambiu-g ; the Code of Commerce ; Conquests by Senatus Consulta ; Creation of the Imperial Nobility ; Restora- tion of the Univereity ; Italy aggi-andized at the Expense of the Pope ; the Interview at Erfiut between the Emperors Napoleon and Alexander, ....... 302 CHAPTER XXXIV. Eomana's Defection; Napoleon's Journey to Italy; Adoption of Eugene; Louis, King of Hol- land ; Displeases Napoleon ; Abdicates tu favour of his Son ; Holland united to France, , 368 CHAPTER XXXV. Napoleon arrives in Spain; the French successful every where; Sir John Moore's Retreat; Napoleon leaves Spain; Austria declai-es War; Napoleon heads his Army in Germany; Austrian Disasters ; Vienna taken, ......... 377 CHAPTER XXXVI. The Papal States united to France ; the Battle of Talavera ; Sir Arthur Wellesley ; Staps' Attempt to assassinate the Emperor at Schoenbruim ; his Examination and Death ; Influence of this Attempt on the Conclusion of Peace ; Treaty of Schoenbrxmn ; Napoleon returns to Paris, , 3So CHAPTER XXXVII. Napoleon divorces Josephine, and marries Maiia-Louisa ; the Hanse Towns refuse to pay new French Troops ; Decree for burning EngUsh Merchandise ; my Recall to Paris ; Union of the Hanse Towns with France ; Visit to Malmaison ; Grief of Josephine, . » . . 391 CHAPTER XXXVIII. • The French unsuccessful in Spain ; Hostility of the People ; State of France ; Birth of the King of Rome ; Certainty of War with Russia ; War in Spain neglected ; Preparaticms for War ; Removal of the Pope to Fontainbleau, ........ 396 CHAPTER XXXIX. Departiu-e of Napoleon and Maria-Louisa for Dresden; Napoleon and Alexander desire War ; Attempt to detach Sweden from her Alliance with Russia, . , , . . 401 CHAPTERXL. Reflections on Poland ; Disasters in Russia ; Mallet's Conspiracy ; Motives of Napoleon's Return to Paris; his Exertions to repair his Losses; War still resolved on, .... 404 CONTENTS. 11 CHAPTER XLI. PAGE. Discontent in France and the Provinces; Hamburg evacuated: is occupied by the Cossacks ; Napoleon's new Ai-my; Reoccupation of Hamburg; Congress at Prague, . . . 409 CHAPTER XLII. Ruptuie of the Conferences at Prague ; Defection of Jomini ; Battles of Dresden and Leipsic ; Prince Poniatowsld killed ; Defection of Austria and Bavaria ; fresh Levy of Men ; Siege of Hamburg : is defended by Davoust ; Distress of the Inhabitants, .... 414 CHAPTER SLIII. Prince Eugene and the Affairs of Italy; Murat's Perfidy: declares War against France; the National Guard of Paris enrolled ; the Emperor's Address, ..... 421 CHAPTER XLIT. The Congress of Chatillon ; Ruptm-e of the Conferences ; the Prussians repulsed ; Battles of Brienne and Craonne ; Capture of a Convoy ; the Council of Regency ; Departure of the Empress ; Mai-mont's Defence of Paris ; Capitulation of Paris ; Popular Expression in Favour of the Bourbons ; Deputation to the Emperor Alexander, ..... 435 CHAPTERXLV. The Allied Sovereigns enter Paris ; Alexander's Declaration ; Provisional Government appoint- ed ; Napoleon negotiates ; his Conditional Abdication ; his Wish to retract, . . . 436 CHAPTER XLVI. Conference of the Marshals with Alexander ; Mutiny in the Corps of Marmont : they return to Order ; Unconditional Abdication reqiiii'ed of Napoleon ; Farewell Interview between Napo- leon and Macdonald ; Unconditional Abdication signed, ...... 447 CHAPTER XLVII. Tranquillity of Paris ; Arrival of the Count d'Artois : his Entry into Paris ; Arrival of the Em- peror of Austria ; Maria-Lotiisa : her Departure for Vienna ; Italy, and Eugene, . . 453 CHAPTER XLVIII. Napoleon consents to proceed to Elba ; his Farewell to his Troops ; his Journey ; embarks for Elba, . .■ 457 CHAPTER XLIX. Changes produced by time ; Louis XVIII. lands at Calais ; Berthier's Addi'ess to the King ; the ICing enters Paris ; Unexpected Dismissal from my Post ; Signs of a Commotion ; Symptoms of an Approaching Crisis ; Landing of Bonaparte ; Bourrienne Prefect of Police ; Council of the Tuileries ; Evident Understanding between Murat and Bonaparte ; Plans laid at Elba ; Louis XVni. leaves Paris ; Departure from France ; Bonaparte returns to Paris ; Aspect of France, 463 CHAPTER L. Assurance of Protection from Bonaparte ; Recollection of old Persecutions ; Seals placed upon my Effects : Useless Search ; Extracts from the Letters of M. de Talleyrand on the State of Affairs ; Napoleon prepares for War : departs for the Army ; HostiUties commence, and are terminated by the Battle of Waterloo ; the King returns to Paris ; my Departui-e from Ham- bmg, and Arrival at Paris; Fouch6 Jlinister ; my Appointment as President of the Yonne, and Election as Deputy : named Counsellor and Minister of State, .... 476. 12 CONTENTS. APPENDIX. CHAPTER I. PACE. Preliminary Remarks ; Situation of France and Belgimn ; the Duke of Wellington at Brussels ; Rapid Concentration of an Ai-my by Napoleon ; Blucher assembles his Army ; Encounter at Quatre-bras ; Details of the Battle of Waterloo ; its Disastrous Results to the French ; the English and Pi-ussiana equally entitled to the Honours of the Victory, .... 485 CHAPTER II. The Consequences of the Battle of Waterloo ; the Chambers meet, and adopt several important resolutions, submitted by La Fayette ; the Ministers make a detailed statement of recent disas- ters ; the Abdication of Napoleon considered a necessary measure ; he communicates his Act of Abdication : repau-s to Slalmaison, and thence to Rochefort ; Paris sm-rendered to the Allies ; Louis XVIII. reestablished upon the Throne ; Negotiations of Las Cases and Savary with Captain Maitland ; Napoleon determines to embark on board the Bellerophon ; Letter to the Prince Regent ; Reception by Captain Maitland ; Interview with Admu-al Hotham ; Napoleon and the Marines ; Sails for England ; Ai'rives at Torbay, whence the Bellerophon is ordered to anchor off Plymouth ; Meeting of Napoleon and the English Commissioners ; Attempt to remove him on shore by writ of Habeas Corpus ; Napoleon's Protest against the Decision of the English Government ; Selection of his Companions in Exile ; Examination of his Effects ; is transferred on board the Northumberland, and committed to the care of Admiral Cockburn ; Sails for St. Helena, . , . , , . . . 499 CHAPTER III, Arrival at St. Helena ; General Description of the Island ; Napoleon's Residence at the Briars : his Pastimes ; Removal to Longwood ; Boimdaries assigned for Recreation ; Domestic Arrange- ments ; Exercises for Health ; Arrival of Sir Hudson Lowe : his Interview with Napoleon ; Annoyances ; Unpleasant Altercations with the Governor ; Arrival of Sir Pultuey Malcolm with Commissioners from the Em'opean Powera ; Treaty of the Allied Sovereigns ; " Bona- parte's Detention Bill;" Lord and Lady Holland; Reduction of Expenses at Longwood; Building Materials and Fm-niture sent to St. Helena ; Napoleon's Opinion of this Measm-e ; his Treasures ; Description of his Apartment ; the Imperial Plate sold to supply Deficiencies ; Fur- ther Restrictions ; Santini ; Las Coses enti-apped and banished ; Removal of Doctors O'Meara and Stokoe ; Arrival of Dr. Antommarchi ; Napoleon turns Gardener ; Fails rapidly ; Dictates his Will : his Death ; Post-mortem Examination ; Funeral, ..... 516 CHAPTER IV. Arrangements made for ti-ansporting the remains of Napoleon from St. Helena ; Communication from Lord Palmerston ; Prince de JoLnviUe appointed to command the Expedition ; its De- partm-e from France and arrival at St. Helena ; Exhumation and Reception of the Remains ; Report of the Commissioners ; Retm-n to France ; Ceremonies along the Route to Pai-is ; Final Disposition in the Chapel of the Invalides, ....... 549 MEMOIRS NAPOLEON BONAPARTE CHAPTER I. Birth and Parentage of Napoleon Bonaparte; his Education at Brienne; his Early Taste for Military Amusements ; enters the Militaiy College of Paris ; his Observations on the System of Instruction pursued there; he obtains his First Commission; witnesses the breaking out of the- Revolution ; returns to Corsica. The desire of speculating upon an illustrious name could alone have given birth to the numerous publications under the title of 'memiors,' of 'secret histories,' and of 'rhapsodies,' which have appeared about Napoleon. On reading them, we are at a loss to determine whether we ought to be most surprised at the audacity of the writers, or the good-nature of their readers. But, in fact,. contemporary biography is for the most part an imposture, and the history of a great man, written during his life, is either a panegyric or a satire. Posterity will not be divided in their judgment of Napoleon as his contemporaries have been. In a future age, the recollec- tions of his splendid triumphs will have been very much weak- ened; but, at the same time, the evils which his sixty victories have brought upon the great European family, will have been forgotten. His wars and his conquests will be estimated s'olely by their results ; his policy, by the utility and permanency of the institutions which he created, and their harmony with the age in which he lived. It will be asked, whether he might not have chosen a career less painfully splendid, but more marked by wisdom, than that of war; and whether he was right in preferring the renown which always accompanies great military glory, to the reputation, less brilliant, but more desirable, of having powerfully contributed to the happiness of mankind. 2 14 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. An historian will one day arise, who will do justice to his merit : as for myself, I do not even pretend to aspire to the honour of being his biographer ; I am only about to relate all that I know of this extraordinary man, and which I believe I know well — that which I have seen and heard, and of which I have preserved numerous notes. With confidence I call him an extraordinary man; — who, owing every thing to himself, acquired the most absolute sway over a great and enlightened nation, obtained so many victories, subdued so many states, distributed crowns to his family, made and unmade kings, and who became nearly the most ancient sovereign in Europe, and who was, without doubt, the most distinguished of his age : such an individual cannot be called an ordinary man. The reader must not expect to find in these Memoirs an unin- terrupted series of all the events which marked the great career of Napoleon; nor details of all the battles, with the recital of which so many eminent men have usefully and ably occupied themselves. 1 shall say little about whatever I did not see or hear myself, and which is not supported by official documents- Napoleon Buonaparte was born at Ajaccio, in Corsica, on the 15th of August, 1769. The name was written Buonaparte; but during the first campaign in Italy he dropped the u, merely to render the spelling conformable with the pronunciation, and to abridge his signature. It has been said that he suppressed a year in his age, and that he was born in 1768; but this is untrue. He always told me that the 15th of August, 1769, was his birth- day ; and as I was born on the 9th of July in that year, our prox- imity of age seemed to strengthen our union and friendship when at the military school of Brienne. Napoleon was the second son of Charles Marie de Buonaparte, a noble, deputy of the noblesse of Corsica, and Lsetitia Ramolino, his wife: there were five brothers — Joseph, Napoleon, Lucien, Louis, and Jerome; and three sisters — Eliza, Caroline, and Pau- line. Five others must have died in infancy, for we are informed that his mother had thirteen children, and became a widow at the age of thirty.* Bonaparte was undoubtedly a man of good family. I have seen an authentic account of his genealogy, which he obtained from Tuscany. A great deal has been written about the civil dissen- sions which forced his family to leave Italy, and take refuge in * Bonaparte ever, in after life acknowledged with gratitude the obligations he was under to his mother, and expressed his belief that he owed his subsequent elevation principally to her early lessons; and, indeed, laid it down as a maxim, that the future "good or bad conduct of a child depends entirely on the mother." MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 15 Corsica. On this subject, I have nothing to state. His father was poor, and he himself received his education at the public expense, an advantage of which many honourable families availed themselves. A memorial, addressed by his father, Charles Buonaparte, to M. de Segur, then Minister of War, states, that his fortune had been reduced by an attempt to drain the salt marshes, and by the injustice of the Jesuits, by whom he had been deprived of his inheritance. The object of this memorial was to solicit a sub-lieutenant's commission for Napoleon, who was then fourteen years of age ; and to get Lucien, his third son, admitted a king's scholar at the military college of Brienne. The answer returned by the minister to this memorial was, "that his request was inadmissible so long as his second son remained at the military school at Brienne. Two brothers cannot be placed at the same time in the military schools." When Napoleon had completed his fifteenth year, he was sent to Paris, until he should attain the requisite age for entering the army. Much has been said, and in an opposite spirit, of Bonaparte's boyhood; he has been described in terms of enthusiastic praise, and the most ridiculous condemnation. This will always be the case with those individuals whom genius or other favourable circumstances have elevated above their fellow-men. It is absurd to endeavour to find in an infant the germ of great crimes or of eminent virtues. He used to laugh heartily at those tales which bedecked him with virtues or loaded him with crimes, just as their authors were actuated by admiration or hatred. I recollect, how- ever, an anecdote which has been given to the public with various modifications, and which has become familiar to most readers. During the winter of 1783-4, so memorable for .the heavy falls of snow, which blocked up the roads and covered the country to a depth of six or eight feet, Napoleon was greatly at a loss for those out-door amusements and retired walks in which he used to take so much delight. During play-hours he had no alterna- tive but to mix with the crowd of his school-fellows, and to walk with them up and down the area of an immense hall. To relieve himself from this monotonous parade, he contrived to stir up the whole school to amuse themselves in a different manner, by form- ing passages through the snow in the great court-yard, and erecting horn- works, sinking trenches, raising parapets, &c., &c. "Our works being completed," said he, "we can divide ourselves into parties, enact a species of siege, and I, as the inventor of this new amusement, undertake to direct the attack." The pro- posal was joyfully acceded to by his school-fellovv^s, and imme- diately put into execution. This mimic combat was carried on 16 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. . during a period of fifteen days, and did not cease until, by gravel and small stones having got mixed with the snow which formed our bullets, many of the students, besiegers as well as besieged, were severely wounded. I recollect that I myself was a consid- erable sufferer from this kind of shot. Bonaparte and I were nine years old when our friendship commenced. We soon became very intimate, for there was a certain sympathy of heart between us. I enjoyed this intimacy and friendship without interruption until 1784, when he was transferred from the military school at Brienne to that of Paris. I was one of those youthful companions who could best accom- modate themselves to his stern and severe character. His natural reserve, his disposition to meditate on the subjugation of Corsica, and the impressions which he had received in his youth respecting the misfortunes of his country, and of his family, led him to seek solitude, and rendered his general demeanour some- what disagreeable ; but this was more in appearance than in reality. Our equality of age placed us together in the classes of languages and the mathematics. His ardent desire to acquire knowledge was remarkable from the very commencement of his studies. When he first came to the college, he only spoke the Corsican dialect, from which circumstance he already excited a lively interest. The Sieur Dupius, then vice-principal, a gentle- man of polished manners, and an excellent grammarian, undertook to give him lessons in the French language. His pupil repaid his care so well, that in a very short time he had also learned the first rudiments of Latin. But to this language he had such an aversion, that in his fifteenth year he was still in the fourth class. In the Latin, I left him very speedily ; but I could never get before him in the mathematical class, in which, in my opinion, he was, beyond dispute, the ablest in the whole school. I used sometimes to help him with his Latin themes and versions; and in return he assisted me in the solution of problems, which he demonstrated with a readiness and facility that perfectly astonished me ; but to themes and translations he had a great aversion. At Brienne, Bonaparte was remarkable for the dark colour of his complexion, which the climate of France afterwards very much changed, as well as for his piercing and scrutinizing glance, and for the style of his conversation, both with his masters and companions. His conversation almost always bore the appear- ance of ill-humour, and he was certainly not very sociable. This I think may be attributed to the misfortunes of his family during his childhood, and the impressions made on his mind by the sub- jugation pf his country. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 17 The students were invited by turns to dine with Father Benton, the principal of the school. One day, it being Bonaparte's turn to enjoy this indulgence, some of the professors who were at table, knowing his admiration for Paoli, purposely spoke disrespectfully of him. " Paoli," Bonaparte replied, "was a great man ; he loved his country ; and I never shall forgive my father, who was his adjutant, for consenting to the union of Corsica with France. He ought to have followed Paoli's fortunes, and to have fallen with him." Generally speaking, Bonaparte was not liked by his companions, and they certainly did not flatter him. He associated but little with them, and rarely took part in their amusements. The sub- mission of his country to France seemed to disturb his mind, and led him to keep away from the boisterous exercises of his school- fellows. I, however, was almost always with him. During play- hours he withdrew to the library, where he read with great eager- ness books of history, particularly Polybius and Plutarch. He ran over Arrian with great delight, but had little taste for Quintus Curtius. I have often left him in the library to join the sports of my companions. The temper of the young Corsican was not improved by the railleries of the students, who were fond of ridiculing his name, Napoleon, and his country. He has often said to me, "I will do these French all the mischief in my power:" and when I have endeavoured to pacify him, he would say, "But you never insult me ; you love me." Father Patrauld, our mathematical professor, was much attached to Bonaparte, and he had great reason to be proud of him as a pupil. The other professors, in whose classes he was not distin- guished, took little notice of him. He had no taste for the study of languages, polite literature, or the fine arts ; and as there were no indications of his ever becoming a scholar, the pedants of the establishment were inclined to consider him stupid. It has often been reported that he received a careful education at Brienne; but this is untrue, for at that time the monks were incapable of giving it. I must confess, that the extended information of the present day is, to me, a painful contrast with the limited educa- tion I received at the military college. I am only surprised that the establishment should have produced a single able man. Though Bonaparte had seldom reason to speak well of his fellow-students, yet he was above complaining against them ; and when in his turn he had to see to the performance of any duty which they neglected, he preferred to go into confinement himself than to denounce the culprits. Bonaparte, during his life, has performed a sufficiency of great B 2* 18 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. actions to render it unnecessary to dilate upon the pretended won- ders of his boyhood. I should be unjust were I to say that he was an ordinary boy; I have never considered him as such. I am bound to declare, on the contrary, that, amidst a crowd of competitors, he was a very distinguished scholar. I have read, in some biographical account of him, that when about fourteen years of age he happened to be at a party where some one eulogized Turenne, and a lady observed that he certainly was a great man, but that she would have liked him better had he not burned the Palatinate. "What signifies that," said he, "if the burning was necessary to the object he had in view?" This may be very pretty, but it is a mere fiction. Bonaparte was fourteen in 1783; he was then at Brienne, where we saw no company, and least of all the company of ladies. Bonaparte was fifteen years and two months old when he went to the military college of Paris. I accompained him in a chaise to Nogent-sur-Seine ; and we parted with mutual regret. We did not again meet until 1792. We continued our correspondence during these eight years, but so little did I anticipate the high destinies, which, after his elevation, it has been said his youth indicated, that I have not kept one of the letters which he wrote me during this period. I destroyed the whole so soon as they were answered. I only recollect that, in a letter which he wrote to me about a year after his arrival in Paris, he called upon me to fulfil a promise which I had made at Brienne to enter the army with him. Like him and with him I had passed through a course of study necessary for the service of the artillery : and I had even gone, in 1787, for three months to Metz, in order to join practice to theory. But a strange ordinance, issued in 1778, by M. de Segur, required, as a proof of the necessary talent, that aspirants for the honour of serving their king and country should have at least four quarters of nobility on their escutcheons. My mother, who had been told that we had at least a dozen, immediately set off for Paris to find a M. d'Ogny, of the Heralds' office, to whom she presented the lettei's patent of her husband, who had died six weeks before I was born. She showed that Louis XIII. had, in 1640, granted a patent of nobility to Fauvelet de Villemont, who, in 1586, had kept several districts in Burgundy in obedience to the king, at the peril of his life and to the ruin of his fortune ; and that his family had filled the first places in the magistracy, down- wards from the fourteenth century. All was correct : but it was observed that the patent of nobility had not been duly registered by the parliament ; and to remedy this omission, they demanded a fee of twelve thousand francs. This my mother refused to pay, and there the matter rested. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 19 On his arrival at the mihtary school of Paris, he found the whole establishment on so brilliant and expensive a footing, that he immediately addressed a memorial on the subject to the Vice- principal Berton. He showed that the system of education was pernicious, and far from being calculated to fulfil the object which every wise government must have in view. He complained that the mode of Ufe was too expensive and deUcate for "poor gentle- men," and could not prepare them for returning to their modest homes, or for the hardships of the camp. Instead of the numer- ous attendants by whom they were surrounded — their dinners of two courses, and their horses and grooms — he suggested that they should be obliged to perform the little necessary services for them- selves, such as brushing their clothes, &c., and that they should eat the coarse bread made for soldiers. Temperance and sobriety, he- added, would render them robust, and enable them to bear the severity of the seasons, to brave the fatigues of war, and to inspire the respect and obedience of the soldiers under their command. Thus reasoned Napoleon at the age of sixteen, and time showed that he never departed from these principles. The establishment of the military school at Fontainebleau is a positive proof of this. Napoleon, being of a restless and observing disposition, speaking his opinion openly and with energy, did not remain long at the military school of Paris. His superiors, annoyed by the decision, of his character, hastened the period of his examination, and he obtained the first vacant sub-lieutenancy in a regiment of artillery. As for myself, I left Brienne in 1787, and as I could not enter the artillery, from the circumstance above stated, I proceeded in the following year to Vienna, with a letter of recommendation to M. de Montmorin, soliciting employment in the French embassy, then at the court of Austria. After having been initiated in the first steps of diplomacy, I was advised by M. de Noailles to go to one of the German universities, to study the law of nations and for- eign languages. I accordingly repaired to Leipsic. I had scarcely got there, when the French revolution broke out. Alas! the reasonable reforms which the age demanded, and which liberal and right-thinking men desired, were very different from that total overthrow and destruction of the state which followed, and the long series of crimes which darken the pages of French; history. In the month of April, 1792, I returned to Paris, where I again met Bonaparte, and renewed the friendship of our youthful days. I had not been fortunate, and adversity pressed heavily upon him ; his resources frequently failed him. We passed our time as two young men of three- and- twenty may be supposed to have done, 20 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. who had little money and less occupation. He was worse off in this respect than myself; we started some new project every day, nnd were on the look out for some profitable speculation, but every thing failed us. At this time he was soliciting employment from the minister at war, and I at the office for foreign affairs. I was, for the moment, the most fortunate of the two. While we were thus spending our time in an unprofitable man- ner, the 20th of June arrived — a sad prelude to the 10th of August. We met by appointment, at a restaurateur's in the Rue St. Honor6, near the Palais Royal. On going out we saw a mob approaching, in the direction of the market-place, which Bonaparte estimated at from five to six thousand men. They were a parcel of black- guards, armed with weapons of every description, and shouting the grossest abuse, while they proceeded at a rapid rate towards the Tuilleries. This mob appeared to consist of the vilest and most profligate of the population of the suburbs. " Let us follow the rabble," said Bonaparte. We got the start of them, and took up our station on the terrace, bordering the river. It was there that he was an eye-witness of the scandalous scenes that ensued; and it would be difficult to describe the surprise and indignation which they excited in him. Such weakness and forbearance, he said, could not be excused; but when the king showed himself at a window which looked out upon the garden, with the red cap, which one of the .mob had just placed upon his head, he could no longer repress his indignation: "What madness!" he loudly exclaimed; "how could they allow that rabble to enter? why do they not sweep away four or five hundred of them with the cannon ? and then the rest would take themselves off very quickly." When we sat down to dinner, he discussed with great good sense the causes and consequences of this unrepressed insurrec- tion. He foresaw, and developed with sagacity, all that would fol-' low; and in this he was not mistaken. The 10th of August soon arrived ; as for myself, I received an appointment a few days after the 20th of June, as secretary of legation at Stuttgardt, to which city I set out on the 2d of August, and did not again see my young and ardent friend until 1795. He told me that my departure would hasten his own for Corsica; we separated, with feeble hopes, as it appeared at the time, of ever meeting again. It was after the fatal 10th of August that Bonaparte visited Corsica; he did not return until 1793. It was during my absence from France, that Bonaparte, in the rank of cliief of battalion, performed his first campaign, and con- tributed so powerfully to the taking of Toulon. Of this period of his life I have no personal knowledge, and, therefore, I shall not speak of it as an eye-witness MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 31 To connect the narrative of Bourrienne, and to complete this interesting part of Bonaparte's history, we give the accompanying extract from another account of his hfe : General Paoli, who had lived in England ever since the termi- nation of that civil war in which Charles Buonaparte, the father of Napoleon, had served under his banner, was cheered, when the French revolution first broke out, with the hope that liberty was about to be restored to Corsica. He came to Paris, was received with applause as a tried friend of freedom, and appointed governor of his native island, which, for some time, he ruled wisely and happily. But as the revolution advanced, Paoli, like most other wise men, became satisfied that license was more likely to be established by its leaders, than law and rational liberty ; and avowing his aversion to the growing principles of Jacobinism, and the scenes of tumult and bloodshed to which they gave rise, he was denounced in the National Assembly as the enemy of France. An expedition was sent to deprive him of his govern- ment, under the command of La Combe, Michel, and Salicetti, one of the Corsican deputies to the Convention ; and Paoli called on his countrymen to take arms in his and their own defence. It was at this time (1793) that Bonaparte had leave of absence from his regiment, and was in Corsica, on a visit to his mother. Paoli, who knew him well, did all he could to enlist him in his cause ; but Napoleon had satisfied himself that Corsica was too small a country to maintain independence ; and that she must fall under the rule either of France or England ; and that her interests would be best served by adhering to the former. He therefore resisted all Paoli's offers, and tendered his sword to the service of Salicetti. He was appointed provisionally to the command of a battalion of national guards; and the first military service on which he was employed was the reduction of a small fortress, called the Torre di Capitello, near Ajaccio. He took it; but was soon besieged in it, and he and his garrison, after a gallant defence, and living for some time on horse-flesh, were glad to evacuate the tower, and escape to the sea. The English government now began to- reinforce Paoli, and the cause of the French party seemed to be for the moment desperate. The Bonapartes were banished from Corsica; and their mother and sisters took refuge first at Nice, and afterwards at Marseilles, where for some time they suffered all the inconveniences of exile and poverty. Napoleon rejoined his regiment. He had chosen France for his country; and seems, in, truth, to have preserved little or no affection for his native soil. Bonaparte's first military service occurred, as we have seen, in* the summer of 1793. The king of France had been put to death. 22 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. on the 21st of January, in that year; and in less than a month afterwards, the Convention had declared war against England. The murder of the king, alike cruel and atrocious, had in fact united the princes of Europe against the revolutionary cause, and within France itself a strong reaction took place. The people of Toulon, the great port and arsenal of France on the Mediterra- nean, partook the sentiments, and invited the English and Spanish fleets off their coast to come to their assistance, and garrison their city. The allied admirals took possession accordingly of Toulon, and a motley force of English, Spanish, and Neapolitans, prepared to defend the place. In the harbour and roads there were found about twenty-five ships of the line, and the city contained immense naval and military stores of every description, so that the defection of Toulon was regarded as a calamity of the first order by the revolutionary government. This event occurred in the midst of that period which has received the name of the reign of terror. Whatever else the government wanted, vigour to repel aggressions from without was displayed in abundance. Two armies immediately marched upon Toulon ; and after a series of actions, in which the passes in the hills behind the town were forced, the place was at last invested, and a memorable siege commenced. It was conducted with little skill, first by Cartaux, a vain cox- comb, who had been a painter, and then by Doppet, an ex-physician and a coward. Cartaux had not yet been superseded, when Bona- parte made his appearance at head-quarters, with a commission to assume the command of the artillery. It has been said that he owed his appointment to the private regard of Salicetti; but the high testimonials he had received from the military academy were more likely to have served him ; nor is it possible to suppose that he had been so long in the regiment of La Fere, without being appre- ciated by some of his superiors. However this may have been, he was received almost with insolence by Cartaux, who, strutting about in a uniform covered with gold lace, told him his assistance was not wanted ; but he was welcome to partake in his glory. It was during the siege of Toulon, that Napoleon, while con- structing a battery under the enemy's fire, had occasion to prepare a despatch, and called out for some one who could use a pen. A young Serjeant, named Junot, leaped out, and leaning on the breastwork, wrote as he dictated. As he finished, a shot struck the ground by his side, scattering dust in abundance over him and every thing near him. "Good," said the soldier, laughing, "this time we shall spare our sand." The cool gayety of this pleased Bonaparte; he kept his eye on the man; and Junot became after- wards Marshal of France and Duke of Abrantes. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 23 SIEGE OF TOULON. EXTKACTED FROM THE MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON, DICTATED AT ST. HELENA. Napoleon, on his arrival, found the head-quarters at Beausset. They were busy making preparations to burn the aUied squadrons in the road of Toulon ; and the next day the commandant of the artillery went with the general-in-chief to visit the batteries. What was his surprise to find a battery of six twenty-four pound- ers planted a quarter of a league from the passes of Ollioules, at three gun-shots from the English vessels, and two from the shore ; and all the volunteers of the Cote d'Or and the soldiers of the regiment of Burgundy occupied with heating the balls at all the hastides ! (country-houses.) He did not conceal his astonishment. The first care of the commandant of the artillery was to get together a great number of officers in that department, whom the circumstances of the revolution had removed. At the end of six weeks, he was enabled to assemble, organize, and supply a park of two hundred pieces of artillery. Colonel Gassendi was placed at the head of the arsenal of constructions at Marseilles. The batteries were advanced, and placed on the most advantageous points of the shore ; and their effect was such, that some large vessels were dismasted, several smaller ones sunk, and the enemy forced to abandon that part of the road. The commandant of the artillery, who for the space of a month had been carefully reconnoitring the ground, and had made him- self perfectly acquainted with all its localities, proposed the plan of attack which occasioned the reduction of Toulon. He regarded all the propositions of the Committee of Fortifications as totally useless, under the circumstances of the case; and it was his opinion, that a regular siege was not at all necessary. In a word, he declared that it was not necessary to march against the place at all, but only to occupy the position which he had proposed ; and which was to be found at the extreme point of the promontory of Balagnier and I'Eguillette ; that he had dis- covered this position a month before, and pointed it out to the general-in-chief, assuring him that if he would occupy it with three battalions, he would take Toulon in four days ; that the English had become, since he first observed it, so sensible of its import- ance, that they had disembarked four thousand men there, had cut down all the wood that covered the promontory of Cair, which commanded the whole position, and had employed all the resources of Toulon, even the galley-slaves, in order to intrench themselves there; making it, as they expressed themselves," a little Gibraltar." 24 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. But that the point, which a month ago might have been seized and occupied without opposition, now required a serious attack ; that it would not be advisable to risk an assault, but to form bat- teries, mounted with twenty-four pounders and mortars, in order to destroy the epaulments, which were constructed of wood, to break down the palisades, and throw a shower of shells into the interior of the fort; and that then, after a vigorous fire for eight- and-forty hours, the work should be stormed by picked troops. In conformity to the plan proposed, the French raised five or six batteries against Little Gibraltar, and constructed platforms for fifteen mortars. A battery had also been raised of eight twenty- four pounders and four mortars against Fort Malbosquet, the con- struction of which was a profound secret to the enemy, as the men who were employed on the work were entirely concealed from observation by a plantation of olives. General O'Hara, who commanded the allied army at Toulon, was greatly surprised at the erection of so considerable a battery close to a fort of such importance as Malbosquet, and gave orders that a sortie should be made at break of day. The battery was situated in the centre of the left of the army: the troops in that part consisted of about six thousand men ; occupying the line from Fort Rouge to Malbosquet, and so disposed as to prevent all indi- vidual communication, though too much scattered to make an effectual resistance in any given point. An hour before day. General O'Hara sallied out of the garrison with six thousand men; and, meeting with no obstacle, his skir- mishers only being engaged, spiked the guns of the battery. In the mean while, the drums beat the generale at head-quarters, and Dugommier with all haste rallied his troops : the commandant of artillery posted himself on a little headland behind the battery, on which he had previously established a depot of arms. A com- munication from this point to the battery had been effected, by means of a boyau which was substituted for the trench. Perceiving from this point that the enemy had formed to the right and left of the battery, he conceived the idea of leading a battahon which was stationed near him through the boyau. By this plan he succeeded in coming out unperceived among the brambles close to the bat- tery, and immediately commenced a brisk fire upon the English, whose surprise was such, that they imagined it was their own troops on the right, who through some mistake were firing on those on the left. General O'Hara hastened towards the French to rectify the supposed mistake, when he was wounded in the hand by a musket-ball, and a sergeant seized and dragged him prisoner into the boyau ; the disappearance of the English general was so MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 25 sudden that his own troops did not know what had become of him. — In the mean time, Dugommier, with the troops he had ralUed, placed himself between the town and the battery : this movement disconcerted the enemy, who forthwith commenced their retreat. They were hotly pursued as far as the gates of the fortress, which they entered in the greatest disorder, and without being able to ascertain the fate of their general. Dugommier was slightly wounded in this affair. A battalion of volunteers from the Isere distinguished itself during the day. Dugommier determined that a decisive attack should be made upon Little Gibraltar: the commandant of the artillery accord- ingly threw seven or eight thousand shells into the fort, while thirty twenty-four-pounders battered the works. On the 18th of December, at four in the afternoon, the troops left their camps, and marched towards the village of Seine: the plan was to attack at midnight, in order to avoid the fire of the fort and the intermediate redoubts. At length, after a most furious attack, Dugommier, who according to his usual custom headed the leading column, was obliged to give way ; and in the utmost despair he cried out, ''I am a lost man." Success was indeed every way important in those days, for the want of it usually conducted the unfortu- nate general to the scaffold. The fire of the cannonading and musquetry continued. Captain Muiron of the artillery, a young man full of bravery and resources, and who was perfectly acquainted with the position, availed him- self so well of the windings of the ascent, that he conducted his troops up the mountain without sustaining any loss. He debouched at the foot of the fort: he rushed through an embrasure: his sol- diers followed him — and the fort was taken. The English and Spanish cannoniers were all killed at their guns, and Muiron himself was dangerously wounded by a thrust from the pike of an English soldier. As soon as they were masters of the fort, the French imme- diately turned the cannon against the enemy. At break of day the French marched on Balagnier and I'Eguil- lette: the enemy had already evacuated those positions. The twenty-four pounders and the mortars were brought to mount these batteries, whence they hoped to cannonade the combined fleets before noon ; but the commandant of the artillery deemed it impossible to fix them there. They were of stone, and the engineers who had constructed them had committed an error, in placing a large tower of masonry just at their entrance, so near the platforms that whatever balls might have struck them would have rebounded on the gunners, besides the splinters and rubbish. 3 26 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. They therefore planted pieces of cannon on the heights behind the batteries. They could not open their fire until the next day ; but no sooner did Lord Hood, the English admiral, see that the French had possessed themselves of these positions, than he made signal to weigh anchor and get out of the roads. He then went to Toulon to make it known that there was not a moment to be lost in getting out to sea directly. The weather was dark and cloudy, and every thing announced the approach of the Libeccio (or south-west) wind, so terrible at this season. The council of the combined forces immediately met ; and, after mature deliberation, they unanimously agreed that Toulon was no longer tenable. They accordingly proceeded to take measures, as well for the embarkation of the troops, as for burning and sinking such French vessels as they could not carry away with them, and setting fire to the marine establishments : they likewise gave notice to all the inhabitants, that those who wished to leave the place might embark on board the English and Spanish fleets. In the night, Fort Pone was blown up by the English, and an hour afterwards a part of the French squadron was set on fire. Nine seventy-four-gun ships and four frigates or corvettes became a prey to the flames. The fire and smoke from the arsenal resembled the eruption of a volcano, and the thirteen vessels which were burning in the road were like so many magnificent displays of fireworks. The masts and forms of the vessels were distinctly marked by the blaze, which lasted many hours, and formed an unparalleled spectacle. It was a heart-rending sight to the French to see such grand resources and so much wealth consumed within so short a period. They feared, at first, that the English would blow up Fort La Malgue, but it appeared that they had not time to do so. The commandant of artillery then went to Malbosquet. The fort was already evacuated. He ordered the field-pieces to sweep the ramparts of the town, and heighten the confusion by throwing shells from the howitzers into the port, until the mortars, which were upon the road with their carriages, could be planted in the batteries, and shells thrown from them in the same direction. During all this time the batteries of I'Eguillette and Balagnier kept up an incessant fire on the vessels in the road. Many of the English ships were much damaged, and a great number of trans- ports with troops on board were sunk. The batteries continued their fire all night, and at break of day the English fleet was seen out at sea. By nine o'clock in the morning a high Libeccio wind got up, and the English ships were forced to put into the Hyeres. The news of the taking of Toulon caused a sensation in Provence MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 27 and throughout France, the more hvely as such success was unex- pected and ahnost unhoped-for. From this event Napoleon's repu- tation commenced ; he was made brigadier-general of artillery in consequence, and appointed to the command of that department in the Army of Italy. General Dugommier was appointed com- mander-in-chief of the Army of the Eastern Pyrenees. CHAPTER II. Sent on a Mission to Genoa ; his Arrest ; Proposal to send him to La Vendee ; is struck off the List of General Officers ; the 13th Vendemaire ; the Day of the Sections ; Marries Josephine ; appointed to command the AiToy of Italy; Battles of Monte Notte; Millesuno; Mondovi; Peace granted to Sai'dinia. After the taking of Toulon, Bonaparte rapidly advanced in his profession. On the 13th of July, 1794, the representatives of the people, with the A!l'my of Italy, passed the following resolution : — "That General Bonaparte should proceed to Genoa, to confer, in conjunction with the charge d'affairs of the French republic, with the Genoese government, on the matters comprised in his instruc- tions." To the above were added private instructions to inform himself of the state of the fortresses of Genoa and Savona, and of the neighbouring country, and to become acquainted, as far as possible, with the conduct, civil and political, of the French ambas- sador, Tilly; and to collect all facts which might develope the intentions of the Genoese government relative to the coalition. This mission and the secret instructions evince the confidence with which Bonaparte, who had not completed his twenty-fifth year, had inspired men, who were deeply interested in making a prudent choice of their agents. He proceeded to Genoa, and there fulfilled the purposes of his mission. The 9th Thermidor arrived, and the deputies called Terrorists were superseded by Albitte and Salicetti. In the disor- der which then existed, they were either ignorant of the orders given to General Bonaparte, or they were inspired by envy at the rising glory of the young general of artillery. Be this as it may, these representatives of the people issued an order that General Bonaparte should be arrested, suspended from his rank, and arraigned before the Committee of Public Safety; and, extraordi- nary as it may appear, this resolution was founded on that very journey which Bonaparte executed by order of the representatives of the people 28 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Had this decree been published three weeks sooner, and had Bonaparte been given up previously to the 9th Thermidor to the Committee of Public Safety, it is very probable that his career would have been at an end, and we should have seen perish on a scaffold, at the age of twenty-five, the man who was destined in the five- and-twenty years following to astonish the world by the vastness of his conceptions — his gigantic projects — the greatness of his military glory — his extraordinary good fortune; — his errors — his reverses — and his final overthrow. On being arrested, he addressed a very energetic note to Albitte and Salicetti, which had the effect of causing more particular inquiry to be made; and on the 20th of August, 1794, they issued a decree, declaring that they saw nothing to justify any suspicion of his conduct, and ordering that he should be provisionally set at liberty. He remained under arrest fifteen days. General Bonaparte returned to Paris, where I also shortly after- wards arrived from Germany. Our intimacy was resumed, and he gave me an account of all the principal events which had passed in the campaign of the South. He loved to taRc over his military achievements at Toulon. He spoke of his first successes with that feeling of pleasure and satisfaction which they naturally inspired. The government of the day wished to send him to La Vendee, as brigadier-general of infantry. Two reasons determined the youthful general to refuse this appointment. He considered the scene of action as unworthy of his talents, and he considered his projected removal from the artillery to the infantry as an insult. The last was that which he officially assigned for his refusal. In consequence of his refusal to accept the appointment offered him, the Committee of Public Safety decreed that he should be struck off the list of general officers in active employment. Deeply mortified at this unexpected blow, Bonaparte returned to private life, and found himself doomed to an inactivity intolerable to his ardent temperament and youthful energy. He lodged in the Rue de Mail, in a house near the Place de Victoires. We recom- menced the life which we had led previous to his departure for Corsica, in 1792. It was with pain that he resolved to wait patiently the removal of the prejudices which men in power had entertained against him ; and he hoped that in the perpetual changes which were taking place, power would at length pass into the hands of those who would be disposed to consider him with favour. At this time he frequently dined and spent the evening with me and my elder brother ; and on these occasions he rendered himself very agreeable bj^ his amiable manners and the charms of his con- versation. I called on him almost every morning, and I met at MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 29 his lodgings several persons who were distinguished at the tinne ; and among others with Salicetti, with whom he used to maintain very animated conversations, and showed a wish to be left alone with him. Salicetti at one time sent him three thousand francs (£125) as the price of his carriage, which his poverty had laid him under the necessity of selling. I imagined that our young friend either was, or wished to become, a party in some political intrigue. He now became thoughtful, frequently melancholy and disturbed, and he waited daily with marked impatience the arrival of Salicetti, who, having become implicated in the insurrectionary movement of the 20th of May, 1795, was obliged to withdraw himself to Venice. Sometimes returning to more homely ideas, he envied the good fortune of his brother Joseph, who had just mar- ried Mademoiselle Clery, the daughter of a rich and respectable merchant at Marseilles. He would often say, " That Joseph, is a lucky fellow!" Meanwhile, time passed away, but nothing was done ; his pro- jects were unsuccessful, and his applications unattended to. This injustice embittered his spirit, and he was tormented with the desire to do something. To remain in the crowd, was intolerable. He resolved to leave France; and the favourite idea, which he never afterwards abandoned, that the East was the most certain path to glory, inspired him with the determination to proceed to Constantinople, and to make a tender of his services to the grand seignior. What dreams, what gigantic projects, did he not enter- tain, during this excitement of his imagination! He asked me to go with him, which I declined. I looked upon him as a young enthusiast, driven on to extravagant enterprises and desperate resolutions by his restless activity of mind, and by the irritating treatment which he had experienced, and, it may be added, his want of money. He did not blame me for refusing to accompany him, but said that he would be accompanied by Junot, Marmont, and some other officers with whom he had become acquainted at Toulon, and who would be willing to attach themselves to his fortunes. In accordance with this feeling, he drew up a note, which he addressed to Aubert and Coni, in which he requested to be sent, with a few officers of different services, but possessing collect- ively a perfect knowledge of the military art, under the patronage of the French government, for the purpose of placing the army of the grand seignior in a condition more suitable to the circum- stances of the times, as it seemed highly probable that the Porte might find itself in alliance with France, and assaulted by the con- tinental armies of Austria and Russia. 3* 30 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. No answer was returned to this application. Turkey remained unaided, and Bonaparte unoccupied. If, however, it had been endorsed, "granted," that word would probably have changed the fate of Europe. At length, Bonaparte was nominated to the command of a brigade of artillery in Holland ; but as there were indications of an approaching crisis, his services were called for on a nearer and more important field. The agitation continued till the 13th Vendemaire (Oct. 5, 1795), when the storm burst. This day, when the Sections of Paris attacked the Convention, must be considered as iniluencing, in a remarkable degree, the astonishing destiny of Bonaparte. This, although at the time not well understood, was the cause of those enormous disorders which afterwards convulsed Europe. The blood then shed fed the germs of his young ambition; and it must be admitted that the history of past ages presents few periods filled with events so extraordinary as those which occurred between the years 1795 and 1815. The man whose name serves in some measure as a remembrance of all these wonderful events, might well count upon immortality. Living retired at Sens since the month of July, I only learned from the journals and public report the cause of the insurrection of the Sections. I cannot therefore positively say what part Bona- parte may have taken in the plots which preceded the explosion. He ai^peared only a secondary actor in that bloody drama, to which he had been called by Barras, as second in command. The account of the events of that day, which I have given, was furnished to me by himself, in a letter in his own hand-writing, and which bears all his peculiarities of style. AVTOGRAFH LETTER OF EONAPAKTE TO M. BOURKIENNE. On the 13th, at five in the morning, the representative of the people, Barras, was nominated commander-in-chief of the army of the interior, and General Bonaparte second in command. The field artillery was still in the camp at Sablons, guarded only by one hundred and fifty men : the rest was at Marly, with two hundred men. The depot at Meudon was without any guard. At Feuillans were only some four-pounders, without gunners, and but twenty-four thousand cartridges. The magazines of provi- sions were in diflerent parts of Paris: the drums were beating the generale in many sections; that of the Theatre Francjais had advanced posts to the Pont-Neui' which was barricadoed. General Barras ordered the artillery to be brought trom the camp at Sablons to the Tuileries, and caused gunners to be sought MKMOIKH or NAI'OLKON JiONAiM RTi;. 31 out i'rorn Ihc bal-tallons of HU, ujul in Ijx; ^ondarrncric, ufjfj, plaood them at tfie palace. He Hent to Meudon two Unwdrad men of the legion of police, which he brouglit from Versa,Jll<;s, fifty horHemtsn, and two comjjanies of veterans. He ordered the removal of the stores at Marly to M(;udon, anla.r;ed cannon at Feuillans to batt(;r the street St. Horior6; two eight-pounrlers Wi^m j>laced at each open- ing, and, in case of mischanc<;, [^iecfjs wnra placed in reserve to take In Hank any column which might have forced a passage. He left in the Carrousel three (iight-[)ound howitzers, to play upon ttie houses from which they might fire upon the Convention. At four o'clock the rebel columns issued from all the streets, in order to form: the most inexperienced troops would have seized this critical moment to fall upon th(;m ; but tlie blood about to flow, was that of Frenclnnen ; it was ncjcessary to allow these misguided men, alnsady stained with the crime o) rebellion, to sully them- selves still more by shedding the first blood of their countrynien. At a quarter to five, tlu; reb(;ls were form(;d; they bega,n the attack on all points; they were every where r(jpulsed. French blood flowed; the crime, as well as the disgrace of that day, fell upon the Sections. Among the dead there were every where recognised emigrants, the old proprietaires, and nobles. Of the prisoners, the greatest part wen; Chouans of Chartitte. The Sections, however did not consider themscves beaten: they fell back on the Church of St. Roche, the Theatrr; of th(; Itcfmblic, and the Palace Vit/uWiA, and every were excited the inhabitants to arms. To spare the efFusion of blood, it was necessary to prevent them from rallying, arid to pursue them briskly; but without engaging in diflicult passes. The general ordered General Montchoisy, who was at the Place Revolution with the reserve, to form a column, and with two twelve-pounders, to march by the Jioulevard, turn the Place Ven- dome, and to form a junction with the picquet at head-quarters, and then to return in column. Genera] Jirune, with two howitzers, debouched by the streets of St. Nicaise and St. Honor6. General Cartaux brought two hundred men of his division, with a four- 32 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. pounder, to the Place of the Palace Egalite. General Bonaparte, who had two horses killed under him, hastened to Feuillans. The columns put themselves in motion ; St. Roche and the Theatre of the Republic were forced; the rebels abandoned them. The rebels retired to the upper part of the street La Loi, where they barri- cadoed themselves; patrols were sent out, and cannon fired upon them occasionally during the night, which kept them in check. At day-break, the general being informed that certain students of St. Genevieve were on their march, with two pieces of cannon, to join the rebels, he sent a detachment of dragoons, who took the cannon, and brought them to the Tuileries. The Sections, though beaten, still showed a firm determination to resist ; they had barricadoed the streets of the Section Grenelle, and placed their cannon in the principal avenues. At nine o'clock, General Berruyer took a position in the Place Vendome,^ and with two eight-pounders bore upon the principal station of the Section le Pelletier. The Generals Vachet, Brune, and Duvigier, prepared their divisions for the attack; but the courage of the Sectionaries began to fail when they saw their retreat likely to be cut off; they evacuated their position, and forgot, on the appiearance of our sol- diers, the honour of French cavaliers, which they had affected to maintain. The section of Brutus continued to occasion uneasiness, and it was blockaded. Every where the patriots resumed courage, every where the poniards of the emigrants armed against their country disappeared, every where the people were convinced of their delusion and folly. The following day the sections of le Pelletier, and the Theatre Fran^ais, were disarmed.* * We attach another account of this remarkable event, that the reader may become better acquainted with the circumstances which produced it : The French nation were now heartily tired of the National Convention ; it had lost most of its distinguished members in the tumults and persecutions of the times ; and above all, it had lost respect by remaining for two years the slave and the tool of the Terrorists. A great part of the nation, there is no doubt, were at this time anxious to see the royal family restored, and the government settled on the model of 1791. Among the more respectable citizens of Paris in particular . such feelings were very prevalent. But many causes conspired to surround the adoption of this measure with difficulties, which none of the actually influential leaders had the courage, or perhaps the means, to encounter. The soldiery of the Republican armies had been accustomed to fight against the exiled princes and nobility, considered them as the worst enemies of France, and hated them personally. The estates of the church, the nobles, and the crown, had been divided and sold ; and the purchasers foresaw that, were the monarchy restored at this period, the resumption of the forfeited property would be pressed with all the powers of government. The Conventionalists themselves, however, had learned by this time that neither MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 33 In this bulletin of the 13 th Vendemaire, it will be observed with what anxiety Bonaparte throws upon those whom he calls rebels, peace nor security could be expected, unless some form of government were adopted in which the legislative and the executive functions should at least appear to be separated. They were desirous, therefore, of proposing some system which might, in a certain degree, satisfy those who had been endeavouring to bring about the restoration of the monarchy ; and the new constitution of the year three of the Republic (1795) pre- sented the following features: 1. The executive power was to be lodged in five Directors, chosen from time to time, who were to have no share in the legislation. 2. There was to be a Council of Five Hundred, answering, generally, to our House of Commons. And 3. a smaller assembly, called the Council of Ancients, intended to fiilfil, in some measure, the purposes of the House of Peers. The outline of this scheme might, perhaps, have been approved of; but the leading members of the Convention, from views personal to themselves, appended to it certain conditions which excited new disgust. They decreed, first, that the electoral bodies of France, in choosing representatives to the two new Councils, must elect at least two- thirds of the present members of Convention ; and, secondly, that if full two-thirds were not returned, the Convention should have the right to supply the deficiency out oif their own body. It was obvious that this machinery had no object but the continu- ance of the present legislators in power, and the nation, and especially the superior classes in Paris, were indignant at conduct which they considered as alike selfish and arbitrary. The royalist party gladly lent themselves to the diffusion of any discontents, and a formidable opposition to the measures of the existing government was organized. The Convention meantime continued their sittings, and, exerting all their skill and influence, procured from many districts of the country reports ac<;epting of the New Constitution, with all its conditions. The Parisians, being nearer and sharper observers, and having abundance of speakers and writers to inform and animate them, assembled in the several sections of the city, and proclaimed their hostility to the Convention and its designs. The National Guard, consisting of armed citizens, almost unanimously sided with the enemies of the Convention ; and it was openly proposed to march to the Tuileries, and compel a change of measures by force of anns. The Convention, perceiving their unpopularity and danger, began to look about them anxiously for the means of defence. There vvere in and near Paris five thousand regu- lar troops, on whom they thought they mi^ht rely, and who of course contemned the National Guard as only half-soldiers. They had besides some hundreds of artillery- men ; and they now organized what they called "the Sacred Band," a body of fifteen hundred ruffians, the most of tbem old and tried instruments of Robespierre. With these means they prepared to irrange a plan of defence ; and it was obvious that they did not want materials, provided they could find a skilful and determined head. The insurgent sections plrced themselves under the command of Danican, an old general of no great skill or reputation. The Convention opposed to him Menou ; and he marched at the head oisi column into the Section le Pelletier to disarm the National Guard of that district — one of the wealthiest of the capital. The National Guard were found drawn up in readiness to receive him at the end of the Rue Vivlenne ; and Menou, becoming alarmed, and hampered by the presence of some of the " Represent- atives of the people." entered into a parley, and retired without having struck a blow. The Convention judged that Menou was not master of nerves for such a crisis, and consulted eagerly about a successor to his command. Barras, one of their number, had happened to be present at Toulon, and to have appreciated the character of Bonaparte. He had, probably, been applied to by Napoleon in his recent pursuit of employment. Deliberating with Tallien and Carnot, his colleagues, he suddenly said, "I have the man whom you want: it is a Httle Corsican officer, who will not stand upon ceremony.' These words decided the fate of Napoleon and of France. Bonaparte had been in the Odeon Theatre when the affair of Le Pelletier occurred, had run out, and witnessed c 34 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. the reproach of shedding the first blood. He labours to prove that his adversaries were the aggressors; but it is certain, that he always regretted that day. He has often told me, that he would give years of his life to have this page torn from his history. He had no doubt that the Parisians were much exasperated against him, and he could have wished that those words of Barras, which at the time gave him so much pleasure, had never been spoken : " It is to the able and prompt disposition of General Bonaparte, and to the ability with which he distributed the troops, that we owe the result. He now happened to be in the gallery, and heard the discussion concerning the conduct of Menou. He was presently sent for, and asked his opinion as to that officer's retreat. He explained what had happened, and how the evil might have been avoided, in a manner which gave satisfaction. He was desired to assume the com- mand, and aiTange his plan of defence as well as the circumstances might permit ; for it was already late at night, and the decisive assault on the Tuileries was expected to take place next morning. Bonaparte stated that the failure of the march of Menou had been chiefly owing to the presence of the " Representatives of the people," and refused to accept the command unless he received it free from all such interference. They yielded : Barras was named commander-in-chief; and Bonaparte second, with the virtual control. His first care was to dispatch Murat, then a major of chasseurs, to Sablons, five miles off, where fifty great guns were posted. The Sectionaries sent a stronger detachment for these cannon immediately afterwards ; and Murat, who passed them in the dark, would have gone in vain had he received his orders but a few minutes later. On the 4th of October (called in the revolutionary almanac the 13th Vendemaire) the affray accordingly occurred. Thirty thousand National Guards advanced, about two P. M., by different streets, to the siege of the palace: but its defence was now in far other hands than those of Louis XVI. Bonaparte, having planted artillery on all the bridges, had effectually secured the command of the river, and the safety of the Tuileries on one side. He had placed cannon also at all the crossings of the streets by which the National Guard could advance towards the other front ; and having posted his battalions in the garden of the Tuileries and the Place du Carrousel, he awaUed the avtack. The insurgents had no cannon ; and they came along the narrow streets of Paris in close and heavy columns. When one party reached the church of St. Roche, in the Rue St. Honor6, they found a body of Bonaparte's troops drawn up there, with two cannons. It is disputed on which side the firing began ; but in an instant the artillery swept the streets and lanes, scattering grape-shot am«ng the National Guards, and producing such confusion that they were compelled to give way. The first shot was a signal for all the batteries which Bonaparte had established; the quays of the Seine, opposite to the Tuileries, were commanded by his guns below the palace and on the bridges. In less than an hour the action was over. The insurgents fled in all directions, leaving the streets covered with dead and wounded ; the troops of the Con- vention marched into the various sections, disarmed the terrified inhabitants, and beforo nightfall every thing was quiet. This eminent service secured the triumph of the Conventionalists, who now, assumintr new names, continued in effect to discharge their old functions. Barras took his place at the head of the Directory, having Sieyes, Carnot, and other less celebrated persons, for his colleagues ; and the First Director took care to reward the hand to which he owed his elevation. Within five days from the day of the Sections Bonaparte was named second in command of the army of the interior; and shortly afterwards, Barras, finding his duties as Director sufficient to occupy his time, gave up the command-in- chief of the same army to his " httle Corsican officer." MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 35 the security of this palace (the Tuileries.)" This is very true; but it is not always agreeable that the truth should be told. The result of this civil contest brought Bonaparte forward, and elevated him above the crowd, and shortly after raised him to the command of that army which he ever afterwards led on to victory. While commandant of Paris, it is stated that Eugene Beauhar- nois, a boy of ten or twelve years of age, son of Viscount Beauhar- nois, who had been a general officer in the Republican armies, but put to death by Robespierre, presented himself to the general, and requested to have his father's sword restored to him. Bonaparte caused the request to be complied with;, and the tears of the boy,, as he received and kissed the relic, excited his attention. He treated the boy so kindly, that next day his mother, Josephine de Beauharnois, came to thank him; and her beauty and singular gracefulness of address made a strong impression upon him. The- acquaintance thus commenced speedily led to their marriage. I returned from Sens to Paris after the 13th Vendemaire and during the short time I was there, I saw Bonaparte less frequently than formerly. This I can only attribute to the multifarious duties of his new appointment. When I did meet him, it was either at breakfast or dinner. He one day desired me to observe a lady,, who sat nearly opposite to him, and asked my opinion of her. The way in which I answered his queston appeared to give him^ satisfaction. He spoke a good deal about her, her family, and her amiable qualities. He told me that he would probably marry her,- believing that a union with the young widow would contribute essentially to his happiness: and I easily gathered from his con- versation, that this marriage would powerfully second his ambition, His increasing intimacy with her whom he loved brought him in contact with the most influential persons of his time, and affi^rded him the means of realizing his pretensions. The marriage took place on the 9th of March, 1796, and he only remained in Paris twelve days after the ceremony. It was a union in which, with the exception of a few light clouds, there was much affection. Bonaparte never, to my acknowledge, gave cause of real sorrow to his wife. In addition to her beauty, Madame Bona- parte possessed many excellent qualities, and I am convinced that most of those who were intimate with her, had reason to speak in her favour; to few indeed did she ever give cause of complaint. Benevolence was in her a natural impulse, and she was kind and attached to those with whom she was acquainted ; but she was not sufficiently careful in the selection of those whom she confided in. It sometimes happened that her bounty and protection were bestowed on persons who did not deserve it. She nourished to; 36 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. excess a taste for splendour and expense ; and this seemed to become SO much a habit, that she indulged in it without any motive. This often led to unpleasant differences between her and her husband; when the day of payment arrived, she never reported more than half the amount of the bills, and when the truth came out, she was exposed to just remonstrances. How many tears did she shed which might have been easily spared! Tranquillity was now restored in Paris ; and the Directory had leisure to turn their attention to the affairs of the Army of Italy , which were in a most confused and unsatisfactory condition. They determined to give it a new general, and Bonaparte was appointed to the splendid command. Bonaparte left Paris on the 21st of March, 1796, and, after pay- ing a short visit to his mother at Marseilles, arrived, after a rapid journey, at the head-quarters at Nice. At the age of twenty-six, he assumed the command of the Army of Italy; exulting in the knowledge that, if he should conquer, the honour would be all fiis own. He had worked for others at Toulon, at the Coldi Tende, and even in the affair of the Sections, as the first command had been nominally in the hands of Barras. Now he was burning with enthusiasm, and resolved to distinguish himself " You are too young," said one of the Directors, hesitating about his appoint- ment as general. "In a year," answered Napoleon, "I shall be either old or dead." The Directory, who had still some fears as to the youth of Napoleon, proposed, early in May, to appoint General Kellerman, who commanded the Army of the Alps, second in com- mand of the Army of Italy. This was far from being agreeable to Bonaparte; he wrote to Carnot, on the 24th of May : "Whether I shall be employed here or any where else is indifferent to me: to serve my country, and to merit from posterity a page in our his- tory, is all my ambition. If you join Kellerman and me in the command in Italy, you will undo every thing. He has more expe- rience than I, and knows how to make war better than I do, but both together we shall make it badly. I will not willingly serve with a man who considers himself the first general in Europe." "He found the army in numbers about fifty thousand; but wretchedly deficient in cavalry, in stores of every kind, in clothing, and even in food; and watched by an enemy greatly more numerous. It was under such circumstances that he at once avowed the daring scheme of forcing a passage to Italv, and converting the richest territory of the enemy himself into the theatre of war. 'Soldiers,' said he, 'you are hungry and naked: the Repubhc owes you much, but she has not the means to pay her debts. I am come to lead you into the most fertile plains MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 37 that the sun beholds. Rich provinces, opulent towns, all shall be at your disposal. Soldiers! with such a prospect before you, can you fail in courage and constancy?' This was his first address to his army. The sinking hearts of the men beat high with hope and confidence when they heard the voice of the young and fearless leader; and Augereau, Massena, Serrurier, Joubert, Lan- nes — distinguished officers, who might themselves have aspired to the chief command — felt, from the moment they began to under- stand his character and system, that the true road to glory would be to follow the star of Napoleon. " The objects of the approaching expedition were three : first, to compel the king of Sardinia, who had already lost Savoy and Nice, but still maintained a powerful army on the frontiers of Piedmont, to abandon the alliance of Austria: secondly, to compel the emperor, by a bold invasion of Lombardy, to make such exertions in that quarter as might weaken those armies which had so long hovered on the Rhine; and, if possible, to stir up the Italian subjects of that crown to adopt the revolutionary system, and emancipate themselves for ever from its yoke. The third object, though more distant, was not less important. The influence of the Romish Church was considered by the Directory as the chief, though secret support of the cause of royalism within their own territory; and to reduce the Vatican into insignificance, or at least force it to submission and quiescence, appeared indispensable to the internal tranquillity of France. The revolutionary government, besides this general cause of hatred and suspicion, had a distinct injury to avenge. Their agent, Basseville, had three years before been assas- sinated in a popular tumult at Rome : the Papal troops had not interfered to protect him, nor the Pope to punish his murderers. Napoleon's plan for gaining access to the fair regions of Italy differed from that of all former conquerors : they had uniformly penetrated the Alps at some point or other of that mighty range of mountains : he judged that the same end might be accomplished more easily by advancing along the narrow stripe of comparatively level country which intervenes between those enormous barriers and the Mediterranean sea, and forcing a passage at the point where the last of the Alps melt, as it were, into the first and lowest of the Appenine range. No sooner did he begin to concentrate his troops towards this region, than the Austrain general, Beaulieu, took measures for protecting Genoa, and the entrance of Italy. He himself took post with one column of his army at Voltri, a town within ten miles of .Genoa: he placed D'Argenteau with another Austrian column at Monte Notte, a strong height farther to the westward ; and the Sardinians, under Colli, occupied Ceva — 4 38 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. which thus formed the extreme right of the whole Hne of the aUied army. The French could not advance towards Genoa but by con- fronting some one of the three armies thus strongly posted, and suffi- ciently, as Beaulieu supposed, in communication with each other. "It was now that Bonaparte made his first effort to baffle the science of those who fancied there was nothing new to be done in warfare. On the 10th of April, D'Argenteau came down upon Monte Notte, and attacked some French redoubts, in front of that mountain and the villages which bear its name, at Montelegino. At the same time General Cerveni and the French van were attacked by Beaulieu near Voltri, and compelled to retreat. The determined valour of Colonel Rampon, who commanded at Monte- legino, held D'Argenteau at bay during the 10th and 11th; and Bonaparte, contenting himself with watching Beaulieu, determined to -strike his effectual blow at the centre of the enemy's line. During the night of the 11th, various columns were marched upon Montelegino, that of Cervoni and that of Laharpe from the van of the French line, those of Augereau and Massena from its rear. On the morning of the 12th D'Argenteau, preparing to renew his attack on the redoubts of Montelegino, found he had no longer Rampon only and his brave band to deal with ; that French columns were in his rear, on his flank, and drawn up also behind the works at Montelegino; in a word, that he was surrounded. He was compelled to retreat among the mountains : he left his colours and cannon behind him, one thousand killed, and two thousand prison- ers. The centre of the allied army had been utterly routed before either the commander-in-chief at the left, or General Colli at the right of the line, had any notion that a battle was going on. — Such was the battle of Monte Notte, the first of Napoleon's fields. " The very next day after this victory, he commanded a general assault on the Austrian line. Augereau, with a fresh division, marched at the left upon Millesimo; Massena led the centre towards Dego ; and Laharpe, with the French right wing, manoeu- vred to turn the left flank of Beaulieu. "Augereau rushed upon the outposts of Millesimo, seized and retained the gorge which defends that place, and cut off Provera with two thousand Austrians, who occupied an eminence called Cossaria, from the main body of CoUi's army. Next morning Bonaparte himself arrived at that scene of the operations. He forced Colli to accept battle, utterly broke and scattered him, and Provera, thus abandoned, was obliged to yield at discretion. "Bonaparte rapidly followed up the advantages which he had gained, and succeeded in separating the Austrian and Sardinian armies. Both were again defeated, and the Sardinian army may MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 39 be said to have been annihilated in their disastrous retreat; they lost the whole of their cannon, their baggage, and the best part of their troops. "The conqueror took possession of Cherasco, within ten miles of Turin, and there dictated the terms on which the King of Sar- dinia was to be permitted to retain any shadow of sovereign power. "Thus, in less than a month, did Napoleon lay the gates of Italy open before him. He had defeated in three battles forces much superior to his own; inflicted on them, in killed, wounded and prisoners, a loss of twenty-five thousand men ; taken eighty guns and twenty-one standards ; reduced the Austrians to inaction ; utterly destroyed the Sardinian king's army ; and lastly, wrested from his hands Coni and Tortona, the two great fortresses called 'the keys of the Alps,' — and, indeed, except Turin itself, every place of any consequence in his dominions. This unfortunate prince did not long survive such humiliation. He was father-in- law to both of the brothers of Louis XVI., and, considering their cause and his own dignity as equally at an end, died of a broken heart, within a few days after he had signed the treaty of Cherasco. " The consummate genius of this brief campaign could not be disputed; and the modest language of the young general's des- patches to the Directory, lent additional grace to his fame. At this time the name ,of Bonaparte was spotless; and the eyes of all Europe were fixed in admiration on his career." CHAPTER III. The French cross the Po; the Bridge of Lodi; Milan occupied; Mantua besieged; Battles of Lonato, Castiglione, Roveredo, Primolano, Bassano, St. George, Areola, Rivoli, and La Favorita; Smxender of Mantua ; Treaty of ToUentino, Bonaparte, having become master of Piedmont, stopped for a short time to reorganize his army, previous to his descent into Lombardy. He pointed out to his victorious soldiers the rich and extensive plains which spread out before them; and, in an address which he circulated, he reminded them, that "Hannibal had forced the Alps, and that we have turned them. You were utterly destitute, and you have supplied all your wants. You have gained battles without cannon, passed rivers without bridges, performed forced marches without shoes, bivouacked without strong liquors, and often without bread. None but republican phalanxes, soldiers of liberty, could have endured such things. Thanks for 40 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. your perseverance! But, soldiers, you have done nothing: for there remains much to do : Milan is not yet ours. The ashes of the conquerors of Tarquin are still trampled by the assassins of Basseville." The Austrian general had concentrated his army behind the Po, with the intention of preventing the enemy from passing that great river, and making his way to the capital of Lombardy. "Napoleon employed every device to make Beaulieu believe that he designed to attempt the passage of the Po at Valenza ; and the Austrian, a man of routhie, who had himself crossed the river at that point, was easily persuaded that these demonstrations were sincere. Meanwhile, his crafty antagonist executed a march of incredible celerity upon Placenza, fifty miles lower down the river; and appeared there on the 7th of May, to the utter consternation of a couple of Austrian squadrons, who happened to be recon- noitring in that quarter. He had to convey his men across that great stream in common ferry boats, and could never have suc- ceeded had there been any thing like an army to oppose him. Andreossi (afterwards so celebrated) was commander of the advanced guard: Lannes (who became afterwards the Marshal Duke of Montebello) was the first to throw himself ashore at the head of some grenadiers. The German hussars were driven rapidly from their position, and the passage of this great river was effected without the loss of a single man. "Beaulieu, as soon as he ascertained how he had been out- witted, advanced upon Placenza, in the hope of making the invader accept battle with the Po in his rear: but Bonaparte had no intention to await the Austrian on ground so dangerous, and was marching rapidly towards Fombio, where he knew he should have room to manoeuvre. The advanced divisions of the hostile armies met at that village on the 8th of May. The Imperialists occupied the steeples and houses, and hoped to hold out until Beaulieu could bring up his main body. But the French charged so impetuously with the bayonet, that the Austrian, after seeing one-third of his men fall, was obliged to retreat in great confusion, leaving all his cannon behind him, across the Adda. Behind this river Beaulieu now concentrated his army, establishing strong guards at every ford and bridge, and especially at Lodi, where as he guessed (for once rightly) the French general designed to force his passage. " The wooden bridge of Lodi formed the scene of one of the most celebrated actions of the war; and will ever be peculiarly mixed up with the name of Bonaparte himself It was a great neglect in Beaulieu to leave it standing when he removed his MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 41 head-quarters to the east bank of the Adda: his outposts were driven rapidly through the old stragghng town of Lodi on the 10th; and the French, sheltering themselves behind the walls and houses, lay ready to attempt the passage of the bridge. Beauheu had placed a battery of thirty cannon so as to sweep it com- pletely; and the enterprise of storming it in the face of this artillery, and the whole army drawn up behind, is one of the most daring on record. "Bonaparte's first care was to place as many guns as he could get in order in direct opposition to this Austrian battery. A furi- ous cannonade on his side of the river also now commenced. The general himself appeared in the midst of the fire, pointing with his own hand two guns in such a manner as to cut off the Austrians from the only path by which they could have advanced to undermine the bridge ; and it was on this occasion that the sol- diery, delighted with his dauntless exposure of his person, con- ferred on him his honorary nickname of The Little Corporal. In the mean time, he had sent General Beaumont and the cavalry to attempt the passage of the river by a distant ford (which they had much difficulty in eflJecting), and awaited with anxiety the moment when they should appear on the enemy's flank. When that took place, Beaulieu's line, of course, showed some confusion, and Napoleon instantly gave the word. A column of grenadiers, whom he had kept ready drawn up close to the bridge, but under shelter of the houses, were in a moment wheeled to the left, and their leading files placed upon the bridge. They rushed on, shouting Vive la Republique! but the storm of grape-shot for a moment checked them. Bonaparte, Lannes, Berthier, and Lallemagne, hurried to the front, and rallied and cheered the men. The column dashed across the bridge in despite of the tempest of fire that thinned them. The brave Lannes was the first who reached the other side, Napoleon himself the second. The Austrian artil- lerymen were bayoneted at their guns, before the other troops, whom Beaulieu had removed too far back, in his anxiety to avoid the French battery, could come to their assistance. Beaumont pressing gallantly with his horse upon the flank, and Napoleon's infantry forming rapidly as they passed the bridge, and charging on the instant, the Austrian line became involved in inexti'icable confusion, broke up, and fled. The slaughter on their side was great ; on the French there fell only two hundred men ; with such rapidity, and consequently with so little loss, did Bonaparte execute this dazzling adventure — ' the terrible passage,' as he him- self called it, 'of the bridge of Lodi.' " It was, indeed, terrible to the enemy. It deprived them of 4* M 42 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. another excellent line of defence, and blew up the enthusiasm of the French soldiery to a pitch of irresistible daring. Beaulieu, never- theless, contrived to withdraw his troops in much better style than Bonaparte had anticipated. He gathered the scattered fragments of his force together, and soon threw the line of the Mincio, another tributary of the Po, between himself and his enemy. The great object, however, had been attained: the Austrian general escaped, and might yet defend Mantua, but no obstacle remained between the victorious invader and the rich and noble capital of Lombardy. The garrison of Pizzighitone, seeing themselves effect- ually cut off from the Austrian army, capitulated. The French cavalry pursued Beaulieu as far as Cremona, which town they seized; and Napoleon himself prepared to march at once upon Milan. "A revolutionary party had always existed there, as indeed in every part of the Austrian dominions beyond the Alps ; and the tri-colour cockade, the emblem of France, was now mounted by multitudes of the inhabitants. The municipality hastened to invite the conqueror to appear among them as their friend and protector; and on 14th of May, four days after Lodi, Napoleon accordingly entered, in all the splendour of a military triumph, the venerable and opulent city of the old Lombard kings. "He was not, however, to be flattered into the conduct, as to serious matters, of a friendly general. He levied immediately a heavy contribution (eight hundred thousand pounds sterling) at Milan — taking possession, besides, of twenty of the finest pictures in the Ambrosian gallery. "In modern warfare the works of art had hitherto been consid- ered as a species of property entitled in all cases to be held sacred ; and Bonaparte's violent and rapacious infraction of this rule now excited a mighty clamour throughout Europe. " Bonaparte remained but five days in Milan ; the citadel of that place still held out against him ; but he left a detachment to block- ade it, and proceeded himself in pursuit of Beaulieu. The Aus- trian had now planted the remains of his army behind the Mincio, having his left on the great and strong city of Mantua, which has been termed 'the citadel of Italy,' and his right at Peschiera, a Venetain fortress, of which he took possession in spite of the remonstrances of the doge. This position was the strongest that it is possible to imagine. The invader hastened once more to dislodge him. "The French Directory, meanwhile, had begun to entertain suspicions as to the ultimate designs of their young general, whose success and fame had already reached so astonishing a height. MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 43 They determined to check, if they could, the career of an ambi- tion which they apprehended might outgrow their control. Bona- parte was ordered to take half his army, and lead it against the Pope and the King of Naples, and leave the other half to terminate the contest with Beaulieu, under the orders of Kellerman. But he acted on this occasion with the decision which these Directors in vain desired to emulate. He answered by resigning his command. 'One half of the army of Italy,' said he, 'cannot suffice to finish the matter with the Austrian. It is only by keeping my force entire that I have been able to gain so many battles and to be now in Milan. You had better have one bad general than two good ones.' The Directory durst not persist in displacing the chief whose name was considered as the pledge of victory. Napoleon resumed the undivided command, to which now, for the last time, his right had been questioned. "The French advanced on the Mincio; and the general made such disposition of his troops that Beaulieu doubted not he meant to pass that river, if he could, at Peschiera. Meantime, he had been preparing to repeat the scene of Placenza ; — and actually, on the 30th of May, forced the passage of the Mincio, not at Peschiera, but farther down at Borghetto. The Austrian garrison at Bor- ghetto in vain destroyed one arch of the bridge. Bonaparte supplied the breach with planks, and his men, flushed with so many victories, charged with a fury not to be resisted. Beaulieu was obliged to abandon the Mincio, as he had before the Adda and the Po, and to take up the new line of the Adige. " The Austrian had, in effect, abandoned for the time the open country of Italy. He now lay on the frontier, between the vast tract of rich provinces which Napoleon had conquered, and the Tyrol. The citadel of Milan, indeed, still held out ; but the force there was not great, and, cooped up on every side, could not be expected to resist much longer. Mantua, which possessed prodi- gious natural advantages, and into which the retreating general had flung a garrison of full fifteen thousand men, was, in truth, the last and only Italian possession of the imperial crown, which, as it seemed, there might still be a possibility of saving. Beaulieu anxiously waited the approach of new troops from Germany to attempt the relief of this great city ; and his antagonist, eager to anticipate the efforts of the imperial government, sat down imme- diately before it. " Mantua lies on an island, being cut off on all sides from the main land by the branches of the Mincio, and approachable only by five narrow causeways, of which three were defended by strong and regular fortresses or intrenched camps, the other two by gates. 44 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, drawbridges, and batteries. Situated amidst stagnant waters and morasses, its air is pestilential, especially to strangers. The gar- rison were prepared to. maintain the position with their usual bravery; and it remained to be seen whether the French general possessed any new system of attack, capable of abridging the usual operations of the siege, as effectually as he had already done by those of the march and the battle. His commencement was alarm- ing; of the five causeways, by sudden and overwhelming assaults, he obtained four ; and the garrison were cut off from the main land, except only at the fifth causeway, the strongest of them all, named, from a palace near it. La Favorita. It seemed necessary, how- ever, in order that this blockade might be complete, that the Venetian territory, lying immediately beyond Mantua, should be occupied by the French. — The imperial general had, as we have seen, neglected the reclamations of the Doge, when it suited his purpose to occupy Peschiera. ' You are too weak,' said Bona- parte, when the Venetain envoy reached his head-quarters, 'to enforce neutrality on hostile nations such as France and Austria. Beaulieu did not respect your territory when his interest bade him violate it; nor shall I hesitate to occupy whatever falls within the line of the Adige.' In effect, garrisons were placed forthwith in Verona, and all the strong places of that domain. The tri- colour flag now waved at the mouth of the Tyrolese passes ; and Napoleon, leaving Serrurier to blockade Mantua, returned to Milan, where he had important business to arrange. " The King of Naples, utterly confounded by the successes of the French, was now anxious to procure peace, almost on what- ever terms, with the apparently irresistible Republic. Nor did it, for the moment, suit Bonaparte's views to contemn his advances. He concluded an armistice accordingly, which was soon followed by a formal peace, with the King of the Two Sicilies ; and the Neapolitan troops, who had recently behaved with eminent gal- lantry, abandoning the Austrian general, began their march to the South of Italy. " This transaction placed another of Napoleon's destined victims entirely within his grasp. With no friend behind him, the Pope saw himself at the mercy of the invader ; and in terror prepared to submit. Bonaparte demanded, as the price of peace, and obtained, a million sterling, a hundred of the finest pictures and statues in the papal gallery, a large supply of military stores, and the cession of Ancona, Ferrara, and Bologna, with their respective domains. "He next turned his attention to the grand duke of Tuscany: for the present, the Florentine museum and the grand duke's trea- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 45 sury were spared; but Leghorn, the sea-port of Tuscany and great feeder of its wealth, was seized without ceremony ; the EngUsh goods in that town were confiscated to the ruin of the merchants ; and a great number of EngHsh vessels in the harbour made a nar- row escape. The grand duke, in place of resenting these injuries, was obliged to receive Bonaparte with all the appearances of cordiality at Florence ; and the spoiler repaid his courtesy by telling him, rubbing his hands with glee during the princely enter- tainment provided for him, 'I have just received letters from Milan ; the citadel has fallen; — your brother has no longer a foot of land in Lombardy.' "In the mean time, the general did not neglect the great and darling plan of the French government, of thoroughly revolution- izing the North of Italy, and establishing there a group of repub- lics. The peculiar circumstances of Northern Italy, as a land of ancient fame and high spirit, long split into fragments, and ruled, for the most part, by governors of German origin, presented many facilities for the realization of this design; and Bonaparte was urged constantly by his government at Paris, and by a powerful party in Lombardy, to hasten its execution. He, however, thought that more was to be gained by temporizing with both the govern- ments and the people of Italy than by any hasty measures of the kind recommended. He, therefore, temporized: content, in the mean time, with draining the exchequers of the governments, and cajoling from day to day the population. The Directory were with difficulty persuaded to let him follow his own course : but he now despised their remonstrances, and they had been taught effectually to dread his strength. " The Austrian government having in some measure recovered from the consternation produced by the rapid destruction of their army under Beaulieu, resolved to make a great effort to recover Lombardy. "Beaulieu had been too often unfortunate to be trusted longer: Wurmser, who enjoyed a reputation of the highest class, was sent to replace him : thirty thousand men were drafted from the armies on the Rhine to accompany the new general ; and he carried orders to strengthen himself farther, on his march, by whatever recruits he could raise among the warlike and loyal population of the Tyrol. " The consequences of thus weakening the Austrian force on the Rhine were, for the moment, on that scene of the contest, inauspicous. The French, in two separate bodies, forced the pas- sage of the Rhine — under Jourdan and Moreau ; before whom the imperial generals, Wartensleben and the Archduke Charles, were compelled to retire. But the skill of the archduke, ere long, 46 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, enabled him to effect a junction with the columns of Wartensle- ben; and thus to fall upon Jourdan with a great superiority of numbers, and give him a signal defeat. Moreau, learning how Jourdan was discomfited, found himself compelled to give up the plan of pursuing his march farther into Germany, and executed that famous retreat through the Black Forest which has made his name as splendid as any victory in the field could have done. " Wurmser, when he fixed his head-quarters at Trent, mustered in all eighty thousand; while Bonaparte had but'thirty thousand, to hold a wide country, in which abhorrence of the French cause was now prevalent, to keep up the blockade of Mantua, and to oppose this fearful odds of numbers in the field. " Wurmser might have learned from the successes of Bonaparte the advantages of compact movement ; yet he was unwise enough to divide his great force into three separate columns, and to place one of these upon a line of march which entirely separated it from the support of the others — in other words, to interpose the waters of the Lago di Guarda between themselves and the march of their friends — a blunder not likely to escape the eagle eye of Napoleon. "He immediately determined to march against the division of Quasdonowich, and fight him where he could not be supported by the other two columns. This could not be done without abandoning for the time the blockade of Mantua. The guns were buried in the trenches during the night of the 31st July, and the French quitted the place with a precipitation which the advancing Austrians considered as the result of terror. "Napoleon meanwhile rushed against Quasdonowich, who had already come near the bottom of the Lake of Guarda. At Salo, close by the lake, and, farther from it at Lonato, two divisions of the Austrian column were attacked and overwhelmed. Augereau and Massena, leaving merely rear-guards at Borghetto and Pes- chiera, now marched also upon Brescia. The whole force of Quasdonowich must inevitably have been ruined by these com- binations, had he stood his ground; but by this time the celerity of Napoleon had overawed him, and he was already in full retreat upon his old quarters in the Tyrol. Augereau and Massena, therefore, counter-marched their columns, and returned towards the Mincio. They found that Wurmser had forced their i-ear- guards from their posts: that of Massena, under Pigeon, had retired in good order to Lonato; that of Augereau, under Val- lette, had retreated in confusion, abandoning Castiglione to the Austrians. "Flushed with these successes, old Wursmer now resolved to throw his whole force upon the French, and resume at the point MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 47 of the bayonet his communication with the scattered column of Quasdonowich. He was so fortunate as to defeat the gallant Pigeon at Lonato, and to occupy that town. But this new suc- cess was fatal to him. In the exultation of victory, he extended his line too much towards the right ; and this over-anxiety to open the communication with Quasdonowich, had the effect of so weak- ening his centre, that Massena, boldly and skilfully seizing the opportunity, poured two strong columns on Lonato, and regained the position; whereon the Austrian, perceiving that his army was cut in two, was thrown into utter confusion. At Castiglione alone a brave stand was made. But Augereau, burning to wipe out the disgrace of Vallette, forced the position, though at a severe loss. Such was the battle of Lonato. Thenceforth nothing could sur- pass the discomfiture and disarray of the Austrians. They fled in all directions upon the Mincio, where Wurmser himself, mean- while, had been employed in revictualling Mantua. "Wurmser collected together the whole of his remaining force, and advanced to meet the conqueror. They met between Lonato and Castiglione. Wurmser was totally defeated, and narrowly escaped being a prisoner: nor did he without great difficulty regain Trent and Roveredo, those frontier positions from which his noble army had so recently descended with all the confidence of con- querors. In this disastrous campaign the Austrians lost forty thou- sand men ; Bonaparte probably under-stated his own loss at seven thousand. During the seven days which the campaign occupied, he never took ofl^ his boots, nor slept except by starts. The exer- tions which so rapidly achieved this signal triumph were such as to demand some repose ; yet Napoleon did not pause until he saw Mantua once more completely invested. The reinforcement and revictualling of that garrison were all that Wurmser could show in requital of his lost artillery, stores, and forty thousand men. "During this brief campaign the aversion with which the eccle- siastics of Italy regarded the French manifested itself in various quarters. At Pavia, Ferrara, and elsewhere, insurrections had broken out, and the spirit was spreading rapidly at the moment when the report of Napoleon's new victory came to reawaken ter- ror and paralyze revolt. " While he was occupied with restoring quiet in the country, Austria, ever constant in adversity, hastened to place twenty thou- sand fresh troops under the orders of Wurmser; and the brave veteran, whose heart nothing could chill, prepared himself to make one effort more to relieve Mantua, and drive the French out of Lombardy. His army was now, as before, greatly the superior in numbers ; and though the bearing of his troops was more modest, 48 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. their gallantry remained unimpaired. Once more the old general divided his army; and once more he was destined to see it shat- tered in detail. *'He marched from Trent towards Mantua, through the defiles of the Brenta, at the head of thirty thousand ; leaving twenty thou- sand under Davidowich at Reveredo, to cover the Tyrol. Bona- parte instantly detected the error of his opponent. He suffered him to advance unmolested as far as Bassano, and the moment he was there, and consequently completely separated from Davido- wich and his rear, drew together a strong force, and darted on Roveredo, by marches such as seemed credible only after they had been accomplished. " The battle of Roveredo (Sept. 4) is one of Napoleon's most illustrious days. The enemy had a strongly entrenched camp in front of the town; and behind it, in case of misfortune, Galliano, ^yith its castle seated on a precipice over the Adige, where that river flows between enormous rocks and mountains, appeared to offer an impregnable retreat. Nothing could withstand the ardour of the French. The Austrians, though they defended the entrenched camp with their usual obstinacy, were forced to give way by the impetuosity of Dubois and his hussars. Dubois fell, mortally wounded, in the moment of his glory. He waved his sabre, cheering his men onwards with his last breath. ' I die,' said he, ' for the Republic : only let me hear, ere life leaves me, that the victory is ours.' The French horse, thus animated, pursued the Germans, who were driven, unable to rally, through and beyond the town. Even the gigantic defences of Galliano proved of no avail. Height after height was carried at the point of the bayonet; seven thousand prisoners and fifteen cannon remained with the conquerors. "Wurmser heard with dismay the utter ruin of Davidowich; and doubted not that Napoleon would now march onwards into Germany, and joining Jourdan and Moreau, whose advance he had heard of, and misguessed to have been successful, endeavour to realize the great scheme of Garnot — that of attacking Vienna itself The old general saw no chance of converting what remained to him of his army to good purpose, but by abiding in Lombardy, where he thought he might easily excite the people in his emperor's favour, overwhelm the slender garrisons left by Bonaparte, and so cut off, at all events, the French retreat through Italy, in case they should meet with any disaster in the Tyrol or in Germany. Napo- leon had intelligence which Wurmser wanted. Wurmser himself was his mark; and he returned from Trent to Primolano, where the Imperialist's vanguard lay, by a forced march of not less than MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 49 sixty miles performed in two days. The surprise with which this descent was received may be imagined. The Austrian van was destroyed in a twinkling. The French, pushing every thing before them, halted that night at Cismone — where Napoleon was glad to have a private soldier's ration of bread for his supper. Next day he reached Bassano, where the aged marshal once more expected the fatal rencounter. The battle of Bassano (Sept. 8) was a fatal repetition of those that had gone before it. Six thousand men laid down their arms. Quasdonowich, with one division of four thou- sand, escaped to Friuli; while Wurmser himself, retreating to Vicenza, there collected with difficulty a remnant of sixteen thousand beaten and discomfited soldiers. His situation was most unhappy; his communication with Austria wholly cut oft' — his artillery and baggage all lost — the flower of his army no more. Nothing seemed to remain but to throw himself into Mantua, and there hold out to the last extremity, in the hope, however remote, of some succours from Vienna ; and such was the resolution of this often-outwitted but never-dispirited veteran. "Bonaparte, after making himself master of some scattered corps which had not been successful in keeping up with Wurmser, reappeared once more before Mantua. The battle of St. George (so called from one of the suburbs of the city) was fought on the 13th of September, and after prodigous slaughter, the French remained in possession of all the causeways ; so that the blockade of the city and fortress was thenceforth complete. The garrison, when Wurmser shut himself up, amounted to twenty-six thousand. Before October was far advanced the pestilential air of the place, and the scarcity and badness of provisions, had tilled his hospitals, and left him hardly half the number in fighting condition. The misery of the besieged town was extreme ; and if Austria meant to rescue Wurmser, there was no time to be lost. " The French party in Corsica had not contemplated without pride and exultation the triumphs of their countryman. His seizure of Leghorn, by cutting off" the supplies from England, greatly distressed the opposite party in the island, and an expedition of Corsican exiles, which he now despatched from Tuscany, was successful in finally reconquering the country. To Napoleon this acquisition was due; nor were the Directory insensible to its value. He, meanwhile, had heavier business on his hands. " The Austrian council well knew that Mantua was in excellent keeping; and being now relieved on the Rhenish frontier, by the failure of Jourdan and Moreau's attempts, were able to form once more a powerful armament on that of Italy. The supreme com- mand was given to Marshal Alvinzi, a veteran of high reputation. D 5 50 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. He, having made extensive levies in Illyria, appeared at Friuli; while Davidowich, with the remnant of Quasdonowich's army, amply recruited among the bold peasantry of the Tyrol, and with fresh drafts from the Rhine, took ground above Trent. The mar- shal had in all sixty thousand men under his orders. Bonaparte had received only twelve new battalions, to replace all the losses of those terrible campaigns, in which three imperial armies had already been annihilated.* The enemy's superiority of numbers was once more such, that nothing, but the most masterly combina- tions on the part of the French general, could have prevented them from sweeping every thing before them in the plains of Lombardy. "Bonaparte heard in the beginning of October that Alvinzi's columns were in motion : he had placed Vaubois to guard Trent, and Massena at Bassano to check the march of the field-marshal: but neither of these generals was able to hold his ground. The troops of Vaubois were driven from that position of Galliano, the strength of which has been already mentioned, under circum- stances which Napoleon considered disgraceful to the character of the French soldiery. Massena avoided battle; but such was the overwhelming superiority of Alvinzi, that he was forced to abandon the position of Bassano. Napoleon himself hurried for- ward to sustain Massena : and a severe rencounter, in which either side claimed the victory, took place at Vicenza. The French, however, retreated, and Bonaparte fixed his head-quarters at Verona. The whole country between the Brenta and the Adige was in the enemy's hands; while the still strong and determined garrison of Mantua in Napoleon's rear, rendering it indispensable for him to divide his forces, made his position eminently critical. " His first care was to visit the discomfited troops of Vaubois. 'You have displeased me,' said he; 'you have suffered yourselves to be driven from positions where a handful of determined men might have bid an army defiance. You are no longer French sol- diers ! You belong not to the Army of Italy.' At these words tears streamed down the rugged cheeks of the grenadiers. 'Place us but once more in the van,' cried they, 'and you shall judge whether we do not belong to the Army of Italy.' The general dropped his angry tone ; and in the rest of the campaign no troops more distinguished themselves than these. " Having thus revived the ardour of his soldiery, Bonaparte con- centrated his columns on the right of the Adige, while Alvinzi took up a very strong position on the heights of Caldiero, on the * To replace all his losses in the two last campaigns, he had received only seven tliousand recruits. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 51 left bank, nearly opposite to Verona. In pursuance of the same system which had already so often proved fatal to his opponents, it was the object of Bonaparte to assault Alvinzi, and scatter his forces, ere they could be joined by Davidowich. He lost no time, therefore, in attacking the heights of Caldiero ; but in spite of all that Massena, who headed the charge, could do, the Austrians, strong in numbers and in position, repelled the assailants with great carnage. A terrible tempest prevailed during the action, and Napoleon, in his despatches, endeavoured to shift the blame to the elements. "The country behind Caldiero lying open to Davidowich, it became necessary to resort to other means of assault, or permit the dreaded junction to occur. The genius of Bonaparte suggested to him on this occasion a movement altogether unexpected. During the night, leaving fifteen hundred men under Kilmaine to guard Verona, he marched for some space rearwards, as if he had meant to retreat on Mantua, which the failure of his recent assault ren- dered not unlikely. But his columns were ere long wheeled again towards the Adige : and finding a bridge ready prepared, were at once placed on the same side of the river with the enemy, — but in the rear altogether of his position, amidst those wide-spreading morasses which cover the country about Areola. This daring movement was devised to place Napoleon between Alvinzi and Davidowich; but the unsafe nature of the ground, and the nar- rowness of the dykes, by which alone he could advance on Areola, rendered victory difficult, and reverse most hazardous. He divided his men into three columns, and charged at daybreak (Nov. 15) by the three dykes which conduct to Areola. The Austrian, not suspecting that the main body of the French had evacuated Verona, treated this at first as an affair of light troops ; but as day advanced, the truth became apparent, and these narrow passages^ were defended with the most determined gallantry. Augereau headed the first column that reached the bridge of Areola, and was there, after a desperate effort, driven back with great loss. Bonaparte, perceiving the necessity of carrying the point ere Alvinzi could arrive, now threw himself on the bridge, and seizing a standard, urged his grenadiers once more to the charge. "The fire was tremendous: once more the French gave way. Napoleon himself, lost in the tumult, was borne backwards, forced over the dyke, and had nearly been smothered in the morass, while some of the advancing Austrians were already between him and his baffled column. His imminent danger was observed: the sol- diers caught the alarm, and rushing forward, with the cry, 'Save the general,' overthrew the Germans with irresistible violence. 52 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. plucked Napoleon from the bog, and carried the bridge. This was the first battle of Areola. " This movement revived in the Austrian lines their terror for the name of Bonaparte; and Alvinzi saw that no time was to be lost if he meant to preserve his communication with Davidowich. He abandoned Caldiero, and gaining the open country behind Areola, robbed his enemy for the moment of the advantage which his skill had gained. Napoleon, perceiving that Areola was no longer in the rear of his enemy, but in his front, and fearful lest Vaubois might be overwhelmed by Davidowich, while Alvinzi remained thus between him and the Brenta, evacuated Areola, and retreated to Ronco. "Next morning, having ascertained that Davidowich had not been engaged with Vaubois, Napoleon once more advanced upon Areola. The place was once more defended bravely, and once more it was carried. But this second battle of Areola proved no more decisive than the first; for Alvinzi still contrived to maintain his main force unbroken in the difficult country behind ; and Bona- parte again retreated to Ronco. " The third day was decisive. On this occasion also he carried Areola; and, by two stratagems, was enabled to make his victory effectual. An ambuscade, planted among some willows, suddenly opened fire on a column of Croats, threw them into confusion, and, rushing from the concealment, crushed them down into the opposite bog, where most of them died. In one of his conversa- tions at St. Helena, he thus told the sequel: 'At Areola I gained the battle with twenty-five horsemen. I perceived the critical moment of lassitude in either army — when the oldest and bravest would have been glad to be in their tents. All my men had been engaged. Three times I had been obliged to reestablish the battle. There remained to me but some twenty-five guides. I sent them round on the flank of the enemy with three trum- pets, bidding them blow loud and charge furiously. Here is the French cavalry, was the cry; and they took to flight.' .... The Austrians doubted not that Murat and all the horse had forced a way through the bogs; and at that moment Bonaparte com- manding a general assault in front, the confusion became hopeless. Alvinzi retreated finally, though in decent order, upon Montebello. "It was at Areola that Muiron, who ever since the storming of Little Gibraltar had lived on terms of brother-like intimacy with Napoleon, seeing a bomb about to explode, threw himself between it and his general, and thus saved his life at the cost of his own. Napoleon, to the end of his life,, remembered and regretted this heroic friend. MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 53 "In these three days Bonaparte lost eight thousand men: the slaughter among his opponents must have been terrible. Once more the rapid combinations of Napoleon had rendered all the efforts of the Austrian cabinet abortive. For two months after the last day of Areola, he remained the undisturbed master of Lom- bardy. All that his enemy could shov^^, in set-ofF for the slaughter and discomfiture of Alvinzi's campaign, was that they retained possession of Bassano and Trent, thus interrupting Bonaparte's access to the Tyrol and Germany. This advantage was not trivial ; but it had been dearly bought. "A fourth army had been baffled; but the resolution of the Imperial Court was indomitable, and new levies were diligently forwarded to reinforce Alvinzi. Once more (January 7, 1797) the marshal found himself at the head of sixty thousand men : once more his superiority over Napoleon's muster-roll was enormous ; and once more he descended from the mountains with the hope of relieving Wurmser and reconquering Lombardy. The fifth act of the tragedy was yet to be performed. "We may here pause to notice some civil events of importance which occurred ere Alvinzi made his final descent. The success of the French naturally gave new vigour of the Italian party, who, chiefly in the large towns, were hostile to Austria, and desirous to settle their own government on the republican model. Two republics accordingly were organized; the Cispadane and the Transpadane — handmaids rather than sisters of the great French democracy. These events took place during the period of military inaction which followed the victories of Areola. The new repub- lics hastened to repay Napoleon's favour by raising troops, and placed at his disposal a force which he considered as sufficient to keep the Papal army in check during the expected renewal of Alvinzi's efforts. "Bonaparte at this period practised every art to make himself popular with the Italians ; nor was it of little moment that they in fact regarded him more as their own countryman than a French- man; that their beautiful language was his mother- tongue ; that he knew their manners and their literature, and even in his con- quering rapacity displayed his esteem for their arts. "Alvinzi's preparations were in the mean time rapidly advan- cing. The enthusiasm of the Austrian gentry was effectually stirred by the apprehension of seeing the conqueror of Italy under the walls of Vienna, and volunteer corps were formed everywhere, and marched upon the frontier. The gallant peasantry of ^ the Tyrol had already displayed their zeal; nor did the previous reverses of Alvinzi prevent them from once more crowding to his 5* 54 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. standard. Napoleon proclaimed that every Tyrolese caught in arms should be shot as a brigand. Alvinzi replied, that for every murdered peasant he would hang a French prisoner of war : Bona- parte rejoined, that the first execution of this threat would be instantly followed by the gibbeting of Alvinzi's own nephew, who was in his hands. These ferocious threats were laid aside, when time had been given for reflection ; and either general prepared to carry on the war according to the old rules, which are at least sufficiently severe. "Alvinzi sent a peasant across the country to find his way if possible into the beleaguered city of Mantua, and give Wurmser notice that he was once more ready to attempt his relief. The veteran was commanded to make what diversion he could in favour of the approaching army ; and, if things came to the worst, to fight his way out of Mantua, retire on Romagna, and put himself at the head of the Papal forces. The spy who carried these tidings was intercepted, and dragged into the presence of Napoleon. The terrified man confessed that he had swallowed the ball of wax in which the despatch was wrapped. His stomach was compelled to surrender its contents ; and Bonaparte prepared to meet his enemy. Leaving Serrurier to keep up the blockade of Mantua, he hastened to resume his central position at Verona, from which he could, according to circumstances, march with convenience on whatever line the Austrian main body might choose for their advance. " The Imperialists, as if determined to profit by no lesson, once more descended from Tyrol upon two different lines of march; Alvinzi himself choosing that of the Upper Adige ; while Provera headed a second army, with orders to follow the Brenta, and then, striking across to the Lower Adige, join the marshal before the walls of Mantua. Could they have combined their forces there, and delivered Wurmser, there was hardly a doubt that the French must retreat before so vast an army as would then have faced them. But Napoleon was destined once more to dissipate all these victorious dreams. He had posted Joubert at Rivoli, to dispute that important position, should the campaign open with an attempt to force it by Alvinzi ; while Augereau's division was to watch the march of Provera. Pie remained himself at Verona until he could learn with certainty by which of these generals the first grand assault was to be made. On the evening of the 13th of January, tidings were brought him that Joubert had all that day been main- taining his ground with difficulty ; and he instantly hastened to what now appeared to be the proper scene of action for himself. "Arriving about two in the morning (by another of his almost incredible forced marches) on the heights of Rivoli, he, the moon- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 55 light being clear, could distinguish five separate encampments, with innumerable watch-fires in the valley below. His lieutenant, confounded by the display of this gigantic force, was in the very act of abandoning the position. Napoleon instantly checked this movement; and bringing up more battalions, forced the Croats from an eminence which they had already seized on the first symp- toms of the French retreat. Napoleon's keen eye, surveying the position of the five encampments below, penetrated the secret of Alvinzi ; namely, that his artillery had not yet arrived, otherwise he would not have occupied ground so distant from the object of attack. He concluded that the Austrian did not mean to make his grand assault very early in the morning, and resolved to force him to anticipate that movement. For this purpose, he took all possible pains to conceal his own arrival; and prolonged, by a series of petty manoeuvres, the enemy's belief that he had to do with a mere outpost of the French. Alvinzi swallowed the deceit ; and, instead of advancing on some great and well-arranged system, suffered his several columns to endeavour to force the heights by insulated movements, which the real strength of Napoleon easily enabled him to baffle. It is true that at one moment the bravery of the Germans had nearly overthrown the French on a point of pre-eminent importance; but Napoleon himself galloping to the spot, roused by his voice and action the division of Massena, who, having marched all night, had lain down to rest in the extreme of weariness, and seconded by them and their gallant general,* swept every thing before him. The French artillery was in position: the Austrian (according to Napoleon's shrewd guess) had not yet come up, and this circumstance decided the fortune of the day. The cannonade from the heights, backed by successive charges of horse and foot, rendered every attempt to storm the sum- mit abortive ; and the main body of the Imperialists was already in confusion, and, indeed, in flight, before one of their divisions, which had been sent round to outflank Bonaparte, and take higher ground in his rear, was able to execute its errand. When, accord- ingly, this division (that of Lusignan) at length achieved its des- tined object — it did so, not to complete the misery of a routed, but to swell the prey of a victorious enemy. Instead of cutting off the retreat of Jourbert, Lusignan found himself insulated from Alvinzi, and forced to lay down his arms to Bonaparte. ' Here was a good plan,' said Napoleon, 'but these Austrians are not apt to calculate the value of minutes.' Had Lusignan gained the rear of the French an hour earlier, while the contest was still hot * Hence, in the sequel, Massena's title, " Duke of Rivoli." 56 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, in front of the heights of Rivoh, he might have made the 14th of January one of the darkest, instead of one of the brighest days, in the miUtary chronicles of Napoleon. "He, who in the course of this trying day had had three horses shot under him, hardly waited to see Lusignan surrender, but entrusted his friends, Massena, Murat, and Joubert, with the task of pursuing the flying columns of Alvinzi. He had heard during the battle, that Provera had forced his way to the Lago di Guarda, and was already, by means af boats, in communication with Mantua. The force of Augereau having proved insufficient to oppose the march of the Imperialists' second column, it was high time that Napoleon himself should hurry with reinforcements to the Lower Adige, and prevent Wurmser from either housing Provera, or joining him in the open field, and so effecting the • escape of his own still formidable garrison, whether to the Tyrol or the Romagna. "Having marched all night and all next day. Napoleon reached the vicinity of Mantua late on the 15th. He found the enemy strongly posted, and Serrurier's situation highly critical. A regi- ment of Provera's hussars had but a few hours before nearly established themselves in the suburb of St. George. This Aus- trian corps had been clothed in white cloaks, resembling those of a well-known French regiment ; and advancing towards the gate, would certainly have been admitted as friends, but for the sagacity of one sergeant, who could not help fancying that the white cloaks had too much of the gloss of novelty about them, to have stood the tear and wear of three Bonapartean campaigns. This danger had been avoided, but the utmost vigilance was necessary. The French general himself passed the night in walking about the outposts, so great was his anxiety. " At one of these he found a grenadier asleep by the root of a tree ; and taking his gun, without wakening him, performed a senti- nel's duty in his place, for about half an hour; when the man, starting from his slumbers, perceived with terror and despair the countenance and occupation of his general. He fell on his knees before him. 'My friend,' said Napoleon, 'here is your musket. You had fought hard, and marched long, and your sleep is excusa- ble : but a moment's inattention might at present ruin the army. I happened to be awake, and have held your post for you. You will be more careful another time.' "It is needless to say how the devotion of his men was nour- ished by such anecdotes as these flying ever and anon from column to column. Next morning there ensued a hot skirmish, recorded as the battle of St. George. Provera was compelled to retreat, MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 57 and Wurmser, who had sallied out, and seized the causeway and citadel of La Favorita, was fain to retreat within its old walls, in consequence of a desperate assault, headed by Napoleon in person. " Provera now found himself entirely cut off from Alvinzi, and surrounded with the French. He and five thousand men laid down their arms on the 16th of January. Various bodies of the Austrian force, scattered over the country between the Adige and the Brenta, followed the example;* and the brave Wurmser, whose provisions were by this time exhausted, found himself at length under the necessity of sending an offer of capitulation. "General Serrurier, as commander of the blockade, received Klenau, the bearer of Wurmser's message, and heard him state, with the pardonable artifice usual on such occasions, that his master was still in a condition to hold out considerably longer, unless hon- ourable terms were granted. Napoleon had hitherto been seated in a corner of the tent, wrapped in his cloak; he now advanced to the Austrian, who had no suspicion in whose presence he had been speaking, and taking his pen, wrote down the conditions which he was willing to grant. 'These,' said he, 'are the terms to which your general's bravery entitles him. He may have them to-day ; a week, a month hence, he shall have no worse. Mean- time, tell him that General Bonaparte is about to set out for Rome.' The envoy now recognised Napoleon ; and, on reading the paper, perceived that the proposed terms were more liberal than he had dared to hope for. The capitulation was forthwith signed. "On the 2d of February, Wurmser and his garrison marched out of Mantua; but when the aged chief was to surrender his sword, he found only Serrurier ready to receive it. Napoleon's generosity, in avoiding being present personally to witness the humiliation of this distinguished veteran, forms one of the most pleasing traits in his story. The Directory had urged him to far different conduct. He treated their suggestions with scorn: 'I have granted the Austrian,' he wrote to them, 'such terms as were, in my judgment, due to a brave and honourable enemy, and to the dignity of the French Republic' " The loss of the Austrians at Mantua amounted, first and last, to not less than twenty-seven thousand men. Besides innumerable military stores, upwards of five hundred brass cannon fell into the hands of the conqueror ; and Augereau was sent to Paris, to present the Directory with sixty stand of colours. He was received with tumults of exultation, such as might have been expected, on an occasion so glorious, from a people less vivacious than the French. * Such was the prevailing terror, that one body of six thousand, under Rene, surren- dered to a French officer who had hardly five hundred men with him. 58 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. " The surrender of Provera and Wurmser, following the total rout of Alvinzi, placed Lombardy wholly in the hands of Napoleon ; and he now found leisure to avenge himself on the Pope for those hostile demonstrations which, as yet, he had been contented to hold in check. The terror with which the priestly court of the Vatican received the tidings of the utter destruction of the Aus- trian army, and of the irresistible conqueror's march southwards, did not prevent the Papal troops from making some efforts to defend the territories of the Holy See. General Victor, with four thousand French and as many Lombards, advanced upon the route of Imola. A Papal force, in numbers about equal, lay encamped on the river Senio in front of that town. Monks with crucifixes in their hands ran through the lines, exciting them to fight bravely for their country and their faith. The French general, by a rapid movement, threw his horse across the stream a league or two higher up, and then charged with his infantry through the Senio in their front. The resistance was brief. The Pope's army, com- posed mostly of new recruits, retreated in confusion. Faenza was carried by the bayonet. Coli and three thousand more laid down their arms ; and the strong town of Ancona was occupied. On the 10th of February the French entered Loretto, and rifled that celebrated seat of superstition of whatever treasures it still retained ; the most valuable articles had already been packed up and sent to Rome for safety. Victor then turned westwards from Ancona, with the design to unite with another French column, which had advanced into the papal dominion by Perugia. " The panic which the French advance had by this time spread was such, that the Pope had no hope but in submission. The peasants lately transformed into soldiers abandoned every where their arms, and fled in straggling groups to their native villages. The alarm in Rome itself recalled the days of Alaric. " The conduct of Bonaparte at this critical moment was worthy of that good sense which formed the original foundation of his successes, and of which the madness of pampered ambition could alone deprive him afterwards. He well knew that, of all the inhab- itants of the Roman territories, the class who contemplated his approach with the deepest terror were the unfortunate French priests, whom the Revolution had made exiles from their native soil. One of these unhappy gentlemen came forth in his despair, and, surrendering himself at the French head-quarters, said he knew his fate was sealed, and that they might as well lead him at once to the gallows. Bonaparte dismissed this person with courtesy, and issued a proclamation that none of the class should be molested ; on the contrary, allotting to each of them the means MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 59 of existence in monasteries, wherever his arms were or should be predominant. "This conduct, taken together with other circumstances of recent occurence, was well calculated to nourish in the breast of the Pope the hope that the victorious general of France had, by this time, discarded the ferocious hostility of the revolutionary government against the church of which he was head. He has- tened, however, to open a negotiation, and Napoleon received his envoy not merely with civility, but with professions of the pro- foundest personal reverence for the holy father. The Treaty of Tollentino (12th Feb., 1797) followed. By this the Pope conceded formally (for the first time) his ancient territory of Avignon; he resigned the legations of Ferrara, Bologna, and Romagna, and the port of Ancona; agreed to pay about a miUion and a half sterling, and to execute to the utmost the provisions of Bologna with respect to works of art. On these terms Pius was to remain nominal master of some shreds of the patrimony of St. Peter." CHAPTER IV, state of Venice ; Battle of Tagliamento ; the Austrians retreat; Treaty of Leoben; Bouriienne joins the Army ; Reasons for Delay ; Leaves Sens for Italy ; Insui-rection in the Venetian State ; Reflec- tions on Venice, In the preceding chapter we have given a rapid account of the extraordinary campaign of the Army of Italy, to the Treaty of Tollentino. It is the most splendid and celebrated of which we have any account, and the more remarkable, in having been directed by the surpassing genius of a hero of six-and-twenty, who, with a very inferior force, beat successively the well-appointed armies of the King of Sardinia and the Emperor of Austria. These armies were commanded by their bravest and most experi- enced generals; — but no experience was equal to the genius, the vigilance, and activity of Bonaparte. The oldest and most experi- enced commanders of the Emperor of Austria complained that he set aside all the ordinary rules of war, and would not fight according to system. Bonaparte was an inventor, and disregarded system; his object was to destroy his enemy, and in this he succeeded in a remarkable manner. "He was now master of all Northern Italy, with the exception of the territories of Venice. He heard without surprise that the 60 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. doge had been raising new levies, and that the senate could com- mand an army of fifty thousand, composed chiefly of fierce and semi-barbarous Sclavonian mercenaries. He demanded what these demonstrations meant, and was answered that Venice had no desire but to maintain a perfect neutrality. After some nego- tiation, he told the Yenetain envoy, that he granted the prayer of his masters. 'Be neuter,' said he, 'but see that yovu- neutrality be indeed sincere and perfect. If any insurrection occur in my rear, to cut oft' my communications in the event of my marching on Germany — if any movement whatever betray the disposition of your senate to aid the enemies of France, be sure that vengeance will follow — from that hour, the independence of Venice has ceased to be.' "More than a month had now elapsed since Alvinzi's defeat at Rivoli; in nine days the war with the Pope had reached its close; and having left some garrisons in the towns on the Adige, to watch the neutrality of Venice, Napoleon hastened to carry the war into the hereditary dominions of the emperor. Twenty thou- sand fresh troops had recently joined his victorious standard from France ; and at the head of perhaps a larger force than he had ever before mustered, he proceeded to the frontier of the Frioul, where, according to his information, the main army of Austria, recruited once more to its original strength, was preparing to open a sixth campaign — under the orders, not of Alvinzi, but of a general young like himself, and hitherto eminently successful — the same who had already by his combinations baffled two such masters in the art of war as Jourdan and Moreau — the Archduke Charles ; a prince on whose high talents the last hopes of the empire seemed to repose. '"To give the details of the sixth campaign ,which now com- menced, would be to repeat the story which has been already five times told. "Bonaparte found the archduke posted behind the river Taglia- mento, in front of the rugged Carinthian mountains, which guard the passage in that quarter from Italy to Germany. Detaching Massena to the Piave, where the Austrian division of Lusignan were in observation, he himself determined to charge the arch- duke in front. Massena was successful in driving Lusignan before him, as far as Belluno (where a rear-guard of five hundred surrendered), and thus turned the Austrian flank. Bonaparte then attempted and effected the passage of the Tagliamento. After a great and formal display of his forces, which Avas met by similar demonstrations on the Austrian side of the river, he suddenly broke up his line and retreated. The archduke, knowing that the French had been marching all the night before, concluded that the MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 61 general wished to defer the battle till another day ; and in like man- ner withdrew to his camp. About two hours after, Napoleon rushed with his whole army, who had merely lain down in ranks, upon the margin of the Tagliamento — no longer adequately guarded — and had forded the stream ere the Austrian line of battle could be formed. In the action which followed (March 12) the troops of the archduke displayed much gallantry, but every effort to dislodge Napoleon failed ; and at length retreat was judged necessary. The French followed hard behind. They stormed Gradisca, where they made five thousand prisoners; and — the archduke pursuing his retreat — occupied in the course of a few days Trieste, Fiume, and every stronghold in Carinthia. In the course of a campaign of twenty days, the Austrians fought Bona- parte ten times, but the overthrow on the Tagliamento was never recovered ; and the archduke, after defending Styria inch by inch as he had Carinthia, at length adopted the resolution of reaching Vienna by forced marches, there to gather round him whatever force the loyalty of his nation could muster, and make a last stand beneath the walls of the capital. "This plan, at first sight the mere dictate of despair, was in truth that of a wise and prudent general. The archduke had received intelligence from two quarters of events highly unfavour- able to the French. General Laudon, the Austrian commander on the Tyrol frontier, had descended thence with forces sufficient to overwhelm Bonaparte's lieutenants on the upper Adige, and was already in possession of the whole Tyrol, and of several of the Lombard towns. Meanwhile, the Venetian senate, on hearing of these Austrian successes, had plucked up courage to throw aside their flimsy neutrality, and not only declared war against France, but encouraged their partisans in Verona to open the contest with an inhuman massacre of the French wounded in the hospitals of that city. The vindictive Italians, wherever the French party was inferior in numbers, resorted to similar atrocities. The Venetian army passed the frontier: and, in effect, Bonaparte's means of deriving supplies of any kind from his rear were for the time wholly cut off. "Vienna was panic-struck on hearing that Bonaparte had stormed the passes of the Julian Alps; the imperial family sent their treasure into Hungary; and the archduke was ordered to avail himself of the first pretence which circumstances might afford for the opening of a negotiation. "That prince had already, acting on his own judgment and feelings, dismissed such an occasion with civility and with cold- ness. Napoleon had addressed a letter to his imperial highness 6 62 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, from Clagenfurt, in which he called on him, as a brother-soldier, to consider the certain miseries and the doubtful successes of war, and put an end to the campaign by a fair and equitable treaty. The archduke replied, that he regarded with the highest esteem the personal character of his correspondent, but that the Austrian government had committed to his trust the guidance of a particular army, not the diplomatic business of the empire. The prince, on receiving these new instructions from Vienna, perceived, however reluctantly, that the hne of his duty was altered; and the result was a series of negotiations — which ended in the provisional treaty of Leoben, signed April 18, 1797." The preceding account of the Italian campaign has been sup- plied to connect the narrative of Bourrienne; he was now about to join the general-in-chief at the head-quarters of the army of Italy, and he did not leave him for a moment until the end of 1802. It is impossible for me to avoid occasionally intruding myself in the course of these memoirs ; but I owe it to myself to show that I was no intruder, nor pursued, as an obscure intriguer, the path of fortune. I was influenced more by friendship than by ambition when I took a part on the theatre where the rising glory of the future emperor already shed a lustre on all who were attached to his destiny. It will be seen from the following letters with what confidence I was then honoured : " Head-quarters, at Milan, 20 Prairial, year rv. June 8, 1796. "The general-in-chief has charged me, my dear Bourrienne, to make known to you the pleasure he received on hearing of you, and his desire that you should join us. Take your departure, then, my dear Bourrienne, and arrive quickly. You will be sure of obtaining the testimonies of affection which you inspire from all who know you, and we much regret that you have not been here to have a share in our success. The campaign which we have just concluded will be celebrated in the records of history. It is surprising that with less than thirty thousand men, in a state of almost complete destitution, we have, in less than two months, beaten, eight different times, an army of from sixty-five to seventy thousand men, obliged the King of Sardinia to make a humiliating peace, and driven the Austrians from Italy. The last victory, of which you have doubtless had an account, the passage of the Mincio, has closed our labours. There now remain for us the siege of Mantua and the castle of Milan, but these obsta- cles will not detain us long. Adieu, my dear Bourrienne ; I repeat General Bonaparte's request, that you should repair hither, and the testimony of Iris desire to see you. " Receive, &c. Marmont, " Chief of Brigade, and Aide-de-camp to the General-in-chief." Eleven months after the receipt of the above letter I received other letters from Marmont, as well as from the general-in-chief, urging me to hasten my journey to join them at head-quarters; and at the moment I was about to depart I received the following letter; MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 63 " Head-quarters, Judenburgh, 10 Germinal, j-ear V. } April 8, 1797. \ " The general-in-chief again orders me, my dear Bourrienne, to urge you to come to him quickly. We are in the midst of success and triumphs. The German campaign commenced in a manner more briUiant than that of Italy. You may judge what a promise it holds out to us. Come, my dear Bourrienne, unmediately ; yield to our solicitations, share our pains and pleasures, and you will add to our enjoyments. " I have directed the courier to pass through Sens, that he may deliver this letter to you, and bring me back your answer. " Marmont." To the above letter this order was subjoined : " The citizen Fauvelet de Bourrienne is ordered to leave Sens, and repair immedi- ately by post to the head-quarters of the army of Italy. Bonaparte." My reason for not accepting these friendly invitations before arose from my not having been able to obtain the erasure of my name from the emigrant list, and which I did not obtain until a later period, through the influence of the general-in-chief But now I determined without hesitation to set out for the army. General Bonaparte's order, which I registered at the municipality of Sens, served for a passport, which might otherwise have been refused me. I did not leave Sens until the 11th of April, and arrived in the Venetian states at the moment when the insurrection against the French broke out. I had passed through Verona on the 16th, where I remained two hours, little expecting the massacre which afterwards took place. When about a league from the town, I was stopped by a band of insurgents, who obliged me to call out, "Long live St. Mark!" an order with which I speedily com- plied, and passed on. On the following day all the French who were confined in the hospitals were butchered, amidst the ringing of the church bells, and by the encouragement of the priests. Upwards of four hundred of the French were killed. The last days of Venice were now approaching. Two causes powerfully contributed to hasten her downfall, after an existence of twelve hundred years ; the successes of the French had propa- gated the principles of the revolution in Italy ; the Archduke of Milan had been deposed ; and why should not the Doge of Venice cease to rule? The spirit of the revolution was gradually diffused, and discontent rapidly spread along with it. The difference be- tween the new doctrines and the gloomy institutions of Venice were too marked not to occasion a desire of change. This was followed by a desire on the part of the patriotic party to revo- lutionize the Venetian states on the main land, to unite them with Lombardy, and to form of the whole one republic. In fact, the force of circumstances alone brought on the insurrection of those territories. The pursuit of the Archduke Charles into the heart 64 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. of Austria encouraged the Venetian senate to hope that it would be easy to annihilate the feeble remnant of the French army, which was scattered throughout their territory: but in this they were disappointed. Bonaparte skilfully took advantage of the disturbances, and the massacres consequent on them, to adopt towards the senate the tone of an offended conqueror. He wrote to the Directory that the only part they could take was to destroy this sanguinary and ferocious government, and to erase the Vene- tian name from the face of the earth. On returning from Leoben,* he, without ceremony, seized Ven- ice, changed the established government, and took possession of her territories; and, at the negotiations of Campo-Formio, he found himself able to dispose of them as he pleased, in compensation for the concessions which had been exacted from Austria. The fate of this republic was now sealed — it disappeared from the list of of states without a struggle and without noise. He executed severe revenge. Venice was called upon to pay three millions francs in gold, and as many more in naval stores; and to deliver up five ships of war, twenty of the best pictures, and five hun- dred manuscripts. In their last agony the Venetian senate made a vain effort to secure the personal protection of the general, by offering him a purse of seven millions of francs. He rejected this with scorn. He had already treated in the same style a bribe of four millions, tendered on the part of the Duke of Modena. Austria herself, it is said, did not hesitate to tamper in the same manner, though far more magnificently, as became her resources, with his repub- lican virtue. He was offered, if the story be true, an independent German principality for himself and his heirs. " I thank the empe- ror," he answered; "but if greatness is to be mine, it shall come from France." The Venetian senate were guilty of another and a more inex- cusable piece of meanness. They seized the person of Count D'Entraigues, a French emigrant, who had been living in their city as agent for the exiled house of Bourbon; and surrendered him and all his papers to the victorious general. Bonaparte dis- covered among these documents ample evidence that Pichegru, the French general on the Rhine, and universally honoured as the conqueror of Holland, had some time before this hearkened to the * The Doge and Senate hastened to send offers of submission, but thsir messengers were treated with anger and contempt. " French blood has been treacherously shed," said Napoleon ; "if you could offer me the treasures of Peru — if you could cover your whole dominion with gold — the atone- ment would be insufficient ; the lion of St. Mark must lick the dust ! " MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 65 proposals of the Bourbon princes; and had, among other efforts to favour the royal cause, not hesitated even to misconduct his military movements with a view to the downfall of the govern- ment which had entrusted him with his command. This was a secret, the importance of which Napoleon could well appreciate; and he forthwith communicated it to the Direc- tory at Paris. CHAPTER V. My Anival and Reception at Leoben; ArriTal at Milan; Negotiations with Austria; Bonaparte complains to the Directory ; Royalist Clubs ; sends La Valette, Augereau, and Bemadotte to Paris ; 18th Fructidor. I JOINED Bonaparte at Leoben, on the 19th of April, the day after the signature of the preliminaries of peace. Here ceased my intercourse with him as equal with equal, campanion with compan- ion; and those relations commenced, in which! saw him great, powerful, and surrounded with homage and glory. I no longer addressed him as formerly ; I was too well aware of his personal importance. His position had placed too great a distance in the social scale between us for me not to perceive the necessity of conforming myself accordingly. I made with pleasure, and with- out regret, the easy sacrifice of familiarity, of thee and thouing, and other trifles. He said, in a loud voice, when I entered the apartment in which he stood surrounded by a brilliant staff, " I am glad to see you, at last." As soon as we were alone, he gave me to understand that he was pleased with my reserve. I was immediately placed at the head of his cabinet; I spoke to him the same evening respecting the insurrection in the Venetian states; of the dangers which threatened the French, and of those which I had myself escaped. "Be tranquil," said he," these rascals shall pay for it; their republic has had its day." In the first conversation which Bonaparte had with me I thought I could perceive that he was dissatisfied with the preliminaries of peace. He had wished to advance with his army upon Vienna, and, before offering peace to the Archduke Charles, he wrote to the Directory that he wished to follow up his successes ; but to be enabled to do so, he wished to be sustained by the co-operation of the armies of the Sambre and Meuse, and that of the Rhine. The Directory replied, that he must not reckon on a diversion in Ger- -. many, and that the armies alluded to were not to pass the Rhine. E 6* 66 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. This resolution, so unexpected, obliged him to terminate his triumphs, and renounce, for the present, his favourite project of planting the standards of the Republic upon the walls of Vienna. In traversing the Venetian states to return to Milan, he fre- quently spoke of the affairs of that republic ; and constantly stated, that he was originally entirely unconnected with the insurrections which had taken place; but as they had occurred, he was not sorry for it, for that he certainly would take advantage of them in^the settlement of the definitive treaty. We arrived at Milan on the 5th of May. Bonaparte took up his residence at Montebello, a beautiful seat about three leagues from that city. Here commenced the negotiations for the peace, which were terminated at Passeriano. During the course of these negotiations, the Directory ordered the general-in-chief to demand the liberation of La Fayette, Latour-Maubourg, and Bureau de Puzy, who had been detained at Olmutz, since 1792, as prisoners of state. He executed this commission with as much pleasure as zeal; but he met with many difficulties, and it required all his vigour of character to enable him to succeed at the end of three months. They obtained their freedom in August, 1797, and received it with that feeling of independence and dignity which a long and rigid captivity had not been able to destroy. It was now the month of July, and the negotiations were still protracted, and the obstacles which were continually recumng could only be attributed to the artful policy of Austria, who seemed anxious to gain time. The news which he received at this time from Paris occupied his whole attention. He beheld with extreme displeasure, and even with violent anger, the manner in which the leading orators in the councils, and pamphlets written in a similar spirit, spoke of him, his army, his victories, the affairs of Venice, and the national glory. He regarded with indignation the suspi- cions which they endeavoured to throw upon his conduct and his ulterior views ; and was furious at seeing his services depreciated, his glory and that of his companions in arms disparaged. On this occasion he wrote to the Directory a very spirited letter, and demanded his dismissal. At this time it was generally reported that Carnot, from his office in the Luxembourg, had traced out the plan of those opera- tions by which Bonaparte had acquired so much glory; and that to Berthier he was indebted for their successful execution: and many persons are still of this opinion ; but there is no foundation for the belief. — Bonaparte was an inventor, and not an imitator. It is true that, at the commencement of these brilliant campaigns, the Directory had transmitted to him certain instructions ; but he MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 67 always followed his own plans, and wrote that all would be lost if he were blindly to put in practice movements conceived at a dis- tance from the scene of action. He also offered his resignation. The Directory, at length, admitted the difficulty of dictating military operations at Paris, and left every thing to him — and certainly, there was not a movement or operation which did not originate with himself Bonaparte was exceedingly sensitive on this subject; and one day he said to me, "As for Berthier, since you have been with me, you see what he is — he is a blockhead: yet it is he who has done all!" Berthier, however, was a man of honour, courage, and probity, and exceedingly regular in the per- formance of his duties, and very efficient as the head of the staff' of the army. This is all the praise that can be given him, and, indeed, all that he desired. Bonaparte had a great regard for Berthier, and he in return looked up to him with so much admira- tion, that he never could have presumed to oppose his plans, or give any advice. Bonaparte was a man of habit, and was much attached to all the people about him, and did not like new faces. At this time young Beauharnois came to Milan ; he was then in his seventeenth year, and had lived in Paris with his mother since the departure of Bonaparte. On his arrival he immediately entered the service, as aid-de-camp to the General-in-chief, who felt for him an affection which was justified by his many good qualities. Eugene had an excellent heart, a manly courage, a pre- possessing exterior, with an obliging and amiable temper. His life is matter of history; and those who knew him will agree that his maturer years did not disappoint the promise of his youth. Already he displayed the courage of a soldier, and at a later period he evinced the talent of a statesman. From the time of his arrival in Milan till the end of the year 1802, I never lost sight of him for a moment; and during an intimacy of several years, nothing has occurred that would induce me to recall a single word of this praise. Bonaparte was justly of opinion that the tardiness of the negotiations, and the difficulties which incessantly arose, were founded on the expectation of an event which would change the government of France, and render the chances of peace more favourable to Austria. He urged the Directory to put an end to this state of things — to arrest the emigrants, to destroy the influence of foreigners, to recall the armies, and to suppress the journals, which he said were sold to England, and were more sanguinary than Marat ever was. He despised the Directory, which he accused of weakness, indecision, extravagance, and a perseverance in a. system degrading to the national glory. 68 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. He had long foreseen the struggle about to take place between the partisans of Royalty and the Republic, and had been urged by his friends to choose his party, or to act for himself; but before deciding, he first thought of his own interest. He did not consider that he had yet done enough to bear him out in seizing the supreme power, which, under existing circumstances, he might easily have done. He was satisfied, for the present, with joining that party which appeared to have the support of public opinion. I know he was determined upon marching to Paris with twenty-five thou- sand men, if affairs appeared to take a turn unfavourable to the Republic, which he preferred to Royalty, because he expected to derive greater advantages from it. He carefully arranged his plan of the campaign. He considered that in defending this so- much-despised Directory, he was only protecting a power which appeared to have no other object than to occupy a situation until he was prepared to fill it. His resolution of passing the Alps with twenty-five thousand men, and marching by Lyons upon Paris, was well known in the capital, and every one was occupied in discussing the consequences of this passage of another Rubicon. Determined on supporting the majority of the Directory, and of combating the Royalist faction, he sent his aid-de-camp. La Valette, to Paris, towards the end of July, and Augereau followed him very shortly after. Bonaparte wrote to the Directory, that Augereau had solicited permission to go to Paris on his own private affairs ; but the truth is, that he was sent expressly to urge on the revolution which was preparing against the Royalist party and the minority of the Directory. Bernadotte was subsequently despatched on the same errand ; but he did not take any gKcat part in the affair — he was always prudent. The Republican members of the Directory were Barras, Rew- bell, and La Revilliere. Carnot and Barthelemy were the other two, who were considered favourable to the emigrants, and to the reestablishment of monarchy. The crisis of the 18th Fructidor (Sept. 5, 1797), which brought a triumph to the Republican party, and retarded for three years the extinction of the pentarchy, presents one of the most remarkable events in its short and feeble existence. The Republican Directors had determined upon arresting those members of the Council of Five Hundred, and of the Ancients, who were obnoxious to them ; and, to secure their success, they appointed Augereau military commandant, which was the object of Bonaparte's wishes. Various plans were proposed and abandoned, and La Valette writes to Bonaparte on the 7th that the obstacles which occasioned it were — First, Disagreement respecting the means of execution. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 69 Second, The fear of engaging in a contest, of which the success is not doubtful, but of which the consequences are uncertain. Third, The embarrassment which would be caused by the Coun- cil of Ancients, who are determined to oppose no resistance, and by the Council of Five Hundred, who must be driven away because they will not go quietly. And Fourth, The fear of the Baboeuf reaction. However, these fears were got over, and they determined upon a vigorous stroke. The fear of being anticipated, at length caiised measures to be hurried forward. At midnight, on the 17th, Augereau despatched orders to all the troops to march upon the points specified. Before day-break the bridges and principal squares were planted with cannon. At day- break the halls of the Council were surrounded, the guards of the Council fraternized with the troops, and forty of the most distin- guished members of the Council of Five Hundred, and thirty-four of that of the Ancients, supposed most devoted to royalty, were arrested, and conducted to the Temple. Among the intended victims were Carnot and Barthelemy, both members of the Direc- tory. Barthelemy fell into the hands of his pursuers ; but Carnot effected his escape. These Directors were replaced by Merlin and Francois de Neufchateau, both zealous Republicans. The arrested deputies were afterwards banished to French Cayenne, where the greater part of them perished through the pestilential influence of the climate. — It was by this means that the new revolution, as it was called, of the 18th Fructidor (Sept. 5, 1797) was effected. Bonaparte was intoxicated with joy when he heard of a happy issue of the 18th Fructidor. Its results produced the dissolution of the Legislative Assembly, and the fall of the Royalist party, which for some months had disturbed his tranquillity. The Clichians had objected to receive Joseph Bonaparte as the deputy for Liamone, into the Council of Five Hundred. His brother's victory removed the difficulty ; but the general soon perceived that the victors abused their power, and were again compromising the safety of the republic, by reviving the principles of revolu- tionary government. The Directory were alarmed at his discontent, and offended by his censure. They conceived the singular idea of opposing to him Augereau, of whose blind devotion they had received many proofs; and this general they appointed commander of the Army of Germany. Augereau, whose extreme vanity was notorious, believed himself in a situation to compete with Bonaparte. His arrogance was founded on the circumstance that, with a numer- 70 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, ous body of troops, he had arrested some unarmed representa- tives, and torn the epaulets from the shoulders of the commandant of the guard of the Councils. The Directory and he filled the head-quarters at Passeriano with spies and intriguers. Bonaparte, who was informed of every thing, laughed at the Directory, and tendered his resignation, in order that he might be requested to continue in command. He felt very indignant at this conduct on the part of the Direqtory, and complained to them witli great spirit of the ingratitude which the government had shown to him, and insisted that another should be appointed to succeed him in the command. To these remonstrances the Direc- tory replied without delay, and endeavoured to repel the reproaches of mistrust and ingratitude, of which he had accused them, and to assure him of the entire confidence of the government. After this event Bonaparte became more powerful, and Austria less haughty and confident. The Directory had before that period been desirous of peace, and Austria, hoping that the events which were expected at Paris would be favourable to her interest, had created obstacles for the purpose of delay. But now she was again anxious for peace; and Bonaparte, still distrusting the Directory, was fearful lest they had penetrated his secret, and attributed his powerful concurrence on the 18th Fructidor to the true cause — his personal views of ambition. Some of the general's friends also wrote to him from Paris, and, for my part, I never ceased repeating to him, that the peace, the power of making which he held in his own hands, would render him far more popular than the renewal of hostilities, undertaken with all the chances of success and reverse. These feelings, together with the early appearance of bad weather, precipitated his determination. On being informed on the 13th of October, at day-break, that the mountains were cov- ered with snow, he feigned at first to disbelieve it, and leaping from his bed, he ran to the window, and, convinced of the sudden change, he calmly said, "What! before the middle of October! what a country is this! well, we must make peace." After hav- ing hastily put on his clothes, he shut himself up with me in his •closet, and carefully reviewed the returns from the different corps of the army. "Here are," said he, " nearly eighty thousand effective men; I feed, I pay them: but I can bring but sixty thousand into the field on the day of battle. I shall gain it ; but afterwards my force will be reduced twenty thousand men, by killed, wounded, and prisoners. Then how can I oppose all the Austrian forces that will march to the protection of Venice? It would be a month before the armies of the Rhine could support me, if they were MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 71 able to do so ; and in fifteen days all the roads will be deeply cov- ered with snow. It is settled — I will make peace. Venice shall pay for the expense of the war, and our boundary shall be the Rhine. The Directory and the lawyers may say what they please." It is well known that, by the treaty of Campo-Formio, the bel- ligerent powers made peace at the expense of the republic of Venice, which at first had nothing to do in the quarrel, and which only interfered at a late period, probably against her inclination, and impelled by the force of circumstances. But what has been the result of this great political spoliation ? A part of the Venetian territory was adjudged to the Cisalpine republic ; it is now in the possession of Austria. Another considerable portion, and the capital itself, fell to the lot of Austria in compensation for the Belgic provinces and Lombardy. Austria now occupies Lom- bardy, and the additions then made to it. Belgium came into the possession of the house of Orange, but is now become an inde- pendent kingdom. France obtained Corfu and some of the Ionian Islands ; these now belong to England. Thus have we been gloriously conquering for Austria and England. An ancient state is overturned without noise, and its provinces, after being divided among the neighbouring states, are now all under the dominion of Austria. We do not possess a foot of ground in all the fine countries we conquered, and which served as compensation for the immense acquisitions of the house of Hapsburgh in Italy. This time she was aggrandized by a war which was to herself most disastrous. The Directory was far from being satisfied with the treaty of Campo-Formio, and with difficulty resisted the temptation of not ratifying it. But all their objections were made in vain. Bona- parte made no scruple of disregarding his instructions. CHAPTER VI. Effect of the 18th Fnictidor ; Treaty of Campo-Formio; leaves Italy; Arrival atRastadt; Intrigues against Josephine ; grand Reception at Paris by the Directoi^ ; the Egyptian Expedition projected ; Bonaparte's Arrival at Toulon ; Departvire for Egypt. The 18th Fructidor, without doubt, powerfully contributed to the conclusion of peace at Campo-Formio. The Directory, hith- erto, had not been very pacifically inclined, but having struck what is called a coup d'etat, they at length saw the necessity of 73 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. obtaining absolution from the discontented by giving peace to France. And Austria, at the same time, observing the complete failure of the royalist plots in the interior of France, thought it high time to conclude a treaty with the republic, which, notwith- standing all the defeats she had sustained, would still leave her a preponderating influence in Italy. The campaign of Italy, so fertile in the glorious achievements of arms, had also the effect of tempering the fierceness of the republican spirit which had spread over France. Bonaparte, negotiating with princes and their ministers on a footing of equality, but still with all that superiority to which victory and his genius entitled him, gradually taught foreign courts to be familiar with republican France, and the republic to cease con- sidering all states governed by kings as of necessity enemies. Under these cu'cumstances the departure of the general-in-chief, and his expected visit to Paris, excited general attention. The feeble Directory was prepared to submit to the presence of the conqueror of Italy in the capital. On the 17th of November he quitted Milan for the congress at Rastadt, there to preside in the French legation. But before his departure he sent to the Directory one of those trophies, the inscrip- tion on which might easily be considered as fabulous, but which in this case was nothing but the truth. This trophy was the flag of the army of Italy, and General Joubert was appointed to the honourable mission of presenting it to the government. On one side of the flag were the words, " To the Army of Italy, the grate- ful country." The other contained an enumeration of the battles fought, the places taken, and a striking and simple abridgment of the history of the Italian campaign : " One hundred and fifty thousand prisoners ; one hundred and sev- enty standards ; five hundred and fifty pieces of battering cannon ; six hundred pieces of field artillery ; five bridge equipages ; nine sixty- four-gun ships ; twelve thirty-two-gun frigates ; twelve corvettes ; eighteen galleys; armistice with the King of Sardinia; conven- tion with Genoa; armistice with the Duke of Parma; armistice with the King of Naples; armistice with the Pope ; preliminaries of Leoben ; convention of Montebello with the republic of Genoa ; treaty of peace with the Emperor at Campo-Formio. "Liberty given to the people of Bologna, Ferrara, Modena, Massa-Carrara, La Romagna, Lomardy, Brescia, Bergami, Man- tua, Crema, part of the Veronese, Chiavena, Bormio, the Valtelina, the Genoese, the Imperial Fiefs, the people of the department of Cor9yra, of the iEgean Sea, and of Ithaca. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 73 "Sent to Paris all the master-pieces of Michael Angelo, of Guercino, of Titian, of Paul Veronese, of Correggio, of Albano, of Carracci, of Raphael, and of Leonardo da Vinci." Thus was enumerated on a flag destined to decorate the hall of the public sittings of the Directory, the military deeds of the cam- paign of Italy, its political results, and the conquest of the monu- ments of art. The greater part of the Italian cities had been accustomed to consider their conqueror as a liberator — such was the magic of the word liberty, which resounded from the Alps to the Apennines. In his way to Mantua the general took up his residence in the palace of the ancient dukes, where he stopped two days. The morrow of his arrival was devoted to the celebration of a military funeral, in honour of General Hoche, who had just died. His next object was to hasten the execution of a monument which was erecting to the memory of Virgil. Thus in one day he paid hon- our to France and Italy — to modern glory and to ancient fame — to the laurels of war and the laurels of poetry. A person who saw Bonaparte on this occasion for the first time, describes him thus, in a letter to Paris: "I beheld with deep interest and extreme attention that extraordinary man who has performed such great deeds, and about whom there is something which seems to indicate that his career is not yet terminated. I found him very like his portraits, small in stature, thin, pale, with an air of fatigue, but not in ill health, as has been reported. He appeared to me to listen with more abstraction than interest, as if occupied rather with what he was thinking of, than with what was said to him. There is great intelligence in his countenance, along with an expression of habitual meditation, which reveals nothing of what is passing within. In that thinking head, in that daring mind, it is impossible not to suppose that some designs are engendering which will have their influence on the destinies of Europe," If the above letter had not been published in the journals for 1797, it might have been presumed to have been written after subsequent events had verified the conjecture. The journey of Bonaparte through Switzerland was to him a real triumph, and it was not without its utihty; his presence seemed to calm many inquietudes. . From the many changes which had occured on the other side of the Alps, the Swiss apprehended some dismemberment, or at least some encroachment on their territory, which the chances of war might have rendered possible. Every where he applied himself to restore confidence, and every where he was received with enthusiasm. He proceeded on his 7 74 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. journey to Rastadt by Aix in Savoy, Berne, and Basle. On arriving at Berne, during the night, we passed through a double line of carriages, well lighted up, and filled with beautiful women, all of whom raised the cry, "Long live Bonaparte! — long live the Pacificator!" On arriving at Rastadt Bonaparte found a letter from the Directory, calling him to Paris. He eagerly obeyed this invita- tion to withdraw from a place where he knew he could act only an insignificant part, and which he had fully determined on leav- ing, never to return. Such tedious employment did not suit his character, and he had been sufficiently dissatisfied with the simi- lar proceedings at Campo-Formio. Bonaparte has said at St. Helena that he did not return from Italy with more than three hundred thousand francs ; but I know that at that time he had more than three millions in his possession. With three hundred thousand francs he could not have lived in the style in which he afterwards did in Paris, nor have expended such large sums of money in his excursion along the coast, and for other purposes. Bonaparte's brothers, desirous of obtaining complete ascend- ancy over his mind, endeavoured to lessen the influence which Josephine possessed from the love of her husband. They tried to excite his jealousy, and took advantage of her stay at Milan after our departure, which had been authorized by Bonaparte himself But his confidence in his wife, his journey to the coast, his incessant labour to hurry forward the Egyptian expedition, and his short stay at Paris, prevented such feelings from taking possession of his mind. I shall afterwards have occasion to return to these intrigues. Admitted to the confidence of both, I had an opportunity of averting or lessening a great deal of mis- chief. If Josephine still lived, she would allow me this merit. I never took part against her but once, and that unwittingly, m regard to the marriage of her daughter Hortense. Josephine had never as yet spoken to me on the subject. Bonaparte wished to give his daughter-in-law to Duroc,* and his brothers were anx- ious to promote it, in order to separate Josephine from Hortense, for whom Bonaparte felt the tenderest affection. Josephine, on the other hand, wished Hortense to marry Louis Bonaparte. Her motive for doing so may be easily supposed to have been to gain * It was not at Toulon, as has been stated, that Bonaparte took Duroc into the artillery, and made hini his aid-de-camp. The acquaintance was formed at a subse- quent period, in Italy. Duroc's cold character and unexcursive mind suited Napoleon, whose confidence he enjoyed until his death, and who entrusted him with missions perhaps above his abilities. At St. Helena, Bonaparte often declared that he was much attached to Duroc. I believe this to be true, but I know that the attachment was not returned. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 75 support in a family where she seemed to have none but enemies ; and she carried her point. The most magnificent preparations had been made at the Lux- embourg for the reception of Bonaparte on his return from Ras- tadt. The great court of the palace was elegantly ornamented; and they had constructed at the lower end, close to the palace, a large amphitheatre for the accommodation of official persons. Opposite to the principal entrance stood the altar of the country, surrounded by the statues of Liberty, Equality, and Peace. When Bonaparte entered, every one stood up uncovered; the windows were full of young and beautiful females. But, notwithstanding this splendour, an icy coldness characterized the ceremony. Every one seemed to be present only for the purpose of beholding a sight, and curiosity rather than joy seemed to influence the assembly. This, however, was partly occasioned by one of the clerks of the Directory, who had forced his way upon a part of the scaffolding not intended to be used, and who no sooner placed his foot upon the plank than it tilted up, and the imprudent man fell the whole height into the court. This accident created a gen- eral stupor — ladies fainted, and the windows were nearly deserted. On this occasion the Directory displayed great splendour; and Talleyrand, then secretary of state for foreign affairs, intro- duced Bonaparte to the Directory in a very flattering speech. But so great was the impatience of the assembly, that his speech was little attended to — so anxious was every one to hear Bona- parte. The conqueror of Italy then rose, and pronounced with a modest air, but in a firm voice, the following brief address : " Citizen Directors : The French people, to become free, had to contend with kings. To obtain a constitution founded on reason, the prejudices of eighteen centuries had to be overcome. The constitution of the year III. and you have triumphed over all those obstacles. Religion, feudalism, and royalty, have successively, during twenty ages, governed Europe ; but from the peace which you have just concluded dates the era of representative govern- ments. You have effected the organization of the Great Nation, the territory of which is only circumscribed because nature her- self has fixed its Hmits. You have done more : The two most beautiful portions of Europe, formerly so celebrated for the sci- ences, the arts, and the great men whose birth-place they were, beheld with glad expectation the genius of freedom arise from the tombs of their ancestors. Such are the pedestals on which destiny is about to place two powerful nations. " I have the honour to lay before you the treaty signed at Campo- 76 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Formio, and ratified by his majesty the emperor. When the happiness of the French shall be secured on the best practical laws, then Europe will become free." Barras, then president of the Directory, made a speech in reply, and then embraced the general, which was followed by the other Directors. Each acted to the best of his ability his part in this sentimental comedy. The two Councils were not disposed to be behind the Directory in the manifestation of joy. A few days after, they gave a splendid banquet to the general in the gallery of the Louvre, which had recently been enriched by the master-pieces of painting brought from Italy. , At Paris he took up his residence in the same small modest house that he had occupied before he set out for Italy, in the Rue Chanter eine, which, about this time, in compliment to its illus- trious inhabitant, received from the municipality the new name of Rue de la Victoire. Here he resumed his favourite studies and pursuits, and, apparently contented with the society of his private friends, seemed to avoid, as carefully as others in his situation might have courted, the honours of popular distinction and applause. It was not immediately known that he was in Paris, and when he walked the streets his person was rarely recognised by the multitude. His mode of life was somewhat necessarily different from what it had been when he was both poor and obscure ; his society was courted in the highest circles, and he from time to time appeared in them, and received company at home with the elegance of hospitality over which Josephine was so well qualified to preside. But policy as well as pride moved him to shun notoriety. Before he could act again, he had much to observe ; and he knew himself too well to be flattered either by the stare of mobs or of saloons. In his intercourse with society at this period, he was, for the most part, remarkable for the cold reserve of his manners. He had the appearance of one too much occupied with serious designs, to be able to relax at will into the easy play of ordinary conversa- tion. He did not suffer his person to be familiarized out of rever- ence. When he did appear, he was still, wherever he went, the Bonaparte of Lodi, and Areola, and Rivoli. In January, 1798, he again renewed, without success, his former attempt to obtain a dispensation of age, and a seat in the Directory; but perceiving that the time was not favourable, he laid it aside. The Directory were popular with no party ; but there were many parties, and numerically probably the Royalists were the strongest. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 77 The pure Republicans were still powerful : the army of Italy was distant and scattered ; that of the Rhine, far more numerous, and equally well disciplined, had its own general — men not yet in reputation much inferior to himself; but having been less fortunate than their brethren in Italy, had consequently acquired less wealth. It was no wonder that the soldiery of the Rhine regarded the others, if not their leader, with some little jealousy. In Napoleon's own language, "the pear was not yet ripe." He proceeded, therefore, to make a regular survey of the French coast opposite to England, with the view of improving its fortifica- tions, and (ostensibly at least) of selecting the best points for embarking an invading force. For this service he was eminently qualified ; and many local improvements of great importance, long afterwards effected, were first suggested by him at this period. In this rapid excursion of eight days, he wished to ascertain the practi- cability of a descent upon England. He was accompanied by Lannes, Sulkowsky, and myself. He made his observations with that patience, knowledge, and tact, which he possessed in so high a degree : he examined until midnight sailors, pilots, smugglers, and fishermen; he made objections, and listened attentively to their answers. We returned to Paris by Antwerp, Brussels, Lisle, and St. Quentin. "Well, general," said I, "what do you think of your journey? are you satisfied?" He replied quickly, with a negative shake of the head, " It is too hazardous ; I will not attempt it. I will not risk upon such a stake the fate of our beautiful France." He had himself, in the course of the preceding autumn, sug- gested to the minister for foreign affairs, the celebrated Talleyrand,* the propriety of making an effort against England in another quar- ter of the world — of seizing Malta, proceeding to occupy Egypt, and therein gaining at once a territoiy capable of supplying to France the loss of her West Indian colonies, and the means of annoying Great Britain in her Indian trade and empire. To this scheme he now recurred : the East presented a field of conquest and glory on which his imagination delighted to brood: "Europe," said he, "is but a mole-hill — all the great reputations have come from Asia." The injustice of attacking the dominions of the Grand Seignior, an old ally of France, formed but a trivial obstacle in the eyes of the Directory : the professional opinion of Bonaparte * History will speak as favourably of M. de Talleyrand, as his contemporaries have spoken ill of him. When a statesman, throughout a great, long, and difficult career, makes and preserves a number of faithful friends, and provokes but few enemies, it may justly be inferred that his character is honourable, and his talent profound; and that his political conduct has been wise and moderate. It is impossible to know M. de Talleyrand without admiring him. All who have that advantage, no doubt, judge hun as I do. 78 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAETE. that the invasion of England, if attempted then, must fail, could not but carry its due weight. The Egyptian expedition was deter- mined on ; but kept strictly secret. The attention of England was still rivetted on the coasts of Normandy and Picardy, between which and Paris Bonaparte studiously divided his presence — while it was on the borders of the Mediten-anean that the ships and the troops really destined for action were assembling. From all I saw I am of opinion that the wish to get rid of an ambitious young man, whose popularity excited envy, triumphed over the evident danger of removing, for an indefinite period, an excellent army, and the more probable loss of the French fleet. As to Bonaparte, he was well assured that nothing remained for him but to choose between that hazardous enterprise and his cer- tain ruin. Egypt was, he thought, the right place to maintain his reputation, and to add fresh glory to his name. On the 12th April, 1798, he was appointed general-in-chief of the Army of the East. Having rifled to such purpose the cabinets and galleries of the Italian princes, he was resolved not to lose the opportunity of appropriating some of the rich antiquarian treasures of Egypt; nor was it likely that he should undervalue the opportunities which his expedition might afford, of extending the boundaries of science, by a careful observation of natural phenomena. He drew together therefore a body of eminent artists and connoisseurs, under the direction of Monge, who had managed his Italian collections: it was perhaps the first time that a troop of Savans (there were one hundred of them) formed part of the staff" of an invading army. The English government, meanwhile, although they had no suspicion of the real destination of the armament, had not failed to observe what was passing in Toulon. They probably believed that the ships there assembled were meant to take part in the great scheme of the invasion of England. However this might have been, they had sent a considerable reinforcement to Nelson, who then commanded on the Mediterranean station; and he, at the moment when Bonaparte reached Toulon, was cruising within sight of the port. Napoleon well knew that to embark in the pres- ence of Nelson would be to rush into the jaws of ruin; and waited until some accident should relieve him from this terrible watcher. On the evening of the 1 9th of May fortune favoured him. A violent gale drove the English off" the coast, and disabled some ships so much that Nelson was obliged to go into the harbours of Sardinia, to have them repaired. The French general instantly commanded the embarkation of all his troops; and as the last of them got on board, the sun rose on the mighty armament ; it was one of those dazzling suns which the soldiery delighted afterwards to call " the suns of Napoleon." MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 79 CHAPTER VII The Expedition to Egypt ; AiTival at Malta ; the Fleet escapes Nelson ; Alexandria taken ; the Battle of the Pjramids ; Cairo surrenders ; the French Fleet destroyed at Aboukir. We left Paris on the 3d of May, 1798. Ten days before the departure of General Bonaparte for the conquest of Egypt and Syria, a prisoner, Sir Sydney Smith, escaped from the Temple, who was destined to contribute most materially to the failure of an expedition which had been conceived with the greatest bold- ness. This escape was pregnant with future events; a forged order of the Minister of Police prevented the revolution of the East. We arrived at Toulon on the 8th. Bonaparte knew by the movements of the English that not a moment was to be lost ; contrary winds delayed us ten days, which he employed in the examination of the most minute details of the expedition. The squadron sailed on the 19th of May. Seldom have the shores of the Mediterranean witnessed a nobler spectacle. The unclouded sun rose on a semi-circle of vessels, extending in all to not less than six leagues : consisting of thirteen ships of the line, fourteen frigates, four hundred transports, under the command of Admiral Brueys. They carried forty thousand picked soldiers, and these were commanded by officers whose names were only inferior to that of the general-in-chief : of the men, as well as of their leaders, the far greater part were already accustomed to follow Napoleon, and to conisder his presence as the pledge of victory. We arrived off Malta on the 10th of June. It was not taken by force of arms, but by a previous arrangement with the imbe- cile knights. Bonaparte has stated himself that he took Malta when he was at Mantua. No one acquainted with Malta could imagine that an island surrounded with such formidable and per- fect fortfications, would have surrendered in two days to a fleet which was pursued by an enemy. General Caffarelli observed to the general-in-chief, that "it is lucky there is some one in the town to open the gates for us." After having provided for the government and defence of the island, with his usual activity and foresight, we left it on the 19th of June. Many of the knights followed us, and took military and civil appointments. During the night of the 22d of June, the English squadron was almost close upon us. It passed within six leagues of the French fleet. Nelson, who learned at Messina of the capture of Malta, 80 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. on the day we left the island, sailed direct for Alexandria, which he rightly considered as the point of our destination. By making all sail, and taking the shortest course, he arrived before Alexan- dria on the 28th ; but on not meeting with the French fleet, he immediately put to sea. On the morning of the 1st of July, the expedition arrived off the coast of Africa, and the column of Severus pointed out to us the city of Alexandria. Bonaparte determined on an immediate landing. This the admiral opposed on account of the state of the weather, and recommended a delay of a few hours; he observed, that Nelson could not return for several days; but the general-in-chief sternly refused, and said, "There is no time to be lost; fortune gives me three days; if I do not make the most of them, we are lost." The admiral then gave the signal for a general landing, which, on account of the surge, was not effected without much difficulty and danger, and the loss of many by drowning. It was on the 2d of July, at one o'clock in the morning, that we landed on the soil of Egypt, at Marabou, about three leagues from Alexandria. At three o'clock the same morning, the gen- eral-in-chief marched on Alexandria, with the divisions of Kleber, Bon, and Morand. The Bedouin Arabs, who hovered about our right flank and rear, carried off the stragglers. Having arrived within gun-shot of the city, the walls were scaled, and French valour soon triumphed over all obstacles. The first blood I had seen shed in this war was that of General Kleber; he was struck on the head by a ball, not in scaling the wall, but in directing the attack. He came to Pompey's pillar, where the general-in-chief and many members of the staff were assembled. It was on this occasion that I first spoke to him, and from that day our friendship commenced. The capture of Alexandria was only the work of a few hours. It was not given up to pillage, as has been asserted, and often repeated. Bonaparte employed the six days he remained in Alexandria in establishing order in the city and the province, with that activity and talent which I could never sufficiently admire; and in pre- paring for the march of the army across the province of Boha- hireh. During his stay he issued a proclamation, which contained this passage: " People of Egypt : You will be told that I am come to destroy your religion ; do not believe it. Be assured that I come to restore your rights, to punish the usurpers, and that I respect, more than the Mame- lukes, God, his Prophet, and the Alcoran. Tell them that all men are equal in the eye of God : Wisdom, talents, and virtue make the only difference." MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 81 He sent Desaix,* with four thousand five hundred infantry and sixty cavalry, to Beda, on the road to Damanhour. This general was the first to experience the privations and sufferings of the campaign, which the whole army had soon to endure. His noble character, and his attachment to Bonaparte, seemed about to give way to the obstacles which surrounded him. On the 15th of July he wrote from Bohahireh : " I beseeeh you, do not allow us to remain in this position ; the soldiers are discouraged, and murmur. Order us to advance or fall back ; the villages are mere huts, and absolutely without resources." In these immense plains, burned up by a vertical sun, water, every where so common, becomes an object of contest. The wells and springs, those secret treasures of the desert, are carefully concealed from the traveller; and frequently, after our most oppressive marches, nothing was found to allay the thirst but dis- gusting pools of brackish water. On the 7th of July, Bonaparte left Alexandria for Damanhour, and during the march was incessantly harassed by the Arabs : they had filled up or poisoned the cisterns and springs, which already were so rare in the desert. The soldiers, who on this first march began to suffer from an intolerable thirst, felt but little relief from the brackish and unwholesome water which they met with. The miseries of this progress were extreme. The air is crowded with pestiferous insects ; the glare of the sand weakens most men's eyes, and blinds many ; water is scarce and bad : and the country had been swept clear of man, beast, and vegetable. Under this torture even the gallant spirits of such men as Murat and Lannes could not sustain themselves: — they trod their cockades in the sand. The common soldiers asked, with angry murmurs, if it was here the general designed to give them their seven aci'es which he had promised them? He alone was superior to all these evils. Such was the happy temperament of his frame. On reaching Damanhour, our head-quarters were established at the residence of the sheik. The house had been recently white- washed, and looked very well outside ; but the interior was in a state of ruin not to be described. Bonaparte knew the owner to be rich, and, having inspired him with confidence, he inquired, through the medium of an interpreter, how, having the means, he deprived himself of every comfort, assuring him, at the same time, * General Desaix, whom Bonaparte had made the confidant of all his plans, at their interview in Italy, after the preliminaries of Leoben, wrote to him from Affenbourg, on his return to Germany, that he regarded the fleet of Corfu with great interest. "If ever," said he, " it should be engaged in the grand enterprises of which I have heard you speak, do not, I beseech you, forget me." Bonaparte was far from forgetting him. F 82 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. that any avowals he might make should not be wrested to his preju- dice, "Look at my feet," said he; "it is now some years since I repaired my house, and purchased a Httle furniture. It became known at Cairo; a demand for money followed, because my expenses proved that I was rich. I refused ; they then punished me, and obliged me to pay. Since that time, I have allowed myself only the necessaries of life, and I repair nothing." The old man was lame in consequence of the infliction he had suffered. Wo to him who in this country is supposed to be rich! the out- ward appearance of poverty is the only security against the rapacity of power and the cupidity of barbarism. One day a small troop of mounted Arabs assailed our head- quarters ; Bonaparte, who was at the window, indignant at this audacity, said to young Croisier, an aid-de-camp in attendance, "Croisier, take some guides, and drive these fellows away." In an instant Croisier appeared upon the plain, with fifteen guides. The parties skirmished; we saw the combat from the window; there was an appearance of hesitation in the attack, which sur- prised the general. He called from the window, as if they could have heard him. "Forward! I say — why don't you charge?" Our horsemen seemed to fall back as the Arabs advanced: after a short, but pretty obstinate, combat, the Arabs retired unmo- lested, and without loss. The anger of the general could not be restrained ; it burst upon Croisier when he returned, and so harshly, that he retired, shedding tears. Bonaparte desired me to follow, and to endeavour to calm him; but it was in vain: "I will not survive it," said he; "I will seek death the first occasion that offers. I will not live dishonoured." Croisier found the death he sought at Acre. On the 10th of July, our head-quarters were established at Rahmahanieh, where they remained during the 11th and 12th. At this place commences the canal, which was cut by Alexander, to convey water to his new city, and to facilitate commercial inter- course between Europe and the East. The flotilla, commanded by the brave chief of division, Perr^e, had just arrived from Rosetta. Perr^e was on board the shebeck called the Cerf. Bonaparte placed on board the Cerf and the other vessels of the flotilla, those individuals, who, not being military, could not be serviceable in engagements, and whose horses served to mount a few of the troops. I was one of these individuals. On the night of the 13th of July, the general-in-chief directed his march towards the south, along the left bank of the Nile. The flotilla sailed up the river, parallel with the left wing of MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAKTE. 83 the army. It fell in with seven Turkish gun-boats coming from Cairo, and was exposed simultaneously to their fire, and that of the Mamelukes, Fellahs, and Arabs, who lined both banks of the river. They had small guns mounted on camels. Perr^e cast anchor, and an engagement commenced at nine o'clock on the 14th of July, and continued till half-past twelve. At the same time, the general-in-chief met and attacked a corps of about four thousand Mamelukes.* His object, as he afterwards said, was to turn the corps by the left of the village of Chebreisse, and to drive it upon the Nile. Several vessels had already been boarded and taken by the Turks, who massacred the crews before our eyes, and with bar- barous ferocity showed us the heads of the slaughtered men. Perree, at considerable risk, despatched several persons to inform the general-in-chief of the desperate situation of the flotilla. The cannonade which Bonaparte had heard since the morning, and the explosion of a Turkish gun-boat, which was blown up by the artillery of the shebeck, led him to fear that our situation was really perilous. He, therefore, made a movement to the left, in the direction of the Nile and Chebreisse, beat the Mamelukes, and forced them to retire on Cairo. At sight of the French troops, the commander of the Turkish flotilla weighed anchor, and sailed up the Nile. The two banks of the river were evacuated, and the flotilla escaped the destruction which a short time before had appeared inevitable. After this we had no communication with the army until the 23d of July. On the 22d we came in sight of the Pyramids, and were informed that we were only about ten leagues from Gizeh, where they are situated. The cannonade which we heard, and which augmented in proportion as the north wind diminished, announced a serious engagement; and that same day we saw the banks of the Nile strewed with heaps of dead bodies, which the waves were every moment washing into the sea. This horrible spectacle, the silence of the surrounding villages, which had hith- * At this period Egypt, though nominally governed by a Pacha appointed by the Grand Seignior, was in reality in the hands of the Mamelukes ; a singular body of men, who paid but little respect to any authority but that of their own chiefs. Of these chiefs or beys there were twenty-four, each one of whom ruled over a separate district ; who often warred with each other, and were as often in rebellion against their nominal sovereign. The Mamelukes were considered by Napoleon to be, individually, the finest cavalry in the world. They rode the noblest horses of Arabia, and were armed with the best weapons which the world could produce ; carbines, pistols, «&c., from England, and sabres of the steel of Damascus. Their skill in horsemanship was equal to their fiery valour. With that cavalry and the French infantry, Bonaparte said, it would be easy to conquer the world. 64 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. erto been armed against us, and the cessation of the fiFing from the banks of the river, led us to infer, Avith tolerable certainty,, that a battle fatal to the Mamelukes had taken place. We shortly after learned that, on the 21st of July, the army came within sight of the Pyramids, which, but for the regularity of the outline, might have been taken for a distant ridge of rocky mountains. While every eye was fixed on these hoary monuments of the past, they gained the brow of a gentle eminence, and saw at length spread out before them the vast army of the beys, its right posted on an intrenched camp by the Nile, its centre and left composed of that brilliant cavalry with which they were by this time acquainted. Napoleon, riding forward to reconnoitre, perceived (what escaped the observation of all his stafT) that the guns on the intrenched camp were not provided with carriages — he instantly decided on his plan of attack, and prepared to throw his force on the left, where the guns could not be available. Mourad Bey, who commanded in chief, speedily penetrated his design; and the Mamelukes advanced gallantly to the encounter. "Sol- diers," said Napoleon, "from the summit of yonder Pyramids forty ages behold you!" and the battle began. The French formed into separate squares, and awaited the assault of the Mamelukes. These came on with impetuous speed and wild cries, and practised every means to force their passage into the serried ranks of their new opponents. They rushed on the line of bayonets, backed their horses upon them, and at last, mad- dened by the tirumess which they could not shake, dashed their pistols and carbines into the faces of the men. They who had fallen wounded from their seats, would crawl along the sand, and hew at the legs of their enemies with tlieir cimeters Nothing could move the French: the bayonet and the continued roll of musketry by degrees thinned the host around them ; and Bonaparte at last advanced. Such were the confusion and terror of the enemy when he came near the camp, that they abandoned their works, and flung themselves by hundreds into the Nile. The carnage was prodigious, and great multitudes were drowned. The name of Bonaparte now spread panic through the East; and the " Sultan Kebir"' (or King of Fire — as he A^as called from the deadly effects of the musketry in this engagement) was considered as the destined scourge of God, whom it was hopeless to resist. The French now had recompense for the toils they had under- gone. The bodies of the slain and drowTied Mamelukes were rifled, and, it being the custom for these warriors to carry their wealth about them, a single corpse often made a soldier's fortune. The occupation of Cairo was the immediate consequence of the MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 85 victory of Embabeh, or the Pyramids. Bonaparte established his head-quarters in the house of Elfey Bey, in the great square of Ezbekyeh. The march of the French army to Cairo was attended by an uninterrupted succession of combats and victories. We had won the battles of Rahmahanieh, Chebreisse, and the Pyramids. The Mamelukes were defeated, and their chief, Mourad Bey, was obliged to fly into Upper Egypt; and Bonaparte now found no obstacle to oppose his entrance into the capital after a campaign of only twenty days. No conqueror, perhaps, ever enjoyed a victory so much as Bona- parte, and yet no one was ever less inclined to abuse his triumphs. After the battle of the Pyramids, he despatched the following letter and proclamation from his head-quarters at Gizeh: THE GENERAL-IN-CHIEF, BONAPAUTE, TO THE SHIEKS AND NOTABLES OF CAIRO. "You will see, by the annexed proclamation, the sentiments which animate me. " Yesterday the Mamelukes were for the most part killed or wounded, and I am in pursuit of the few who escaped. " Send here the boats which are on your bank of the river, and send, also, a depu- tation to acquaint me with your submission. Provide bread, meat, straw, and barley for my troops. Be under no alarm, and rest assured that no one is more anxious to contribute to your happiness than I. (Signed) Bonaparte." Immediately on his arrival at Cairo, the commander-in-chief occu- pied himself in the civil and military organization of the country. Only those who have seen him at this time, when in the full vigour of youth, can estimate his extraordinary activity. Egypt, so long the object of his study, was as well known to him in a few days as if he had lived in it for ten years. He issued orders to observe the most strict discipline, and these orders were rigidly enforced. The mosques, civil and religious institutions, harems, women, the customs of the country, were scrupulously respected. A few days had scarcely elapsed when the French soldiers were admitted into the houses, and might be seen peaceably smoking their pipes with the inhabitants, assisting them in their labours, and playing with their children. After he had been four days at Cairo, during which time he employed himself in examining every thing, and consulting every one from whom he could obtain any information, he issued the following order: "Art. 1. — There shall be in each province of Egypt a divan, composed of seven individuals, whose duty will be to superintend the interests of the province ; to com- municate to me any complaints that may be made ; to prevent warfare among the different villages; to apprehend and punish criminals (for which purpose they may demand assistance from the French commandant); and to take every opportunity of enlightening the people. 8 86 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. "Art. 2. — There shall be in each province an aga of the Janisaries, maintaining constant communication with the French commandant. He shall have with him a company of sixty armed natives, whom he may take wherever he pleases, for the maintenance of good order, subordination, and tranquillity. "Art. 3. — There shall be in each province an intendant, whose business will be to levy the miri, the feddam, and the other contributions which formerly belonged to the Mamelukes, but which now belong to the French Republic. The intendant shall have as many agents as may be necessary. " Art. 4. — The said intendant shall have a French agent to correspond with the Finance Department, and to execute all the orders he may receive. (Signed) " Bonaparte." While Bonaparte was thus actively taking measures for the organization of the country, General Desaix had marched into Upper Egypt in pursuit of Mourad Bey. We learned that Ibra- him, who, next to Mourad, was the most influential of the beys, had proceeded towards Syria, by the way of Balbeys and Sahel- eyeh. The general-in-chief immediately determined to march, in person, against that formidable enemy, and he left Cairo about fifteen days after he had entered it. It is unnecessary to describe the well-known engagement in which Bonaparte drove Ibrahim back upon El-Arish; besides, I do not enter minutely into the details of battles, my chief object being to record events which I personally witnessed. During this absence of the commander-in-chief, the intelligence arrived at Cairo of the overwhelming disaster of the French squadron, at Aboukir, on the 1st of August. The aid-de-camp despatched by General Kleber with this intelligence, went, at my request, instantly to Saheleyeh, where Bonaparte then was, who returned immediately to Cairo, a distance of thirty-three leagues. On learning the terrible catastrophe at Aboukir, the commander- in-chief was overwhelmed with anguish. In spite of all his energy and fortitude, he was deeply distressed by the disasters which now assailed him. To the painful feelings excited by the complaints and dejection of his companions in arms, was now added the irreparable misfortune of the burning of our fleet. He measured the fatal consequences of this event at a single glance. We were now cut off from all communication with France, and all hope of returning thither, except by a degrading capitulation with an implacable and hated enemy. He had lost all chance of preserv- ing his conquest, and to him this was indeed a bitter reflection. When alone with me, he gave free vent to his emotion. I observed to him that the disaster was doubtless great; but that it would have been infinitely more irreparable had Nelson fallen in with us at Malta, or had waited for us four-and-twenty hours before Alexandria, or in the open sea. "Any one of these events," said I, " which were not only possible, but probable, would have MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 87 deprived us of every resource. We are blockaded here ; but we have provisions and money. Let us then wait patiently to see what the Directory will do for us." "The Directory!" exclaimed he, angrily ; the Directory is composed of a set of scoundrels ! they envy and hate me, and would gladly let me perish here. Besides, you see how dissatisfied the army is : not a man is willing to stay." The gloomy reflections which at first assailed Bonaparte were speedily banished, and he soon recovered the fortitude and pres- ence of mind which had been for a moment shaken by the over- whelming news from Aboukir. He, however, sometimes repeated, in a tone which it would be difficult to describe," Unfortunate Brueys, what have you done!" I have remarked that in some chance observations which escaped Napoleon at St. Helena, he endeavoured to throw all the blame of the affair on Admiral Brueys. Persons who are deter- mined to make Bonaparte an exception to human nature, have unjustly reproached the admiral for the loss of the fleet. I will enter into a few details relative to the affair of Aboukir, for it is gratifying to render justice to the memory of a man like Admiral Brueys. Brueys, it is said, would not go to Corfu, in spite of the positive and reiterated orders he received. Bonaparte's letter to the Direc- tory, and his words at St. Helena, have been tortured to show that Brueys expiated by his death the great fault of which he had been guilty. Much has been said about the report of Captain Barr^; but the reply of the admiral ought also to be taken into account, Brueys, for good reasons, did not think that vessels of the size of those of the squadron could enter the port of Alexandria. But it is said the orders to repair to Corfu were reiterated ; though when, and by whom, is not mentioned. From the order of the 3d of July, to the time of his unfortunate death Brueys did not receive a line from Bonaparte, who, on his part, did not receive all the admiral's despatches until the 26th of July, when he was at Cairo, and consequently too late to enable his answer to come to hand before the 1st of August. Brueys is also reproached with having persisted in awaiting the course of events at Aboukir. Can it be supposed that the admiral would have remained on the coast of Egypt against the express orders of the general-in-chief, who was his superior in command? The friendship and confidence with which Admiral Brueys hon- oured me, his glorious death, and the fury with which he has been accused, impose upon me the obligation of defending him. The loss of the fleet convinced General Bonaparte of the neces- sity of speedily and effectively organizing Egypt, where every 88 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. thing denoted that we should stay for a considerable time, except in the event of a forced evacuation, which the general was far from foreseeing or fearing. The distance of Ibrahim Bey and Mourad Bey now left him a little at rest. War, fortifications, taxation, government, the organization of the divans, trade, art, and science, all occupied his attention. Orders and instructions were immediately despatched, if not to repair the defeat, at least to avert the first danger that might ensue from it. On the 21st of August, Bonaparte established at Cairo an institute of the arts and sciences, of which he subsequently appointed me a member in the room of M. de Sucy, who was obliged to return to France, in consequence of the wound he had received on board the flotilla in the Nile. About the end of August, Bonaparte wished to open negotiations with the Pasha of Acre, surnamed the Butcher. He offered Djezzar his friendship, sought his in return, and gave him the most con- solatory assurances of the safety of his dominions. But Djezzar, confiding in his own strength, and in the protection of the English, who had anticipated Bonaparte, was deaf to every overture, and would not even receive Beauvoisin, who was sent to him on the 22d of August. A second envoy was beheaded at Acre. CHAPTER VIII. Revolt at Cairo ; Expedition to Syi-ia ; Bonaparte at Suez ; El-Arish ; Jaffa ; Acre ; Sir Sidney Smith ; Retreat from Acre ; tlie Turks destroyed at Aboukir ; Bonaparte's Departui'e from Egypt. From the time Bonaparte received intelligence of the disaster at Aboukir, until the revolt of Cairo, on the 22d of October, he often found the time to hang heavily on his hands. Though employed in so many ways, yet there was not enough to occupy his singularly active mind. When the heat was too great, he rode out on horseback, and on his return, if there were no despatches to read, no letters to answer, or orders to be issued, he was imme- diately absorbed in thought, and would sometimes converse very strangely. * The signal for the execution of this revolt was given from the minarets on the night of the 20th of October, and on the morning of the 21st it was announced at head-quarters that the city of Cairo was in open insurrection. The general-in-chief was not, as has been stated, in the isle of Raouddah ; he did not hear the firing of the alarm-guns. He rose when the news arrived; it was then five o'clock. He was informed that all the shops were closed, and MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. ~ 89 that the French were attacked. A moment after, he learned the death of General Dupuy, commandant of the garrison., who was killed by a lance in the street. Bonaparte immediately mounted his horse, and accompanied by only thirty guides, advanced on all the threatened points, restored confidence, and, with great presence of mind, adopted measures of defence. An order which had been issued on our arrival in Cairo for watching the criers of the mosques, had for some weeks been neglected. At certain hours of the night these criers address prayers to the Prophet. As it was merely a repetition of the same ceremony over and over again, in a short time no notice was taken of it. The Turks, perceiving this negligence, substituted for their prayers and hymns cries of revolt, and by this sort of verbal tele- graph insurrectionary excitement was transmitted to the northern and southern extremities of Egypt. The insurrection was general from Syene to Lake Maroeotis. It was about half-past eight in the morning, when Bonaparte returned to head-quarters, and while at breakfast he was informed that some Bedouin Arabs, on hoi^seback, were trying to force their entrance into Cairo. He ordered his aid-de-camp, Sulkowsky, to mount his horse, to take with him fifteen guides, and proceed to the point where the assailants were most numerous. This was the Bab-en-Nassr, or the gate of victory. Croisier observed to the general-in-chief, that Sulkowsky had scarcely recovered from the wounds at Saheleyeh, and he oflfered to take his place. He had his motives for this. Bonaparte consented; but Sulkow- sky had already set out. Within an hour after, one of the fifteen guides returned covered with blood, to announce that Sulkowsky and the remainder of his party had been cut to pieces. This was speedy work, for we were still at table when the sad news arrived. Some time after this revolt, the necessity of securing our own safety occasioned the commission of a terrible act of cruelty. A tribe of Arabs had surprised and massacred a party of the French. The general-in-chief ordered his aid-de-camp, Croisier, to proceed to the spot, surround the tribe, destroy their huts, kill all their men, and conduct the rest of the population to Cairo. The order was to decapitate the victims, and to bring their heads in sacks to Cairo, to be exhibited to the people. Beauharnois accompanied Croisier in this cruel expedition: they returned next day, accompanied by several asses laden with sacks. The sacks were opened in the pi'incipal square, and the heads rolled out before the assembled populace. I cannot describe the horror I experienced : but, at the same time, I must confess that it had the effect for a considerable time of securing tranquil- 8* 90 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. lity, and even the existence of the small parties which were required to be sent out in all directions. Since the month of August, Bonaparte had had his eyes fixed upon Syria, and expected the landing of the Turkish army, which took place shortly after. He comprehended, with his usual ability, the dangers which menaced him from the side of the isthmus of Suez, and he resolved in his mind the means of averting them. On the 11th of February, 1799, we commenced our march for Syria with about twelve thousand men : it has been stated that we numbered only six thousand, but the fact is we lost nearly that number during the campaign. Our little army advanced upon El-Arish, where we arrived on the 17th. The fatigues of the desert and the want of water excited violent murmurs amongst the soldiers, and they insulted those whom they saw on horse- back — they indulged in the most violent abuse of the Republic, the savans, and those whom they regarded as the authors of the expedition. At times, soldiers worn down by thirst, and unable to wait for the distribution of the water, pierced the skins with their bayonets, and by this violence rendered the scarcity still greater. In a few days El-Arish surrendered. On the 28th we had the first prospect of the verdant and fertile fields of Syria, which recalled to our recollection those of our own country ; and the prospect of mountains and green fields occasioned us to forget for for a while the sufferings of an expedition of which few could form a judgment, either of the design or the end. On the 4th of March we laid siege to Jaffa, the ancient Joppa, a pretty town, which held out until the 6th, when it was taken by assault. The massacre was horrible. Bonaparte sent his aids-de- camp, Beauharnois and Croisier, to appease the fury of the sol- diers, and to report what was passing. They learned that a considerable part of the garrison had retired into a large building, a sort of enclosed court. They proceeded to the place displaying their scarfs, which denoted their rank. The Arnauts and Alba- nians, of whom these refugees were composed, cried from the windows that they would surrender if their lives were spared; if not, they threatened to fire upon the aids-de-camp, and to defend themselves to the last extremity. The officers granted their request, and they were marched into the camp in two divisions, to the amount of four thousand. I was walking with General Bonaparte, in front of his tent, when he saw this multitude of men approaching, and before he even saw his aids-de-camp, he turned to me with an expression of grief: " What do they wish me to do with these men ? Have I food for them — ships to convey them to Egypt or France ? Why MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 91' have they served me thus?" After the general-in-chief had Hs- tened with anger to the explanation of Eugene and Croisier, they received a severe reprimand for their conduct. But the deed was done. Four thousand men were there. It was necessary to decide upon their fate. The two aids-de-camp observed, that they had found themselves alone in the midst of numerous ene- mies, and that he had directed them to restrain the carnage. "Yes," replied the general-in-cliief, with great warmth, "as to women, children, and old men — all the peaceable inhabitants; but not with respect to armed soldiers. It was your duty to die, rather than bring these unfortunate creatures to me. What do you want me to do with them?" On the first day of their arrival, a council of war was held in the tent of the general-in-chief, to determine what should be done with them. The council deliberated a long time without coming to any decision. On the evening of the following day, the daily reports of the generals of division came in. They spoke of nothing but the insufficiency of the rations, the complaints of the soldiers — of their murmurs and discontent at seeing their bread given to enemies, who had been withdrawn from their vengeance, inasmuch as a decree of death, in conformity with the laws of war, had been passed on Jaffa. All these reports were alarming, and especially that of General Bon, in which no reserve was made. He spoke of nothing less than the fear of a revolt, which would be justified by the serious nature of the case. The council assembled again. All the generals of division were summoned to attend, and for several hours they discussed what measures might be adopted, with the most sincere desire to discover and execute any which would save the lives of these unfortunate prisoners. The third day arrived without its being possible to come to any conclusion favourable to the preservation of these unfortunate men. The murmurs in the camp grew louder — the evil went on increas- ing — remedy appeared impossible — danger was real and imminent. The order for shooting the prisoners was given and executed on the 10th of March. This atrocious scene, when I think of it, still makes me shudder, as it did on the day I beheld it; and I would wish it were possible for me to forget it, rather than be compelled to describe it. All the horrors imagination can conceive, relative to that day of blood, would fall short of the reality. I have related the truth, the whole truth. I was present at all the discussions, all the conferences, all the deliberations. I had not, 92 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. as may be supposed, a deliberative voice; but I am bound to declare that the situation of the army, the scarcity of food, our small numerical strength, in the midst of a country where every individual was an enemy, would have induced me to vote in the affirmative of the proposition which was carried into effect, if I had had a vote to give. It was necessary to be on the spot in order to understand the horrible necessity which existed. After the siege of Jaffa, the plague began to exhibit itself with more severity. It was brought from Damietta, by the division of Kleber. We lost between seven and eight thousand men by the contagion, during the Syriac expedition. On the 18th of March we arrived before Acre, and learned that Djezzar had cut off the head of our envoy, Mailly-de-Chateau- Renaud, and had thrown his body into the sea in a sack. This cruel pacha was guilty of a great many similar executions : and when bathing in the sea we frequently met with bodies in this state, which the waves had washed ashore. The details of the siege of Acre are well known. Although surrounded by a wall, flanked with strong towers, and having, besides, a broad and deep ditch defended by works, this little for- tress did not appear likely to hold out against French valour and the skill of our engineers and artillery: but the ease and rapidity with which Jaffa had been taken, deceived us in some degree as to the comparative strength of the two places, and the difference of their respective situations. At Jaffa we had a sufficient artillery : at St. Jean d'Acre we had not. At Jaffa we had to deal only with a native garrison : at St. Jean d'Acre we were opposed by a garrison strengthened by reinforcements of men and supplies of provisions, supported by the English fleet, and assisted by European science. It was undoubtedly Sir Sidney Smith who did us the greatest injury. Much has been said respecting his communications with the general-in-chief The reproaches which the latter cast upon him for endeavouring to seduce the soldiers and officers of the army were the more singular, even if they were well-founded, inas- much as these means are frequently employed by leaders in war. The enemy had within the town some excellent riflemen, chiefly Albanians. They placed stones, one over the other, on the walls, put their fire-arms through the interstices, and thus, completely sheltered, fired with destructive precision. The siege of St. Jean d'Acre lasted sixty days. During that time, eight assaults and twelve sorties took place. In the assault of the 8th of May, more than two hundred men penetrated into the town. Already they shouted victory ; but the breach having MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 93 been taken in reverse by the Turks, it was not approached with- out some degree of hesitation, and the two hundred men who had entered were not supported. The streets were barricadoed. The cries and the howhngs of the women, who ran about the streets, throwing, according to the custom of the country, dust in the air, excited the male mhabitants to a desperate resistance, which ren- dered unavaiUng this short occupation of the town, by a handful of men, who, finding themselves left without assistance, retreated towards the breach. Many who could not reach it, perished in the town. The siege was raised on the 20th of May. It cost us a loss of nearly three thousand men in killed, death by the plague, and in wounded. Had there been less precipitation in the attack, and had the seige been undertaken according to the rules of war, it could not have held out three days : one assault like that of the 8th of May would have been sufficient. If, on the day when we first came in sight of the ramparts of Acre, we had made a less incon- siderate estimate of the strength of the place; and taken into consideration our absolute want of artillery of a sufficient calibre, our scarcity of gunpowder, and the difficulty of procuring food, we certainly never should have undertaken the siege. Bonaparte until this time had never experienced any reverses, but had continually proceeded from triumph to triumph, and there- fore confidently anticipated the taking of St. Jean d'Acre. In his letters to the generals in Egypt, he fixed the 25th of April for the accompUshment of that event. He reckoned that the grand assault against the tower could not be made before that day ; it took place, however, twenty-four hours sooner. " The slightest circumstances produce the greatest events," said Napoleon, according to the memorial of St. Helena ; " had St. Jean d'Acre fallen, I should have changed the face of the world." And again, "the fate of the East lay in that small town." Almost every evening during the siege Bonaparte and myself used to walk together, at a little distance from the sea-shore; and when employed in this manner on the day after the unfortunate assault of the 8th of May, he felt distressed at seeing the blood of so many brave men which had been uselessly shed. He said to me, "Bourrienne, I see that this wretched place has cost me a number of men, and wasted much time. But things are too far advanced not to attempt a last effort. If I succeed, as I expect, I shall find in the town the pacha's treasures, and arms for three hundred thousand men. I will stir up and arm the people of Syria, who are disgusted at the ferocity of Djezzar, and who, as you know, pray for his destruction at every assault. I shall then march upon 94 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Damascus and Aleppo. On advancing into the country, the dis- contented will flock round my standard, and swell my army. I will announce to the people the abolition of servitude, and of the tyran- -nical governments of the pachas. I shall arrive at Constantinople with large masses of soldiery. I shall overturn the Turkish empire, and found in the East a new and grand empire, which will fix my name in the records of posterity. Perhaps I shall return to Paris by Adrianople, or by Vienna, after having annihilated the house of Austria." As soon as I returned to my tent, I committed to paper this conversation, when it was fresh in my recollection; and I can, therefore, venture to say it is correct. We left St. Jean d'Acre on the 20th of May, during the night, to avoid a sortie from the besieged, and to conceal the retreat of the army, which had to traverse three leagues along the shore exposed to the fire of the English vessels, lying in the roads of Mount Carmel. The sick and wounded had been sent off two days before. Thus terminated this disastrous expedition. We proceeded along the shores of the Mediterranean, and passed Mount Carmel. Some of the wounded were carried on litters, and others on horses, mules, and camels. Near Mount Carmel we learned that three of our sick, who had been left in the hospital, had been cruelly put to death by the Turks. During this fatiguing march the soldiers were oppressed by the most intolerable thirst, and exposed to an excessive heat, which disheartened the men, and encouraged a cruel selfishness, or the most shocking indifference. I saw officers, with their limbs amputated, thrown from the litters, although their conveyance in that manner had been ordered, and who had themselves given money to recompense the bearers: wounded soldiers were abandoned in the corn fields. Our march was illumined by torches lighted for the purpose of setting fire to the towns, the villages, the hamlets, and the rich crops of corn which every where covered the earth. The whole country was in a blaze. The sun, which shone in an unclouded sky, was often obscured by the smoke of our continued conflagrations. Such was our march, and such are the horrors of war. We reached Tentoura on the 2*0th of May, when a most oppress- ive heat prevailed, which produced general dejection. We had nothing to sleep on but the parched and burning sand; on our left lay a hostile sea ; our losses in wounded and sick were already considerable since leaving Acre ; and there was nothing consol- atory in the future. The truly afflicting condition in which the remains of an army called triumphant were plunged, produced, as might well be expected, a corresponding impression on the mind MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE^ 95 of the general-in-chief. Scarcely had he arrived at Tentoura, when he ordered his tent to be pitched. He then called me, and with a mind occupied by the calamities of our situation, dictated an order that every one should march on foot, and that all the horses, mules, and camels, should be given up to the wounded, the sick, and infected, who had been removed, and who still showed signs of life. "Carry that to Berthier," said he; and the order was instantly despatched. Scarcely had I returned to the tent, when Vigogne, the general-in-chiefs equerry, entered, and, raising his hand to his cap, said, " General, what horse do you reserve for yourself?" Jn the state of excitation in which Bonaparte was, this question irritated him so violently, that, raising his whip, he gave the equerry a severe blow on the head, saying, in a terrible voice, "Every one must go on foot, you rascal — I the first. Do you not know the order? Be off." The remains of our heavy artillery were lost in the moving sands of Tentoura, from the want of horses — the small number that remained being now employed in more indispensable services. The soldiers seemed to forget their own sufferings, at the loss of those bronze guns, which had enabled them so often to triumph, and which had made Europe tremble. We halted at Ceesarea on the 22d of May, and we marched all the following night. Towards daybreak, a man, concealed in a bush, upon the left of the road, fired a musket almost close to the head of the general-in-chief, who was sleeping on his horse. I was beside him. The wood being searched, the Naplousian was taken without difficulty, and ordered to be shot on the spot. Four guides pushed him towards the sea, by thrusting their carbines against his back; when close to the water's edge they drew the triggers, but all the four muskets hung fire — a circumstance which was accounted for by the great humidity of the night. The Syrian threw himself into the water, and swimming with great agility and rapidity, gained a ridge of rocks so far off, that not a shot from the whole troop, which fired as it passed, reached him. Bonaparte, who continued his march, desired me to wait for Kleber, whose division formed the rear-guard, and to tell him not to forget the Naplousian. The poor fellow was, I believe, shot at last. We returned to Jaffa on the 24th of May, and stopped there dur- ing the 25th, 26th, 27th, and 28th. This town had lately been the scene of a horrible transaction, dictated by necessity, and it was again destined to witness the exercise of the same dire law. Here I have a severe duty to perform. I will state what I know, and what I saw. Some tents were erected on a small eminence, near the gardens 96 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. which encircle Jaffa to the east. Orders were immediately given to undermine and blow up the fortifications, and, on the 27th, at a given signal, we saw all at once the town uncovered. An hour afterwards, the general, attended by Berthier and several physi- cians and surgeons, entered his tent. A long and melancholy deliberation ensued, as to the fate of those who were incurably sick of the plague, and who were on the point of death. After a discussion of the most serious and conscientious character, it was determined to anticipate by means of medicine an inevitable death, which must take place a few hours later, but under circumstances more painful and cruel. Our little army arrived at Cairo on the 14th of June, after a most harassing march of twenty-five days. The heat, during the passage of the desert, ranged from one hundred to one hundred ten degrees of Fahrenheit. The fallacious mirage was here even more vexatious than in the plains of Bohahireh. The excessive thirst, together with the most complete illusion, induced us, in spite of our experience, to urge on our wearied horses towards those imaginary lakes, which some moments after appeared but salt and arid sands. The brackish waters of these deserts, which our horses drank with avidity, occasioned the loss of great numbers, who dropped down before they had got a mile from the watering-place. Bonaparte announced his entry into the capital of Egypt by one of those lying bulletins, which deceived only fools. "I bring with me," said he, "many prisoners and colours — I have razed the palace of Djezzar, the ramparts of Acre — there no longer remains one stone upon another, all the inhabitants have left the town by sea — Djezzar is dangerously wounded." Our return to Cairo has been attributed to the insurrections which broke out during the unfortunate expedi- tion into Syria; but nothing is more incorrect. The reverses which we experienced before St. Jean d'Acre, and the fear of a hostile landing, were the motives which induced our return to Egypt. What more covdd we do in Syria, but lose men and time, neither of which we had to spare Bonaparte had scarcely arrived at Cairo, when he was informed that the brave and indefatigable Mourad Bey was descending by the route of Fayoum,to form a junction with reinforcements collect- ing in Bohahireh. In all probability this movement had some con- nection with the expected landing of the Turkish army, of which he had been apprised. Mourad had selected the Natron Lakes for his place of rendezvous. To this point Murat was despatched; but on hearing of his approach, the Bey retreated by the Desert of Gizeh and the great Pyramids. MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 97 Bonaparte attached great importance to the destruction of this active chief, whom he looked upon as the bravest and most danger- ous of his enemies in Egypt, and who was constantly hovering about the skirts of the desert. On the 14th of July, Bonaparte left Cairo for the Pyramids. He remained three or four days among the ruins of this ancient city of the dead. This journey to the Pyramids, in which he had--solely in view the destroying of JMourad Bey, has given occasion to a little romance, pretty enough. It is stated that he had appointed an audience with the mufti and the ulemas, and that on entering into the Pyramid, he exclaimed, " Glory to Allah ! God only is God, and Mahomet is his prophet!" Now the fact is, Bonaparte never entered into the great Pyramid ; he never had any intention of the kind. I certainly should have accompained him, as I never for one moment quitted him while in the desert. He sent some per- sons into one of the great Pyramids ; but he remained without. They gave him an account of what they had seen in the interior; that is to say, they informed him there was nothing to be seen. On the evening of the 15th of July, while we were walking in the direction of Alexandria, we perceived an Arab messenger riding towards us at full speed. He brought to the general a despatch from Marmont, who commanded there at the time, greatly to Bonaparte's satisfaction. The Turks had landed at Aboukir, under the escort and protection of an English squadron. This news of the disembarkation of fifteen or sixteen thousand enemies did not surprise Bonaparte, who had expected it for some time. As soon as he had read the despatch, he retired to his tent, and dictated to me his orders for the march of the troops. At this moment, I saw in him the development of that ardent character which rose superior to difficulties, and that celerity which anticipated events. He was all action, and never hesitated for a moment. On the 16th of July, at four in the morning, he was on horseback, and the army in full march. I must do justice to that presence of mind, to that promptitude of decision, to that rapidity of execu- tion, which, at this period of his life, never for a moment forsook him on great occasions. On the 23d, we arrived at Alexandria, where all was prepared for that memorable conflict, which, although it did not counterbalance the immense losses and melancholy results of the naval battle of the same name, will always recall to the memory of Frenchmen one of their most brilliant achievements in arms.* * As M. de Boumenne gives no details of this memorable battle, the following extract fi'om Rovigo's Memoirs will supply the deficiency. " Whilst General Bonaparte was coming in person from Cairo, the troops on board G 9 98 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, After the battle which was fought on the 25th, Bonaparte sent a flag of truce on board the Enghsh admiral's ship. Our inter- course was marked by that politeness which ought to mark the intercourse of civilized nations. The admiral made our envoy- some little presents, in return for those we had sent, and likewise a copy of the French Gazette of Frankfort, dated 10th of June, 1799. For ten months we had been without news from France. Bonaparte glanced over this journal with an eagerness easily to be imagined.!" "Ah!" said he, "my expectations have not deceived me ;" the fools have lost Italy. AH the fruit of our victories has disappeared : I must leave Egypt." He desired Berthier to be called; he told him to read the news. "Things" said he, "go ill in France; I must see what is passing there; "you must come with me." Myself, Berthier and Gan- theaume, whom he had sent for, were the only parties to be intrusted with the secret. He recommended Berthier to be pru- dent, to testify no symptoms of joy, to change nothing of his usual habits, nor to purchase any thing. He finished by saying, that he depended upon him. "I am sure of myself," said he; "I the Turkish fleet had effected a landing, and taken possession of the fort of Aboukir, and of a redoubt placed behind the village of that name. " The Turks had nearly destroyed the weak garrisons that occupied those two miU- tary points, when General Marmont, who commanded at Alexandria, came to their relief. This general, seeing the two posts in the power of the Turks, returned to shut himself up in Alexandria, where he would probably have been blockaded by the Turkish army, had it not been for the arrival of the general-in-chief. "Bonaparte arrived at midnight, with his guides and the remaining part of his army, and ordered the Turks to be attacked the next morning. In this battle, as in the preceding ones, the attack, the encounter, and the rout, were occurrences of a moment, and the result of a single movement on the part of our troops. The whole Turkish army plunged into the sea, to regain their ships, leaving behind them every thing they had brought on shore. "W'hilst this event was occurring on the sea-shore, a pacha had left the field of battle, with a corps of about three thousand men, in order to throw himself into the fort of Aboukir. They soon felt the extremities of thirst, which compelled them, after the lapse of a few days, to surrender unconditionally to General Menou, who was left on the ground to close the operations connected with the Turkish army recently defeated." t " The French, on their return from St. Jean d'Acre, were totally ignorant of all that had taken place in Europe for several months. Napoleon, eager to obtain intelli- gence, sent a flag of truce on board the Turkish admiral's ship, under the pretence of treating for the ransom of the prisoners taken at Aboukir ; not doubting but the envoy would be stopped by Sir Sidney Smith, who carefully prevented all direct communica- tion between the French and the Turks. Accordingly, the French flag of truce received directions from Sir Sidney to go on board his ship. He experienced the handsomest treatment, and the English commander having, among other things, ascertained that the disasters of Italy weie quite unknown to Napoleon, indulged in the malicious pleasure of sending him a file of newspapers. Napoleon spent the whole night in his tent, perusing the papers, and he came to the determination of immediately proceeding to Europe, to repair the disasters of France, and, if possible, to save her from destruc- tion," — Memorial de Sainte Hclene. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 99 am sure of Bourrienne." Berthier promised to be silent, and he kept his word. He had had enough of Egypt ; he burned with the desire of returning to France, and feared lest his own indiscretion might ruin all. Gantheaume arrived, and Bonaparte gave him orders to prepare two frigates, Le Muiron and La Carri^re, and two small vessels, La Revanche and La Fortune, with provisions for four or five hundred men, and for two months. He communicated to him his secret intentions, and recommended the strictest secresy, lest intelligence of his preparations should reach any of the English cruisers. He afterwards arranged with Gantheaume the course he intended to steer; he provided for every thing. Bonaparte left Alexandria on the 5th of August, and arrived at Cairo on the 10th, for the purpose of making some parting arrangements. There he caused to be renewed the report of his proceeding to Upper Egypt, which appeared the more feasible, as such had been, in fact, his determination previous to our excur- sion to the Pyramids, as was well known to the army and to the inhabitants of Cairo. All at once, he announced an intention of examining the Delta; and to encourage that belief, he wrote on the- 18th to the Divan, desiring them to keep him regularly informed of the state of affairs at Cairo during his absence. By this means he succeeded in preventing any suspicion of his projected depart- ure from arising among the soldiery ; and we had no sooner left Cairo than we returned to Alexandria. Hitherto our secret had been well kept. General Lanusse, however, who commanded at Menouf, where we arrived on the 20th, had divined our intentions. "You are going to France," said he. My reply in the negative confirmed his suspicions. On the 22d of August, we returned to Alexandria, and the general informed all those who had accompained him from Cairo, that France was their destination. At this intelligence, joy appeared in every countenance. General Kleber, who was instructed by Bonaparte to succeed him in the command of the army, was invited to come from Damietta to Rosetta, to confer with him on affairs of extreme importance. Bonaparte, in making an appointment which he knew he could not keep, wished to avoid the reproaches and sturdy frankness of Kleber. He wrote to him all that he had got to say, and assigned as his reasons for not keeping his appointment, that his fear of being observed by the English cruisers had induced him to depart three days earlier than he intended. But Bonaparte knew well, when he wrote this letter, that he should be at sea when it was, received. Kleber complained bitterly of this deception, to the Directory. The singular fate which befell his despatches will be: seen hereafter. 100 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. CHAPTER IX. Voyage from Egypt ; Danger of Capture ; Lands at Frejua ; Joy of the People ; State of the Country ; Bonaparte ai-rives atPaiis; hia Intiigueg ; Plot aud Conspiracy; the 18th Brumaire; Bonapai'te First Consul. ■%> On the 23d of August, we embarked in the two frigates La Muiron and La Carri^re. Our number was between four and five hundred. The night was dark when we got on board ; but, by the feeble Ught of the stars, we were enabled to perceive a corvette, which approached to observe, and, as it were, to be a party in our silent and nocturnal embarkment.* It has been falsely stated, that Admiral Gantheaume was absolute master of his movements, as if any one could command when Bonaparte was present. So far from that, he told the admiral, in my presence, that he would not follow the usual course, and run out into the open sea. "It is my wish," said he, "that you keep on the African side till you get to the southward of Sardinia. I have here a handful of brave fellows, with some artillery. If the English should fall in with us, I will immediately run on shore, and, with my party, make my way by land to Oran, Tunis, or some other port, from whence we may obtain the means of getting home." Such was his resolution, and it was irrevocably fixed. During one-and-twenty days of impatience and disappointment, we were tossed about by contrary winds. At length, however, a favourable breeze sprung up, which, in a short time, carried us past that point on the African coast near which Carthage formerly stood; and we soon afterwards made Sardinia, and ran along its western coast, keeping well in with the land. Bonaparte intended to have run ashore, in case of falling in with an English squadron, then to have gained Corsica, and to have awaited a favourable opportunity of reaching France. Every thing had contributed to render our voyage dull and monotonous. The general had lost four aids-de-camp — Croisier, * " The horses of the escort had been left to run loose on the beach, and all was perfect stillness in Alexandria, when the advanced posts of the town were alarmed by the wild galloping of horses, which, from a natural instinct, were returning to Alexan- dria through the desert. The picket ran to arms on seeing horses ready saddled and bridled, which were soon discovered to belong to the regiment of guides. They at first thought that a misfortune had happened to some detachment in its pursuit of the Arabs. With these horses came also those of the generals who had embarked with General Bonaparte, so that Alexandria was, for a time, in considerable alarm. The cavalry was ordered to proceed, in all haste, in the direction whence the horses came ; and every one was giving himself up to the most gloomy conjectures, when the cavalry returned to the city with the Turkish groom, who was bringing back General Bona- parte's horse to Alexandria." — Memoirs of the Duke de Bovigo. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 101 Sulkowsky, Julien, and Guibert; CafFarelli, Brueys, Cassabianca, were no more. Our misfortunes ; the uncertainty of our favourable reception at home; the situation of affairs in France, of whose reverses we had acquired an imperfect knowledge ; the dangers of being made prisoners in a sea swarming with the ships of the enemy; — all these threw a gloom over our spirits, and checked every disposition to amusement. Bonaparte incessantly paced the deck, occupied in superintending the execution of his orders. The appearance of the smallest sail renewed his inquietudes. The fear of being a prisoner to the English haunted him continually ; he dreaded, as the worst of evils, the falling into their hands ; and, at last, he trusted to their generosity ! At length, on the 8th of October, after having been chased by, and escaped from, an English squadron, we entered, at eight in the morning, the bay of Frejus. None of the sailors being acquainted with that part of the coast, we knew not exactly where we were ; for a moment we were in doubt as to whether we should run in. We were not expected, and we could not answer the signals, which had been changed during our absence. Some shots were fired at us from the batteries ; but our confident entrance into the harbour, the numbers which crowded the decks of both frigates, and our demonstrations of joy, did not allow them long to remain in sus- pense. Scarcely had we come to anchor, when it was rumoured about that one of the ships carried General Bonaparte. In an instant the sea was covered with boats. In vain we endeavoured to keep the people oflf; we were fairly lifted up, and carried on shore. When we represented to the crowd of men and women, who pressed about us, the danger they run, they all cried out, "We'd rather have the plague than the Austrians." It will be remembered what effects the simple announcement of the return of Bonaparte produced in France and throughout Europe. He has been accused, among other things, of breaking the sanatory laws. It was his intention to have submitted impli- citly to the usual quarantine ; but the inhabitants of Frejus would not permit it : we were, as I have already stated, absolutely car- ried on shore. Still, when we consider the landing of five hun- dred persons and a quantity of goods from Alexandria, where the plague had been raging during the summer, we must regard it as a singular happiness that France and Europe had been preserved from such a scourge. People frequently speak of the good fortune which attaches to an individual, and even accompanies him through life. Without professing to believe in this sort of predestination, yet, when I call to mind the numerous dangers which Bonaparte escaped in, 9* 102 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. SO many enterprises, the hazards he encountered, the chances he ran, I can conceive that others may have this faith; but, having for a length of time studied "the man of destiny," I have remarked, that what was called his fortune, was, in reality, his genius ; that his success was the consequence of his admirable foresight — of his calculations, rapid as lightning — and of the conviction that boldness is often the truest wisdom. If, for example, during our voyage from Alexandria to Frejus, he had not imperiously insisted on pursuing a course different from that usually taken, and which usual course was recommended by the admiral, would he have escaped the perils which beset his path ? Probably not. And was all this the effect of chance? Certainly not. Scarcely had he arrived at Frejus, than, in his anxiety for news, he questioned every one he met. There he first learned the extent of our reverses in Italy. "The evil is too great," said he; "there is nothing to be done." He decided on returning to Paris the very evening of the day on which we landed. Every where on his journey, in the towns, in the villages, he was received, as at Frejus, with enthusiasm which it is impossible to describe: those only who witnessed his triumphal journey could form even a faint idea of it; and it required no great spirit of observation to foresee something similar to what afterwards happened. The provinces, a prey to anarchy and civil war, were threat- ened with foreign invasion. Nearly the whole of the south pre- sented the afflicting spectacle of one vast arena of contending factions. The nation groaned under the weight of tyrannical laws, and was universally opposed to a pentarchy, without moral force, without justice, and which had become the sport of faction and intrigue. The highways were infested by robbers; the agents of the Directory practised the most scandalous extortions — dis- order reigned throughout — every thing wore the aspect of dissolu- tion. Any change was felt to be preferable to the continuance of such a state of things ; and the majority of Frenchmen wished to escape from such an intolerable position. Two dangers threat- ened at the same time; anarchy, and the Bourbons. Every one felt the pressing necessity of concentrating the powers of the state in a single hand ; and, at the same time, maintaining those institutions which were suited to the spirit and intelligence of the age, and which France, after having so dearly purchased, was now upon the point of losing for ever. The country looked for a man who was capable of restoring her to tranquillity; but as yet no such man had appeared. A soldier of fortune presented him- self, covered with glory; he had planted the standard of France on the Capitol and on the Pyramids. His great actions, his bril- MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 103 liant enterprises, always crowned with success, his devotion to France, the justness of his conceptions, all concurred to point him out as the man most capable of making the country of his adoption great and happy, and of establishing public liberty. Bonaparte was deficient neither in elevated views, in knowledge, nor in the necessary acquirements ; but the will alone was wanting. For who, in fact, could have supposed that having obtained the supreme power, he would have availed himself of it to trample under foot all the principles he had so long professed, and to which he owed his elevation ? Who could have believed that he would have super- seded, by the most absolute despotism, that constitutional liberty for which France had so long sighed, and for the peaceable enjoy- ment of which she had made so many sacrifices ? But so it is : when his ambition had been gratified, when he had sacrificed every thing to gain his point, we see him reestablishing the principles which he had combated, and defending them with equal energy. Could he venture to hope, that in the course of those immense enterprises which formed the business of his life, not one would have proved unfortunate ? Did he not consider, that when a man is in himself all, all must fall with him ; and that the destiny of a nation which depends upon the gain or loss of a battle, is based upon nothing ? Among the projects which Bonaparte was incessantly revolving in his mind, must undoubtedly be ranked the project of attaining the head of the French government ; but it is a mistake to suppose, that, on his return from Egypt, he had formed any fixed plan. There was something vague in his ambitious aspirations ; and he was fond of building those imaginary edifices, called castles in the air. The current of events was in accordance with his wishes ; and it may truly be said, that the whole French nation smoothed, for Bonaparte, the road which led to power. It is certain, that the unanimous plaudits and universal joy which accompanied him along a journey of more than two hundred leagues, induced him to regard as a national mission that step, which was at first prompted merely by his wish of meddling with the affairs of the republic. This spontaneous burst of popular feeling, unordered and unpaid for, loudly proclaimed the grievances of the people, and their hope that the man of victory would become their deliverer. The general enthusiasm excited by the return of the conqueror of Egypt, delighted him to a degree which I cannot express ; and was, as he has often assured me, a powerful stimulus in urging him to the object to which the wishes of France seemed to direct him. In times of disorder, when all powers are confounded, and nothing can estabhsh a counterpoise, the cleverest, the strongest, 104 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. and the boldest, may easily oppress the rest. Bonaparte's military superiority over his contemporaries, the ascendancy of his good fortune and glory, and the influence of his name, assisted him at this time, as throughout two-thirds of his career. If, when master of the power which was offered to him, he had followed the principles he previously professed, and for which he had heretofore fought and conquered ; — if he had defended, with all the influence of his glory, that liberty which the nation claimed, and which the age demanded; — if he had rendered France as happy and as free, as he rendered her glorious — posterity could not have refused him the very first place among those great men at whose side he will be ranged. But not having done for the welfare of mankind what he undertook for his own glory, pos- terity will judge of him by what he has achieved. He will have full credit for his victories, but not for his conquests, which pro- duced no result, and not one of which he preserved. His claim to the title of one of the greatest captains that ever lived, will be undisputed ; but he left France less than when she was intrusted to him, and less than she had been left by Louis XIV. His bril- liant campaigns in Italy gave Venice to Austria, and the Ionian Isles to England. His Egyptian expedition gave Malta to the English, destroyed our navy, and cost us twenty-two thousand men. The civil code is the only one of Bonaparte's legislative acts which can be sanctioned by philosophy and reason. All his other laws were null, and rested only on his existence. Did he, either in his character of consul or emperor, contribute to the happiness of France? Posterity will answer in the negative. Indeed, if we weigh in one scale all our victories and all our glory, and in the other, Europe in Paris, and the disgraceful treaty of 1815, with its accessories and consequences, it will be seen on what side the balance will turn. On the 16th of October, we arrived at Paris, whither the news of his landing at Frejus had been transmitted by telegraph. The day after his arrival, he paid a visit to the Directory. The inter- view was cold. On the 24th he said to me, "I dined yesterday at Gohier's ; Sieyes was present, but I affected not to see him ; and I could perceive the rage with which this neglect inflamed him." "But are you sure," said I, "that he is against you?" "I know not that yet," he replied; "but he belongs to a system that I do not like." He was at this time considering how he might turn Sieyes out, and become a Director in his place. To throw a clear light on the course of the great events which are about to be opened to our view, it is necessary here to take a rapid glance at the state of parties in Paris on our return. MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. lOS Moreau enjoyed a high military reputation ; the Army of the Rhine had reared in its ranks men of great valour ; and without with- holding their meed of approbation from the conqueror of Italy, there was something which more personally concerned themselves in their admiration of the general who had repaired the disasters of Scherer in Germany. Nothing, in fact, is more natural, than to exalt those particular triumphs in which we ourselves have had a share. Bernadotte, who was a zealous republican, had been Minister of War during our campaign in Egypt ; but had resigned three weeks before the return of Bonaparte to France. Both these generals enjoyed the confidence of the armies which they had commanded, and might be considered their representatives. Bonaparte had for devoted adherents the companions of his glory in Italy, and those whom he afterwards called "his Egyptians." The army was absolutely republican; while the miserable Direc- tory appeared, as it were, an institution invented for the express purpose of being the instrument of intriguers. Our road was beset with difficulties, which it was necessary to appreciate — an incred- ible enthusiasm, it is true, had accompanied us on our route to Paris ; but something more was wanting to the obtaining of suf- frages than the shouts of the multitude. At this time, the partisans of Bernadotte wished him to reassume his post of Minister of War ; and it became of importance to Bona- parte to prevent this project from succeeding. Two days after our arrival, he said to me, "I believe that I shall have Bernadotte and Moreau against me ; but I do not fear Moreau — he is devoid of energy; he prefers military to political power; we shall gain him by the promise of a command. But Bernadotte has Moorish blood in his veins. He is bold and enterprising; he does not like me, and I am certain he will oppose me. If he should become ambitious, he will venture any thing : besides, the fellow is not to be seduced ; he is disinterested and clever. But, after all, we have just arrived; we shall see." The first views of General Bonaparte had for object the obtain- ing a seat in the Directory, but to this his age presented an insur- mountable obstacle ; whatever efforts he might make to get over this, he found would be in vain. As soon as his intentions became known, he found himself surrounded by all those who recognised in him the man they had long looked for. These men, who were able and influential in their own sphere, laboured to effect a recon- ciliation between Bonaparte and Sieyes, and to convert into friend- ship the dislike which existed between them. It was reported to Bonaparte that Sieyes had said, after the dinner at which he had been treated with so much disrespect, " Do you see how that little 106 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE- insolent fellow treats a member of that government which ought to have ordered him to be shot?" But all was changed through the mediation of able friends, who impressed upon Bonaparte the hopelessness of supplanting Sieyes, and that it was better to join with him in overthrowing that con- stitution which neither of them loved. One said to Bonaparte, in my hearing, "Seek a support among those who treat as Jacobins the friends of the Republic, and, believe me, Sieyes is at the head of that party." Scarcely had Sieyes come to an understanding with Bonaparte, when he let out that Barras had said, " The little Corporal has made his fortune in Italy; he has no occasion to go back." Bonaparte went to the Directory expressly to refute this assertion : he complained bitterly before the Directors ; affirmed boldly that his supposed wealth was a fable, and, if he had made his fortune, it had not been at the expense of the Republic. During this brief political crisis, nothing passed more elevated, more noble, or less contemptible, than what we have seen in for- mer revolutionary movements. Every thing, in these political plots, is accompanied with so much trickery, falsehood, and treach- ery, that for the honour of humanity a veil should be drawn over their detail. All is brought about by the point of the sword. Bonaparte admitted few persons into his confidence ; he com- municated his plans to those only who were necessary to their success. The rest mechanically followed their leaders, and the impulse which was given to them : they passively waited the fulfil- ment of the promises they had received, and by which their services had been purchased. The parts in the great drama which was shortly to be enacted were well cast. During the three days preceding the 9th of November, every one was at his post. Lucien pushed on with activity and intelligence the conspiracy in the Councils; Sieyes took charge of the Directory ; Real, under the influence of Fouch^, negotiated with the departments, and by the directions of his chief, dexterously managed, without compromising Fouch6, to ruin those from whom that minister had derived his power: so early as the 5th, Fouch6 had said to me, "Tell your general to be speedy; if he delays, he is lost." On the morning of the 9th of November (18th Brumaire) all the generals devoted to Bonaparte were assembled at his house. I had never before seen such a number together. All were in full uniform except Bernadotte. I was surprised to see him in plain clothes, and I stepped up and said, in a low voice, "' General, every one here, except you and I, are in uniform." "Why should I be in uniform?" said he. As he uttered these words, Bonaparte, MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 107 struck with the same surprise as myself, stopped short while speak- ing to several persons around him, and turning quickly towards Bernadotte, said, " How is this ? you are not in uniform ?" " I never am on a morning when I am not on duty," replied Bernadotte. " You will be on duty presently." " I have not heard a word of it : I should have received my orders sooner." Bonaparte then led Bernadotte into an adjoining room. Their conversation was not long, for there was not time to spare. The modest abode of the Conqueror of Italy was too small for such a multitude ; they filled the court and the passages. The Council of Ancients assembled the same morning, in the Tuileries, at the early hour of seven; one of the conspirators forthwith declared that the salvation of the state demanded vigor- ous measures, and proposed two decrees for their acceptance : one, by which the meetings of the legislative bodies should be instantly transferred to the Chateau of St. Cloud, some miles from Paris ; and another investing Napoleon with the supreme command of all the troops in and about the capital, including the National Guard. These motions were instantly carried; and, in the course of a few minutes, Bonaparte received, in the midst of his martial company, the announcement of his new authority. He only waited for this being brought to him, before he should mount his horse. That decree was adopted in the Council of Ancients, by what may be called a false majority, for the members of the Council were sum- moned at different hours, and it was so contrived, that sixty or eighty of them, whom Lucien and his friends had not been able to gain over, should not receive their notices in time. As soon as the message from the Council of Ancients arrived, Bonaparte requested all the officers to follow him. A few hesti- tated, and did not ; among others, Bernadotte. Bonaparte returned quickly to request him to do so, but he ■ declined. A large body of troops, amounting to about ten thousand men, had been assembled from an early hour in the gardens of the Tuileries, accompanied by the Generals Bournonville, Moreau, and Macdonald. Bonaparte reviewed these troops, and read to them the decree of the Council of Ancients, appointing him to the com- mand of all the military force, and charging him with the main- tenance of the public tranquillity. At ten o'clock on the same morning, the adverse Council of Five Hundred assembled also, and heard, with astonishment and indig- nation, of the decree by which their sittings were transferred from Paris (the scene of their popular influence) to St. Cloud. They had, however, no means of disputing that point : they parted with 108 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. cries of " Vive la Repuhlique ! Vive la Constitution !" and incited the mob, their allies, to muster next morning on the new scene of action — where, it was evident, this military revolution must either be turned back, or pushed to consummation. During the rest of the day Napoleon remained at the Tuileries : the troops were in arms ; the population expected with breathless anxiety the coming of the decisive day. A strong body of soldiery marched to St. Cloud under the orders of Murat. On the 19th I went to St. Cloud, with my friend La Valette. As we passed the Place Louis XV,, now Louis XVL, he asked me what was doing, and what my opinion was as to the coming events ? Without entering into any detail, I rephed, "My friend, either we shall sleep to-morrow at the Luxembourg, or there will be an end of us." Who could tell which of the two things would happen? Success legalized a bold enterprise, which the slightest accident might have changed into a crime. The sittings of the Ancients, under the presidency of Lemer- cier, commenced at one o'clock. A warm discussion took place upon the state of affairs, and confusion reigned in the Councils : in that of the Five Hundred, disorder was at its height. Already the Directory had ceased to exist. Sieyes and Ducos had joined the party of Bonaparte ; and Gohier and Moulins were prisoners in the Luxembourg, and in the custody of General Moreau ; Bar- ras, after declaring that his sole object in aspiring to the office of a Director had been his love of liberty, had sent in his resigna- tion. At this moment Bonaparte entered, attended by a body of grenadiers, who remained outside the entrance of the hall. He attempted to address this assembly, but his voice was drowned in cries of, "Live the Republic! Live the Constitution! Down with tlie Dictator !" Bonaparte fell back upon the grenadiers — he was joined by his brother Lucien, w^ho had been president of the assembly; still the soldiers hesitated to act; when Lucien, drawing his sword, cried, " I sAvear to plunge this in the bosom of my brother, if ever he makes an attempt against the liberties of Frenchmen." This dramatic stroke was perfectly successful; hesitation vanished at the words, and, at a sign from Bonaparte, Murat, at the head of the grenadiers, rushed into the hall, and drove out the representatives. All were obliged to yield to the logic of the bayonet, and here ceased the employment of a mili- tary force on this famous day. At ten o'clock at night the most profound calm reigned in the palace of St. Cloud, where lately such tumultuous scenes had taken place. All the Deputies were still there, and might be seen MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 109 wandering about in the saloon, the galleries, and the courts. The greatest number appeared much frightened; some affected to be satisfied; but all were extremely anxious to get back to Paris — ■ but this they could not do till an order was issued for the purpose. The day had been passed in destroying one government — it became necessary to devote the night to the formation of a new one. The Council of Ancients assembled, and Lucien set about finding out such members of the Council of Five Hundred as he thought he could rely upon. He succeeded in getting together only about thirty, and these, with their president, were supposed to represent that numerous assembly of which they formed so small a part. This phantom of a representative body was essen- tial, because Bonaparte, in spite of the illegalities of the preced- ing day, wished it should appear that he had acted according to law. They finished by decreeing, that there was no longer a Directory; and that sixty-one individuals, who were named, had ceased to be members of the national representation, in conse- quence of the excesses to which they were continually proceed- ing, and for having taken an active part in the late disturbances. They decreed, that the powers of government should be admin- istered by three consuls; and they nominated to these offices, Sieyes, Roger Ducos, and Bonaparte. Every thing was concluded by three o'clock in the morning, and the palace of St. Cloud assumed its accustomed calm, and presented the appearance of a vast solitude. At three o'clock in the morning I accompanied Bonaparte, in his carriage, to Paris, He was extremely fatigued, after so many trials and tribulations. A new feature was opened before him. He was completely absorbed in thought, and did not utter a sin- gle word during the journey. When he arrived at his own house he said, "Bourrienne, I said many ridiculous things. I like bet- ter to speak to soldiers than to lawyers. These fellows intimi- dated me, I have not been used to public assemblies : but that will come in time." On the morning of the 20th of Brumaire (11th of Nov.) the First Consul sent his brother Louis to inform the ex-Director Gohier that he was at liberty. This haste was not without a motive, for Bonaparte was anxious to install himself in the Lux- embourg; and we removed there the same evening. Every thing was to be created — Bonaparte had almost the whole of the army with him, and on it he could depend ; but mil- itary force was not alone sufficient, and he wished a great civil power legally established. He immediately set about the compo- sition of a senate, a tribunate, a council of state, and a new legis- 10 110 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON- BONAPARTE. lative body — in fact, a new constitution.* A consular govern- ment was formed, at the head of which was Bonaparte, named consul for ten years; Cambaceres, second consul, also for ten years, and Lebrun, third consul, named for five years. To these were added a conservative senate, a legislative body of three hundred members, and a tribunate of one hundred members. This latter was suppressed in 1807. The consuls, on the 17th of November, gave directions for the arrest and detention of sixty-one deputies, thirty-eight of whom were ordered for transportation to the pestilential shores of French Guienne. The remainder were permitted to remain in France, under the inspection of the police. This proscription, from which I had the good fortune to extricate M. Moreau de Worms, pro- duced a bad effect; it evinced an ill-timed severity, contrary to the assurances of moderation made at St. Cloud on the 9th. Cambaceres drew up a report, in which he pointed out the inu- tility of such measures as to the maintenance of tranquillity, in consequence of which the orders for deportation were withdrawn, and the parties placed under the surveillance of the police. Some days after, Sieyes entered the cabinet of Bonaparte. "Here," said he," this M. Moreau de Worms, whom M. Bourrienne pre- vailed upon you to save from transportation, has been getting on at a fine rate. I told you what he was-r— I have received from Sens a letter which tells me that he is there, and that he has been denouncing the late changes in the most violent manner to the people assembled in the market-place." "Are you quite sure of your agents ?" " Entirely so ; I will answer for the truth of what they have written." Bonaparte showed me the letter, at the same time reproaching me severely. "What will you say, general," said I, "if, in the course of an hour, I produce to you this same Mpreau, who has been declaiming against you at Sens ?" " I defy you," said he. " I have pledged myself for him," returned I, " and I knew what I was doing; he is an enthusiast, but a man of honour, and incapable of breaking his word." "Well, we shall see — Go, bring him." I was pretty sure of what I said; for about an hour before I had seen M. Moreau, who had remained concealed in Paris since the 9th of November. Nothing was more easy than for me to find him; and in three-quarters of an hour after, he was at the Luxembourg. I presented him to Bona- * The constitution of the year VIII. was presented on the 13th of December, 1799, (22 Primaire, year VIII.) and accepted by the people on the 7th of February, 1800, (18th Pluviose, year VIII.) The establishment of the council of state took place on the 24th of December, 1799. The installation of the new legislative body and the tribunate, was fixed for the 1st of January, 1800. MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Ill parte, who conversed with him a long time. After he was gone, "Well," said Bonaparte to me, "you were right; that fool, Sieyes, is as credulous as Cassandra — this shows us that we must not give implicit credit to the reports of those fellows whom we are obliged to employ in the police — but in fact, Bourrienne, this M. Moreau of yours is not so bad, and I like him much — I must do something for him." M. Moreau did not long wait for a proof of the consul's favourable dispositions towards him; — a few days after, on my simple recommendation, he was appointed to a situa- tion with an annual salary of ten thousand francs (£416 135. 4^). At the Luxembourg the principal employment of Bonaparte was in planning ways and means for raising money ; for although Machiavel has written a chapter to prove that money is of very little use in the affairs of this world, Bonaparte was of a different opinion. He occupied here a suite of rooms on the ground floor, to the right, entering from the street Vaugirard, His cabinet was near a private stair, leading to Josephine's apartments on the first floor — I occupied apartments on the second floor, immedi- ately above. After breakfast, which was served at ten, Bonaparte would converse a while with his ordinary guests, that is to say, with his aids-de-camp, the persons he had invited, and myself, who never quitted him. He received also several private friends ; among others his brothers, Joseph and Lucien, whom he always saw with pleasure, and conversed familiarly with them. Cambaceres came about noon, and remained with him generally about an hour. Lebrun visited but seldom. Notwithstanding his elevation, his virtue remained unaltered. He appeared to Bonaparte too mod- erate, because he always opposed himself to his ambitious views, and to his plans for seizing on the supreme power. When he rose from breakfast, after having bid good morning to Josephine and her daughter Hortense, he generally said, " Come, Bourrienne : let us go to work." During the day, I remained with Bonaparte, sometimes reading to him, sometimes writing to his dictation. Three or four times in the week he went to the council. We dined at five. After dinner, the first consul ascended to the apartments of Josephine, where he commonly received the visits of the ministers, and always with pleasure those of the minister for foreign affairs; especially after the portfolio of that department had been placed in the hands of Talleyrand. At midnight, and often sooner, he gave the signal for retiring, by saying, in a hasty manner, "Come, let's go to bed." It was at the Luxembourg, in the apartments of which the adorable Josephine presided with so much grace, that the word 113 ME3I0IRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, Madame came again into. use. This first return to the ancient French politeness was startling to some zealous republicans; but things were soon carried farther at the Tuileries by the introduc- tion of Voire Altesse, on occasions of state ceremony, and Mon- seignezir, in the family circle. At the commencement of the first consul's administration, though he always consulted the notes he had collected, he yet received with attention the recommendations of persons with whom he was well acquainted; but it was not safe for them to recommend a rogue or a fool. The men whom he most disliked were those whom he called babblers, who are continually prating of every thing and on every thing. He often said, " I want more head and less tongue." On taking the government into his own hands, Bonaparte knew so little of the revolution and of the men engaged in civil employ- ments that it was indispensably necessary for him to collect infor- mation from every quarter respecting men and things. But when the conflicting passions of the moment became more calm, and the spirit of party more prudent, and when order had been, by his severe investigations, introduced where hitherto unbridled confusion had reigned, he became gradually more scrupulous in granting places, whether arising from newly-created offices, or from those changes which the different departments often experi- enced. He then said to me, " Bourrienne, I give up your depart- ment to you. Name whom you please for the appointments ; but remember, you must be responsible to me." What a list would that be which should contain the names of all the prefects, sub-prefects, receivers-general, and other civil officers, to whom I gave places! I have kept no memoranda of their names : and, indeed, what advantage would there have been in doing so ? It was impossible for me to have a personal knowl- edge of all the fortunate candidates ; but I relied on recommenda- tions in which I had confidence. I have had little to complain of in those I obliged; though it is true that, since my separation from Bonaparte, I have seen many of them generously take the opposite side of the street in which I was walking, and, by that delicate attention, save me the trouble of raising my hat. When a new government rises upon the ruins of one which has been overturned, the best chance it has of rendering itself a favourite with the nation, if that nation be at war, is to hold out the prospect of peace ; because peace is always an object which is desired by the people. This Bonaparte knew very well ; and if in his heart he wished for war, he was aware of what vast import- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 113 ance it was to him to appear to be desirous of peace. Thus, immediately after his installation at the Luxembourg, he hastened to notify to all the foreign powers his accession to the consulate, and likewise caused letters to be addressed to all the diplomatic agents of the French government abroad. He also hastened to open negotiations with the court of London. At this time we were at war with nearly the whole of Europe. We had lost Italy. The Emperor of Germany was governed by his ministers, who in their turn were governed by England, and France had no army in the interior It was of great importance to the first consul, that foreign powers should understand that it was impossible to expect the restoration of the Bourbons; that it was the object of the existing government to adopt a system of order and regeneration ; and that it was capable of maintaining friendly relations with them all. To attain this end, Bonaparte gave orders to Talley- rand to make the first overtures of peace to the English cabinet. A correspondence took place, which showed the condescending policy of Bonaparte and the arrogant policy of England. The exchange of notes which took place was attended by no immediate result. However, the first consul had partly attained his object : if the British government would not enter into nego- tiations for peace, there was, at least, reason to presume that sub- sequent overtures of the consular government might be hstened to. The correspondence had, at all events, afforded Bonaparte the opportunity of declaring his principles ; and, above all, it had enabled him to ascertain that the return of the Bourbons to France would not be a sine qua non condition for the restoration of peace between the two powers. Since M. de Talleyrand had been minister for foreign affairs, the business of that department had proceeded with great activity. It was an important advantage to Bonaparte to find a nobleman of the old regime among the republicans. The choice of M. de Talleyrand was, in some sort, an act of courtesy to the foreign courts. It was a delicate attention to the diplomacy of Europe to introduce to its members, for the purpose of treating with them, a man whose rank was at least equal to their own, and who was universally distinguished for a polished elegance of manner com- bined with solid good qualities and real talents. It was not with England alone that he sought to establish friendly relations ; the consular government also offered peace to the house of Austria; but separately. The object of this offer was to awaken a jealousy between the two powers. _ Speaking to me one dav oi his extreme desire for peace, he said, " You see, Bourrienne, I have two great enemies upon my hands. I will H 10* 114 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. not conceal from you that I prefer peace with England. Nothing would be more easy than to destroy Austria. She has no money except what she receives through England." These negotiations, however, were attended with no success. None of the European powers would recognise the new govern- ment, of which Bonaparte was the chief; the victory of Marengo was necessary to produce the peace of Amiens. CHAPTER X, Portrait of Bonaparte ; his Domestic Maimers ; his Habits ; his Prejudices ; his Opinions ; Bemarks on Josephine ; Mui-at ; Mm-at manied to Cai-oline Bonaparte. In reading the history of the great men of antiquity, we often regret that their historians have so occupied themselves with the hero, that they have forgotten to speak of the man. Though no two beings can more closely resemble each other than an illustri- ous man and an individual in humble life, yet when we follow them into the details of their private life, it is not the less true that we are desirous of becoming acquainted with the most tri- fling habits of those whom great talents have elevated above their fellows. Is this merely an effect of curiosity, or is it not rather a movement of self-love? and do we not unconsciously seek to con- sole ourselves for their superiority, by reflecting on their weak- nesses, their faults, theiv absurdities— in short, all the points of resemblance which they li^ve with other men. In order, there- fore, that persons who are anxious for such details may have an opportunity to gratify their curiosity in respect to Bonaparte, I will here endeavour to describe him as I saw him from my own observation, in his physical and moral character, his tastes, his habits, his passions, and his caprices. I ought to add, that I do not guarantee the resemblance of the portrait which I am about to trace but from 1792 to 1804, a period during which I scarcely ever lost sight of him. The person of Bonaparte has served as a subject for the most skilful painters and sculptors ; many able artists, whose talent does honour to France, have successfully delineated his features ; and yet it may be said that there exists no perfectly faithful resemblance. It IS not always granted to genius to triumph over impossibilities. His finely shaped head, his superb forehead, his pale and elongated visage, and his meditative look, have been transferred to the canvas ; but the quickness of his glance and the rapidity of his expression MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 115 were beyond imitation. All the various workings of his mind were instantaneously depicted in his countenance, and his glance changed from mild to severe, and from angry to good-humoured, almost with the rapidity of lightning. It may be truly said, that he had a partic- ular look for every thought that arose in his mind, an appropriate physiognomy for every impulse that agitated his soul. He had finely-formed hands, and he was very proud of them, and took particular care of them: and sometimes, while convers- ing, he would look at them with an air of satisfaction. He also fancied that he had fine teeth, but his pretensions to that advan- tage did not appear to me to be so well founded. When he walked, either alone or in company with any one, in his apartments or in the gardens, he stooped a little, and crossed his hands behind his back. He frequently gave an involuntary shrug of his right shoulder, which he elevated a little, at the same time moving his mouth from the left towards the right. If an observer had not known that these movements were merely the effect of an ill habit, he might have supposed that they were con- vulsive motions. They were in reality the indices of profound! meditation and of intensity of thought. Frequently, after these walks, he drew up, or dictated to me, the most important notes. He could endure great fatigue, not only on horseback and on foot when with the army, but at all times ; frequently walking five or six hours at a time, without being aware of it. He had a habit, when he walked with any one with whom he was famihar, to link his arm into that of his companion, and lean on it. Bonaparte has frequently said to me, "Bourrienne, you see how temperate and thin I am ; but nothing can prevent me from think- ing that, by the time I am forty, I shall become a great eater, and get very fat. I foresee that myconstitution will undergo a change. I take a deal of exercise; but what of that? — it is a presentiment, and will certainly be realized." This idea annoyed him very much, and, as I was of a different opinion, I never failed to represent those fears as groundless; but he could not be convinced, and, during the whole time that I was with him, this apprehension never quit- ted him for a moment, and it was but too well founded. For the bath he had an absolute passion, and considered it a necessary of life : I have known him to remain there for two hours. During this time, I read to him the daily papers, or any new pam- phlets ; for he would hear all, know all, and see all, for himself. While he remained in the bath, he used to be continually turning on the warm water, and, at times, would raise the temperature, so that I have found myself enveloped in such a dense vapour that I. could not see to read, and was obliged to open the door. 116 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. I have always found Bonaparte extremely temperate, and an enemy to all excess. He was aware of the absurd stories which were circulated about him, and he was often vexed at them. It has been every where said, that he was subject to fits of epilepsy ; but, during more than eleven years that I was constantly with him, I have never seen in him any symptom in the least degree indicative of that malady. He was of sound health and a good constitution. If his enemies have endeavoured to degrade him by describing him as subject to a grievous periodical infirmity, his flatterers con- sidered, as it would appear, that sleep was incompatible with greatness, and have been as far from the truth in speaking of his imaginary watchings. Bonaparte made others watch; but he slept himself, and he slept well. He wished that I should call him every morning at seven o'clock: I was, therefore, always the first to enter his bed-room; but frequently, when I have attempted to rouse him, he has said to me, still half-asleep, " Ah, Bourrienne, do, I entreat you, allow me to sleep a little longer." When nothing pressed, I did not disturb him again until eight o'clock. He in general slept seven hours out of the twenty-four, besides dozing a little in the afternoon. Among the private instructions given to me by Bonaparte, there was a very singular one. "During the night," said he, "enter my chamber as seldom as possible. Never awake me when you have good news to announce ; because, with good news nothing presses : but, when you have bad news, rouse me immediately; for then there is not an instant to be lost." This calculation was good, and he found his advantage in it. As soon as he rose, his valet de chambre shaved him, and dressed his hair. During these operations I read the newspapers to him, beginning with the Moniteur. He paid little attention to any but the German and English journals. "Get on, get on," he would say, as I read the French papers; "I know all about it: they only say what they think will please me." I have often been surprised that his valet did not cut him during these readings ; for, when any thing remarkable occurred, he would turn abruptly to my side. When Bonaparte had finished his toilet, which he did with great care, for he was particularly neat in his dress, we descended together to his cabinet. There he signed the answers to import- ant petitions, the analysis of which had been made by me on the evening before. It was on levee days particularly, and days of parade, that he was most exact in these matters, because I used to remind him that the gi'eater part of the petitioners would present themselves in the apartments, and that they would ask him for answers. To avoid this annoyance, I informed them beforehand MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 117 the decision of the first consul. He then read the letters which I had opened and placed upon his table, arranged according to their importance. He directed me to answer them in his name. Some- times, however, though rarely, he answered them himself. At ten, the maitre d'hotel announced breakfast: we sat down to a repast of extreme frugality. Almost every morning he ate some chicken, dressed with oil and onions. He drank very little wine ; it was always either claret or burgundy, but he preferred the latter. After breakfast, as after dinner, he took a cup of strong coffee. I have never seen him take coffee between meals, and I do not know what gave rise to the general belief that Bonaparte was particularly fond of coffee. This notion must have origin- ated with those persons who pretended that he could not sleep at night. The one story is necessary to the support of the other. When he did sit up later than usual, it was not coffee he drank, but chocolate, of which he made me take a cup along with him ; but this never happened but when our sittings were prolonged to two or three in the morning. All that has been said about his immoderate use of snuff, has no more foundation in truth than his pretended partiality for coffee. It is true, he had early learned this habit; but he took it very sparingly, and always from a box, of which he had a great many ; because this was one of his hobbies. If he had any resemblance to the great Frederick, it was not in making the pocket of his waistcoat a d^pot for snufF, for, as I have already said, he carried ■ his notions of personal neatness even to an extreme.* Bonaparte had two ruling passions — the love of glory, and the love of war. He was never more gay than in the camp, and never more morose than when unemployed. Building, too, was gratify- ing to his imagination, whilst projects of gigantic edifices filled the void caused by the want of active employment. He knew that monuments form a part of the history of nations, and that their * "It has been alleged that his majesty took an inordinate deal of snuff, and that, in order to take it with the greater facility, he carried it in his waistcoat pockets, which, for that purpose, were lined with leather. This is altogether untrue. The fact is, the emperor never took snuff except from a snuff-box, and, though he used a great deal, he actually took but very little. He would frequently hold the snuff-box to his nose, merely to smell the snuff; at other times he would take a pinch, and after smelling it for a moment he would throw it away. Thus it frequently happened that the spot where he was sitting or standing was strewed with snuff, but his handkerchiefs, which were of the finest cambric, were scarcely ever soiled. He had a great collection of snuff-boxes; but those which he preferred were of dark tortoise-shell, lined with gold, and ornamented with cameos or antique medals in gold or silver. Their form was a narrow oval, with hinged lids. He did not like round boxes, because it was necessary to employ both hands to open them, and in this operation he not unfrequently let the box or the lid fall. His snuff was generally very coarse rappee, but he sometimes, liked to have several kinds of snuff mixed together." — Memoires de Constant. 118 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. duration bears witness to the civilization of their founders long after the}^ have disappeared from the earth, and that they likewise often bear false witness to remote generations of the reality of merely fabulous conquests. He knew that the fine arts impart to great actions a lasting renown, and consecrate the memory of those princes who ha\^e protected and encouraged them. And yet he has often said to me, "A great reputation is but a great noise; the more there is of it, the farther off it is heard. Laws, institu- tions, monuments, nations — all perish ; but the noise continues, and resounds in after-generations." This was one of his favourite ideas. "My power," he would say, "depends on my glory, and my glory on the victories I have gained. IMy power will fall if I do not base it on fresh gloi'ies and new victories. Conquest has made me what I am, and conquest alone can enable me to maintain my position." It was this sentiment which was always uppermost in his mind, and whicli became his ruling principle of action, that occasioned his incessant dreaming of new. wars, and scattering their seeds throughout Europe. He believed that if he remained stationary, he would fall, and he was tormented with the desire to be always advancing. "' A newly-born government," said he, " must dazzle and astonish; when it ceases to do that, it must fall. It was impossible to expect repose on the part of a man who was rest- lessness itself. His sentiments towards France differed much from those he had entertained in his youth. For a length of time he bore with impatience the recollection of the conquest of Corsica, which he then considered his country. But this feeling was effaced, and I can afiirm that he passionately loved France. His imagination kindled at the very idea of seeing her great, happy, powerful, and dictating her laws to other nations. He fancied his name insep- arably connected with France, and resounding in the ears of pos- terity. In all his actions, the present moment vanished before the ages yet to come; so in every country in which he made war, the opinion of France was present to his mind. As Alexander, at Arbela, thought less of having vanquished Darius than in having gained the suffrages of the Athenians, so Bonaparte, at Marengo, was haunted by the idea of "What will they say of this in France!" Before tighting a battle. Bonaparte thought little about what he should do in case of success; but a good deal about what he should do in case of a reverse. I state this as a fact of which I have often been a witness, and I leave to his brethren in arms the task of deciding whether his calculations were always correct. He accomplished much, because he risked every thing; his exces- sive ambition urged him on to power, and power obtained only MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 119 furnished food for his ambition. He was thoroughly convinced of the truth, that a mere trifle frequently decides the greatest events. This was the reason that he was always more anxious to watch events than to tempt them ; and when the right moment approach- ed, he then suddenly took advantage of it. It is curious that, in the midst of all the cares occasioned by his warlike projects, and the labours of government, the fear of the Bourbons pursued him incessantly; and his mighty mind beheld, in the Faubourg Saint Germain, a phantom which never ceased to menace him. Bonaparte was not naturally disposed to form a high estimate of human nature, and he despised men the more as he became better acquainted with them. In him, this unfavourable opinion of human nature was justified by many glaring examples of base- ness, and his severity was the result of a maxim he frequently repeated, " There are two levers by which men may be moved — fear and interest." What esteem, for instance, could Bonaparte have for the pensioners on the treasury of the Opera ? This fund received a considerable sum from the gambling houses, a part of which served to cover the expenses of that magnificent theatre. The remainder was distributed in gratuities, and for other secret purposes, which were paid on orders signed by Duroc. There might often be seen entering, by the little door in the Rue Rameau, personages of very different characters. The lady who was the favourite of the commander-in-chief in Egypt, whose captive husband was so maliciously released by the English, was a fre- quent visitor at the treasury. There might be found together a philosopher and an actor, a celebrated orator and a broken-down musician, a priest, a courtesan, and even a cardinal. One of Bonaparte's greatest misfortunes was, that he did not believe in friendship, nor did he feel the necessity of loving — the most gratifying sentiment given to man. How often has he said to me, " Friendship is but a name ; I love no one — no, not even my brothers ; Joseph, perhaps, a little ; and if I do love him, it is from habit, and because he is my elder. Duroc ! ah, yes ! I love him too. But why? His character pleases me: he is cold, re- served, and resolute; and I really believe he never shed a tear! As to myself, it is all one to me : I know well that I have not one true friend. As long as I continue what I am, I may have as many pretended friends as I please. Believe me, Bourrienne, we must leave sensibility to the women — it is their business; but men should be firm in heart and in purpose, or they should have nothing to do with war or government." In his social relations, Bonaparte's temper was bad; but his fits of ill-humour passed away like a cloud, and spent themselves in 120 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAETE. words. His violent language, and his bursts of indignation, were all calculated and prepared beforehand : when he wished to expi'ess his dissatisfaction to any one, he liked to have a witness present; then his remarks were always harsh, severe, and humiliating. But he was sparing of these violent attacks ; and they never took place but upon sufficient proof of the misconduct of those against whom they were directed. When it was his intention to give any one a lecture, he always desired to have a third party as witness ; I have often thought that this gave him a greater degree of confidence; in fact, when alone with him, and when one had become acquainted with his charac- ter, you were certain of getting the better, by mustering a suffi- ciency of coolness, moderation, and good tempter. We are told that he has declared at St. Helena, that he has admitted a third person on such occasions, only that the blow might resound to a greater distance. That, however, was not his real motive ; because, in that case, it would have been more simple to have made the affair public at once ; but he had other reasons. During the whole time I remained in his service, I have remarked that he disliked private interviews ; when he expected any one, he has said to me beforehand, "Bourrienne, you are to remain;" and when any one was announced whom he did not expect, as a minister or a gen- eral, on my rising to go out, he would say, in an under-tone," Stay where you are." Certainly it was not with the design of getting what he said reported abroad that he detained me, for it was as foreign to my character, as to my duty, to gossip what I had heard; I should not have had time to do so ; besides, it may be presumed that the small number of persons admitted as witnesses to those conferences, were aware of the consequences attending indiscreet disclosures under a government that was made acquainted with all that was said and done. Bonaparte entertained the most profound aversion to the san- guinary men of the revolution, and particularly for the regicides. It was a painful burden to him to be under the necessity of dis- sembling his sentiments towards them : and when he spoke to me of these men of blood, of those whom he called the assassins of Louis XVI., it was with horror; and he deplored the necessity he was under of employing them. How often has he said to Cambaceres, at the same time gently pinching his ear, to soften by his famiharity the bitterness of the remark, "My dear Cambaceres, I had nothing to do with it ; but your case is clear ; if ever the Bourbons return, you will be hanged." A forced laugh would then contract the leaden countenance of Cambaceres, in a manner which it would be as difficult as disagreeable to describe — this smile was uniformly MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 121 the sole reply of the second consul, who, only once, in my hearing, made answer, "Come now, let us have no more of these ill-timed jokes." If to any one the description of laughing like a sceptre could be applied, it was to Cambaceres. Bonaparte had many singular habits and tastes. When affairs did not go as he wished, or any thing disagreeable occupied his mind, he used to hum something, which most certainly could not be called a tune, for his voice was very unmusical. He would at the same time seat himself at the writing-table, and swing back in his chair in such a manner, that I have often been obliged to cau- tion him, lest he should tumble over. In this position he would then vent his humour upon the right arm of his elbow-chair, cut- ting it with his penknife, which indeed he seemed to keep for no other use. I took care to keep him at all times supplied with good pens, because, having to decipher his scrawls, it was my interest that he should write — not legibly, for that was out of the question — but as little illegibly as possible. The sound of bells produced upon Bonaparte a singular effect, which I could never account for; he listened to them with delight. When we were at Malmaison, and walking in the avenue leading to the plain of Ruel, how often has the tolling of the village bells interrupted our most serious conversations ! He stopped short, lest the moving of our feet should cause the loss of any of those sounds which charmed him. He used even to be vexed because my feel- ings on these occasions did not accord with his own. So powerful was the effect produced upon him by the sound of these bells, that his voice would falter as he said, " Ah ! this recalls to my mind the first years I passed at Brienne ; I was then happy." When the bells ceased, he would resume his gigantic speculations, and launch into futurity, place a crown upon his head, and hurl kings from their thrones. No where except on the field of battle did I ever see Bonaparte more happy than in the gardens of Malmaison. During the first days of the consulate, we used to go there every Saturday evening, and stay the whole of Sunday, and sometimes Monday. There he neglected business a little, for the pleasure of walking, and to observe with his own eyes the improvements he had ordered to be made. At first, he sometimes visited the neighbourhood; but the reports of the police destroyed this feeling of security, by raising apprehensions of royalist partisans in ambush to carry him off. During the first four or five days that we stayed there, he amused himself in calculating the annual worth of this property. He for- got neither the park nor the kitchen-garden; he estimated the total at eight thousand francs (£333 Gs. 8d.) ; " That is not so bad," 11 122 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, said he; "but to live here would require an income of thirty thou- sand francs" (£l,250). I laughed heartily on seeing him apply seriously to this inquiry ; these modest aspirations v/ere not of long duration. When in the country, he had much pleasure in seeing tall and elegant females, clothed in white, walking in the shady avenues; he could not endure coloured garments, especially those of a dark colour. He also had a dislike to ladies who were inclined to be corpulent, and to those in the family-way ; his repugnance to them was extreme, and they were seldom invited to his parties. He had all the qualifications requisite for being what the world calls an agreeable man, except the wish to be so. His manner was imposing rather than pleasing, and those who did not know him well, felt when in his presence an involuntary feeling of awe. In the drawing-room, where the excellent Josephine did the honours with so much grace and affability, all was gayety and ease, and no one felt a superior during the absence of her lord. On his arrival, all was changed, and every eye was fixed upon his coun- tenance, to read there the disposition of his mind, whether dis- posed to be talkative, dull, or cheerful. He frequently talked a great deal, sometimes even too much, but he conversed in the most agreeable manner, and was truly enter- taining. His conversation seldom turned upon gay or humorous subjects, and never upon frivolous matters. He loved discussion so much, that in the heat of argument it was possible to draw from him secrets the most important. Sometimes he amused him- self in a small circle, by telling stories of presentiments and appa- ritions : for this he always chose the dusk of the evening, and he would prepare his hearers for what was coming by some solemn remark. All the narratives of Bonaparte were full of entertainment and originality. On a journey, he was particularly conversant : in the heat of conversation he was always fascinating, always abounding with new views and sublime ideas; and at times there escaped some indiscreet disclosures of his future intentions, or at least of matters which might give a clue to what he wished to conceal. I ventured to remark on this imprudence ; he took my observations in good part, and acknowledged his failing, saying, however, that he did not think he had gone so far. At St. Helena he has since frankly acknowledged this want of caution. When in good humour, his ordinary caresses consisted in slight fillips with the first and second fingers, or gently pinching the tip of the ear. In his most friendly conversations with those whom he admitted on a footing of unreserved intimacy, he was in the MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 123 habit of saying, "You are a simpleton, a ninny, a booby, a fool, an imbecile." These words served to vary his cabinet of compli- ments; but they were never employed seriously, and the tone with which they were pronounced rendered their application one of kindness. Bonaparte had no faith either in medicine or the prescriptions of physicians. He spoke of it as an art altogether conjectural, and his opinion on this subject was not to be shaken. His pow- erful mind rejected all but demonstrated truths. He had but an indifferent memory for names and dates ; but for facts and locali- ties, his memory was prodigious. I recollect on a journey from Paris to Toulon he pointed out to me six places well adapted for great battles, and he never forgot them. They were recollections of the earliest journeys of his youth, and he described to me the nature of the ground, and pointed out the positions he would have occupied, even before we had reached the places themselves. Bonaparte was insensible to the charms of poetic harmony. He had not even sufficient ear to feel the rhythm of poetry, nor could he recite a stanza without violating the metre: but the sublime ideas of poetry charmed him. He idolized Corneille, and that to such a degree, that one day, after the representation of Cinna, he said to me, " If such a man as Corneille lived in my time, I would make him my prime minister. It is not his poetry that I admire so much, but his good sense, his knowledge of the human heart, and, in a word, his profound policy." He has said at St. Helena that he would have made Corneille a prince ; but at the time he spoke to me about him, he had not thought of making either kings or princes. Politeness to the fair sex was no part of the character of Bona- parte. He rarely had any thing agreeable to say to them, and he often, indeed, addressed to them the rudest and most extraordi- nary remarks. Sometimes he would say, "Heavens! how red your arms are!" to another, "What an ugly head-dress you have got!" or, "Who has bundled up your hair that way?" Again, "What a dirty dress you have got! Do you never change your gown? I have seen you in that one at least twenty times!" To the beautiful Duchess of Chevreuse, remarkable for her fine flaxen hair, he said, "Why, bless me! your hair is red!" (vous avez les cheveux roux;) but as this was evidently a play upon her name {Chevreuse), it may pass. He often spent an hour at the toilet of his wife, who had a most correct taste, and that, probably, ren- dered him more fastidious as to the costume of other ladies. At first, elegance was what he chiefly required; at a later period, splendour and magnificence ; but he always required modesty. He 124 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. frequently expressed his dislike to those dresses which left the neck exposed, which were in fashion at the beginning of the consulate. Bonaparte did not love play, which was fortunate for those he invited to his parties ; for when he sat down to a card-table, which he sometimes considered himself bound to do, nothing could exceed the dullness of the drawing-room, whether at the Luxembourg or at the Tuileries. When, on the contrary, he walked about among the company, every one was pleased, because he addressed his discourse to a variety of persons; but it was principally with learned men that he wished to converse, and especially with those who had accompanied him on the Egyptian expedition. But, after all, it was not so much in the drawing-room as at the head of his troops that one must have seen him to form a just idea of the man. Uniform became him much better than the handsomest dress of any other kind. His first trials of dress coats were not very happy. I have been told that the first time he put on his official robes he wore a black stock; this singular contrast was remarked to him, and he replied, "So much the better; it leaves me something at least of the soldier, and there is no harm in that." For my own part, I neither saw the black stock nor heard this reply.* The first consul paid his private debts very punctually ; but he disliked settling the accounts of the contractors who bargained with the ministers for supplies for the public service. Of this description of debts he put off the payment by every sort of excuse and difficulty, and frequently assigned the very worst rea- sons. Hence arose immense arrears in the expenditure, and the necessity of a committee of liquidation. It was with him a prin- ciple, a fixed idea, that all contractors were rogues. All that he did not pay them he considered as a just deduction, and the sums subtracted from their accounts as in part restitution of a robbery. * On the subject of Bonaparte's dress, Constant, his valet, gives the following details: " His majesty's waistcoats and smallclothes were always of white cassimerc. He changed them every morning, and never wore them after they had been washed three or four times. He never wore any but white silk stockings. His shoes, which were very Hght, and lined with silk, were ornamented with gold buckles of an oval form, either plain or wrought. He also occasionally wore gold knee-buckles. During the empire, I never saw him wear pantaloons. The emperor never wore jewels. In his pockets he carried neither purse nor money ; but merely his handkerchief, snuff-box, and bviihoniere, (or sweet-meat box.) He usually wore only two decorations, viz: the cross of the Legion of Honour, and that of the Iron Crown. Across his waistcoat and under his uniform coat, he wore a cordon rouge, the two ends of which were scarcely perceptible. When he received company at the Tuileries, or attended a review, he wore the grand cordon on the outside of his coat. His hat, which it is almost superfluous to describe as long as portraits of his majesty are extant, was of an extremely fine and light kind of beaver, the inside being wadded and lined with silk. It was unadorned with either cord, tassel, or feather, its only ornament being a silk loop, fastening a small tri-coloured cockade." MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 125 The less a minister paid upon his budget, the more he became a favourite with Bonaparte, and this ruinous economy can alone explain the credit which Decres so long enjoyed at the expense of the French navy. Bonaparte's religious opinions were not fixed. "My reason," said he to me one day, "keeps me in disbelief of many things, but the impressions of my childhood, and the feelings of my early youth, throw me back into uncertainty." I have already said how he was affected by the tolling of bells, and it is a fact which I have at least twenty times witnessed. He was fond of conversing about religion. I have frequently, in Egypt, on board L'Orient and Le Muiron, heard him take an animated part in conversations of this nature. He readily conceded every thing that was proved, and every thing that appeared to him to come of men and of time ; but he would not hear of materialism. I remember that, being upon deck one beautiful night, surrounded by several persons who were arguing in favour of this afflicting dogma, Bonaparte, raising his hand towards the heavens, and pointing to the stars — "Tell me, gentlemen," said he, "who has made all these." The perpetuity of a name in the memory of man was to him the immortality of the soul. He was perfectly tolerant towards every religion, and could not conceive why men should be persecuted for their religious belief* Bonaparte disliked much to reverse a decision, even when aware that it had been unjust. In small things, as well as in great, noth- ing could induce him to retrace his steps ; with him, to fall back was to be lost. I have seen an example of this tenacity of purpose in the case of the General Latour-Foissac ; he appeared affected by the injustice done him ; but he wished some time to elapse before he repaired it. His heart and his conduct were at variance ; but his good disposition gave way before what he considered his public duty. In spite of this sort of feeling, however, Bonaparte was neither rancorous nor vindictive. His character was not a cruel one. I certainly cannot justify the acts forced upon him by cruel necessity and the imperious law of war; but this I can say, that he has frequently been unjustly accused. None but those who are blinded by fury could have given him the name of Nero or Caligula. No part of his conduct justified such abuse. I think that I have stated his real faults with sufficient sincerity to be believed upon my word ; and I can assert that Bonaparte, apart from poli- * Policy induced Bonaparte to reestablish religious worship in France, which he thought would be a powerful aid to the consolidation of his power ; but he would never consent to the persecution of other religions. He wished to influence mankind in positive and temporal things, but not in points of belief. 11* 126 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. tics, was feeling, kind, and accessible to pity ; he was very fond of children, and a bad man has seldom such a disposition. In the habits of private life, he had (and the expression is not to strong) much benevolence, and great indulgence for human weakness. A contrary opinion is too firmly fixed in some minds for me to hope to remove it. I shall, I fear, have opposers ; but I address myself to those who are in search of truth. I lived in the most unreserved confidence with Bonaparte until the age of thirty-four years, and I advance nothing lightly. To judge impartially, we must take into consideration the influence which time and circumstances exercise on men : and distinguish between the diflferent characters of the youth at school, the general, the consul, and the emperor. I have hitherto spoken but little of Murat ; but being now arrived at the period of his marriage with one of the sisters of the first consul, I take the opportunity of returning to some interesting occurrences which preceded this alliance, more especially as this will give me an opportunity of entering into some family details, which I shall do with becoming caution, but without concealing the truth, which I take for my guide. Murat possessed an uncommonly fine and well-proportioned form ; his muscular strength, the elegance of his manners, his lofty bear- ing, and his dauntless courage in battle, resembled less a republi- can soldier than one of those accomplished cavaliers of whom we read in Ariosto and Tasso. The nobleness of his manner soon made the lowness of his birth to be forgotten. He was aflfable, polite, gallant; and in the field of battle twenty men, commanded by Murat, were worth a whole regiment. Once only he showed himself under the influence of fear ;* and we shall see in what cir- cumstance it was that he ceased to be himself. When Bonaparte, in his first Italian campaign, had forced Wurm- ser to take refuge in Mantua, with twenty-eight thousand men, he ordered MioUis, with only four thousand, to oppose any sorties which the Austrian general might make. In one of these sorties Murat, at the head of a feeble detachment, was ordered to charge Wurmser. He was afraid, neglected to execute the order, and, in the first moment of confusion, said that he was wounded. Murat immediately fell into disgrace with the commander-in-chief, whose aid-de-camp he was. Murat had been previously sent to Paris to present to the Directory the first colours taken by the army of Italy in the bat- * Marshal Lannes, so brave and brilliant in war, and. so well able to appreciate courage, one day sharply rebuked a colonel for having punished a young officer just arrived from Fontainebleau, because he gave evidence of fear in his first engagement. " Know, colonel," said he, "none but a coward will boast that he never was afraid." MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 127 ties of Dego and Mondovi. It was on this occasion that he became acquainted with Madame TalUen, and the wife of the general-in-chief But he had already been introduced to the beau- tiful Caroline Bonaparte, in Rome, at the house of her brother Joseph, who there exercised the functions of ambassador of the Republic. It even appeared that Caroline had not been then indif- ferent to him, and that he was the successful rival of the son of the Princess of Santa Croce, who eagerly sought the honour of her hand. Madame Tallien and Madame Bonaparte gave a dis- tinguished reception to the aid-de-camp, and as they possessed considerable influence with the Directory, they solicited and obtained for him the rank of general of brigade. It was a remark- able thing at the time to see Murat, notwithstanding his rank, remain the aid-de-camp of Bonaparte, the military code not per- mitting him to have an aid-de-camp of a rank superior to that of chief of brigade, which was equivalent to that of colonel. This was an anticipation of the prerogatives usually reserved for princes and kings. It was after this mission that Murat, on his return to Italy, fell into disgrace with the commander-in-chief, who placed him in the division of Reille, and afterwards in that of Baraguay d'Hilliers. So that when we went to Paris, after the treaty of Campo-For- mio, Murat was not of the party. But as the ladies, with whom he was a great favourite, interested themselves much for him, and were not without interest with the minister of war, they suc- ceeded in having Murat joined to the army of Egypt, when he was attached to the division of Genes. On board the L'Orient he remained constantly in the most complete disgrace. During the passage Bonaparte never once spoke to him ; and even in Egypt he treated him with the greatest coolness, and frequently sent him from the head-quarters on difficult missions. But the general-in- chief having at length opposed him to Mourad-Bey, Murat per- formed such prodigies of valour, in so many perilous encounters, that he effaced the transient stain which a moment of hesitation had attached to him under the walls of Mantua. And, finally, he contributed so powerfully to the success of the day at Aboukir, that Bonaparte, pleased to be able to bring to France the last lau- rel which he had gathered in Egypt, forgot the fault of a moment, and wished also to forget what had doubtlessly beten told him of Murat; for, although Bonaparte never said so to nije, I had suffi- cient rmsons for thinking that the name of Murat had been cou- pled with that of Charles, by Junot, in the course of his indiscreet disclosures at the wells of Messoudiah. The charge of grena- diers, commanded by Murat on the 19th Brumaire, in the hall of 128 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. the Five Hundred, removed all the remaining traces of dislike; and dm'ing those moments when the aspirations of ambition reigned paramount in the mind of Bonaparte, the rival of the Prince of Santa Croce was appointed to the command of the consular guard. It is reasonable to suppose that Madame Bonaparte, in seeking to conciliate the esteem of Murat, by aiding his advancement, had principally in view, to obtain an additional partisan to oppose to the brothers and the family of Bonaparte; and for this she had sufficient reason. They allowed no occasion to pass of manifest- ing their jealousy and hatred; and the good Josephine, who could be reproached with nothing but the being perhaps too much of the woman, was tormented by dismal presentiments. Carried away by the easiness of her disposition, she did not see that the coquetry which procured her defenders, placed arms at the same time in the hands of her most implacable enemies. In this state of things, Josephine, who was well convinced that she had attached Murat to herself by the bonds of friendship and gratitude, and ardently wishing to see him united to Bonaparte by a family alliance, favoured with all her influence his marriage with Caroline. She was not ignorant that already, at Milan, an inti- macy had commenced between Caroline and Murat, which ren- dered their marriage extremely desirable; and it was she who first proposed it to Murat. Murat hesitated, and proceeded to consult M. Collot, a good counsellor in all things; and whose inti- mate relations with Bonaparte had made him acquainted with all the secrets of the family. M. Collot advised Murat to go with- out loss of time, and make a formal demand to the first consul of his sister's hand. Murat went immediately to the Luxembourg for the purpose, and made his proposals to Bonaparte. Did he do right? But for this, he had not mounted the throne of Naples — but for this, he had not been shot at Pizzo. Be it as it may, the first consul received the proposal of Murat more as a sovereign than as a fellow-soldier. He heard him with unmoved gravity, and said that he would take time to consider it, but gave no positive answer. Murat's proposal was, as may be supposed, the subject of the evening's conversation at the Luxembourg; Madame Bonaparte exerted all her powers of persuasion to obtain the consent of the first consul. H^rtense, Eugene, and myself, joined our entreaties. "Murat," said he, "Murat is the son of an innkeeper. In the ele- vated rank to which fortune and my glory have raised me, I cannot mix my blood with his. Besides, there is no hurry — I shall see by-and-by." We dwelt on the mutual aflfection of the young people, and we did not forget to mention Murat's devotion to his MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 129 person, and to recall to his recollection his brilliant courage, and his gallant conduct in Egypt. "Yes," said he, with animation, " Murat was superb at Aboukir." We did not allow the favourable moment to escape, we redoubled our persuasions, and at length he consented. When, in the evening, he and I wei'e alone in his cabinet — "Well, Bourrienne," said he, "you ought to be satisfied; for my part I am ; all things considered, Murat suits my sister, and then they cannot say that I am proud, that I seek grand alliances. Had I given my sister to a noble, all you Jacobins would have cried out for a counter-revolution. Besides, I am pleased that my wife takes an interest in the marriage ; you are aware of the rea- sons. Since it is settled, I must hasten the business ; we have nO' time to lose. If I go to Italy, I wish to take Murat with us — I must strike a decisive blow there — come to-morrow." On the following morning, at seven o'clock, when I entered the chamber of the first consul, he appeared still better pleased than on the preceding evening with the resolution he had come to. E could easily perceive that, with all his finesse, he was not aware^ of the real motive which had induced Josephine so to interest her- self about the marriage of Murat and Caroline. From the satis- faction of Bonaparte, it appeared to me that in the earnestness of his wife he had found a proof that the reports of her intimacy with Murat were calumnies. The marriage of Murat and Caroline was privately celebrated' at the Luxembourg. The first consul had not yet learned to con- sider his family affairs as affairs of state. But previous to the cele- bration, we had to play a little comedy, in which I could not but accept a part, and which I may as well relate here. At the time of the marriage of Murat, Bonaparte had but little' money, and therefore he gave his sister but thirty thousand francs as a portion. >Still feeling the necessity of making her a marriage- present, and not having money to purchase a suitable one, he took. a diamond necklace which belonged to his wife, and gave it to the future bride. Josephine was by no means satisfied with this sub- traction, and set her wits to work to find the means of replacing- her necklace. She knew^ the jeweller Foucier possessed a magni- ficient collection of fine pearls, which, it was said, had belonged to the unfortunate Marie Antoinette. Josephine caused them to be brought to her, and judged there was sufficient to make a very fine necklace. But to purchase them required two hundred and fifty thousand francs, and how was the money to be raised? Madame Bonaparte had recourse to Berthier, at that time minister of war. Berthier, after biting his nails as usual, set about liquidating cer- tain demands against the hospital service of Italv; and as the- I 130 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. contractors in those days took care to be grateful to their patrons, the pearls passed from the strong chest of M. Foucier to the jewel-case of Madame Bonaparte. The pearls were thus secured ; but there arose another trifling difficulty, of which Madame Bonaparte had never dreamed. How was she to wear a necklace purchased without the knowledge of her husband? What rendered this more difficult was, that the first consul knew that his wife had no money ; and being, besides, something of a busy body, he knew, or thought he knew, of all the jewellery of Josephine. The pearls remained, therefore, upwards of a fortnight in the jewel-case of Madame Bonaparte, without her venturing to wear them. What a punishment for a woman! At length her vanity overcame her prudence, and being unable to conceal them any longer, Josephine said to me, "Bourrienne, to- morrow there will be a great drawing-room, and I must absolutely wear my pearls ; but, you know, he will grumble if he notices them. I beg, Bourrienne, that you will keep near me. If he asks me how I got my pearls, I will answer, without hesitation, that I have had them for a length of time." Every thing happened as Josephine had feared; Bonaparte, noticing the pearls, did not fail to say to her, "Ah, what have we got here? How very fine you are to-day! Where did you get these pearls? I don't think I have ever seen them." "To be sure you have — you have seen them a dozen times. It is the necklace which the Cisalpine Republic gave me, and which I wore in my hair." "But I think ." "Well, ask Bourrienne — he will tell you." "Well, Bourrienne, what do you say to it? Do you recollect them?" "Yes, general, I recollect very well having seen them before." This was not untrue, for Madame Bonaparte had previously shown them to me; and besides, she had in fact received a pearl necklace from the Cisalpine Republic, but it was by no means to be compared to that of Foucier. — Madame Bona- parte acted her part admirably, and I did not act amiss the char- acter of accomplice, which was assigned to me in this little com- ed}^ Bonaparte had no suspicions. When I beheld the easy confidence of Madame Bonaparte, I could not help recollecting Suzanne's reflection on the facility with which well-bred ladies can tell falsehoods without appearing to do so. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. |31 CHAPTER XI. First Acts of the First Consul ; Suppression of the Festivals ; Modest Budget ; Visits the Temple, and Discharges the Hostages ; General Latour-Foissac ; the Recall of the Exiles. It is not my intention to say much about the laws, acts, and decrees, which the first consul passed or authorized. What, indeed, were they all, with the exception of the civil code? I cannot, however, omit to state, that many of the first decisions of the consuls had very beneficial effects in the restoration of order throughout France. Perhaps none but those who recollect the previous state of society, can fully appreciate them. The Direc- tory, more base and equally perverse as the Convention, had retained the horrible 21st of January* as one of the festivals of the Republic. The first consul, immediately on attaining to power, had determined to aboHsh it; but so great was the influ- ence of the abettors of this event, that he had to proceed with caution. He and his colleagues, Sieyes and Roger Ducos, signed, on the 5th Nivose, a decree abolishing all festivals, excepting those of the 22d of September and the 14th of July; intending by this means to commemorate only the recollection of the foundation of the Republic and of liberty. All was calculation Avith Bonaparte. To produce efliect was his highest gratification, and he let slip no opportunity of saying or doing things which were calculated to please the multitude. On the 24th Brumaire, he visited the prisons. He always pre- ferred to make such visits unexpectedly, that the governors of the different public establishments might be taken by surprise. In this way he generally saw things as they really were. I was in his closet when he returned, and, as he entered, he exclaimed, "What fools these Directors were! To what a state have they brought our public establishments! But stay a little. I will put all in order. The prisoners are in a shocking state, and miserably fed. I questioned them as well as the jailors, for nothing is to be learned from the superiors. When I was in the Temple, I could not help thinking of the unfortunate Louis XVI. He was an excellent man, but too amiable to deal with mankind. And Sir Sidney Smith — I made them show me his apartments. If they had not allowed him to escape, I should have taken St. Jean d'Acre. There are too many painful recollections connected with that prison: I shall have it pulled down, some day or other. I ordered the jailors' books to be brought, and, finding some hostages * The beheading of Louis XVI. 133 MEMOniS OF NAPOLEON BONAVARTE. were in confinement, I liberated them. I told them an unjust law had placed them under restraint, and that it was my first^ duty to restore them to liberty. Did I not do right, Bourrienne?" I con- gratulated him sincerely on this act of justice, and he was very sensible to my approbation, for I was not accustomed to greet him "well" on all occasions. Another circumstance which hap|>ened at the commencement of the consulate, atfords an example of Bonajnirte's inllexibility, when he had once formed a determination. In the spring of 1799, when we were in l^igypt. the l^irectory gave to General Latour- Foissac, a highly distinguished othcer, the connnand of Mantua, the taking of which had so powerinlly contributed to the glory of the comjueror of Italy. Shortly after Latour's appointment to this important post, the Austrians besieged IMantua. It was well known that the garrison was supplied with provisions and ammunition for a long resistance; yet, in the month of July, it surrendered to the Austrians. The act ot capitulation contained a curious article, viz: "General Latour-Foissac and his statf shall be conducted as prisoners, to Austria; the garrison shall be allowed to return to France."" This distinction between the general and the troops intrusted to his command, and, at the same time, the prompt sur- render of JMantua, were circumstances which, it must be confessed, were calculated to excite suspicions of Latour-Foissac. The con- sequence was, when Bernadotte was made war minister, he ordered an inquiry into the generaVs conduct by a court-martial. Latour- Foissac had no sooner returned to France, than he published a justificatory memorial, in which he showed the impossibilitv of his having made a longer defence, when he was in want of many objects of the tirst necessity. Such was the state of the ailair on Bonaparte's elevation to the consular power. The loss of Mantua, the possession of which had cost him so many sacrifices, roused his indignation to so high a pitch, that, whenever the subject was mentioned, he could find no words to express his rage. He stopped the investigation of the court-martial, and issued a violent decree against Latour-Foissac, even before his culpability had been proved. This proceeding occasioned much discussion, and was very dissatistactory to many general officers, who, by this arbitrary decision, found themselves in danger of forfeiting the privilege of being tried by their natural judges, whenever they happened to displease the first consul. For my own part, I must say, that this decree against Latour-Foissac was one which I saw issued wiih considerable regret. I was alarmed tor the consequences. After the lapse of a few davs. I ventured to point out to him the undue severity of the step he had MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 133 taken ; I reminded him of all that had been said in Latour-Foissac's favour, and tried to convince him how much more just it would be to allow the trial to come to a conclusion. "In a country," said I, "like France, where the point of honour stands above every thing, it is impossible Foissac can escape condemnation if he be culpable." "Perhaps you are right, Bourrienne," rejoined he; "but the blow is struck; the decree is issued. I have given the same explanation to every one; but I cannot so suddenly retrace my steps. To retrograde, is to be lost. I cannot acknowledge myself in the wrong. By-and-by we shall see what can be done." Bonaparte always spoke with great disrespect of the Directory, which he had turned out, and accused them of peculation and of every abuse in the administration, and frequently threatened to make them refund. In the first moments of poverty, the consular government had recourse to a loan of twelve millions francs ; and, in affixing sala- ries to the principal officers of state, the greatest moderation was exercised. The following table shows the modest budget of the consular government for the year VIII. : Francs. Legislative body, 2,400,000 Tribunal, 1 ,.3 12,000 Archives, 75,000 The three consuls, including 750,000 francs of secret service money, 1,800,000 Council of state 675,000 Secretaries to the Councils and to the Councillors of state, . . 112,500 The six ministers, ....... 360,000 The minister of foreign affairs, ..... 90,000 Total, 6,854,500 Bonaparte's salary was fixed at five hundred thousand francs. That interval of the consular government during which Bona- parte remained at the Luxembourg, may be called the preparatory consulate. Then were sown the seeds of the great events which he meditated, and of those institutions with which he wished to mark his possession of power. He was then, if I may use the expression, two individuals in one — the republican general, who was obliged to appear the advocate of liberty and the principles of the revolu- tion ; and the votary of ambition, secretly plotting the downfall of that liberty and those principles. I often wondered at the consummate address with which he contrived to deceive those who were likely to see through his designs. This hypocrisy, which some perhaps may call profound policy, was indispensable to the accomplishment of his projects ; 12 134 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. and sometimes, as if to keep himself in practice, he would do it in matters of secondary importance. For example, his opinion of the insatiable avarice of Sieyes is well known ; yet when he pro- posed, in his message to the Council of Ancients, to give his col- league, under the title of national recompense, the price of his obedient secession, it was, in the words of the message, a recom- pense worthily bestowed on his disinterested virtues. The presentation of sabres and muskets of honour dates also from the Luxemboui'g : for who does not see that this was but preparatory to the foundation of the Legion of Honour ? A ser- geant of grenadiers, named Leon Aune, having been included in the first distribution, easily obtained permission to write to the first consul to thank him. Bonaparte wished to make a parade of answering him, and dictated to me the following letter for Aune : " I have received your letter, my brave comrade ; you had no occasion to remind me of your gallant behaviour; you are the bravest grenadier in the army, since the death of the brave Benezete. You have received one of the hundred sabres which I have distributed, and all agree that none deserve it better. " I wish much to see you again. The minister of war sends you an order to come to Paris." This cajolery to a soldier answered well the purpose which Bonaparte proposed. The letter to Aune could not fail of circu- lating through the whole army. Only think of the first consul, the greatest general of France, calling a sergeant his brave com- rade! who could have written so but a staunch republican, a true friend to equality? No more was wanting to raise the enthu- siasm of the army. At the same time Bonaparte began to find that he had too little room at the Luxembourg; and preparations were set on foot for a removal to the Tuileries. Nevertheless, this great step towards the reestablishment of monarchy required to be taken with prudence. It was of import- ance to do away with the idea that none but a king could inhabit the palace of our ancient kings: what, then, was to be done? They had brought from Italy a fine bust of Brutus, and Brutus had sacrificed tyrants. This was the very thing wanted; and David received instructions to place Junius Brutus in the gallery of the Tuileries. What more convincing proof of a horror of tyranny ? and as at the same time a bust could do no harm, all was in place; all perfectly reasonable. To sleep at the Tuileries, in the bed-chamber of the kings of France, was all that Bonaparte wished; the rest would follow, of course. He wished to establish a principle, the consequences of which would be afterwards deduced. Hence the affectation of never inserting in public documents the name of the Tuileries. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 135 but designating that place solely as the palace of the government. The first preparations were sufficiently modest, for it was unbe- coming in a good republican to affect pomp. Nothing was a matter of indifference to Bonaparte. It was not merely at hazard that he selected the statues that were to decorate the grand gallery of the Tuileries. He chose, among the Greeks, Demosthenes and Alexander, to render homage at the same time to the genius of eloquence and the genius of conquest. Among the great men of modern times he gave the preference to Gustavus Adolphus, then to Turenne and the great Cond6; to Turenne, whose military talents he so much admired; to Conde, that it might be seen that there was nothing fearful in the recol- lection of a Bourbon; and to show, at the same time, that he knew how to render homage to all who deserved it. The recol- lection of the most glorious days of the French navy was recalled by the statue of Duguai Trouin; Marlborough and Prince Eugene had also their places in the gallery, as if witnesses of the disasters which closed the great reign ; and Marshal Saxe, as it were to show that the reign of Louis XV. had not been altogether without glory. Finally, the names of Dugommier, Dampierre, and Joubert, proclaimed to all the world the esteem which Bona- parte cherished for his former brothers in arms, who had become the victims of a cause which was no longer his. About the same time Bonaparte completed the formation of his council of state: he divided it into five sections; 1. The Interior; 2. The Finances; 3. The Marine; 4. That of War; 5. Legislation. He fixed the salaries of the councillors of state at twenty-five thousand francs, and that of the presidents of sections at thirty thousand francs. He settled the costume of the con- suls, the ministers, and the different bodies of the state. This led to the rtiintroduction of velvet, which had been proscribed with the ancient regime, and the reason assigned for the employment of this unrepublican article in the dresses of the consuls and min- isters was, that it would give encouragement to the manufactures of Lyons. Thus, in the most trifling details, it was the constant aim of Bonaparte to efface the idea of the republic, and to pre- pare matters so well, that the habits of the monarchy being restored, all that would at length be required would be the change of a name. I must at the same time say that the first consul despised the frivolities of dress : I do not even recollect having seen him in the consular costume, which he only consented to wear when he was obliged to do so at a public ceremony. The only dress he was fond of, and the only one in which he felt him- self at ease, was the modest costume of the camp; that in which 136 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. he subdued the ancient Eridanus and the Nile: this was the uniform of the guides, a corps to which Bonaparte was sincerely attached, and which it must be avowed they well deserved; for, where else could be found such devotion, such firmness, such courage? A consular decision of another and more important nature had some time before — namely, about the beginning of winter — brought happiness to a great number of families. Bonaparte, as is known, had prepared the events of the 18th Fructidor, to give him plausible reasons for overthrowing the Directory. The Directory being overthrown, he wished, in part at least, to undo what had been done on the 18th Fructidor; he, therefore, caused tlie minister of pohce to present a report on the exiled persons. In consequence of this report, the first consul authorized forty of them to return to France, placing them, however, under the observation of the police, and assigning them their place of residence. The greatest part of these distinguished men, whom Bonaparte thus restored to their country, did not long remain under the surveillance of the police. A number of them were even shortly called to fill in the government those high functions to which their talents appeared to call them. It was, in fact, natural that Bonaparte, who wished, in appearance at least, to base his government on those principles of moderate republic- anism which had caused their exile, should recall them to second his views. Barrere wrote a justificatory letter to the first consul ; but he took no notice of it, for he could not go so far as to esteem Barrere, And thus he proceeded in calling to the councils of the consulate the men proscribed by the Directory, precisely as he afterwards called the emigrants, proscribed by the Republic, to the highest functions of the empire. The time and the men were different; but the intention was the same. CHAPTER XII. Secret Police ; Fouch6 ; Removal to the Tuileries ; the Review ; assumes the Prerogative of Mercy ; Contribution from Hambm-g; Josephine's Debts; Evening Walks with Bonaparte; Taste for Monuments and Improvements. Before removing to the Tuileries, the first consul organized his secret police, which he intended to serve as a sort of counter police to that under the direction of Fouche. Duroc and De Moncey were the first directors ; afterwards, Davoust and Junot. Madame Bonaparte called this a vile system of espionage ; and MEMOIRS OF NAPOLKON BONAPARTE. 137 my remarks upon the inutility of the measure were in vain. Bonaparte had the weakness to fear Fouche; and, at the same time, to consider him necessary. Fouche, whose talents in this way are too well known to require any approbation, soon discov- ered this institution, as well as its principal agents, and led them into many absurd reports; and in this way increased his own credit with Bonaparte. Of the three consuls to whom the 18th Brumaire gave birth, Bonaparte lost no time in declaring himself the eldest ; and it was easy to see, from the expressions that escaped him from time to time, that his ambition was by no means satisfied; and that the consulate was but a step towards arriving at the complete estab- lishment of monarchical unity. The Luxembourg became too small to contain the chief of the government, and it was resolved that Bonaparte should inhabit the Tuileries. The 30th Pluviose, the day for quitting it, having arrived, at seven o'clock in the morning I entered, as usual, the chamber of the first consul : he i was in a profound sleep, and this was one of the days on which he desired me to let him sleep a little longer. I have already remarked that General Bonaparte was less moved at the moment of executing designs that he had projected, than at the moment of their conception. Such facility had he in considering that which he had determined upon as already executed. On my i-eturn, he said to me, with an air of marked satisfaction, "Well, Bourriennd, we shall at length sleep at the Tuileries; you are very fortunate, you are not obliged to make a show of yourself; you may go in your own way : but as for myself, I must go in a procession; this is what I dislike; but we must have a display; this is what people like. The Directory was too simple ; it there- fore enjoyed no consideration. With the army, simplicity is in its place ; but, in a great city, in a palace, it is necessary that the chief of the state should draw attention on himself by all possible means ; but we must move with caution. My wife will see the review from the apartments of Lebrun: go, if you will, with her; but meet me in the cabinet as soon as you see me dismount." At one o'clock precisely, Bonaparte left the Luxembourg. The procession, doubtless, was far from exhibiting that magnifi- cence which characterized those under the empire ; but it had all the pomp which the existing state of affairs in France authorized. The only real splendour of that period was, the magnificent appearance of the troops ; and three thousand picked men, among whom was the superb regiment of the guides, were assembled for the occasion. All marched in the finest order, with their bands playing. The generals and their staff were on horseback ; the 12* 138 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAUTE. ministers in their carriages. The consular carriage alone was drawn by six white horses, which recalled the memory of glory and of peace. These beautiful horses had been presented to the first consul by the Emperor of Germany, after the treaty of Campo-Formio. Bonaparte also wore the magnificent sabre which had been given to him by the Emperor Francis. In the same carriage with the first consul were his colleagues Camba- ceres and Lebrun. Every where upon his route through a con- siderable part of Paris he was received with shouts of joy, which, on this occasion at least, had no necessity to be ordered by the police. The approaches to the Tuileries were lined by the guards, a royal usage, which contrasted singularly with an inscrip- tion over the entrance through which Bonaparte passed: "The 10th OF August, 1792. Royalty is abolished in France, and SHALL never BE REESTABLISHED!" It was already reestablished. The troops being drawn up in the square, the first consul, alighting from his carriage, mounted, or, to speak more cor- rectly, leaped, on his horse, and reviewed the troops, while the other two consuls ascended to the apartments where the Council of State and the ministers attended them, A number of elegant females, dressed in the Grecian costume, which was then the fashion, filled the windows; from every quarter there was an influx of spectators impossible to describe, and from every quarter, as if from a single voice, were heard acclamations of "'Lo7ig live the First Consul!" Who would not have been intoxicated by such enthusiasm? The first consul prolonged the review for some time, passed between the lines, addressing flattering expressions to the com- manders of corps. He then placed himself near the entrance to the Tuileries, having Murat on his right, Lannes on his left, and behind him a numerous staff of young warriors, whose faces were browned by the suns of Egypt and of Italy, and who had each been engaged in more combats than he numbered years. When he saw pass before him the colours of the ninety-sixth, the forty- third, and the thirtieth demi-brigade, as these standards presented only a bare pole, surmounted by some tatters, perforated by balls, and blackened with gunpowder, he took off his hat, and bent to them in token of respect. This homage of a great captain to standards mutilated on the field of battle, was hailed by a thousand acclamations, and the troops having defiled, the first consul, with a bold step, ascended the staircase of the Tuileries. The part of the general was finished for the day, and now began that of the chief of the state, for even at this time the first consul was himself the consulate. I will here relate a fact which MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 139 contributed not a little in determining Bonaparte to become in reality the chief over his colleagues. It will not be forgotten, that when Roger Ducos and Sieyes bore the title of consuls, the three members of the consulate were equal, if not in fact, at least in right. Cambaceres and Lebrun having replaced them, Talleyrand was called to succeed M. Rhunhart, as minister of foreign affairs. He was admitted to a private audience in the cabinet of the first consul, where I also was. Talleyrand addressed Bonaparte in the following words, whfich I have never forgotten: "Citizen Consul," said he, "you have confided to me the ministry of foreign affairs, and I will justify your confidence ; but I think it right to declare that I will transact business with you alone. There is in this no vain pride upon my side: I speak to you solely for the interests of France, in order to her being well governed; that there may be unity of action, it is indispensable that you should be first consul, and that the first consul should have the manage- ment of all that relates directly to politics; that is to say, the home and police departments, the department of foreign relations, and those of the war and admiralty. It will, therefore, be alto- gether proper, that the ministers of the five departments transact business with you alone; and, if you will permit me to say it, general, the direction of legal affairs, the administration of justice, should be given to the second consul, who is a very able lawyer; and to the third consul, who is an excellent financier, the manage- ment of the public revenue. This will occupy and amuse them, and you, general, having at your disposal the vital powers of government, will be enabled to attain the noble object which you have proposed to yourself, the regeneration of France." These remarkable words were not such as Bonaparte could hear with indifference ; they were too much in accord with his secret wishes, not to be listened to with pleasure. As soon as Talleyrand had gone : " Do you know, Bourrienne," said he, " that Talleyrand gives good counsel ; he is a man of excellent sense." — "General, such is the* opinion of all who know him." — "Talley- rand," added he, with a smile, "is no fool; he has penetrated my designs. What he has advised, you know well I wish to do. He is right; but one stroke more: — they walk quick who walk alone. Lebrun is an honest man, but he has no head for politics ; he makes books. Cambaceres has too many traditions of the revo- lution. My government must be entirely new." Before taking possession of the Tuileries, we had frequently visited the place, to see how the repairs, or, to speak more cor- rectly, the white washings, ordered by Bonaparte, advanced. At the beginning, seeing the number of caps of liberty which they 140 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. had painted upon the walls, he said to M. Lecomte, then the architect employed at the Tuileries, "wash out all those things; I won't have any such fooleries." The first consul himself pointed out the slight changes which he wished to be made in the apartment destined for himself A bed of ceremony was placed in an apartment, joining his cabinet. But he slept there but rarely, for Bonaparte had • the simplest tastes, and loved external splendour only as a means of imposing upon men. To speak in the language of common life, at the Luxembourg, at Malmaison, and during the first period of his residence at the Tuileries, Bonaparte always slept with his wife. Every night he descended to Josephine's apartment, by a small staircase opening into a wardrobe, adjoining his cabinet, and which had formerly been the oratory of Mary de Medicis. I never entered Bonaparte's bed-room but by this little staircase, and by which he also came to our cabinet. As to our cabinet, or office, where I have seen so many events prepared, so many great and so many little affairs transacted, and where I have passed so many hours of my, life, I can at this day give the most minute description of it, for the amusement of those who take an interest in such details. There were two tables placed in it ; one, extremely beautiful, for the first consul, stood nearly in the centre of the apartment, and his arm-chair was turned with its back to the fire-place, having the window to the right. To the right again was a small apartment for Duroc, by which also was a communication with the attendant in "waiting, and with the state apartments. My table, which was very plain, stood near the window, whence in summer I enjoyed the prospect of the tufted foliage of the chesnut trees ; but in order to see the promenaders in the gardens, I was obliged to rise up : a little to the right, was a door which led to the bed-chamber of ceremony, already spoken of; and farther on, the hall of audience, on the ceiling of which Lebi-un had painted the effigy of Louis XIV. A tri-colored cockade pasted upon the forehead of the great king, bore witness to the turpitude and imbecility of the Convention. The consular, afterwards the imperial, cabinet has bequeathed me many recollections, and, in reading these pages, I trust the reader will be of opinion that I have not forgotten them all. We were now at last in the Tuileries! On the morning after the day so long wished for, after sleeping in the palace of kings, I addressed Bonaparte, on entering his chamber: "Well, general, here you are at last, without difficulty, and amid the acclamations of the people. Do you recollect what you said to me, two years since, in the rue St. Anne? — 'I might make myself king now, but MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 141 it is not time yet!' " "Yes, very true; I recollect it. See what it is to have the mind set upon a thing: it is not yet two years. Do you think we have managed affairs badly during that time? In fact, I am very well satisfied; yesterday's affair went off well. Do you think that all those people who came to pay their court to me were sincere? Certainly not, but the joy of the people was real ; the people know what is right ! Besides, consult the great thermometer of public opinion, the public funds; the 17th Bru- maire, at eleven — the 20th, sixteen — to-day, twenty-one. In this state of things, I can allow the Jacobins to chatter, but they must not speak too loud." As soon as he was dressed, we went to walk in the gallery of Diana; he examined the statues which had been placed there by his orders, and appeared to be quite at home in his new residence. Among other things, he said, "Bourrienne, to be at the Tuileries is not all ; we must remain here. Who are they who have inhab- ited this palace ? Ruffians — the conventionists ! Stop a moment — there is your brother's house. Was it not from thence that we beheld the Tuileries besieged, and the good Louis XVI. carried off? But be tranquil ; let them try it again." The ancient usages of royalty made their way, by little and little, into the former abodes of royalty. Among the rights attached to the crown, and which the constitution did not give to the first consul, was one which he greatly desired — the right of pardoning; and which, by the most happy of all usurpations, he arrogated to himself When the imperious necessities of his political situation — to which, in fact, he sacrificed every thing — did not interpose, the saving of life afforded him the highest satis- faction : he would even have thanked those to whom he rendered such a service, for the opportunity they had afforded him of doing so. Such was the consul — I do not speak of the emperor. Bonaparte, first consul, was accessible to the solicitations of friend- ship in favour of the proscribed. Of this, the following fact, which touched me so nearly, offers an incontestable proof When we were still at the Luxembourg, M. Defeu, a French emigrant, had been taken in the Tyrol, with arms in his hands, by the republican troops. He was brought to Grenoble, and con- fined in the military prison of that town. The laws against emi- grants taken in arms were terrible, and the judges dared not be indulgent. Tried in the morning — condemned during the course of the day, and shot in the evening — such Vv^as the usual course. A relation of mine, daughter of M. de Poitrincourt, came from Sens to Paris to inform me of the frightful situation of M. Defeu, who was allied to some of the most honorable families in Sens, where every one felt for him the most lively interest. 142 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. I had stepped out for a few moments to speak to Mademoiselle de Poitrincourt. On my return, I found the first consul surprised at my absence, as I was not in the habit of quitting the cabinet without his knowledge. "Where have you been?" said he. "To see a relation who has a favour to entreat of you." "What is it?" I then related to him the melancholy situation of M. Defeu. His first answer was terrible. "No mercy!" said he; "no mercy for emigrants ! The man who fights against his country, is a child who would kill his mother." This first burst of anger being over, I pressed him again ; I represented the youth of M. Defeu — the good effect which clemency would produce. "Well, then," said he, write, "The first consul orders the judgment on M. Defeu to be suspended." He signed this laconic order — I forwarded it to General Ferino, informed my cousin, and awaited in tranquillity the termination of the affair. Scarcely had I entered the apartment of the first consul the next morning, when he said to me, "Well, Bourrienne, you do not speak to me about M. Defeu; are you satisfied?" "General, I cannot find words to express my gratitude." "Very well, but I do not like to do things by halves. Write to Ferino, that I desire M. Defeu may be immediately liberated. I make perhaps one who will prove ungrateful. But we can't help that — so much the worse for him. In such cases, Bourrienne, never be afraid to speak to me — when I refuse, it is because I cannot do otherwise." I sent off", at my own expense, an extraordinary courier, who * arrived in time to save the life of M. Defeu. His mother, whose only son he was, and his uncle, came from Sens to Paris to express to me their gratitude. I saw tears of joy fall from the eyes of his mother, who, according to all probability, had been destined to shed those of the most bitter sorrow. M. Defeu is now living at Sens, the happy father of three children. Emboldened by this success, and by the kind expressions of the first consul, I ventured to solicit a pardon for M. de Frotte, a Vendean chief, who had been warmly recommended to me. Count Louis de Frotte had set himself in opposition to every effort for the pacification of La Vendee. At length, broken down by a succession of unfortunate battles, he was himself obliged to make those advances which he had formerly rejected. He addressed to General Guidal a letter containing proposals for a peace. A safe conduct was sent him to repair to Alencon. Unfortunately for M. Frotte, General Guidal was not the only person with whom he corresponded ; for while availing himself of the safe conduct, he sent a letter to his lieutenants, in which he counselled them on no account to submit, or agree to lay down their arms. This letter MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 143 being intercepted, gave to his pacific propositions the appearance of a fraud, and the more so, as in a former manifesto he had spoken of the criminal enterprise of Bonaparte, which must soon terminate. I had more difficulty now than in the affair of M. Defeu, in prevailing on the first consul to exercise his clemency ; however, I pressed the affair so much, I exerted myself so warmly in repre- senting the good effects which such an act of mercy would pro- duce, that I at length obtained an order to respite judgment. What a lesson did I then receive of the misfortunes consequent on a loss of time! Not knowing that matters had advanced so far as they had, I did not instantly despatch the courier charged with the order for suspending judgment. The minister of police had already marked his victim, and he never lost time when he had in view to inflict an injury ; having determined, for what rea- son I do not know, upon the destruction of M. de Frott6, he for- warded an order for his immediate execution. The count was tried and condemned on the 28th Pluviose, and shot the next day, the horrible precipitation of the minister rendering of no effect the result of my solicitations. I have reason to think that in the interval the first consul had received some fresh secret charge against M. de Frotte, for on learning his death, he appeared quite indifferent; he merely said to me, with unusual bitterness, "You must take your measures better; you see it is not my fault." Of all the actions of Louis XIV., that which Bonaparte admired the most was his having obliged the envoys of Genoa to come to Paris, to apologize for the Doge. The least slight offered in a for- eign country to the rights and dignity of France put him beside himself He evinced this desire to make the French government respected in a matter which, at the time, made great noise, but which, notwithstanding, terminated amicably by means of that great peace-maker — Gold. Two Irishmen, Napper Tandy and Blackwell, domiciled in France, and whose names appeared in the lists of the officers of the French army, had retired to Hamburg. The English gov- ernment having claimed them as traitors to their country, they were delivered up; and as the French government considered them also as subjects of France, their surrender gave occasion to violent complaints against the Senate of Hamburg. Blackwell was said to have been a chief of the United Irish- men ; he had become naturalized in France, and had attained the rank of chief of squadron. Sent upon a secret mission to Norway, the vessel in which he embarked was wrecked on the coast of that kingdom. He made his way to Hamburg, where the author- 144 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. ities arrested him on the demand of Mr. Crawford, the English minister; and, after having been confined a year, he was sent to England to be tried. The French government interfered, and saved his life, if not his liberty. Napper Tandy was one of the founders of the society of United Irishmen : and to escape the persecutions to which his political sentiments subjected him from the English government, he fled to Hamburg with the intention of passing into Sweden. Proscribed by the Irish Parliament, he was given up by the Senate, more anx- ious at the time to conciliate the government of England than that of France. Being carried a prisoner to Ireland, and condemned to death, he owed the suspension of his sentence to the remonstrances of France. He remained two years in prison, but M. Otto, who negotiated the preliminaries of peace with Lord Hawkesbury, obtained his liberation, and he was sent back to France. The first consul threatened a terrible vengeance ; but the Senate of Ham- burg addressed him a letter in justification of its conduct, and strengthened this justification by a remittance of four and a half milUons of francs. This softened him greatly. It was in some sort a remembrance of Egypt. One of those pleasing extortions to which the general had accustomed the pachas, except that this time the Treasury did not see a franc of it. I kept, during eight days, the four millions and a half in Dutch bonds in my desk. Bonaparte then determined on their distribu- tion. After paying, as we shall presently see, the debts of Josephine, and the heavy expenses incurred at Malmaison, he gave me a list of persons to whom he wished to make presents. He never men- tioned my name, and consequently I was spared the pain of writing it; but, some time after, he said to me, with the most engaging kindness, " Bourrienne, I gave you none of that Hamburg money ; but I am going to make you amends." He then took from his drawer a large sheet of paper printed, with blanks filled up in his own writing, and saying, " Here is a bill of exchange for three hun- dred thousand Italian livres upon the Cisalpine Republic, for the price of cannons sold them; I give it you." On casting my eye over it, however, I perceived that the bill was long over due, and that he had allowed it to run out without troubling himself about it. "But, general," said I, "this bill has been long due — the parties are all exonerated." "France has engaged to pay these sort of debts," said he ; " send the bill to M. Fermont, he will liquidate it for three per cent." I thanked him, and I sent the bill as desired, to M. Fermont. I received for answer that the claim had fallen into arrear, and could not be paid, not falling under any of the classifications provided for by the law. By order of the gen- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 145 eral I wrote again, but received a second refusal. "Well," said he, with the tone of a man who appeared to have anticipated such an answer, "what the devil am I to do? — you see the laws are against us !" To be short, the Cisalpine Republic kept the cannons and the money, and the first consul kept the bill. For myself, I never received any money whatever. I never had, either from the general-in-chief of the army of Italy, nor from the general-in-chief of the army of Egypt, nor under the first consul for ten years, nor under the first consul for life, any fixed salary ; I took from his drawer what I wanted for my own expenses, as well as his : he never asked me for an account. After his present of a bill on the insolvent Cisalpine Republic, he said to me at the beginning of the winter of 1800, "Bourrienne, the weather grows cold; I shall be but seldom at Malmaison. Go, while I am at the council, for my papers and little effects : here is the key of my desk ; bring away whatever you find in it." I got into a coach at two, and returned at six. He was at dinner. I laid upon the table of his cabinet divers matters which I had taken from his desk, and fifteen thousand francs in bank notes, which I found in the corner of a little drawer. When he came up, he said, "Why, here's money ; where did you get this ?" I replied, that it was in the desk. " Ah," said he, "I had forgotten it; it was for my petty expenses. Here, keep it." I have already stated the disbursement of the four millions and a half extorted from the Senate of Hamburg, in the afTair of Napper Tandy and Blackwell. The whole, however, was not given away in presents ; there was a considerable sum destined to discharge the debts of Josephine ; but the management of this affair requires some observations. The estate of Malmaison had cost one hundred and sixty thou- sand francs : Josephine had purchased it while we were in Egypt. Many improvements had been made, and considerable additions to the beautiful park. All this was not done for nothing ; besides which, a considerable part of the purchase money remained unpaid; and this was not the only debt of Josephine. Creditors murmured. This had a bad effect in Paris ; and, I confess, I was so apprehen- sive of the first burst of the consul's displeasure, that I deferred speaking to him on the subject to the very last. ' It was therefore with much satisfaction I learned that this had already been done by M. Talleyrand. No one, as the phrase is, knew better how to gild a pill for Bonaparte. Endowed with as much independence of character as of mind, he did him the service, at the risk of offending him, to tell him, that a great number of the creditors expressed their discontent, in bitter complaints, respecting the debts con-- tracted by Madame Bonaparte during his campaign in the east. K 13 146 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Bonaparte felt it advisable to remove promptly the occasion of these complaints It v^as one night, at half-past eleven o'clock, that Talleyrand broke this delicate matter to him. As soon as he was gone, I entered the little apartment v^here Bonaparte remained alone; "Bourrienne," said he to me, "Talleyrand has been speaking to me about my wife's debts. I have that Ham- bm'g money; learn from her their exact amount; let her state the whole. I wish to finish, and not to begin again; but do not pay until you show me the accounts of those rascals. They are a band of robbers." Till then the apprehension of a terrible scene, the mere idea of which made Josephine tremble, had always prevented my opening the affair to the first consul ; but, happy that Talleyrand had first mentioned it, I resolved to do every thing in my power to put an end to this disagreeable affair. On the morrow I saw Josephine; she was delighted with the dispositions of her husband ; but this did not last long. When I asked her for the exact amount of what she owed, she entreated me not to insist upon it, and to be satisfied with what she would confess. I said to her, " Madam, I cannot deceive you as to the dispositions of the first consul. He is aware that you owe a con- siderable sum, and he is disposed to discharge it. You will have to endure some cutting reproaches, and a violent scene, I have no doubt; but this scene will be the same for the sums you may acknowledge, as for a still more considerable amount. If you conceal any material part of your debts, in a short time the mur- murs will recommence, and they will reach the ears of the first consul; then his anger will burst out again with greater violence. Be advised by me; confess all. The results will be the same, and you will have to hear but once the disagreeable things he will say to you; by concealment, you will renew them incessantly." She replied, "I can never tell all, that is impossible; do me the favour to conceal what I am about to divulge to you: I owe, I believe, nearly one million two hundred thousand francs, but I cannot own to more than six hundred thousand; I will contract no more debts, and I will pay the remainder, by degrees, out of my savings." " Here, madam," said I, " I recur to my first observa- tions. As I do not believe that he estimates your debts at so much as six hundred thousand francs, I will engage that you will not experience more displeasure for one million two hundi'ed thousand than you will for six hundred thousand; and by stating the full amount, you will get rid of the whole at once." "I can never do it, Bourrienne," said she; "I know him; I could never support his violence." After a quarter of an hour's discussion on MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 147 the same subject, I was obliged to yield to her pressing entreaties, and to promise to mention six hundred thousand francs only to the first consul. The indignation of the first consul may be imagined, and he rightly judged that his wife had concealed something. He said to me, "Well, take these six hundred thousand francs; but this sum must discharge her debts; and let me be troubled no more about the matter. I authorize you to threaten these tradesmen, if they do not consent to reduce their enormous demands; and we must teach them not to be so ready in giving credit." Madame Bonaparte gave me all their bills. The extravagant prices which the fear of having long to wait for their money had induced them to charge, can scarcely be imagined. At length, I had the good fortune, after the most violent squab- bling, to settle the whole for six hundred thousand francs. But Madame Bonaparte soon fell into similar excesses. Happily, money had become more plentiful. This inconceivable rage for expense became for her almost the sole cause of all her unhappiness ; her thoughtless profusion rendered disorder permanent in her house- hold, until the period of the second marriage of Bonaparte, when she became, as I have been informed, more careful. I cannot say so much for her when empress, in 1804. At Paris, I quitted Bonaparte more rarely than at Malmaison. Sometimes we walked of an evening in the gardens of the Tuileries. He always waited till the gates were closed. In these evening rambles he wore a gray surtout, and a round hat ; when challenged by the sentinels, I was instructed to answer, "The first consul." These promenades, which were of much benefit both to Bonaparte and myself, as a relaxation from our labours, resembled a good deal those which we had at Malmaison; but our walks in town were frequently very amusing. During the early part of our residence at the Tuileries, when I saw Bonaparte enter his cabinet at eight o'clock in the evening, in his gray surtout, I knew that he was about to say to me, "Bourrienne, let us take a turn." Sometimes then, instead of going out by the arcade of the garden, we passed by the little gate leading to the apartments of the Duke d'AngouIeme. He would take my arm, and we went on making small purchases in the shops of the Rue St. Honore, seldom extending our excur- sions farther than the Rue de I'Arbre Sec, while I affected to examine the articles we appeared to wish to purchase, he under- took the part of questioner. Nothing could be more amusing than to see him endeavouring to assume the careless manners of the young man of fashion. How awkward his attempts at the 148 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. airs of a dandy, when, adjusting his cravat, he would say, " Well, madam, is there any thing new to-day? Citizen, what do they say of Bonaparte? Your shop appears to be well furnished, you ought to have a great many customers. What do people say of Bonaparte ?" How happy was he one day, when we were obliged to retreat with precipitation from a shop, to avoid the abuse which the irreverent manner in which Bonaparte spoke of the first consul had brought upon us! The destruction of men and the construction of monuments were things entirely in unison in the mind of Bonaparte ; and it might be said, that his passion for monuments was nearly equal to his passion for war. But as, in all things, he had a dislike for what was sordid and mean, he preferred vast erections as he loved great battles. The appearance of the colossal ruins of Egypt had contributed not a little to develop in him his natural taste for great erections. It was not the edifices themselves that he valued, but the historical recollections they perpetuate, the great names they consecrate, and the great events they record. Why, in fact, should we value the column which we see, on arriving at Alexan- dria, were it not the column of Pompey? It is for artists to descant on its proportions and its ornaments ; for the learned, to explain its inscriptions; but the name of Pompey recommends it to the world. In endeavouring to sketch the character of Bonaparte, I ought to have spoken of his taste for monuments ; for, without this char- acteristic trait, something essential would have been wanting in filling up the portrait. But although this taste, or, to speak more correctly, this passion, held a principal place in his thoughts and projects of glory, it did not prevent him from appreciating equally projects of amelioration of lesser importance. His genius would have great monuments to eternize the recollections of his glory; but, at the same time, his good sense enabled him to appreciate truly every thing that was of real utility. He could seldom be charged with rejecting any plan without examination, and this examination was not long; for his habitual tact enabled him, at a glance, to see things in their true light. The recollection of the superb Necropolis of Cairo recurred frequently to Bonaparte's mmd. He had admired that city of the dead ; to the peopling of which, he had contributed not a little ; and he designed to establish, at the four cardinal points of Paris, four vast cemeteries, on the plan of that at Cairo, which had so rivetted his attention. Bonaparte determined that all the new streets in Paris should be forty feet wide, with foot pavements; in a word, nothing MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 149 appeared to him too magnificent for the embellishment of the cap- ital of a country which he wished to make the first in the world. Next to war, this was the first object of his ambition. The two ideas were commingled in his mind; so much so, that he never considered a victory complete till it had received its appropriate monument to carry down its recollections to posterity. Glory — continual glory for France as well as for himself How often has he said to me, after conversing on his grand schemes, "Bour- rienne, it is for France that I do this; all that I wish, all that I desire, the object of all my labours, is, that my name shall be for ever connected with the name of France!" , Paris is not the only city, nor is France the only kingdom, which bears traces of the passion of Napoleon for great and use- ful monuments. In Belgium, in Holland, in Piedmont, in the kingdom of Italy, wherever he had an imperial residence, he exe- cuted great improvements. At Turin, a magnificent bridge was constructed over the Po, in place of the old one, which had fallen to ruin. How many things undertaken and executed under a reign so short and so eventful! The communications were diffi- cult between Metz and Mayence. A magnificent road was formed, as if it were by magic, and carried in a direct line through impassa- ble marshes and trackless forests ; mountains opposed themselves, they were cut through ; ravines presented obstacles, they were filled up; and very soon one of the finest roads in Europe was opened to commerce. He would not allow nature, any more than man, to resist him. In his great works of bridges and roads, Bonaparte had always in view to remove the obstacles and barriers which nature had placed to the limits of ancient France, and the better to unite the provinces which he added successively to the empire. Thus, a road, level as the walk of a garden, replaced in Savoy the precipi- tous passes in the wood of Bramant, and thus the passage of Mont Cenis, on the summit of which he erected a barrack, and intended to have built a town, became a pleasant promenade at almost all seasons of the year. The Simplon was obliged to bow its head before the mattocks and the mines of the engineers of France; and Bonaparte might say, " There are now no Alps," with greater reason than Louis XIV. said, " There are now no Pyrenees." 13* 150 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. CHAPTER XIII. Louis XVin. writes to Bonaparte ; Bonaparte's Answer ; Conversation on the subject ; Bonaparte and Paul I. ; Lord Wtiitwortli ; Paul's Admiration of Bonaparte. The importance of events varies with the times of their occur- rence. An affair which passes away unnoticed, may be rendered of consequence by events which subsequently ensue. This reflec- tion naturally presents itself to my mind, when I am about to speak of the correspondence which Louis XVIII. sought to open with the first consul. It certainly is not one of the least interesting passages in the life of Bonaparte. While the empire appeared to rest upon a sure foundation, it might be considered but as a mat- ter of curiosity ; but since the happy restoration of the Bourbons, the question of their reestablishment on the throne assumes a more elevated character, and it is necessary to relate facts with a scrupulous exactness. I shall therefore lay before the reader the text of this correspondence, and the curious circumstances con- nected with it. The letter of Louis XVIII. ran thus: "Whatever may be their apparent conduct, men like you, sir, never inspire alarm. You have accepted an eminent station, and I thank you for it. You know better than any one the strength and power necessary to ensure the happiness of a great nation. Save France from her own violence, and you will have gratified the first wish of my heart ; restore to her her king, and future generations will bless your memory. You will always be too necessary to the state for me to be able to discharge, by important appointments, the debt of my family and my own. Louis." The first consul was much agitated on the receipt of this letter; although he every day declared his determination to have nothing to do with the princes, he considered whether he should reply to this overture. The pressure of affairs which then occupied his attention favoured this hesitation, and he was in no haste to reply. I ought to mention that Josephine and Hortense entreated him to give the king hopes, as, by doing so, that would not pledge him to any thing, and would afford him time to see whether he might not in the end play -a more distinguished part than that of Monk. Their entreaties were so urgent, that he one day said to me, "These devils of women are mad. The Faubourg St. Germain has turned their heads! they have made it their guardian-angel; but that is of no consequence, I will have nothing to do with them." Madame Bonaparte told me, that she urged him to this step, lest he should think of making himself king, the expectation of which always raised in her mind a painful foreboding, which she could never overcome.* * A strong impression of the fate that awaited her, had been made on her mind during Bonaparte's absence in Egypt. She, like many other ladies of Paris, went at MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 151 In the numerous conversations which the first consul had with me, he discussed, with admirable sagacity, the proposition of Louis XVIII. and its consequences. But he said, "the partisans of the Bourbons deceive themselves much, if they imagine that I am a man to play the part of Monk." The matter rested here, and the king's letter remained upon the table. During this interval, Louis XVIIL wrote a second letter without date. It was as follows : " For a length of time, general, you must be aware that you possess my esteem. If you doubt my gratitude, name your reward, and fix that of your friends. As to my principles, I am a Frenchman. Merciful by character, I am still more so from the dic- tates of reason. No, the conqueror of Lodi, of Castiglione, of Areola, the conqueror of Italy and Egypt, cannot prefer a vain celebrity to true glory. But you are losing precious time. We may ensure the glory of France. I say we, because I require the assistance of Bonaparte, and he can do nothing without me. General, Europe observes you. Glory awaits you, and I am impatient to restore peace to my people. (Signed) " Louis." The first consul allowed some time to elapse before he replied to this letter, so noble and dignified. At length he wished to dictate one to me. I begged to observe to him that the letters of the king were autographs, and that it appeared more suitable that he him- self should write a reply. He then wrote as follows : " Sir : I have received your letter : I thank you for the handsome manner in which you have spoken of me. " You ought not to wish to return to France ; to do so, you must march over one hundred thousand dead bodies. " Sacrifice your interest to the repose and happiness of France, and history will render you justice. " I am not insensible to the misfortunes of your family, and shall learn with pleasure, that you are surrounded with all that can contribute to the tranquiUity of your retire- ment. ^ " Bonaparte." By these general expressions, he pledged himself to nothing, not even in words. Every day that augmented his power, and strengthened his position, diminished, in his opinion, the chances of the Bourbons; and seven months were allowed to elapse between the receipt of the king's first letter and the answer of the first consul. Some days after the receipt of Louis XVIII. 's letter, we were walking in the gardens at Malmaison; he was in good humour, for every thing was going on to his mind. "Has my wife been speak- ing to you of the Bourbons?" said he. "No, general." "But when you converse with her, you lean a little to her opinions; tell that time to consult a celebrated fortune-teller, a Madame Villeneuve, who lived in the Rue de Lancry. This woman had revealed her destiny as follows: "You are," said she, "the wife of a great general, who will become still greater. He will cross the seas which separate him from you, and you will occupy the first station in France, but, it will be only for a short time." 152 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. me, now, why do you desire their return ? you have no interest in their return; nothing to expect from them. Your rank is not sufficiently elevated to allow you to look to any great post. You will never be any thing with them. It is true, that through the interest of M. de Chambonas, you were named secretary of lega- tion at Stuttgard ; but had no change happened, you would have remained there all your life, or in an inferior situation. Have you ever seen men rise under kings by merit alone?" "General," said I, " I am quite of your opinion on one point. I have never received any thing under the Bourbons; neither gifts, nor places, nor favours; neither have I the vanity to suppose that I should have ever risen to any conspicuous station. But it is not myself I con- sider, but all France. I believe you will continue to hold your power as long as you live ; but you have no children, and it is pretty certain you never will by Josephine. What are we to do when you are gone — what is to become of us? You have often said to me that your brothers were not " Here he interrupted me, "Ah, as to that, you are right; if I do not live thirty yeai-s to finish my work, you will, when I am dead, have long civil wars : my brothers do not suit France, you know them. You will then have a violent contest among the most distinguished generals, each of whom will think he has a right to take my place." " Well then, general, why do you not endeavour to remedy those evils which you foresee ?" " Do you suppose I have never thought of that ? but weigh well the difficulties that are in my way. In case of a restoration, what is to become of those who have voted for the death of the king, the men who were conspicuous in the revolu- tion, the national domains, and a multitude of things done during the last twelve years? Do you suppose there would be no reac- tion?" "General, need I recall to your recollection, that Louis XVIII., in his letter, guarantees the contrary of all you apprehend? I know what will be your answer; but are you not in a situation to impose any conditions you may think fit? Grant, at that price, but what they ask of you. There is no need of haste. Take three or four years; you can in that time establish the happiness of France, by institutions conformable to her wants. Custom and habit would give them a force that it would not be easy to destroy, and even if such an intention were entertained, it could not suc- ceed." "Depend upon it," said he, "the Bourbons will think they have reconquered their inheritance, and will dispose of it as they please. Engagements the most sacred, promises the most posi- tive, will disappear before force. None but fools will trust them. My mind is made up, let us say no more upon the subject ; but I know how these women torment you — let them mind their knit- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 153 ting, and leave me to mind my own affairs." The women knitted — I wrote at my desk — he made himself emperor — the empire has fallen to pieces — he is dead in St. Helena — and the Bourbons have been restored. "The first relations between Bonaparte and Paul I. commenced a short time after the accession to the consulate. Affairs then began to look a little less unfavourable : already vague reports from Switzerland and the banks of the Rhine indicated a coldness exist- ing between the Russians and Austrians ; and, at the same time, symptoms of a misunderstanding between the courts of London and St. Petersburg began to be perceptible. The first consul hav- ing, in the mean time, discovered the chivalrous and somewhat eccentric character of Paul I., thought the moment a propitious one to attempt breaking the bonds which united Russia and England. He was not the man to allow so fine an opportunity to pass, and he took advantage of it with his ordinary sagacity. The English had some time before refused to comprehend in a cartel for the exchange of prisoners seven thousand Russians taken in Holland. Bonaparte ordered them all to be armed, and clothed in new uniforms appropriate to the corps to which they had belonged, and sent them back to Russia, without ransom, without exchange, or any condition whatever. This judicious munificence was not thrown away. Paul showed himself deeply sensible of it, and, closely allied as he had lately been with England, he now, all at once, declared himself her enemy. This triumph of policy de- lighted the first consul. "Thenceforth the consul and the czar became the best friends possible. They strove to outdo each other in professions of friend- ship; and it may be believed that Bonaparte did not fail to turn this contest of politeness to his own advantage. He so well worked upon the mind of Paul, that he succeeded in obtaining a direct influence over the cabinet of St. Petersburgh. " Lord Whitworth, at that time the English ambassador in Russia, was ordered to quit the capital without delay, and to retire to Riga, which then became the focus of the intrigues of the north, which ended in the death of Paul. The English ships were seized in all the ports, and, at the pressing instance of the czar, a Prussian army menaced Hanover. Bonaparte lost no time, and, profiting by the friendship manifested towards him by the inheritor of Catherine's power, he determined to make that friendship subservient to the execution of the vast plan which he had long conceived : he meant to undertake an expedition by land against the English colonies in the East Indies. " The arrival of Baron Sprengporten at Paris caused great satis- 154 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. faction among the partisans of the consular government, that is to say, almost every one in Paris. He came on an extraordinary mission, being ostensibly clothed with the title of plenipotentiary, and at the same time appointed confidential minister to the consul. Bonaparte was extremely satisfied with the ambassador whom Paul had selected, and with the manner in which he described the empe- ror's gratitude for the generous conduct of the first consul. "We could easily perceive that Paul placed great confidence in M. Sprengporten. As he had satisfactorily discharged the mission with which he had been intrusted, Paul expressed pleasure at his conduct in several frfendly and flattering letters, which Spreng- porten always allowed us to read. No one could be fonder of France than he was, and he ardently desired that his first nego- tiations might lead to a long alliance between the Russian and French governments. The autograph and very frequent corres- pondence between Bonaparte and Paul passed through his hands. I read all Paul's letters, which were remarkable for the frankness with which his affection for Bonaparte was expressed. His admi- ration of the first consul was so great, that no courtier could have written in a more flattering manner. This admiration was not feigned on the part of the Emperor of Russia: it was no less sin- cere than ardent, and of this he soon gave proofs. "Bonaparte never felt greater satisfaction in the whole course of his hfe, than he experienced from Paul's enthusiasm for him. The friendship of a sovereign seemed to him a step by which he was to become a sovereign himself On the other hand, the affairs of La Vendee began to assume a better aspect, and he hoped soon to etiect that pacification in the interior, which he so ardently desired.* * This account agrees precisely with the following, dictated by Napoleon himself at St. Helena. " The Emperor Paul had succeeded the Empress Catherine. Half frantic with his hostility to the French revolution, he had performed what his mother had contented herselt with promising, and engaged in the second coalition. General Suwarrow, at the head of sixty thousand Russians, advanced in Italy,, while another Russian army entered Switzerland, and a corps of fifteen thousand men was placed by the czar at the disposal of the Duke of York, for the purpose of conquering Holland. These were all the disposable forces the Russian empire had. Suwarrow, although victorious at the battles of Cassano, the Trebia, and Novi, had lost half his army in the St. Gothard, and the ditferent valleys of Switzerland, after the battle of Zurich, in which Korsakow had been taken. Paul then became sensible of the imprudence of his conduct; and iu 1800. Suwarrow returned to Russia with scarcely a fourth of his army. The Emperor Paul complained bitterly of having lost the flower of his troops, who had neither been seconded by the Austrians nor by the English. He reproached the cabinet of Vienna with having refused, after the conquest of Piedmont, to replace the King of Sardinia upon his throne ; with being destitute of grand and generous ideas, and wholly gov- erned by calculation and interested views. He also complained that the EngUsh, when they took Malta, instead of reinstating the order of St. John of Jerusalem, and restoring MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 155 "The first consul, meanwhile, proceeded to turn the friendship of the Russian Emperor to solid account. It has never, in truth, been difficult to excite angry and jealous feelings among the minor maritime powers, with regard to the naval sovereignty of England. The claim of the right of searching neutral ships, and her doctrine on the subject of blockades, had indeed been recognised in many treaties by Russia, and by every maritime government in Europe. Nevertheless, the old grudge remained; and Bonaparte most art- fully employed every engine of his diplomacy to awaken a spirit that island to the knights, had appropriated it to themselves. The first consul did all in his power to cherish these seeds of discontent, and to make them productive. A little after the battle of Marengo, he found means to flatter the Uvely and impetuous imagination of the czar, by sending him the sword which Pope Leo X. had given to riUe Adam, as a memorial of his satisfaction for having defended Rhodes against the infidels. From eight thousand to ten thousand Russian soldiers had been made pris- oners in Italy, at Zurich, and in Holland ; the first consul proposed their exchange to the English and Austrians — both refused : the Austrians, because there were still many of their people prisoners in France ; and the English, although they had a great number of French prisoners, because, as they said, this proposal was contrary to their principles. ' What !' it was said to the cabinet of St. James, ' do you refuse to exchange even the Russians, who were taken in Holland, fighting in your own ranks under the Duke of York!' And to the cabinet of Vienna it was observed, 'How! do you refuse to restore to their country those men of the north to whom you are indebted for the victories of the Trebia, and Novi, and for your conquests in Italy, and who have left in your hands a multitude of French prisoners taken by them? Such injustice excites my indignation,' said the first consul. ' Well, I will restore them to the czar without exchange ; he shall see how I esteem brave men.' The Russian officers, who were prisoners, immediately received their swords, and the troops of that nation were assembled at Aix-la-Chapelle, where they were soon completely new clothed, and furnished with good arms of French manufacture. A Russian general was instructed to organize them in battahons and regiments. This blow struck at once at London and St. Petersburgh. Paul, attacked in so many different directions, gave way to his enthusiastic temper, and attached himself to France with all the ardour of his character. He despatched a letter to the first consul, in which he said, 'Citizen, First Consul, I do not write to you to discuss the rights of men or citi2ens ; every country governs itself as it plea.scs. Wherever I see, at the head of a nation, a man who knows how to rule and how to fight, my heart is attracted towards him. I write to acquaint you withmy dissatisfaction of England, who violates every article of the law of nations, and has no guide but her egotism and interest. I wish to unite with you to put an end to the unjust proceedings of that government.' "In the beginning of December, 1800, General Sprengporten, a Finlander, who had entered the Russian service, and who in his heart was attached to France, arrived at Paris. He brought letters from the Emperor Paul, and was instructed to take the command of the Russian prisoners, and to conduct them back to their country. All the officers of that nation, who returned to Russia, constantly spoke in the highest terms of,the kind treatment and attention they had met with in France, particularly after the arrival of the first consul. The correspondence between the emperor and Napoleon soon became daily ; they treated directly on the most important interests, and on the means of humbhng the English power. General Sprengporten was not instructed to make peace, he had no powers for that purpose ; neither was he an ambassador; peace did not exist. It was, therefore, an extraordinary mission, which allowed of this general's being treated with every distinction calculated to gratify the sovereign who had sent him, without the possibility of the occurrence of any incon- venience from such attentions." — Napoleon's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 130. 156 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. of hostility against England; first, in the well-prepared mind of the czar, and then in the cabinets of Prussia, Denmark, and Swe- den. The result was, in effect, a coalition of these powers against England." CHAPTER XIV. Negotiations for Peace ; Negotiations unsuccessful ; Preparations for War ; Bonaparte departs from Paris ; at Dijon ; Passes tlie Great St, Bernard ; Battle of Marengo. "Much had been already done towards the internal tranquilliza- tion of France : but it was obvious that the result could not be perfect until the war, which had so long raged on two frontiers of the country, should have found a termination. The fortune of the last two years had been far different from that of the glorious campaigns which ended in the treaty — or armistice, as it might more truly be named — of Campo Formio. The Austrians had recovered the north of Italy, and already menaced the Savoy frontier, designing to march into Provence, and there support a new insurrection of the royalists. The force opposed to them in that quarter was much inferior in numbers, and composed of the relics of armies beaten over and over again by Suwarrow. The Austrians and French were more nearly balanced on the Rhine frontier; but even there, there was ample room for anxiety. On the whole, the grand attitude in which Bonaparte had left the Republic when he embarked for Egypt, was exchanged for one of a far humbler description ; and, in fact, the general disheartening of the nation, by reason of those reverses, had been of signal ser- vice to Napoleon's ambition. If a strong hand was wanted at home, the necessity of having a general who could bring back victory to the tri-colour banners in the field had been not less deeply felt. And hence the decisive revolution of Brumaire. "Of the allies of Austria, meanwhile, one had virtually aban- doned her. The Emperor Paul, of Russia, resenting the style in which his army under Suwarrow had been supported, withdrew it altogether from the field of its victories. In his new character of chief consul, Bonaparte resolved to have the credit of making over- tures of peace to England, ere the campaign with the Austrians should open; and, discarding the usual etiquette of diplomatic intercourse, he addressed a letter to King George III. in person. The reply was an official note from Lord Grenville, then secretary of state for the department of foreign affairs, to Talleyrand, which terminated the negotiation. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 157 " It was Bonaparte's policy, even more clearly than it had been that of his predecessors, to buy security at home by battle and* victory abroad. The national pride had been deeply wounded during his absence; and something must be done in Europe, worthy of the days of Lodi, Rivoli, and Tagliamento, ere he could hope to be seated firmly on his throne. On receiving the answer of the British minister, he said to Talleyrand (rubbing his hands, as was his custom when much pleased), 'It could not have been more favourable.' On the same day, the seventh of January (just three days after the date of Lord Grenville's note), the first consul issued his edict for the formation of the army of reserve, consist- ing of all the veterans who had ever served, and a new levy of thirty thousand conscripts." It was then, in the days of his youth, that the fertility of his genius, and the vigour of his mind, could not fail to command the admiration of even his most bitter enemy. I was astonished at the facility with which he entered into details. While the most important occupations engrossed every moment of his time, he sent twenty-four thousand francs to the hospital of Mont St. Bernard, to purchase provisions. When he saw the army of reserve formed, and that every thing went to his wishes, he said to me, "I hope to fall on Melas's rear before he is aware that I am in Italy. That is, provided Genoa holds out; but Massena defends it." On the 17th of March, in a moment of gayety and good humour, he desired me to unroll Chauchard's great map of Italy — he stretched himself upon it, and told me to do the same. He then stuck into it pins, whose heads were tipped with red and black sealing-wax. I observed him in silence, and awaited the result of a campaign so inoffensive. When he had stationed the enemy's corps, and drawn up the pins with red heads on the points where he intended to conduct his own troops, he said to me, "Do you think that I shall beat Melas?" "Why, how can I tell?" "You are a simpleton," said he; "look you here — Melas is at Alexandria, where he has his head-quarters; he will remain there till Genoa surrenders. He has in Alexandria his magazines, his hospitals, his artillery, his reserves. Passing the Alps here (pointing to the Great St. Bernard), I fall upon Melas, I cut off his communications with Austria, and I meet him here in the plains of Scrivia (sticking a red pin at San Juliano)." Perceiving that I looked upon this manoeuvring of pins as mere pastime, he addressed to me some of his usual apostrophes, which served as a sort of relaxation, and then recurred to his demonstrations upon the map. We rose in about a quarter of an hour, I replaced the 14 158 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. map, and thought no more about it. But when, four months after, I found myself at San Juhano, with his portfolio and despatches, which I had saved from the rout which took place in the early- part of the day ; and when, the same night, I wrote from his dic- tation, at Torre di Galifolo, a league from thence, the bulletin of the battle, I frankly avowed my admiration of his military plans. He smiled himself at the justness of his foresight. "At this time France had four armies on her frontiers: that of the north, under Brune, watched the partisans of the house of Orange in Holland, and guarded those coasts against any new invasion from England; the defeat of the Duke of York had ena- bled the government to reduce its strength considerably. The second was the army of the Danube, under Jourdan, which, after the defeat at Stockach, had been obliged to repass the Rhine; the third, under Massena, styled the army of Helvetia, had been compelled, in the preceding campaign, to evacuate great part of Switzerland; but, gaining the battle of Zurich, against the Rus- sians, now rSoccupied the whole of that republic : the fourth, was that broken remnant which still called itself the 'army of Italy,' After the disastrous conflict of Genoa, it had rallied in disorder on the Appenine and the heights of Genoa, where the spirit of the troops was already so much injured, that whole battalions deserted en masse, and retired behind the Var. Their distress, in truth, was extreme ; for they had lost all means of communication with the valley of the Po, and the English fleet eflTectually blockaded the whole coasts both of Provence and Liguria; so that, pent up among barren rocks, they suflfered the hardships and privations of a beleaguered garrison. " The chief consul sent Massena to assume the command of the 'army of Italy;' and issued, on that occasion, a general order, which had a magical effect on the minds of the soldiery. Massena was highly esteemed among them ; and, after his arrival at Genoa, the deserters flocked back rapidly to their standards. At the same time, Bonaparte ordered Moreau to assume the command of the two corps of the Danube and Helvetia, and consolidate them into one great 'army of the Rhine.' Lastly, the rendezvous of the ' army of reserve' was appointed for Dijon : a central position, from which either Massena or Moreau might, as circumstances demanded, be supported and reinforced, but which Napoleon really designed to serve for a cloak to his main purpose. For he had already, in concert with Carnot, sketched the plan of that which is generally considered as at once the most daring and the most masterly of all the campaigns of the war; and which, in so far as the execution depended on himself, turned out also the most dazzlingly successful. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 159 "In placing Moreau at the head of the army of the Rhine, full one hundred and fifty thousand strong, and out of all comparison the best disciplined as well as the largest force of the Republic, Bonaparte exhibited a noble superiority to all feelings of personal jealousy. That general's reputation approached the most nearly to his own; but his talents justified this reputation, and the chief consul thought of nothing but the best means of accomplishing the purposes of the joint campaign. Moreau, in the sequel, was severely censured by his master for the manner in which he executed the charge intrusted to him. His orders were to march at once upon Ulm, at the risk of placing the great Austrian army under Kray between him and France; but he was also commanded to detach fifteen thousand of his troops for the separate service of passing into Italy by the defiles of St. Gothard ; and given to under- stand that it must be his business to prevent Kray, at all hazards, from opening a communication with Italy by way of the Tyrol. Under such circumstances, it is not wonderful that a general, who had a master, should have proceeded more cautiously than suited the gigantic aspirations of the unfettered Napoleon. Moreau, how- ever, it must be admitted, had always the reputation of a prudent, rather than a daring, commander. The details of his campaign against Kray must be sought elsewhere. A variety of engage- ments took place, with a variety of fortune. Moreau, his enemies allow, commenced his operations by crossing the Rhine in the end of April ; and, on the fifteenth of July, had his head-quarters at Augsburgh, and was in condition either to reinforce the French in Italy, or to march into the heart of the Austrian states, when the success of Bonaparte's own expedition rendered either move- ment unnecessary. "The chief consul had resolved upon conducting, in person, one of the most adventurous enterprises recorded in the history of war. The formation of the army of reserve at Dijon was a mere deceit. A numerous staff, indeed, assembled in that town; and the preparation of the munitions of war proceeded there as else- where with the utmost energy : but the troops collected at Dijon were few; and — it being universally circulated and believed that they were the force meant to reestablish the once glorious army of Italy, by marching to the head-quarters of Massena, at Genoa — the Austrians received the accounts of their numbers and appearance not only with indifference, but with derision. Bona- parte, meanwhile, had spent three months in recruiting his armies throughout the interior of France ; and the troops, by means of which it was his purpose to change the face of affairs beyond the Alps, were already marching by different routes, each detachment 160 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. in total ignorance of the other's destination, upon the territory of Switzerland. To that quarter Bonaparte had already sent for- ward Berthier, the most confidential of his military friends, and other officers of the highest skill, with orders to reconnoitre the various passes in the great Alpine chain, and make every other preparation for the movement, of which they alone were, as yet, in the secret." The first consul was not satisfied with the administration of General Berthier, as minister of war: he replaced him by Carnot, who had given great proofs of firmness and integrity, but whom Bonaparte did not like, being too decidedly a republican. Berthier set out for Dijon, where he began the creation of the famous army of reserve, which was nothing in the beginning, but which, in a few weeks after, by a single battle, brought all Italy again under the dominion of the French. The consular constitution did not permit the first consul to command an army out of the territory of the Republic. He did not wish it to be known that he had formed the resolution of placing himself at the head of the army of Italy, and which he now for the first time called the grand army. I observed to him, that, by appointing Berthier to the command-in-chief, nobody could be deceived ; because all the world would see that, in making such a choice, his intention must have been to command in person. My observation amused him much. The chief consul remained in Paris until he received Berthier's decisive despatch from Geneva — it was in these words: "I wish to see you here. There are orders to be given by which three armies may act in concert, and you alone can give them in the lines. Measures decided on in Paris are too late." Bonaparte immediately fixed the day of our departure from Paris for the sixth of May. All his arrangements were made, all his orders given, but he did not wish that it should yet be known that he went to take command of the army. On the preceding evening, in the presence of the other two consuls, and the minis- ters, he said to Lucien, "Prepare, by to-morrow, a circular to the prefects ; you, Fouche, will have it published in the journals. Say that I have set out for Dijon, where I go to inspect the army of reserve; you may add, that I may, perhaps, go as far as Geneva; but say positively that I shall not be absent more than fifteen days. You, Cambaceres, will preside to-morrow in the Council of State. In my absence, you are the head of the government, and speak in the same way to the Council ; you may say that my absence will be short, but specify nothing. Assure the Council of State of my entire satisfaction ; it has rendered great services, MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 161 which I hope it will continue to do. Stay, I had forgot — you will at the same time announce that I have named Joseph a councillor of state. If any thing should happen, I will return like a thunder- bolt. I recommend to you all the great interests of France. I hope, in a little time, to be spoken of in Vienna and London." We set out at two o'clock in the morning, taking the Burgundy road, which we had already so often travelled, under very differ- ent circumstances. On the joui'ney, Bonaparte conversed much about the warriors of antiquity, especially of Alexander, Caesar, Scipio, and Hannibal. He showed himself well acquainted with the localities and with the respective means of these commanders. He had made a spe- cial study of strategy, ancient and modern. Nothing, in the great science of war, escaped his genius. I asked him whether he gave his preference to Alexander or Cassar. "I place Alexander," said he, "in the first rank; I admire the fine campaign of Caesar iii Africa. My reason for giving the preference to the king of Macedon, is, on account of the conception, and above all, for the^ execution of his campaign in Asia. He can have no idea of war,, who blames this prince for having spent seven months in the siege' of Tyre. Had it been myself, I would have remained there seven years, if necessary. This is a grand subject; but, for my part,.!' consider the siege of Tyre, the conquest of Egypt, and the marchi to the Oasis of Ammon, as proofs of the genius of this great captain.. He wished to afford the lung of Persia, whose advanced guard' only he had defeated at the Granicus and the Issus, time to assem- ble all his forces, that he might by a single blow overturn that: colossus, which he had as yet only shaken. Alexander, by pur- suing Darius into his stages, would have separated himself from- his reinforcements, wouJd have encountered only scattered parties; of troops, who would have drawn him into deserts where his army would have been lost. By persevering in the taking of Tyre, he- secured his communications with Greece, that country for' which he did so much, and which he loved as dearly as I do France, and' in whose glory he placed his own. In possessing himself of the rich province of Egypt, at that time so powerful, he forced Darius to come to defend or deliver it, and to march half way to meet him. By representing himself as the son of Jupiter, he worked in a way useful for his designs upon the ardent temper of the orien- tals. We know how that assisted him. Finally, he died at the age of thirty-three — what a name did he leave behind him!" Although completely a stranger to the noble science of war, I could not avoid admiring the sublime projects of Bonaparte, his shrewd remarks and his ingenious observations on the great'. L 14* 162 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. captains of ancient and modern times ; and I could not help say- ing to him, "General, you reproach me often with not being a flatterer, but now I tell you truly, I admire you," and I told the truth. "On the seventh of May, we arrived at Dijon, where he reviewed, in great form, some seven or eight thousand raw and half-clad troops, and committed them to the care of Brune. The spies of Austria reaped new satisfaction from this consular review ; meanwhile. Napoleon had halted but two hours at Dijon ; and, travelling all night, arrived the next day at Geneva. Here he was met by Marescot, who had been employed in exploring the wild passes of the Great St. Bernard, and received from him an appalling picture of the difficulties of marching an army by that route into Italy. 'Is it possible to pass?' said Napoleon, cut- ting the engineer's narrative short. ' The thing is barely possible,' answered Marescot. 'Very well,' said the first consul; 'en avant — let us proceed.' " While the Austrians were thinking only of the frontier where Souchet commanded an enfeebled and dispirited division — des- tined, as they doubted not, to be reinforced by the army, such as it was, at Dijon — the chief consul had resolved to penetrate into Italy, as Hannibal had done of old, through all the dangers and difficulties of the great Alps themselves. The march on the Var and Genoa might have been executed with comparative ease, and might, in all likelihood, have led to victory; but mere victory would not suffice. It was urgently necessary that the name of Bonaparte should be surrounded with some blaze of almost super- natural renown ; and his plan for purchasing this splendour was to rush down from the Alps, at whatever hazard, upon the rear of Melas, cut off all his communications with x\ustria, and then force him to a conflict, in which, Massena and Suchet being on the other side of him, reverse must needs be ruin. "For the treble purpose of more easily collecting a sufficient stock of provisions for the march, of making its accomplishment more rapid, and of perplexing the enemy on its termination, Napo- leon determined that his army should pass in four divisions, by as many separate routes. The left wing, under Moncey, consisting of fifteen thousand detached from the army of Moreau, was ordered to debouche by the way of St. Gothard. The corps of Thureau, five thousand strong, took the direction of Mont Cenis ; that of Chabran, of similar strength, moved by the Little St. Bernard. Of the main body, consisting of thirty-five thousand, the chief consul himself took care ; and he reserved for them the gigantic task of surmounting, with the artillery, the huge barriers of the Great St. MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 163 Bernard. Thus, along the Alpine chain — from the sources of the Rhine and the Rhone, to Isere and Durance — about sixty thousand men, in all, lay prepared for the adventure. It must be added, if we would form a fair conception of the enterprise, that Napoleon well knew not one-third of these men had ever seen a shot fired in earnest. "The difficulties encountered by Mouncey, Thureau, and Chabran, will be sufficiently understood from the narrative of Bonaparte's own march. From the 15th to the 18th of May, all his columns were put in motion: Lannes, with the advanced guard, clearing the way before them; the general, Berthier, and the chief consul himself, superintending the rear guard, which, as having with it the artillery, was the object of highest importance. At St. Pierre, all semblance of a road disappeared. Thenceforth, an army, horse and foot, laden with all the munitions of a cam- paign, a park of forty field-pieces included, were to be urged up and along airy ridges of rock and eternal snow, where the goat- herd, the hunter of the chamoise, and the outlaw-smuggler, are alone accustomed to venture ; amid precipices where to slip a foot is death ; beneath glaciers from which the percussion of a musket- shot is often sufficient to hurl an avalanche ; across the bottomless chasms caked over with frost or snow-drift. The transport of the artillery and ammunition was the most difficult point; and to this, accordingly, the chief consul gave his personal superintend- ence. The guns were dismounted, grooved into the trunks of trees hollowed out so as to suit each calibre, and then dragged on by sheer strength of muscle — not less than a hundred soldiers being sometimes harnessed to a single cannon. The carriages and wheels, being taken to pieces, were slung on poles, and borne on men's shoulders. The powder and shot, packed into boxes of fir- wood, formed the lading of all the mules that could be collected over a wide range of the Alpine country. These preparations had been made during the week that elapsed between Bonaparte's arrival at Geneva and the commencement of Lannes's march. He himself travelled sometimes on a mule, but mostly on foot, cheering on the soldiers who had the burden of the great guns. The fatigue undergone is not to be described. The men in front durst not halt to breathe, because the least stoppage there might have thrown the column behind into con- fusion, on the brink of deadly precipices; and those in the rear had to flounder, knee deep, through snow and ice trampled into sludge by the feet and hoofs of the preceding divisions. Happily the march of Napoleon was not harassed, like that of Hannibal, by the assaults of living enemies. The mountaineers, on the con- 164 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. trary, flocked in to reap the liberal rewards which he offered to all who were willing to lighten the drudgery of his troops. "On the 16th of May, Napoleon slept at the convent of St. Maurice ; and, in the course of the four following days, the whole army passed the Great St. Bernard. It was on the 20th, that Bonaparte himself halted an hour at the convent of the Hospital- lers, which stands on the summit of this mighty mountain. The good fathers of the monastery had been warned beforehand of the march, and they had furnished every soldier as he passed with a luncheon of bread and cheese and a glass of wine; for which seasonable kindness, they now received the warm acknowledg- ments of the chief. It was here that he took his leave of a peasant youth, who had walked by him, as his guide, all the way from the convent of St. Maurice. Napoleon conversed freely with the young man, and was much interested with his simplicity. At parting, he asked the guide some particulars about his personal situation; and, having heard his reply, gave him money and a billet to the head of the monastery of St. Maurice. The peasant delivered it accordingly, and was surprised to find that, in conse- quence of a scrap of writing which he could not read, his worldly comforts were to be permanently increased. The object of this generosity remembered, nevertheless, but little of his conversation with the consul. He described Napoleon as being 'a very dark man' (this was the effect of the Syrian sun), and having an eye that, notwithstanding his affability, he could not encounter without a sense of fear. The only saying of the hero which he treasured, in his memory was, ' I have spoiled a hat among your mountains ; well, I shall find a new one on the other side.' Thus spoke Napoleon, wringing the rain from his covering, as he approached the hospice of St. Bernard. The guide descriljed, however, very strikingly, the effects of Bonaparte's appearance and voice, when any obstacle checked the advance of his soldiery along that fearful wilderness which is called, emphatically, ' The Valley of Deso- lation.' A single look or word was commonly sufficient to set all in motion again. But if the way presented some new and appa- rently insuperable difficulty, the consul bade the drums beat and the trumpets sound, as if for the charge, and this never failed. Of such gallant temper were the spirits which Napoleon had at command, and with such admirable skill did he wield them! "On the 16th, the vanguard, under Lannes, reached the beau- tiful vale of Aosta, and the other divisions descended rapidly on their footsteps. This part of the progress was not less difficult than the ascent before. The horses, mules, and guns, were to be led down one slippery steep after another — and we may judge MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 165 with what anxious care, since Napoleon himself was once con- tented to slide nearly a hundred yards together, seated. "On the 17th, Lannes arrived at Chatillon, where he attacked and defeated a corps of five thousand Austrians — who received the onset of a French division, in that quarter, with about as much surprise as if an enemy had dropped on them from the clouds." The first consul ascended Mount St. Bernard with that calm indifference and self-possession, which never left him when he considered it necessary to set an example. He interrogated his guide, as to the condition of the inhabitants of the two valleys ; what were their means of subsistence, and whether accidents were as frequent as they were said to be? The guide informed him, that long experience, and a succession of recorded facts, had enabled the inhabitants to foresee any change of weather, and that they were seldom deceived. Bonaparte, who wore his gray riding- coat, and had his whip in his hand, walked with somewhat of a pensive air, and appeared to be disappointed at not hearing of the fall of the fort of St. Bard. The army was in full march towards the Great St. Bernard. He waited three days in this frightful solitude, expecting to hear that the fort of St. Bard, which is situ- ated at the other side of the mountain, and which covers the road to Yvrea, had surrendered. The town was carried, on the 21st of May, but he learned, three days after, that the fort still held out, and that there was no appearance of its immediate surrender ; he broke out into complaints against the siege : " I am tired wait- ing," said he; "these imbeciles will never take the fort of St.Bard; I must go there myself" On the 23d, we arrived within sight of the fort, which com- mands the road, having the little river of Dora Baltea to the right, and Mount Albaredo on the left. Arrived on an eminence which commands the fort, Bonaparte levelled his telescope on the grass, and sheltering himself from the shot of the besieged behind some bushes, which concealed him, he attentively examined the fort. After several questions, addressed to different persons who had come to give him information, he pointed out, with a tone of displeasure, the faults that had been committed, and with that coup d'ceil which seldom deceived him, he ordered a new battery to be constructed, for the attack of a point marked out ; and from whence, he said, the firing of a few guns would oblige the fort to surrender. Having given his orders, he descended the mountain, and went to sleep that night at Yvrea. He learned, on the 2d of June, that the fort had surrendered the day before. If the passage of Mount St. Bernard deserves to occupy a dis- 1G6 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. tinguished place in the annals of fortunate temerity, we cannot too much admire the conception, and, at the same time, the for- tune, of the fu"st consul, which dazzled the eyes of the enemy. So little was this enterprise foreseen, that not a single Austrian corps defended the approaches to the fort of St. Bard. The country was stripped of troops, and we only fell in with some feehle par- ties, incapable of arresting our march towards Milan. Bonaparte knew how to take advantage of a defect in his enemy's defences, whom he astonished and confounded, and who saw no other means of escape than by retracing his steps and abandoning the invasion of France. It is under such circumstances that rashness in war becomes a veritable proof of genius; but this talented bold- ness, which inspired Bonaparte, was not to be found in General Melas, who commanded the Austrian army. If Melas had had the lirnniess which the commander of an army ought to possess; if he had compared the respective positions of the two armies ; if he had considered, that it was no longer in his power to regain his line of operations, and to place himself again in communi- cation with the hereditary states — that he was master of all the fortified towns of Italy — that he had nothing to fear from Massena, and that Suchet could ofler no resistance ; it^ then, following the example of Bonaparte, he had marched upon Lyons, what would have become of the first consul? Melas would have encountered but few obstacles; he would have found all the towns undefended, while the French army would have been exhausted, without hav- ing had an enemy to fight. This is what Bonaparte w^ould have done if he had been Melas; but, happily for us, Melas was not a Bonaparte. We arrived at Milan on the 2d of June, the day on which the first consul heard that the fort of St. Bard was taken : we remained there six days. The day was now approaching when all was to be lost or won. The first consul made his arrangements, and despatched the diflerent corps of his army to occupy the points marked out. I have already said that Murat was charged with the occupation of Placentia, and he had scarcely possessed himself of the town, when he intercepted a courier of General Melas. It announced the capitulation of Genoa on the 4th of June, after the long and celebrated defence which reflected so much honour on Massena. I have read, in different accounts, that the first consul in person had gained the battle of Montebello. This is an error. The first consul did not leave Milan till the 9th of June, and on that same day Lannes was engaged with the enemy. The combat was so terrible, that Lannes, a few davs after, described it in these words, MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAl'AUTE. 167 whicli I well remember: "Bones were cracking in my division like hail falling on a skylight." By a singular chance, Desaix, who afterwards contributed to the victory, and stopped the rout at Marengo, arrived from Egypt at Toulon, the same day that we left Paris. He wrote me a letter, dated 6th May, 1800, informing me of his arrival. I received this letter at Martigny. I showed it to the first consul. "Ah," said he, "Desaix at Paris!" and immediately despatched an order for him to repair, without delay, to the head-quarters of the army of Italy. Desaix arrived at Stradella on the morning of the 11th of June. The first consul received him in the kindest manner, as a man for whom he had the most sincere esteem, and whose talents and character gave him a high opinion of what he would one day become. Bonaparte was jealous of some generals, the rivalry of whose ambition he feared; but Desaix never gave him any uneasi- ness. He was modest and unassuming, uniting firmness with the mildest manners, and proved by his conduct that he loved glory only for her sake; and I affirm, that every sentiment of ambition and political power was a stranger to his breast. Bonaparte's friendship for him amounted to enthusiasm. At their first inter- view, on his return from Egypt, he was closeted with the first consul for three hours. The day after his arrival, an order of the day informed the army that Desaix commanded the division of Boudet. I expressed to Bonaparte my surprise at his long interview with Desaix; "Yes," said he, "I have been a long time with him, but I had my reasons. As soon as I return to Paris, I will make him minister-at-war. He shall always be my lieutenant : I would make him a prince, if I could. I find him quite an antique character." Desaix was killed two days after he had completed his thirty- third year. The first consul slept on the 13th at Torre di Galifolo. In the evening he ordered a staff-officer to ascertain whether the Aus- trians had a bridge over the Bormida. It was reported to him, late at night, that there was none. This tranquillized his mind, and he went to bed satisfied ; but early next morning the sound of cannon was heard, and he learned that the Austrians had debouched in the plain, and that an engagement had taken place: he testified the greatest dissatisfaction at the conduct of the officer, whom he accused of cowardice, and said he had not advanced far enough. He then mounted his horse, and hastened to the scene of action. I did not see him again till six in the evening. In obedience to his directions, I had repaired to San Juliano, the village which, in the March preceding, he had pointed out to me 168 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. as the site of a future battle. San Juliano was not more than two leagues distant from the place where the battle commenced. In the afternoon, I saw pass through the village a crowd of wounded, with the soldiers who accompanied them, and a short time after a number of fugitives. At San Juliano they spoke of nothing but a a retreat, which Bonaparte, it was said, alone opposed with firm- ness. I was advised to leave San Juliano, where I had just received a courier for the commander-in-chief On the morning of the 14th, General Desaix had advanced on Novi, to observe the road to Genoa, which city had unfortunately fallen within the last few days, in spite of the efforts of its illustrious defender. I returned with this division to San Juliano, and was struck with the numerical weakness of the corps which was marching to the assistance of an army already much weakened and dispersed. They looked upon the battle as lost; and so, in fact, it was; for the first consul having inquired of Desaix what he thought of it, this brave general answered him bluntly, " The battle is completely lost, but it is only two o'clock, there is still time enough to gain another." It was the first consul himself, who, the same evening, recounted to me these simple and heroic words of Desaix. Who could have thought that this small column, and the handful of heavy cavalry under Kellerman, should, about five o'clock, have changed the fortune of the day ? It cannot be dissembled that it was the instantaneous inspiration of Kellerman which changed a defeat into a victory, and gained the battle of Marengo. Two hours had scarcely elapsed since the division commanded by Desaix had left San Juliano, when I was agreeably surprised by seeing that army, which since the morning had caused me so much uneasiness, returning triumphant. JNever did fortune within so short a time show herself under two aspects so different. At two o'clock, it was the desolation of defeat with all its calamitous consequences; at five, victory was again faithful to the flag of Areola. Italy was reconquered at a single blow; and the crown of France appeared in the perspective. This memorable battle, of which the results were incalculable, has been the theme of many writers. Bonaparte commenced an account of it three different times ; but I must say, that in none of these relations is there more truth than in the account published in the Memoirs of the Duke de Rovigo, who, at that time, was aid- de-camp to Desaix. He makes the following observations on the part Kellerman had in this brilliant affair : ■" Afler the fall of the imperial government, some pretended friends of 'General Kellerman have presumed to claim for him the merit of origin- ating the charge of cavalry. That general, whose share of glory is suffi. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 169 ciently brilliant to gratify his most sanguine wishes, can have no knowl- edge of so presumptuous a pretension. I the more readily acquit him, from the circumstance that, as we were conversing one day respecting that battle, I called to his mind my having brought to him the first consul's orders, and he appeared not to have forgotten that fact. I am far from sus- pecting his friends of the design of lessening the glory of either General Bonaparte or General Desaix : they know, as well as myself, that their's are names so respected that they can never be affected by such detractions, and that it would be as vain to dispute the praise due to the chief who plan- ned the battle, as to attempt to depreciate the brilliant share General Kel- lerman had in its successful result. I will add to the above a few reflections. "From the position which he occupied. General Desaix could not see General Kellerman : he had even desired me to request the first consul to afford him the support of some cavalry. Neither could General Keller- man, from the point where he was stationed, perceive General Desaix's division : it is even probable that he was not aware of the arrival of that general, who had only joined the army two days before. Both were ignorant of each other's position, which the first consul was alone acquainted with; he alone could introduce harmony into their move- ments; he alone could make their efforts respectively conduce to the same object. "The fate of the battle was decided by Kellerman's bold charge: had it, however, been made previously to General Desaix's attack, in all probability it would have had a quite different result. Kellerman appears to have been convinced of it, since he allowed the Austrian column to cross our field of battle, and extend its front beyond thatof the troops we had still in line, without making the least attempt to impede its progress. The reason of Kellerman's not charging it sooner was, that it was too serious a movement, and the consequences of failure would have been irretrievable ; that charge, therefore, could only enter into a general com- bination of plans, to which he was necessarily a stranger." On returning at seven in the evening with the first consul to head-quarters, he expressed the most lively sorrow for the loss of Desaix; he then said, "Little Kellerman made a fine charge — he did it just at the right time — we owe him much; see what trifles decide these affairs." These few words show that Bonaparte knew how to appreciate the service rendered by Kellerman. However, when that general approached the table at which the first consul was seated, sur- rounded by a number of generals and other officers, Bonaparte said to him, coldly, "You made a pretty good charge:" and as a set ofT to this coldness, turning to Bessieres, who commanded the horse grenadiers of the guard, he said to him, audibly, "Bessieres, the guard has covered itself with glory." It is, however, true, that the guard had taken no part in the charge of Kellerman, who could 15 170 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE not get together more than five hundred heavy cavahy. It was this handful of brave men who cut in two the Austrian column which had just crushed Desaix's division, and had made six thousand prisoners. The guard made no charge at Marengo till nightfall. It was reported the next day that Kellerman, in his first feelings of dissatisfaction at the dry compliment paid to him, had said to Bonaparte, " I have placed the crown on your head." I did not hear this said, and I cannot take upon me to say that it was said at all ; for I could only have ascertained it from the first consul, and of course I could not have reminded him of a thing which must have displeased him. But this I can say, that, whether true or not, it was in general circulation, and Bonaparte knew it. Hence the little favour shown to Kellerman, who was not made a general of division on the field of battle as a reward for the eminent service he had rendered. The death of Desaix has been related in different ways, and it is unnecessary to say that the speech attributed to him in the bulletin is imaginary. He did not die in the arms of his aid-de-camp, Lebrun, as I had to write from the dictation of the first consul; neither did he pronounce that fine discourse which I wrote out in the same manner. The following is the fact, or, at least, what is more probable : — The death of Desaix was not perceived at the moment he was struck by the ball which deprived him of life. He fell without a word, at a short distance from Lefebvre Desnouettes. A battalion serjeant of the ninth brigade of light infantry, com- manded by Barrois, observing him stretched upon the ground, asked permission to take his cloak ; it was perforated behind, and this circumstance occasioned a doubt, whether Desaix was killed at the head of the troops, through the awkwardness of some of his own men, or whether, in turning round to encourage them, he had been shot by the enemy. However, the onset in which he fell was so short, the disorder so instantaneous, the change of fortune so sudden, that it is not surprising that, in the midst of so much confusion, the circumstances attendant on his death could not be exactly known. Early the next m.orning, the Prince of Lichtenstein came from General Melas to open negotiations with the first consul. The proposals of this general did not suit Bonaparte, and he told the prince that the army shut up in Alexandria should march out with the honours of war; but under conditions well known, and by which the whole of Italy was to be fully restored to the French domination. That day were repaired the blunders of Scherer, the most incapable of men, whose imbecility had paralyzed all, and who had fled, always beaten, from the Adriatic to Mont Cenis. The MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 171 Prince of Lichtenstein begged to return to his general to give him an account of his mission ; he came back in the evening, and made many observations on the hardness of the conditions: "Sir," replied the first consul, with marked displeasure, "bear my final determination to your general, and return quickly: it is irrevoca- ble. Know, that I am as well acquainted with your position as you are yourselves. I did not begin to make war yesterday. You are shut up in Alexandria; you are encumbered with sick and wounded; you want provisions and medicines; I occupy the country in your rear. You have lost in killed and wounded the flower of your army. I might insist upon more, and my position authorizes it ; but I moderate my demands through respect for the gray hairs of your general, whom I esteem." This answer was given with as much nobleness as energy. The prince agreed to every thing. I conducted him out, when he said to me: "These terms are very severe, particularly the giving up Genoa, which surrendered to us only a fortnight ago, after so long a siege." This condition turned out still more hard, from the circumstance that the Emperor of Austria heard of the restitution of Genoa, at the same time that he was informed of its capitulation. When the first consul returned to Milan, he took for aids-de-camp Savary and Rapp, who had served as such with Desaix, whom they called their father. The first consul was little disposed to do this, alleging that he had already a sufficiency of aids-de-camp. But the respect he had for the name of Desaix, and for the choice he had made of these young officers, with some solicitation on my part, soon removed his objections. They both served him to the last hour of his political existence, with a zeal and devotion above praise, "The following is Napoleon's own account of the battle of Marengo, as dictated at St. Helena to General Gourgaud: "During the battle of the 11th, Desaix, who had returned from Egypt, and had been performing quarantine at Toulon, arrived at the head-quar- ters, at Montebello, with his aids-de-camp, Rapp and Savary. "Desaix burned to signalize himself. He thirsted to avenge the ill- treatment he had received from Admiral Keith, at Leghorn ; this lay at his heart. The first consul immediately gave him the command of the division of Boudet. " Melas's head-quarters were at Alexandria : all his army had been two days assembled there : his position was critical, because he had lost his line of operation. The longer he delayed determining what to do, the worse his position became ; for on one side, Suchet's corps was advancing upon his rear, and on the other, the first consul's army was daily increas- ing its fortifications and intrenchments in its position of Stradella. 172 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. "On the 12th, in the afternoon, the first consul, surprised at the inac- tion of General Melas, became uneasy, and began to fear that the Aus- trian army had moved on Genoa, or upon the Tesino, or else had marched against Suchet to crush him, with the intention of afterwai'ds returning against the first consul ; the latter determined to quit Stradella, and advance upon Scrivia, in the form of a strong reconnoitring party, in order to be able to act according to the course adopted by the enemy. In the evening, the French army took up a position upon the Scrivia, Tortona was surrounded, the head-quarters were stationed at Voghera. During this movement no intelligence of the enemy was obtained ; only some few cavalry scouts were perceived, which did not indicate the presence of an army in the plains of Marengo. The first consul no longer doubted that the Austrian army had escaped him. "On the 13th, at day-break, he passed the Scrivia, and marched to San Juliano, in the midst of the immense plain of Marengo. The light cavalry discovered no enemy ; there was no longer room to doubt that he was in full manoeuvre, since, if he had thought proper to wait for the French army, he would not have neglected the fine field of battle presented to him by the plain of Marengo, advantageous as it was for the development of his immense cavalry : it appeared probable that the enemy was marching on Genoa. " Under this impression, the first consul, with all expedition, despatched Desaix's corps in the form of a vanguard, upon his extreme left, with orders to observe the high-road leading fi'om Novi to Alexandria ; he ordered Victor's division to enter the village of Ma(rengo, and to send scouts upon the Bormida, to ascertain whether the enemy had any bridge there. Victor arrived at Marengo; he there found a rear-guard of three or four thousand Austrians, attacked and routed them, and made himself master of the village. His scouts arrived upon the Bormida at nightfall ; they gave information that the enemy had no bridge there, and that there was only an ordinary garrison in Alexandria; they gave no intelligence of the army of Melas. " Lannes's corps bivouacked diagonally in the rear of Marengo, upon the right. " The first consul was very uneasy ; during the night, he determined to visit his head-quarters of the preceding day, in order to meet intelli- gence from General Moncey, General Lapoype, and the agents who had been sent towards Genoa, and who were to rendezvous upon those head- quarters ; but the Scrivia had overflowed its banks. This stream swells considerably in the course of a few hours, and a few hours also are sufficient for its return to its usual state. This circumstance determined the first consul to fix his head-quarters at Torre di Garifolo, between Tortona and Alexandria. In this situation was the night spent. " Meanwhile, the most dreadful confusion had prevailed in Alexan- dria, since the battle of Montebello. The Austrian council was agitated by the most sinister presentiments : they beheld the Austrian army cut off" from its line of operation and depots, and placed between the army MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAETE. 173 of the first consul and that of General Suchet, whose advanced posts had passed the mountains, and began to be felt upon the rear of the right flank of the Austrians. The greatest irresolution pervaded their minds. "After much hesitation, Melas, on the 11th, resolved to send a strong detachment against Suchet, the remainder of the Austrian army con- tinuing covered by the Bormida and the citadel of Alexandria ; but, during the night of the 11th and 12th, Melas heard of the first consul's movement upon the Scrivia. On the 12th, he recalled his detachment, and passed the whole day and night of the 13th in deliberation; at last, after some sharp and stormy discussions, the council of Melas pronounced that the existence of the army of reserve had been unknown to him ; that the orders and instructions of the Aulic council had mentioned only the army of Massena ; that the unfortunate position in which they found themselves ought, therefore, to be attributed to the ministry, and not to the general ; that in this unforeseen situation, brave soldiers ought to do their duty; that they were, then, called upon to cut their way through the army of the first consul, and thus reopen the communications with Vienna ; that, in case of success, every thing was gained, since they were masters of Genoa, and, by returning promptly upon Nice, they could execute the plan of operations fixed at Vienna; and, lastly, that if they failed, and lost the battle, their position would, no doubt, be dreadful ; but that the whole responsibility of it would fall upon the ministry. "This train of reasoning settled all opinions; there was but one cry, 'To arms! to arms!' and every one began to make his dispositions for the next day's battle. " The chances of victory were wholly in favour of the Austrian army, which was very numerous. It had, at least, three times as many cavalry as the French army. The strength of the latter was not exactly known ; but the Austrian army, notwithstanding its losses at the battle of Monte- bello, and those it had experienced in the neighbourhood of Genoa and Nice after the retreat, was still very superior to the army of reserve. "On the 14th, at break of day, the Austrians defiled by the three bridges of the Bormida, and made a furious attack on the village of Marengo. The resistance was obstinately kept up for a long time. The first consul, finding, from the briskness of the cannonade, that the Aus- trians had commenced the attack, immediately despatched orders to Gen- eral Desaix to return with his troops upon San Juliano ; he was half a day's march off" to the left. The first consul arrived on the field of battle at ten o'clock in the morning, between San Juliano and Marengo. The enemy had at length carried Marengo ; and the division under Victor having been forced to give way after a firm resistance, was thrown into the utmost disorder. The plain on the left was covered with our fugi- tives, who spread alarm wherever they went, and many were even exclaiming in dismay, 'AH is lost!' " The corps of General Lannes, a little in the rear of the right of Marengo, was engaged with the enemy, who, after taking that place, deployed upon its left, and formed its line opposite our right, beyond 15* 174 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. which it already extended. The first consul immediately despatched his battalion of the cavalry guard, consisting of eight hundred grenadiers, the best troops in the army, to station themselves at five hundred toises distance from Lannes, on the right, in a good position, in order to keep the enemy in check. Napoleon himself, with the seventy-second demi- brigade, hastened to the support of Lannes, and directed the division of reserve of Cara Saint-Cyr, upon the extreme right, to Castel-Ceriolo, to flank the entire left of the enemy. " In the mean time, the army perceived, in the middle of this immense plain, the first consul, surrounded by his staff* and two hundred horse grenadiers with their fur caps: this sight proved sufficient to inspire the troops with hopes of victory ; their confidence revived, and the fugitives rallied upon San Juliano, in the rear of the left of General Lannes. The latter, though attacked by a large proportion of the enemy's army, was effecting his retreat through the midst of this vast plain with admi- rable order and coolness. This corps occupied three hours in retiring three-quarters of a league, entirely exposed to the grape-shot of eighty pieces of cannon ; at the same time that, by an inverse movement, Cara Saint-Cyr advanced upon the extreme right, and turned the left of the enemy. "About three o'clock in the afternoon the corps of Desaix arrived : the first consul made him take a position on the road in advance of San Juli- ano. Melas, who believed the victory decided, being overcome with fatigue, repassed the bridges, and entered Alexandria, leaving to General Zach, the head of his staff", the care of pursuing the French army. The latter, thinking that this army was effecting its retreat by the road from Tortona, endeavoured to reach this road behind San Juliano ; but the first consul had altered his line of retreat at the commencement of the action, and had directed it between Sala and Tortona, so that the high-road from Tortona was of no consequence to the French army. "Lannes's corps, in its retreat, constantly refused its left, thus direct- ing its course towards the new point of retreat ; and Cara Saint-Cyr, who was at the extremity of the right, found himself almost upon the line of retreat, at the very time that General Zach imagined the two corps were intersected. "The division of Victor had, in the mean time, rallied, and burned with impatience to recommence the contest. All the cavalry of the army was concentrated in the advance of San Juliano, on the right of Desaix, and in the rear of the left of General Lannes. Balls and shells fell upon San Juliano; its left was already gained by a column of six thousand of Zach's grenadiers. The first consul sent orders to General Desaix to charge with his fresh division this column of the enemy. Desaix imme- diately prepared to execute these orders ; but, as he advanced at the head of two hundred troopers of the ninth light demi-brigade, he was shot through the heart by a ball, and fell dead at the very moment that he had given the word to charge : by this stroke, the first consul was deprived of the man whom he esteemed most worthy of being his lieutenant. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 175 "This misfortune by no means disconcerted the movement, and Gen- eral Boudet easily inspired the soldiers with the same lively desire of instant revenge for so beloved a chief, which actuated his own breast. The ninth light demi-brigade, who did indeed, on this occasion, deserve the title of Incomparable, covered themselves with glory. General Keller- man, with eight hundred heavy horse, at the same time charged intrepidly the middle of the left flank of the column : in less than half an hour these six thousand grenadiers were broken, overthrown, dispersed, and put to flight. General Zach and all his staff were made prisoners. " General Lannes immediately charged forward. Cara Saint-Cyr, who was on our right, and en potence with the left flank of the enemy, was much nearer than the enemy to the bridges upon the Bormida. The Austrian army was thrown into the most dreadful confusion in a moment. From eight to ten thousand cavalry, which were spread over the field, fearing that Saint-Cyr's infantry might reach the bridge before them, retreated at full gallop, and overturned all they met with in their way. Victor's division made all imaginable haste to resume its former field of battle, at the village of Marengo. The enemy's army was in the most horrible disorder. No one thought of any thing but flight. The pres- sure and confusion became extreme on the bridges of the Bormida, where the masses of fugitives were obliged to crowd together ; and at night, all who remained upon the left bank fell into the power of the republic. "It would be difficult to describe the confusion and despair of the Austrian army. On one side, the French army was on the bank of the Bormida, and was expected to pass it at daybreak. On the other, they had General Suchet with his army on their rear, in the direction of their right. <' Which way could they effect their retreat ? Behind, they would be driven to the Alps and the frontiers of France ; they might have moved towards Genoa on the right, before the battle ; but they could not hope to do so after their defeat, and closely followed by the victorious army. In this desperate situation. General Melas resolved to give his troops the whole night to rally and repose themselves, availing himself of the screen of the Bormida and the protection of the citadel of Alexandria for this purpose ; and afterwards to repass the Tanaro, if necessary ; and thus maintain himself in that position, and endeavour, at any rate, by enter- ing into negotiations, to save his army by capitulating." 176 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. CHAPTER XV. Results of the Battle of Marengo; Bonaparte returns to Paris; is received with Enthusiasm; Conspiracies formed against hini ; Infernal Machine ; Arbitraiy Condemnations. The battle of Marengo decided the fate of Italy: the discomfit- ure of the Austrian army was so complete, that, rather than stand the chance of another contest with their victorious enemy, the gen- eral-in-chief proposed on the following day to negotiate for peace. Melas offered to abandon Genoa and all the strong places in Piedmont, Lombardy, and the Legations—provided Bonaparte would allow him to march the remains of his army unmolested to the rear of Mantua. Napoleon accepted this offer, and a suspen- sion of hostilities immediately took place. By one battle, he had regained nearly all that the French had lost in the unhappy Italian campaign of 1799: at all events, he had done enough to crown his own name with unrivalled splendour, and to show that the French troops were once more what they had used to be, when he was in the field to command them. He had another motive for closing with the propositions of General Melas : it was of urgent import- ance to regain Genoa, ere an English army, which he knew was on its voyage to that port, could reach its destination. As soon as this convention was signed, Bonaparte dictated to me, at Torre di Galifolo, the following letter to his colleagues : " The day after the battle of Marengo, Citizen Consuls, General Melas transmitted a message to our advanced posts, requesting permission to send General Skal to me. During the day, the convention, of which I send you a copy, was drawn up, and at night it was signed by Generals Berlhier and Melas. I hope the French people will be satisfied with the conduct of their army. " Bonaparte." The only thing worthy of remark in this letter, would be the concluding sentence, in which the first consul still affected to acknowledge the sovereignty of the people, were it not that the words, "Citizen Consuls," were evidently foisted in with a partic- ular design. The battle was gained ; and even in a trifling mat- ter like this, it was necessary that the two other consuls should feel that they were not so much the colleagues as the inferiors of the first consul. We returned on the 17th of June to Milan, and our second occupation of that city was marked by continued acclamations, wherever the first consul showed himself. At Milan, the first consul now saw Massena for the first time since our departure for Egypt. Bonaparte lavished upon him the highest praises, but not higher than he deserved, for his admirable defence of Genoa. He MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 177 appointed him his successor in the command of the army of Italy. Moreau was on the Rhine, and therefore none but the conqueror of Zurich could properly have succeeded the first consul in that command. The 'first blow was struck; but there might still occur an emergency, requiring the presence of a skilful, experienced gen- eral, well acquainted with the country. And, besides, we could not be perfectly at ease, until it Avas ascertained what conditions would be adhered to by the cabinet of Vienna, which was then entirely under the influence of the cabinet of London. The first consul, confirmed in his power by the victory of Marengo, continued a few days longer at Milan, to settle the aflfairs of Italy, and then set out on his return to Paris. We took the road by Turin, and in passing through that city the first consul spent some hours in visiting the citadel, which had been surren- dered to us in pursuance of the capitulations of Alexandria. In passing over Mont Cenis, we met the carriage of Madame Keller- man, who was going to meet her husband. The first consul, on recognising that lady, ordered his carriage to stop, and congratu- lated her on the gallant conduct of her husband at Marengo. I shall say but little of the manifestations of joy and admiration with which Bonaparte was met throughout his journey; for this was always the case whenev^er he travelled. On arriving at Lyons we alighted at the Hotel des Celestins, where the acclamations of the people were so great, and the multitude so numerous and so eager to have a sight of the first consul, that Bonaparte was obliged to show himself at the balcony. The next day he proceeded, amid the shouts of the Lyonese, to lay the first stone of the new Place de Bellecour, which was to be erected on the ruins of a great square destroyed by the Jacobins during the revolutionary madness. We left Lyons in the evening, and continued our journey by Dijon ; and there the joy of the inhabitants amounted to phrensy. I have seldom seen a more fascinating sight than that presented by a group of young women of particular beauty and elegance, who, crowned with flowers, accompanied Bonaparte's carriage. It revived all the republican recollections of Greece and Rome, and' recalled the chorus of virgins dancing round the victor at the Olympic games. Bonaparte was rather talkative when travelling; but his conver- sation was not at all times equally interesting. On this occasion he said to me, as we traversed Burgundy on our return to Paris — "Well, a few more events like this campaign, and I may perhaps go down to posterity." " I think," I replied, " that you have already done enough to secure a long and lasting fame." "Done enough!" said he; "you are very good! — it is true, I have conquered, in less M 178 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. than two years, Cairo, Paris, and Milan. Well, my dear fellow, and after all, suppose I was to die to-morrow, I should, after the lapse of ten centuries, have perhaps half a page of general history." He was right — many ages pass before the eye in the reading of a few hours, and the duration of a reign or of a life is the affair of but a moment. We arrived at the Tuileries on the 2d of July, and in an absence of less than two months what wonders had been accomplished ! "The enthusiasm of the Parisians exceeded all that has been recorded of any triumphal entry. Night after night every house was illuminated ; and day following day the people stood in crowds around the palace, contented if they could but catch one glimpse of the preserver of France. " The effusion of joy was the greater — because the tale of vic- toiy came on a people prepared for other tidings. About noontide, on the 14th of June, when the French had been driven out of Marengo, and were apparently in full and disastrous retreat, a commercial traveller left the field, and arriving, after a rapid jour- ney in Paris, announced that Bonaparte had been utterly defeated by Melas. It is said that the ill-wishers of the first consul imme- diately set on foot an intrigue for removing him from the govern- ment, and investing Carnot with the chief authority. It is" not doubtful that many schemes of hostility had been agitated during Napoleon's absence ; or that, amidst all the clamour and splendour of his triumphant reception in Paris, he wore a gloomy brow ; nor has any one disputed that, from this time, he regarded the person of Carnot with jealousy and aversion. " The tidings of the great battle, meanwhile, kindled the emula- tion of the Rhenish army : and they burned with the earnest desire to do something worthy of being recorded in the same page with Marengo. But the chief consul, when he granted the armistice to Melas, had extended it to the armies on the German frontier likewise : and Moreau, consequently, could not at once avail him- - self of the eagerness of his troops. The negotiations which ensued, however, were unsuccessful. The emperor, subsidized as he had been, must have found it very difficult to resist the remonstrances of England against the ratification of any peace in which she should not be included ; and it is natural to suppose, that the proud spirit of the Austrian cabinet revolted from setting the seal to an act of humiliation, not yet, as the English government insisted, absolutely necessary. News, meantime, were received, of the sur- render of Malta to an EngHsh expedition under Lord Keith and Sir Ralph Abercrombie:* and this timely piece of good fortune * On the 5th of September, 1800. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 17& breathed fresh spirit into the AntigaUican league. In fine, insin- cerity and suspicion protracted, from day to day, a negotiation not destined to be concluded until more blood had been shed. "During this armistice, which lasted from the 15th of June to the 10th of November, the exiled princes of the house of Bour- bqn made some more ineffectual endeavours to induce the chief consul to be the Monk of France. The Comte d'Artois took a delicate method • of negotiating. He sent a very beautiful and charming lady, the Duchesse de Guiche, to Paris; she without difficulty gained access to Josephine, and shone, for a time, the most brilliant ornament of the consular court. But the moment Napoleon discovered the fair lady's errand, she was ordered to quit the capital within a few hours. These intrigues, however, could not fail to transpire ; and there is no doubt that at this epoch the hopes of the royalists were in a high state of excitement." The immense number of letters which were at this time addressed to the first consul, is scarcely conceivable. These letters were often exceedingly curious, and I have preserved many of them; among the rest, was one from Durosel Beauma- noir, an emigrant, who had fled to Jersey. This letter contains some interesting particulars relative to Bonaparte's family. It is dated "Jersey, 12th July, 1800;" and the following are the most remarkable passages it contains: "I trust, general, that I may, without indiscretion, intrude upon your notice, to remind you of what I flatter myself you have not totally forgotten, after having lived eightees or nineteen years at Ajaccio. But you will, perhaps, be surprised that so trifling an afl"air should be the subject of the letter which I have the honour to address to you. You cannot have forgotten, general, that when your late father was obliged to take your brothers from the college of Autun, from whence he went to see you at Brienne, he was unprovided with money, and he asked me for twenty-five louis, which I lent him with pleasure. After his return, he had not an opportunity of paying me; and when I left Ajaccio, your mother offered to dispose of soine plate, in order to pay the debt. To this I objected, and told her that I would wait until she could pay me at her convenience; and, previous to the breaking out of the revolution, I believe it was not in her power to fullil her wish of discharging the debt. " I am sorry, general, to be obliged to trouble you about such a trifle. But, such is my unfortunate situation, that even this trifle is of some importance to me. Driven from my country, and obliged to take refuge in this island, where every thing is exceed- ingly expensive, the little sum I have mentioned, which was formerly a matter of indifference, would now be of great service to me. "At the age of eighty-six, general, after having served my country for sixty years, without interruption, I am compelled to take refuge here, and to subsist on a scanty allowance granted by the English government to French emigrants; I say emigrants, for I am obliged to be one against my will." I read this letter to the first consul, who immediately said, "Bourrienne, this is sacred! Do not lose a minute. Send the old man ten times the sum. Write to General Durosel, that he 180 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. shall be immediately erased from the list of emigrants. What mischief those brigands of the convention have done ! I can never repair it all." Bonaparte uttered these words with a degree of emotion which I rarely saw him evince. In the evening, he asked me whether I had executed his orders, which I had done immediately. Availing myself of the privilege I have already frequently taken, of making abrupt transitions from one subject to another, accord- ing as the recollection of past circumstances occurs to my mind, I shall here note down a few details, which may not improperly be called dojnestic, and afterwards describe a conspiracy, which was protected by the very man against whom it was hatched. At the Tuileries, where the first consul always resided during the winter, and sometimes a part of the summer, the grand saloon was situated between his cabinet and the room in which he received the persons with whom he had appointed audiences. When in this audience-chamber, if he wanted any thing, or had occasion to speak to any body, he pulled a bell, which was answered by a confidential servant named Landoire, who was the messenger of the first consul's cabinet. When Bonaparte's bell rang, it was usually for the purpose of making some inquiry of me respecting a paper, a name, a date, or some^matter of that sort; and then Landoire had to pass through the cabinet and saloon to answer the bell, and afterwards to return and to tell me I was wanted. Impatient at the delay occasioned by this running about, Bonaparte, without saying- any thing to me, ordered the bell to be altered, so that it should ring within "the cabinet, and exactly above my table. Next morning, when I entered the cabinet, I saw a man mounted upon a ladder. "What are you doing there?" said I. "I am hanging a bell, sir." I called Landoire, and asked him who had given the order. "The first consul," he replied. I immediately ordered the man to come down and remove the ladder, which he accordingly did. When I went, according to custom, to call the first consul, and read the papers to him, I said, " General, I found a man this morning hanging a bell in your cabinet. I was told it was by your orders ; but being convinced there must be some mistake, I sent him away. Surely the bell was not intended for you, and I cannot imagine it was intended for me: who, then, could it be for?" "What a stupid fellow that Lan- doire is!" said Bonaparte. "Yesterday, when Cambaceres was with me, I wanted you. Landoire did not come ^Yhen I touched the bell. I thought it was broken, and ordered him to get it repaired. I suppose the bell-hanger was doing it when you saw him, for you know the wire passes through the cabinet." I was MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 181 satisfied with this explanation, though I was not deceived by it. For the sake of appearance, he reproved Landoire, who, however, had done nothing more than execute the order he had received. How could he imagine I would submit to such treatment, consid- ering that we had been friends since our boyhood, and that I was now living on full terms of confidence and familiarity with him?" Before I speak of the conspiracy of C^racchi, Arena, and Topino-Lebrun, and others, I must notice a remark made by Napoleon at St. Helena. He said, or is alleged to have said, " The two attempts which placed me in the greatest danger, were those of the sculptor Ceracchi, and the fanatic of Schoenbrun." I was not at Schoenbrun at the time; but I am convinced that Bonaparte was in the most imminent danger. I have been informed, on unquestionable authority, that Staps set out from Erfurth with the intention of assassinating the emperor; but he wanted the necessary courage for executing the design. He was armed with a large dagger, and was twice sufficiently near Napo- leon to have struck him. I heard this from Rapp, who seized Staps, and felt under his coat the hilt of the dagger. On that occasion, Bonaparte owed his life only to the irresolution of the young illuminato, who wished to sacrifice him to his fanatical fury. It is equally certain that, on another occasion, respecting which the author of the St. Helena Narrative observes entire silence, another fanatic, more dangerous than Staps, attempted the life of Napoleon. About this time various attempts were made to assassinate the first consul, and the following is a correct account of that made by C6racchi. The plot itself was a mere shadow; but it was deemed advisa- ble to give it substance, to exaggerate, at least in appearance, the danger to which the first consul had been exposed. There was at that time in Paris an idle fellow, called Harrel; he had been a chef de hataillon, but he had been dismissed the service, and was consequently dissatisfied. He became connected with Ceracchi, Ar6na, Topino-Lebrun, and Demerville. From different motives, all these individuals were violently hostile to the first consul, who, on his part, was no friend to Ceracchi and Arena, but scarcely knew the two others. These four individuals formed, in conjunction with Harrel, the design of assassinating the first consul, and the time fixed for the perpetration of the deed was one evening when Bonaparte intended to visit the opera. On the 20th of September, 1800, Harrel came to me at the Tuileries. He revealed to me the plot in which he was engaged, and promised that his accomplices should be apprehended in the 16 182 Mr.JlOlK^ OV NAPOLKOX UONAVARTE. very act, if I would supply him A\ith money to bring the plot to maturity. 1 knew not liow to act upon this disclosure, which I, however, could not reject, without incurring too great a responsi- bility. I immediatel}' coininuuicated the business to the lb"st consul, who ordered me to supply Ilarrel with money. The 10th ot" October having been tixed for the visit of the tlrst consul to the opera, the consuls, on the breaking up of the council on that day, assembled in the cabinet of their colleague. Bona- parte asked, in my presence, whether they thought he ought to go to the opera? I'hey observed, that as every precaution was taken, there was no reason to apprehend any danger, and that it was proper to show how useless were all attempts against his life. At"[ei' dinner, Bonaparte put on a great-coat over his green uniform, and got into a coach with Puroc and me. He seated himself in the front of his box, which was at the left entrance, between the two cohnnns which separate the front from the side boxes. In about half an hour, the first consul, keeping Duroc only with him, told me to go and see what was going on in the lobby. I had scarcely left the box, when I heard a great noise, and w'as soon informed that a great number of persons, whose names I could not learn, had been arrested. I hastened to inform the first consul, and we immediately returned to the Tuileries. Harrel's name Avas again placed upon the army list, and he was named command- ant of Vincennes. He held that post at the time of the assassin- ation of the Due d'Enghien. I have heard since that his wife was foster-sister to the unfortunate prince, and that she knew him on his entry into that prison, which in a few hours w-as to be his tomb. Alas! I cannot mention the Due dEnghien, without retlecting upon what it will cost me to relate all that I know of that melancholy catastrophe which put a period to his days; but I will one day relate it : I owe it to those who have been unworthily calumniated. As to the conspiracy of Ceracchi and Arena, it is beyond a doubf that those conspirators intended to take the life of the tirst consul, and that they endeavoured by every means in their power to accomplish their atrocious project. It is, however, but fair to say, that having become acquainted with the plot through the information of Harrel, it would have been easy to have crushed it without allowing it to come to maturity. Such was then, and such is now. my opinion. Although three months intervened between the conspiracy of Ceracchi and Arena, and the horrible attempt of the 3d Xivose. I will not separate these events, which, however, resemble each other only in having the same object in view. The former con- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAUTE. 183 spirators belonged to the revolutionary faction. The latter, it must with grief* be confessed, were royalists, and in their desire to take away the life of the first consul, these men were not restrained by the fear of sacrificing the lives of a number of citizens. It is for this reason that it is impossible for an author who respects himself to avoid stigmatizing it as one of the most atrocious crimes that has been committed in the world, however well he may wish to that party in whose favour it was intended to operate. The police knew nothing of the plot of the 3d Nivose, for two reasons: first, because they were no parties to it; and secondly, because conspirators do not betray and sell each other when they are resolute in their purpose. In such cases, confession can arise only from two causes, the one excusable, the other infamous; viz: the dread of punishment, and the hope of reward. But neither of these causes influenced the conspirators of the 3d Nivose, the inventors and constructors of that machine which has so justly been denominated infernal! On the 3d Nivose, the first performance of Haydn's magnificent oratorio of the "Creation" took place at the opera, and the first consul had expressed his intention of being present. I did not dine with him that day; but as he left me he said, "Bourrienne, you know I am going to the opera to-night, and you may go too; but I cannot take you in the carriage, as Lannes, Berthier, and Lauriston, are going with me." I was very glad of this, for I much wished to hear one of the master-pieces of the German school of composition. I got to the opera before Bonaparte, who, on his entrance, seated himself, according to custom, in front of the box. The eyes of all present were fixed upon him, and he was perfectly calm and self-possessed. Lauriston, as soon as he saw me, came to my box, and told me that the first consul, on his way to the opera, had narrowly escaped being assassinated, in the Rue St. Nicaise, by the explosion of a barrel of gunpowder, the concussion of which had shattered the windows of his carriage. "Within ten seconds after our escape," added Lauriston, "the coachman, having turned the corner of the Rue St. Honor4 stop- ped to take the first consul's orders, and he coolly said, 'Drive to the opera.' " On hearing this, I immediately left the theatre, and returned to the palace, under the expectation that I should speedily be wanted. Bonaparte soon returned home, and as intelligence of the affair had spread through Pari.s, the grand saloon, on the ground floor, was filled with a crowd of functionaries, eager to read in the eye of their master what they were to think or say on the occasion. He did not keep them long in suspense. " This," exclaimed he„ 184 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. vehemently, "is the work of the Jacobins: they have attempted my hfe! There are neither nobles, priests, nor Chouans, in this affair ! I know myself what I am about, and they need not think to impose on me. These are the Septembrizers, who have been in open revolt and conspiracy, and arrayed against every suc- ceeding government. It is scarce three months since my life was attemp'ted by Ceracchi, Arena, Topino-Lebrun, and Demerville. They all belong to one gang! The cut-throats of September, the assassins of Versailles, the brigands of the 31st of May, the con- spirators of Prairial, are the authors of all crimes committed against estabhshed governments! If they cannot be restrained, they must be crushed! France must be purged of these ruffians !" It is impossible to form any idea of the bitterness with which Bonaparte pronounced these words. In vain did some of the coun- cillors of state, and Fouche in particular, endeavour to point out to him that there was no evidence against any one, and that before he pronounced people to be guilty, it would be right to ascertain the fact. Bonaparte repeated, with increased violence, what he had before said of the Jacobins; thus adding, not without some ground of suspicion, one crime more to the long catalogue for which they had already to answer. The following particulars respecting the affair of the infernal machine are related by Rapp, who attended Madame Bonaparte to the opera. He differs from Bourrienne as to the total igno- rance of the police : " The affair of the infernal machine has never been properly under- stood by the public. The police had intimated to Napoleon that an attempt would be made against his life, and cautioned him not to go out. Madame Bonaparte, Mademoiselle Beauharnois, Madame Murat, Lannes, Bessieres, the aid-de-camp on duty, and Lieutenant Lebrun, now Duke of Placenza, were all assembled in the saloon, while the first consul was writing in his closet. Hadyn's oratorio was to be performed that even- ing : the ladies were anxious to hear the music, and we also expressed a wish to that effect. The escort picquet was ordered out ; and Lannes requested that Napoleon would join the party. He consented ; his car- riage was ready, and he took along with him Bessieres and the aid-de-camp on duty. I was directed to attend the ladies. Josephine had received a magnificent shawl from Constantinople, and she that evening wore it for the first time. 'Allow me to observe, Madame,' said I, 'that your shawl is not thrown on with your usual elegance.' She good-humouredly begged that I would fold it after the fashion of the Egyptian ladies. While I was engaged in this operation, we heard Napolean depart. ' Come, sister,' said Madame Murat, who was impatient to get to the theatre, 'Bonaparte is going.' We stepped into the carriage : the first consul's equipage had already reached the middle of the Place Carrousel. We drove after it; MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 185 but we had scarcely entered the Place when the machine exploded. Napoleon escaped by a smgular chance. Saint-Regent, or his French servant, had stationed himself in the middle of the Rue Nicaise. A gren- adier of the escort, supposing he was really what he appeared to be, a water-carrier, gave him a few blows with the flat of his sabre, and drove him off. The cart was turned round, and the machine exploded between the carriages of Napoleon and Josephine. The ladies shrieked on hear- ing the report; the carriage windows were broken, and Mademoiselle Beauharnois received a slight hurt on her hand. I alighted, and crossed the Rue Nicaise, which was strewed with the bodies of those who had been thrown down, and the fragments of the walls that had been shat- tered by the explosion. Neither the consul nor any individual of his suite sustained any serious injury. When I entered the theatre. Napo- leon was seated in his box, calm and composed, and looking at the audience through his opera-glass. Fouche was beside him. 'Josephine,' said he, as soon as he observed me. She entered at that moment, and he did not finish his question. ' The rascals,' said he, very coolly, ' wanted to blow me up. Bring me a book of the oratorio.' " The atrocity of the conspiracy roused universal horror and indignation, and invested the person of the chief consul with a new species of interest. The assassins were tried fairly, and executed, glorying in their crime : and in the momentary exalta- tion of all men's minds, an edict of the senate, condemning to per- petual exile one hundred and thirty of the most notorious leaders of the Terrorists, was received with applause. But Napoleon himself despised utterly the relics of that odious party; and the arbitrary decree in question was never put into execution. The chief consul, nevertheless, was not slow to avail himself of the state of the public mind, in a manner more consistent with his prudence and far-sightedness. It was at this moment that the erection of a new tribunal, called the Special Commission, con- sisting of eight judges, without jury, and without revision or appeal, was proposed to the legislative bodies. To their honour, the proposal was carried by very narrow majorities ; for after that judicature was established, the chief consul had, in effect, the means of disposing of all who were suspected of political offences, according to his own pleasure. Another law which soon suc- ceeded, and which authorized the chief magistrate to banish disaf- fected persons, as "enemies of the state," from Paris, or from France, whenever such steps should seem proper, without the intervention of any tribunal whatever, completed (if it was yet incomplete) the despotic range of his power ; and the police, man- aged as that fearful engine was by Fouche, presented him with the most perfect means of carrying his purposes into execution. 16* lSt> MF.MOIUJ! OV XAVOI.KOX 150N AP .\UTE. A list Nvas draNvn up of tho persons styled Jacobins, ^vho •were conden\ned to transportation. 1 was fortunate enough to obtain the erasure of the names of several. Nvhose opinions had. perhaps, been violent, but whose education and private character presented claims to reconniiendation. Some of my readers may probably recollect then^ without my namii\g them, and 1 shall only mention M. Tissot. for the purpose of recording, not the service! rendered him. but an instance of grateful acknowledgment. When, in 1815. Napoleon was on the point of entering Paris, M. Tissot came to the prefecture of police, where I then was. and ottered me his house as a safe asylum, assuring me I should there run no risk of being discovered. Tiiough I did not accept the otrer. yet I gladly seize on this opportunity of making it known. It is gratitying to find that dilVereuce of political opinion does not always exclude sentiments of generosity and honour! I shall never forget the wav in which the author of the "Essays on Virgil" uttered the words l)on)us mea. But TO return to the iatal list. Even while I write this. I shudder to think of the way in which men, utterly innocent, were accused of a revolting crime, without even the shadow of a proof. The name of an individual, his opinion, perhaps, only assumed, was sufficient ground for his banishment. A decree of the consul's, dated -1th .tanuary. ISOl. contirmed by a senatus consultum on the next day. banished from the territory of the republic, and placed under special inspectoi-s. one hundred and thirty individuals, nine of whom were merely designated by the qualtication of Septem- brixei's. The exiles, who. in the reports and in the public acts, were so unjustly accused of being the authors of the infernal machine, were received at Xantes with so much indignation, that the military were compelled to interfere, to save ^hem from being massacred. The illegality of the proceciiing was so evident, that the senatus consultum contained no mention of the transactions of the 3d Nivose, which was very remarkable. It was, however, declared, that the measure of tlie previous day had been adopted with a view to the preservation of the constitution. This was promising. The first consul manifested the most violent hatred of the Jacobins; for this he could not have been blamed, if. under the title of Jacobins, he had not comprised every devoted advocate of public liberty. Their opposition annoyed him. and he could never parvion them for having pi-esumed to condemti his tyrannical act>s, and to resist the destruction of the freedom which he had himself sworn to defend, but which he was incessantlv labouriui: to over- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 187 turn. These were the true motives of his conduct ; and, conscious of his own faults, he regarded with dislike those who saw and dis- approved of them. For this reason, he was more afraid of those whom he called Jacobins, than of the royalists. I am here recording the faults of Bonaparte, but I excuse him; situated as he was, any other person would have acted in the same way. Truth now reached him with difficulty, and when it was not agreeable, he had no disposition to hear it. He was sur- rounded by flatterers; and the greater number of those who approached him, far from telling him what they really thought, only repeated what he had himself been thinking. Hence he admired the wisdom of his counsellors. Thus Fouche, to main- tain himself in favour, was obliged to deliver up to his master one hundred and thirty names, chosen from among his own most inti- mate friends, as objects of proscription. Meanwhile, Fouch6, still believing that he was not deceived as to the real authors of the attempt of the 3d Nivose, set in motion, with his usual dexterity, all the springs of the police. His efforts, however, were for some time unsuccessful; but at length, on Saturday, the 31st of January, 1801, about two hours after our arrival at Malmaison, Fouche presented himself, and produced authentic proofs of the accuracy of his conjectures. There was no longer any doubt on the subject; and Bonaparte saw clearly that the attempt of the 3d Nivose was the result of a plot hatched by the partisans of royalty. But as the act of proscription against those who were jumbled together under the title of the Jacobins, had been executed, it was not to be revoked. Thus, the consequence of the 3d Nivose was, that both the innocent and guilty were punished; with this ditTerence, however, that the guilty, at least, had the benefit of a trial. When the Jacobins, as they were called, were accused, Fouch6 had not any positive proofs of their innocence ; and therefore their illegal con- demnation ought not to be attributed to him. A sufficient load of guilt attaches to his memory, without his being charged with a crime he never committed. Still, I must say, that had he boldly opposed the opinion of Bonaparte, in the first burst of his fury, he might have averted the blow. Every time he came to the Tuile- ries, even before he had acquired any traces of the truth, Fouch6 always declared to me his conviction of the innocence of the per- sons first accused. But he was afraid to make the same observ- ation to Bonaparte. I often mentioned to him the opinion of the minister of police; but as proof was wanting, he replied to me, with a triumphant air, "Bah! bah! This is always the way with Fouche. Besides, it is of little consequence. At any rate, I shall 188 MEMOIUS OF NAPOLEOX BOXAPARTE. get rid of them. Should the guilty be discovered among the roy- alists, they shall also be punished." The real criminals being at length discovered. St. Regent and Carbon expiated their crime by the forfeit of their heads. Thus the first consul gained his point, and justice gained hers. CHAPTER XVL Austi-ia, bribed by England, reAises to ratify the Treaty of Peace ; Rnpiiiro of the -Vrmistico ; Battle of Hoheiilindeii; Congress at LxmeviUe; Peace between France and Austria; I>eath of Paul I. of Russia; the French defeated in Egj-pt, and evacuate the coxmtry; negotiations with Fjigland; Peace of Amiens. The armistice concluded after the battle of Marengo, which had been first'broken and then resumed, continued to be observed for some time between the armies of the Rhine and Italv, and the imperial armies. But Austria, bribed by a subsidy of two mil- lions sterling, would not treat for peace, unless England was also included. This was quite in character with her usual policv — when beaten in the field, she was ever ready to make promises, but she evaded them on the slightest advantage being obtained; and at this time she did not despair of again recommencing the war successfully by the assistance of the money oi' England. " M. de Saint Julien, on the part of Austria, had signed the pre- liminaries of Peace at Paris, but the court of Vienna disavowed them; and Duroc, whom Bonaparte sent to convey the prehmi- naries to Vienna, for the imperial ratification, was not permitted to pass the Austrian advanced posts. This unexpected proceed- ing, the result of the powerful influence of England, justly irritated the first consul, who had given proofs of his moderation and his desire for peace. In his irritation, the first consul despatched orders to 3Ioreau to break the armistice, and to recommence hostilities, unless he regained possession of the bridges of the Rhine and the Danube, by the surrender of Philipsburgh, Ulm. and Ingolstadt. The Aus- trians then otTered to treat on a new basis, and England wished to take part in the negotiations, but the first consul would not con- sent to treat with them jointly. England would not hear of an armistice by sea. like that which France had concluded with Austria by land. She alleged, that in case of a rupture, France would derive from that armistice greater advantage than Austria would gain by that already concluded. The ditficulty and delay attending the necessarv communications rendered these reasons MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 189 plausible. The first consul consented to accept other propositions from England, and to allow her to take part in the discussions of Luneville, but on condition that she should sign a treaty with him without the intervention of Austria. This England refused to do. Weary of this uncertainty, and the tergiversation of Austria, which was still under the influence of England, and feeling that the prolongation of such a state of things could only turn to his disadvantage, Bonaparte broke the armistice. He had already consented to sacrifices which his successes in Italy did not justify. The hope of an immediate peace had alone made him lose sight of the immense advantages which victory had given him. Far from appearing sensible to the many proofs of moderation which the first consul evinced, the combined insolence of England and Austria seemed only to increase. Orders were immediately given for resuming the offensive in Germany and Italy, and hos- tilities then recommenced. The French armies of Italy and Germany passed, the one the Mincio, the other the Danube, and the celebrated battle of Ilohen- linden brought the French advanced posts to within ten leagues of Vienna. This victory brought peace ; because, instructed by past experience, the first consul would not hear of a suspension of arms, until Austria consented to a separate treaty. Driven into her last entrenchments, she was obliged to yield, and to abandon England. The English cabinet, which had paid two millions, could not prevent this separation. The impatience and indigna- tion of the first consul at the evasions of Austria, and the plots of England, can scarcely be conceived, for he was not ignorant of the plans which were carrying on for the restoration of the Bourbons. His joy, therefore, was great, when the victory at Hohenlinden threw all its weight into the scale in his favour. It was on the 3d of December, 1800, under circumstances by no means favourable, that Moreau gained that celebrated battle,* which put an end to the hesitations of the cabinet of Vienna. On the 6th of December, the first consul received the news ; it was on a Saturday, and he had just returned from the opera when I delivered him the despatches. He literally leaped for joy. I ought to observe, that he did not expect so grand a result from the movements of the army of the Rhine. This victory gave a new feature to the negotiations for peace, and decided the opening of * On the eve of the battle of Hohenlinden, Moreau was at supper, with a party of officers, when a despatch was delivered to him. After he had read it, he said to his guests, though he was far from being in the habit of boasting, " I am here made acquainted with Baron Kray's movements. They are all I could wish. To-morrow we will take from him ten thousand prisoners." 190 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. the congress of Luneville, which took place on the 1st of January- following. On receiving the news of the battle of Hohenlinden, Madame Moreau hastened to the Tuileries to call' on the first consul and Madame Bonaparte. She did not see them, and repeated her call several times without any better success. The last time she came, she was accompanied by her mother, Madame Hulot. She waited a long time in vain, and when going away, her mother, who could no longer restrain her feelings, said aloud in the saloon, before me and several others of the household, " That it ill became the wife of the conqueror of Hohenlinden to dance attendance in this way." This remark reached those for whom it was intended. Madame Moreau shortly after joined her husband in Germany. Madame Hulot came afterwards to Malmaison to solicit promotion for her eldest son, since dead, who served in the navy. Josephine received her very well, and invited her to dinner, as well as M. Carbonnet, a friend of Moreau's, who had accompanied her: she accepted the invitation. The first consul, who did not see her till dinner, treated her coolly, spoke but little, and after dinner imme- diately withdrew. His rudeness on this occasion was so marked and offensive, that Josephine considered it necessary to make an apology, and to assign his irritation to some trifling disappointment. Bonaparte had no dislike to Moreau, because he did not fear him; and after the battle of Hohenlinden he spoke of him in the highest terms, and did not seek to hide the obligations he was under to him on that important occasion; but he could not endure the family of his wife, who, he said, were a set of intriguers. As M. de Bourrienne has given no details of the celebrated battle of Hohenlinden, we have extracted the following account of it from Napoleon s Memoirs : "On the 1st of December, at break of day, the archduke deployed sixty thousand men before the heights of Ampfingen, and attacked Lieuten- ant-general Grenier, who had only twenty five thousand men, in front; while another of his columns, debouching by the bridge of Crayburg, marched to the heights of Achau, in the rear and on the right flank of Grenier. General Ney was at first obliged to yield to the superior numbers of the enemy, but rallied, returned to the attack, and broke eight battalions ; but the enemy continuing to deploy his numerous forces, and debouching by the valleys of the Issen, Lieutenant-general Grenier was compelled to retreat. "The manoeuvre of the Austrian army was a very fine one, and this first success augured others of great importance. But the archduke did not know how to profit by these circumstances ; he did not make a vigor- ous attack on the corps of Grenier, who only lost a few hundred prison- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 191 ers and two pieces of cannon. On the following day, the 2d of December, he made only petty movements, and gave the French army time to rally and recover from its first surprise. He paid dearly for this error, which was the principal cause of the catastrophe of the following day. " Moreau having had the whole of the 2d to reconnoitre his forces, began to hope that he should have sufficient time for all his divisions to join. But the Archduke John, although he had committed the capital error of losing the whole of the 2d, did not fall into that of losing the 3d also. At break of day he began to move, and the dispositions made by the French general to effect the junction of his army became useless ; neither Lecourbe's corps nor that of Sainte-Suzanne could take part in the battle : the divisions of Richepanse and Decaen fought separately ; they arrived too late on the 3d to defend the forest of Hohenlinden. "The Austrian army came on in three columns; that of the left, con- sisting often thousand men, between the Inn and the Munich road, direct- ing its march on Albichengen and Saint Christopher ; that of the centre, forty thousand strong, proceeded by the road leading from Muhldorf to Munich, by Haag, towards Hohenlinden ; the grand park, the wagons and baggage, took this road, the only one which was firm. The column of the right, twenty-five thousand strong, commanded by General Latour, was to march on Bruckrain. "The roads were much cut up, as is usual in the month of December; the columns of the right and left marched by almost impracticfible cross roads; the snow fell heavily. The column of the centre, followed by the parks and baggage, having the advantage of the high road, soon dis- tanced the others; its head penetrated into the forest without impediment. Richepanse, who was to have defended it at Altenpot, had not arrived; but this column was stopped at the village of Hohenlinden, which was the ajjpui of Ney's left, and the station of Grouchy 's division. The French line, which had thought itself covered, was at first surprised ; several battalions were broken, and some disorder prevailed. Ney has- tened up; a terrible charge carried death and consternation into the head of a column of Austrian grenadiers ; General Spanochi was taken prisoner. At that moment the vanguard of the Austrian right debouched from the heights of Bruckrain. Ney was obliged to gallop to his left in order to face them ; his efforts would have been insufficient had Latour supported his vanguard ; but he was two leagues distant from it. In the mean time the divisions of Richepanse and Decaen, which ought to have arrived before daybreak, at the debouche of the forest, at the village of Altenpot, being embarrassed in the midst of the night in dreadful roads, and the weather being tremendous, were wandering a great part of the night on the edge of the forest. Richepanse, on arriving at the village of Altenpot, with his division, the eighth, the forty-eighth of the line, and the first chasseurs, found himself in the rear of the enemy's parks, and of all his artillery, which had defiled. He passed through the village, and drew up in line on the heights. Eight squadrons of the enemy's cavalry, which formed the rear-guard, deployed ; the cannonade com- 192 MEM'OIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. menced ; the first chasseurs charged, and were repulsed. The situation of General Richepanse became more and more critical ; he was speedily informed that he was not to depend on Drouet, whose progress had been arrested by considerable forces ; and of Decaen he had no intelligence. In this dreadful predicament he took a desperate resolution; leaving General Walter with the cavalry, to keep the cuirassiers of the enemy in check, he entered the forest of Hohenlinden at the head of the forty, eighth and eighth of the line. Three battalions of Hungarian grenadiers, forming the escort of the parks, formed ; they advanced on Richepanse with the bayonet, taking his soldiers for an irregular force. The forty- eighth overthrew them. This petty engagement decided the fortune of the day. Disorder and alarm spread through the convoy ; the drivers cut their traces, and fled, abandoning eighty-seven pieces of cannon and three hundred wagons. The confusion of the rear spread to the van. Those columns which were far advanced in the defiles fell into disorder ; they were struck with the recollection of the disastrous campaign of the summer ; besides which they were in great measure composed of recruits. Ney and Richepanse joined. The Archduke John retreated with the utmost confusion and precipitation on Haag, with the wreck of his corps. " The evening after the battle, the head-quarters of the French army were transferred to Haag. In this battle, which decided the success of the campaign, six French divisions, composing half the army, alone engaged almost the whole of the Austrian army. The forces on the field of battle wei'e nearly equal, being about seventy thousand men on each side. But the Archduke John could not possibly have assembled a greater number, while Moreau might have brought twice as many into the field. The loss of the Frencli army was ten thousand men, killed, wounded, and taken, either at the actions of Dorfen, Amfingen, or at the battle of Hohen- linden. That of the enemy amounted to twenty-five thousand men, exclusively of deserters. Seven thousand prisoners, among whom were two generals, one hundred pieces of cannon, and an immense number of wagons, were the trophies of this day." The hopes of Austria having been again destroyed by the fatal battle of Hohenlinden, she had now no other alternative but to conclude peace on the best terms she could obtain. The defini- tive treaty was signed at Luneville on the 9th of February, 1801 ; by which'^the emperor, not only as the head of the Austrian mon- archy, but also in his quality of chief of the German empire, guaranteed to France the boundary of the Rhine ; thereby sacri- ficing certain possessions of Prussia, and other subordinate princes of the empire, as well as his own. Another article, extremely distasteful to Austria, yielded Tuscany ; which Napoleon resolved to transfer to a prince of the house of Parma, in requital of the good offices of Spain during the war. The emperor recognised the union of the Batavian Republic with the French; — and MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 193 acknowledged the Cisalpine and Ligurian commonwealths; both virtually provinces of the great empire, over which the authority of the first consul seemed now to be permanently established. England was now the only power which continued steadfast in her hostility to France ; and the first consul used all the influence which he possessed to bring the alliance of the northern powers of Europe against her. It has already been stated that the half-crazy Emperor of Russia had taken up a violent personal admiration for Bonaparte, and, under the influence of that feeling, had virtually forsaken Austria before the campaign of Marengo. The first consul took all means to flatter the autocrat, and secure him in his interests. The result was, in eflfect, a coalition against the mistress of the seas ; and at the opening of the nineteenth century, England had to contemplate the necessity of encountering single-handed the colossal military force of France and the combined fleets of Europe. Early in March, 1801, Admiral Sir Hyde Parker and Vice-admi- ral Lord Nelson conducted a fleet into the Baltic, with the view of attacking the northern powers in their own harbours, ere they could effect their meditated junction with the fleets of France and Holland. The English passed the Sound on the 13th of March, and reconnoitred the road of Copenhagen, where the Crown-Prince, Regent of Denmark, had made formidable preparations to receive them. It was on the 2d of April that Nelson, who had volunteered to lead the assault, having at length obtained a favourable wind, advanced with twelve ships of the line, besides frigates and fire- ships, upon the Danish armament, which consisted of six sail of the line, eleven floating batteries, and an enormous array of small craft, all chained to each other and to the ground, and protected by the crown-batteries, mounting eighty-eight guns, and the forti- fications of the isle of Amack. The battle lasted for four hours, and ended in a signal victory. Some few schooners and bomb- vessels fled early, and escaped : the whole Danish fleet, besides, were sunk, burned, or taken. The Prince Regent, to save the capital from destruction, was compelled to enter into a negotia- tion, which ended in the abandonment of the French alliance by Denmark. Lord Nelson then reconnoitred Stockholm ; but, being unwilling to inflict unnecessary suffering, did not injure the city, on discovering that the Swedish fleet had already put to sea. Meantime, news arrived that Paul had been assassinated in his palace at St. Petersburg ; and that the policy which he had adopted, to the displeasure of the Russian nobility, was likely to find no favour with his successor. The moving spirit of the northern confederacy was, in eflfect, no more, and a brief negotiation ended in its total disrupture. N 17 194 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Paul I. fell by a revolution of the palace, and under the hands of assassins, on the night of the 24th of March, 1801. This event caused the first consul much pain. In accordance with the feel- ing which this unexpected event occasioned him, and which had so important an influence on his policy, he directed me to have the following note inserted in the Moniteur: "Paul the First died on the night of the 24th of March; the English squadron passed the Sound on the 30th. History will point out the connexion existing between these two events." Thus were united in his mind the crime of the 24th of March, and the not ill-founded suspicion, as I believe, of its authors. The amicable relations of Paul and Bonaparte had been draw- ing closer from day to day. Bonaparte said to me, " In concert with the czar, I was sure of striking a mortal blow at the English power in India. A palace revolution has overset all my projects." This resolution, and the admiration which the autocrat had for the chief of the French republic, ought, no doubt, to be reckoned among the causes of his death. At this time the persons generally accused were those who had been most perseveringly and most violently threatened, and who had the greatest interest in a change of emperors. I have read a letter from a northern sovereign, which has left no doubt upon my mind in this respect; and the letter of this august personage even mentioned the price of the crime, as well as the part to be taken by each actor. But it must be acknowledged that the conduct and the character of Paul, his tyrannical acts, his violent caprices, and the frequent excesses of his despotism, had rendered him the object of general hatred — for patience has its limits. These causes of complaint did not probably create the conspiracy, but they greatly facilitated the execution of the plot which deprived the czar of his throne and his life. After Paul had ceased to exist, and Alexander had mounted the throne, the thoughts of the first consul reverted to the dis- memberment and partition of Poland, a subject which unceasingly occupied his mind. Already, during the first campaign in Italy, and frequently in Egypt, he had said to Sulkowsky, that his first wish was to reestablish Poland, to avenge the iniquity of its par- tition, and to restore, by this great act of justice, the ancient balance of Europe. He often dictated to me, for the Moniteur, articles which had the tendency to prove, by various arguments, that Europe never could enjoy repose until these great spoliations were repaired and avenged. But he often destroyed these notes without sending them to the press. His policy towards Russia changed shortly after the death of Paul. The idea of a war MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 195 against this empire was constantl}^ present to his mind, and he no doubt akeady had formed the idea of that fatal campaign which took place eleven years afterwards, and which had other causes than the reestablishment of Poland, which was only a pretext. Since this war, the conception of which dates from the time of which we speak, has unfortunately taken place, it is a melancholy consideration, that private views have prevented the regeneration of a generous nation, thrice torn to pieces by the greedy policy of its powerful neighbours. About this period a powerful party recommended Bonaparte to break with the pope, and to establish an independent Galilean church, the head of which should reside in France. They repre- sented, that by doing so he would acquire a great accession of power, and be able to establish a comparison between himself and the first Roman emperors. But his wishes did not coincide with theirs on this subject. "I am convinced," said he, "that apart of France would become Protestant, especially if I was to favour that disposition. I am also certain, that the much greater portion would continue Catholic, and that they would oppose with the greatest zeal the division among their fellow-citizens. But by reviving a religion which has always prevailed in the country, and by merely giving the liberty of exercising their worship to the minority, I shall satisfy every one." Bonaparte justly considered that, by reestablishing religion in France, he should procure a powerful support to his government ; and to accomplish that object he had been much occupied since his return from the field of Marengo. The concoi'date with the pope, which reestablished the Catholic worship in France, was signed on the 15th of July, 1801, and made a law of the state in April, 1802. A solemn Te Deum was chanted at the cathedral of Notre Dame, on Sunday the 11th of April. The crowd was immense, and the greater part of those present stood during the ceremony, which was splendid in the extreme. But who would presume to say that the general feeling was in harmony with all this pomp? It is unquestionably true, that a great number of the persons present at the ceremony expressed, in their countenances and gestures, rather a feeling of impatience and displeasure than of satisfaction or of reverence for the place in which they were. The consular court was, in general, extremely irreligious; nor could it be expected to be otherwise, being composed chiefly of those who had assisted in the annihilation of all religious worship in France, and of men who, having passed their lives in camps, had oftener entered a church in Italy to carry off a painting than 196 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONArARTE. to hear mass. Those who, without being imbued with any reli- gious ideas, possessed that good sense which induces men to pay respect to the beUef of others, though it be one in which they do not participate, did not blame the first consul for his conduct, and conducted themselves with some regard to decency. But on the road f';om the Tuileries to Notre Dame, Lannes and Augereau wanted to alight from the carriage, as soon as they saw that they were being driven to mass, and it required an order from the first consul to prevent their doing so. They went, therefore, to Notre Dame, and the next day Bonaparte asked Augereau what he thought of the ceremony. "Oh! it was all very fine," replied the general; "there was nothing wanting, except the million of men who have perished in the pulling down of what you are setting up." Bonaparte was much displeased at this remark. Many endeavours were made to persuade the first consul to per- form in public the duties imposed by religion. An influential example, it was urged, was required. He told me once that he had put an end to that request by the following declaration — "Enough of this. Ask me no more. You will not obtain your object. You shall never make a hypocrite of me. Let us remain where we are." Bonaparte at length, however, consented to hear mass, and St. Cloud was the place where this ancient usage was first reestab- lished. He directed the ceremony to commence sooner than the hour announced, in order that those who would only make a scoff of it might not arrive until the service was ended. Whenever the first consul determined to hear mass publicly on Sundays in the chapel of the palace, a small altar was prepared in a room near his cabinet of business. This room had been Ann of Austria's oi-atory. A small portable altai% placed on a platform one step high, restored it to its original destination. During the rest of the week, this chapel was used as a bathing-room. On Sunday, the door of communication was opened, and we heard mass, sitting in our cabinet of business. The number of persons there never exceeded three or four, and the first consul seldom failed to transact some business during the ceremony, which never lasted longer than twelve minutes. Next day all the papers had the news that the first consul had heard mass in his apartments. In the same way Louis XVIII. has often heard it in his. I have read in a work, remarkable on many accounts, that it was on the occasion of the concordate of the 15th of July, 1801, that the first con'sul abolished the republican calendar, and reestab- lished the Gregorian. This, is an error. He did not make the calendar a religious affair. The senatus consultum, which restored MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 197 the use of the Gregorian calendar, to commence in the French empire from the 11th Nivose, year XIV. (1st of January, 1806), was adopted on the 22d Fructidor, year XIII. (9th of September, 1805), more than four years after the concordate. The introduc- tion of the ancient calendar had no other object than to bring us into harmony with the rest of Europe, on a point so closely con- nected with daily transactions, which were much embarra.:3ed by the decadary calendar. In April, 1801, there arrived one evening at Malmaison an English newspaper, which announced the successful landing in Egypt of the English army under Abercrombie, on the 13th of March, and also giving an account of the battle which followed on the 21st, in which our army was defeated, and the Enghsh general killed. Bonaparte at first affected not to believe the intel- ligence, and stated in the midst of the company that it was impos- sible. But in the evening, when alone, he expressed his fears and his conviction that the accounts were too true. It seemed to distress him very much ; for of all his conquests, he set the highest value on Egypt, because it spread his fame throughout the East. Accordingly, he left nothing unattempted for the preservation of that colony. In a letter to General Kleber, he said: "You are as able as I am to understand how important is the possession of Egypt to France. The Turkish empire, in which the symptoms of decay are every where discernible, is at present falling to pieces, and the evil of the evacuation of Egypt by France would now be the greater, as we should soon see that fine province pass into the possession of some other European power." The selection of Gantheaume, however, to carry succour to Kleber, was not judi- cious. The first consul, upon finding that he did not leave Brest after he had been ordered to the Mediterranean, repeatedly said to me, "What the devil is Gantheaume about?" Gantheaume's hesitation, his frequent tergiversations, his arrival at Toulon, his tardy departure, and his return to that port on the 19th of February, 1801, only ten days prior to Admiral Keith's appearance with Sir Ralph Abercrombie off Alexandria, com- pletely foiled all the plans which Bonaparte had conceived of conveying succour and reinforcements to a colony on the brink of destruction. The first consul had long been apprehensive that the evacuation of Egypt was unavoidable. The last news he had received from that country was but little encouraging, and created a presenti- ment of the dreadful catastrophe. In the negotiations which pre- ceded the peace of Amiens, we made a great merit of abandoning our conquests in Egypt; but the sacrifice would not have been 17* 198 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. considered great, if the events which took place at the end of August had been known in London before the signing of the pre- liminaries on the 1st of October. Under the fear of such an event taking place, the first consul himself answered M. Otto's last des- patch, which contained a copy of the preliminaries ready to be adopted by the English ministry. Neither the despatch nor the answer was communicated to M. de Talleyrand, then minister for foreign affairs. The first consul urged the ratification of the pre- liminaries with all possible speed ; and it was well for us that his fears were so much excited, for the news of the compulsory evac- uation of Egypt arrived in London the day after the signing of the preliminaries. M. Otto informed the first consul, by letter, that Lord Hawkesbury, in communicating to him the news of this event, told him he was very glad every thing was settled, for it would have been impossible for him to have treated on the same bases after the arrival of such news. In reality, we consented at Paris to the voluntary evacuation of Egypt, and that was some- thing for England, while Egypt was at that very time evacuated by a convention made on the spot. The evacuation of Egypt took place on the 30th of August, 1801; and thus the conquest of that country, which had cost so dear, was rendered useless, or rather injurious. By this treaty, England surrendered all the conquests which she had made during the war, except Ceylon and Trinidad. France, on the other hand, restored what she had taken from Portugal, and guaranteed the independence of the Ionian Isles. Malta was to be restored to the Knights of St. John, and declared a free port : neither England nor France was to have any repre- sentative in the order, and the garrison was to consist of the troops of a neutral power. This article was that which caused the great- est difficulty, and which was destined to form the pretext for the reopening of the war at no distant time. The definitive treaty was signed on the 25th of March, 1802, and nothing could surpass the demonstrations of joy on this occa- sion, both in London and Paris. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 199 CHAPTER XVII. The Peace of Amiens glorious for France ; Expedition to Saint Domingo ; is Unsuccessful and Disas- trous ; First Symptoms of Bonaparte's Malady ; Josephine's Intrigues for the Marriage of Hortense ; Hortense married to Louis ; Falsehood contradicted ; Bonaparte President of the Cisalpine Repub- lic ; Peace of Amiens signed ; his Dislike to the Liberty of the Press ; General Sebastiani sent to Constantinople ; his Report ; Legion of Honom- ; Consulate for Life. Peace having been concluded on terms which were highly honourable to the national character, all parties hoped that the sanguinary wars in which the country had been engaged would now have terminated, and that France would be left at liberty to adopt those institutions which would be agreeable to herself. But the brilliant position in which the peace of Amiens had placed France, seemed to excite the jealousy of her neighbours, and to produce those feelings which are opposed to the repose of nations. In fact, we shall see that war broke out afresh with unusual animosity, and from very trifling causes. At this period the consular glory was unsullied, and held in prospect the most flattering hopes ; and it cannot be doubted but that the first consul was really desirous to promote peace and to give repose to France. During the struggles of the revolution, the island of St. Domingo had declared itself independent of the mother-country. However, it was now determined to send out an expedition to reduce it again to dependence. This expedition left the shores of France on the 14th of December, 1801 ; the fatal and unsuccessful issue of which is well known. The command was given to General Leclerc, who had no other talent to recommend him for such an appointment than that he was brother-in-law to the first consul, whose personal dislike to him was so great, that he undoubtedly was selected on purpose to remove him to a distance. After the first consul had dictated to me the instructions for this expedition, he sent for Leclerc, and, in my presence, addressed him in the following words: "Here are your instructions. Now is your chance; go, and get rich; and trouble me no more with your continued importunities for money." The St. Domingo expedi- tion is one of the great faults committed bj Bonaparte: every one consulted, dissuaded him from it; but his temper was such that no one could divert him from any purpose he had determined upon. The first consul dictated to me, for Toussaint, a letter contain- ing the most honourable expressions and the most flattering promises. He also sent back his two sons, who had completed their education at Paris; he offered to him the vice-governorship,, 200 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. provided he would use his efforts to bring back the colony to the mother-country. Toussaint, either dreading deception or entertaining more ambi- tious views, resolved on war, after having shown some inclination for an arrangement. He was, however, easily reduced by an army which was well disciplined, and, as yet, vigorous and well supplied. He capitulated, and retired to a plantation, whence he was not to remove without permission from Leclerc. A pretended conspiracy furnished the pretext for sending him a prisoner to France. On arriving in Paris, he was placed under a rigorous confinement, which, together with a change of climate, was suffi- cient to shorten his days without recourse to poison — a report unworthy of belief Bonaparte acknowledged him to be possessed of great talent, energy, and courage, and I am certain that he would have rejoiced in a different conclusion of relations with him. Probably, any other than Leclerc would have succeeded in bringing Toussaint to reconcile the interests of the colony and the rights of humanity with the claims of the mother-country, moderated as they had been by time and circumstances. The yellow fever, which carried off Leclerc, spread its ravages among the army, and desertion became general. Rochambeau succeeded Leclerc, and by his severity completed the loss of the colony. He abandoned the island to Dessalines, and gave himself up to an English squadron, in 1803. Thus terminated this unfortunate expedition, which cost us a fine army, and of which the original expense was furnished by the plunder of the navy-chest for the support of invalids. During this period, Bonaparte often suffered from extreme pain ; and I have no doubt, from the nature of his after sufferings, that they commenced about this time. The pains of which he con- stantly complained affected him with great severity during the night on which he dictated to me the instructions for General Leclerc. It was on the 7th of January, 1802, that the marriage of Mademoiselle Hortense with Louis Bonaparte took place. At this time, the practice had not been resumed of joining to the civil act the nuptial benediction. The religious ceremony was per- formed in the private chapel. Rue Victoire, where a priest attended for that purpose. At the same time, Bonaparte caused the mar- riage of his sister Caroline to be religiously solemnized, which had previously only taken place before the magistrates. He did not follow this example himself; from what motive, does not appear. Did he already entertain ideas of a divorce, which the sanction of religion would have rendered more difficult? It could not pro- ceed from fear of being accused of weakness, since he revived it MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 201 where his sister and daughter-in-law were concerned. The few words I heard from him on the subject showed his perfect indif- ference. He has said at St. Helena, when speaking of the mar- riage of Louis and Hortense, "That it arose from attachment; each was respectively the other's choice. As to the rest, this marriage was the result of Josephine's intrigues, who found her advantage in it." The truth is, Louis and Hortense were not attached to each other, as the first consul very well knew; he knew that Hortense had a decided attachment to Duroc, who did not return her affection with equal warmth. He even had con- sented to their union ; but Josephine looked forward to the mar- riage with much pain, and used all her influence to prevent it. She said to me, " My two brothers-in-law are my most determined enemies; you see all their intrigues, and know how much uneasi- ness they have caused me; this projected marriage will leave me without any support ; besides, Duroc, independent of Bonaparte's friendship, is nothing ; he has neither fortune, rank, nor even rep- utation; he cannot be a protection to me against the declared enmity of the brothers. I must have some more certain reliance for the future. My husband loves Louis very much; if I can suc- ceed in uniting my daughter to him, he will prove a strong coun- terpoise to the calumnies and persecutions of my brothers-in-law." I replied, that she had too long concealed her intentions from me ; that I had promised my services to the young people the more willingly, knowing the favourable sentiments of the first consul, who had often said to me, " My wife labours in vain ; they are agreeable to each other; they shall be married. I am attached to Duroc ; he is well born : I have given Caroline to Murat, and Pauline to Leclerc: I can as well give Hortense to Duroc; he is brave; he is as good as the others; he is a general of division — there can be no objection to their union. Besides, I have other views for Louis." I added, in my conversation with Josephine, that her daughter burst into tears when a marriage with Louis was even mentioned. In anticipation of the projected marriage between Hortense and Duroc, the first consul sent him on a special mission to compliment the Emperor Alexander on his accession to the throne. During this absence, the correspondence of the youthful lovers passed through my hands, at their own request. Almost every evening I made one in a party at billiards with Mademoiselle Hortense, who played extremely well. When I whispered to her, "I have a letter," the game quickly ceased; she ran to her chamber, where I followed and delivered the billet. Her eyes filled with tears, and she did not descend again to the saloon till long after I had returned. 202 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Josephine was so anxious to gain an additional support against the family, that seeing her resolution was so completely formed, I engaged no longer to oppose her views, which I could not disap- prove of; but I pointed out that it would be impossible for me to preserve silence and neutrality in their domestic disputes any longer. She appeared satisfied. During our stay at Malmaison, mtrigues continued, but probabilities still favoured Duroc. I even offered him my congratulations, which he received with wonderful coolness. We returned to the Tuileries a few days after, and there Josephine resolved on the marriage of her daughter with Louis, and used all her influence with the first consul to obtain his consent. On the 4th of January, 1802, after dinner, Bona- parte entered the cabinet where I was at work, and said, "Where is Duroc?" I replied, "Gone out; I believe, to the opera." — "Tell him, as soon as he returns, that I have promised him Hortense. He shall marry her, and this must take place at least in two days. I shall give him five hundred thousand francs (about £21,000), and name him commandant of the eighth military division. He must set out for Toulon, with his wife, the day after the marriage, and we shall live separate. I will have no son-in-law in the house with me. As I wish this affair settled, let him know, and let me have his answer this evening, if it suits him." — "I don't think it will." — "Very well; she shall marry Louis." — "Will she have him?" — "She must have him." This proposal was made in such a hasty and intemperate man- ner, that I could not doubt but that some difference had taken place between hiiTi and Josephine. About half-past ten, Duroc returaed. I repeated to him, as nearly as possible, every word which had been made use of by the first consul. Duroc replied, "Since it is so, my friend, he may keep his daughter for me; I am going to visit ." So saying, with an air of indifference beyond my comprehension, he took his hat, and went out. The first consul was informed of his refusal, and Josephine received that evening the assurance of her daughter's marriage with Louis; which accordingly took place a few days after. Such is a correct account of this matter as it happened, much to the sorrow of Hor- tense, and, probably, to the satisfaction of Duroc. Louis suffered the infliction of a wife, and Hortense that of a husband who had always been personally objectionable to her. The mutual dislike which then existed was not removed by their union, and these sentiments of indifference still remain unchanged. In mentioning- these circumstances, I consider it necessary to allude to a wicked and infamous assertion, which at this time was made by the enemies of the first consul, that he entertained for Hontense other MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 203 sentiments than those of a father-in-law for his daughter. We shall see afterwards what he said to me on this subject; but we cannot too speedily remove such a base scandal; the insinuation was execrable in the extreme. In the leisure which the peace afforded to Bonaparte, he was desirous to place the Cisalpine republic on a footing of harmony with the government of France. It was necessary to select a president who should perfectly accord with his own views ; and, in this respect, no one could be more suitable than himself He therefore prepared to have himself appointed chief of that republic, and caused a deputation to meet him at Lyons for that purpose. Before our departure, I said to him, "Would it not have been agreeable to you to revisit Italy, the first scene of your glory, and the beautiful capital of Lombardy, where you were the subject of so much homage?" Yes, it certainly would," replied the first consul; "but the journey to Milan would occupy too much time. I have also reasons for preferring that the meeting should take place in France. My influence over the deputies will be more absolute and certain at Lyons than at Milan; and besides, I shall be very happy to see again the noble wreck of the army of Egypt which is there collected." On the 8th of January, 1802, we left Paris. Bonaparte, who was now ready to ascend the throne of France, wished to prepare the Italians for one day crowning him king of Italy, in imitation of Charlemagne, of whom he prospectively considered himself as successor. He saw that the presidency of the Cisalpine republic was a great advance towards the sovereignty of Lombardy, as he afterwards found that the consulate for life was an important step towards the throne of France. On the 26th, he obtained the title of president without much difficulty. The journey and the con- ferences were only forms, but public opinion had to be captivated by high-sounding words and solemn proceedings. The attempts recently made on the life of the first consul gave rise to a report that he took extraordinary precautions for his safety dui'ing this journey; I never saw any of these precautions — they were opposed to his disposition. He often repeated, " That whoever would risk his own life, might take his." He therefore travelled as a private person, and rarely had arms in his carriage. On the 25th of March of this year, 1802, England signed, at Amiens, a suspension of hostilities for fourteen months, which has been called the treaty of Amiens. The clauses of this treaty were not of a nature to induce the hope of a long peace. It was evi- dent that England would not evacuate Malta; and that island ultimately proved the chief cause of the rupture of the peace. 204 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. But this treaty served to consolidate the power of the first consul, for England, formerly so haughty in her bearing towards him, had now treated him as the head of the French government. As he perceived that I appreciated these advantages, he did not dissem- ble his satisfaction in this particular. It was at this moment, when he saw his glory and power aug- menting, that he said to me, in one of our walks at Malmaison, " Well, Bourrienne, you will also be immortal 1" " Why, general ?" "Are you not my secretary?" "Tell me the name of Alexan- der's,"* said I. Bonaparte then turned to me, and laughing, said, "Hem! that is not bad." There was, to be sure, a little flattery conveyed in my question, but that never displeased him, and I certainly did not, in that instance, deserve the censure he often bestowed on me for not being enough of a courtier and a flatterer. Here I may state the grounds of quarrel between the first consul and the English journals, which exhibits a new proof of his love for liberty ! At all times a declared enemy to the freedom of the press, the first consul held the journals under a hand of iron. Often have I heard him say, "Should I give them the rein, my power would not continue three months." Unfortunately, too, the same sentiment guided his conduct with respect to all pre- rogatives of public liberty ; the silence thus forced upon France, he wished, but was unable, to impose in England. He was enraged at the insults heaped upon him by the English newspa- pers and libels, especially by the journal L'Ambigu (the Medley), edited by one Peltier, who, at Paris, had formerly been editor of " The Acts of the Apostles." This newspaper was constantly filled with the most violent attacks against the first consul and the French nation — doubtless a circumstance very honourable to its author, a Frenchman. Bonaparte had never been accustomed, like the English, to despise newspaper satire : he avenged himself by violent articles in the Moniteur. M. Otto even received orders to present an official note on the subject of these systematic calumnies, which the consul believed were authorized by the English government. Besides this official measure, he personally addressed Mr. Addington, chancellor of the exchequer, requesting him to support the representation, and urging him to institute legal proceedings against those publications complained of. In order to lose no time in satisfying his hatred against the liberty of the press, he seized, for this purpose, the moment of signing the preliminaries to urge his demand. Mr. Addington replied, in a long letter, written with his own * Bonaparte did not know the name of Alexander's secretary, and I forgot at the moment to tell him it was Callisthenes. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 205 hand, and which I translated. The Enghsh mmister forcibly- refuted the arguments of the first consul; admitting, indeed, that the abuse of the press might occasionally become an evil; but that the constitution left every one free to use his pen at his own risk and peril. "One is punished for a delinquency in writing, as for any other crime. Such delinquencies," Mr. Addington acknowl- edged, "sometimes escaped the severity of the laws. But there is no remedy," continued he; "and it is difficult to discover one; for the liberty of the press, which forms a constituent of the national system, cannot be infringed. The people owe much to this liberty, and no minister would be found sufficiently bold to hazard the question in Parliament — so dear is this freedom to the Eng- lish." Mr. Addington afterwards observed to the first consul, that "though a foreigner, he was entitled to bring his complaint before the national tribunals; but that he must then be prepared to see reprinted, as portions of process, all the libellous pieces of which he» complained." He entreated him, "by profound contempt, to suffer these nuisances to remain in their obscurity, and to act like many others, who attached to such calumnies not the slightest importance." I was happy, also, in contributing to prevent for a time this scandalous prosecution. In this state things remained; but after the peace of Amiens, the first consul caused Peltier to be cited before the coui'ts. The defence was conducted by the celebrated Sir James Mackintosh, who, according to the accounts of the time, displayed the greatest eloquence in his pleadings. Peltier, however, was found guilty. This condemnation, which was regarded by public opinion as a triumph, was not carried into execution, because the rupture between the two countries speedily ensued. It is melancholy to think, that this excessive susceptibility to libellous articles in the English journals should have contributed as much, and perhaps more, than great political interests, to the renewal of hostilities. After the peace of Amiens, Bonaparte had despatched General Sebastiani to Constantinople, to induce the grand Seignior to renew his amicable relations with France, and he was very much pleased with his conduct on this occasion. Previous to the evacuation of Egypt, that country had occu- pied much of the first consul's attention, and he had contemplated sending a man, such as Sebastiani, to travel through Northern Africa, Egypt, and Syria, to endeavour to inspire the sovereigns of those countries with a more favourable idea of France than they now entertained, and also to remove the ill impressions which England was endeavouring to produce. Sebastiani was accord- ingly despatched upon this mission. He visited all the Barbary 18 206 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, states, Egypt, Palestine, and the Ionian Isles. Every where he drew a highly-coloured picture of the power of Bonaparte, and deprecated the glory of England. He strengthened old con nexions, and contracted new ones with the chiefs of each country. The secret information which he supplied respecting the means of successfully attacking the English establishments in India was very curious, though not affording the hope of success. An abstract of these reports was published in the Moniteur, which contained many expressions hostile to England ; and, among others, that Egypt might be reconquered with six thousand men, and that the Ionian Islands would, on the first favourable opportunity, declare themselves in favour of France. The English government complained of the insulting character of this publication; to which the PVench minister replied, that the English government had permitted the publication of Sir Robert Wilson's Narrative of the Egyptian expedition, which contained statements in the highest degree injurious to the character and honour of the first consul. These mutual recriminations very- soon led to the termination of the armistice. About the commencement of the year 1802, Napoleon began to feel acute pains in his right side, and I have frequently seen him at Malmaison, when sitting up at night, lean against the right arm of his chair, and, unbuttoning his coat and waistcoat, he has exclaimed, "What pain I feel!" I would then assist him to his bed-chamber, and have often been obliged to support him on the little staircase which led from his cabinet to the corridor. He very frequently, about this time, used to express his fear, that when he should be forty, he would become a great eater and very corpulent. This fear of obesity, which constantly haunted him, did not then appear to have the least foundation, judging from his habitual temperance and spare habit of body. He asked me who was my physician, when I told him that it was Corvisart, whom his brother Louis recommended to me. A few days after, he called in Corvisart, who afterwards became first physician to the emperor. He appeared at this time to derive much benefit from his prescriptions. The pain Bonaparte suffered increased his irritability, and influenced many acts of this period of his life. He would often destroy in the morning what he had dictated over night ; and sometimes I would take upon me to keep back articles which were ordered to be sent to the Moniteur, which I thought might have a mischievous effect. In the morning, he would some- times inquire, on not observing it in the Moniteur, if the article had been sent. I used to make some excuse for not sending it, and would show it to him again. He looked it over, and usually tore it up, saying it would not do. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 207 After the ratification of peace, the first consul, wishing to send an ambassador to London, cast his eyes, some how or other, upon General Andr^ossy. I ventured to make some observations on a choice which appeared to me not to correspond with the high importance of the mission. Bonaparte replied, "I have not deter- mined upon it — I shall talk with Talleyrand on the matter when he comes to Malmaison." In the course of the evening, the pro- posed appointment of an ambassador was mentioned, and after several persons had been named, the first consul said, "I believe I must send Andreossy." Talleyrand, who was not much pleased with the choice, replied, in a dry and sarcastic tone, "You wish to send Andre aussi! Who is this Andre?" "I did not mention Andr6 ; I said, Andreossy ! You know him ; he is a general of artillery." "Ah, true!" replied Talleyrand; I did not think of him. I was only thinking of those in the diplomacy." Andreossy was, however, appointed ambassador, and he repaired to the court of London, but only continued there a few months. He had nothing of consequence to do, which was very fortunate for him. After the vote for adding a second ten years to the duration of the consulship, on the 4th of May, 1801, Bonaparte brought forward, for the first time officially, in the council of state, the question of establishing the Legion of Honour, which* on the 19th following was proclaimed a law of the state. The opposition was very strong, and all the power of the first consul, the force of his reasonings, and the influence of his situation, could obtain in the council no more than fourteen votes out of twenty-four. The same feeling was displayed in the tribunate, where the measure passed only by a majority of fifty-six to thirty-eight. The portion was nearly the same in the legislative body, where the votes were one hundred and sixty-six to one hundred and ten. Surprised at so feeble a majority, he said to me, in the evening, " You are right — prejudices are still against me. I ought to have waited ; there was no hurry in bringing it forward; but the thing is done; and you will soon find that the taste for these distinctions is not gone by. It is a taste which belongs to the nature of man. You will see that extraordinary results will arise from it." As Bonaparte contemplated, this institution wrought prodigies. The noblesse were mightily pleased with it. Thus, in a sho'rt space of time, the concordate to tranquillize the consciences and reestablish har- mony in the church ; the decree to recall the emigrants ; the con- tinuance of a consular power for ten years, by way of preparation for the consulship for life, and the possession of the empire ; and the creation, in a country which had abolished all distinctions, of an order which was to engender prodigies, followed closely on the 208 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. heels of each other. The Bourbons, in reviving the aboHshed orders, were wise enough to preserve along with them the Legion of Honour. In April, 1802, the first consul employed all his efforts to get himself declared consul for life. It is, perhaps, at this period, that he most completely developed those principles of duplicity and dissimulation, which are commonly called Machiavelian. Never were trickery, falsehood, cunning, and affected moderation, put into practice with more talent or success. His brother Lucien was the most violent propagator of heredi- tary power and the stability of a dynasty; but in this he only acted under the directions of his brother. Liberty rejected an unlimited power, and had set bounds as yet, in spme degree, to excessive love of war and conquest. The "decenniality," said he to me, "does not satisfy me: I consider it calculated to excite unceasing troubles." He had formerly observed to me, that " The question whether France will be a republic is still doubtful ; it will be decided in less than five or six years." It was clear that he thought this too long a term. Whether he regarded France as his property, or considered himself as the defender of the people's rights, I know not, but I am convinced he sincerely desired her welfare; but, then, that welfare was, in his mind, inseparable from absolute power. It was with pain I perceived him following this course. The friends of liberty, those who sincerely wished to maintain a government constitutionally free, allowed themselves to be pre- vailed upon to consent to an extension of ten years of power, beyond the ten years formerly granted by the constitution. They made this sacrifice to glory, and to that power which was its con- sequence ; and they were far from thinking, at the time, that they were lending themselves to intrigue. They were thus far in favour; but only for the time. The senate rejected the nomina- tion of the consulship for life, and only added ten years more. The first consul was displeased with their decision; but he returned a calm and evasive reply to their address, in which he stated, "That he would submit to this new sacrifice, if the wish of the people demanded what the senate authorized" — thus nour- ishing his favourite hope of obtaining more from the people than from them. An extraordinary convocation of the council of state took place on Monday, the 10th of May, to which a communication was made, not merely of the senate's consultation, but also of the first consul's reply. The council regarded the first merely as a notification, and proceeded to consider on what question the MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 209 people should be consulted. Not satisfied with granting to the first consul an extension of ten years, they were so desirous to comply with his wishes, as to decide that the following question should be put to the people : " Should the first consul be appointed for life ? and shall he have the power of nominating his successor?" The decisions on these questions were carried as if by storm. The appointment for life passed unanimously, and the right of naming the successor, by a majority. The first consul, however, formally condemned this second measure ; he declared that it had not originated with himself On receiving the decision of the council of state, the first consul, to conceal his plan for obtaining absolute power, thought it advisable to reject a part of what had been offered him. He therefore cancelled that part which pro- posed to give him the power of appointing a successor, and which had passed with so small a majority. CHAPTER XVIII. Bonaparte authorized to appoint his Successor ; Barbarity of Lucien ; his Theatricals ; the Consul's Private Theatre ; Lost Watch ; Canova ; Disgrace of Fouche ; Josephiae's Regi'et and Feara ; Injustice done to her Memoiy at St. Helena ; Prosperity of France ; Militaiy Government ; Bona- pai-te's Quarrel with Lannes ; Disgrace of Boui'rienne. We have now beheld Bonaparte first consul for life ; but still unsatisfied with this distinction, he very shortly afterwards, in the committee occupied with the consideration of the new code of laws, expressed his opinion in favour of the Roman law of adop- tion; urging, with his usual tact, that an heir so chosen ought to be dearer than a son. The object of this opinion was not difficult of detection — he no longer had any hope of having children by Josephine, and he meditated the adoption of one of his brother's sons as his heir. In the course of the autumn, a simple edict of the conservative senate authorized him to appoint his successor in the consulate, by a testamentary deed. By this act (August the 4th, 1802), a new dynasty was called to the throne of France, and from this time the words "Liberty, Equality, Sovereignty of the People," disappeared from the state papers and official docu- ments of the government. The republic had now ceased to be any thing else than a fic- tion, or an historical recollection. All that remained of it was a deceptions inscription on the gates of the palace. Even previ- ously to his installation at the Tuileries, Bonaparte had caused the two trees of liberty which were planted in the court to be thrown O 18* 210 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. down , thus removing the outward emblems before he destroyed the reahty. But the moment the senatus consulta of the 2d and 4th of August were published, it was evident to the dullest percep- tions that the power of the first consul wanted nothing but a name. After these senatus consulta, Bonaparte readily accustomed him- self to regard the principal authorities of the state merely as necessary instruments for the exercise of his power. Interested advisers then crowded round him. It was seriously proposed that he should restore the ancient titles, as being more in harmony with the new power which the people had confided to him, than the republican forms. He was of opinion, however, according to his phrase, that "the pear was not yet ripe," and would not hear this project spoken of for a moment. "All this," he said to me one day, "will come in good time; but you must see, Bourrienne, that it is necessary I should, in the first place, assume a title, from which the others that I shall give will naturally take their origin. The greatest difficulty is surmounted. There is no longer any person to deceive. Every body sees as clear as day that it is only one step which separates the throne from the consulate for life. However, we must be cautious. There are some trouble- some fellows in the tribunate — but I will take care of them." While these serious questions agitated men's minds, the greater part of the residents at Malmaison took a trip to Plombieres. Josephine, Bonaparte's mother, Madame Beauharnois-Lavalette, Hortense, and General Rapp, were of this party. It pleased the fancy of the jocund company to address to me an amusing bulle- tin, of the pleasant and unpleasant occurrences of the journey. But this journey to Plombieres was preceded by a scene, which I should abstain from describing, if I had not undertaken to relate the truth respecting the family of the first consul. Two or three days before her departure, Madame Bonaparte sent for me. I obeyed the summons, and found her in tears. "What a man — what a man is Lucien!" she exclaimed, in accents of grief "If you knew, my friend, the shameful proposals he has dared to make to me! 'You are going to the waters,' said he; 'you must get a child by some other person, since you cannot have one by him.' Imagine the indignation with which I received such advice. — 'Well,' he continued, 'if you do not wish it, or cannot help it, Bonaparte must get a child by another woman, and you must adopt it; for it is necessary to secure an hereditary successor. It is for your interest; you must know that.' — 'What, sir!' I replied, 'do you imagine that the nation will suffer a bastard to govern it? Lucien! Lucien! you would ruin your brother! This is dreadful! Wretched should I be, were any one to suppose me capable of MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 211 listening, without horror, to your infamous proposal ! Your ideas are poisonous; your language horrible!' — 'Well, madame,' replied he, 'all I can say to that is, that I am really sorry for you!' " The amiable Josephine was sobbing while she described this scene to me, and I was not insensible to the indignation which she felt. The truth is, that at that period, Lucien, though constantly affecting to despise power for himself, was incessantly labouring to concentrate it in the hands of his brother; and he considered three things necessary to the success of his views, namely, here- ditary succession, divorce, and the imperial government. Lucien had a beautiful seat near Neuilly. Some days before the deplorable scene which I have related, he invited Bonaparte and all the inmates at Malmaison to witness a theatrical represent- ation. "Alzire" was the piece performed. Eliza played Alzire, and Lucien Zamore. The warmth of their declamation, the ener- getic expression of their gestures, the too faithful nudity of costume, disgusted most of the spectators, and Bonaparte more than any other. When the play was over, he was quite indignant. "It is a scandal," he said to me, in an angry tone; "I ought not to suffer such indecencies — I will give Lucien to understand that I will have no more of it." When his brother had resumed his own dress, and came into the saloon, he addressed him publicly, and gave him to understand, that he must, for the future, desist from such repre- sentations. When we returned to Malmaison, he again spoke of what had passed with dissatisfaction. "What!" said he, "when I am endeavouring to restore purity of manners, my brother and sister must needs exhibit themselves, upon a platform, almost in a state of nudity! it is an insult!" Lucien had a strong predilection for theatrical representations, to which he attached great importance. The truth is, he declaim- ed with a skill which would not have suffered in being compared with the best professional actors. Theatrical representations were not confined to Neuilly. We had our theatre at Malmaison ; but there, at least, every thing was conducted with the greatest deco- rum ; and now that I have got behind the scenes, I will not quit them until I have let the reader into the secret of our drama. The first consul had directed a very pretty theatre to be con- structed for our use at Malmaison. Our actors were Eugene Beauharnois, Hortense, Madame Murat, Lauriston, Didelot, one of the prefects of the palace, a few others connected with the household, and myself Forgetting the cares of government, which we confined as much as possible to the Tuileries, we were very happy in the colony at Malmaison ; and besides, we were young, and what is there that vouth does not add a charm to? The 212 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. pieces which the first consul liked most to see performed were, "Le Barbiere de Seville," and "Defiance et Malice." Hortense's acting was perfection; Caroline's was middling, Eugene's very well, Lauriston's was very heavy, and T think I may say that I was not the worst in the company. If we were not good actors, it was not for want of good instruction and good advice. Talma and Michot came to hear us declaim — sometimes together, and sometimes separately. Bonaparte took great pleasure in our performances. He liked to see plays acted by those with whom he was acquainted. Some- times he complimented us on our exertions Although the thing amused me quite as much as the others, I was more than once obliged to remind him that my occupations left me no time to study my parts. Then he would assume his coaxing manner, and say, "Come, do not vex me! you have such a memory! you know that it amuses me; and Josephine takes much pleasure in them. Rise earlier in the morning: — in fact, I sleep too much; is not that the case? Come, Bourrienne, do oblige me." After a conversation of this sort, I could do nothing but set about to learn my parts. At this period I had, during summer, half the Sunday to myself. I was, however, obliged to devote a part of this precious leisure to gratify Bonaparte by studying a new part. Sometimes, how- ever, I went to spend the holiday at Ruel. I recollect, that one day when I hurried there from Malmaison, I lost a beautiful watch, made by Breguet. It was four o'clock in the afternoon, and the road was thronged with people. I made my loss known by means of the bellman of Ruel, and in an hour after, as I was sitting down to dinner, a young lad belonging to the village brought my watch, which he had found on the high-road in a wheel rut. Pleased with the honesty of the young man, I rewarded both him and his father, who accompanied him. I related the circumstance the same evening to the first consul, who was so struck with this instance of honesty, that he gave me instructions to obtain infor- mation respecting the young man and his family. I learned that they were honest peasants. Bonaparte gave three brothers of this family employments, and, what was most difficult to obtain, he exempted the young man who brought me the watch from the conscription. When a fact of this nature came to Bonaparte's knowledge, it was seldom he did not give the principal party in it some proof of his satisfaction. Two quahties predominated in his disposition — kindness and impatience. Impatience, when he was under its influence, got the better of him, and- it was then impossible to control him. Of the former, I have just given an instance, and I shall add another of the latter, which occurred about this very period. MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 213 Canova having arrived at Paris, came to St. Cloud to model the figure of the first consul, of whom he was about to execute a colossal statue. This great artist came often, in the hope to get his model to stand in a proper attitude; but Bonaparte was so tired, disgusted, and impatient, that he very seldom put himself in the proper attitude, and then only for a very short time. Bona- parte, however, retained the highest regard for Canova. When- ever he was announced, the first consul sent me to keep him com- pany until he was at leisure to give him an interview; but he would shrug up his shoulders, and say, "More modelling — good Heavens ! how tiresome." Canova often expressed to me his disappointment at not being able to study his model as he wished, and at the little anxiety of Bonaparte on the subject : this damped the ardour of his imagination. Every one agrees in saying that he has not succeeded, and the above may be considered as the reason. The Duke of Wellington now possesses this colossal statue. It is so high, that, as Lord Byron says, the Duke of Wel- lington just comes up to the middle of Napoleon's body. Bonaparte saw in men only helps and obstacles to the designs he had in view. On the 18th Brumaire, Fouch6 was a help; but now he was considered an obstacle, and it was necessary to think of dismissing him. Many of the first consul's sincere friends had from the beginning been opposed to Fouch6 having any share in the government ; but his influence was such, that whoever opposed him was sure to fall into disgrace. Throughout Paris, and, indeed, throughout France, Fouche had obtained an extraordinary credit for ability; but his principal talent was, in making others believe that he really possessed it. Bonaparte had been long dissatisfied with his conduct, as he had reason to believe that the police min- ister had been practising a system of deception upon him so as to increase his own importance. He decided upon his dismissal; but such was the influence that Fouche possessed over him, that he was desirous to proceed with caution. Therefore, to disguise the removal of the minister, he resolved upon the suppression of the ministry of police, and assigned as his reason for so doing, that it would give strength to his government, by showing his confidence in the security and internal tranquillity of France. Fouch4 overpowered by the arguments brought forward by the first consul, was unable to urge any good reason in opposition to them, and only recommended that the execution of the design should be delayed for at least two years. Bonaparte seemed to listen favourably to Fouch^'s recommendation ; but that was only while in his presence; his dismissal was already decided upon, which accordingly took place on the evening of the 12th of Sep= 214 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. tember. After this act, respecting which he had hesitated so long, Bonaparte still endeavoured to modify his rigour, by appointing Fouch6 a senator; in the notification of which to the senate he stated, "That Fouch^ as minister of police in times of difficulty, had, by his talent, his activity, and his attachment to the govern- ment, done all that circumstances required of him. Placed in the bosom of the senate, if events should again call for a minister of police, the government cannot find one more worthy of its con- fidence." Such is the history of Fouch6's disgrace: no one was more afflicted at it than Josephine, who only learned the news when it was announced to the public. She on all occasions de- fended Fouch6 against her husband's sallies, for she believed that he was the only minister who told him the truth, and because he was opposed to Bonaparte's brothers. I have already spoken of Josephine's troubles, and of the bad conduct of Bonaparte's brothers towards her; I will, therefore, describe here, as connected with the disgrace of Fouch6, whom Madame Bonaparte regretted as a support, some scenes which occurred about this period at Malmaison. Having been the con- fidant of both parties, and an involuntary actor in those scenes, now that twenty-seven years have passed since they occurred, what motive can induce me to disguise the truth in any respect? Madame Louis Bonaparte was pregnant. Josephine, although she tenderly loved her children, did not seem to behold the approaching event which the situation of her daughter indicated, with the interest natural to the heart of a mother. She had long been aware of the calumnious reports circulated respecting the supposed connexion between Hortense and the first consul, and that base accusation cost her many tears. Poor Josephine paid dearly for the splendour of her station ! As I knew how devoid of foundation these atrocious reports were, I endeavoured to con- sole her by telling her, what was true, that I was exerting all my efforts to demonstrate their infamy and falsehood. Bonaparte, however, dazzled by the affection which was manifested towards him from all quarters, aggravated the sorrow of his wife by a silly vanity. He endeavoured to persuade her that these reports had their origin only in the wish of the public that he should have a child; so that these seeming consolations, offered by self-love to maternal grief, gave force to existing conjugal alarms, and the fear of divorce returned with all its horrors. Under the foolish illusion of his vanity, Bonaparte imagined that France was desirous of being governed even by a bastard, if supposed to be a child of his — a singular mode, truly, of founding a new legitimacy ! Josephine, whose susceptibility appears to me, even now, MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 215 excusable, knew well my sentiments on the subject of Bonaparte's founding a dynasty, and she had not forgotten my conduct when, two years before, the question had been agitated on the occasion of Louis XVIII. 's letter to the first consul. I remember that, one day, after the publication of the parallel of Caesar, Cromwell, and Bonaparte, Josephine, having entered our cabinet without being announced, which she sometimes did, when, from the good-humour exhibited at breakfast, she reckoned upon its continuance, approached Bonaparte softly, seated herself on his knee, passed her hand gently through his hair and over his face, and thinking the moment favourable, said to him, in a burst of tenderness, "1 entreat of you, Bonaparte, do not make yourself a king! It is that Lucien who urges you to it. Do not listen to him." Bonaparte replied, without anger, and even smiling as he pronounced the last words, "You are mad, my poor Josephine. It is your old dow- ager of the Faubourg Saint-Germain, your Rochefoucaulds, who tell you all these fables! Come, now, you interrupt me — leave me alone." What Bonaparte said that day good-naturedly to his wife, I often heard him declare seriously. I have been pres- ent at five or six altercations on the subject. That there existed, too, an enmity connected with this question, between the family of Beauharnois and the family of Bonaparte, cannot be denied. Fouche, as I have stated, was in the interest of Josephine, and Lucien was the most bitter of her enemies. One day Roederer inveighed with so much violence against Fouche, in the presence of Madame Bonaparte, that she replied, with extreme warmth, "The real enemies of Bonaparte ai^e those who feed him with notions of hereditary descent, of a dynasty, of divorce, and of marriage!" Josephine could not control this exclamation, as she knew that Roederer encouraged those ideas, which he spread abroad by Lucien's direction. I recollect one day, that she had come to see us, at our little house at Ruel : as I walked with her along the high-road to her carriage, which she had sent forward, I acknowledged too unreservedly my fears on account of the ambition of Bonaparte, and of the perfidious advice of his brothers. "Madame," said I," "if we cannot succeed in dissuading the gen- eral from making himself a king, I dread the future for his sake. If ever he reestablishes royalty, he will, in all probability, labour for the Bourbons, and enable them one day to reascend the throne which he shall erect. The ancient system being reestablished, the occupation of the throne will then be only a family question, and not a question of government between liberty and despotic power. Why should not France, if it cease to be free, prefer the race of her ancient kings ? You surely know it. You had not 216 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. been married two years, when, on returning from Italy, yom' hus- band told me that he aspired to royalty. Now, he is consul for life. Would he but resolve to stop there ! He already possesses every thing but an empty title. No sovereign in Europe has so much power as he has. I am sorry for it, Madame ; but I really believe that," in spite of yourself, you will be made queen or empress." Madame Bonaparte had allowed me to speak without inter- ruption; but when I pronounced the words queen and empress, she exclaimed, "My God! Bourrienne, such ambition is far from my thoughts. That I may always continue the wife of the first consul is all I desire. Say to him all that you have said to me. Try and prevent him from making himself king." "Madame," I replied, "times are greatly altered. The wisest men, the strongest minds, have resolutely and courageously opposed the tendency to the hereditary system. But advice is now useless. He would not hsten to me. In all discussions on the subject, he adheres inflexibly to the view he has taken. If he be seriously opposed, his anger knows no bounds ; his language is harsh and abrupt, his tone imperious, and his authority bears down all before him." " Yet, Bourrienne, he has so much confidence in you, that if you should try once more " "Madame, I assure you he will not listen to me. Besides, what could I add to the remarks I have made upon the occasion of his receiving the letters of Louis XVIII. when I represented to him that, being without children, he would have no one to whom he could bequeath the throne — that, doubtless, from the opinion which he entertained of his brothers, he could not desire to erect it for them !" Here Josephine again interrupted me by exclaiming, "My kind friend, when you spoke of children, did he say any thing to you ? Did he talk of a divorce ?" "Not a word, madame, I assure you." Such was the nature of one of the conversations I had with Madame Bonaparte, on a subject to which she often recurred. It may not, perhaps, be uninteresting, to endeavour to compare with this what Napoleon said at St. Helena, speaking of his first wife. According to the Memorial, Napoleon there stated, that when Josephine was at last constrained to renounce all hope of having' a child, she often let fall allusions to a great political fraud, and at length openly proposed it to him. I make no doubt Bonaparte made use of words to this effect, but I do not believe the assertion. I recollect one day, that Bonaparte, on entering our cabinet, where I was already seated, exclaimed, in a transport of joy impossible for me to describe, "Well, Bourrienne, my wife is at last " I sincerely congratulated him, more, I own, out of courtesy, than MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 217 from any hope I had of seeing him made a father by Josephine ; for I well remembered that Corvisart, who had given medicines to Madame Bonaparte, had nevertheless assm'ed me that he expected no result from them. Medicine was really the only political fraud to which Josephine had recourse ; and in her situation, what other woman would not have done as much ? Here, then, the husband and the wife are in contradiction, which is nothing uncommon. But on which side is truth? I have no hesitation in referring it to Josephine. There is, indeed, an immense difference between the statements of a woman intrusting her fears and her hopes to a sole confidant of her family secrets, and the tardy declarations of a man who, after seeing the vast edifice of his ambition levelled with the dust, is only anxious, in his compulsory retreat, to pre- serve intact and spotless the other great edifice of his glory. Bonaparte should have recollected that Csesar did not like the idea of his wife being even suspected. At this dazzling period of his career, the first consul neglected no opportunity of endeavouring to obtain, at the same time, the admiration of the multitude and the approbation of sensible men. Thus he displayed sufficient attachment to the arts, and was sen- sible that the promotion of industry demanded the protection of the government; but it must be acknowledged that he rendered that protection of little value, by the continual violations he com- mitted on that liberty which is the invigorating principle of all improvement. During the autumn of 1802, there was held at the Louvre, under the direction of M. Chaptal, an exhibition of the products of industry, which was highly gratifying to the first consul. He seemed proud of the high degree of perfection the industrious arts had attained in France, and particularly on account of the exhibition exciting the admiration of the numerous foreigners who, during the peace, resorted to Paris. In fact, during the year 1802, the capital presented an interesting and animated spectacle. All Paris flocked to the Carrousel on review-days, and regai'ded with delight the unusual sight of the vast number of English and Rus- sians, who drove about in splendid carriages. Never since the assembling of the States General had the theatres been so well frequented, or fetes so magnificent, and never since that period had the capital presented an aspect so cheering. Every where an air of prosperity was visible, and Bonaparte proudly claimed to be regarded as its author. He viewed with pleasure the rapid advance of the funds, which he considered the great political thermometer. For if he saw them increased in value from seven to sixteen, in consequence of the revolution of the 18thBrumaire, he saw even this rise tripled in value after the vote of the consul- 19 218 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. ship for life ; and the issuing of" the senatus consultum of the 4th of August, raised them to fifty-two. While Paris appeared thus flourishing, the departments were in a state of perfect tranquillity, and foreign affairs had every appear- ance of security. The reestablishment of external worship was, without doubt, one principal cause of such a happy state of things. The court of Rome, which, since the concordate, may be said to have become devoted to the first consul, gave every proof of her submission to the wishes of France. The first consul prided him- self on having succeeded, at least in appearance, over the scru- ples of those around him who were opposed to the reestablishment of worship ; and he read with much satisfaction the reports that were made to him, in which it was stated that the churches were well- frequented. Indeed, during the whole of the year 1802, he directed his attention to the reformation of manners, which had become very dissolute during the storms of the revolution. The first consul took advantage of the good feeling the pope had expressed towards him to advance his uncle, Monsieur Fesch, to the highest honours of the church. On the 15th of August, 1802, he was con- secrated bishop, and the following year received the cardinal's hat. Bonaparte afterwards gave him the archbishopric of Lyons, of which he is still the titular. We were now at peace with all the world, and every circum- stance tended to place in the hands of the first consul that abso- lute power which he desired, and which, indeed, was the only kind of government of which he was capable of forming any concep- tion. One characteristic distinction of his government, even under the denomination of consular, gave no doubtful evidence of his real intentions. Had he designed to establish a free govern- ment, it is quite evident that he would have made the ministers responsible to the country ; whereas he took care that there should be no responsibility but to himself He beheld his ministers only as instruments to carry his intentions into effect, and which he might use as h*e pleased. This circumstance alone was sufficient to disclose all his future designs ; and, in order to make this irre- sponsibility of ministers perfectly clear to the public, all govern- ment acts were signed only by M. Maret, then secretary of state. Thus the consulship for life was nothing but an empire in disguise, and even this did not long satisfy the ambition of the first consul; he resolved to found a new dynasty. This object was attended with many difficulties, and he felt the delicacy of his position; but he knew how to face obstacles, and he had been accustomed to overcome them. It was not from the interior of France that he apprehended any difficulty to arise, but he had reason to fear that MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 219 foreign powers would not view with satisfaction the reestablish- ment of the monarchy in a new family. So long as the throne was unoccupied, the question respecting the Bourbons was, in some measure, kept back, but the monarchical form being revived to their exclusion, naturally created an alarm among the family of kings. Bonaparte laboured to establish in France, not only an absolute monarchy, but, what is still worse, a military one. He considered a decree signed by his hand to be possessed of some magic power, capable of at once transforming his generals into able diplomatists; and so he sent them on embassies, as if to indicate to the sovereigns to whom they were accredited that he would one day take their thrones by assault. The appointment of Lannes to the court of Lisbon arose out of circumstances which probably will be read with interest, as displaying , the char- acter of Bonaparte in its true light, and to point out the means he would often resort to when desirous to remove even his most faithful friends as soon as their presence became disagreeable to him. Bonaparte had ceased to address Lannes in the second person singular; but that general continued the practice, and it is hardly possible to conceive how much this familiarity offended the first consul. Lannes was the only one who dared to treat Bonaparte as a fellow-soldier, or to tell him the truth without ceremony. This was enough to determine Bonaparte to remove him from his presence. But what pretext could he devise to remove the con- queror of Montebello ? — that must be contrived ; and in this truly diabolical machination we shall see Bonaparte bring into play that crafty disposition for which he was so remark-able. Lannes, who never looked forward to the morrow, was as prodigal of his money as he was of his blood. Poor officers and soldiers partook largely of his liberality, and these he considered as his children. Thus he had no fortune, but plenty of debts. When he wanted money, which happened very often, he came to the first consul, as if it were a matter of course, to solicit it of him, who, I must confess, never refused him. Bonaparte, though he well knew his circum- stances, said to him one day, " My good fellow, you should attend a little more to appearances. You should have an establishment suitable to your rank. There is the Hotel de Noailles — why don't you rent it, and furnish it in a proper style?" Lannes, whose candour prevented him from suspecting any design, followed the advice of the first consul. The Hotel de Noailles was taken, and splendidly furnished. Odiot supplied a service of plate, valued at two hundred thousand francs. After having thus conformed to the wishes of Bonaparte, he came to ask for four hundred thousand 220 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, francs (about £16,000), the amount of expense which had been incurred. "But," said the first consul, "I have not the money." "You have not the money! What the devil am I to do? Is there none in the chest of the guard ?" — " Take from it what you require, and we will settle it hereafter." Mistrusting nothing, Lannes went to the treasurer of the guards, who at first made some objection, but gave way when he understood it was with the consent of the first consul. Twenty-four hours had scarcely elapsed after Lannes had obtained the four hundred thousand francs, when the treasurer received from the chief commissary an order to balance his ac- counts. The receipt for the money advanced to Lannes was not acknowledged as a voucher. It was in vain the treasurer alleged the authority of the first consul : he had on a sudden lost all recol- lection of the matter ; he had entirely forgotten all that passed. In a word, it was incumbent on Lannes to repay the money to the guards' chest, and, as I have said before, he had none. On this he went to General Lefebvre, who loved him as a son, and to whom he related all that had passed. "Simpleton," said Lefebvre, "why did you not apply to me? Why did you go and get into debt with that fellow? Well, it cannot be helped ; here are the four hundred thousand francs ; take them to him, and let him go to the devil!" Lannes hastened to the first consul. "How," cried he, "could you condescend to such an unworthy act? To treat me in such a manner — to lay such a snare for me, after all that I have done for you; after all the blood I have shed to promote your am- bition ! Is this the recompense you have reserved for me ? You forget the 13th Vendemiaire, to the success of which I contributed more than you! You forget Millessimo: I was a colonel before you! For whom did I fight at Bassano? You saw what I did at Lodi and at Governolo, where I was wounded; and yet playest me such a trick as this! But for me, Paris would have revolted on the 18th Brumaire; without me, you would have lost the battle of Marengo. I alone! yes, I alone, passed the Po at Montebello, with my whole division, though you wished to give the honour to Berthier, who was not present; and this is the reward for my humiliation! This cannot, this shall not, be. I will — " Bona- parte, pale with anger, listened without stirring, and Lannes was on the point of challenging him, when Junot, who heard the uproar, hastily entered. The unexpected presence of this general relieved the embarrassment of the first consul, and calmed the rage of Lannes. "Well, then," said Bonaparte, "go to Lisbon; you will get money there, and when you return, you will not want any one to pay your debts." Thus was Bonaparte's object gained. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 221 Lannes set off for Lisbon, and, on his return, never used the obnoxious thee and thouing. Having described Bonaparte's ill-treatment of Lannes, I may here subjoin a statement of the circumstances which led to a rupture between me and the first consul. So many false stories have been circulated on the subject, that I am anxious to relate the facts as they really were. It was now nine months since I had tendered my resignation to the first consul. The business of my office had become too great for me, and my health was so much endangered by over- application, that my physician, M. Corvisart, who had for a long time impressed upon me the necessity of relaxation, nov/ formally warned me, that I should not long hold out under the fatigue I underwent. I had resolved to follow the advice of Corvisart; my family were urgent in their entreaties that I would do so, but I always put off the decisive step. I was loath to give up a friendship which had subsisted so long, and which had been only once dis- turbed: on that occasion, when Joseph thought proper to play the spy upon me, at the table of Fouch6. I remembered also the reception I had met with from the conqueror of Italy ; and I expe- rienced, moreover, no slight pain at the thought of quitting one from whom I had received so many proofs of confidence, and to whom I had been attached from early boyhood. I was thus kept in a state of perplexity, from which some unforeseen circumstances could only extricate me. Such a circumstance at length occurred, and the following is the history of my first rupture with Napoleon: On. the 27th of February, 1802, at ten at night, Bonaparte dic- tated to me a despatch, of considerable importance and urgency, for M. de Talleyrand, requesting the minister for foreign affairs to come to the Tuileries next morning at an appointed hour. Accord- ing to custom, I put the letter into the hands of the office messenger, that it might be forwarded to its destination. This was Saturday. The following day, Sunday, M. de Talleyrand came about mid-day. The first consul immediately began to confer with him on the sub- ject of the letter sent the previous evening, and was astonished to learn that the minister had not received it until the morning. He rang immediately for the messenger, and ordered me to be sent for. Being in very bad humour, he pulled the bell with so much fury, that he struck his hand violently against the angle of the chimney- piece. I hurried to his presence. "Why," he said, addressing me hastily, "why was not my letter delivered yesterday evening?" — "I do not know: I put it into the hands of the person whose duty it was to see that it was sent." — "Go, and learn the cause of 19* 222 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. the delay, and come back quickly." Having rapidly made my inquiries, I returned to the cabinet. " Well ?" said the first consul, whose irritation seemed to have increased. — "Well, general, it is not the fault of any body. M. de Talleyrand was not to be found, either at the office, or at his own residence, or at the house of any of his friends, where he was thought likely to be." Not knowing with whom to be angry, and restrained by the coolness of M. de Talleyrand, yet at the same time ready to burst with rage, Bona- parte rose from his seat, and, proceeding to the hall, called the messenger, and questioned him sharply. The man, disconcerted by the anger of the first consul, hesitated in his replies, and gave confused answers. Bonaparte returned to his cabinet, still more irritated than he had left it. I had followed him to the hall, and on my way back to the cabinet I attempted to soothe him, and I begged him not to be thus discomposed by a circumstance which, after all, was of no great moment. I do not know whether his anger was increased by the sight of the blood which flowed from his hand, and which he was every moment looking at; but how- ever that might be, a transport of furious passion, such as I had never before witnessed, seized him ; and as I was about to enter the cabinet after him, he threw back the door with so much vio- lence, that had I been two or three inches nearer him, it must infallibly have struck me in the face. He accompanied this action, which was almost convulsive, with an appellation not to be borne: he exclaimed, before M. de Talleyrand, "Leave me alone! — you are a fool!" At an insult so atrocious, I confess that the anger which had already mastered the first consul, suddenly seized on me. I thrust the door forward, with as much impetuosity as he had used in attempting to close it; and scarcely knowing what I said, I exclaimed, " You are a hundred-fold greater fool than I am!" I then went up stairs to my apartment, which was situated over the cabinet. I was as far from expecting as from wishing such an occasion of separating from the first consul. But what was done could not be undone; and, therefore, without taking time for reflection, and still under the influence of the anger that had got the better of me, I penned the following positive resignation : " General: The state of my health does not permit me longer to continue in your service. I therefore beg you to accept my resignation. Bourrienne." Some moments after this was written, I saw from my window the saddle-horses of Napoleon arrive at the entrance of the pal- ace. It was Sunday, and, contrary to his usual custom oil that day, he was going to ride out. Duroc accompanied him. He MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 223 was no sooner gone, than I went down into his cabinet, and placed my letter on his table. On returning, at four o'clock, with Duroc, Bonaparte read my letter. "Ah! ah!" said he, before opening it, "a letter from Bourrienne." And he almost immediately added, for the note was speedily perused, " He is in the sulks. — Accepted." I had left the Tuileries at the moment he returned ; but Duroc sent to me, where I was dining, the following billet : "The first consul desires me, my dear Bourrienne, to inform you that he accepts your resignation, and to request that you will give me the necessary information respecting your papers. Yours, Duroc. "P. S. I will call on you presently." Duroc came to me at eight o'clock the same evening. The first consul was in his cabinet when we entered it. I immediately commenced giving my intended successor the necessary explana- tions to enable him to enter upon his new duties. Piqued at find- ing that I did not speak to him, and at the coolness with which I instructed Duroc, Bonaparte said to me, in a harsh tone, "Come, I have had enough of this! Leave me." I stepped down from the ladder, on which I had mounted for the purpose of pointing out to Duroc the places in which the various papers were depos- ited, and hastily withdrew. I, too, had had quite enough of it. I remained two more days at the Tuileries, until I had suited myself with lodgings. On Monday I went down into the cabinet of the first consul to take my leave of him. We conversed together for a long time, and very amicably. He told me he was very sorry I was going to leave him, and that he would do all he could for me. The following day, Tuesday, the first consul asked me to break- ^ fast with him. After breakfast, while he was conversing with some other person, Madame Bonaparte and Hortense pressed me to make advances towards obtaining a reinstalment in my office, appealing to me on the score of the friendship and kindness they had always shown me. They told me that I had been in the wrong, and that I had forgotten myself I answered, that I con- sidered the evil beyond remedy ; and that, besides, I had really need of repose. The first consul then called me to him, and, con- versing a considerable time, renewed his protestations of good- will towards me. At five o'clock I was going down stairs to quit the Tuileries for good, when I was met by the office messenger, who told me that the first consul wished to see me. Duroc, who was in the room leading to the cabinet, stopped me as I passed, and said — "He wishes you to remain. I beg of you, do not refuse; do me this favour. I have assured him that I am incapable of filling 224 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. j^our office. It does not suit my habits; and besides, to tell you the truth, the business is too irksome for me." I proceeded to the cabinet without replying to Duroc. The first consul came up to me smiling, and pulling me by the ear, as he did when he was in the best of humours, said to me — "Are you still in the sulks?" and, leading me to my usual seat, he added — "Come, sit down." Only those who knew Bonaparte can judge of my situation at that moment. He had at times, and when he chose, a charm in his manners which it was quite impossible to resist. I could offer no opposition, and I reiissumed my usual office and my accustomed labours. Five minutes afterwards it was announced that dinner w^as on table: — "You will dine with me?" he said. — "I cannot; I am expected at the place where I was going when Duroc called me back. It is an engagement that I cannot break." — "Well I have nothing to say, then. But give me your word that you will be here at eight o'clock." — "I promise you." Thus I became again the private secretary of the first consul, and I beheved in the sincerity of our reconciliation. Not long after this occurrence, the first consul said to me one day in a tone of interest, of which I was not the dupe — "My dear Bourrienne, you cannot really do every thing. Business increases, and will continue to increase. You know what Corvi- sart says. You have a family ; therefore, it is right you should take care of your health. You must not kill yourself with work: therefore, some one must be got to assist you. Joseph tells me he can recommend a secretary, one of whom he speaks very highly. He shall be under your directions: he can make out your copies, and do all that can consistently be consigned to him. This, I think, will be a great relief to you." — " I ask for nothing better," replied I, "than to have the assistance of some one, who, after becoming acquainted with the business, may some time or other succeed me." Joseph sent to his brother M. Mennevalle, a young man, who, to a good education, added the recommendations of industry and prudence. I had every reason to be perfectly satisfied with him. I soon perceived the first consul's anxiety to make M. Menne- valle acquainted with the routine of business, and accustomed to his manner. Bonaparte had never pardoned me for having pre- sumed to quit him after he had attained to so high a degree of power; he was only waiting for an opportunity to punish me, and he siezed upon an unfortunate circumstance as an excuse for that separation which I had previously wished to bring about. I wall explain this circumstance, which ought to have obtained for me the consolation and assistance of the first consul, rather MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 225 than the forfeiture of his favour. My rupture with him has been the subject of various mis-statements, all of which I shall not take the trouble to correct; I will merely notice what I have read in the memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo, in which it is stated that I was accused oi peculation. M. de Rovigo thus expresses himself: " Ever since the first consul was invested with the supreme power, his life had been a continued scene of personal exertion. He had for private secretary M. de Bourrienne, a friend and companion of his youth, whom he now made the sharer of all his labours. He frequently sent for him in the dead of the night, and particularly insisted upon his attending him every morning at seven. Bourrienne was punctual in his attendance with the public papers, which he had previously glanced over. The first consul almost invariably read their contents himself; he then despatched some business, and sat down to table just as the clock struck nine. His breakfast, which lasted six minutes, was no sooner over than he returned to his closet, only left it for dinner, and resumed his close occupation immediately after, until ten at night, which was his usual hour for retiring to rest. "Bourrienne was gifted with a most wonderful memory; he could speak and write many languages, and would make his pen follow as fast as the words were uttered. He could lay claim to many other advantages; he was well acquainted with the administrative departments, was versed in the law of nations, and possessed a zeal and activity which rendered his services quite indispensable to the first consul. I have known the several grounds upon which the unlimited confidence placed in him by his chief rested ; but am unable to speak with equal assurance of the errors which occasioned his losing that confidence. "Bourrienne had many enemies; some were owing to his personal character; a greater number to the situation which he held. Others were jealous of the credit he enjoyed with the head of the government; others, again, discontented at his not making that credit subservient to their personal advantage. Some even imputed to him the want of suc- cess that had attended their claims. It was impossible to bring any charge against him on the score of deficiency of talent or of indiscreet conduct : his personal habits were watched ; it was ascertained that he engaged in financial speculations. An imputation could easily be founded on this circumstance. Peculation was accordingly laid to his charge. "This was touching the most tender ground ; for the first consul held nothing in greater abhorrence than unlawful gains. A solitary voice, however, would have failed in an attempt to defame the character of a man for whom he had so long felt esteem and aflection ; other voices, therefore, were brought to bear against him. Whether the accusations were well-founded or otherwise, it is beyond a doubt that all means were resorted to for bringing them to the knowledge of the first consul. "The most effectual course that suggested itself was the opening a 226 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. correspondence either with the accused partj'- direct, or with those with whom it was felt indispensable to bring him into contact ; this corres- pondence was carried on in a mysterious manner, and related to the financial operations that had formed the grounds of a charge against him. Thus it is that, on more than one occasion, the very channels intended for conveying truth to the knowledge of a sovereign, have been made available to the purpose of communicating false intelligence to him. I must illustrate this observation. "Under the reign of Louis XV., and even under the regency, the post-office was organized into a system of minute inspection, which did not indeed extend to every letter, but was exercised over all such as afforded grounds for suspicion. They were opened ; and when it was not deemed safe to suppress them, copies were taken, and they were returned to their proper channel without the least delay. Any individual denouncing another may, by the help of such an establishment, give gi'eat weight to his denunciation. It is sufficient for his purpose that he should throw into the post-office any letter so worded as to confirm the impression which it is his object to convey. The worthiest man may thus be compromised by a letter which he has never read, or the purport of which is wholly unintelligible to him. " I am speakmg from personal experience : it once happened that a letter addressed to myself, relating to an alleged fact, which had never occurred, was opened. A copy of the letter so opened was also forwarded to me, as it concerned the duties which I had to perform at that time; but I was already in possession of the original, transmitted through the ordinary channel. Summoned to reply to the questions to which such productions had given rise, I took that opportunity of pointing out the danger that would accrue from placing a blind reliance upon intelligence derived from so hazardous a source. Accordingly, little importance was afterwards attached to this means of information; but the system was in full operation at the period when M. de Bourrienne was disgraced: his enemies took care to avail themselves of it ; they blackened his charac- ter with M. Barbe Marbois, who added to their accusations all the weight of his unblemished character. The opinion entertained by this rigid public functionary, and many other circumstances, induced the first consul to part with his secretary."* Peculation is the crime of those who make a fraudulent use of the public money. But as it was not in my power to meddle with the public money, no part of which passed through my hands, I am at a loss to conceive how I can be charged with peculation. I had seen nothing of the Memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo, except their announcement in the journals, when a letter from M. de Barbe Marbois was transmitted to me from my family. It was as follows : * Duke de Eovigo's Memoirs, vol. 1. part I. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 227 "Sir: My attention has been called to the enclosed article in a recent publication.* The assertion it contains is not true, and I conceive it to be a duty both to you and to myself to declare, that I then was, and still am, ignorant of the causes of the separation in question. I am, &c. Marbois." I need say no more in my justification. This unsolicited testi- mony of M. de Marbois is a sufficient contradiction to the charge of peculation which has been raised against me in the absence of correct information respecting the real causes of my rupture with the first consul. M. de Rovigo also observes, that my enemies were numerous. My concealed adversaries were indeed all those who were inter- ested that the sovereign should not have about him, as his intimate confidant, a man devoted to his glory, and not to his vanity. In expressing his dissatisfaction of one of his ministers, Bonaparte had said, in the presence of several individuals, among whom was M. Maret, "If I could find a second Bourrienne, I would get rid of you all." This was sufficient to raise against me the hatred of all who envied the confidence of which I was in possession. The failure of a house in Paris, in which I had invested a con- siderable sum of money, afforded an opportunity for envy and malignity to irritate the first consul against me. Bonaparte, who had not yet forgiven me for wishing to leave him, at length deter- mined to sacrifice my services to a new fit of ill-humour. A mercantile house, then one of the most respectable in Paris, had, among its speculations, undertaken some army contracts. With the knowledge of Berthier, with whom, indeed, the house had treated, I invested some money in this business. Unfortu- nately the principals were, unknown to me, engaged in dangerous speculations in the funds, which in a short time so involved them as to occasion their failure. I incurred the violent displeasure of the first consul, who declared to me that he no longer r^equired my services. Such is a true statement of the circumstances which led to my separation with Bonaparte. I defy any one to adduce a single fact in support of the charge of peculation, or any transaction of the kind : I fear no investigation of my conduct. When in the service of Bonaparte, I caused many appointments to be made, and many names to be erased from the emigrant-list before the senatus consultum of the 6th Floreal, year X., but I never counted upon gratitude, experience having taught me that it was merely an empty word. The Duke de Rovigo attributed my disgrace to certain inter^ cepted letters which compromised me in the eyes of the first con- * The extract from the Duke of Rovigo's Memoirs is here alluded to. 228 MEMOIKS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. sul. I did not know this at the time; and though I was pretty well aware of the machinations of Bonaparte's adulators, almost all of whom were my enemies, yet I did not contemplate such an act of baseness. But the spontaneous letter of M. de Barbe Mar- bois at length opened my eyes, and left little doubt on the subject. I have already given a copy of M. JNIarbois's letter. The follow- ing is a postscript that was added to it : "I recollect that, one Wednesday, the first consul, while presidhig in a council of ministers at Saint Cloud, opened a note, and, without informing us what it contained, hastily left the sitting, apparently much agitated. In a few minutes he returned, and obsers'ed that your functions had ceased." Whether the sudden displeasure of the first consul was excited by a false representation of my concern in the transaction which proved so unfortunate to me, or whether Bonaparte merely made that a pretence for carrying into execution a resolution which I am convinced had been previously adopted, I shall not stop to determine. I retired to a house which Bonaparte had advised me to pur- chase at St. Cloud, and for the fitting up and furnishing of which he had promised to pay. We shall soon see how he kept this promise. I immediately sent to direct Landoire, the messenger of Bonaparte's cabinet, to place all letters sent to me, in the first consul's port-folio, because many intended for him came under cover for me. In consequence of this message, I received the following letter from M. Mennevalle : "I cannot believe that the first consul would wish that your letters should be pre- sented to him. I presume you allude only to those which may concern him, aiid which come addressed under cover to you. " The first consul has written to Citizens Lavallette and Mollien, directing them to address their packets to him. I cannot allow Landoire to obey the order you sent. "The first consul yesterday evening evinced great regret. He repeatedly said, 'How miserable I am! I have known that man since he was seven years old!' "I cannot but believe that he will reconsider his imfortunate decision." A whole week passed away in conflicts between the first con- sul's friendship and pride. The least desire he manifested to recall me was opposed by his flatterers. On the fifth day of our separation, he directed me to come to him. He received me with the greatest kindness : and after having good-humouredly told me that^I often expressed myself with too much freedom — a fault I was never sohcitous to correct — he added, "I regret your absence much. You were very useful to me. You are neither too noble nor too plebeian; neither too aristocratic nor too Jacobinical. You are discreet and laborious. You understand me better than any one else ; and, between ourselves be it said, we ought to con- sider this a sort of court. Look at Duroc, Bessidres, and IMaret. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 229 However, I am very much inclined to take you back ; but by so doing, I should confirm the report that I cannot do without you." I am convinced that if Bonaparte had been left to himself, he would have recalled me, and this conviction is warranted by the interval which elapsed between his determination to part with me and the formal announcement of my dismissal. Our rupture took place on the 20th of October, and on the 8th of November follow- ing the first consul sent me the following letter: "Citizen Bourrienne, Minister of State: I am satisfied with the services which you have rendered me, during the lime you have been with me ; but henceforth they are no longer necessary. I wish you to relinquish, from this time, the functions and title of my private secretary. I shall seize an early opportunity of providing for you in a way suited to your activity and talents, and conducive to the public service. " Bonaparte." If any proof of the first consul's malignity were wanting, it would be furnished by the following fact : A few days after the receipt of the letter which announced my dismissal, I received a note from Duroc ; but to afford an idea of the petty revenge of him who caused it to be written, it will be necessary first to relate a few preceding circumstances. When, with the view of preserving a little freedom, I declined the offer of apartments which Madame Bonaparte had prepared at Malmaison for myself and my family, I purchased a small house at Ruel, the first consul had given orders for the furnishing of this house, as well as one which I possessed in Paris. From the mari- ner in which the orders were given, I had not the slightest doubt but that Bonaparte intended to make me a present of the furniture. However, when I left his service, he applied to have it returned. At first, T paid no attention to his demand, as far as it concerned the furniture at Ruel ; and then, actuated by the desire of taking revenge, even by the most pitiful means, he directed Duroc to write the following letter to me: " The first consul, my dear Bourrienne, has just ordered me to send him this evening the keys of your residence in Paris, from which none of the furniture is to be removed. " He also directs me to put into a magazine whatever furniture you may have at Ruel or elsewhere, which you have obtained from government. " I beg of you to send me an answer, so as to assist me in the execution of these orders. You promised to have every thing settled before the first consul's return. I must excuse myself in the best way I can. Duroc. "24 Brumaire, year X." (15 November, 1802.) I shall only add another fact to show the malignity of the per- secution Bonaparte was disposed to subject me to. On the 20th of April, Duroc sent me the following note: " I beg, my dear Bourrienne, that you will come to St. Cloud this morning. I have something to tell you on the part of the fii-st consul. Duroc." 20 230 >u'Mou;t; ov \Arot,KO\ iu>\ avakte. This note caused mo nuu-h anxiety. I could not doubt Init that niv eneunes had invented some new calumny; but 1 must say that I ilid not expeet such baseness as I experienced. As soon as Duroc had u\aile me acquainted witli tiie business \vhiel\ the tivst consul had directed him to connnunicate. I wrote, on the spot, the subjoined letter to Bonaparte: •• At General Duroo's desire. I have this moment waited mion him. and he informs me that you have received notice that a detlcit ot" one hundred thousand tranes has been dist'overed in the treasury ot" the navy, which you require nie to n^tund this day at noon. "Citixen First Consul. I know not what this means! I am utterly ignorant ot" the matter. I solemnly dei-lan? to you that this charare is a most iniamons calumny. It is one more to be added to the number of those malicious charges which have beeu invented for the purpose of destix>ying any intluencc I miglit possess with you. •• I am in General Duroc's apartments, where I await your orders." Duroc carried mv note to the first consul as soon as it was written. He speedily returned. ''All's right." said he: "he has dii"ected me to say it was entirely a mistake! that he is now con- vinced he was deceived! that he is sorry for the business, and hopes no more will be said about it.'' The base flatterers who surrounded Bonaparte wished him to renew upon me his Eixyptian extortions : but they should have recollected that the fusillade employed in Egypt for the purpose of raisins^ money, was no longer the fashion in France, and that tlie days were gone when it was the custom to grease the wheels of the revolutionary car. CHAPTER XIX. The First Cousurs doubts re*pecling the ccaiUnuance of Ptvsce : tlvo Discvvnteiit of England : her Bad Paith: IVniaparte luui lA>rvl ^^'hit^vor^h ; Bonsp.-Jto'^ Message to UioSeaiate; Causes of the Dis- eouteiu of Eivgland; Lorvl ^^'hil\vo^th"s Pepartntv : Complaints of the EiijUsh G<>veniinent : My Interview with Ponai^irte; Fauche-Bort^l ; Moreau and Pichegru; KejH>rts inspecting Horte»«; Death of the nuko d'Eughiea; Jivephine's Grief. The fii*st consul never calculated upon a long peace with Eng- land, bat he wished for peace because it was anxiously desired by the people, after ten years of war. and because it would increase his popularity, and enable him to lay the foundation of his gov- ernment. Peace was as necessary to enable Bonaparte to con- quer the throne of France, as war was essential to secure it, and to extend its boundaries at the expense of the other thrones of Ein-ope. This was the secret of the peace of Amiens, and of the rupture which so suddenly followed, but it must be admitted that the war was resumed much eailier than the fii"st consul wished. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 231 On the great questions of peace and war, Bonaparte entertained elevated ideas; but in discussing the subject, he always declared himself in favour of war, and considered as nothing the evils which it occasioned, so long as England possessed so much influ- ence in the cabinets of Europe. It was evident that England desired war, and he was anxious to prevent her from anticipating him. He said " Why allow her to have all the advantages of the first step? We must astonish Europe! We must strike a great and unexpected blow." Thus reasoned the first consul, and we are to judge whether his actions were not equal to his sentiments. England, by neglecting to execute her treaties, encouraged his love for war, and justified the prompt declaration of hostilities in the eyes of the French nation, whom he wished to persuade that if peace was broken, it would be contrary to his own wishes. This state of uncertainty did not continue long, for the king of England sent a message to parliament, in which he alluded to armaments preparing in the ports of France, and of the neces- sity of adopting precautions against meditated aggressions. This instance of bad faith irritated the first consul, and led him one day at a public levee, to address Lord Whitworth, the English ambas- sador, in a very abrupt manner, in the presence of all the foreign ambassadors. "What is the meaning of all this?" said Bonaparte; "are you tired of peace? Must Europe again be deluged with blood? Preparations for war, indeed! Do you think to overcome us in this manner? You will see that France may be conquered, but never intimidated; never!" The English ambassador was quite astounded at this abrupt attack, to which he made no reply, but satisfied himself with com- municating an account of the interview to his government.* * The following is Savary's description of this extraordinary scene : — " One of the receptions of the consular court was the occasion on which Bonaparte vented his dis- pleasure on the conduct of England. He had just been reading the despatches of his ambassador at the court of London, who sent him a copy of the king's message to parliament, respecting alleged armaments in the ports of France. " His mind being wholly biased by the reflections to which the perusal of the des- patches had given rise, he omitted going that day into the second saloon, but went straight up to the ambassador's. I was only at the distance of a few paces from him, when, stopping short before the English ambassador, he put the following hurried ques- tions to him in a tone of anger: 'What does your cabinet mean? What is the motive for raising these rumours of armaments in our harbours? How! Is it possible to impose in this manner upon the credulity of nations, or to be so ignorant of our real intentions? If the actual state of things be known, it must be evident to all that there are only two transports fitting out for St. Domingo ; that that island engrosses all our attention — all our disposable means. Why, then, these complaints? Can peace be already consid- ered as a burden to be shaken off? Is Europe to be again deluged in blood? Prepara- tions making for war ! To pretend to overawe us ! France may be conquered — perhaps- destroyed — but never intimidated!' 232 MEMOIES OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. This conduct on the part of the first consul was made the excuse for the recall of Lord Whitworth and for the renewal of hostilities, but had England not wished for war, such trifling causes could scarcely have produced it. When the misunderstanding between France and England took place, each might have reproached the other with a want of faith, but justice was apparently on the side of France. It was evident that England, by refusing to give up Malta, according to the stip- ulations of the treaty of Amiens, had been guilty of a breach of that treaty, whereas all that France could be charged with was an apparent tendency not to adhere to it. But it must be admit- ted that this tendency on the part of France to increase her terri- tory, was evident, by the fact of her having incorporated Piedmont with France, as well as Parma and Placenza, which was done by the sole authority of Bonaparte. It may, therefore, be supposed that the internal prosperity of France and the ambition of her ruler was the cause of uneasiness to England. But this was no excuse for her own decided bad faith in refusing to withdraw her troops from Malta within three months from the signing of the treaty; and now more than a year had elapsed, and the troops were still there. The order of Malta was to be restored as it for- merly was ; that is to say, it was to remain a sovereign and inde- pendent order under the protection of the Holy See. The three cabinets of Vienna, Berlin, and St. Petersburg!!, were to guarantee the execution of the treaty. Bonaparte was at St. Cloud when Lord Whitworth left Paris, on the 12th of May, 1803. Fifteen days were spent in attempts " The ambassador made a respectful bow, and gave no reply. The first consul left that part of the saloon; but whether he had been a little heated by this explosion of ill-humour, or from some other cause, he ceased his round, and withdrew to his own apartments. Madame Bonaparte followed. In an instant the saloon was cleared of company. The ambassadors of Russia and England had retired to the embrasure of a window, and were still conversing together after the apartments had been cleared of visiters. ' Indeed,' said one to the other, ' you could hardly expect such an attack ; liow, then, could you be prepared to reply to it? All you have to do is to give an account of it to your government. In the mean time, let what has taken place suggest to you the conduct you ought to pursue.' " He took the advice. The communications became cold and reserved. England had already formed her determination. A spirit of acrimony soon sprung up between the two governments. " An interchange of notes took place ; categorical explanations were required ; the demand for passports soon followed. The latter were immediately granted by the first consul. I was in his closet at St. Cloud when M. Maret was introduced, who brought with him the corrected draft of the reply which was to accompany the passports. He had it read out to him, and expressed himself in the kindest terms respecting the per- sonal character of Lord Whitworth, for whom he felt great regard. He was quite satisfied that on this occasion the ambassador had not at all influenced the conduct of his government." — Memoirs of the Duke of Eovigo. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 233 to resume negotiations, but without success, and therefore war was the only alternative. The first consul, before he made his final preparations, addressed a message to the senate, to the legislative body, and to the tribunate. In this message he mentioned the recall of the English ambassador, the renewal of hostilities, the unexpected message of the king of England to the parliament, and the armaments which immediately followed in the British ports. "In vain," he said, "had France tried every means to induce Eng- land to abide by the treaty. She has repelled every overture, and increased the insolence of her demands; but France will not sub- mit to menaces, but will combat for the faith of treaties and for the honour of her name. Confidently trusting that the result of the contest will be such as she has a right to expect from the justice of her cause and from the bravery of her people." This message was dignified, and free from that boasting in which Bonaparte so frequently indulged. The reply of the senate was accompanied by a vote of a ship of the line, to be paid for out of the allowance made to the senate. With his usual address, Bonaparte, in acting for himself, spoke in the name of the people, just as he had done on the question of the consulate for life. But what he did then for his own interest, as I have frequently stated, turned out for the advantage of the Bourbons. Bonaparte, though not yet a sovereign, absolutely required that the King of England should renounce the empty title of King of France, which had been always kept up, as if to intimate that old pretensions were not abandoned. This proposition was acceded to, and to this circum- stance was owing the disappearance of the title of King of France from among the titles of the King of England, at the treaty of Pans, on the return of the Bourbons. The first grievance complained of by England was, the pro- hibition of English merchandize, which had become more rigid since the peace than during the war. This avowal on the part of Great Britain might well have dispensed with any other ground of complaint; but the truth is, she was alarmed at the aspect of our internal prosperity, and at the impulse given to our manufac- tures. The English government had hoped to obtain such a com- mercial treaty as would have been a death-blow to our rising trade; but Bonaparte opposed this, and from the very circum- stance of his refusal, he might easily have foreseen the rupture at which he appeared surprised. It was evident that the disappointment in regard to the com- mercial treaty was the cause of the animosity of the English gov- ernment, as this circumstance was alluded to in the declaration of the King of England. In that document it was complained that 20* 234 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. France had sent a number of persons to reside at the ports of Great Britain and Ireland, in the quality of commercial agents, which character and the privileges belonging to it they could only have acquired by a commercial treaty. Such was, in my opinion, the real cause of the complaints of England ; but as it would have seemed ridiculous to have made it the ground for a declaration of war, she enumerated other grievances, viz: the union of Pied- mont and of the states of Parma and Placenza with France, and the continuance of the French troops in Holland. Much was said about the views and projects of France with respect to Turkey, and this complaint originated in General Sebastiani, of whom I have already spoken, having been sent to Egypt. Upon this point I can take upon me to say that the English government was not misinformed. Bonaparte too frequently spoke to me of his ideas respecting the east, and of his project for finding means of attack- ing the English power in India, to leave any doubt of his having renounced it. The result of all the reproaches which the two governments addressed to each other was, that neither acted with good faith. When hostilities recommenced with England, Bonaparte was quite unprepared in most branches of the service — from the numerous grants of leave of absence, the wretched condition of the cavalry, and the temporary nullity of the artillery, in conse- quence of a project for refounding all the field-pieces. But these difficulties were overcome as if by magic. He had recourse to the conscription to complete his army — the project for refounding the artillery was abandoned — money was obtained from the large towns, and the occupation of Hanover, which soon followed, fur- nished an abundant supply of good horses for mounting the cavalry. The peace of Amiens had been broken about seven months, when, on the 15th of December, 1803, the first consul sent for me to the Tuileries. His incomprehensible conduct towards me was still fresh in my mind; and as it was upwards of a year since I had seen him, I confess I did not feel quite at ease when I received his summons. The truth is, I was so much alarmed, that I had the precaution of taking with me a night-cap, lest I should be sent to sleep at Vincennes. On the day appointed for the interview, Rapp was on duty. I did not conceal from him the fears which I. entertained as to the possible result of my visit. "You need not be afraid," said Rapp ; "the first consul merely wishes to talk with you." He then announced me. Bonaparte came into the grand saloon where I awaited him, and addressing me in the most good-humoured way, inquired, after MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 235 having made a few trifling observations, "What do they say of my preparations for the descent upon England?" — "General," I replied, "there is a great difference of opinion on the subject. Every one speaks as he would wish it. Sachet, for instance, who comes to see me very often, does not doubt but that it will take place, and hopes to give you on that occasion a fresh proof of his gratitude and fidelity." — " But Suchet tells me that you do not believe it."— "That is true; I certainly do not."— "Why?" — "Because you told me at Antwerp, five years ago, that you would not risk France on the cast of a die; that it was too hazardous; and nothing has changed since that time to render it more proba- ble." — "You are right; those who believe in a descent are block- heads. They do not see the affair in its true light. I can doubt- less land with one hundred thousand men. A great battle will be fought, which I shall gain ; but I must calculate upon thirty thou- sand men killed, wounded, or taken prisoners. If I march on London, a second battle will be fought; I shall suppose myself again victorious ; but what shall I do in London with an army reduced three-fourths, and without a hope of reinforcements? It would be madness. Until our navy acquires superiority, it would be a perilous project. The great assemblage of troops in the north has another object. My government must be the first, or it must fall." Bonaparte then evidently wished to deceive with respect to his intentions, and he did so. He wished it to be believed that he intended a descent upon England, merely to fix the attention of Europe in that direction. It was at Dunkirk that he caused all the various plans for improving the ports to be dis- cussed, and on this occasion he spoke a great deal on his ulterior views respecting England, which had the effect of deceiving the ablest around him. The invasion of England was the great object of attention throughout Europe during the autumn and winter of 1803. But early in the succeeding year Paris itself became the theatre of a series of transactions which for a time engrossed the public mind. One Fauche-Borel was sent to Paris to bring about a recon- ciliation between Moreau and Pichegru. The latter general, who was banished on the 18th Fructidor, had not obtained the authority of the fii'st consul to return to France. He lived in England, where he awaited a favourable opportunity for putting his old projects into execution. Moreau was at Paris, but he never appeared at the levees or parties of the first consul, and the enmity of both generals towards Bonaparte, openly avowed on the part of Pichegru, and still disguised by Moreau, was a secret to nobody. But as every thing was prosperous with the first consul, he mani- 236 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. fested more disdain than fear of the two generals. The name of Moreau had greater weight with the army than that of Pichegru; and those who were planning the overthrow of the consular gov- ernment knew that that measure could not be attended with suc- cess without the assistance of Moreau. The moment was not favourable ; but, having become initiated into some secrets of the British cabinet, they knew that the peace was but a truce, and they were desirous to profit by this circumstance to effect a reconciliation which might afterwards secure a community of interests. Moreau and Pichegru had been on bad terms since the former sent to the Directory the papers seized in M. de Klingling's carriage, which placed the treason of Pichegru in the clearest light. Since that time, the name of Pichegru was without influence with the soldiers, while the name of Moreau was dear to all those who had conquered under his command. The design of Fauche-Borel was to compromise Moreau with- out determining any thing. Moreau's natural indolence, and, perhaps, his good sense, induced him to adopt the maxim that it is better to let men and things take their course, for temporizing in politics is not less useful than in war. Besides, Moreau was a real republican; and if his irresolution would not permit him to take a part, it is clear that he would not have assisted in reestab- lishing the Bourbons, which was what Pichegru desired. What I have stated may be regarded as an indispensable intro- duction to the knowledge of plots of more importance, which preceded the great event which marked the close of the consul- ship — that is, the conspiracy of Georges Cadoudal, Moreau, and Pichegru, and that indelible stain on the character of Napoleon, the death of the Duke d'Enghien. Different opinions have been expressed concerning Georges's conspiracy. I shall not contra- dict any of them. I will relate what I learned and what I saw of that horrible affair. I am far from believing, what I have read in many works, that it was planned by the police in order to prepare the way for the first consul mounting the throne. I think that it was projected by those who were interested, but encouraged by Fouch6 to favour his return to office. To corroborate my opinion respecting Fouche's conduct and his manoeuvres, I must state that, towards the close of 1803, some persons conceived the project of reconciling Moreau and Pichegru. Fouche, who was then out of the ministry, caused Moreau to be visited by men of his own party and his companions, who were induced unintentionally, by Fouche's influence, to irritate the general's mind. It was at first intended that the Abb6 David, the MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 237 mutual friend of Moreau and Pichegru, should undertake to effect their reconciliation ; but he being arrested and sent to the Temple, was succeeded by one Lajoles, who, it was generally believed, had been employed by Fouche. He proceeded to London, and having prevailed upon Pichegru and his friends to return to Paris, he set off to announce their intention, and to arrange every thing for their reception and destruction. The only foundation for this intrigue was the discontent of Moreau. I remember that one day, towards the end of January, 1804, I called on Fouche, who informed me that he had been at St. Cloud, and had had a long conversation with the first consul on the situation of affairs. The first consul observed that he was perfectly satisfied with the exist- ing police, and that it was only to increase his importance that he gave such a colouring to the picture. Fouch6 asked him, " What he would say, if he told him that Georges and Pichegru had been for some time in Paris to arrange the plot of which he had spoken." The first consul, as if well pleased at the mistake of Fouche, said, with an air of satisfaction, "You are truly well-informed! Reg- nier has just received a letter from London, which states that Pichegru had dined at Kingston, near to the city, with one of the king's ministers." As Fouche still persisted in his assertion, the first consul sent to Paris for the grand judge, Regnier, who showed the letter to Fouche. The first consul triumphed at first to see Fouche at fault ; but the latter so clearly proved that Pichegru and Georges were in Paris, that Regnier began to believe that he had been deceived by his agents; his rival paid better than himself The first consul, seeing clearly that his old minister knew more than the new, dismissed Regnier, and remained a long time in con- versation with Fouch6, who said nothing as to his being reap- pointed, for fear of exciting suspicion. He only requested that the management of this affair might be entrusted to Real, with orders to obey all the directions and instructions which he might receive from him. Previous to relating what I know respecting the arrest of Moreau and the other persons accused, I shall here give an account of a long interview which I had with Bonaparte, in the midst of these important events. On the 8th of March, 1804, some time after the arrest, but before the trial of Moreau, I had an audience of the first consul, at eight in the morning, which was not sought by me. After hav- ing asked some unimportant questions as to what I was doing? what I expected he should do for me? and assuring me that he would bear me in mind, and other vague remarks respecting the 238 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. conspiracy, he all at once gave a different turn to the conversa- tion, and said, "By-the-by, the report of my connexion with Hor- tense is still kept up ; and the most abominable rumours have been circulated as to her first child. I believed at the time that these reports were only circulated because the public desired that I should not be childless. Since you and I separated, have you heard them repeated?" — "Yes, general, frequently; and I confess that I could not have believed that this calumny would have lived so long." — " It is truly frightful to think of! You know the truth — you have seen all — heard all ; the least circumstance could not have passed without your knowledge ; you were in her full con- fidence when she was in love with Duroc. I therefore expect, if you should ever write any thing about me, that you will clear me from this infamous report. I would not have it accompany my name to posterity. I trust to you. You have never believed this odious imputation?" — "No, general; never." He then entered into a number of circumstances connected with the life of Hor- tense; on her general conduct, and on the turn which her mar- riage had taken. "It has not turned out as I could have desired; their union has not been happy. I am sorry for it, not only because they are both dear to me, but because it countenances the infamous reports that the idle have circulated as to my inti- macy with her." He concluded the conversation with these words: "Bourrienne, I have sometimes the idea of replacing you; but as there is no good pretext for doing so, it would be said that I could not do without you, and I wish it may be understood that I am not in want of any one." After a few other remarks about Hortense, I answered that, "As it fully coincided with my own conviction, I would do what he desired ; but that it did not depend upon me, for the truth was already known." Mademoiselle Beauharnois entertained for the first consul a respectful fear, and could not speak to him without trembhng; she never dared to ask any favour of him. When she required to solicit any thing, she always applied to me ; and if I found any difficulty in obtaining it, I mentioned her as the person for whom I requested it. *'The little simpleton," said Bonaparte, "why does she not ask me herself? Is the girl afraid of me ?" Napoleon never cherished for her any feeling but a real paternal tenderness. He loved her, after his marriage with her mother, as he would have loved his own child. At least for three years I was a wit- ness to all their most private actions, and I declare I never saw any thing that could furnish the least ground for suspicion, nor the slightest trace of a culpable intimacy. This calumny must be classed among those which malice delights to take with the char- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 239 acter of men who become celebrated — calumnies which are adopted lightly, and without reflection. I freely declare, that, did I entertain the slightest doubt with regard to this odious charge, of the existence of which I knew very well before he spoke to me, I would avow it; but it is not true. He is no more: and let his memory be accompanied only by that, be it good or bad, which really took place! Let not this reproach be made a charge against him by the impartial historian ! I must say, in conclusion, on this delicate subject, that his principles were rigid in an extreme degree, and that any ftiult of the nature charged, neither entered his mind, nor was it in accordance with his morals or his tastes. I shall now return to the events of a more public character which succeeded each other so rapidly at the commencement of 1804; and in order to form a just idea of them, it will be necessary to consider them both separately and connectedly. Every one possessing the slightest intelligence must be satisfied that the conspiracy of Georges, Moreau, and Pichegru, and the other parties implicated, never could have occurred, had it not been for the connivance of the police. Moreau never for a moment desired the restoration of the Bourbons, and I was too well acquainted with M. Carbonnet, his most intimate friend, to be ignorant of his private sentiments. It was, therefore, impossi- ble that he could entertain the same views as Georges, the Polig- nacs, Riviere, and others. Without entering into all the details of this great trial, of which the death of the Duke d'Enghien was a horrible episode, I will relate some facts which may assist in eliciting the truth from a chaos of intrigue and falsehood. Most of the conspirators were confined either in the Temple or La Force, and one of them, Bouvet de Lozier, who was confined in the Temple, endeavoured to hang himself. He had very nearly succeeded, by making use of his cravat for that purpose, when the turnkey entered, and found him at the point of death. When he recovered, he acknowledged that, though he was able to face death, he was not able to endure the examination on his trial, and that he had determined to kill himself rather than that he might be induced by fear to make any confessions. He did, in fact, confess, and it was on the morning when that occurred that Moreau was arrested while on his way from his country-seat of Grosbois to Paris. Fouche, by means of his agents, had given Pichegru, Georges, and some other partisans of royalty, to understand that they could count on Moreau, who, it was said, was quite prepared to join them. It is certain that Moreau informed Pichegru that he had 240 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. been deceived ; for that, as for himself, he had never been spoken to on the subject. Russilon declared on the trial, on the 14th of March, that the Polignacs had said to some one, "Every thing seems bad — they do not understand each other. Moreau has not kept his word — we are deceived." M. Riviere also declared that he soon discovered that they were deceived, and that he was about to return to England when he was arrested. Indeed, when they learned Moreau's declaration from Pichegru, the whole of the conspirators were preparing to leave Paris, when they were all arrested almost at the same time. Georges was going into La Vendue, when he was betrayed by the man who, with the con- nivance of the police, had accompanied him since his departure from London, and who had preserved him from all surprise so long as it was not necessary to know where he was and what he was about. The almost simultaneous arrest of the conspirators proved that the police knew well where they were to be found. When Pichegru was required to sign his interrogations, he refused to do so, as he suspected the police might have discharged the writing by some chemical process, and filled it up with state- ments which he had never made. Some fear was entertained' lest he should have made disclosures respecting his connexion with Moreau, whose destruction was sought for, and as to the means made use of by the police to instigate the conspirators. On the evening of the 15th of February, I learned that Moreau had been arrested, and early next morning I went to the Rue St. Pierre, where M. Carbonnet resided with his nephew, to learn the particulars of the general's arrest. What was my surprise! when, before I could put the question to the porter, he informed me that M. Carbonnet and his nephew yvere both arrested. "I advise you, sir," said the porter, "to retire instantly, for the persons who call on M. Carbonnet are watched." — "Is he still at home?" said I. "Yes; they are examining his papers." — "Then," replied I, "I will go up." M. Carbonnet, of whose friendship I have reason to be proud, and whose memory is dear to me, was more distressed at the arrest of his nephew and of Moreau than by his own. Plis nephew was, however, liberated after a few hours, and he himself was sent to solitary confinement at Saint Pelagic. Thus the police, who knew nothing, quickly became informed of every thing. In spite of the numerous police agents through- out France, it was only discovered by the declarations of Bouvet de Lozier that three successive landings had been quietly effected ; and that a fourth was expected, but which did not take place because General Savary was sent by the first consul to seize those MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 241 who might land. There cannot be a better proof of the devotion of the poHce to their old chief, and their combined determination to mislead the new minister. It must be kept in mind that all Bonaparte's schemes tended to one object — the foundation of the French empire in his favour; and it is also important to consider how the situation of the emi- grants, as regards the first consul, had changed since the peace had been broken. As long as Bonaparte was at peace with other governments, the cause of the Bourbons had no support in foreign cabinets, and the emigrants had no alternative but to submit to circumstances; but, on the renewal of war, all was changed. The cause of the Bourbons became that of all the powers at war with France, and the war had also the effect of uniting the emigrants abroad with those who had returned and who were dissatisfied; there was reason to fear something from their hostility, in conjunction with the powers armed against Bonaparte. Such was the state of things, with regard to the emigrants, when the chiefs and accomplices of the conspiracy of Georges were arrested at the commencement of the year 1804. The assassination of the Duke d'Enghien took place on the 21st of March; on the 30th of April, the proposition was made to the tribune to found in France a government in the person of one individual; on the 18th of May, the senate named Napoleon Bonaparte emperor; and lastly, on the 10th of June, Georges and his accomplices were condemned. Thus the shedding of the blood of a Bourbon, and the placing the crown of France on the head of a soldier of fortune, were two acts interpolated into the bloody drama of Georges's conspiracy. It must also be borne in mind that at this time we were at war with England, and on the point of seeing Austria and the colossus of the north coalescing against our new emperor. I shall now relate a few of the particulars respecting the melan- choly death of the Duke d'Enghien. That unfortunate prince, who was at Ettenheim in consequence of a love affair, had no communication with those parties who were preparing a plot in the interior. Moreau was arrested on the 15th of February, 1804, at which time the conspiracy was known. Pichegru and Georges were also arrested in February, and the Duke d'Enghien not till the 15th of March. Now, if the prince had really been concerned in the conspiracy, or if he had even known of it, would he have remained at Ettenheim for a moment after the arrest of his pre- tended accomplices, the intelligence of which he could have received in three days? He was so entirely a stranger to it, that Q 21 242 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. when informed of the affair at Ettenheim, lie declared that, if it was true, his father and grandfather would have informed him of it for his own personal safety. The sentence of death against Georges and his companions was not passed until the 10th of June, 1804, and the Duke d'Enghien was shot on the 21st of March, before the trials had even commenced. How is this pre- cipitation to be explained? If, as Napoleon said, the young Bour- bon was their accompUce, why was he not arrested at the same time as the others ? Why was he not tried with them, or why was the name of the illustrious accused not once mentioned in the course of that awful trial? or was it that his answers might have thrown light upon the mysterious affair? It is absolutely impossible that any reasonable person can regard the Duke d'Enghien as an accomplice in Cadoudal's conspiracy, and Napo- leon has basely attempted to impose upon his contemporaries and posterity by lending his authority to the falsehoods which were invented to screen him from the odium which will ever be attached to his name for this atrocious act. Had I then been in the first consul's intimacy, I believe that the blood of the Duke d'Enghien would never have stained the glory of Bonaparte, because 1 believe that I could have succeeded in dissuading him from his fatal design, as I knew that his object was merely to frighten the emigrants from Ettenheim, where great numbers had sought refuge. It has been said that a letter was written to Bonaparte by the Duke d'Enghien, offering him his services, and soliciting a com- mand in his army, and that it was not delivered until after the execution. This is atrociously absurd. His interrogatory makes no mention of this letter; the truth is, no such letter ever existed, nor is it to be supposed that the prince would have entertained such sentiments. The individual who was with the prince declares that he never wrote it ; and I shall never believe that any one would have dared to withhold from Bonaparte a letter on which depended the fate of so august and so elevated a victim. In his declaration at St. Helena, Napoleon endeavoured to free himself of the crime, by stating that if he had received any appli- cation from the prince, he would have pardoned him. But, if we compare all that he said, which has been transmitted to us by his faithful followers, we shall find so many contradictions, that the truth cannot be doubted. Napoleon would not confess the real cause of the death of the Duke d'Enghien; but inexorable history will relate that he was proclaimed emperor three months after his assassination, and, less indulgent than his contemporaries, she will not attach any blame to chance, to criminal zeal, or to intrigue. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 243 This sanguinaiy scene took place at the castle of Vincennes. It was General Ordener, commandant of the horse grenadiers of the guard, who received orders from the minister at war to pro- ceed to the Rhine, to give instructions to the chiefs of the gend- armerie of New Brissac, which was placed at his disposal. This general sent a detachment of gendarmerie to Ettenheim, where the Duke d'Enghien was arrested on the 15th of March. He was immediately conducted to the • citadel of Strasbourg, where he remained until the 18th, to give time for orders being received from Paris. These orders were given rapidly, and promptly executed, for the carriage which conveyed the unfortunate prince arrived at the barrier at eleven o'clock on the morning of the 20th. It remained there for five hours, and then departed by the exterior boulevarde on the road to Vincennes, where it arrived at night. Every scene of this horrible affair took place during the night — the sun did not even shine upon its tragic close. The soldiers had orders to proceed to Vincennes during the night; it was at night that the fatal gates were closed upon the prince — at night the council assembled to try him, or rather to condemn him without trial. When the clock struck six in the morning of the 21st of March, the order was given to fire, and the prince ceased to live. Here let me be permitted to make a reflection. When the dreadful intelligence of the death of the Duke d'Enghien reached Paris, it excited a feeling of consternation which recalled the recollection of the days of terror. Ah! if Bonaparte could have seen the gloom which pervaded the capital, and compared it with the joy which was exhibited on the day when he returned victorious from the field of Marengo, he would have considered that he had tarnished his glory with a stain which nothing could ever efface. After receiving the fatal intelligence of this event, I determined to go to Malmaison to wait upon Madame Bonaparte; knowing, from her sentiments towards the house of Bourbon, that she would be in the deepest affliction. I had sent a messenger to know whether it would be convenient for her to see me — a precaution which I had never previously observed, but which I judged to be proper on the present occasion. On my arrival, I was immedi- ately introduced into her boudoir, where she was alone with Hor- tense and Madame Remusat; I found them all deeply afflicted. "Bourrienne," said Josephine, as soon as she perceived me, "what a dreadful event! If you but knew the state of mind he has been in for some time! — he avoids, he fears the presence of any one. Who could have suggested to him such an act as this ?" When I acquainted Josephine with the particulars which had come to 244 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. my knowledge, she exclaimed, " What barbarity ! But no reproach can rest with me, for I did every thing to dissuade him from this fatal project. He did not confide in me, but you know how I am able to guess — and he acknowledged all. But how harshly he repelled my entreaties! I clung to him — I threw myself at his feet! 'Meddle with what concerns you!' he exclaimed with violence; 'this is not the business of women — leave me.' He repulsed me with a violence which he had not done since our first interview after your return from Egypt. Gracious God! what will become of us ?" I had nothing to say to calm the grief of Madame Bonaparte, for I participated in her affliction, and only could express my regret that Bonaparte should have been guilty of such a crime. "What," said Josephine, "is the opinion of Paris? I am sure he must be hated, for even here his flatterers seem astounded when they are out of his presence. How wretched have we been since yesterday; and he! — you know what he is when he is dissatisfied with himself — no one dares speak to him, and all is mournful around us. What a commission he gave to Savary! You know I don't like him, for he is one of those whose flatteries will con- tribute to ruin Bonaparte. Ah, well ! Savary came yesterday to me to fulfil a sad commission which the Duke d'Enghien gave to him before his death. Here," she continued, "is his portrait and a lock of his hair, which he has requested me to send to one who was dear to him. Savary almost shed tears when he related to me the last words of the duke ; then, endeavouring to recover his self-possession, he said, 'It was impossible to witness the death of such a man without feelina; the bitterest emotion.' " CHAPTER XX. Consequences of the Death of the Duke d'Enghien ; Pichegru an-ested ; his Death ; Moreau— his Treatment in Prison ; the Trial of Georges, Moreau, and others ; their Sentence. The immediate consequences of the death of the Duke d'Enghien were not confined to the general consternation which that event produced in the capital. The news spread rapidly through the provinces and foreign countries, and every where carried astonishment and sorrow. There is a class of society which possesses great influence in the provinces, called the "Gentry of the Chateaux," and who may be said to form the provincial faubourg St. Germain. The opinion of these gentry of the Cha- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 245 teaux had been hitherto not unfavourable to the first consul, for he reduced the rigour of the law of hostages, which had been felt very severely by them. He therefore had succeeded to a great degree in conciliating them, but the news of the death of the Duke d'Enghien alienated from him minds which were still waver- ing, and even those who had changed. This act of tyranny dis- solved the charm which had created hope from his government, and awakened affections which had hitherto slumbered. The consequences were not less important, and might have become serious as respected foreign courts. I was informed from very good authority, that so soon as the Emperor Alexander received the news, it was clear that England might entertain hopes of forming a new coalition against France. Alexander openly expressed his indignation; and I learned that Pitt, when informed of the death of the French prince, had said, that Bona- parte had done himself more mischief than England had been able to do him since the declaration of war. Pitt was not the man to feel much concern for the death of any one; but he understood and seized all the advantages which were given him by so great a political error on the part of his most formidable enemy. The policy of the cabinet of Vienna prevented the manifesta- tion of its displeasure by remonstrances or by any other act ; and the presence of the French troops in Hanover prevented the court of Berlin from expressing any commiseration, at least beyond the closet of the queen; but it is certain that this circumstance changed very much the disposition of the sovereigns towards the first consul, and hastened the negotiations which England was secretly carrying on with Austria and Prussia. The death of the Duke d'Enghien was a horrible episode to the proceedings of the great trial which was then preparing, and which was quickly followed by the elevation of Bonaparte to the imperial dignity. It was not one of the least singular anomalies of this period, that the judgment by which criminal enterprises against the republic was condemned, was pronounced in the name of the emperor who had so evidently destroyed that republic. By means of this subtlety, he at first declared himself emperor of the republic, as a preliminary to his proclaiming himself emperor of the French. Really, when we look at both sides, it is impossible not to admire the genius of Bonaparte — his temerity in advancing towards his object, and his skilful employment of suppleness and audacity. It made him sometimes dare fortune, and sometimes avoid insurmountable difficulties, to arrive at not merely the throne of Louis XVI., but at the reconstructed throne of Charlemagne. But it is not my object to reason on history; I shall merely 21* 246 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, relate what I saw at the time, and what I have since learned of the different phases of the trial of Georges, Pichegru, and Moreau, and of Other persons accused. I myself heard all the debates and examinations on this trial, and I am therefore enabled to say that, from all I heard, I was convinced that Moreau was not a conspirator. It has been stated that Moreau was arrested on the day after Bouvet de Lozier made, his confession; and Pichegru was taken by means of the most infamous treachery of which a man could be capable. The police officers were unable to discover his retreat, when an old friend, who had given him an asylum, was induced to deliver him up for one hundred thousand crowns. This infamous fellow gave an exact description of the chamber which Pichegru occupied; and, in consequence of this informa- tion, and by means of false keys, the police were able to seize in bed the conqueror of Holland. It was on the night of the 22d of February that Pichegru was arrested, and the deceitful friend who gave him up was named Le Blanc. I had entirely lost sight of Pichegru since we left Brienne, for he was also a pupil of that establishment; but as he was older than us, he was already a tutor when we were only scholars; and I very well recollect that it was he who caused Bonaparte to repeat the four first rules of arithmetic. There is also this other singular circumstance, that Pichegru and Bonaparte were both made lieutenants of artillery at the same time. What a differ- ence in their destiny ! While the one was preparing to mount a throne, the other was a solitary prisoner in a dungeon of the Temple. Forty days had elapsed since the arrest of Pichegru, when, on the morning of the 6th of April, he was found dead in the dungeon which he occupied in the Temple. He had undergone ten exam- inations, but had neither made any confessions nor compromised any one; but all his declarations led it to be expected that he would speak out boldly and publicly during the solemnity of his trial! He said, " When I am before my judges, my language will be conformable to truth, and to the interests of my country ;" and I am satisfied that he would have kept his promise, for he was distinguished by firmness and resolution of character, differing in this respect from Moreau, who was much influenced by his wife. There can be no doubt but that Pichegru was strangled in prison, to prevent his making any disclosures which might have been disagreeable. His death was, therefore, considered neces- sary, and this necessity was its real cause.* * The following is Savary's account of Picliegru's death: — "Being at the Tuileriea one morning, about eight o'clock, I received a note from the officer of the gendarmerie MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 247 ' Immediately on Pichegru's death, the other prisoners were informed of the fact; and, as they were all acquainted with him, none would believe he had committed suicide — what then must have been their horror! Moreau was not treated with the same rigour as the other pris- d'elite, who that day commanded the guard posted at the Temple. He informed me that General Pichegru had just been found dead in his bed, and that this had occasioned a great bustle in the Temple, where they were expecting some one from the police, to which intelligence of the circumstance had been sent. " This officer communicated the fact to me, as well on account of its singularity, as because I had made it a rule in the corps which I commanded, that all the officers employed in any duty whatever should give me an account of what they had done, seen, or heard, during the twenty-four hours. I forwarded this note to the first consul ; he sent for me, supposing that I had further particulars; but as I had none, he sent me to make inquiries, saying, 'This is a pretty end for the conqueror of Holland!' "I arrived at the Temple at the same time as M. Real, who came on behalf of the grand-judge to learn the particulars of this event. I went with M. Real, the keeper, and the surgeon of the prison, straight to General Pichegru's room ; and I knew liim again very well, though his face was turned of a crimson colour, from the effect of the apoplexy with which he had been struck. " His room was on the ground-floor, and the head of his bed against the window, so that the seat served to set his light upon for the purpose of reading in bed. On the outside there was a sentinel placed under this window, through which he might easily, upon occasion, see all that was passing in the room. " General Pichegru was lying on his right side ; he had put round his neck his own black silk cravat, which he had previously twisted like a small rope : this must have occupied him so long as to afford time for reflection, had he not been resolutely bent on self-destruction. He appeared to have tied his cravat, thus twisted, about his neck, and to have at first drawn it as tight as he could bear it ; then to have taken a piece of wood, of the length of a finger, which he had taken from a branch that yet lay in the middle of the room (part of a fagot, the relics of which were still in his fire-place): this he must have slipped between his neck and his cravat, on the right side, and turned round till the moment that reason forsook him. His head had fallen back on the pillow, and compressed the little bit of stick, which had prevented the cravat from untwisting. In this situation, apoplexy could not fail to supervene. His hand was still under his head, and almost touched this little tourniquet. " On the night-table was a book open, and with its back upward, as if laid down for a moment by one who had been interrupted while reading. M. Real found this book to be the Seneca which he had sent to him ; and he remarked that it was open at that passage where Seneca says, that the man who is determined to conspire, ought, above all things, not to fear death. This was probably the last thing read by General Piche- gru, who, having placed himself in a situation to lose his life on the scaffold, or under the necessity of having recourse to the clemency of the first consul, had preferred dying by his own hand. " While I was at the Temple, I questioned the gendarme who had passed the night in the ante-chamber which separated Georges from Pichegru: he told me that he had heard nothing all night, except that General Pichegru had coughed a good deal from eleven to twelve o'clock ; that not being able to get into his room, because the keeper had got the key, he was unwilling to rouse the whole tower on account of that cough. The gendarme was himself locked up in this ante-chamber; and had any thing occur- red to oblige him to give the alarm, it was by the window that he was to apprise the sentinel who was at the door of the tower ; the sentinel was to give notice to the post, and the latter to the keeper. — I questioned also the gendarme who had been on duty under the window of General Pichegru from ten o'clock till twelve, and he had hearA nothing." — Memoirs of the Duke de Sovigo. 248 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, oners; nor, indeed, would it have been safe to have done so, for even in his prison he received the homage and respect of the mil- itary, not excepting even those who were his guards. Many of the guards had served under him, and they could not forget how much he was beloved by the soldiers. There was in Paris a gen- eral conviction, that if Moreau had ventured to say a word to the soldiers in whose charge he was, that that jailer-guard would have immediately formed itself into a guard of honour, ready to execute all that might be necessary for the safety of the conquei'or of Hohenlinden. It was, therefore, perhaps, only owing to the respect with which he was treated, and in being indulged in daily seeing his wife and child, as also from the confidence in the injus. tice of the charges made against him, that he appeared to submit with indifference and resignation. Napoleon had been declared emperor about ten days, when on the 28th of May the trials commenced. No similar event which has since occurred can convey any idea of the excitement which pervaded Paris. The indignation caused by the arrest of Moreau was openly manifested, and could not be restrained by the police. Public opinion had been successfully misled with respect to Georges and others, who were considered as assassins in the pay of England, but the case was very different as concerned M. de Polignac, de Riviere, Charles d'Hosier, and, above all, Moreau. It was neces- sary to surround him with a guard, to restrain the curiosity of the people and the anxiety of his friends, but care was taken that it should not be so strong as to become a rallying point, should the voice of a chief, so honoured by the army, call upon it for defence. A movement in favour of Moreau was considered very possible: by some it was desired, by others it was dreaded. I am satisfied that it would have taken place if the judges had capitally con- demned him. It is impossible to form any idea of the crowd which incom- moded all the passages of the Palace of Justice on the day the trials commenced, and this crowd continued during the twelve days the trials lasted, and particularly on the day the sentence was passed. Persons of the first rank were desirous to be present. Two facts most forcibly obtruded themselves on my attention during the proceedings — the one, the violence of the president of the court towards the prisoners; and the other, the innocence of Moreau. But in spite of the most crafty and skilful examination, Moreau never once fell into the least contradiction, and it was perfectly evident that he was an entire stranger to all the plots and intrigues which had been planned in London. In fact, during the whole trial, I did not discover the shadow of a connexion MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 249 between him and the other prisoners, nor was there scarcely one of the thirty-nine witnesses who were heard for the prosecution who knew him, and he himself declared that there was not one among the accused whom he knew, or whom he had ever seen before. His appearance was as calm as his conscience, and as he sat on the bench he appeared as one led by curiosity to be present, rather than as one of the accused, who might be condemned to death. But for the shot which killed Moreau in the ranks of the enemy — ^but for the foreign cockade which disgraced the hat of the con- queror of Hohenlinden — his complete innocence would long ago have appeared beyond a doubt. There was a circumstance which occurred at one of the sittings which almost produced an electrical effect. I think I still see General Lecourbe, the worthy friend of Moreau, entering unex- pectedly into the court with a young child, and taking it up in his arms, he exclaimed, with a strong voice and with considerable emotion: "Soldiers, behold the son of your general!" At this unexpected movement, all the military present rose, and sponta- neously presented arms, and at the same time a rnurmur of applause spread through the crowd. It is certain, that had Moreau at that moment said a word, such was the enthiisiasm in his favour, that the tribunal would have been broken up and the prisoners liberated. But he remained silent, and appeared the only unconcerned per- son in court. Georges was far from exciting the same interest as Moreau — he "was an object of curiosity rather than of interest, and he regarded his fate with a fierce kind of resolution ; he had the manners and bearing of a rude soldier, but under his coarse exterior he concealed the soul of a hero. In all that concerned himself, he was perfectly open, but in whatever tended to compromise his associates, he maintained the most obstinate silence, notv/ithstanding every attempt was made to overcome his firmness. In the course of the trial, the greatest interest was felt for M. de Polignac, de Hosier and de Riviere. So short a period had elapsed since the proscription of the nobility, that, independently of every feeling of humanity, it was certainly impolitic to bring before the public the heirs of an illustrious name, endowed with that devoted heroism which could not fail to extort the admiration of all. The accused were all young, and their situation created the greatest sympathy. The greater number disdained to have recourse to a denial, and seemed less anxious to preserve their lives than for the honour of the cause in which they had engaged. Even when the sword of the law was suspended over their heads, the faithful servants of the Bourbons displayed on every occasion 250 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, their attachment and fidelity. I recollect that the court was dis- solved in tears, when the president having argued, as a proof of the guilt of ]M. de Riviere, that he had worn a medallion of the Count d'Artois, M. de Riviere requested that he might be allowed to examine it ; on its being handed to him, he kissed it and pressed it to his heart, and on returning it, he said that he only wished to render homage to a prince he loved. The court was still more deeply affected on witnessing the gen- erous fraternal combat which took place during the last sitting but one, between the two Polignacs. The emotion was general when the eldest of the two brothers, after having declared that his going out alone and during the day did not look like a con- spirator anxious for concealment, added these remarkable words, which will always remain engraven on my memory : " I have now only one wish, which is, that as the sword is suspended over our heads, and threatens the existence of several of the accused, you would, in consideration of his youth, if not of his innocence, spare my brother, and upon me let fall the whole weight of your ven- geance." On the following day, before the fatal sentence was pronounced, M. Jules de Polignac addressed the court, saying, "I was so deeply affected yesterday by the discourse of my brother, that I was not able to give my attention so as to be able to make a proper reply; but as I am now perfectly tranquil, I entreat, gen- tlemen, that you will not regard what he urged in my behalf I repeat, on the contrary, and with more justice, if one of us must become a sacrifice, if there is yet time, save him ; restore him to the tears of his wife ; I am single. Like him, I can meet death unappalled : too young to have tasted the pleasures of life, I cannot regret their loss." — "No, no," exclaimed his brother; "you are still in the outset of your career; it is I who ought to suffer." At eight in the morning the members of the tribunal withdrew to the council chamber. Since the commencement of the trial, the crowd, in place of diminishing, seemed each day to increase ; and on this morning, although the sentence was not expected vmtil a late hour, no one quitted the court, lest he should be unable to find a place when the court resumed its sitting. Sentence of death was passed upon Georges Cadoudal, Bouvet de Lozier, Rusillon, Rochelle, Armand de Polignac, Charles d'Hosier, de Riviere, Louis Ducorps, Picot, Lajolais, Roger, Coster-St.-Victor, Deville, Gaillard, Joyaut, Durban, Lemercier, Jean Cadoudal, Lelan, and Merille; while Jules de Pohgnac, Leridan, General Moreau, Roland, and Hisay, were only condemned to two years' imprisonment. When the sentence was pronounced, it filled the whole assem- bly with consternation, and it soon spread through Paris. I may MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 251 well affirm it to have been a day of public mourning; and although it was Sunday, every place of amusement was deserted. To the horror inspired at the sentence of death wantonly passed upon so many victims, the greater part of whom belonged to the most dis- tinguished classes in society, was added the ridicule inspired at the condemnation of Moreau ; of the absurdity of which no one seemed more sensible than Bonaparte, who expressed himself respecting it in the most pointed terms. As soon as the special tribunal had pronounced its sentence, Murat, governor of Paris, and brother-in-law to the emperor, sought his presence, and conjured him to spare all the prisoners; observing that such an action would add more to his glory at the commencement of his reign, than their death would add security to it. Such was the conduct of Murat, but he did not solicit par- don for any one in particular. Those who obtained the imperial clemency were Bouvet de Lozier, Rusillon, de Revi^re, Rochelle, Armand de Polignac, d'Hosier, Lajolais, and Armand Gaillard. The other unfortunate victims of a sanguinary police underwent their sentence on the 25th of June, two days after the announce- ment of the pardon of the others. Their courage and resolution never forsook them for a moment; and Georges, knowing that it was rumoured that he was pardoned, entreated that he might die first, that his companions in their last moments might know that he had not survived them. CHAPTER XXI. The Empire Rehearsal ; Secret Negotiations with the Senate ; Hereditaiy Succession proposed by the Tribune Cures ; the Proposition adopted by the Tribune ; Addi'ess of the Senate ; the Emperor's Reply; Revival of old Formulas and Titles ; the Creation of the Marshals ; the Invasion of England never seriously contemplated ; the Ffete of the 14th of July; Church Festivals a Waste of Time ; Grand Ceremonial at the Invalids ; Departure for Boulogne ; Distribution of the Crosses of the Legion of Honour ; Intrepidity of two English Sailors ; Negotiations with the Pope ; the Pope arrives at Fontainbleau ; the Coronation ; Distribution of the Eagles in the Champ-de-Mars. For a long time the agents of government had been instructed throughout France to solicit for the first consul, in the name of the people, that which the people did not want, but which Bona- parte wished to take while he appeared to yield to the general will, namely, the sovereign power, without restrictions and free from the subterfuge of denomination. The opportunity of the conspiracy which had been discovered, and of which some account has been given in the preceding chapter, was a circumstance not to be omitted; and it was eagerly laid hold of by all the authori- 252 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, ties, civil, military, and ecclesiastical, who sent in an immense number of addresses, congratulations, and thanksgivings on the occasion. The greater part of these addressers did not confine themselves to mere congratulation, but they even entreated Bona- parte to consolidate his work; the true meaning of which was that he should assume imperial and hereditary power. In this scene of the grand drama Bonaparte played his part with his accustomed talent, and carefully kept himself in the back ground, and left to others the preparation of his measures. The senate, who took the lead in this affair, did not fail, while congratulating the first consul on his escape from "the daggers of England" as they were termed, to entreat him not to delay the completion of his work. For some reason, which is not exactly known, Bonaparte allowed this address to the senate to remain unanswered for nearly a month; and when he did answer it, he merely requested that the intention of the address might be more clearly expressed. These negotiations between the senate and Bonaparte being secret, were not immediately published : he only sought publicity when he wished to communicate results. To obtain the result he desired, it was necessary that the project he was maturing should be proposed in the tribunate ; and the Tri- bune Cur6e had the honour of proposing officially the conversion of the consular republic into an empire, and the elevation of Bona- parte to the title of emperor with the rights of hereditary succession. Curee developed his proposition to the tribune, in the sitting of the 30th of April, at which I was present. He commenced by describing all the evils which had overwhelmed France during the various governments which had succeeded each other since the constituent assembly, and concluded thus : "I move, therefore, that we transmit to the senate our wishes, which are those of the whole nation, and which have for their object, 1st, That Napoleon Bona- parte, now first consul, be declared emperor, and under that title continue at the head of the French republic; 2d, That the impe- rial dignity be declared hereditary in his family; 3d, That those of our institutions, which are as yet but traced out, be definitely settled." Such was the apologetic harangue of Cur^e; and I saw a number of the members crowding to the tribunate to have their names enrolled so as to speak on this question ; and each enlarged upon what had been said by the producer of the proposition, which had so evidently emanated from him to whom it was finally to return. Each speech was, in short, more adulatory than the preceding. The tribunate having adopted the propositions of Cur6e, there was no longer any motive for concealing the first overtures of the MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 253 senate; the pear was then ripe, and the address of the senate was accordingly published forty days after date. To give greater solemnity to their proceedings, the senate pro- ceeded in a body to the Tuileries, and Cambaceres, as president, pronounced the address. Speaking in the name of the senate, he said, among other things, " That at sight of the danger from which Providence has saved the hero destined to fulfil her designs, the first observation which naturally arose was, that to meditate the destruction of the first consul, was to meditate the destruction of France. Give us, then, institutions so combined that their system niay survive you. You will found a new era, but you must eter- nize it; glory is nothing unless it be permanent. Great man! finish your work, and render it immortal as your glory. You have extricated us from the chaos of the past; you enable us to enjoy the blessings of the present; guarantee to us the future." No one could resist such flattery. By this reply of the senate the most important step was per- formed, and there now remained little but the mere ceremonies to regulate, and the formula to fill up. These various arrangements occasioned a delay of fifteen days; and, at length, on the 18th of May, Napoleon was, for the first time, greeted by the appellation of Sire by his former colleague, Cambaceres, who, at the head of the senate, went to present to the new emperor the organic sen- atus consultum, relative to the foundation of the empire. Napo- leon was at St. Cloud, whither the senate repaired in state. After the speech of Cambaceres, in which they had heard applied for the first time the designation of majesty, the emperor replied : " All that can contribute to the welfare of the country is essential to my happiness. I accept the title which you believe to be useful for the glory of the nation. I submit to the sanction of the people, the law of hereditary succession. I hope that France will- never repent the honour with which she may surround my family. At all events, my spirit will not be with my posterity, when they cease to merit the love and confidence of the great nation." Cambaceres then went to congratulate the empress; and thus was realized to Josephine the prediction which I had made to her three years before, at Malmaison. Bonaparte's first act as emperor, on the very day of his elevation to the imperial throne, was the nomination of Joseph to the dignity of grand elector, with the title of imperial highness. Louis was raised to the dignity of constable, with the same title; and Cam- baceres and Lebrun were created arch-chancellor and arch- treasurer of the empire. On the following day the emperor came to Paris to hold a levee at the Tuileries, for he was not a man to delay the gratification 22 254 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. that pride and vanity derived from his new title. The assembly- was the most brilliant and numerous that had yet been known. Bessieres, colonel of the guards, presented an address in their name, to which the emperor replied : " I know the sentiments the guards cherish towards me, and I repose entire con- fidence in their bravery and fideUty. I constantly behold, with increasing pleasure, companions in arms who have escaped from so many dangers, and who are covered with honourable wounds. I always feel a sentiment of satisfaction when I look at the guards, when I think that there has not been one battle fought for the last fifteen years in which some of them have not taken a part." On the same day, all the generals and colonels in Paris were presented by Louis, in his character of constable. In a few days every thing assumed a new aspect. The general admiration was loud, but in secret the Parisians laughed at the awkward appear- ance of the new courtiers, which greatly displeased Bonaparte. To give all possible solemnity to his accession, Napoleon ordered that the senate itself should proclaim in Paris the organic senatus consultum, which entirely changed the constitution of the state; and the day fixed for this ceremony was Sunday, the 30th Floreal. The day after Bonaparte's accession, the old formulas were restored. The emperor decided that he should give to the French princes and princesses the title of Imperial Highness, and that his sisters should take the same title ; that the grand dignitaries of the empire should be called Serene Highness; that the princes and titulars of the grand dignitaries should be addressed by the title of Monseigneur; that the ministers of state should have the title of Excellency, to which should be added that of Monseigneur in the petitions addressed to them; and that the title of Excellency should be given to the president of the senate. At the same time Napoleon appointed the first marshals of the empire, and determined that they should be called Monsieur le Marshal, when addressed verbally, and Monseigneur in writing. The following are the names of these sons of the repubUc, trans- formed by the wish of a brother-in-arms into supports of the empire: Berthier, Murat, Moncey, Jourdan, Massena, Augereau, Bernadotte, Soult, Brune, Lannes, Mortier, Ney, Davoust, Bes- sieres. The title of marshal was also granted to the senators, Kellerman, Lefebvre, Perignon, and Serrurier. We have seen with what skill Bonaparte avoided the provisions of the consular constitution, by which he was prevented from act- ing as commander-in-chief beyond the territory of the republic, by giving the title of the army of reserve to the army of Marengo. This constitution was not retained when he was raised to the imperial dignity. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 255 This difficulty having been removed, there can be no doubt that his thirst for war was thereby increased, and that he was desirous to distinguish himself under his new title. From my intimate acquaintance with his character, I believe I am fully warranted in stating that he endeavoured, by means not strictly just, to bring about a continental war. In this respect he had a great advantage in not being restrained by self-love, or any fear of offending any of the other powers ; he was desirous of making every thing yield to him, and of constantly assuming his own superiority. I have before stated that Bonaparte never seriously contemplated the invasion of England, but merely made use of it as a pretext to assemble together a large army; to mislead the continental pow- ers ; to alarm England by the fears of invasion, and to increase the enthusiasm of his army. These projects Bonaparte confided to no one ; not even to his ministers ; and this plan, of which he alone was capable, appears to me the great miracle of modern times. During the first year of his reign. Napoleon retained the fete of the 14th of July, which recalled the recollection to two great popular triumphs — the taking of the Bastile, and the first federa- tion. This year it fell on a Saturday, but the emperor ordered its celebration to be held on the Sunday ; which was in conformity with his sentiments respecting the concordate: "What renders me," he said, "most hostile to the reestabllshment of the Catholic worship, are the numerous festivals formerly observed. A saint's day is a day of idleness; and I do not wish that, as people must labour in order to live. I shall consent to four holidays during the year, but to no more ; if the gentlemen from Rome are not satisfied with that, they may take their departure." The loss of time appeared to him so great a calamity, that he scarcely ever failed to unite an indispensable solemnity to some day already devoted to sacred purposes. On Sunday, the 15th of July, the emperor appeared for the first time before the Parisians, surrounded by all the pomp of royalty. The members of the Legion of Honour then in Paris, took the oath conformably with the new formula, and on this occasion the emperor and empress appeared attended by a separate and numer- ous retinue. They proceeded to the Hotel of the Invalids, and were received by M. Segur, who held the office of great chamber- lain, and had the direction of the ceremonial. He conducted the empress to a seat prepared for her reception, opposite the imperial throne which Napoleon occupied on the right of the altar. I was present at this ceremony, notwithstanding my repugnance to such splendid exhibitions; but as Duroc had presented me with tickets two days before, I deemed it prudent, lest the searching eye of 256 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Napoleon should have remarked my absence, if Duroc had acted by his order. I spent about an hour in observing the proud, and sometimes ludicrous demeanour of the new grandees of the empire ; I marked the movements of the clergy, who, with Cardinal Belloy at their head, went to receive the emperor on his entrance. What a strange variety of ideas entered my mind when I beheld my former comrade and school-fellow of Brienne seated upon an elevated throne, surrounded by a brilliant staff, the grand dignitaries of his empii'e, his ministers, and his marshals! I involuntarily reverted to the 19th Brumaire, and all this splendid pomp vanished away, when I thought of Bonaparte's stammering to such a degree that I was obliged to pull him by the coat to induce him to withdraw. It was neither a feeling of animosity nor of jealousy which called up such reflections ; for at no period of our career would I have exchanged situations ; but whoever can i-eflect — whoever has been present at the elevation of one who before was scai'cely your equal — will probably conceive the strange ideas with which, for the first time, I was assailed on this occasion. During the festival, the emperor announced that he would go in person to distribute the decorations of the Legion of Honour to the army assembled at Boulogne. He was not long before he fulfilled his promise. He left St. Cloud on the 18th, and travelled with such rapidity, that the next morning, while every one was busy in making preparations for his reception, he was in the midst of them examining the works. At his departure, it was generally believed at Paris that the distribution of the decorations of the Legion of Honour was only a pretext, and that the grand object to be realized was the descent on England. It was, indeed, only a pretext. The emperor wished to excite still more the enthusiasm of the army, and to show him- self to the military, invested with his new dignity; to be present at some grand manoeuvres, and dispose the army to obey the first signal he might give. How, indeed, could it be supposed, after such extensive preparations — so many transports — and the whole army ready to embark — that it really was never intended to attempt a descent upon England! But so it was — the blow was to be struck in another quarter. It was not far from Caesar's tower that eighty thousand men of the camps of Boulogne and Montreuil, under the command of Marshal Soult, were assembled in a vast plain, to assist in the solemnity of the distribution of the crosses of the Legion of Honour impressed with the imperial effigy. This plain, which I saw, with Bonaparte, in the first journey we made to the coast, MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 257 before our departure to Egypt, was circular and hollow, and in the centre was a little hill. This hill formed the imperial throne of Bonaparte in the midst of his soldiers. There he stationed himself with his brilliant staff, and around this centre of glory the regiments were drawn up in line, and looked like so many diverging rays. From this throne, which had been erected by the hand of nature, Bonaparte delivered in a loud voice the same form of oath which he had pronounced at the Hospital of Invalids a few days before. It was the signal for a general burst of enthusiasm, and Rapp, in speaking of this ceremony, told me that he never saw the emperor appear more pleased. How could he be otherwise? Fortune then seemed obedient to his wishes. A storm came on during this brilliant day, and it was apprehended that part of the flotilla would have suffered. Bonaparte quitted the hill from which he had distributed the crosses, and proceeded to the port to direct what measures should be taken, when upon his arrival the storm ceased as if by enchantment. The flotilla entered the port safe and sound, and he went back to the camp, where the sports and amusements prepared for the soldiers commenced; and in the evening the brilliant fire-works that were let off rose in a luminous column, which was distinctly seen from the English coast. When he reviewed the troops, he asked the officers, and often the soldiers, in what battles they had been engaged, and to those who had received serious wounds he gave the cross. Here, I think, I may appropriately mention a singular piece of charlatan- ism to which the emperor had recourse, and which powerfully contributed to augment the enthusiasm of his troops. He would say to one of his aids-de-camp, "Ascertain from the colonel of such a regiment whether he has in his corps a man who has served in the campaigns of Italy or Egypt. Ascertain his name, where he was born, the particulars of his family, and what he has done. Learn his number in the ranks, and to what company he belongs, and furnish me with the information." On the day of the review, Bonaparte, at a single glance, could perceive the man who had been described to him. He would go up to him as if he recognised him, address him by his name, and say, " Oh ! so you are hei'e ! You are a brave fellow ; I saw you at Aboukir; how is your old father? What! have you not got the cross ? Stay, I will give it you." Then the delighted soldiers would say to each other, "You see the emperor knows us all; he knows our families ; he knows where we have served." What a stimulus Avas this to soldiers, whom he succeeded in persuading that they would all, some time or other, become marshals of the empire ! R 22* 258 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Lauriston told me,, among other anecdotes relative to Napo- leon's sojourn at the camp of Boulogne, a remarkable instance of intrepidit)' on the part of two English sailors. These men had been prisoners at Yerdun, which was the most considerable d^pot of English prisoners in France at the rupture of the peace of Amiens. They effected their escape from Verdun, and arrived at Boulogne, without having been discovered on the road, notwith- standing the vigilance with which all the English were watched. They remained at Boulogne for some time, destitute of money, and without being able to effect their escape. They had no hope of getting aboard a boat, on account of the strict watch that was kept upon vessels of every kind. These two sailors made a boat of little pieces of wood, which they put together as well as they could, having no other tools than their knives. They covered it with a piece of sail-cloth. It was only three or four feet wide, and not much longer; and was so light that a man could easily carry it on his shoulders. So powerful a passion is the love of home and liberty! Sure of being shot, if they were discovered — almost equally sure of being drowned, if they effected their escape — they, nevertheless, resolved to attempt crossing the Channel in their fragile skiff"^ Perceiving an English frigate within sight of the coast, they pushed off', and endeavoured to reach her. They had not gone a hundred toises from the shore, when they were perceived by the custom-house officers, who set out in pursuit of them, and brought them back. The news of this adventure spread through the camp, and the extraordinary courage of the two sail- ors was the subject of general remark. The circumstance reached the emperor's ears. He wished to see the men, and they were conducted to his presence, along with their little boat. Napoleon, whose imagination was struck by every thing extraordinary, could not conceal his surprise at so bold a project, undertaken with such feeble means of execution. '"Is it really true," said the emperor to them, "that you thought of crossing the sea in this?" — "Sire," said they, "if you doubt it, give us leave to go, and you shall see us depart." — "I will. You are bold and enterprising men; I admire courage wherever I meet with it. But you shall not hazard your lives. You are at liberty; and, more than that, I will cause you to be put on board an English ship. When you return to London, tell how I esteem brave men, even when they are my enemies." Rapp, who, with Lauriston, Duroc, and many others, was present at this scene, was not a little astonished at the emperor's generosity. If the men had not been brought before him, they would have been shot as spies ; instead of ^^■bich, they obtained their liberty, and Napoleon gave several pieces of gold to MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 259 each. This circumstance was one of those which made the strongest impression on Napoleon, and he recollected it when at St. Helena, in one of his conversations with M. de Las Casas. It was from the camp at Boulogne that Napoleon decreed the founding of the decennial premiums, the first distribution of which he intended should take place five years afterwards, on the anni- versary of the 18th Brumaire, whirch was an innocent compliment to the date of the foundation of the consular republic. This mea- sure also seemed to promise to the republican calendar a longevity which it did not attain. All these little circumstances passed unobserved; but Bonaparte had so often developed to me his theory of the art of deceiving mankind, that I knew their true value. It was likewise at the camp of Boulogne, that, by a decree emanating from his individual will, he destroyed the noblest insti- tution of the republic, the Polytechnic School, by converting it into a purely military academy. He knew that in that sanctuary of high study a republican spirit was fostered; and, while I was with him, he had often told me it was necessary that all schools, colleges, and establishments for public instruction, should be sub- ject to military discipline. I frequently endeavoured to contro- vert this idea, but without success. England was never so much deceived by Bonaparte as during the period of the encampment at Boulogne. The English really believed that an invasion was intended, and the government exhausted itself in efforts for raising men and money to guard against the danger of being taken by surprise. Such, indeed, is the advantage always possessed by the assailant. He can choose the point on which he thinks it most convenient to act, while the party which stands on the defence, and is afraid of being attacked, is compelled to be prepared in every point. However, Napoleon, who was then in the full vigour of his genius and activity, had always his eyes fixed on objects remote from those which sur- rounded him, and which seemed to absorb his whole attention. Thus, during the journey of which I have spoken, the ostensible object of which was the organization of the departments on the Rhine, he despatched two squadrons from Rochefort and Bou- logne, one commanded by Miniessy, the other by Villeneuve. I shall not enter into any details on those squadrons; I shall merely mention with respect to them, that, while the emperor was still in Belgium, Lauriston paid me a sudden and unexpected visit. He was on his way to Toulon to take command of the troops which were to be embarked on Villeneuve's squadron, and he was not much pleased with the service to which he had been appointed. Lauriston's visit was a piece of good fortune for me. We were 260 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. alwa3-s on friendly terms, and I received much information from him, particularly with respect to the manner in which the emperor spent his time : " You can have no idea," said he, how much the emperor does, and the sort of enthusiasm which his presence excites in the army. But his anger at the contractors is greater than ever, and he has been very severe with some of them." These words of Lauriston did not at all surprise me, for I well knew Napoleon's dislike to contractors, and all men who had mer- cantile transactions with the army. I have often heard him say, that they were a curse and a leprosy to nations ; that whatever power he might attain, he never would grant honours to any of them, and that of all aristocracies, theirs was to him the most insupportable. After his accession to the empire, the contractors were no longer the important persons they had been under the Directory, or even during the two first years of the consulate. Bonaparte sometimes acted with them as he had before done with the beys of Egypt, when he drew from them forced contributions. It ^^•as arranged that Josephine and the emperor should meet in Belgium. He "proceeded thither from the camp of Boulogne, to the "astonishment of those who believed that the moment for the invasion of England had at length arrived. He joined the empress at the castle of Laken, which the emperor had ordered to be repaired and newly furnished with great magnificence. The emperor continued his journey by the towns bordering on the Rhine. He stopped first in the town of Aix-la-Chapelle, passed the three bishoprics, saw, on his way, Cologne and Coblentz, which the emigration had rendered so famous, and arrived at Mentz, where his sojourn was distinguished by the first attempt at nego- tiation with the Holy See, in order to induce the pope to come to France to crown the new emperor, and consolidate his power by supporting it with the sanction of tl>e church. This journey of Napoleon" occupied three months, and he did not return to St. Cloud till October. On his return, Cafllirelli was sent on a mission to Rome to sound the papal court, and to induce his holiness to come to Paris to consecrate Napoleon at his coronation. I have alreaeiy stated what I conceived to be the emperor's ideas on religion; that they seemed merely to be a sort of vague feeling rather than any belief founded on reflection. Notwithstanding, he had a high opinion of the power of the church ; not in being dangerous to his govern- ment, but in its influence on the great body of the people. Napo- leon never could conceive how it was possible that any sovereign, wearing a crown and a sword, could submit to kneel to a pope, or to humble his sceptre before any representative of St. Peter. His MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 261 spirit was too great to admit of such a thought. On the contrary, he regarded the aUiance between the church and his power as a happy means of influencing the opinions of the people, and as an additional tie, which was to attach them to a government ren- dered legitimate by the solemn sanction of the papal authority. Bonaparte was not deceived. In this, as well as in many other things, the perspicuity of his genius enabled him to comprehend all the importance of a consecration imposed on him by the pope ; more especially as Louis XVIII., without subjects, without terri- tory, and wearing only an illusory crown, had not received that sacred unction by which the descendants of Hugh Capet became the eldest sons of the church. As soon as the emperor was informed of the success of Caffa- relli's mission, and that the pope, in compliance with his desire, was about to repair to Paris to confirm in his hands the sceptre of Charlemagne, nothing was thought of but preparations for that great event, which had been preceded by the recognition of Napo- leon as Emperor of the French on the part of all the states of Europe, with the exception of England. On the conclusion of the concordate, Bonaparte said to me, "I shall let the republican generals exclaim as much as they like against the mass. I know what I am about; I am working for posterity." He was now gathering the fruits of his concordate. He ordered that the pope should be every where treated, in his journey through the French territory, with the highest distinction, and he proceeded to Fontainbleau to receive his holiness. This afforded an opportunity for Bonaparte to reestablish the example of those journeys of the old court, during which changes of min- isters used formerly to be made. The palace of Fontainbleau, now become imperial, like all the old royal houses, had been newly furnished, with a luxury and taste corresponding to the taste of modern art. The emperor was proceeding on the road to Nemours, when couriers informed him of the approach of Pius VII. Bonaparte's object was to avoid the ceremony which had been previously settled. He had, therefore, made the pretext of going on a hunting-party, and was in the way as it were by chance when the pope's carriage was arriving. He alighted from horse- back, and the pope came out of his carriage. Rapp was with the emperor, and I think I yet hear him describing, in his original manner, and with his German accent, this grand interview, upon which, however, he for his part looked with very little respect. Rapp, in fact, was among the number of those who, notwithstand- ing his attachment to the emperor, preserved independence of character, and he knew he had no reason to dissemble with me. 262 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. "Fancy to yourself," said he, "the amusing comedy that was played. After the emperor and the pope had well embraced, they went into the same carriage; and, in order that they might be upon a footing of equality, they were to enter at the same time by opposite doors. All that was settled upon ; but at breakfast the emperor had calculated how he should manage, without appearing to assume any thing, to get on the right-hand side of the pope, and every thing turned out as he wished it. As to the pope," said Rapp, "I must own that I never saw a man with a finer coun- tenance or more respectable appearance than Pius VII." After the conference between the pope and the emperor at Fon- tainbleau, Pius VII. set off first for Paris. On the road the same honours were paid to him as to the emperor, and he was provided with apartments at the Temple of Flora in the Tuileries. By a delicate attention, the pope found his bed-chamber arranged and furnished exactly as in his own palace of Monte-Cavallo, his usual residence in Rome. The presence of the pope in Paris was an event so truly extra- ordinary, that it was scarcely believed, though it had been talked of for some time. For what, indeed, could be more singular than to see the head of the church in a capital where only four years before all the altars had been overturned, and the small number of the faithful who remained had been obliged to worship in secret. The pope became the object of public respect and of general curiosity. I was anxious to see him, and had my wish gratified when he went to visit the imperial printing office, which was then situated where the Bank of France now is. The director of the establishment caused to be printed in the presence of his holiness a volume which was dedicated to him ; which contained a Pater Noster in one hundred and fifty languages. There was a circum- stance occurred which well deserves to be preserved in history. An ill-bred young man kept his hat on in the pope's presence: some persons, indignant at such indecorum, advanced to take it off, which occasioned some disturbance ; when the pope, observing the cause, stepped up to the young man, and said to him, in a tone of kindness truly patriarchal, " Young man, uncover, that you may receive my blessing. An old man's blessing never yet harmed any one." I can say that all who were present were deeply affected by this little incident. , Pius VII. possessed a figure that com- manded respect; and this may be proved to those who have not seen him, for he lives in the admirable portrait from the pencil of David. The pope's arrival at Paris produced a great sensation in Lon- don; greater, indeed, than any where else, notwithstanding the MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 263 separation of the English church from the church of Rome. The English ministry now attempted by every means to influence public opinion by the circulation of libels against Napoleon. Their object in doing so was, doubtless, to irritate the English people, and to divert their attention from such measures as were likely to create clamour, and to render themselves unpopular. The emperor's indignation against England was then roused to the extreme ; and, indeed, this feeling was in some degree a national feeling in France. Napoleon had now attained the first object of his ambition ; but his ambition expanded before him like the boundless horizon. The preparations now making « for the coronation, which was shortly to take place, gave an impulse to trade which had a very favourable effect upon the mind of the trading classes in Paris, Great numbers of foreigners, and people from the provinces, visited the capital ; and the return to luxury, and the revival of old cus- toms, gave occupation to a great variety of trades-people, who could get no employment under the Directory, such as saddlers, carriage-makers, lacemen, embroiderers, and others. These posi- tive interests created more partisans at Paris than either opinion or reflection, and it is but just to say that trade had not been so good for twelve years. The imperial crown jewels were exhib- ited to the public for some time at Biennais', the jewellers. The crown itself was of a light form, and, with its leaves of gold, appeared less the crown of France than the antique crown of the Caesars. These valuable ornaments were deposited in the public treasury, together with the imperial insignia, which had been brought from Aix-la-Chapelle by order of Napoleon. It can scarcely be expected that I should enter into a detail of the ceremony which took place on the 2d December, 1804 — the glitter of gold, the waving plumes, and richly-caparisoned horses of the imperial procession; the mule which preceded the pope's cortege, conformable to the custom of Rome, and which excited so much merriment among the Parisians, have already been often described,* * The following account of the imperial coronation will supply the omission of Bourrienne : ' " The interior of the church of Notre Dame had been newly painted ; galleries and pews, magnificently adorned, had been erected, and they were thronged with a prodi- gious concourse of spectators. " The imperial throne was placed at the end of the nave, opposite the principal entrance, and on a very elevated platform. The pontifical throne was in the choir,, beside the high altar. " The pope set out from the Tuileries, and proceeded along the quay to the arch- episcopal palace, whence he repaired to the choir by a private entrance. " The emperor set out with the empress by the Carrousel. The procession passed along the Rue St. Honore to the Rue des Lombards, then the Pont au Change, the 264 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. The day after the coronation, all the troops then in Paris were assembled in the Champ-de-Mars, to have distributed to them the eagles which were to replace the republican colours. This spec- tacle I really enjoyed, for it was very pleasing to see Napoleon in the uniform of axolonel of the guards in the midst of his soldiers. It brought him back to my recollection as the commander-in-chief in Italy, and of the expedition to Egypt. An immense platform had been erected in front of the military school, which, though now transformed into a barrack, could not have failed to recall the associations of early youth; behind which, was to be seen the throne of the emperor and empress. At a given signal all the columns closed, and approached the throne. Then Napoleon, rising, gave orders for the distribution of the Palace of Justice, the court of Notre Dame, and entered the archbishop's palace. Here rooms were prepared for the whole of the retinue, each of whom dressed in state for the occasion : some appeared in the costume of their posts of honour, others in their uniforms. " On the outside of the church had been erected a long wooden gallery from the arch-episcopal palace to the principal entrance of the church. By this gallery came the emperor's retinue, which presented a truly magnificent sight. The procession was opened by the already numerous body of courtiers ; next came the marshals of the empire, wearing their honours ; then the dignitaries and high officers of the crown ; and lastly the emperor, in a dress of state. At the moment of his entering the cathedral, there was a simultaneous shout, which made but one explosion, of Vive V Empereur .' The immense quantity of figures which appeared on the sides of this vast edifice formed a tapestry of the most extraordinary kind. " The procession passed along the middle of the nave, and arrived at the choir facing the high altar. This scene was not less imposing: the galleries round the choir were filled with the handsomest women whom the best company could produce, and most of whom rivalled in the lustre of their beauty that of the jewels with which they were covered. " His holiness went to meet the emperor at a desk which had been placed in the middle of the choir ; there was another on one side for the empress. After saying a short prayer there, they returned, and seated themselves on the throne at the end of the church, facing the choir ; there they heard mass, which was said by the pope. They went to make the offering, and came back ; they then descended from the plat- form of the throne, and walked in procession to receive the holy unction ; the emperor and empress, on reaching the choir, replaced themselves at thek desks, where the pope performed the ceremony. " He presented the crown to the emperor, who received it, put it himself upon his head, took it off, placed it on that of the empress, removed it again, and laid it on the cushion where it was at first. A smaller crown was immediately put upon the head of the empress. All the arrangements had been made beforehand : she was surrounded by her ladies ; every thing was done in a moment, and nobody perceived the substitu- tion which had taken place. The procession moved back to the platform ; the emperor there heard Te Deum; the pope himself went thither at the conclusion of the service, as if to say, Ite., missa est. The Testament was presented to the emperor, who took off his glove, and pronounced his oath with his hand upon the sacred book. "He went back to the arch-episcopal palace the same way that he had come, and entered his carriage. The ceremony was very long ; the procession returned by the Hue St. Martin, the Boulevard, the Place de la Concorde, and the Font Toiunant : it \was getting dusk when the emperor arrived at the Tuileries." MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 265 eagles ; and delivered the following address to the deputations of the different corps of the army : " Soldiers ! Behold your colours ! These eagles will always be your rallying point. They will always be where your emperor will judge necessary for the defence of his throne and his people. Swear to sacrifice your lives for their defence ; and, by your courage, to keep them cotistantly in the path of victory. — You swear." It would be impossible to describe the acclamations which fol- lowed this address ; there is something so seductive in popular enthusiasm, that even indifferent persons cannot avoid being carried along by it. CHAPTER XXII. Remarkable Events conteraporaiy with Napoleon's Coronation ; his Letter to the King of England ; Acts of Hostility against Spain on the part of England ; Opening of the Sittings of the Legislative Body; my Appointment as Minister to Hamburg ; Interview with Napoleon ; his Views respecting Italy; Demands of the Holy See ; Napoleon's Departure for Italy; Last Interview with the Pope at Turin ; Alessandria ; Napoleon crowned King of Italy at MUan ; Symptoms of Dissatisfaction on the part of Austria and Russia ; Napoleon retui-ns to Paris, and departs for Boulogne ; Unfortunate Result of a Naval Engagement ; my Departure for Hambm-g ; Military ObseiTations, and Indica- tions of War. Two events of considerable importance in the politics of Europe occured about the time of Napoleon's coronation. First, the con- clusion of a treaty at Stockholm, on the 3d of December, 1804, the day after the coronation, between England and Sweden, by which the former agreed to pay to the latter a considerable sub- sidy; and secondly, the declaration of war between Spain and England. The emperor, under these circumstances, was desirous to turn to account the influence of religious ideas, and the importance which the presence of the head of the Catholic church might give to his coronation. He had affected to appear only as half a sovereign until he was consecrated ; but then he considered that he had obtained the sanction of what has been called the right divine. He therefore, about a month after that event, addressed a letter to the King of England, similar in character to that which he addressed to him immediately after the 18th Brumaire, express- ing his desire to be acknowledged by him as Emperor of the French. This letter, commencing with the words, "Sir, my brother, called to the throne of France by Providence, by the suffrages of the senate, the people, and the army, my first desire is peace," &c. was a masterpiece of deceit; for, most certainly, 23 266 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. the emperor would have been very unwiUing to have seen peace reestabUshed between France and England, more especially since the declaration of war by Spain had placed at his disposal the Spanish fleet, consisting of upwards of sixty ships of the line, under the command of Admiral Gravina. England, irritated at the impotence of her efforts against France, sought to avenge herself in a way that could not be justified ; for I consider it to be the duty of all governments to respect the rights of neutral states. Whatever might have been the submission of the cabinet of Madrid to that of the Tuileries, France alone was at war with England, nor had any of her allies, with the excep- tion of Holland, made any demonstration of hostilities. Nothing, therefore, could justify the conduct of the British government in their interference with Spain. Without any previous declaration of war, Admiral Moore insisted on searching four Spanish frigates, returning from Mex- ico to Cadiz with treasure. The Spanish commander refused to submit to the demand, when an engagement ensued, in which the Spaniards, being opposed to a superior force, were obliged to sub- mit ; three of the frigates struck, and the fourth blew up. These outrages were not the only injuries which they experienced from the English cruizers; they burned even the Spanish merchant ships in the very harbours of the Peninsula, and intercepted and cap- tured various convoys, although M. d'Auguada was still in Lon- don, as ambassador from Charles IV. These aggressions, which were contrary to the law of nations, irritated to such a degre the Spanish king, or rather, to speak truly, his minister, the too famous Prince of Peace, that war was declared against England. The conduct of England on this occasion seems to have been not only ill-judged, but impolitic; and if the English government had been better informed as to the secret designs of Napoleon, they would not, in all probability, have committed such an error as to oblige Spain to join the fortunes of Napoleon. It was under these circumstances, that the letter which we have just alluded to was addressed to the King of England. Its object was to induce the belief, that he was desirous for peace, but he could not possi- bly be deceived as to the effect which that communication would produce in London ; and he could not be surprised when, instead of a letter from George III., whom he had styled his brother, he received a letter from the English minister, addressed to the min- ister for foreign affairs. It commenced thus : " His majesty had received the letter addressed to him by the head of the French government;" and went on to state, "that nothing was nearer his majesty's heart then the restoration of peace to his people; MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 267 but that he decHned to reply, particularly without consulting the continental powers, and especially the Emperor of Russia." This letter of the English minister made little impression upon the emperor ; for it was delivered to him while he was at the very height of his glory, and loaded with the congratulations which poured in from all quarters. The senate and city of Paris gave magnificent fetes, at which the emperor and empress were pres- ent; and, in short, his consecration was celebrated every where. Before the close of the year he convoked the legislative body, whose sittings he himself opened on the 27th of December, with all the pomp of the new ceremonial of the empire. The year 1804 was fertile in great events, and it would be dif- ficult to find in history so many circumstances exercising so great an influence on the destinies of Europe, crowded together within the short space of twelve months. The first half of the year offered the melancholy spectacle of the police machinations, of the cruel death of a young prince, and of a criminal trial which was followed by executions and pardons. The second half of the year was marked by the elevation of Bonaparte to the impe- rial throne ; his journey through the new departments annexed to the French territory; and finally, by an event the most extraor- dinary, perhaps, of modern times — the pope's journey to France, to dispose, in name of the church, of a throne unoccupied, but not vacant. This eventful year was terminated by the opening of the Legislative Assembly, by the emperor in person, whose speech on this occasion made a most powerful impression throughout Europe. Among other things, he said : "It would have afforded me pleasure, on this solemn occasion, to have seen peace reign throughout the world ; but the political principles of our enemies — their recent conduct towards Spain — sufficiently show the difficulty of fulfilhng that wish. I have no desire to aggrandize the territory of France, but to maintain her integrity. I have no ambition to exercise a greater influence over the rest of Europe, but I will not lose any of that which I have acquired. No state will be incorporated with the empire, but I will not sacrifice my rights, nor the ties which connect us with the slates which I have created." Scarcely had the pope returned to Italy, when it was reported that the emperor intended to make a journey to Milan, for the purpose of transforming the Cisalpine republic into the kingdom of Italy. This was merely a corollary from the transmutation of the consular republic into the French empire. By this. Napoleon completed the assimilation between himself and Charlemagne. Previous to referring farther to the object of this journey, I shall here briefly refer to my own appointment as minister plenipoten- tiary to the Dukes of Brunswick and Mecklenburg Schwerin, and to the Hanse Towns. 268 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. This appointment took place on the 22d of March, 1805. Josephine, who had kindly promised to inform me of what the emperor intended to do for me, so soon as she should know those intentions, sent a messenger to acquaint me with my appointment, and to tell me that the emperor wished to see me. I had not visited Josephine since her departure for Belgium, and I was so dazzled with the pomp and ceremony of the corona- tion, and the etiquette which was afterwards introduced, that I was deterred from presenting myself at the imperial palace. On my arrival at Malmaison, I was astonished at the good- natured familiarity with which I was received by the emperor. He came up to me with a smile, and took me by the hand, which he had never done since he was consul, and pressed it affection- ately, and it was impossible for me to believe that I saw the Emperor of the French, and the future King of Italy. But I was too well aware of his fits of pride, to allow his familiarity to lead me beyond the bounds of a proper respect. "My dear Bour- rienne," said he, "surely you do not think that the elevated rank which I have attained has altered my feelings towards you ? No, it is not the trappings of the imperial throne which constitute my value; all those are meant for the people, but I must be valued for myself I have been very well satisfied with your services, and have appointed you to a situation where I shall have occasion for them. I know I can rely upon you." He then inquired in the most friendly manner after my family, and what I had been about? In short, I never had seen him dis- play less reserve, or more famiharity or unaffected simplicity, which he did the more readily, because his greatness was now unquestionable. "You know," added Napoleon, "that in eight days I set out for Italy ; I make myself king there, but that is only a stepping-stone, I have greater designs regarding Italy. It must be a kingdom comprising all the trans-alpine states, from Venice to the maritime Alps. The junction of Italy with Prance can only be temporary ; but it is necessary to accustom the population of Italy to live under common laws. The Genoese, the Piedmontese, the Venetians, the Milanese, the Tuscans, the Romans, and the Neapolitans, detest each other. None of them will acknowledge the superiority of the others, and yet Rome is, from the recol- lections connected with it, the natural capital of Italy. But to make it so, it is necessary to confine the power of the pope to affairs purely spiritual. I cannot accomplish all this at present, but we shall reflect upon it hereafter. On this subject I have but vague ideas, but they will be matured in time ; every thing depends upon circumstances. What was it that told me, when we were MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 269 strutting about like two idle fellows, that I should be one day master of France? My wish — but then a vague wish. Circum- stances have done the rest. It is therefore wise to be prepared for what may come, and it is what I am doing. With respect to Italy, as it will be impossible to unite her at once into one power, we shall begin by making her French, so as to accustom her to submit to one uniform law. All the small states will insensibly become assimilated, and then there will be an Italy, and I shall give her independence. But for that I must have twenty years, and who can count on that? Bourrienne, I feel pleasure in tell- ing you all this. It was locked up in my mind; but with you I think aloud." I do not believe that I have altered two words of what Bona- parte said to me respecting Italy, so perfectly — I may now say so without vanity — was my memory then, and so confirmed was my habit of fixing in it all that he said to me. After having informed me of his vague projects, Bonaparte, with one of those transitions so common to him, said, "By-the-by, Bourrienne, I have some- thing to tell you. Madame de Brienne has begged that I will pass through Brienne, and I have promised that I will. I will not con- ceal from you that I shall feel great pleasure in again beholding the spot which for six years was the scene of our boyish sports and studies." Taking advantage of the emperor's good-humour, I ventured to tell him what happiness it would give me, if it were possible that I could share with him the revival of recollections which were mutually dear to us. But Napoleon, after a moment's pause, said, with extreme kindness, " Hark ye, Bourrienne, in your situation and mine this cannot be. It is more than two years since we parted. What would be said of so sudden a reconcilia- tion? I tell you frankly that I have regretted you, and the cir- cumstances in which I have frequently been placed have often made me wish to recall you. At Boulogne, I was quite resolved upon it. Rapp, perhaps, has informed you of it. He likes you, and he assured me that he would be delighted at your return. But if, upon reflection, I changed my mind, it was because, as I have often told you, I will not have it said that I stand in need of any one. No. Go to Hamburg." The emperor remained silent for a moment, and I was preparing to retire, but he detained me, saying, in the kindest manner, "What, are you going already! are you in a hurry? Let us have a little more chat. God knows when we may see each other again?" Then, after two or three moments' silence, he said, " The more I reflect on our situation, on our former intimacy, and on our sub- sequent separation, the more I see the necessity of your going 23* 270 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLKON BONAPARTE. to Hamburg. Go, my dear fellow; you will find it your interest to do so. When do you think of setting out?" — "In May." — "In May — ah, I shall be in Milan then, for I wish to stop at Turin. I like the Piedmontese, for they are the best soldiers in Italy." — "Sire, the King of Italy will be the junior of the Emperor of the French."* — "Ah, you recollect what I said to you one day at the Tuileries ; but, my dear fellow, I have got a great deal to do before I gain my point." — "At the rate you are advancing, you will not be long in accomplishing it." — " Longer than you imagine. I see all the obstacles in my way, but they do not alarm me. England is every where, and the struggle is between her and me. I see what will happen. The whole of Europe will be our instruments — sometimes for one, and sometimes for the other. But, upon the whole, the question is entirely between France and England. All things considered, go to Hamburg ; you know the country, and, what is better, you speak the language." Such are my recollections of this conversation, which lasted for more than an hour and a half We walked about the whole of the time, for Bonaparte was indefatigable in this sort of audience, and would have walked and talked for a whole day without being aware of it. Voltaire has somewhere said, that it is very well kissing the toes of popes, provided their hands are tied. Bonaparte had little esteem for Voltaire, and, perhaps, did not recollect this remark ; but, at any rate, he very soon found himself called to act upon it. The pope, or rather the cardinals, thinking that such a great act of condescension as the journey of his holiness to Paris ought not to go for nothing, demanded a compensation, which, had they been better acquainted with Napoleon's policy, they would not have ventured to solicit. They demanded the restoration of Avignon and Bologna, wdth some territories in Italy which had formerly been subject to the pope. It may be imagined in what manner their demand was received by Napoleon, particularly after he had obtained what he wanted from the pope. It was, it must be con- fessed, a great mistake on the part of the court of Rome not to make their demand until after the coronation. Had the court of Rome made it the condition of the pope's journey to France, per- haps Bonaparte would have consented to give up Avignon, and, perhaps, the Italian territory, but certainly with the intention of * This alluded to a conversation which I had with Napoleon when we first went to the Tuileries. He spoke to me about his projects of royalty, and I stated the diffi- culties which I thought he would experience in getting himself acknowledged by the old reigning families of Europe. " If it comes to that," he replied, " I will dethrone them all, and then I shall be the oldest sovereign among them." MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 271 taking them back. Be this as it may, they were peremptorily rejected, and this created a coolness between Napoleon and Pius VII. The public did not immediately perceive it; but as they generally judge correctly on passing events, all eyes were opened when it was known that the pope had refused to crown the emperor as King of Italy. Napoleon left Paris on the 1st of April, to take possession of the iron crown at Milan. The pope remained some time longer in the French capital. The prolonged stay of the pope had a very favourable influence on the religious feelings of the people, so great was the respect inspired by the benign countenance and mild manners of the pope. When the period of his persecutions arrived, it had been better for Napoleon that the pope had not come to Paris ; for it was impossible to view, in any other light than as a victim, the man who appeared so meek and truly evangelical. Bonaparte did not show any impatience to seize the crown of Italy, because he knew it could not escape from him. He stayed a long time at Turin, where he occupied the elegant Stupini palace, which may be called the St. Cloud of the kings of Sar- dinia; it is situated at the same distance from the capital of Piedmont that St. Cloud is from Paris. The emperor cajoled the Piedmontese, and gave them General Menon as a governor, who continued until he founded the general government of the trans- alpine departments in favour of his brother-in-law, Prince Bor- ghese, of whom it would have been difficult to have made any thing but a Roman prince. Napoleon was still at Turin, when the pope passed through that city on his return to Rome ; and there he had a final interview with his holiness, to whom he showed the great- est personal respect. From Turin, Napoleon proceeded to Ales- sandria, where he commenced those immense works upon which such vast sums of money were expended. It was one of his favourite projects, and had been long entertained. I recollect his having observed to Berthier, when we were at Milan, after the battle of Marengo, "With Alessandria in my possession, I should always be master of Italy. It might be made the strongest for- tress in the world ; it is capable of containing a garrison of forty thousand men, with provisions for six months. If a revolt should take place, or should Austria send a formidable force here, the French troops might retire to Alessandria and stand a six months' siege, which would be sufficient to enable me to fall upon Italy, beat the Austrians, and raise the siege of Alessandria." As he was so near the field of Marengo, the emperor did not fail to visit that celebrated field of battle; and, to give greater 272 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. solemnity to the occasion, he reviewed on the field all the French ti'oops who were in Italy. Rapp told me that he had brought from Paris, expressly for that purpose, the uniform and hat which he had worn on that memorable day. He afterwards proceeded by way of Casal to Milan. At Milan, the emperor occupied the palace of Monza. The ancient crown of the kings of Lombardy was brought from the dust in which it had been buried; and the new coronation took place in the cathedral of Milan, the largest in Italy after that of St. Peter's at Rome. Napoleon received the crown from the hands of the Archbishop of Milan, and placed it upon his own head, calling aloud, "Dieu me Va donnce; gare a qui la touche." This became the motto of the order of the iron crown, which the emperor afterwards founded in commemoration of his coronation as King of Italy. It was during the emperor's stay at Milan that he received the first intelligence of the dissatisfaction of Austria and Russia; the cabinet of Berhn were not strangers to it, but Prussia was con- strained to conceal her discontent, in consequence of the presence of the French troops in Hanover. On returning from Milan, the emperor ordered the erection of a monument on the Great St. Bernard, in commemoration of the victory of Marengo. M. Denon, who accompanied Napoleon, told me that he made a useless search to discover the body of Desaix, which Bonaparte wished to be buried beneath the monument; and that it was at length found by General Savary. It is, there- fore, certain that the ashes of the brave Desaix repose on the summit of the Alps. The emperor arrived in Paris about the end of June, and instantly set off for the camp at Boulogne. It was now once more believed that the project of invading England would be accom- plished. This idea obtained the greater credit, because Bona- parte caused some experiments for embarkation to be made in his presence. These experiments, however, led to no result. About this period, a fatal event but too eflfectually contributed to strengthen the opinion of the inferiority of our navy. A French squadron, consisting of fifteen ships, fell in with the English fleet commanded by Admiral Calder, who had onl}^ nine vessels under his command, and in an engagement, which there was every rea- son to expect would terminate in our favour, we had the misfor- tune to lose two ships. The invasion of England was as little the object of this, as of the previous journey to Boulogne; all Napo- leon had in view, was to stimulate the enthusiasm of the troops, and to hold out those threats against England which he conceived MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 273 necessary for diverting attention from the real motive of his hos- tile preparations, which was to invade Germany, and repulse the Russian troops, who had begun their march towards Austria. Such was the true object of Napoleon's last journey to Boulogne. And we shall soon see him fall upon Germany, and render himself master of the Austrian monarchy by the day of Austerlitz, in the same manner as he rendered himself master of Italy on the day of Marengo. I left Paris on the 20th of May, 1805; and on the 5th of June following, I delivered my credentials to the Senate of Hamburg, which w-as represented by the Syndic Doormann, and the Senator Schutte. As I was also accredited to the reigning Dukes of Mecklenburg Schwerin and Brunswick, I announced my arrival to them, and in return was acknowledged by them in my capacity of minister plenipotentiary. I had not been long in Hamburg, when I found myself in the midst of the important events which preceded the campaign of Austerlitz; and I was not allowed to forget what the emperor had said to me at my audience of leave : " You will be useful to me in Germany ; I have views on that country." These views placed me in continual contradiction with the amicable assurances of friendship and protection which I had been instructed to give; and in many respects my situation at Hamburg was attended with great labour, while affairs suc- ceeded and crossed each other with great rapidity. My occupa- tions were different, but not more numerous than those which formerly devolved upon me in the cabinet of the emperor; while my present duties incurred a responsibility which was not attached to the situation of private secretary. I had to keep a watchful eye upon the emigrants at Altona; to correspond almost daily with the minister for foreign affairs, and also with the minister of police; to confer with the foreign ministers resident at Hamburg; to maintain an active correspondence with the generals of the French armies ; to examine my secret agents, and to be constantly on the alert to prevent the insertion of those cursed articles in the Hamburg Correspondent which annoyed the emperor so much. The editor sent me the proofs of the paper every evening as it was to appear on the following morning, a favour which was only conceded to the minister of France ; but even then it was impos- sible constantly to keep out articles which might be objectionable. The enmity of the foreign princes against Napoleon encouraged all sorts of abusive writings, which greatly added to the difficulty of my situation. This hatred had greatly increased since the death of the Duke d'Enghien ; a fact which was not concealed by any of the ministers or foreigners of distinction who were then resident at Hamburg. S 274 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. On my arrivnl in Germany, the Emperor of Austria had not acknowledged Napoleon as King of Italy, though his ambassador still remained at Paris. Now that Piedmont was united to France, and Italy subject to her laws, Austria could not see Napoleon at the head of so great a nation, and possessed of absolute power, without dreading the consequences of his ambition. She, there- fore, from that moment began to think of war. England, who was anxious to remove the threat of invasion, encouraged the dissatisfaction of the Austrian cabinet. And I have reason to believe that Napoleon was not sorry when the hostility of Austria was n:ianifested ; and he relinquished, without regret, his expensive and useless expedition against England. According to my instructions, I had, on my arrival at Hamburg, given assurance that his imperial majesty would guarantee the constitution and tranquillity of Germany, and that he regarded this as a sacred duty. Yet scarcely had I entered upon my func- tions, when Germany was ravaged by war, and the continental system was ruining every town. Experience has long since proved that it is not at their source that secret transactions are most readily kno^vn. The intelli- gence of an event frequently resounds at a distance, while the event itself is almost entirely unknown at the place where it occurred. The direct influence of political events on commercial speculators renders them exceedingly attentive to what is passing around them. And as they form a corporation unitino; all together by the strongest of all bonds — common interest — 1 resolved to form a connexion with some of the mercantile houses which car- ried on an extensive and frequent communication with the north- ern states. I knew that, by obtaining their confidence, I might gain a knowledge of all that was going on in Russia, Sweden, England, and Austria. Among the subjects upon which it was desirable to obtain information, I included negotiations, treaties, military measures, such as recruiting above the peace establish- ment, military movements, the formation of camps, the forming of magazines, and the fitting out of ships. In the beginning of iVugust, 1805, I obtained intelligence that a treaty of alliance between Russia and England was under nego- tiation, but, from some circumstances which had occurred, it was not completed at that time. I also learned that the Emperor Alexander had solicited General IMoreau to enter his service, and take the command of the Russian infiintry. He offered him twelve thousand roubles to defray his travelling expenses, but he hid not accept the offer at that time; and afterwards, when he unfor- tunately did so, he died in the enemy's ranks. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 275 There was now no longer any doubt of the hostile intentions of the northern powers; and it became necessary for Napoleon to take the hint in time, lest he should be overwhelmed. He, there- fore, gave orders to the different commanders of army corps to concentrate on certain points, and to hold themselves in readiness to advance on the first act of hostility on the part of Austria. The army of Hanover, which was now commanded by Marshal Bernadotte, and occupied a vast extent of ground, was concen- trated, in order to bring it nearer the line of military operations, which it was evident must soon be commenced. Bernadotte was thus obliged to abandon Cuxhaven, which belonged to Hamburg, and in order to take advantage of this necessity, he applied to the city for assistance, under pretext that the evacuation was a mark of respect to the municipality. The army was soon after in full march for the south of Germany; and as he was ordered to advance by the shortest route, he passed through the territory of Anspach, which gave great offence to the King of Prussia; but at that time he was not prepared to quarrel with France. The junction of the marshal's corps of seventy thousand men was of too much importance to Napoleon, not to be expedited by all means and by the shortest route. Gustavus of Sweden, always engaging in some scheme, proposed to form an army composed of his own troops, the Prussians, and English ; and certainly, had a vigorous attack been made in the north, it would have prevented Bernadotte from quitting the banks of the Elbe and the Weser, and reinforcing the grand army which was marching on Vienna. But the King of Sweden's coalition produced no other result than the siege of the little fortress of Hameln. Prussia would not come to a rupture with France, the King of Sweden was abandoned, and Bonaparte's resentment against him increased. This abor- tive project of Gustavus contributed not a little to alienate the affections of his subjects, who feared that they might be the vic- tims of the revenge excited by the extravagant plans of their king, and the insults he heaped upon Napoleon, particularly since the death of the Duke d'Enghien, 276 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. CHAPTER XXIII. Difficulties of my Situation at Hambvirg ; Warlike Preparations in Austria ; Napoleon's C!omplainfs against the Emperor of Austria ; Napoleon at Strasbui-g ; Captain Bemai'd's Reconnoiteriug Expe- dition ; Rapidity of Napoleon's Operations ; the French Army before Ulm ; Capitulation of Ulm ; Napoleon before and after Victoiy ; his Addi-ess to the Captive Generals ; Abstract of the Causes which led to the Renewal of Hostilities — theii' Consequences. Such was the state of affairs after I had been three months at Hamburg, when at length intelligence reached me, that the empe- ror had set out on the 23d of September for the army. This «vent was preceded by the abolition of all that remained of the republic, namely, its calendar. This calendar was one of the most foolish inventions of the revolution, the new names of the months not being applicable to all places even in France, the harvests of Provence not waiting to be ripened by the sun of Messidor. On the 9th of September a senatus consultum decreed, that after the 1st of January follow- ing, the months should resume there ancient names. I read with interest the report of Laplace to the senate, and I confess that I was well pleased to see the Gregorian calendar established by law, as it had already been in fact. It was particularly in foreign countries that we felt the inconvenience of a system different from that of all the world. At Hamburg I was, as may be supposed, extremely anxious to receive nqivs, of which I had plenty from the interior of Germany, and from some friends at Paris, and it is this correspondence that enables me to furnish my readers with a comprehensive and true statement of affairs, till the moment when Napoleon took the field. I have already stated that it was his constant practice, when he declared war, to endeavour to persuade the world that he was anxious for peace, of which artifice his career furnishes few examples more striking than that preceding the first conquest of Vienna. It was evident enough that the transformation of the Cisalpine republic into the kingdom of Italy, and the union of Genoa to France, were acts in violation of treaties ; the emperor, however, asserted that all the violations were on the part of Aus- tria. The truth is, that Austria was arming as secretly as possi- ble, and collecting her troops on the frontiers of Bavaria. An Austrian corps had even penetrated into some provinces of the electorate, and this was made use of by Napoleon as a pretext for coming to the assistance of the aUies of France. I received at Hamburg the copy of a very curious note, in which the emperor enumerates his complaints against Austria, MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 277 and boasts of his moderation, in having allowed Austria to take possession of Lindau, subsequently to the treaty of Luneville. The note was intended for the diet at that time assembled at Ratisbon. "The emperor," it stated, "had affected not to notice that the debt of Venice had not only not been paid, but had been actually cancelled, in violation not only of the letter, but of the spirit of the treaties of Campo-Formio and Luneville. He was silent as to the denial of justice which his subjects of Milan and Mantua experienced at Vienna, where in spite of formal stipula- tions none of them had been paid, and upon the partiality of Aus- tria in recognising the monstrous right of blockade set up by England ; and when the neutrality of the Austrian flag, so often violated to the detriment of France, had not occasioned on the part of the court of Vienna any complaint, he had made a sacri- fice to his love of peace by preserving silence." The facts stated in this note were true; but Napoleon did not say that his complaisance in shutting his eyes, arose solely from his wish to allow Austria to commit herself so far as to afford him a reasonable pretext for attacking her, while he held up in con- trast the moderation and forbearance of the French government. "The emperor of the French," says he, in the same note, "has evacuated Switzerland, rendered tranquil and happy by the act of mediation; he has only left in Italy the number of troops necessary to protect the commerce of the Levant. Solely occu- pied in the operations of a war which he had not provoked, and which he carried on as much for the interests of Europe as his own, he had assembled his forces on the coast far from the Aus- trian frontiers, and this was the time chosen by Austria to make a diversion more favourable to England and prejudicial to France, than she could do by an open and declared warfare." In the memorable sitting which preceded the departure of the emperor for the army, he caused to be presented a project of a senatus consultum, relative to the reorganization of the national guards. The minister of foreign relations read an expos6 of the reciprocal conduct of France and Austria, subsequent to the peace of Luneville, in which the offences of France were veiled with wonderful address. Finally, before the sitting broke up, the emperor addressed the senators, stating that he was about to leave his capital to place himself at the head of his army, to afford suc- cour to his allies, and to defend the dearest interests of his people. This address occasioned a powerful sensation in Hamburg; for my part, I recognised in it the usual boasting of Napoleon, but this time events seemed determined to justify it. The emperor may have made more scientific campaigns than that of Austerlitz, 24 278 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. but none accompanied by such wonderful results. Every thing appeared to partake of the marvellous, and I have often thought of the secret joy which Bonaparte must have felt, at being at length on the point of commencing a great war in Germany, for which he had so often expressed an ardent desire. All the reports which I received agreed with my private cor- respondence, in describing the astonishing enthusiasm of the army, on learning that it was to march into Germany. For the first time Bonaparte had recourse to artificial means of transport, and twenty thousand carriages conveyed his army as it were by enchantment from Boulogne to the banks of the Rhine. All the ambitious youths were on fire at the idea of an approaching cam- paign. All dreamed of glory and a speedy promotion, all hoped to signahze themselves under a chief, the idol of his army, who knew so well how to hurry away men into the sphere of his own incredible activity. It was during his short stay at Strasburg, that the emperor, on hearing of the position of the Austrian army, ventured to predict the success which awaited him under the walls of Vienna, which, as Rapp informed me, he did in the presence of a great many per- sons. He said, "The plan of Mack's campaign is settled, the Caudine Forks are at Ulm." This was a favourite expression with Napoleon when he saw an enemy's army concentrated upon a point, and foresaw its defeat. Experience proved that he was correct, and I must here affirm, that there is no truth in the report that Mack sold himself at Ulm ; he was so placed that he could not have done otherwise. What might have given rise to this report was, that Napoleon humanely interfered to prevent his being tried by a court-martial. On commencing the campaign. Napoleon placed himself at the head of the Bavarians, with whom he fought the enemy previous to the arrival of his own troops. When all had joined, he issued a proclamation to excite still more the zeal and devotion of this admirable army. In the confidential notes addressed to his diplomatic agents, in his speeches, and in his proclamations, Napoleon always described himself as having been attacked; and it might happen that his earnestness on this point would have sufficed to reveal the truth, to those who had learned how much his thoughts differed from his expressions. At the commencement of this campaign, a circumstance took place from which may be dated the good fortune of a very merit- orious man. While the emperor was at Strasburg, he inquired of General Marescot, who commanded the engineers, whether he MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 279 had in his corps a brave, prudent, and intelligent young officer, capable of being intrusted with an important reconnoitering mis- sion? The officer chosen by General Marescot was a captain of engineers, named Bernard, who had been educated at the Poly- technic school. This young man set out upon his mission, and advanced almost to Vienna, and returned to the emperor's head- quarters at the time of the capitulation of Ulm. Bonaparte exam- ined him himself, and was well pleased with his answers. But, not content with replying verbally to the inquiries of Napoleon, Captain Bernard had drawn up a report of what he had observed, and of the routes which might be followed. Among other things he observed, that it would be a great advantage to direct the army upon Vienna, passing by the fortified places, and that, once master of the capital, the emperor might dictate laws to the whole Austrian monarchy. "I was present," said Rapp to me, "at this officer's interview with the emperor. After he had read his report, could you believe it, that he flew into a violent passion? — 'What,' said he, ' you are very bold, very presumptuous ; a young officer to pretend to trace out a plan of campaign for me! Go, and await my orders.' " In what I have already written, and in what I am about to add respecting Captain Bernard, we have a complete view of Bona- parte. Rapp told me that, as soon as the young offioer had left, the emperor all at once changed his tone. "There," said he, "is a young man of merit; he has observed correctly. I shall not expose him to the risk of being shot; I shall have ocr;asion for him by-and-by. Tell Berthier to despatch an order for his departure for Illyria." The order was despatched, and Captain Bernard, who, like his companions, was ardently looking forward to the approaching campaign, saw himself prevented from taking any part in it, and considered as a punishment what, on the part of the emperor, was a precaution to preserve the life of a young man whose merit he had appreciated. At the close of the campaign, on the emperor's promoting those officers who had the most distinguished them- selves, the name of Captain Bernard, who was thought to be in disgrace, did not appear upon the list of Berthier among those captains of engineers whom it was proposed to raise to the rank of chief of battalion, but the emperor with his own hand inserted Bernard's name before all the rest. However, the emperor had forgotten him for a length of time, and it was only by accident that he recalled him to his memory. I never had any personal acquaintance with M. Bernard, but I learned from Rapp that he afterwards became his colleague as aid-de-camp to the emperor„ 280 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. and I shall here relate the particulars of this circumstance, though it refers to a later period. The emperoi-, being at" Paris some time previous to his depart- ure for the campaign of 1812, wished to have exact information respecting Ragusa and Illyria. He sent for Marmont, whose answei's were not satisfactory. He then interrogated different generals, but the result of his inquiries always was, "All this is very well, but it is not enough ; I do not know Regusa." He then sent for General Dejean, who had succeeded Marescot as inspector- general of engineers. "Have you," he inquired, "among your officers, any one who is acquainted with Ragusa?" Dejean, after a moment's reflection, answered, " Sire, there is a chief of bat- talion, who has been a long time forgot, who is well acquainted with Illyria." — "What do you call him?" — "Bernard." — "Ah, stop a little: Bernard! I recollect that name. Where is he?" — "Sire, he is at Antwerp, employed upon the fortifications." — "Send notice, by the telegraph, that he instantly mount his horse and repair to Paris." The promptitude with which the emperor's orders were always executed is well known. A few days afterwards Bernard was in Paris, at the house of General Dejean, and shortly after in the cabinet of the emperor. He was graciously received, and Napo- leon immediately said, "Tell me about Ragusa." He told me once that this manner of interrogating was the surest way of drawing out any observations which a party might have made upon a country. However, he was entirely satisfied with the information which M. Bernard gave him about Illyria, and when the chief of battalion had done speaking. Napoleon said to him, "Colonel Bernard, I now know Regusa." He then conversed familiarly with him, entered into details respecting the fortifica- tions of Antwerp, had a plan of the works laid before him, and showed how, in case of his besieging the town, he would baflle the defence. The new colonel explained so well to the emperor in what manner he would defend himself against his attacks, that Bonaparte was delighted, and immediately bestowed upon him a mark of distinction ; which he never, to my knowledge, granted but upon this one occasion. As the emperor was going to preside in the council, he desired Colonel Bernard to accompany him, and several times during the sitting he asked his advice upon the points under discussion. On the breaking up of the council, Napoleon said to him, "Bernard, you are my aid-de-camp." At the end of the campaign he was made general of brigade, shortly after general of division, and he is now known throughout Europe :as the first officer of engineers in existence. A piece of folly of MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 281 Clarke's has deprived France of the services of this distinguished man, who, after refusing most briUiant offers made to him by dif- ferent sovereigns of Europe, has retired to the United States of America, where he commands the engineers, and where he has constructed, on the side of the Floridas, fortifications which are by engineers declared to be masterpieces of military art.* I have been informed of all I have here related, not only by Rapp, but by other persons worthy of credit, and here I have found, so to say, the entire character of Napoleon. I moreover observe a remarkable example of that eagle glance, which enabled him to detect merit wherever it was to be found, and to seize upon it as if it were an emanation from himself, which must return to him. Were I to attempt to describe the brilliant campaign of 1805, I must, like the almanac-makers, set down a victory for every day, or one of those rapid movements which the presence of Napoleon imposed upon his army, and which contributed so pow- erfully to the prodigious triumphs of a warfare of only three months. In effect, was not the rapidity of the emperor's first operation a thing hitherto unheard of? On the 24th of Septem- ber he left Paris ; hostilities commenced on the 2d of October; on the 6th and 7th, the French had passed the Danube, and turned the enemy's army. On the 8th, Murat, at the battle of Wertin- gen upon the Danube, made two thousand Austrians prisoners; among whom, with other generals, was the Count Auffemberg. Next day the defeated Austrians retreated upon Gunzburg, flying before our victorious legions, who, following up the course of their triumphs, entered on the 10th into Augsburg, and on the r2th into Munich. When I received my despatches, it appeared to me as if I was reading some fabulous history. On the 14th, two days after the entry of the French into Munich, an Austrian corps of six thousand men surrendered to Marshal Soult, at Memingen; while Ney conquered, sword in hand, his future duchy of Elchin- gen. Finally, on the 17th of October, the famous capitulation of Ulm took place; and, on the same day, hostilities commenced in Italy between the French and Austrians ; the former commanded by Massena, and the latter by the Archduke Charles. I am con- fident that Napoleon greatly regretted that this prince had not the command of the troops to which he was personally opposed, for I have often heard him lament the incapacity of the enemies' gen- erals: ready at all times to profit by their blunders, he appeared to think that their want of talent detracted from his glory, in ren- * This distinguished officej has returned to France, and was lately named minister at war, but did not continue to hold the appointment. 24* 282 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. dering success less difficult; and never, perhaps, had any man been more anxious to meet with an enemy in every way worthy of himself. Bonaparte, after remaining a short time at Augsburg, for the purpose of forming an opinion as to the probable movements of the Austrian army, then advanced upon it with such wonderful rapidity, 4;hat the Archduke Ferdinand considered himself for- tunate in being able to repass the Danube ; but all the other Aus- trian forces were driven into Ulm, the garrison of which place, hitherto deemed impregnable, now amounted to thirty thou- sand men. General Segur, who was afterwards in the service of Murat at Naples, was employed to make the first proposals to Mack, to induce him to surrender. Prince Maurice of Lichtenstein had also been sent to negotiate at the imperial head-quarters, to which he was conducted, according to established usage, on horseback, with his eyes bandaged. Rapp gave me the particulars of this interview, at which he was present with others of the emperor's aids-de-camp; I think he told me that Berthier was also there. "Picture to yourself," said Rapp, "the confusion, or rather the astonishment, of the poor prince, when they had removed the bandage from his eyes; he knew nothing, not even that the emperor had joined the army. When he learned that he was in the presence of Napoleon, he could not suppress an exclamation of surprise, which did not escape the emperor, and he candidly confessed that General Mack was not aware of his presence under the walls of Ulm. The Prince of Lichtenstein proposed to capit- ulate, on the condition that the garrison of Ulm should have per- mission to return into Austria. This proposal, in the then situ- ation of the garrison," said Rapp, "made the emperor smile. 'You cannot suppose,' said he, 'that I can entertain such a proposition: what should I gain by it? — eight days! In eight days you must surrender at discretion. Do you suppose that I am not informed of every thing? You expect the Russians — they are scarcely yet in Bohemia. If I allow you to march out, who is to assure me that you will not go and join them, and after- wards fight against me? Your generals have so often deceived me, that I will not again be their dupe. At Marengo, I was weak enough to allow the troops of Melas to march out of Alessandria. He promised to treat of peace, but what happened? — two months after, Moreau had to combat the garrison of Alessandria. Besides, this is not an ordinary war; after the conduct of your government, I am not bound to keep any terms with it. I have no faith in your promises ; you have attacked me. If I consent MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 283 to what you propose, Mack will promise ; but, relying upon his good faith, will he be able to keep his promise? — for himself, yes; but, as regards his army, no. If the Archduke Ferdinand were here with you, I could depend upon his word, because he would be answerable for the conditions, and would not dishonour himself; but I know that he has quitted Ulm, and passed the Danube. I know, however, where to find him.' "You cannot picture to yourself," continued Rapp, "the embar- rassment of the Prince Lichtenstein while the emperor was speak- ing; however, he recovered himself a little, and observed, that unless the conditions he was charged to propose were granted, the army would not capitulate. 'In that case,' said Napoleon, 'you may go back to Mack, for I will never grant you such conditions. Are you jesting with me? Stay, here is the capitulation of Mem- ingen ; show that to your general ; let him surrender on the same conditions ; I will let him have no other. Your officers may return to Austria, but the soldiers must be prisoners. Tell him he must decide quickly, for I have no time to lose. The longer he delays, the worse will his situation become. To-morrow I shall have here the corps of the army to which Memingen capitulated, and then we shall decide what is to be done. Let Mack clearly under- stand that he has no alternative but to surrender on my terms.' " The imperious tone which Napoleon employed towards his enemies generally succeeded ; and at this time it had the desired effect upon Mack. On the same day that Prince Lichtenstein had been at our head-quarters. Mack wrote to the emperor, stating that he would accept his terms, but that he would not have treated with any other than himself. On the following day, Berthier was sent to Ulm, from whence he returned with the capitulation. The garrison were permitted to march out with the honours of war, and sent prisoners into France. Thus Napoleon was not mistaken when he said that the Caudine Forks of the Austrian army were at Ulm. Napoleon, who was so violently irritated by any obstacle which opposed him, and who treated with so much severity every one who ventured to resist his will, became completely changed when he was the conqueror; he received the vanquished with kindness; nor was this the result of a feeling of pride, concealed under the mask of hypocrisy. I am sure he pitied them sincerely, for I have often heard him remark, " How much to be pitied is a general on the day after a lost battle!" He had himself experienced this feeling when he was obliged to raise the siege of Acre, after hav- ing made extraordinary efforts to accomplish his object. I believe at that moment he would have strangled Djezzar; but if Djezzar 284 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. had surrendered, he would have treated him with the same atten- tion which he showed to Mack and the other generals of the gar- rison of Ulm. These generals were seventeen in number, and among them was Prince Lichtenstein, who the day before was so much surprised at finding himself in the presence of the emperor. There were also General Klenau, Baron de Giulay, who had acquired considerable military reputation in former wars, and General Fresnel, who stood in a more critical situation, for he was a Frenchman and an emigrant. Rapp told me that it was quite painful to see those generals. They bowed respectfully to the emperor as they passed along with Mack at their head. They preserved a mournful silence, and Napoleon was the first to speak: he said, "Gentlemen, I am sorry that such brave men as you have shown yourselves, should become the victims of the follies of a cabinet which cherishes insane pro- jects, and which does not hesitate to compromise the dignity of the Austrian nation, and to trifle with the services of its generals. Your names are known to me — they are honourably known wher- ever you have fought. Examine the conduct of those who have compromised you. What could be more unjust than to attack me without a declaration of war? Is it not unjust to bring foreign invasion upon a country ? Is it not betraying Europe to introduce Asiatic barbarians into her disputes ? If good faith had been kept, the Aulic Council, instead of attacking me, ought to have sought my alliance to force the Russians back into the north. The pres- ent alliance is that of dogs, shepherds, and wolves against sheep: such a scheme could not have been devised by any statesman. It is fortunate for you that I have been successful : had I been defeated, the cabinet of Vienna would have soon perceived its error, and would then have regretted it." That the conduct of Austria may be more fully understood, we attach the following condensed account of the causes which led to the br-eaking out of the war, and of the immediate result of it : " The cabinets of London, Petersburg, and Stockholm were parties in a league which had avowedly the following objects : to restore the inde- pendence of Holland and Switzerland : to free the north of Germany from the presence of French troops : to procure the restoration of Pied- mont to the King of Sardinia : and, finally, the evacuation of Italy by Napoleon. Until, by the attainment of these objects, the sway of France should be reduced to limits compatible with the independence of the other European states, no peace was to be signed by any of the con- tracting powers ; and, during several months, every means was adopted to procure the association of Austria and Prussia. But the latter of MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 285 these sovereigns had the misfortune at this time to have a strong French party in his council, and, though personally hostile to Napoleon, could not as yet count on being supported in a war against him by the hearty goodwill of an undivided people. Austria, on the other hand, had been grievously weakened by the campaign of Marengo, and hesitated, on prudential grounds, to commit herself once more to the hazard of arms. "Alexander repaired in person to Berlin, for the purpose of stimulating the King of Prussia. The two sovereigns met in the vault where the great Frederick lies buried, and swore solemnly, over his remains, to effect the liberation of Germany. But though thus pledged to the czar, the King of Prussia did not hastily rush into hostilities. He did not even follow the example of the Austrian, whose forbearance was at length wholly exhausted by the news of the coronation at Milan, and the annexation of Genoa to the empire of France. " The government of Vienna no sooner heard of this new aggrandize- ment, than it commenced warlike preparations, rashly and precipitately, without making sure of the cooperation of Berlin, or even waiting until the troops of Russia could perform the march into Germany. But this great fault was not the greatest. The emperor haughtily demanded that the Elector of Bavaria should take the field also ; nay, that he should suffer his army to be entirely incorporated with the Austrian, and commanded by its chiefs. The elector, who had a son travelling in France, resisted anxiously and strenuously. "On my knees," he wrote to the emperor, " I beg of you that I may be permitted to remain neutral." This appeal was disregarded. The Austrian troops advanced into Bavaria, where they appear to have conducted themselves as in an enemy's country; and the indignant elector withdrew his army into Franconia, where he expected the advance of the French as liberators. "This unjustifiable behaviour was destined to be severely punished. No sooner did Napoleon understand that war was inevitable, than he broke up his great army on the coast opposite to England, and directed its march upon the German frontier ; whilei Massena received orders to assume, also, the offensive in Italy, and force his way, if possible, into the hereditary states of Austria. The favourite scheme of Carnot was thus revived, and two French armies, one crossing the Rhine, and the other pushing through the Tyrolese, looked forward to a junction before the walls of Vienna. "The rashness which had characterized the conduct of the cabinet of Vienna, was fatally followed oyt in that of its general. Mack : instead of occupying the line of the river Inn, which, extending from the Tyrol to the Danube at Passau, affords a strong defence to the Austrian terri- tory, and on which he might have expected, in comparative safety, the arrival of the Russians — this unworthy favourite of the emperor left the Inn behind him, and established his head-quarters on the western frontier of Bavaria, at Ulm. " Napoleon hastened to profit by this unpardonable error. Bernadotte advanced from Hanover, with the troops which had occupied that elec^ 286 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. torate, towards Wurtzburg, where the Bavarian army lay ready to join its strength to his ; five divisions of the great force lately assembled on the coasts of Normandy, under the orders of Davoust, Ney, Soult, Mar- mont, and Vandamme, crossed the Rhine at different points, all to the northward of Mack's position ; while a sixth, under Murat, passing at Kehl, manoeuvred in such a manner as to withdraw the Austrian's attention from these movements, and to strengthen him in his belief that Napoleon and all his army were coming against him through the Black Forest in his front. " The consequence of Bonaparte's combinations was, that while Mack lay expecting to be assaulted in front of Ulm, the great body of the French army advanced into the heart of Germany, by the left side of the Danube, and then, throwing themselves across that river, took ground in his rear, interrupting his communication with Vienna, and isolating him. In order that Bernadotte and the Bavarians might have a part in this great manoeuvre, it was necessary that they should disregard the neu- trality of the Prussian territories of Anspach and Bareuth; and Napo- leon, well aware of the real sentiments of the court of Berlin, did not hesitate to adopt this course. Prussia remonstrated indignantly, but still held back from proclaiming war; and Napoleon cared little for such impediments as mere diplomacy could throw in the way of his campaign. He did not, however, effect his purpose of taking up a position in the rear of Mack without resistance. On the contrary, at various places — at Wertingen, Gunzburg, Memingen, and Elchingen — severe skirmishes occurred with different divisions of the Austrian army, in all of which the French had the advantage. General Spangenburg and five thousand men laid down their arms at Memingen ; and, in all, not less than twenty thousand prisoners fell into the hands of the French between the 26th of September, when they crossed the Rhine, and the 13th of October, when they were in full possession of Bavaria and Swabia, holding Mack cooped up behind them in Ulm — as Wurmser had been in Mantua, during the campaign of Alvinzi. "But Mack was no Wurmser. Napoleon's recent movements had perplexed utterly the counsels of the Austrians, whose generals, adopting different views of the state of the campaign, no longer acted in unison. Schwartzenberg and the Archduke Ferdinand, considering further resist- ance in Bavaria as hopeless, cut their way, at the head of large bodies of cavalry, into Bohemia, and began to rouse the inhabitants of that king- dom to a levy en masse. The French emperor, perceiving that they had for the present escaped him, drew back upon Ulm, invested that town on every side, and summoned Mack to surrender. "The garrison consisted of full twenty thousand good troops; the place was amply victualled and stored ; the advance of the great Rus- sian army could not be distant; the declaration of war against Napoleon by Berlin was hourly to be expected ; and the armies of Austria, though scattered for the present, would be sure to rally, and make every effort for the relief of Ulm. Under circumstances comparatively hopeless, MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 287 the brave Wurmser held Mantua to extremity ; but, in spite of example or argument, in terror or in treachery, General Mack capitulated with- out hazarding a blow. "On the 16th he published a proclamation, urging his troops to pre- pare for the utmost pertinacity of defence, and forbidding, on pain of death, the very word surrender to be breathed within the walls of Ulm. On the 17th he signed articles, by which hostilities were immediately to cease, and he and all his men to surrender themselves prisoners of war within ten days, unless some Austrian or Russian force should appear in the interval, and attempt to raise the blockade. After signing this docu- ment. Mack visited in person the head-quarters of Napoleon ; and, what- ever the nature of their conversation may have been, the result was, a revision of the treaty on the 19th, and the formal evacuation of Ulm on the 20th. Twenty thousand soldiers filed off, and laid down their arms before Napoleon and his staff. Eighteen generals were dismissed on parole ; an immense quantity of ammunition of all sortte fell into the hands of the victor; and a wagon filled with Austrian standards was sent to gratify the vanity of the Parisians." — Family Library. CHAPTER XXIV. The Emperor's Proclamation ; Ten Thousand Prisoners taken by Mwat ; Mission of M. de Giulay ; the first French Eagles taken by the Russians ; Bold Adventm-e of Lannes and Mui'at ; the French enter Vienna ; the Battle of AusterUtz. While Napoleon flattered his prisoners at the expense of their government, he was desirous to express his satisfaction at the conduct of his own army; and for this purpose he published the following remarkable proclamation, which contained an abstract of all that had taken place since the opening of the campaign : " Soldiers of the Grand Army ! In fifteen days we have finished our campaign. What we propossd to do, has been done. We have chased the Austrian troops from Bavaria, and restored our ally to the sovereignty of his dominions. " That army, which, with so much presumption and imprudence, marched upon our frontiers, is annihilated. "But what does this signify to England? She has gained her object. We are no longer at Boulogne, and her subsidies will not be the less great. " Of a hundred thousand men who composed that army, sixty thousand are prisoners ; they will supply our conscripts in the labour of husbandry. " Two hundred pieces of cannon, ninety flags, and all their generals, are in our power. Not more than fifteen thousand have escaped. " Soldiers! I announce to you a great battle ; but, thanks to the ill-devised combina- tions of the enemy, I was able to secure the desired result without any danger ; and, what is unexampled in the history of nations, these results have been gained at the loss of scarcely fifteen hundred men, killed and wounded. " Soldiers ! this success is due to your entire confidence in your emperor, to your patience in supporting fatigue and privations of every kind, and to your remarkable intrepidity. 288 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, "But we will not stop here. You are impatient to commence a second campaign. " The Russian army, which the gold of England has brought from the extremity of the world, we have to serve in the same manner. " In the conflict in which we are now to be engaged, the honour of the French infantry is especially concerned. We shall then see decided, for the second time, that question which has already been decided in Switzerland and Holland ; namely, whether the French infantry is the first or second in Europe? " There are no generals among them, in contending against whom I can acquire any gloiy. All I wish is to obtain the victory with the least possible bloodshed. My soldiers are my children." This proclamation always appeared to me a masterpiece of military eloquence. Napoleon, while he praised his troops, excited their emulation, by hinting that the Russians were capable of disputing with them the first rank among the soldiers of Europe. The second campaign, to which he alludes, speedily commenced, and was hailed with enthusiasm. The most extraordinary reports were circulafted respecting the Russians ; they were represented as half-naked savages, pillaging, destroying, and burning wherever they went. It was even asserted that they were cannibals, and had been seen to eat children. It was at this time that they were denominated the northern barbarians, which has since been so generally applied to the Russians. Two days after the capitulation of Ulm, Murat, on his part, obliged General Warneck to capitulate at Trochtelfingen, and made ten thousand prisoners ; so that, without counting killed and wounded, the Austrian army found itself diminished by fifty thou- sand men, after a campaign of twenty days. On the 27th, the French army crossed the Inn, and thus pene- trated into the Austrian territory, and immediately occupied Salzburg and Braunau. The army of Italy, under Massena, also obtained important advantages; having, on the same day that these fortresses surrendered — that is to say, on the 30th of Octo- ber — gained the sanguinary battle at Caldiero, and taken five thousand prisoners from the Austrians. The Austrian emperor now sought to retard Napoleon's progress by negotiation ; and sent M. de Guilay, one of the generals included in the capitulation of Ulm, who had returned home to acquaint his sovereign with that disastrous event, to propose an armistice, pre- liminary to a peace, of which the Austrian government professed itself sincerely desirous. He had not concealed from the Emperor Francis, or his cabinet, the destruction of the Austrian army, or the impossibility of arresting the rapid advance of the French. This snare was too glaring not to be immediately discovered by Napoleon. He always pretended a love for peace, but he was desirous to continue a war so successfully commenced ; he there- fore directed General Giulay to assure the emperor of Austria, MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 289 that he was no less anxious for peace than himself, and that he would be ready to treat with him without suspending his operations. Napoleon could not have acted otherwise without a degree of imprudence, of which he was incapable, since Giulay, whatever powers he had from Austria, had clearly none from Russia. Rus- sia might therefore disavow the armistice, and arrive in time to defend Vienna, the occupation of which was so important to the French army. The Russians were now rapidly advancing to oppose us, and the division of our army commanded by Mortier, on the left bank of the Danube, received a check in the first encounter, which very much vexed the emperor, as it was the first reverse which had been sustained. It was very slight, but still the Russians had cap- tured three of the French eagles, the first that had fallen into the hands of the enemy, which was very mortifying to Napoleon, and caused him to prolong his stay for a few days at Saint-Polien. In the extraordinary campaign which has been named the cam- paign of Austerlitz, the exploits of our troops succeeded each other with the rapidity of thought. Each courier that I received brought news much more favourable than I could have expected; still I was not prepared to receive a letter by an extraordinary courier from Duroc, commencing laconically with the words, " We are in Vienna; the emperor is well." Duroc had left the emperor, before the camp at Boulogne was raised, on a mission to Berlin, and this being terminated, he had now rejoined the army at Lintz. The rapid capture of Vienna was due to the successful teme- rity of Lannes and Murat, two men who yielded to each other in nothing whei'e bravery and daring were concerned. A bold arti- fice of these marshals prevented the destruction of the bridge of the Thabor at Vienna ; without this, our army could not have gained possession of the capital without considerable difficulty. This act of courage and presence of mind which had so great an influence on the events of the campaign, was afterwards related to me by Lannes, who spoke of it with an air of gayety, and was more delighted with having outwitted the Austrians than proud of the brilliant action which he had performed. Bold enterprises were so natural to him, that he was frequently the only person who saw nothing extraordinary in his own exploits. Alas! what men have been the victims of Napoleon's ambition! The following is the story of the bridge of Thabor, as I received it from Lannes : "I was one day walking with Murat, on the right bank of the Danube, and we observed on the left bank, which was occupied by the Austrians, some works going on, the evident object of which was to blow up the bridge on the approach of our troops. The T 25 290 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. fools had the impudence to make these preparations under our very noses ; but we gave them a good lesson. Having arranged our plan, we returned to give orders, and I intrusted the command of my column of grenadiers to an officer on whose courage and intelligence I could rely. I then returned to the bridge, accom- panied by Murat, and two or three other officers. We advanced unconcernedly, and entered into conversation with the commander of a post in the middle of the bridge. We spoke to him about an armistice which was to be speedily concluded. While conversing with the Austrian officers, we contrived to make them turn their eyes towards the left bank, and then, agreeably to the orders we had given, my column of grenadiers advanced on the bridge. The Austrian cannoniers, on the left bank, seeing their officers in the midst of us, did not dare to fire, and my column advanced at a quick step. Murat and I at the head of it, gained the left bank. All the combustibles, prepared for blowing up the bridge, were thrown into the river ; and my men took possession of the batteries erected for the defence of the bridge head. The poor devils of Austrian officers were perfectly astounded when I told them they were my prisoners." Such, as well as I recollect, was the account given by Lannes, who laughed immoderately in describing the consternation of the Austrian officers on discovering the blunder they had committed. When Lannes performed this exploit, he had no idea of the import- ant consequences which would result from it; but this was soon perceived. Not only was a sure and easy entrance into Vienna secured for the remainder of the French army, but, without being aware of it, an insurmountable impediment was created to prevent the junction of the Russian army with that division of the Austrian army under the command of the Archduke Charles, who, being pressed by Massena, had retreated into the heart of the hereditary states, where he expected a great battle would soon be fought. As soon as the divisions of Murat and Lannes had taken pos- session of Vienna, the emperor ordered all the other divisions of the army to march upon the capital. Napoleon established his head-quarters at Schoenbrun, where he planned his operations for compelling the Archduke Charles to retire into Hungary, and for leading his own army against the Russians. Murat and Lannes always commanded the advanced guard during these forced and next to miraculous marches. Among the anecdotes of Napoleon connected with this campaign, I find the following, which was related to me by Rapp : Some days previous to his entrance into Vienna, Napoleon was riding on horseback along the road, dressed in his usual uniform, when he MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 291 met in an open carriage a lady and a priest. The lady was in tears, and Napoleon could not refrain from stopping to inquire the cause of her distress: "Sir," she replied, for she did not know the emperor, "I have been pillaged at my estate, two leagues from hence, by a party of soldiers, who have murdered my gardener; I am going to wait upon your emperor, who knows my family, and to whom he was once under great obligations." — "What is your name?" inquired Napoleon. "De Bunny; I am the daughter of M. de Marboeuf, formely governor of Corsica." — "Madam," replied Napoleon, "I am delighted to have the opportunity of serv- ing you. I am, myself, the emperor." You cannot imagine, con- tinued Rapp, with what distinction the emperor treated Madam de Bunny. He consoled her, pitied her, and apologized for the misfortune which had overtaken her. He requested her to have the goodness to go and wait for him at his head-quarters, where he would speedily return, and concluded by stating that every member of M. de Marboeuf's family had a claim upon his respect. He then gave her a picket of chasseurs from his guard to escort her. He saw her again during the day, and loaded her with attention, and liberally rewarded her for the losses she had sustained. On the 2d of November, 1805, the King of Sweden arrived at Stralsund. I immediately intimated to our government that this circumstance would probably give a new turn to the operations of the combined army; for hitherto its movements had been very uncertain, and the frequent counter-orders afforded no possibility of ascertaining any determined plan. The first column of the grand Russian army passed through Warsaw on the 1st of November, and on the 2d the Grand Duke Constantine was expected with the guards. This division, which amounted to six thousand men, was the first that passed through Prussian Poland. At this time we hourly expected to see landed on the banks of the Weser or the Elbe the Hanoverian army, increased by some thousands of English. Their design obviously was either to attack Holland or to act on the rear of our grand army. For some time previous to the battle of Austerlitz, French columns were traversing Germany and Italy in all directions, all tending towards Vienna as a central point; and about the begin- ning of November the corps commanded by Bernadotte arrived at Salzburg, at the moment when the emperor had advanced his head-quarters to Braunau. This junction had been anxiously desired, and was considered of so much importance by Bonaparte, that he desired Bernadotte to hasten forward by the nearest route, which order obliged Bernadotte to pass through the territory of the two Margravates. 292 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. At this time we were at peace with Naples. In September, the emperor had concluded with Ferdinand IV. a treaty of neutrality. This treaty enabled Cara-St.-Cyr, who occupied Naples, to eva- cuate that city, and to join Massena in Upper Italy , and both joined the grand army on the 28th of November. But no sooner had the troops commanded by Saint-Cyr quitted the Neapolitan territories, than the king, influenced by his ministers, and, above all, by Queen Caroline, broke the treaty of neutrality, ordered hostile preparations against France, opened his ports to the enemies of the emperor, and received into his states twelve thousand Russians and eight thousand English, It was on learning these occurrences that Napoleon, in one of his most violent bulletins, stigmatized the Queen of Naples as the modern Fred 6gonde; and the victory of Austerlitz succeeding, decided the fate of Naples, and, shortly after, Joseph was seated on the Neapolitan throne. At length the great day arrived, when, according to the expres- sion of Napoleon, "the sun of Austerlitz arose;" all our forces were concentrated upon the same point at about forty leagues beyond Vienna. There remained only the wreck of the Austrian army; the division under Prince Charles having been kept at a distance by the skilful manoeuvres of Napoleon. The most extraor- dinary illusion prevailed in the enemy's camp. On the very eve of the battle, the Emperor Alexander sent one of his aids-de-camp, Prince Dolgorowski, as a flag of truce to Napoleon. This prince conducted himself in such a self-sufficient manner in the pi^esence of the emperor, that, on dismissing him, he said to him, "If you were on the heights of Montmartre, I would answer such imper- tinence only with cannon balls." This observation was very remarkable, inasmuch as events occurred which rendered it a prophecy. As to the battle itself, I am able to describe it almost as correctly as if I had been present; for, some time after, I had the pleasure of seeing in Hamburg my friend Rapp, who had been sent on a mission to Prussia. He gave me the following account: "When we arrived at Austerlitz, the Russians, ignorant of the emperor's skilful dispositions to draw them to the ground which he had marked out, and seeing our advanced guards give way before their columns, they conceived the victory won. According to their notions, the advanced guard would sufiice to secure an easy triumph. But the battle began — they found what it was to fight, and on every point were repulsed. At one o'clock the victory was still uncertain; for they fought admirably. They resolved on a last effort, and directed close masses against our MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 293 centre. The imperial guard deployed: artillery, cavalry, infantry, were marched against a bridge which the Russians attacked, and this movement, concealed from Napoleon by the inequality of the ground, was not observed by us. At this moment I was standing near him, waiting orders. We heard a well-maintained fire of musketry; the Russians were repulsing one of our brigades. Hearing this sound, the emperor ordered me to take the Mame- lukes, two squadrons of chasseurs, one of grenadiers of the guard, and to observe the state of things. I set off at full gallop, and, before advancing a cannon-shot perceived the disaster. The Russian cavalry had penetrated our squares, and were sabring our men. In the distance could be perceived masses of the Rus- sian cavalry and infantry in reserve. At this juncture the enemy advanced; four pieces of artillery arrived at a gallop, and were planted in position against us. On my left I had the brave Mor- land, on my right General d'Allemagne. 'Courage, my brave fellows!' cried I to my party; 'Behold your brothers, your friends butchered; let us avenge them, avenge our standards! Forward!' These words inspired my soldiers; we dashed at full speed upon the artillery, and took them. The enemy's horse, which awaited our attack, were overthrown by the same charge, and fled in con- fusion, galloping, like us, over the wrecks of our own squares. In the mean time, the Russians rallied ; but, a squadron of horse grena- diers coming to our assistance, I could then halt, and await the reserves of the Russian guard. Again we charged, and this charge was terrible. The brave Morland fell by my side. It was abso- lute butchery. We fought man to man, and so mingled together, that the infantry on neither side dared to fire, least they should kill their own men. The intrepidity of our troops finally bore us in triumph over all opposition : the enemy fled in disorder in sight of the two Emperors of Austiia and Russia, who had taken their, station on a rising ground, in order to be spectators of the contest, They ought to have been satisfied, for I can assure you they wit- nessed no child's play. For my own part, my good friend, I never passed so delightful a day. The emperor received me most gra- ciously when I arrived to tell him that the victory was ours ; I still grasped my broken sabre, and as this scratch upon my head bled very copiously, I was all covered with blood. He named me general of division. The Russians returned not again to the charge — they had had enough; we captured every thing — their cannon, their baggage, their all, in short ; and Prince Ressina was among the prisoners." We also attach Savary's account of the battle of Austerlitz, which is as follows : 25* 294 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. "Napoleon now thought of nothing but the preparatory dispositions for the battle, which he resolved to delay no longer. Bernadotte joined him with two divisions of infantry ; Soult had three ; Marshal Lannes two ; the united grenadiers formed a strong one ; the footguards one. Marshal Davoust had one within reach : the emperor had, besides his light cavalry, three divisions of dragoons, two of cuirassiers, and two regiments of carbiniers, with the horse-guards. He caused abundance of provisions and ammunition of all kinds, taken from the magazines of Brunn, to be brought upon the ground. "It was the last day of November, 1805; the next day, the 1st of December, he himself placed all the divisions of the army ; he knew his ground as well as the environs of Paris. " Marshal Davoust was on the extreme right, en echelons, on the com- munication from Brunn to Vienna, by Nicolsburg. His right division was commanded by General Friant : it was this that acted with us. Davoust was separated from the corps of Marshal Soult by ponds, which presented long narrow defiles, and of difficult communication. Marshal Soult was also on the right of that part of the army which was opposed to the Russian army. His right division was that of General Legrand, who was close to the ponds which separated him from General Friant. On the left of General Legrand was the division of Saint Hilaire, and on the left of the latter that of General Vandamme. In the second line, behind Mar- shal Soult, was first the division of united grenadiers, and on their left were the two divisions of Marshal Bernadotte. On the left of Marshal Soult, upon a configuration of ground somewhat more advanced, was the corps of Marshal Lannes, having its first division (that of General Caf- farelli) on the right of the road from Olmutz to Brunn, and its second division (that of General Suchet) supported on its right upon the same road, and on its left upon the Centon. "The infantry of the guard was the natural reserve of Marshal Lannes. As the ground on our left seemed to ofier an extensive space, it was deemed prudent not to place the cavalry at a distance from it : the light cavalry therefore was first put on the right of Marshal Lannes, where it did not at all incommode the corps of Marshal Soult, which was on a vast plateau, a little in the rear, and to the right. Behind the light cav- alry were placed the dragoons. The cuirassiers also remained that day near the corps of Marshal Soult, with the horse-guards. "The emperor passed the whole day on horseback, inspecting his army himself, regiment by regiment. He spoke to the troops, viewed all the parks, all the light batteries, and gave instructions to all the officers and gunners. He afterwards went to inspect the ambulances, and the means of conveyance for the wounded. He returned to dine at his bivouac, and sent for all his marshals : he enlarged upon all that they ought to do the next day, and all that it was possible for the enemy to attempt. It would require a volume to detail all that emanated from his mind in those twenty-four hours. " The Russian army was seen arriving the whole afternoon, and taking MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 295 positions very near to our right. The emperor was ready either to receive the attack of the enemy, or to attack himself. "In the evening of the 1st of December there was on our extreme right an irregular firing of small-arms, which was kept up so late as to give the emperor some uneasiness. He had already sent several times to inquire whence it proceeded ; he sent for me, and ordered me to go as far as the communication between the division of General Legrand and that of General Friant, and not to return until I had ascertained what the Russians were about, adding that this firing must be designed to cover some movement. " I had not very far to go ; for no sooner had I got to the right of Le- grand's division than I saw his advance guard, which was repulsed from a village situated at the foot of the position of the Russians, who wished to possess themselves of it for the purpose of thence debouching on our right : the nature of the ground favoured their movement, which was already begun when I arrived. The moon shone very bright : never- theless, they did not continue this movement, because the night soon became overcast; they were content with concentrating themselves on that point so as to deploy rapidly at day-break. I returned with all possible expedition to relate what 1 had seen : I found the emperor lying upon straw, and so fast asleep, in a hut which the soldiers had made for him, that I was obliged to shake in order to awaken him. I made my report : he desired me to repeat it ; sent for Marshal Soult, and mounted his horse, to go himself and inspect his whole line, and to see the move- ment of the Russians on his right : he approached as near to it as possible. On his return through the lines of bivouac, he was recognised by the soldiers, who spontaneously lighted torches of straw : this communicated from one end of the army to the other : in a moment there was a regular illumination, and the air was rent with shouts of Vive fEmpej-eur f "The emperor returned very late; and though he continued to take repose, he was not without uneasiness as to what might be the result of the movement of his right on the following day. He was awake and stir- ring by day-break, to get the whole army under arms in silence. " There was a very thick fog, which enveloped all our bivouacs, so that it was impossible to distinguish objects at the distance of ten paces. It was favourable to us, and gave us time to arrange ourselves. This army had been so well trained in the camp of Boulogne, that one could rely on the good condition in Avhich each soldier kept his arms and accoutrements. As it became light, the fog seemed disposed to clear off. Absolute silence prevailed to the very extremity of the horizon : nobody would ever have thought that there were so many men, and so many noisy engines of destruction, enveloped in so small a space. " The emperor sent me again to the extreme right to watch the move- ment of the Russians : they began to debouch on General Legrand, when I had got very near him : but, on account of the fog, I could not well judge of the movement. I returned to make my report. It was scarcely seven in the morning : the fog had already cleared away so much, that 296 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. I had no reason to follow the line of the troops, least I should lose my way. (We were about two hundred toises from the Russians.) " The emperor saw his whole army, infantry and cavalry, formed into columns by divisions. All the marshals were near him, and teazed him to begin: he resisted their importunities, till the attack of the Russians on his right became brisker : he had sent word to Marshal Davoust to support General Legrand, who was soon afterwards attacked, and had his whole division engaged. When the emperor judged, by the briskness of the fire, that the attack was serious, he dismissed all the marshals, and ordered them to begin. " This onset of the whole army at once had something imposing : you might hear the words of command of the individual officers. It marched, as if to exercise, to the very foot of the position of the Russians, halting at times to rectify its distances and its directions. General Saint Hilaire attacked in front the Russian position, which is called in the country the hill of the Pratzer. He there sustained a tremendous fire of musketry, which would have staggered any one but himself. The fire lasted two hours ; he had not a battalion that was not deployed and engaged. "General Vandamme, who had rather more space to traverse to get within fire of the enemy, came upon the head column, overthrew it, and was master of its position and its artillery in an instant. The emperor immediately marched one of the divisions of Marshal Bernadotte behind Vandamme's division, and a portion of the united grenadiers behind that of Saint Hilaire. He sent orders to Marshal Lannes to attack promptly and briskly the right of the enemy, that it might not come to the assist- ance of their left, which was wholly engaged by the movement of the emperor. " The portion of the enemy's army, which had begun its movement upon General Legrand, would have fallen back and reascended tJie Pratzer ; but General Legrand, supported by Friant's division (belonging to Marshal Davoust), followed it so closely that it was forced to fight where it stood, without daring either to retire or to advance. " General Vandamme, directed by Marshal Soult, and supported by a division of Bernadotte's, made a change of direction by the right flank, for the purpose of turning and attacking all the troops that were before Saint Hilaire's division. This movement was completely successful ; and the two divisions, united on the Pratzer itself by this movement, had no farther need of the assistance of Bernadotte's division : they made a second change of direction by their right flank, and descended from the Pratzer to attack in the rear all the troops who were opposed to General Legrand. These troops quitted, for the purpose of attacking the Russians, the position from which the latter had descended during the preceding night to attack Legrand ; they had thus traversed a complete semi-circle. The .emperor made the united grenadiers and the division of the foot-guards support the movement : it had complete success, and decided the battle. " General Vandamme received a check at the commencement of his first change of direction to the right. The fourth regiment of the line MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 297 lost one of its eagles in a charge of cavalry made upon it by the Rus- sian guard; but the chasseurs of the guard and the grenadiers on duty about the emperor charged so seasonably, that this accident had no bad consequences. "It was after the second change of direction to the right of this same division of Vandamme, then in communication with Saint Hilaire's, that the emperor ordered the division of Bernadotte, which followed the move- ment, to go right before, and no longer to follow the direction of Van- damme. That division did so ; it fought the infantry of the Russian guard, broke it, and drove it fighting a full league ; but it returned to its position, nobody could tell why. The emperor, who had followed the movements of Vandamme's division, was exceedingly astonished, on returning in the evening, to find the division of Bernadotte on the spot from which he had himself despatched it in the morning. We shall presently see whetiier he had reason to be displeased at the retrograde movement of that division. "The left of our army, under Marshal Lannes, and where all our cavalry was under the command of Marshal Murat, had broken and put to flight the whole right of the Russian army, which at night-fall took the road to Austerlitz, to join the relics of another portion of that army with which Marshal Soult had been engaged. Had Marshal Bernadotte's divi- sion continued marching another half-hour, instead of returning to its first position, it would have been across the road from Austerlitz to FloUitsch, by which the right of the Russian army was retreating. By checking that movement, it prevented the destruction of the latter. "The whole day was a series of mancEUvres, none of which failed; and which cut the Russian army, surprised in a flank movement, into as many pieces as there were heads of columns brought up to attack it. All the troops that had descended from the Pratzer to attack Generals Legrand and Friant were taken on the spot, in consequence of the move- ments of the divisions of Saint Hilaire and Vandamme. In short, there were left to us, with the field of battle, one hundred pieces of cannon, and forty-three thousand prisoners of war, exclusively of the wounded and slain, who remained upon the ground. There could scarcely be a more victorious and decisive day. "The emperor came back in the evening, along the whole line where the different regiments of the army had fought. It was already dark ; he had recommended silence to all who accompained him, that he might hear the cries of the wounded ; he immediately went to the spot where they were, alighted himself, and ordered a glass of brandy to be given them from the canteen which always followed him. I was with him the whole of that night, during which he remained very late on the field of battle : the squadron of his escort passed the whole night upon it in taking the cloaks from the Russian dead, for the purpose of covering the wounded with them. He himself ordered a large fire to be kindled near each of them, sent about for a muster-master, and did not retire till he had arrived ; and, having left him a picket of his own escort, he enjoined him not to quit these wounded till they were all in the hospital. These brave men 298 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. loaded him with blessings, which found the way to his heart much better than all the flatteries of courtiers. It was thus that he won the affection of his soldiers, who knew that when they suffered, it was not his fault ; and therefore they never spared themselves in his service. " The night was so dark, that we had been obliged to pass through Brunn, so that it was late when Marshal Davoust received the order ; and he could do no more that day than reunite his corps, and approach near enough to reconnoitre the enemy." — Memoirs of the Duke de Rovigo. CHAPTER XXV. Interview of Napoleon and the Emperor of Austria ; Treaty of Presbui'g ; Consequences of tlie Cam- paign ; Conduct of Prussia ; Battle of Trafalgar ; Financial Difficulties ; Ouvi-ai-d ; his Character and Treatment by the Emperor. On the day after the battle, the emperor, who was at the castle of Austerlitz, received a visit from Prince de Lichtenstein, the same whom Mack had sent to negotiate when before the walls of Ulm. On this occasion the prince was sent by the emperor Francis II. to request an interview with Napoleon. This request was immediately agreed to, and the ceremonies to be observed on the occasion were arranged at once. On the 4th of December Napoleon proceeded on horseback to the place appointed, which was a mill about three leagues from Austerlitz. The Emperor of Austria arrived in a calash; and as soon as he was observed, Napoleon alighted from his horse, and advanced to meet him, attended by his aids-de-camp. Napoleon embraced Francis II. on meeting him. During the interview, Napoleon had only Berthier beside him, and the Emperor of Austria was attended by Prince de Lichtenstein — what a situation for the heir of Charles V. ! The emperors remained about two hours, and again embraced at parting. On his return from this interview. Napoleon, who never for a moment lost sight of his policy, roused himself from the meditation in which he seemed to be absorbed, to despatch an aid-de-camp to the Emperor of Austria. Savery was entrusted with this mis- sion, the object of which was to acquaint the emperor Francis, that on leaving him he was going by order of Napoleon to the head-quarters of the Emperor of Russia, to obtain his adhesion, as far as he was concerned, to the conditions agreed upon in the conference between the Emperors of France and Austria. Alex- ander consented to every thing, and observed, since the King of the Romans was satisfied, he had no conditions to ask, as he had taken the field only to assist his ally. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 299 The chanceries of France and Austria met at Presburg, and as one of the two parties had the power of demanding every thing, and the other could scarcely refuse any thing, the negotiations did not continue long. On the 25th of December, that is to say, only three months after Napoleon's departure from Paris, all was arranged.* Russia who had taken part in the war, took no part in the negotiations. Hostilities ceased between her and France, but without any treaty of peace being concluded. After the bat- tle of Austerlitz, Napoleon remained for a few days at Brunn, to superiitkend the execution of his orders relative to the cantonment of his troops. Here he ascertained his losses, and sent his aids- de-camp to visit the hospitals, and to present, in his name, each wounded soldier with a Napoleon (165. 8d.). To the wounded officers he caused gratuities to be distributed from five hundred to three thousand francs, (£21. to £l25.) according to their rank. The emperor then set out for Schoenbrunn, where he arrived without stopping at Vienna, through which he passed during the night. On the day after his arrival he received, for the first time, M. Haugwitz, who had been for some time in Vienna, negotiating with M. de Talleyrand, and who, it must be confessed, found him- self in the most critical situation in which a diplomatist could be placed. He was very ill received, as may be supposed. He was at Vienna to wait the issue of events, and those events had not taken a turn favourable to Prussia. Napoleon, whom victory had placed in the most triumphant situation, treated the envoy with great haughtiness and severity. "Do you think," said Napoleon, "that your master hath kept faith with me? It would have been more honourable in him to have declared war against me openly, even though he had no motive for doing so. He then would have served his new allies, for I should have had to look two ways before I gave battle. You wish to be the friends of all parties, but that is impossible — you must choose between them and me. If you * " By the treaty of Presburg, Austria yielded the Venetian territories to the king- dom of Italy ; her ancient possessions of the Tyrol and Voralberg were transferred to Bavaria, to remunerate that elector for the part he had taken in the war; Wirtemberg, having also adopted the French side, received recompense of the same kind at the expense of the same power ; and both of these electors were advanced to the dignity of kings. Bavaria received Anspach and Bareuth from Prussia, and, in return, oeded Berg, which was erected into a grand duchy, and conferred, in sovereignty, on Napo- leon's brother-in-law, Murat. Finally, by the treaty concluded at Vienna on the 26th, Prussia added Hanover to her dominions, in return for the cession of Anspach and Bareuth, and acquiescence in the other arrangements above mentioned. " Eugene Beauharnois, son of Josephine, and Viceroy of Italy, received in marriage the eldest daughter of the new King of Bavaria ; this being the first occasion on which Napoleon manifested openly his desire to connect his family with the old sovereign houses of Europe. It was announced, at the same time, that in case the emperor should die without male issue, the crown of Italy would descend to Eugene." 300 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. wish to go with them, I do not object ; but if you remain with me, I must have sincerity. I would rather have avowed enemies than false friends. What does this mean ? You call yourselves my allies, and you permit a body of thirty thousand Russians to communi- cate through your states with the grand army : nothing can justify such conduct; it is an open act of hostility. If your powers do not permit you to treat of all these questions, get them extended. As for myself, I shall march against my enemies wherever they are to be found." I was informed by Lauriston that the emperor was so excited during this conversation, that he could be hed^'d dis- tinctly by those who were in the adjoining room. The situation of M. Haugwitz must have been peculiarly deli- cate, especially as Napoleon's complaints against Prussia were not without foundation. The truth is, that Haugwitz had come from Berlin solely in quality of observer, and having only conditional instructions. Had the emperor been beaten by the coalition, the cabinet of Berlin had instructed its representative to declare openly the alliance of Prussia with Russia and Austria; but the result of the battle being so disastrous, he was obliged to conceal the object of his mission. Haugwitz, seeing no other means of averting the storm which was ready to burst upon Prussia, took upon himself, without the authority of his sovereign, to sign a treaty, by virtue of which the margravates of Bareuth and Anspach were exchanged for Hanover. While all this was going on at Vienna, I received the Berlin bulletins, which informed me that Von Hardenberg had just signed, hy order of his master, another treaty with England, which rendered the situation of Prussia with respect to her two allies extremely difficult and complicated. It was impossible for her to continue in her present situation, for with Napoleon there was no possibility of her screening herself under the plea of neutrality. Thus Prussia could not avoid war, and all that remained to her was, the choice of maintaining it against France or England. By her treaty with England, she received a subsidy of £1,500,000; and while nothing was known at the French head-quarters respect- ing this second negotiation, or any doubt entertained respecting the validity of the treaty concluded by Haugwitz; the Russian General Buxhoevden, at the head of thirty thousand men, crossed the Vistula at Warsaw, and advanced upon Bohemia by Breslaw. This was one of the results of the Emperor Alexander's visit to Berlin, he having succeeded in inducing the King of Prussia to make common cause along with Russia, Austria, and England ; never expecting that France could triumph over them all; but the fortune of Napoleon ordained otherwise. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 301 Napoleon received at Vienna intelligence of the disastrous battle of Trafalgar. In France, that event was only known by report, and through the medium of the foreign newspapers, which were then prohibited. So completely did Napoleon succeed in veil- ing that disaster in obscurity, that, previous to the restoration, it was scarcely known in France. It was, however, very well known at Hamburg, it having been communicated by the mer- chants. The issue of the battle was to us equivalent to the destruction of our fleet, for we lost eighteen ships ; and the other thirteen returned to Cadiz dreadfully damaged. The battle of Trafalgar was fatal to the three admirals engaged in it. Nelson was killed, Gravina died of his wounds, and Villeneuve was made prisoner, and on his return to France put a period to his life. Napoleon was profoundly afflicted at this event, but at the time he did not express his mortification, for he never allowed himself to be engrossed with two subjects of equal interest at the same time. He showed the same self-command at Vienna, when he received intelligence of the financial crisis which occurred at Paris during his absence. This depreciation of the bank paper and general disquietude originated in some extensive speculations of M. Ouvrard, who was then one of the greatest capitalists in Europe. He told me, that before the 18th Brumaire he was possessed of sixty millions, without owing a franc to any one. I had been made acquainted, through the commercial correspondence betw^een Hamburg and Paris, with the operation, planned by M. Ouvrard, in consequence of which he was to obtain piasters from Spanish America, at a price much below the real value, and had learned that he was obliged to support this enterprise by the funds which he and his partners previously employed in victualling the forces. A fresh investment of capital was therefore necessary for this service, which, when on a large scale, requires extensive advances, and the tardy pay- ment of the treasury at that period was well known. This celebrated financier has been the object of great public attention. The prodigious variations of fortune which he has experienced, the activity of his life, the immense commercial operations in which he has been engaged, the extent and boldness of his enterprises, render it necessary, in forming a judgment of M. Ouvrard, to examine his conduct with due care and delibera- tion. The son of a paper-maker, who was able merely through his own resources to play so remarkable a part, could be no ordinary man. It may be said of M. Ouvrard, what Beaumarchais said of himself, that his life was really a combat. I have known him long, and I saw much of him in his relations with Josephine. He always 26 303 MEJIOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, appeared to me to possess great knowledge of the world, accom- panied by honourable principles, and a high degree of generosity, W'hich added greatly to the value of his prudence and discretion. No human power, no consideration, not even the ingratitude of those whom he had obliged, could induce him to disclose any sacri- fice A^hich he had made at the time when, under the Directory, the public revenue may be said to have been always at the dis- posal of the highest bidder, and when no business could be brought to a conclusion except by him who set about it with his hands full of money. To this security, with which M. Ouvrard impressed all official persons who rendered him services, I attribute the facility with which he obtained the direction of the numerous enterprises in which he engaged, and which produced so many changes in his fortune. The discretion of M. Ouvrard was not quite agreeable to the first consul, ^'S'ho found it impossible to extract from him the information he wanted. He tried every method to obtain from him the names of persons to wdiom he had given those kind of subsidies, which, in vulgar language, are called sops in the pan, and, by ladies, pin-money. Often have I seen Bonaparte resort to every possible contrivance to gain his object. He would some- times endeavour to alarm M. Ouvrard by menaces, and at others to flatter him by promises, but he was in no instance successful. While we were at the Luxembourg, on, as I recollect, the 25th of January, 1800, Bonaparte said to me during breakfast, "Bour- rienne, my resolution is taken. I shall have Ouvrard arrested." — '"General, have you proofs against him?" — "Proofs, indeed! He is a money-dealer, a monopolizer, we must make him regorge. All the contractors, all the provision agents, are rogues. How have they got their fortunes ? at the expense of the country, to be sure. I will not suffer such doings. They possess millions, they roll in an insolent luxury, while my soldiers have neither bread nor shoes ! I will have no more of that. I intend to speak on the business to-day in the council, and we shall see what can be done." I waited with impatience for his return from the council, to know what had passed: "Well, general," said I . . . . "The order is given." On hearing this, I became anxious about the fate of 31. Ouvrard, ^^•ho was thus treated more like a subject of the Grand Turk than a citizen of the republic ; but I soon learned that the order had not been executed, because he could not be found. Next day I learned that a person, whom I shall not name, who was present at the council, and who probably was under obli- gations to Ouvrard, w-rote him a note in pencil, to inform him that a vote for his arrest had been carried by the first consul. This individual stepped out for a moment, and despatched his servant MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 303 with the note to Ouvrard. Having thus escaped the writ of arrest, Ouvrard, after a few days had passed over, reappeared, and sur- rendered himself prisoner. Bonaparte was at first furious, on learning that he had got out of the way; but on hearing that Ouvrard had surrendered himself, he said to me, "The fool! he does not know what is awaiting him. He wishes to make the public believe that he has nothing to fear; that his hands are clean. But he is playing a bad game; he will gain nothing in that way with me. All talking is nonsense. You may be sure, Bour- rienne, that when a man has so much money, he cannot have got it honestly, and then all those fellows are dangerous with their fortunes. In the time of a revolution, no man ought to have more than three millions, and that is a great deal too much." Before going to prison, Ouvrard took care to secure against all the searches of the police any of his papers which might have compromised persons with whom he had dealings; and I believe that there were individuals, connected with the police itself, who had good reason for not regretting the opportunity which M. Ouvrard had taken for exercising this precaution. Seals, how- ever, were put upon his papers; but, on examining them, none of the information Bonaparte so much desired to obtain was found. Nevertheless, on one point his curiosity was satisfied, for, on look- ing over the documents, he found that Madame Bonaparte had been borrowing money from Ouvrard. I do not recollect to what circumstance he was indebted for his liberty; but it is certain that his captivity did not last long. Some time after he had left prison, Bonaparte asked him for twelve millions, which M. Ouvrard refused. On his accession to the consulate, Bonaparte found M. Ouvrard contractor for supplying the Spanish fleet under the command of Admiral Massaredo. This business introduced him to a cor- respondence with the famous Prince of Peace. The contract lasted three years, and M. Ouvrard gained by it a net profit of fifteen millions. In 1802, a dreadful scarcity afflicted France, and to remedy the distress was urgent. M. Ouvrard took upon himself, in concert with Wanlerberghe, the task of importing foreign grain, to prevent the troubles which might otherwise have been expected. In pay- ment of the grain, the foreign houses which sent it drew upon Ouvrard and Wanlerberghe for twenty-six millions of francs in treasury-bills, which, according to the agreement with the govern- ment, were to be paid. But when the bills of the foreign houses became due, there was no money in the treasury, and payment was refused. After six months had elapsed, payment was offered ; 304 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. but on condition that the government should retain half the profit of the commission. This Ouvrard and Wanlerberghe refused ; upon which the treasury thought it most economical to pay- nothing, and the debt remained long unsettled. Notwithstanding this transaction, Ouvrard and Wanlerberghe engaged to victual the navy, which they supplied for six years and three months. After the completion of these different services, the debt due to them amounted to sixty-eight millions. In consequence of the long delay of payment by the treasury, the disbursements for supplies of grain amounted at last to more than forty millions ; and the difficulties which arose had a serious effect on the credit of the principal dealers with those persons who supplied them. The discredit spread, and gradually reached the treasury, the embarrassments of which augmented with the gen- eral disquietude. Ouvrard, Wanlerberghe, and Seguin, were the persons whose capital and credit rendered them most capable of relieving the treasury. And they agreed to advance for that pur- pose one hundred and two millions, in return for which they were allowed bonds of the receivers-general to the amount of one hun- dred and fifty millions. M. Desprez undertook to be the medium through which the one hundred and two millions were to be paid into the treasury, and the three partners transferred the bonds to him. Spain had concluded a treaty with France, by which she was bound to pay a subsidy of seventy-two millions of francs. Thirty-two millions had become due without any payment being made. It was thought advisable that Ouvrard should be sent to Madrid to obtain a settlement. It was on this occasion he entered into the immense speculation for trading with Spanish America. Spain wished to pay the thirty-two millions which were due to France as soon as possible, but her coffers were empty, and good- will does not insure ability; besides, in addition to the distress of the government, a dreadful famine raged in Spain. In this state of things, Ouvrard proposed to the Spanish government to pay the debt due to France, to import a supply of coi'n, and to advance funds for the relief of the Spanish treasury. For this he required two conditions: 1. The exclusive right of trading with America. 2. The right of bringing from America, on his own account, all the specie belonging to the crown, with the power of making loans guaranteed and payable by the Spanish treasuries. About the end of July, 1805, the embarrassment which some time before had begun to be felt in the finances of Europe was alarmingly augmented. Under these circumstances, it was obvi- ously the interest of Ouvrard to procure payment as soon as pos- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 305 sible of the thirty-two millions which he had advanced for Spain to the French treasury. He therefore redoubled his efforts to brino- his negotiation to a favourable issue, and at last succeeded in getting a deed of partnership between himself and Charles IV. signed, which contained the following stipulation : " Ouvrard and Company are authorized to introduce into the ports of the New World every kind of merchandise and production necessary for the consumption of those countries, and to export from the Span- ish colonies, during the continuance of the war with England, all the productions and all specie derivable from them." This treaty was only to be in force during the war with England, and it was stipulated that the profits arising from the transactions of the company should be equally divided between Charles IV. and the rest of the company ; that is to say, one-half to the king, and the other half to his partners. The consequences of this extraordinary partnership between a king and a private individual remain to be staged. On the signing of the deed, Ouvrard received drafts from the treasury of Madrid to the extent of fifty-two millions five hundred thousand piasters ; making two hundred and sixty-two millions five hundred thousand francs; but the piasters were to be brought from America, while the terms of the treaty required that the urgent wants of the Spanish government should be immediately supplied ; and,' above all, the progress of the famine checked. To accomplish this object, fresh advances to an enormous amount were necessary ; for M. Ouvrard had to begin by furnishing two millions of quintals of grain, at the rate of twenty-six francs the quintal. Besides all this, before he could realize a profit, and be reimbursed for the advances he had made to the treasury of Paris, he had to get the piasters conveyed from America to Europe. After some difficulty, the English government consented to facilitate the execution of the transaction by furnishing four frigates for the conveyance of the piasters. Ouvrard had scarcely completed the outline of his extraordi- nary enterprise, when the emperor suddenly broke up his camp at Boulogne, to march for Germany. It will readily be conceived that Ouvrard's interests then imperatively required his presence at Madrid; but he was recalled to Paris by the minister of the treasury, who wished to adjust his accounts with him. The emperor wanted money for the war on which he was entering; and to procure it for the treasury, Ouvrard was sent to Amster- dam to negotiate with the house of Hope. He succeeded, and Mr. David Parish became the company's agent. Having concluded this business, Ouvrard returned in all haste U 26* 306 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. to Madrid ; but, in the midst of tlie most flattering hopes and most gigantic enterprises, he suddenly found himself threatened with a dreadful crisis. M. Desprez had, with the concurrence of the treasmy, been allowed to take upon himself all the risk of exe- cuting the treaty, by which one hundred and fifty millions were to be advanced for the year 1804, and four hundred millions for the year 1805. Under the circumstances which had arisen, the minister of the treasury considered himself entitled to call upon Ouvrard to place at his disposal ten millions of the piasters which he had received from Spain. The minister at the same time informed him that he had made arrangements on the faith of this advance, which he thought could not be refused at so urgent a moment. The embarrassments of the ti'easury, and the well-known integ- rity of the minister, M. de Barbi^-Marbois, induced Ouvrard to remit the ten millions of piasters. But a few days after he had forwarded the mon^y, a commissioner of the treasury arrived at Madrid with a ministerial despatch, in which Ouvrard was requested to deliver to the commissioner all the assets he could command, and to return immediately to Paris. The treasury was then in the greatest difficulty, and a general alarm prevailed. This serious financial distress was occasioned by the' following circumstances. The treasury had, by a circular, notified to the receivers-general that Desprez was the holder of their bonds. They were also authorized to transmit to him all their disposable funds, to be placed to their credit in an account current. Perhaps the giving of this authority was a great error; but, be that as it may, Desprez, encouraged by the complaisance of the treasury, desired the receivers-general to transmit to him all the sums they could procure for payment of interest under eight per cent., promising to allow them a higher rate of interest. As the credit of the house of Desprez stood high, it may easily be con- ceived that, on such conditions, the receivers-general, who were besides secured by the authority of the treasury, would enter eagerly into the proposed plan. In short, the receivers-general soon transmitted very considerable sums. Chests of money arrived daily from every point of France. Intoxicated by this success, Desprez engaged in speculations, which, in his situation, were extremely imprudent. He lent more than fifty millions to the mer- chants of Paris, which left him no command of specie. Being obliged to raise money, he deposited with the bank the bonds ojp the receivers-general which had been consigned to him. but which were already discharged by the sums transmitted to their credit in the account current. The bank, wishing to be reimbursed for MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. • 307 the money advanced to Desprez, applied to the receivers-general v^hose bonds were held in security. This proceeding had become necessaiy on the part of the bank, as Desprez, instead of making his payments in specie, sent in his acceptances. The directors of the bank, who conducted that establishment with great integrity and discretion, began to be alarmed, and required Desprez to explain the state of his affairs. The suspicions of the directors became daily stronger, and were soon shared by the public. At last the bank was obliged to stop payment, and its notes were soon at a discount of twelve per cent. The minister of the treasury, dismayed, as well may be supposed, at such a state of things, during the emperor's absence, convoked a council, at which Joseph Bonaparte presided, and to which Desprez and Wanlerberghe were summoned. Ouvrard being informed of this financial convulsion, made all possible haste from Madrid, and, on his arrival at Paris, sought assistance from Amsterdam. Hope's house offered to take fifteen millions of piasters, at the rate of three francs seventy-five centimes each. Ouvrard having engaged to pay the Spanish government only three francs, would very willingly have parted with them at that rate, but his hasty departure from Madrid, and the financial events at Paris, affected his relations with the Spanish treasury, and ren- dered it impossible for him to afford any support to the treasury of France ; thus the alarm continued, until the news of the battle of Austerlitz, and the consequent hope of peace, tranquillized the public mind. The bankruptcy of Desprez was dreadful ; it was followed by the failure of several houses, the credit of which was previously undoubted. To temper the exultation which victory was calculated to excite, the news of the desperate situation of the treasury and the bank reached the emperor on the day after the battle of Austerlitz. The alarming accounts which he received hastened his return to France ; and, on the very evening on which he arrived in Paris, he pronounced, while ascending the stairs of the Tuileries, the dis- missal of M. de Barbe-Marbois. Such was the financial catas- trophe which occurred dui^ing the campaign of Vienna; but all was not over with Ouvrard, and, in so great a confusion of affairs, it was to be expected that the imperial hand, which was not always the hand of justice, should make itself be somewhere felt. In the course of the month of February, 1806, the emperor issued two decrees, in which he declared Ouvrard, Wanlerberghe, and Michel, contractors for the service of 1804, and Desprez, their agent, debtors to the amount of eighty-seven millions, which they had misapplied in private speculations, and in transactions with 308 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Spain, "for their personal interests." Who would not suppose, from this phrase, that Napoleon had taken no part whatever in the great financial operation between Spain and South America? He was, however, intimately acquainted with it, and was himself really personally interested. But whenever any enterprise was unsuccessful, he always wished to disclaim all connexion with it. Possessed of title-deeds made up by himself — that is to say, his own decrees — the emperor seized all the piasters, and other property belonging to the company, and derived from the transaction great pecuniary advantage — though such advantage never could be regarded by a sovereign as any compensation for the dreadful state into which public credit had been brought. CHAPTER XXVI. The King of Sweden ; Projects in Holland ; Negotiations for Peace ; Mr. Fox, Britisti Minister ; Intended Assassination of Napoleon ; Propositions made through Lord Yarmouth ; the Emperor returns to Paris ; Creation of the new Nobility. I HAVE been somewhat defuse respecting the enterprises of M. Ouvrai'd, and on the disastrous state of the finances dui'ing the campaign of Vienna; but I shall now return to the minister plen- ipotentiary's cabinet, and state such circumstances as came within my knowledge. The facts will not always be stated in a con- nected series, because they often had no more particular connexion than the pleadings of the barristers who succeed each other in a court of justice. On the 5th of January, 1805, the King of Sweden arrived before the gates of Hamburg. The senate, surrounded on all sides by English, Swedish, and Russian troops, detei'mined to send a depu- tation to the Swedish monarch, who, however, hesitated so long about receiving this homage, that fears were entertained lest his refusal should be accompanied by some act of aggression. He, however, at last permitted two deputies to come to him, and they returned well satisfied with their reception. His complaint against the Senate of Hamburg arose from my having demanded and obtained the removal of the colours which used to be suspended over the door of the house for receiving Austrian recruits. The poor senate was kept in constant alarm by so dangerous a neighbour. He had fixed his head-quarters at Boetzenburg, on the northern bank of the Elbe; and, in order to amuse himself, he sent for Dr. Gall, who was at Hamburg, where he delivered a series of lectures on his system. I had the pleasure MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 309 of knowing Dr. Gall, and one occasion, when he went to the head- quarters of the King of Sweden, I said to him, "My dear doctor, you will certainly discover the bump of vanity." The truth is, that had the doctor at that period been permitted to examine the heads of the sovereigns of Europe, they would have afforded very curious craniological studies. It was not the King of Sweden alone who gave uneasiness to Hamburg, for the King of Prussia had threatened to seize it, and to subject it to his fiscal regulations, which would have had the effect of destroying the commercial prosperity of the city. Hanover, no longer occupied by the French troops, was used by the English as a sort of recruiting station, where every man who presented himself was enlisted, in order to complete the Han- overian regiment, which was then about being raised. They scat- tered gold in handfuls. The English employed in this service a hundred and fifty carriages, with six horses to each, which con- firmed me in my former opinion that they, in conjunction with the Russians, were about to undertake an expedition against Hol- land. On the first indication of this intention, I sent off informa- tion to the emperor by express. The aim of the Anglo-Russians, who were not aware that peace had been concluded at Presburg, was to create a diversion in the movements of the French armies in Germany. The advanced guard of the Russians soon arrived at Affersburg, four leagues from Bremen, and the whole of the Allied forces marched through the bishopric of Osnaburg; not a moment, therefore, was to be lost in reuniting all the troops at our disposal for the preservation of Holland ; but it is not my purpose at present to treat of this expedition ; I only wish to afford an idea of our situation at Hamburg, surrounded as we were on all sides by Swedish, EngUsh, and Russian troops. I frequently received, from the minister of marine, letters and packets to be forwarded to the Isle of France, for the retention of which place the emperor evinced considerable anxiety ; and I had much difficulty in finding vessels bound for that colony who would take charge of the min- ister's despatches. The death of Pitt, and the nomination of Mr. Fox to the ministry, opened a fair prospect of peace. It was well known that this latter statesman, in succeeding to the office of Mr. Pitt, did not inherit his violent hatred against France and its emperor; a mutual esteem existed between them, and Mr. Fox had shown himself really sincere in his professions for peace. Its practicability he had always insisted upon while in opposition to Mr. Pitt; and Bonaparte himself, from the high regard he had for Mr. Fox, might have been induced to yield in some points, the very idea of which he would otherwise have rejected with indig- 310 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. nation. But two obstacles (I might almost say insmnnountable ones) were opposed to it. The first was, the conviction on the part of England, that this peace would never be any thing more than a truce, of longer or shorter duration, and that Bonaparte would still continue to pursue his scheme of universal dominion. And the other, the belief which was firmly entertained that Napo- leon meditated the invasion of England. Could this have been efiected, it would have been less with a view of giving a mortal blow to her commerce, and destroying her maritime supremacy over France, than of abolishing the liberty of the press, which he had totally annihilated on his own side of the Channel. The sight of a free people, separated from them only by one- and- twenty miles of sea, was, in his opinion, a tempting aspect to the French, and a most powerful incentive to such of them as bore the yoke with reluctance. Almost at the commencement of INIr. Fox's ministry, a French- man proposed to him the assassination of the emperor: the min- ister wrote immediately to M. de Talleyrand to inform him of the circumstance. He intimated to him that, although the English laws forbade the detention of an individual not actually convicted of any crime, yet, on this occasion, he would take it upon himself not to suffer such a wretch to go at large, until such time as the head of the French government could be put on his guard against his attempts. Mr. Fox added, that he had at first done this indi- vidual "the honour to take him for a spy," an expression which sufficiently marked the indignation and disgust with which the English minister regarded him. This information, so honourably imparted, was the key which opened the door to fresh neo-otiations. M. de Talleyrand was directed to express to Mr. Fox that the emperor was deeply affected with this proof of the principles by which the British cabinet was governed. Nor did Napoleon confine himself to this diplomatic courtesy ; he considered it a favourable opportunity to create an impression that on his part the desire for peace was sincere. He summoned to Paris Lord Yarmouth, the most dis- tinguished among those English subjects who had been so unjustly detained prisoners at Yerdun, on the infraction of the treaty of Amiens. He commissioned his lordship to propose to the British government to enter into negotiations, oftering, on his part, to recognise the possession by England of the Cape of Good Hope and Malta. By some, this concession of Bonaparte has been extolled as a mark of his moderation; by others, he has been blamed as willing to make too gi'eat a sacrifice; as if the cession of the Cape of Good Hope and Malta were to be put in competi- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 311 tion with the recognition of his title of emperor, the establishment of the Jiingdom of Italy, the acquisition of Genoa and of all the Venetian states, the dethronement of the King of Naples, the gift of his kingdom to Joseph; and, finally, the new partition of Ger- many. All these events, which had taken place subsequently to the treaty of Amiens, were not even alluded to by Bonaparte, and certainly were advantages which he had no intention to forego. The letters which I received from Paris frequently dwelt on the prospect of peace — a sentiment in which I could not participate, being too well acquainted with the emperor to repose any faith in his sincerity, especially after the successful campaign of Vienna, which opened a wider prospect to his ambition — a passion which appeared to increase in proportion as it was gratified. Every day, indeed, afforded me fresh proofs that this ambition was insatiable. The fact was. Napoleon coveted the possession of the Hanse Towns. My instructions, however, were at first merely to make overtures to the senates of each of these three towns, and to endeavour to make them sensible of the advantage it would be to them to enjoy the protection of Napoleon in exchange for the trifling sacrifice of six millions to be advanced to him. On this subject, I had several conferences with the magistrates, who at first objected to the sum as being too exorbitant, representing to me at the same time that the city was by no means so rich as formerly, as the war had created so many obstacles to their com- merce; and the senate, at length, for which I could not greatly blame them, signified to me, in the most delicate manner possible, that their circumstances would not permit them to accept the "generous proposal" of the emperor. For my own part, Icould not but consider the proposition I had to make as in the highest degree absurd ; since, in fact, there was no real advantage what- ever I could offer to the Hanse Towns as an equivalent for their money. Against whom, too, could he offer to protect them? Prussia, Sweden, Russia, and England, might be, and probably were, desirous of obtaining possession of these towns, but the very wish which those powers entertained in common, proved the real security of the former; for it is very certain, that if the attempt had been made by either, the other three would immediately have interposed to prevent it. The truth is, that Napoleon even then wished to make an open seizure of these places, a pretext for which, however, he was not able to find till about four years afterwards. The emperor arrived at Paris about the end of January, 1806. Having created kings in Germany, he deemed it a favourable opportunity for surrounding his throne with a new race of princes. At this period, therefore, he created Murat Grand Duke of Cleves 312 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. and Berg; Bernadotte. Prince of Ponte Corvo; M. de Talleyrand, Duke of Benevento,, and his two former colleagues, Cambaceres and Lebrun, Dukes of Parma and Placenza. He likewise gave to his sister Pauline, who had a short time before contracted a second marriage with the Prince Borghese, the title of Duchess ot Guastalla. How extraordinary the course of events ! Who could then have foreseen that the Duchy of Cambaceres would aflbrd a refuge to a Princess of Austria, the widow of Xapoleon, ere death had made her so? The atiairs of the Bourbon princes now wore every day a more unfavourable aspect, and such was the exhausted state of their finances, that it was intimated to the emigrants at Brimswick that the pretender could no longer continue their pensions. This pro- duced the greatest consternation among them, as it deprived many of their sole means of existence, who, notwithstanding their fidelity to the royal cause, were by no means disinclined that it should be strengthened by a pension. Among these emigrants was an indi- vidual whose name will occupy no ambiguous place in history; I allude to Dumouriez, of whom I have before spoken, and who was now busying himself in the peaceful employment of distributing pamphlets. He was then at Stralsund. and it was supposed the King of Sweden would entrust him with a command. The un- settled life of this general, who wandered from place to place soliciting, but in vain, to be employed against his native country, rendered him an object of general ridicule ; in fact, he was every where looked upon with contempt. "With a view to put an end to all disputes, as regarded Holland — which Dumouriez dreamed of conquering with an army which existed only in his own imagination — and dissatisfied moreover with the Dutch, who had not excluded English vessels from thek ports so rigorously as he desired, the emperor formed these states into a kingdom, which he conferred upon his brother Louis. When, with other otficial matters, I communicated to the states of the circle of Lower Saxony, the accession of Louis to the throne of Holland, and the nomination of Cardinal Fesch as coad- jutor and successor of the Arch-chancellor of the Germanic empire, I remarked that the Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin was the only one who made no reply to me, and I learned afterwards that he had applied to the court of Petersburg for instructions, '•w-hether, and in what way, he should reply." He at the same time sent information to the emperor of the marriage of his daughter, the Princess Charlotte Frederica. with Prince Christian Frederick of Denmark. At this period it would have been ditficuh to foresee in what MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 313 way this union was destined to terminate. The prince was young, possessed of an agreeable exterior, and amiable disposition ; every thing seemed to promise that he would prove a good husband. As to the princess, she was in person exceedingly beautiful, but her mind was thoughtless and volatile in the extreme ; in short, she was completely a spoiled child. She adored her husband, and for several years their union was perfectly happy; little indeed did they imagine that they were afterwards to be separated for ever. The princess was at this time in all the height of her beauty; fetes were frequently given in her honour on the banks of the Elbe, at which the prince always opened the ball with Madame de Bourrienne. Lovely as she was, however, the Prin- cess Charlotte could not secure the affection of the Danish court, which was occupied in intrigues against her. I am not aware that there were any real grounds of reproach in her behaviour, but the stately dames of the court objected to her continual levi- ties, and, whether with reason or not, her husband considered himself obliged to separate from her; she was accordingly sent at the commencement of 1809 to Altona, attended by a chamberlain and a maid of honour. On her arrival, she gave herself up to despair; her's, however, was not a silent grief, for she related her history to every body. The unfortunate lady really excited com- miseration when she wept for her son, three years of age, whom she was destined never to see again. But her natural levity soon gained the ascendancy; she did not continue to observe the deco- rum becoming her station, and some months afterwards was sent into Jutland, where, I believe, she is still Uving. CHAPTER XXVII. Menaces of Prussia; Hostilities commenced between France and Prassia ; Battle of Jena; Death of the Duke of Brunswick. In September, 1806, it was pretty evident tnat, as soon as war should break out between France and Prussia, Russia would not be long in forming an alliance with the latter. Peace, however, had been reestablished between Napoleon and Alexander by vir- tue of a treaty just signed at Paris, by which Russia engaged to evacuate the mouths of the Cataro, a condition which she showed no great readiness to fulfil. I received, too, a number of the St. Petersburg Court Gazette, containing an ukase of the Emperor of Russia, in which he pointed out the dangers which again menaced Europe; and showed the necessity which existed of watching 27 SI4 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. over the general tranquillity and the security of his own empire, declaring his intention, in consequence, not only of completing, but augmenting his army. A levy therefore was ordered of four men out of every five hundred inhabitants. — Before the commencement of hostilities, Duroc was sent to the King of Prussia, in order to discover if there were yet a possibility of renewing negotiations; but affairs were already too much embarrassed, and all his endeav- ours were ineffectual. Perhaps, too, the King of Prussia had it no longer in his power to avoid a war with France; but be that as it may, he certainly had just grounds of complaint against her emperor. For although the latter, as we have seen, had given Hanover to him in exchange for the two margravates, he had nevertheless offered the restitution of that province to England, as one of the conditions of the treaty entered into with Mr. Fox. These clandestine proceedings were not unknown to the Berlin cabinet, and thus Duroc's mission was rendered useless by Napo- leon's duplicity. The King of Prussia was at this time at Weimar. The period was now approaching when the horrors of war were to be renewed in Germany, and in proportion as the hopes of peace w'ere dimin- ished, the threats of Prussia redoubled. Inspired by the memory of the great Frederic, she was utterly averse to peace. Her meas- ures, which hitherto had been sufficiently moderate, all at once assumed a menacing character, upon learning that the minister of the King of England had announced to parliament that France had consented to the restitution of Hanover. The French min- ister intimated to Prussia that this was a preliminary step towards a general peace, and that she w'ould be liberally indemnified in return. But the King of Prussia, well aware how pertinaciously the house of Hanover clung to this ancient domain, which gave to England a certain preponderance in Germany, considered him- self trifled with, and determined on war. He was, moreover, ambitious of the character of the liberator of Germany, and rejected every offer of compensation. Under these circumstances, Lord Lauderdale having been recalled from Paris by his govern- ment, the w^ar with England continued, and was about to com- mence with Prussia. The cabinet of Berlin sent an ultimatum, couched in terms which almost amounted to a defiance. From the well-known character of Napoleon, we may judge of his irri- tation at this ultimatum ; and after a stay of eight months in Paris, passed in ineffectual negotiations, he set out on the 25th of September for the Rhine. On the 10th of October, 1806, hostili- ties commenced between France and Prussia, and I demanded of the senate that a stop should be put to the Prussian recruiting. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 315 The news of a great victory gained by the emperor over the Prussians on the 14th of October, was brought to Hamburg on the 19th by some fugitives, who gave such contradictory and exaggerated accounts of the loss the French army had sustained, that it was not till the 28th of October, when the official des- patches arrived, that we knew whether to mourn or rejoice at the victory of Jena, The Duke of Brunswick, who was dangerously wounded at the battle of Auerstaedt, arrived on the 29th of October at Altona. His entrance into that city presented a new and striking illustra- tion of the vicissitudes of fortune. A sovereign prince, of high military reputation, but lately in the peaceable enjoyment of power in his own capital, now vanquished and wounded, was brought into Altona on a wretched litter borne by ten men, without offi- cers or attendants, followed by a crowd of children and vagabonds drawn together by curiosity. He was lodged in a miserable inn, so much exhausted by fatigue and the pain in his eyes, that, the day after his arrival, his death was very generally reported. Dr. Unzer was immediately sent for to relieve the sufferings of the unfortunate duke; who, during the few days that he survived his v^ounds, saw no one but his wife, who joined him on the 1st of November, No visitors were admitted to see him, and on the 10th of the same month he expired. At this juncture, Berna- dotte returned to Hamburg. I asked him what construction I was to put on his conduct while he was with Davoust, who had left Nauemburg to attack the Prussian army; and whether it were true that he had refused to march with that general, and afterwards to assist him in his attack upon the Prussians on the Weimar road? "My letters inform me," I observed, "that you took no part in the battle of Auerstaedt. To this statement I gave no credit, but doubtless you have seen the bulletin which I received a short time after the battle, in which it is mentioned that Bonaparte said at Nauemburg, in the presence of several officers, 'Were I to bring him before a court-martial, he would be shot. I shall say nothing to him about it, but he shall be at no loss to understand what I think of his behaviour. He has too nice a sense of honour not to be himself aware that he has acted disgracefully.'" "I think him very capable," replied Bernadotte, "of making those observations. He hates me, because he knows I have no great love for him ; but let him speak to me himself on the subject, and he shall have his answer. Gascon as I may be, he is a greater one than myself I do not deny feeling piqued at receiving something like orders from Davoust, but I did my duty notwithstanding." About the beginning of November, the Swedes 316 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. entered Lubeck, but on the 8th of the same month the town was taken by assault, and the Swedes, as well as the rest of the corps that had escaped from Jena, were made prisoners. THE BATTLES OF AUERSTAEBT AND JENA. DESCRIBED BY GENERAL RAPP. " We were in possession of the whole course of the Saale, and in a fair way to turn the enemy's army. The calculations of the Duke of Brunswick were completely frustrated. He had formed the idea of coming up with us on the Maine, of occupying our wings by detached corps, and penetrating our centre before we could concentrate our forces. He still possessed all the threads of that vast spy system which had harassed France since the emigrations. He knew the force and the route marked out for several corps which were marching from Meu- don, and he did not doubt of anticipating us. Napoleon took a pleasure in cherishing this illusion ; he made preparations, and caused reconnois- sances to be taken through the whole of that line. The duke had no longer any doubt of having penetrated our intentions; we were to debouch by Kcenigshaften ; he made certain of that ; he felt perfectly convinced of it. Our movements on his centre were only a snare, a ruse de guerre; we wished to deceive him, in order to prevent him from debouching by the forest of Thuringen, whilst we proceeded towards Coburg and Memingen, in woody and mountainous countries, where his cavalry would have no opportunity of acting, or at least would be deprived of its advantage. It was of the utmost importance to anticipate us, and he hurried to Koenigshaften. " The enemy were engaged in the woods ; Napoleon marched on Schelitz, sixty leagues from the presumed point of attack. The third corps quietly reposed on the 10th at Nauemburg, in the rear of the Duke of Brunswick. Hostilities were of only two days' date, and that prince, who was already uncovered on his left, was on the eve of being entirely cut to pieces. His communications with the Elbe were in dan O'er; and he was nearly reduced to the same extremities as Mack, whom he had so violently censured. His advanced-guard, on arriving on the Maine, found the field unoccupied. This circumstance seemed incomprehensible ; but still it never led him to suspect the danger to which he was exposed. The rout of Saalfield alone shook the confidence which he had placed in his own safety. He hastily retraced his course. Weimar and Hohenlohe were directed to come up speedily, and the army of reserve was ordered to make a forced march. But some parties mistook their route, and others did not use sufficient despatch, so that a portion of the troops were not engaged in the battle. The duke, who was disconcei-ted at a system of movements so novel to him, knew not what determination to adopt. All these marches and arrangements, so rapidly succeeding each other, formed a mass of confusion, in which he could discern neither plan nor object. The occupation of Nauemburg MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 317 relieved him from this perplexity: he saw his left wing about to be turned, or at least exposed ; he would not wait longer ; he hastily rallied his army of reserve, which was advancing upon Halle, and left Hohen- lohe at the camp of Capellendorf to mask the retrograde movement. His troops, who had not shared the disasters of Saalfield and Schleitz, ridiculed the beaten corps; they shouted, 'The king for ever! the queen for ever!' &c., &c. They resolved to avenge the affront offered to the Prussian arms : there were not enough Frenchmen for them. The duke himself had resumed his confidence. On the Auerstaedt road he found not more than thirty chasseurs. His communications were free ; it was impossible they could be intercepted : it was not easy to surprise a skilful manoeuvrer like the duke. Hohenlohe's Prussians were encamped behind the heights of Jena : their masses extended as far as the eye could reach ; they were prolonged beyond Weimar. Napoleon recon- noitred them on the evening of the 13th, and fixed the attack for the following day. In the night he distributed orders for the movements of the different corps. 'As to Davoust, he must march on Apolda, so as to fall on the rear of the enemy's army. He may take whatever route he may deem most expedient; I leave that to himself, provided he take part in the battle : if Bernadotte be at hand, he may support him. Berthier, issue instructions accordingly.' It was ten o'clock at night; all the arrangements were made, and yet the general commanding the enemy's force flattered himself that we could not debouch. But the axes of the pioneers removed every obstacle ; the rock was cut, and trenches were opened: the action commenced on the right and the left: the conflict was terrible. Davoust, in particular, was placed in a situa- tion in which a man of less firmness might have found his courage fail him. Bernadotte refused to support him ; he even forbade two divisions of the reserve cavalry, which, however, were not under his command, from taking part in the action. He paraded round Apolda, while twenty, six thousand French troops were engaged with seventy thousand picked men, commanded, by the Duke of Brunswick and the King of Prussia. But this circumstance only added to the glory of the commander, whom it might have ruined. Davoust's plans were so v/ell laid, his generals and his troops deployed with such skill and courage, that Blucher, with his twelve thousand cavalry, had not the satisfaction to cut a single com- pany. The king, the guards, and the whole army, attacked our troops without obtaining better success. "At Jena the victory had been no less brilliant: the rout was com- plete and general; the enemy fled in the utmost confusion. "In the evening I was directed, together with the grand duke, to pursue the wrecks of the Prussian army. We took some Saxon battalions, and we entered ■pele-mele with them into Weimar. We stationed our posts before the town, despatched some parties of cavalry on the Erfurt road, and presented ourselves at the castle. M. de Papenheim, whom I recol- lected having seen in Paris, came out to meet us. He was quite alarmed ; but we assured him he had no cause for apprehension. AH the court, 27* 318 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. with the exception of the grand duke and his family, were at Weimar. The duchess received us with perfect politeness. I was acquainted with several ladies of her suite, one of whom has since become my sister-in- law. I endeavoured to calm their fears. They took courage. Some few disorders took place ; but they were of little importance. " Murat took up his quarters at the castle. I set out to join Napoleon at Jena, in order to render him an account of the events of the evening. He did not think that they would go beyond Weimar. He was highly satisfied. The courage of the duchess astonished him. He did not imagine that the court would have waited for him. He did not like the family ; this he often repeated. The night was far advanced, and Napo- leon had just received despatches from the second corps. 'Davoust,' said he to me, 'has had a terrible engagement: he had King William and the Duke of Brunswick opposed to him. The Prussians fought desperately : they suffered dreadful slaughter. The duke has been dangerously wounded ; and the whole army seems to be in terrible dis- order. Bernadotte did not behave well. He would have been pleased had Davoust been defeated ; but the affair reflects the highest honour on the conqueror, and the more so as Bernadotte rendered his situation a difficult one. That Gascon will never do better.' " The battle was lost. The Prussians were no longer eager to carry on the war ; they wished for and invoked peace. By dint of wishing for an armistice, they at length persuaded themselves that one had been granted. Kalkreuth announced it : Blucher swore that it was concluded : how could it be discredited ? Soult, however, was not to be caught in the snare. The imprudent generosity evinced at Austerlitz had rendered him distrustful. He refused to afford a passage to the troops whom he had cut off. 'The convention you speak of is impossible!' said he to the field-marshal. 'Lay down your arms. I must receive the emperor's orders. You shall retire if he permit it.' Kalkreuth was unwilling to resort to this kind of expedient. It always has somewhat the appearance of a defeat : and he would rather have experienced one in good earnest. Some other columns were more fortunate. But it was only deferring the evil moment : they were obliged to surrender some leagues farther on. "The king himself was disheartened by his misfortunes. Our hus- sars gave him neither truce nor respite. He recollected all that Napoleon had done to avoid hostilities ; and he addressed a letter to him. It was rather late to reply to overtures which had been so ill received. 'It would have been better,' said Napoleon, 'had he explained himself two days sooner ; but no matter : I am willing to accede to any thing that is compatible with the dignity and interests of France. I will send Duroc to the King of Prussia. But there is something still more urgent yet. Duroc, set out immediately. Proceed to Nauemburg, to Dessau, wherever we have wounded troops. See that they want for nothing : visit them for me, each man individually. Give them all the consolation their situation requires. Tell them — tell the marshal, that he, his generals, and his troops, have acquired everlasting claims on my gratitude.' MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 319 " He was not satisfied with this message. He wrote to assure him how much he was pleased with his conduct. His letter was inserted in the order of the day. The troops were transported with it : even the wounded men could not refrain from expressing their delight. "The emperor established his head-quarters at Weimar. He showed every possible mark of respect to the duchess. "Meanwhile, the enemy was rallying on Magdeburg. The wrecks of the army that had been engaged at Jena, the army of reserve, and the troops of Old and New Prussia, hastily repaired to that place. The Duke of Wirtemberg had already taken a position at Halle ; and Bernadotte proceeded thither. His corps had not been engaged at Auerstaedt; and he was eager for an opportunity to compensate the portion of glory he had lost. He attacked the Prussians with the bayonet; killing and rout- ing all that opposed him. The carnage was dreadful. On the following day, Napoleon visited the field of battle, and was struck with the sight of the heaps of dead which surrounded the bodies of some of our soldiers." — Memoirs of General Rapp. CHAPTER XXVIII. Triumph of the French Armies ; Generous Conduct of Napoleon towards the Prince of Hatzfeld ; Blucher my Prisoner : his Character ; Prince Paul of Wirtemberg also a Pi-isoner ; Negotiations for Peace ; the Demands of Napoleon rejected ; Displeasm-e of the King of Sweden. Victory every where declared in favour of the French. Prince Hohenlohe, who commanded a division of the Prussian army, was obliged to capitulate at Prentzlaw. After this capitulation, General Blucher took the command of the remains of the corps, to which he reunited those troops who, being absent from Prentzlaw, were not included in the capitulation. These corps, in addition to those which Blucher had at Auerstaedt, were then almost the only ramparts of the Prussian monarchy. Soult and Bernadotte received orders from Murat for the close pursuit of Blucher, who, on his part, was using every effort to draw the forces of those two generals from Berlin. Blucher marched upon Lubeck, of which he took possession. General Murat pursued the wreck of the Prussian army, which had escaped from Saxony by way of Mag- deburg, and Blucher was driven back upon LulDeck. To the army at Berlin the destruction of this corps was of the first con- sequence, being under the command of a brave and skilful gen- eral, who drew from the centre of military operations numerous troops, with which he might throw himself into Hanover, or Hesse, or even Holland, and by a junction with the English forces greatly harass the rear of the grand army. The Grand Duke of 520 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Berg explained to me his plans and expectations, and shortly after- wards announced their completion. His letters, among other particulars, informed me of the taking of Lubeck. In two of these letters, Murat, who was probably misinformed by his agents or made the dupe of some intriguer, sent me word that Moreau had arrived at Hamburg, and that he had passed through Paris on the 28th of October. His only proof of this fact was a letter of Fauche-Borel, which he had intercepted. I recollect a curious circumstance, which threw some light on this matter, and shows the necessity of mistrusting the intelligence which on slight sur- mises is often furnished to persons in authority. About a fort- night before I received Murat's first letter, a person came to acquaint me that General Moreau was in Hamburg. I gave no credit whatever to the information, though I used every means in my power to discover if there were any foundation for such a report, but without success. Two days afterwards I was assured that a certain individual had met General Moreau, that he had spoken to him, and knew him well from having served under him, together with several other circumstances which appeared suf- ficiently credible. I, in consequence, sent for the individual in question, who repeated to me what he knew of Moreau — that he had lately met him — that the general had inquired of him the way to the Jungfersteige (a public walk in Hamburg) — that he had pointed it out to him, adding afterwards, " Have I not the honour of address- ing General Moreau?" upon which the latter rephed, "Yes, but take no notice of having seen me, I am here incognito." All this appeared so absurd to me that pretending not to know Moreau, I requested the man to give me a description of him. The person he described bore no resemblance whatever to Moreau, whom he represented as wearing a braided French coat, with the national cockade in his hat. I at once perceived that the whole was an imposture for the purpose of getting a little money, and quickly sent the fellow about his business. In about a quarter of an hour afterwards, I received a visit from M. Chevardiere, who came to introduce M. Belland, the French consul at Stettin. This gentle- man wore a braided coat and the national cockade. He was the hero of the tale told by my late informer. In fact, a slight resem- blance between the consul of Stettin and General Moreau had occasioned several persons to mistake them for each other. Dui'ingthe campaign in Prussia, nothing was talked of throughout Germany but the generous conduct of Napoleon in regard to Prince Hatzfeld. I became possessed of many interesting particulars relative to this event, and was fortunate enough to obtain a copy of a letter which the emperor wrote to Josephine on the subject. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 321 which I shall presently lay before the reader. I must premise that, in conformity with the inquisitorial system which too often characterized the emperor's government, and which extended to every country of which he had taken military possession, the first thing done on entering a town was to take possession of the post- office — and then, Heaven knows how little the privacy of cor- respondence was respected! Berlin was not exempted from this system, and among the letters thus intercepted and forwarded to Napoleon, was one addressed to the King of Prussia by Prince Hatzfeld, who had imprudently ventured to remain in the Prussian capital. In this letter the prince communicated to his sovereign every thing of importance that had transpired in Berlin since he had been obliged to leave it, together with the strength and situ- ation of the divisions of which the French army was composed. The emperor, after reading this letter, gave orders that the prince should be arrested, and tried by a court-martial as a spy. The court had assembled, and its decision could hardly be a matter of doubt, when Madame Hatzfeld had recourse to Duroc, who on such occasions was always happy to facilitate an interview with the emperor. On that day Napoleon had been at a review in the environs of the city. Duroc was acquainted with Madame Hatz- feld, having frequently seen her during his visits to Berlin. On Napoleon's return from the review, he was astonished to find Duroc at the palace at such an hour, and inquired if he had brought any news. Duroc replied in the affirmative, and followed the emperor into his closet, into which he shortly introduced Madame Hatzfeld. The remainder of the scene is related in Napoleon's letter before alluded to. This letter is evidently in reply to one from Josephine, reproaching him for the manner in which he spoke of women, and very probably of the beautiful and unfortunate Queen of Prussia, with regard to whom he had, in one of his bulletins, expressed himself in terms not sufficiently respectful. Napoleon's letter runs thus: "I have received your letter, in which it seems you reproach me for speaking ill of women. True it is that, above all things, I dislike female intriguers. I have been used to kind, gentle, and conciliatory women. Them I love ; and if they have spoiled me, it is not my fault, but yours. However, you will see that I have acted indulgently towards one sensible and deserving woman. I allude to Madame de Hatzfeld. When I showed her her husband's letter, she burst into tears, and in a tone of the most exquisite grief and candour exclaimed, 'It is, indeed, his writing!' This was too much; it went to my heart; and I said, 'Well, madame, throw the letter into the fire, and then I shall have no proof against your husband." She burned the V 322 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. letter, and was restored to happiness. Her husband is now safe ; two hours later, and he would have been lost. You see, therefore, that I like women who are feminine, simple, and amiable, for they alone resemble you. November 6th, 1806, 9 o'clock, P. M." When Marshal Bernadotte had forced Blucher into Lubeck, and made him prisoner, he sent me information of the circum- stance, but I was far from expecting that the prisoner would be entrusted to my charge. Such, however, was the case. After his surrender, he was sent to Hamburg, where he had the whole city for a prison. During the whole time Blucher was under my surveillance at Hamburg, so far from seeking to add to the severity of his captivity, I was anxious to spare him those annoyances which a strict enforcement of my instructions would have occa- sioned. I was curious to become acquainted with this extraordi- nary man, and saw him very frequently. I found him an enthu- siastic Prussian patriot, a man of unquestionable bravery, and enterprising even to rashness, but of defective education, and an extreme lover of pleasure, of which he took his full share during his stay at Hamburg. It was his custon to remain whole hours at table, and, notwithstanding his exclusive patriotism, he ren- dered ample justice to the wines of France. To pleasures of a more licentious nature he was likewise immoderately addicted, and spent a considerable part of his time at the gaming-table. His disposition was extremely gay, and, considered merely as a boon companion, he was agreeable enough. The original style of his conversation amused me much. In spite of the disasters of the Prussian army, his confidence in the deliverance of Germany remained wholly unshaken. He often said to me, "I place great reliance in the public spirit of Germany — in the enthusiasm which prevails in our universities. The events of war are uncertain, and even defeats tend to keep alive in a people principles of honour, and a concern for the national glory. You may depend upon it, that when once a whole nation has determined to free itself from a humiliating yoke, it will succeed in doing so. There is no doubt but we shall end by having a landwehre very diflerent from any levy which the worn-out spirit of the French could pro- duce. England will always lend us the aid of her navy and her subsidies, and we will renew alliances with Austria and Russia. From my own certain knowledge, I can pledge myself to the truth of one fact, which you may rely upon, namely, that none of the allied powers engaged in the present war entertain views of terri- torial acquisition. All they unanimously desire, is, to put an end to the system of aggrandizement established by your emperor, and which he pursues with such alarming rapidity. In our first war MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 323 against France, at the commencement of your revolution, we fought about questions respecting the rights of kings, for which I assure you I care very little ; the case is now widely different ; the whole population of Prussia makes common cause with its government. The people fight in defence of their hearths and their homes, and reverses destroy our armies without changing the spirit of the nation. I am tranquil as to the result, because I foresee that fortune will not always favour your emperor. It is impossible but that the time will come when all Europe, humbled by his extortions, and impatient of his encroachments, will rise up together against him. The greater the number of nations that wear his chains, the more fearful will be the reaction, when they burst those chains asunder. It cannot be denied that he is tor- mented with an insatiable desire of acquiring new territories. To the war of 1805, against Austria and Russia, the present has almost immediately succeeded. We have fallen ; Prussia is occu- pied, but Russia still remains to be conquered. What will be the event of the war, it is not in my power to foresee ; but, admitting that the issue should be favourable to you, it will terminate only to be speedily renewed. If we but persevere, depend upon it, France, exhausted even by her conquests, must eventually fall. Do you wish for peace ? Recommend it, and you will give the strongest proof of your love to your country." In this manner did Blucher constantly talk to me; and as I never deemed it necessary to carry my official character into the drawing-room, I replied frankly to his observations, preserving merely the degree of reserve requisite in my situation. I did not tell him how often my anticipations accorded with his own, but I never hesitated to acknowledge to him how greatly I desired to see a reasonable peace concluded. Before Blucher's amval at Hamburg, it was visited by Prince Paul of Wirtemberg, the second son of one of the two kings created by Napoleon, whose crowns had not yet been worn a year. The young prince, who was imbued with the ideas of liberty and independence which then agitated Germany, had adopted a headlong proceeding. He had quitted Stuttgard, to serve in the Prussian campaign, without asking his father's per- mission, and this inconsiderate step might have exposed the King of Wirtemberg to Napoleon's resentment. The King of Prussia advanced Prince Paul to the rank of general, but he was taken prisoner at the very commencement of hostilities. The Prince of Wirtemberg was not, as has been falsely stated, conducted to Stuttgard by a captain of gendarmerie. He came to Hamburg, where I received several visits from him. At that time he did not appear to have any settled intentions, for, after he was made 3"24: MEMOIRS OF XAPOLEOX BOXAPARTE. prisoner, he expressed to me his earnest desire to enter into the French service, and often asked me to sohcit for him an interview with the emperor. This he obtained, and remained for a long time in Paris, where I know he has frequently resided since the restoration. When the King of Prussia found that defeat awaited him at every turn, he repented of having undertaken a war ^A■hich had delivered his states into the power of Xapoleon, in less time even than that in which Austria had fallen the year preceding. He wi'ote to the emperor, requesting a suspension of hostilities. Rapp was present when Napoleon received the King of Prus- sia's letter. "It is too late,"'" said he; ''but no matter; I wish to put a stop to farther bloodshed, and am ready to listen to any terms by which neither the honour nor the interests of the nation will be compromised.""' Then, calling Duroc, he gave him orders to visit the wounded, and see that they wanted for nothing. "Visit each individual," he added, "on my behalf, and give them all the consolation of which they stand in need; afterwards seek the King of Prussia, and if he offers reasonable proposals, you will let me know.*" Negotiations were accordingly commenced, but Napoleon"s conditions were considered wholly inadmissible. Prus- sia still hoped for assistance from the Russian forces ; besides which, the emperor's demands extended to England, who at that moment had no motive to accede to the pretensions of France. The emperor required that England should make restitution to France of all the colonies she had captured since the commencement of the war; that Russia should restore to the Porte, Moldavia and "Wallachia, which she then occupied; in short, he adopted the advice of the king in some tragedy or other, who told his ambas- sador, to "ask every thing, that you may obtain nothing."" The emperor's demands were, in fact, so unreasonable, that it was scarcelv possible to suppose that he himself expected they would be listened to. Negotiations, alternately resumed and abandoned, were carried on with coldness on both sides, until the moment that England had persuaded Russia to assist Prussia against France. They then altogether ceased, and it was only for the purpose of appear- ing to wish for their renewal, on terms still more favourable to France, that Duroc was sent to the King of Prussia, whom he found at Osterade. on the other side of the Danube. The only answer he received from that monarch was, •■ The time is passed ;'"' an observation nearly similar to Napoleon's, "It is too late.'" when he received his majesty's letter. While Duroc was fulfilling his mission to the Kin-j of Prussia, I was myself negotiating at Ham- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 325 burg. Bonaparte was extremely anxious to detach Sweden from the coahtion, and to termmate the war with her by a separate treaty. Sweden, indeed, might prove very useful to him, if Prussia, Russia, and England, should assemble any considerable forces in the north. Denmark was already with us, and, could we gain Sweden also, the union of those two powers might create a diversion, and occasion serious alarm to the coalition, which would be obliged to concentrate its principal force to withstand the attack of the grand army in Poland. The opinions of M. Peyron, the Swedish minister at Hamburg, were altogether averse to the war in which his sovereign was engaged with France, and of those opinions he made no secret. I much regretted that this gentleman left Hamburg, upon leave of absence for a year, at the very time that I received the emperor's instructions upon the subject I have just mentioned. M. Peyron was succeeded by M. Netzel, and I soon had the satisfaction of discovering that his ideas differed in no respect from those of his predecessor. Immediately on his arrival, M. Netzel requested an interview to speak to me on the subject of the Swedes who had been taken prisoners on the Trave. He begged permission for the officers to return to Sweden on their parole. I was anxious to oblige M. Netzel in this respect, and availed myself of so favourable an opportunity to lead him gradually to the subject of my instructions. I had every reason to be satisfied with the success of my first overtures, and he himself was well convinced of the truth of the remarks I made to him. I saw he understood that his sovereign would have every thing to gain by an accommodation with France, and he told me that all Sweden called for peace. Emboldened by the success of this first attempt, I told him frankly that I was authorized to treat with him. In return for this confidence on my part, he assured me that M. de Wetterstedt, the King of Sweden's private secre- tary, with whom he was intimate, and from whom he showed me several letters, entertained the same opinions as himself. He added, that he had permission to correspond with the king, to whom, as well as to M. de Wetterstedt, he promised to write the same evening, and acquaint them with our conversation. From the foregoing statement it will appear, that never was a negotia- tion commenced under more favourable auspices; but who could foresee what caprice would enter into the head of the King of Sweden ? That unlucky prince took M. Netzel's letter in very ill part, and M. de Wetterstedt himself received a most ungracious command, to signify to M. Netzel his sovereign's displeasure at his having presumed to visit a French minister, and still more ta enter into a political conversation with him, although it amounted 326 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. to nothing more than conversation. The king did not confine himself to reproaches. M. Netzel, in great affliction, came to inform me that he had received orders to quit Hamburg imme- diately, without even awaiting the arrival of his successor. He looked upon his disgrace as complete. I had the pleasure of see- ing M. Netzel again in 1809, at Hamburg, charged with a mission from Charles XIII. CHAPTER XXIX. The Berlin Decrees; Remarks on the Continental System ; its tendencies to produce Napoleon's fall. "Napoleon had achieved the total humiliation of the Prussian monarchy in a campaign of a week's duration ; yet, severe as the exertions of his army had been, and splendid his success, and late as the season was now advanced, there ensued no pause of inaction ; the emperor himself remained but a few days in Berlin. " This brief residence, however, was distinguished by the issue of the famous decrees of Berlin ; those extraordinary edicts by which Bonaparte hoped to sap the foundations of the power of England — the one power which he had no means of assailing by his apparently irresistible arms. "Napoleon declared the British Islands to be in a state of block- ade : any intercourse with that country was henceforth to be a crime; all her citizens found in any country in alliance with France, to be prisoners ; every article of English produce or man- ufacture, wherever discovered, to be confiscated. In a word, wherever France had power, the slightest communication with England was henceforth to be treason against the majesty of Napoleon ; and every coast of Europe was to be lined with new armies of douaniers and gens-d'armes, for the purpose of carrying into effect what he called the continental system." I shall here bestow a few remarks on the famous continental system, as, perhaps more than any other person, I had opportuni- ties of witnessing its fraud, and estimating its ruinous conse- quences. This system originated in the war of 1806, and was brought into operation on the 21st of November of that year, by a decree dated at Berlin.* The plan was conceived by weak- minded counsellors, who, perceiving the emperor's just indignation * Sir "Walter Scott, misinformed on this point, cites another decree, dated Hamburar, 1807. Napoleon never was at Hamburg. The famous decree of Berlin was date"d from that city, on the 21st of Navember, 1806. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 327 against the duplicity of England, her repugnance to enter into serious negotiations with him, and her incessant endeavours to arm the continent against him, had prevailed on him to issue this decree, which I can never view in any other light than as an act of tyranny and madness. It was not a decree, but fleets that were necessary. Without a navy, it was ridiculous to declare the British Isles in a state of blockade, while the English fleets were actually blockading all the French ports. This declaration, however, was made by Napoleon in the Berlin decree, and this is what was called the continental system! a system of fraud, of peculation, and pillage. One can scarcely now conceive how Europe could endure for a single day that fiscal tyranny, which extorted exorbitant prices for articles, which the habits of three centuries had rendered equally indispensable to rich and poor. So far from true is it, that this system had for its sole and exclu- sive object the prevention of the sale of English goods, that licenses for that purpose were granted to any who were rich enough to pay for them. The quantity and quality of exported French goods were magnified to an extravagant degree. In order to comply with the emperor's wishes, it was necessary to take out a certain quantity of those articles, but it was only to throw them into the sea. And yet no one had the honesty to tell the emperor that England found a market for her goods on the continent, but bought scarcely any thing. The speculation in licenses was car- ried to a scandalous extent, merely to enrich a favoured few, and to satisfy the short-sighted views of its besotted contrivers. This system proves what is written in the annals of the human heart and mind, that the cupidity of the one is insatiable, and the errors of the other incorrigible. Of this I will cite an example, though it relates to a period subsequent to that in which this detestable system originated. At Hamburg, in 1811, under Davoust's gov- ernment, a poor man narrowly escaped being shot for having brought into the department of the Elbe a small loaf of sugar for the use of his family ; while at the same moment, perhaps, Napo- leon was signing a license for the importation of a million of sugar loaves. Smuggling on a small scale was punished by death, while the government carried it on wholesale. Thus the effect of the same law was to fill the treasury with money, and the prisons with victims. The excise laws of this period, which carried on a war of exter- mination against rhubarb, and kept a coast-guard along the conti- nent to prevent the introduction of senna, could not preserve the continental system itself from destruction. Ridicule attended the installation of the detested prevotal courts. At Hamburg, the 328 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. president of one of them, who was a Frenchman, delivered an oration, in which he attempted to prove, that in the time of the Ptolemies there had existed extraordinary tribunals for the regu- lation of the customs, and that to them Egypt was indebted for her prosperity. Thus, insulting irony and the most absurd folly were added to intimidation. The ordinary excise officers, formerly so much abhorred in Hamburg, truly observed, that they would soon be regretted, and that the difference between them and the prevotal courts would very shortly be felt. Bonaparte's counsellors led him to commit so gross an absurdity as to require, that every vessel which had obtained a license, should export merchandise equivalent to the colonial produce licensed to be imported. And what was the consequence? Old stores of silks, which the change of fashion had rendered wholly unsaleable, were bought up at a low price, and being prohibited in England were thrown into the sea. The slight loss this occasioned was amply recompensed by the profits of the speculation. The continental system, which was worthy only of the dark and barbarous ages, and which, had it been even admissible in in theory, was perfectly impracticable in its application, can never be sufficiently stigmatized. No real friends to the emperor were they who could recommend to him such a system, calculated, as it infallibly was, to excite the indignation of Europe, and event- ually to produce the most terrible reaction. To tyrannize over the human species, and at the same time to expect their uniform admiration and submission, is clearly to require an impossibility. It would seem as if Fate, who had still some splendid triumphs in store for Napoleon, was already, too, preparing those causes which were at once to wrest them from him, and plunge him into dis- asters, even greater than the good fortune which had favoured his elevation. The prohibition of trade, the constant severity in the execution of this detested system, amounted to nothing short of a continental impost. Of this I will give a proof, and I state nothing but from personal observation. The custom-house regu- lations were strictly enforced at Hamburg, and along the two lines of Cuxhaven and Travemunde. Mr. Eudel, the director of this department, performed his duty with zeal and disinterested- ness, and I am happy in rendering him this deserved testimony. Immense quantities of English merchandise and colonial produce were accumulated at Holstein, where they almost all arrived by way of Kiel and Hudsum, having been brought over the line at the expense of a premium of from thirty-three to forty per cent. Convinced of this fact, by a thousand proofs, and weary of the vexations of the system, I took upon myself to lay my ideas on MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 329 the subject before the emperor. He had given me permission to write to him direct, without any intermediate agency, upon what- ever I might consider essential to his service. I sent an extraor- dinary courier to Fontainebleau, where he then was, and in my despatch informed him that, in spite of his preventive guard, con- traband goods were smuggled in, because the profits on their sale in Germany, Poland, Italy, and even France, to which they found their way, were too considerable, not to induce persons to run all hazards to obtain them. I recommended, at the very time that he was about to unite the Hans Towns to the French empire, that such merchandise should be openly imported upon paying a duty of thirty-three per cent., which was about equal to the rate of their insurance. The emperor did not hesitate to adopt my suggestion ; and, in 1811, the measure produced a revenue in Hamburg alone of upwards of sixty millions of francs. This system embroiled us with Sweden and Russia, who could but ill endure that a strict blockade should be required of them, while Napoleon himself was distributing licenses at his pleasure. Bernadotte, on his way to Sweden, passed through Hamburg, in October, 1810. He stayed with me three days, during which he scarcely saw any one but myself He asked my opinion as to what he should do relative to the continental system. I did not hesitate in telling him, not of course as a minister of France, but as a private individual to his friend, that, in his place, at the head of a poor nation, which could only exist by the exchange of its natural productions with England, I would open my ports, and give the Swedes gratuitously that general license which Bonaparte was selling in detail to intrigue and cupidity. The ill-advised Berlin decree could not but produce a reaction fatal to the emperor's fortune, by making whole nations his enemies. The hurling of twenty kings from their thrones would have excited less hatred than this contempt for the wants of the people. This profound ignorance of the maxims of political economy was the source of general privation and misery, which in their turn produced general hostility. The system could only succeed in the impossible event of all the powers of Europe honestly making common cause to carry it into effect. A single free port would destroy it. To ensure its complete success, it was necessary to conquer and occupy every country, and never to withdraw from any. As a means of ruining England, it was per- fectly ridiculous, since, by prohibiting all intercourse with that country, the interests of every other must have suffered. It was necessary too that the whole of Europe should be compelled, by force of arms, to enter into this absurd coalition, and that the same force should be constantly maintained to support it. Was this 28*= 330 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. possible? This system has been styled the essence of despotism, an expression which correctly defines it. The captain reporter of a court-martial had sanctioned the acquittal of a poor peasant, convicted of having purchased a loaf of sugar beyond the custom- house limits. This officer being some time afterwards at a grand dinner given by Marshal Davoust, in the midst of the entertainment, the latter said to him, "You have a very tender conscience, sir;" and upon the captain's attempting to explain, he interrupted him, adding, " Go to head-quarters, and you will find an order there for you." This order sent him eighty leagues from Hamburg. It is necessary to have witnessed as I did the count- less vexations and miseries occasioned by this deplorable system, to form a due conception of the mischief its authors did in Europe, and how greatly the hatred and revenge which it produced con- tributed to Napoleon's fall. CHAPTER XXX, Deputation of the Senate to Berlin ; New System of War ; Napoleon marches to meet the Russians ; Mui-at enters Wai-saw ; Excitement in Poland ; Military Prepai-ations ; the Battle of Eylau ; Gai'd- anne's Mission to Persia ; Fall of Dantzic ; Battle of Friedland. "Napoleon received at Berlin a deputation of his senate, sent from Paris to congratulate him on the successes of his campaign. To them he announced these celebrated decrees : he made them the bearers of the trophies of his recent victories, and, moreover of a demand for the immediate levying of eighty thousand men, being the first conscription for the year 1808 — that for the year 1807 having been already anticipated. The subservient senate recorded and granted whatever their master pleased to dictate; but the cost of human life which Napoleon's ambition demanded, had begun, ere this time, to be seriously thought of in France. He, meanwhile, prepared, without farther delay, to extinguish the feeble spark of resistance which still lingered in a few garrisons of the Prussian monarchy, beyond the Oder ; and to meet, before they could reach the soil of Germany, those Russian legions, which were now advancing, too late, to the assistance of Frederick William. That unfortunate prince sent Lucchesini to Berlin, to open, if possible, a negotiation with the victorious occupant of his capital and palace; but Bonaparte demanded Dantzic, and two other fortified towns, as the price of even the briefest armis- tice; and the Italian envoy returned to inform the king that no hope remained for him except in the arrival of the Russians." MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 331 Napoleon held in his hands the means of opening his campaign with those allies of Prussia, under circumstances involving his enemy in a new, and probably endless train of difficulties. The partition of Poland — that great political crime, for which every power that had a part in it has since been severely, though none of them adequately punished — had left the population of what had once been a great and powerful kingdom, in a state of dis- content and irritation, of which, had Napoleon been willing to make full use of it, the fruits might have been more dangerous for the czar than any campaign against any foreign enemy. The French emperor had but to announce distinctly that his purpose was the restoration of Poland as an independent state, and the whole mass, of an eminently gallant and warhke population, would have risen instantly at his call. But Bonaparte was with- held from resorting to this effectual means of annoyance by various considerations; of which the chief were these:, first, he could not emancipate Poland without depriving Austria of a rich and important province, and consequently provoking her once more into the field : and secondly, he foresaw that the Russian emperor, if threatened with the destruction of his Polish territory and authority, would urge the war in a very different manner from that which he was likely to adopt while acting only as the ally of Prussia. "Before reopening the great campaign, Bonaparte received the submission and explanation of the Elector of Saxony, who truly stated that Prussia had forced him to take part in the war. The apology was accepted, and from this time the elector adhered to the league of the Rhine, and was a faithful ally of Napoleon." Bonaparte was not only beyond all comparison the greatest captain of modern times, but he may be said to have entu'ely changed the art of war. Formerly, even the most skilful generals were governed by the almanac as to the proper season for fight- ing; and it was the settled custom in Europe to brave the battle's roar only from the first fine days of spring to the last fine (lays of autumn. The months of rain, frost, and snow, were passed in what were termed winter-quarters. Pichegru, in Holland, had set the example of indifference to the atmosphere. Bonaparte too, at Austerlitz, had dared the inclemency of the season; and so perfect was his success, that he determined on the same course of action at the commencement of the winter of 1806. His military genius and incredible activity seemed to increase, and, confident of his troops, he resolved to commence a winter cam- paign in a climate more rigorous than any in which he had hith- erto fought. The men, chained to his destiny, were now to brave 322 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. letter, and was restored to happiness. Her husband is now safe ; two hours later, and he would have been lost. You see, therefore, that I like women who are feminine, simple, and amiable, for they alone resemble you. November 6th, 1806, 9 o'clock, P. M." When Marshal Bernadotte had forced Blucher into Lubeck, and made him prisoner, he sent me information of the circum- stance, but I was far from expecting that the prisoner would be entrusted to my charge. Such, however, was the case. After his surrender, he was sent to Hamburg, where he had the whole city for a pi'ison. During the whole time Blucher was under my surveillance at Hamburg, so far from seeking to add to the severity of his captivity, I was anxious to spare him those annoyances which a strict enforcement of my instructions would have occa- sioned. I was curious to become acquainted with this extraordi- nary man, and saw him very frequently. I found him an enthu- siastic Prussian patriot, a man of unquestionable bravery, and enterprising even to rashness, but of defective education, and an extreme lover of pleasure, of which he took his full share during his stay at Hamburg. It was his custon to remain whole hours at table, and, notwithstanding his exclusive patriotism, he ren- dered ample justice to the wines of France. To pleasures of a more licentious nature he was likewise immoderately addicted, and spent a considerable part of his time at the gaming-table. His disposition was extremely gay, and, considered merely as a boon companion, he was agreeable enough. The original style of his conversation amused me much. In spite of the disasters of the Prussian army, his confidence in the deliverance of Germany remained wholly unshaken. He often said to me, "I place great reliance in the public spirit of Germany — in the enthusiasm which prevails in our universities. The events of war are uncertain, and even defeats tend to keep alive in a people principies of honour, and a concern for the national glory. You may depend upon it, that when once a whole nation has determined to free itself from a humiliating yoke, it will succeed in doing so. There is no doubt but we shall end by having a landwehre very different from any levy which the worn-out spirit of the French could pro- duce. England will always lend us the aid of her navy and her subsidies, and we will renew alliances with Austria and Russia. From my own certain knowledge, I can pledge myself to the truth of one fact, which you may rely upon, namely, that none of the allied powers engaged in the present war entertain views of terri- torial acquisition. All they unanimously desire, is, to put an end to the system of aggrandizement established by your emperor, and which he pursues with such alarming rapidity. In our first war MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 323 against France, at the commencement of your revolution, we fought about questions respecting the rights of kings, for which I assure you I care very Httle ; the case is now widely different ; the whole population of Prussia makes common cause with its government. The people fight in defence of their hearths and their homes, and reverses destroy our armies without changing the spirit of the nation. I am tranquil as to the result, because I foresee that fortune will not always favour your emperor. It is impossible but that the time will come when all Europe, humbled by his extortions, and impatient of his encroachments, will rise up together against him. The greater the number of nations that wear his chains, the more fearful will be the reaction, when they burst those chains asunder. It cannot be denied that he is tor- mented with an insatiable desire of acquiring new territories. To the war of 1805, against Austria and Russia, the present has almost immediately succeeded. We have fallen ; Prussia is occu- pied, but Russia still remains to be conquered. What will be the event of the war, it is not in my power to foresee ; but, admitting that the issue should be favourable to you, it will terminate only to be speedily renewed. If we but persevere, depend upon it, France, exhausted even by her conquests, must eventually fall. Do you wish for peace ? Recommend it, and you will give the strongest proof of your love to your country." In this manner did Blucher constantly talk to me; and as I never deemed it necessary to carry my official character into the drawing-room, I replied frankly to his observations, preserving merely the degree of reserve requisite in my situation. I did not tell him how often my anticipations accorded with his own, but I never hesitated to acknowledge to him how greatly I desired to see a reasonable peace concluded. Before Blucher's amval at Hamburg, it was visited by Prince Paul of Wirtemberg, the second son of one of the two kings created by Napoleon, whose crowns had not yet been worn a year. The young prince, who was imbued with the ideas of liberty and independence which then agitated Germany, had adopted a headlong proceeding. He had quitted Stuttgard, to serve in the Prussian campaign, without asking his father's per- mission, and this inconsiderate step might have exposed the King of Wirtemberg to Napoleon's resentment. The King of Prussia advanced Prince Paul to the rank of general, but he was taken prisoner at the very commencement of hostilities. The Prince of Wirtemberg was not, as has been falsely stated, conducted to Stuttgard by a captain of gendarmerie. He came to Hamburg, where I received several visits from him. At that time he did not appear to have any settled intentions, for, after he was made 324 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. prisoner, he expressed to me his earnest desire to enter into the French service, and often asked me to soHcit for him an interview with the emperor. This he obtained, and remained for a long time in Paris, where I know he has frequently resided since the restoration. When the King of Prussia found that defeat awaited him at every turn, he repented of having undertaken a war which had delivered his states into the power of Napoleon, in less time even than that in which Austria had fallen the year preceding. He wrote to the emperor, requesting a suspension of hostilities. Rapp was present when Napoleon received the King of Prus- sia's letter. "It is too late," said he; "but no matter; I wish to put a stop to farther bloodshed, and am ready to listen to any terms by which neither the honour nor the interests of the nation will be compromised." Then, calling Duroc, he gave him orders to visit the wounded, and see that they wanted for nothing. "Visit each individual," he added, "on my behalf, and give them all the consolation of which they stand in need ; afterwards seek the King of Prussia, and if he offers reasonable proposals, you will let me know." Negotiations were accordingly commenced, but Napoleon's conditions were considered wholly inadmissible. Prus- sia still hoped for assistance from the Russian forces ; besides which, the emperor's demands extended to England, who at that moment had no motive to accede to the pretensions of France. The emperor required that England should make restitution to France of all the colonies she had captured since the commencement of the war; that Russia should restore to the Porte, Moldavia and Wallachia, which she then occupied ; in short, he adopted the advice of the king in some tragedy or other, who told his ambas- sador, to "ask every thing, that you may obtain nothing." The emperor's demands were, in fact, so unreasonable, that it was scarcely possible to suppose that he himself expected they would be Hstened to. Negotiations, alternately resumed and abandoned, were carried on with coldness on both sides, until the moment that England had persuaded Russia to assist Prussia against France. They then altogether ceased, and it was only for the purpose of appear- ing to wish for their renewal, on terms still more favourable to France, that Duroc was sent to the King of Prussia, whom he found at Osterade, on the other side of the Danube. The only answer he received from that monarch was, " The time is passed ;" an observation nearly similar to Napoleon's, "It is too late," when he received his majesty's letter. While Duroc was fulfilling his mission to the King of Prussia, I was myself negotiating at Ham- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 325 burg. Bonaparte was extremely anxious to detach Sweden from the coalition, and to terminate the war with her by a separate treaty. Sweden, indeed, might prove very useful to him, if Prussia, Russia, and England, should assemble any considerable forces in the north. Denmark was already with us, and, could v/e gain Sweden also, the union of those two powers might create a diversion, and occasion serious alarm to the coalition, which would be obliged to concentrate its principal force to withstand the attack of the grand army in Poland. The opinions of M. Peyron, the Swedish minister at Hamburg, were altogether averse to the war in which his sovereign was engaged with France, and of those opinions he made no secret. I much regretted that this gentleman left Hamburg, upon leave of absence for a year, at the very time that I received the emperor's instructions upon the subject I have just mentioned. M. Peyron was succeeded by M. Netzel, and I soon had the satisfaction of discovering that his ideas differed in no respect from those of his predecessor. Immediately on his arrival, M. Netzel requested an interview to speak to me on the subject of the Swedes who had been taken prisoners on the Trave. He begged permission for the officers to return to Sweden on their parole. I was anxious to oblige M. Netzel in this respect, and availed myself of so favourable an opportunity to lead him gradually to the subject of my instructions. I had every reason to be satisfied with the success of my first overtures, and he himself was well convinced of the truth of the remarks I made to him. I saw he understood that his sovereign would have every thing to gain by an accommodation with France, and he told me that all Sweden called for peace. Emboldened by the success of this first attempt, I told him frankly that I was authorized to treat with him. In return for this confidence on my part, he assured me that M. de Wetterstedt, the King of Sweden's private secre- tary, with whom he was intimate, and from whom he showed me several letters, entertained the same opinions as himself. He added, that he had permission to correspond with the king, to whom, as well as to M. de Wetterstedt, he promised to write the same evening, and acquaint them with our conversation. From the foregoing statement it will appear, that never was a negotia- tion commenced under more favourable auspices; but who could foresee what caprice would enter into the head of the King of Sweden ? That unlucky prince took M. Netzel's letter in very ill part, and M. de Wetterstedt himself received a most ungracious command, to signify to M. Netzel his sovereign's displeasure at his having presumed to visit a French minister, and still more to enter into a political conversation with him, although it amounted 28 336 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. supposing that Russia would be more fortunate as the ally of Prussia than she had been as her ally, assembled in Bohemia a body of forty thousand men. That corps was called an army of observation, but the nature of these armies of observation is pretty well known ; they belong to the same class as armed neutralities, and those ingenious inventions, sanitory cordons. The fact is that the army assembled in Bohemia was destined to aid and assist the Russians in the event of the latter proving successful; and who can reasonably blame the Austrian government for wish- ing for the opportunity of a revenge which might wash away the disgrace of the treaty of Presburg? Under such circumstances, Napoleon had not a moment to lose, but the activities of his mind required no farther incitement, and as he had hastened the battle of Austerlitz to anticipate Prussia, so he now deemed it expedient to anticipate Russia, in order to keep Austria in a state of indecision. The emperor, therefore, left Warsaw about the end of January, and immediately gave orders for the attack of the Russian army in the beginning of February; but in spite of his desire to be the first to engage, he was anticipated. The attack was made on the part of the Russians on the 8th of February, at seven in the morning, during a terrible .storm of snow, which fell in large flakes. They approached Preussich Eylau, where the emperor was, and the imperial guard stopped the progress of the Russian column. Nearly the whole of the French army was engaged in that battle, one of the most sanguinary ever fought in Europe. The corps commanded by Bernadotte took no part in the engage- ment, having been stationed on the left at Mohrungen, whence it menaced Dantzic. The issue of this battle would have been very different, had the four divisions of infantry and the two of cavalry, of which Bernadotte's corps was composed, arrived in time ; but, unfortunately, the officer entrusted with the orders to Bernadotte, directing him to march without loss of time upon Preussich Eylau, was made prisoner by a troop of Cossacks, and Bernadotte, in consequence, did not arrive. Bonaparte, who always contrived to throw the blame on some one, if things did not turn out exactly as he wished, attributed the doubtful success of the day to the absence of Bernadotte; this, in itself, was undoubtedly true, but to make that absence a matter of reproach to the marshal, was the most cruel injustice. Bernadotte was accused of not being willing to march on Preussich Eylau, although, as was asserted, General d'Hautpoult had informed him of the necessity of his assistance. But how could that fact be verified, since General d'Hautpoult was among the slain ? Those who knew Bonaparte, his cunning, and the advantage he sometimes took of words which he attributed to the dead, will be at no loss to solve the enigma. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 337 The battle of Eyiau was terrible ; the French held out, constantly, though vainly, expecting the arrival of Bernadotte; and, after a considerable loss, night came on, which the French army had the melancholy honour of passing on the field of battle. Bernadotte at length arrived, but too late, and met the enemy quietly retreat- ing towards Konigsberg, the only capital now remaining to Prussia. To connect the narrative of Bourrienne, we attach a short account of the battle of Eylau, and of the other military opera- tions which preceded the peace of Tilsit: "The great battle of Preuss-Eylau was fought on the 8th of Febru- ary. At dawn of day, the French charged at two different points, in strong columns, and were unable to shake the iron steadiness of the infantry ; while the Russian horse, and especially the Cossacks, under their gallant Hetman Platoff, made fearful execution on each division, as successively they drew back from their vain attempt. A fierce storm arose at mid-day; the snow drifted right in the eyes of the Russians; the village of Serpallen, on their left, caught fire, and the smoke also rolled dense upon them. Davoust skilfully availed himself of the oppor- tunity, and turned their flank so rapidly, that Serpallen was lost, and the left wing compelled to wheel backwards so as to form almost at right angles with the rest of the line. The Prussian corps of I'Estocq, a small but determined fragment of the campaign of Jena, appeared at this critical moment in the rear of the Russian left ; and, charging with such gallantry as had in former times been expected from the soldiery of the great Frederick, drove back Davoust, and restored the Russian line. The action continued for many hours along the whole line. The French attacked boldly the Russians, driving them back with unfailing resolution. Ney, and a fresh division, at length came up, and succeeded in occupying the village of Schloditten, on the road to Konigsberg. To regain this, and thereby recover the means of communicating with the King of Prussia, was deemed necessary ; and it was carried, accordingly, at the point of the bayonet. This was at ten o'clock at night. So ended the longest and by far the severest battle in which Bonaparte had as yet been engaged. The French are supposed to have had ninety thousand men under arms at its commencement; the Russians, not more than sixty thousand. After fourteen hours of fighting, either army occupied the same position as in the morning. Twelve of Napoleon's eagles were in the hands of Bennigsen, and the field between was covered with fifty- thousand corpses, of whom at least half were French. "Either leader claimed the victory; Bennigsen exhibiting, as proof of his success, the twelve eagles which his army, admitted to be inferior in numbers, bore oifthe field; Bonaparte, that he kept possession of the field, while the enemy retired, the very night after the battle, from Eylau towards Konigsberg. Bennigsen conducted his army in perfect order to Konigsberg, and the Cossacks, issuing from that city, continued for more W 29 338 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. tlian a week to waste the country, ' according to their pleasure, without an}^ show of opposition from the French. On the 19th of February, Napoleon left Eylau, and retreated with his whole army on the Vistula; satisfied that it would be fatal rashness to engage in another campaign in Poland, while several fortified towns, and, above all, Dantzic, held out in his rear ; and determined to have possession of these places, and to summon new forces from France, ere lie should again meet in tlie field such an enemy as the Russian had proved to be. "Dantzic was defended with the more desperate resolution, because it was expected that, as soon as the season permitted, an English fleet and army would certainly be sent to its relief. But the besiegers having a prodigious superiorit)^ of numbers, and conducting the siege with every advantage of skill, the place was at length compelled to sui*- render, on the 7th of May ; after which event, Napoleon's extraordinary exertions in hurrying supplies from France, Switzerland, and tlie Rhine country, and the addition of the division of twenty-five thousand, which had captured Dantzic, enabled him to take the field again at the head of not less than two hundred and eighty tliousand men. The Russian gen- eral also had done wliat was in his power to recruit his army during this interval; but his utmost zeal could effect no more than bringing his muster up again to its original point — ninety thousand. "Bennigsen, nevertheless, was the first to reappear in the field. In the beginning of June, he attacked Ney's division stationed at Gus- tadt, and pursued them to Deppen, where, on the 8th, a smart action took place, and Napoleon arrived in person to support his troops. The Russians were then forced to retire towards Heilsberg. where they halted, and maintained their position, during a whole day, in the face of an enemy prodigiously superior in numbers. The carnage on both sides was fearful ; and Bennigsen, continuing his retreat, placed the river AUer between him and Napoleon. "The French emperor now exerted all his art to draw the Russian into a general action. Bennigsen \vas on the eastern bank of the Aller, opposite to the town of Friedland, when Bonaparte once more came up witli him, on the 13th of June. There was a long and narrow wooden bridge over the river, close by, which might have been destroyed, if not defended, and Napoleon's object M-as to induce Bennigsen, instead of abiding by his position, to abandon its advantages, pass over the western bank, and accept battle with the town and river in his rear. His crafly management outwitted the Russian, who, being persuaded that tlie troops which appeared in front of him were only a small division of the French army, was tempted to send some regiments over the river, for the pur- pose of chastising them. The French, sometimes retreating, and then again returning to the combat, the Russians were by degrees induced to cross in greater numbers ; until at length Bennigsen found himself and his whole army on the western bank, with the town and bridge in the rear — thus completely entrapped in the snare laid for him by his enemy. "On the 14th of June, under circumstances thus disadvantageous, the MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 339 Russian general was compelled to accept battle, which commenced at ten in the morning, and the Russians stood their ground with unbroken resolution until between four and five in the evening. At length, Napo- leon put himself at the head of the French line, and commanded a gen- eral assault of all arms, which was executed with overpowering effect. Having lost full twelve thousand men, General Bennigsen was at last compelled to attempt a retreat; the French poured after him into the town; the first Russian division which forced the passage of the river destroyed the bridge behind them, in their terror ; and the rest of the army escaped by means of deep and dangerous fords, which, desperate as the resource they afforded was, had been discovered only in the moment of necessity. Nevertheless, such were the coolness and deter- mination of the Russians, that they saved all their baggage, and lost only seventeen cannon; and such was the impression which their obstinate valour left on the enemy, that their retreat towards the Niemen was performed without any show of molestation. " The results of the battle of Friedland were, however, as great as could have been expected from any victory. On the retreat of Bennigsen towards the Niemen, the unfortunate King of Prussia, evacu- ating Konigsberg, where he now perceived it must be impossible to maintain himself, sought a last and precarious shelter in the seaport of Memel; and the Emperor Alexander, overawed by the genius of Napo- leon, which had triumphed over troops moi'e resolute than had ever before opposed him, and alarmed for the consequence of some decisive m.easure towards the reorganization of the Poles as a nation, began to think seriously of peace. Bonaparte, on his part, also, had many rea- sons for being anxious to bring hostilities to a close. General Bennigsen sent, on the 21st of June, to demand an armistice; and to this proposal the victor of Friedland yielded immediate assent." — Family Library, After the battle of Eylau both sides remained stationary, and several days elapsed without any incident of importance. The offers of peace made by the emperor, with no great earnestness it is true, were scornfully rejected, as if a victory disputed with Napoleon was to be regarded as a triumph. In short, it would seem as if the battle of Eylau had turned the heads of the Rus- sians, who chanted " Te Deum" on the occasion. But while the emperor was making fresh preparations to advance, his diplomacy had succeeded in a distant quarter, and raised up against Russia an old and formidable enemy. Turkey declared war against her. This was a powerful diversion, and obliged Russia to expose her western frontiers, in order to form a line of defence on the south. Sometime after, General Gardanne departed on the famous em- bassy to Persia; for which the way had been prepared by the successful mission of my friend Amedee Jaubert. This embassy was not merely one of those pompous legations such as Charle- 340 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON liONAPARTE. magne, Louis XIV. and Louis XVI. severally received from the Empress Irene, the King of Siam, and Tippoo Saib. It was con- nected with ideas wliich Bonaparte had cherished in the very dawn of his power. It was indeed the light from the east which alforded him the first glimpse of his future greatness; and that light never ceased to engage his thoughts and dazzle his imagina- tion. I have reason to know that Gardanne's embassy was at first conceived on a much grander scale than that on which it was executed. Napoleon had resolved to send to the Shah of Persia four thousand infantry, commanded by chosen and experi- enced officers, ten thousand muskets, and fifty pieces of cannon; and I likewise know that orders were given for the execution of this design. The object which the emperor had in view, and which he scrupled not to avow when his plan had reached matu- rity, was to enable the Shah of Persia to make an important diversion in the eastern provinces of Russia; but there was like- wise another, a long-cherished, constant object, which was ever uppermost in his thoughts, namely, the desire of striking England in the very heart of her Asiatic possessions. Such was the prin- cipal motive of Gardanne's mission; but circumstances did not permit the emperor to give it all the importance he desired. He contented himself with sending a few officers of engineers and artillery to Persia, who, on their arrival, were astonished at the number of English they found there. CHAPTER XXXI. Intei'vicw between tlio two Eniporora at Tilsit ; the Treaty of Tilsit : its Consequences ; the Ivingdom of Westphalia roundeil; the Diicliy of Wiu-saw; King ol' Siixony; Bombaitlraent of Copenhagen; Napoleon's Retun\ to Paris ; Suppression of the Tribunate ; Affairs of Portugal ; the Code Napo- leon; Introduction of French Laws into Germany. After the battle of Eylau, I received a despatch from M. de Talleyrand, to which was added an account of that memorable battle, more disastrous to the conqueror than to the other party. I cannot in conscience say the conquered, when speaking of the Russians, particularly when I recollect the precautions which were then taken throughout Germany to make known the French account before the Russian should become known. The emperor rightly considered it of great importance, that the event of that day should be viewed by every one as he himself professed to view it. But if the battle of Eylau was doubtful, that at Friedland could not be questioned, for its results were soon felt throughout Europe. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 341 "The Emperor Alexander sought an armistice, which was agreed to and ratified on the 23d June; and on the 25th the Emperors of France and Russia met personally, each accompanied by a few attendants, on a raft moored on the river Niemen, near the town of Tilsit. The sovereigns embraced each other, and retiring under a canopy had along conversation, to which no one was witness. At its termination the appearances of mutual good- will and confi- dence were marked : immediately afterwards the town of Tilsit was neutralized, and the two emperors established their courts there, and lived together, in the midst of the lately hostile armies, more like old friends who had met on a party of pleasure, than enemies and rivals attempting by diplomatic means the arrangement of dif- ferences which had for years been deluging Europe with blood." The interview at Tilsit is one of the culminating points of modern history, and the waters of the Niemen reflected the image of Napoleon at the very height of his glory. Although not present on that remarkable occasion, I learnt, in common with the rest of the world, what took place in public at Tilsit. The interview between the two emperors, and the unhappy situation of the King of Prussia, are facts generally known, but few secret particulars connected with those events ever came to my knowledge.* Rapp had been sent to Dantzic, and he it was who most readily com- municated to me all that the emperor said and did, together with all that was passing around him. I was made acquainted, however, * Savary gives the following interesting account of this interview: "The Emperor Napoleon, whose courtesy was manifest in all his actions, ordered a large raft to be floated in the middle of the river, upon which was constructed a room, well covered in and elegantly decorated, having two doors on opposite sides, each of which opened into an ante-chamber. The roof was surmounted by two weather- cocks ; one displaying the eagle of Russia, and the other the eagle of France. " The raft was precisely in the middle of the river. "The two sovereigns appeared on the banks of the river, and embarked at the same moment; but the Emperor Napoleon arrived first on the raft, entered the room, and went to the opposite door, which he opened, and then stationed himself on the edge of the raft to receive the Emperor Alexander. " The two emperors met in the most amicable way. They remained together for a considerable time, and then took leave of each other with as friendly an air as that with which they had met. " Next day the Emperor of Russia established himself at Tilsit with a battalion of his guard, and orders were given for evacuating that part of the town where he and his battalion were to be quartered. "On the day the Emperor Alexander entered Tilsit, the whole army was under arms. The imperial guard was drawn out in two lines of three deep from the landing- place to the Emperor Napoleon's quarters, and frorn thence to the quarters of the Emperor of Prussia. A salute of one hundred guns was fired the moment Alexander stepped ashore, on the spot where the Emperor Napoleon was waiting to receive him. "This meeting attracted visiters to Tilsit from a hundred leagues round. M. de Talleyrand arrived, and after the observance of the usual ceremonies, business began to be discussed." — Memoirs of the Duke de Eovigo. 29* 342 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. with one circumstance worthy of note, which occurred in the emperor's apartments at Tilsit, the first time he received a visit from the King of Prussia. That unfortunate monarch, accom- panied by his Queen Wilhemina, had taken up his temporary abode in a mill a little ways out of the town. This was his sole habita- tion, while the emperors occupied the two quarters of the town, which is divided by the Niemen. The fact I am about to relate was communicated to a person on whose veracity I can depend, by an officer of the imperial guard, who was then on duty in Napoleon's apartment, and an eye-witness of it. When the Emperor Alexander visited Napoleon, they continued conversing a long time in a balcony, beneath which an immense crowd hailed their meeting with enthusiastic shouts. Napoleon commenced the conversation, as he had done the year preceding with the Emperor of Austria, by alluding to the uncertain fate of war. In the midst of their couA^ersation, the King of Prussia was announced. He was evidently much affected, as may easily be conceived, since, hostilities being suspended, and his territories in possession of the French, his only hope was in the generosity of the conqueror. Napoleon himself, it is said, appeared touched by his situation, and invited him and the queen to dinner. On sitting down to table, Napoleon, with much gallantr)^ signified to the beautiful queen, that he would restore to her Silesia, a prov- ince which she greatly desired should be retained in the new arrangements, which were necessarily about to take place. The treaty of peace concluded at Tilsit, between France and Russia, on the 7th of July, and ratified two days after, was pi'oductive of a change in the geography of Europe, no less remarkable than that effected by the treaty of Presburg in the year preceding. The latter, however, contained no stipulation dishonourable to Russia, whose territory was preserved inviolate; but unhappy Prussia, how had she been treated? And yet there are historians, who, for the empty pleasure of flattering, by posthumous praises, the pretended moderation of Napoleon, have all but reproached him for suffering some few shreds of the monarchy of the great Frederick to survive.* There is, however, one point on which * By the treaty of Tilsit, " Napoleon restored to Frederick William, Ancient Prus- sia and the French conquests in Upper Saxony — the king agreeing to adopt ' the con- tinental system ;' in other words, to be henceforth the vassal of the conqueror. The Polish provinces of Prussia were erected into a separate principality, styled ' the Grand Duchy of Warsaw,' and bestowed on the Elector of Saxony ; with the exception, however, of some territories assigned to Russia, and of Dantzic, which was declared a free city, to be garrisoned by French troops until the ratification of a maritime peace. The Prussian dominions in Lower Saxony and on the Rhine, with Hanover, Hesse- Cassel, and various other small states, formed a new kingdom of Westphaha, of MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 343 Napoleon has been condemned, I think unjustly, at least as regards the campaign of 1807. It has been urged, that he ought at that period to have reestablished the kingdom of Poland; and cer- tainly, for my own part, I shall never cease to regret, both for the interests of France and Europe that it was not reestablished. But when a desire, however reasonable in itself, is not carried into effect, have we a right to conclude that it ought to be so, in defiance of every obstacle? And at that time — that is to say, during the campaign of Tilsit — insurmountable obstacles did exist. At a somewhat later period. Napoleon was prevented by the intriguing ambition of some of his chiefs and underlings, from carrying into effect his long-meditated intention, of placing the brave Poniatowski at the head of his heroic nation. If, how- ever, by the treaty of Tilsit the throne of Poland was not restored, to serve as a barrier between old Europe and the empire of the Czars, Napoleon founded a kingdom of Westphalia, which he gave to the young under-lieutenant whom he had snubbed as a school-boy, and whom he now made a king, that he might have another crowned prefect under his orders. The kingdom of Westphalia was at first composed of the states of Hesse-Cassel, which formed its nucleus ; of a part of the prov- inces taken from Prussia by the moderation of the emperor, and of the states of Paderborn, Fulde, Brunswick, and a part of the electorate of Hanover. Napoleon, at the same time, though he was not fond of half measures, to avoid touching the Russian and Austrian provinces of ancient Poland, planted on the banks of the Vistula the grand duchy of Warsaw, which he gave to the King of Saxony; reserving to himself the liberty of increasing its terri- tory, or destroying it altogether, as he might find most convenient. By this policy, he allowed the Poles to look forward with hope for the future, and secured to himself partisans in the north, should the chances of war call him thither. Alexander, seduced even which Jerome Bonaparte, Napoleon's youngest brother, was recognised as king. The Elector of Saxony was recognised as another king of Napoleon's creation ; Joseph Bonaparte as King of Naples; and Louis, of Holland. Finally, Russia accepted the mediation of France for a peace with Turkey, and France that of Russia for a peace with England. " Such were the public articles of the peace of Tilsit ; but it contained secret articles besides, of which the, English government were fortunate enough to ascertain the import. — These were, that the Emperor of Russia had agreed not only to lay English commerce, in case his mediation for a peace should fail, under the same ban with that of the decrees of Berlin, but to place himself at the head of a general confederation of the Northern Maritime Powers against the naval supremacy of England — in other words, resign his own fleets, with those of Denmark, to the service of Napoleon. In requital of this obligation, the French emperor unquestionably agreed to permit the Czar to conquer Finland from Sweden — thereby adding immeasurably to the security of St. Petersburg." 344 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. more than his father had been by the pohtical coquetry of Napo- leon, consented to all these arrangements, and acknowledged at once all the kings who had received their crowns from the hands of the emperor; he accepted some provinces which had belonged to his despoiled ally, to console himself, no doubt, for not having been able to get more restored to him. The two emperors parted the best friends in the w'orld; but the continental system con- tinued, notwithstanding. It was about this time that the Danish consul communicated to me an official report from his government. He announced, that on Monday, the 3d of August, a squadron, consisting of twelve ships of the line and twelve frigates, under the command of Admiral Gambler, had passed the Sound, and that the rest of the squadron had been seen in the Cattegat. At the same time, the English troops, which were in the island of Riigen, had reembarked. We could not at tirst conceive wdiat enterprise so considerable a force had been sent upon. But our uncertainty did not long continue. M. Didelot, the French ambassador at Copenhagen, arrived at Hamburg at nine o'clock in the evening of the 12th of August. He had had the good fortune to pass through the Great Belt, in sight of the English, without being stopped. I forwarded his report to Paris by an extraordinary courier. The English had sent twenty thousand men, under the command of Lord Cathcart, and twenty-seven vessels, into the Baltic. The coasts of Zealand were blockaded by ninety vessels. Mr. Jackson, who had been sent by England to negotiate with Denmark, which she feared would be invaded by the French troops, strengthened the demand he was instructed to make by a reference to the powerful arma- ment which could enforce it. Mr. Jackson's proposition amounted to nothing less than a requisition that the King of Denmark should place in the custody of England the whole of his ships and naval stores. They w^ere, it is true, to be kept in deposit; but in the condition appeared the word "until," which afforded no security for their future restoration. They were to be detained until such precautions should be no longer necessary. A menace, and its execution, followed close upon this insolent demand. After a noble, though useless resistance, and a terrific bombardment, Copenhagen surrendered, and the Danish fleet w;as destroyed. It would be diflicult to discover in history a more flagrant and revolt- ing instance of the abuse of power against weakness. I have stated what were the principal consequences of the treaty of Tilsit; and it is more than probable, that if the bombardment of Copenhagen had preceded the treaty, the emperor would have used Prussia even worse than he did. He mio-ht have erased her from the list MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 345 of kingdoms; but he did not do so, from regard to the Emperor Alexander. The destruction of Prussia, however, was by no means a new project of Napoleon's. I remember an observation of his to M. Lemercier upon this very subject, when we first took up our residence at Malmaison. M. Lemercier had been reading to the first consul some poem in which Frederick the Great was men- tioned. " You geem to admire him greatly," said Bonaparte to M. Lemercier; "what do you find in him so astonishing? He is not equal to Turenne." "General," replied M. Lemercier, "it is not merely the warrior I esteem in Frederick, but one cannot refuse one's admiration of a man, who, even on the throne, was a phi- losopher." To this the first consul replied, in a half-displeased tone, " True, true, Lemercier ; but all his philosophy shall not pre- vent me from striking out his kingdom from the map of Europe." The kingdom of Frederick the Great, however, was not struck out of the map, because the Emperor of Russia would not basely aban- don a faithful ally, who had incurred with him the chances of fortune. Prussia had then ample reason to lament the subterfuge which had prevented her from declaring against France during the campaign of Austerlitz. Napoleon returned to Paris at the end of July, after an absence of ten months, the longest he had yet made since he had been at the head of the French government, whether as consul or emperor. The interview at Tilsit, the friendship of the Emperor Alexander, which was every where spoken of in the most exaggerated terms, and the establishment of peace on the continent, procured for Napoleon a degree of moral influence over public opinion which he had not possessed since his coronation. Fixed in his aversion towards deliberative assemblies, which I have often heard him term a mere collection of babblers, prosers, and pettifoggers. Napoleon, on his return to Paris, abolished the Tribunate, which had been an annoyance to him from the first day of his elevation. The emperor, who, above all men, was skilful in speculating on the favourable disposition of opinion, took advantage, on this occasion, of the enthusiasm produced by his interview on the Niemen. Thus disappeared, from the fundamental institutions of the govern- ment, the last shadow which remained of a popular character. Bonaparte wished to possess a senate, merely for the purpose of voting men; a mute legislative body to vote money — that there should be no opposition in the one, and no discussion in the other; no control over him whatever; the power of legislating according to his own arbitrary will and pleasure; and, lastly, an enslaved press : this was what Napoleon desired, and this he obtained ; but the month of March, 1814, resolved the question of absolute power. 346 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Peace being concluded with Russia, it was necessary to make choice of an ambassador, not only to maintain the new relations of amity between Napoleon and Alexander, but, above all, to urge on the promised mediation of Russia with England, Avith a view to etfeot reconciliation and peace between the cabinets of Paris and London. The emperor entrusted this mission to Caulincourt, with respect to whom there existed an unfounded prejudice rela- tive to some circumstances which preceded the death of the Duke d'Enghien. This opinion, equally unfortunate and unjust, had pre- ceded Caulincourt to St. Petersburg; and it was feared his recep- tion at that court would not be such as was due to the ambassador of France, and his own personal qualities deserved. I learned, however, from positive information at the time, that, after a short explanation with Alexander, that monarch retained no suspicion unfavourable to our ambassador, for whom he conceived and pre- served the greatest friendship and esteem. Caulincourt's mission was not altogether eixsy of fulfilment, for the invincible repugnance and reiterated refusal of England to enter into negotiations with France, through the mediation of Russia, was one of the remarkable circumstances of the period of which I am speaking. I well knew that England was determined to prevent Napoleon from becoming master of the entire continent — a project which he pursued with so little disguise, that no one could doubt his intention respecting it. For two years he had certainly made rapid strides towards it; but England was not discouraged. Her calculations were founded on the irritation of the sovereigns, and the discontent of the peo- ple; and she was well aware that, whenever she desired it, her golden lever would again raise up and arm the continent against the encroachments of Napoleon. He, on his part, perceiving that his attempts were all to no purpose, and that England would listen to none of his proposals, set himself to devise fresh schemes for raising up new enemies against England. It probably is not forgotten that, in 1801, Prance had obliged Portugal to make common cause with her against England. In 1807, the emperor repeated what the first consul had done form- erly. By an inexplicable fatality, Junot obtained the command of the troops which were marching against Portugal ; I say against Portugal, for such was the fact, although France represented her- self as a protector to deliver Portugal from the influence of Eng- land. Be that as it ma3^ the emperor's choice of a commander was the astonishment of every body. Was Junot, a ridiculous compound of vanity and ignorance, a fit person to be entrusted with the command of an army in a distant country, under circum- stances in which great political as well as military talents were MKMOIKH OF N AI'Avn of Spain for himself and his heirs, accepting in return I'rom the hands of Napoleon a safe retreat in Italy and a large pension. Godoy, who had entered into the tatal negotiation of Fontainbleau, with the hope and the promise of an independent sover- eignty carved out of the Portuguese dominions, Avas pensioned otl' in like manner, and ordered to partake the Italian exile of his patrons. A fcAv days afterwards, Ferdinand TIL , being desired to choose at length betAveen compliance and death, folloAved the example of his father, and executed a similar act of resignation. "Ferdinand, before he left Madrid, had invested a council of regency AAith the sovereign power, his uncle. Don Antonio, being prosidem, and Murat one of the membei-s. Mui-at's assumption of the authority thus conferred, the departure of Fenlinand, the liberation and departure of the detested Godoy, the tlight of the old king— these occurrences produced their natural etiects on the popular mind. A dark suspicion that France medhated the desu'uction of the national independence, began to spread; and, on the Cd of May, Avhen it transpired that preparations Avere making lor the journey of Don Antonio also, the general rage at last bum out. A ciVAvd collected round the carriage meant, as they concluded, to con- vey the last of the royal family out of Spain; the traces Avere cut; MBMOmS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 357 the imprecations against the French were furious. Colonel La Grange, Murat's aid-de-canrip, happening to appear on the spot, was cruelly mal- treated. In a moment the whole capital was in an uproar : the French soldiery were assaulted every where — about seven hundred were slain. The mob attacked the hospital — the sick and their attendants rushed out and defended it. The French cavalry, hearing the tumult, entered the city by the gate of Alcala — a column of three thousand infantry from the otlier side by the street Ancha de Bernardo. Some Spanish officers headed the mob, and fired on the soldiery in the streets of Mara- valles: a bloody massacre ensued: many hundreds were made prison, ers : the troops, sweeping the streets from end to end, released their comrades ; and, to all appearance, tranquillity was restored ere night- fall. During the darkness, however, the peasantry flocked in armed from the neighbouring country ; and, being met at the gates by the irri- tated soldiery, not a few more were killed, wounded, and made prisoners. Murat ordered all the prisoners to be tried by a military commission, which doomed them to instant death. "This commotion had been preceded by a brief insurrection, easily suppressed, and not unlikely to be soon forgotten, on the 23d of April, at Toledo. The events in the capital were of a more decisive charac- ter, and the amount of the bloodshed, in itself great, was much exag- gerated in the reports which flew, like wild fire, throughout the Penin- sula. In almost every town of Spain, and almost simultaneously, the flame of patriotic resentment broke out in the terrible form of assas- sination. The French residents were slaughtered without mercy: the supposed partisans of Napoleon and Godoy were sacrificed in the first tumult of popular rage. At Cadiz, Seville, Carthagena — above all, in Valencia — the streets ran red with blood. "Napoleon received the intelligence with alarm; but he had already gone too far to retract without disturbing the magical influence of his reputation. He, moreover, was willing to flatter himself that the lower population of Spain alone took an active part in these transactions ; that the nobility, whose degradation he could hardly over-estimate, would abide by his voice ; in a word, that with eighty thousand troops in Spain, besides Junot's army in Portugal, he possessed the means of suppressing the tumult after the first effervescence should have escaped. He pro- ceeded, therefore, to act precisely as if no insurrection had occurred. Tranquillity being reestablished in Madrid, the Council of Castile were convoked, and commanded to elect a new sovereign : their choice had of course been settled beforehand ; it fell on Joseph Bonaparte, King of Naples; and ere it was announced, that personage was already on his way to Bayonne ; Ninety-five Notables of Spain nriet him in that town, and swore fealty to him and a new constitution. "The patriotic feeling, which had been thus exhibited throughout the country, was encouraged by the British comnrianders on the coast of Spain ; and, without waiting for orders from home, they openly espoused the cause of the insurgents. 358 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. " The King of England on the 4th of July addressed his parliament on the subject, and said, 'The Spanish nation, thus nobly struggling against the usurpation and tyranny of France, can no longer be con- sidered as the enemy of Great Britain, but is recognised by me as a natural friend and ally.' The Spanish prisoners of war were forthwith released, clothed, equipped, and sent back to their country. Supplies of arms and money were liberally transmitted thither ; and, Portugal at the same time bursting into general insurrection also, a formal treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, was soon concluded between England and the two kingdoms of the Peninsula. "This insurrection furnished Great Britain with what she had not yet possessed during the war, a favourable theatre whereon to oppose the full strength of her empire to the arms of Napoleon ; and the oppor- tunity was embraced with zeal, though for some time but little skill appeared in the manner of using it. At the moment when the insur- rection occurred, twenty thousand Spanish troops were in Portugal under the orders of Junot ; fifteen thousand more, under the Marquis de la Romana, were serving Napoleon in Holstein. There remained forty thousand Spanish regulars, eleven thousand Swiss, and thirty thousand militia; but of the best of these, the discipline, when compared with French or English armies, was contemptible. The nobility, to whose order the chief officers belonged, were divided in their sentiments — per- haps the greater number inclined to the interests of Joseph. Above all, the troops were scattered, in small sections, over the face of the whole country, and there was no probability that any one regular army should be able to muster so strong as to withstand the efforts of a mere frag, ment of the French force already established within the kingdom. The fleets of Spain had been destroyed in the war with England : her com- merce and revenues had been mortally wounded by the alliance with France and the mal-administration of Godoy. Ferdinand was detained a prisoner in France. There was no natural leader or chief, around whom the whole energies of the nation might be expected to rally. It was amidst such adverse circumstances that the Spanish people rose every where, smarting under intolerable wrongs, against a French army, already eighty thousand strong, in possession of half the fortresses of the country, and in perfect communication with the mighty resources of Napoleon. " The Spanish arms were at first exposed to many reverses ; the raw- ness of their levies, and the insulated nature of their movements, being disadvantages of which it was not difficult for the experienced generals and overpowering numbers of the French to reap a full and bloody harvest. After various petty skirmishes, in which the insurgents of Arragon were worsted by Lefebvre Desnouettes, and those of Navarre and Biscay by Bessieres, the latter officer came upon the united armies of Castile, Leon, and Gallicia, commanded by the Generals Cuesta and Blake, on the 14th of July, at Riosecco, and defeated them in a desperate action, in which not less than twenty thousand Spaniards died. ' But the fortune of war, after the great day of Riosecco, was every MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 359 where on the side of the patriots. Duhesme, who had so treacherously possessed himself of Barcelona and Figueras, found himself surrounded by the Catalonian mountaineers, who, after various affairs, in which much blood was shed on both sides, compelled him to shut himself up in Barcelona. Marshal Moncey conducted another large division of the French towards Valencia, and was to have been farther reinforced by a detachment from Duhesme. The course of events in Catalonia pre- vented Duhesme from affording any such assistance ; and the inhabitants of Valencia, male and female, rising en masse, and headed by their clergy, manned their walls with such determined resolution, that the French marshal was at length compelled to retreat. " A far more signal catastrophe had befallen another powerful corps d'armee, under General Dupont, which marched from Madrid towards the south, with the view of suppressing all symptoms of insurrection in that quarter, and, especially, of securing the great naval station of Cadiz, where a French squadron lay. Dupont's force was increased as he advanced, till it amounted to twenty thousand men ; and with these he took possession of Baylen and La Carolina, in Andalusia, and stormed Jaen. But before he could make these acquisitions, the citizens of Cadiz had universally taken the patriot side; the commander of the French vessels had been forced to surrender them ; and the place, hav- ing opened a communication with the English fleet, assumed a posture of determined defence. General Castanos, the Spanish commander in that province, who had held back from battle until his raw troops should hav6 had time to be disciplined, began at length to threaten the position of the French. Jaen was attacked by him with such vigour, that Dupont was fain to evacuate it, and fall back to Baylen, where his troops soon suffered severe privations, the peasantry being in arms all around them, and the supply of food becoming from day to day more difficult. On the 16th of July, Dupont was attacked at Baylen by Castanos, who knew from an intercepted despatch the extent of his enemy's distress: the French were beaten, and driven as far as Menjibar. They returned on the 18th, and attempted to recover Baylen; but, after a long and desperate battle, in which three thousand of the French were killed, Dupont, perceiving that the Spaniards were gathering all around in numbers not to be resisted, proposed to capitulate. In effect, he and twenty thousand soldiers laid down their arms at Baylen, on condition that they should be transported in safety to France. The Spaniards broke this convention, and detained them as prisoners — thus imitating the perfidy of Napoleon's own conduct to Spain. The richest part of Spain was freed wholly of the invaders : the light troops of Castanos pushed on, and swept the country before them ; and within ten days, King Joseph perceived the necessity of quitting Madrid, and removed his head -quarters to Vittoria. "In the mean- time, Lefebvre Desnouettes, whose early success in Arragon has been alluded to, was occupied with the siege of Saragossa — the inhabitants of which city had risen in the first out-break, and pre- oared to defend their walls to the last extremity. Don Jose Palafox, a 360 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. young nobleman, who had made his escape from Bayonne, was invested with the command. The importance of success in this enterprise was momentous, especially after the failure of Moncey at Valencia. Napo- leon himself early saw, that if the Valencians should be able to form a union with the Arragonese at Saragossa, the situation of the Catalonian insurgents on the one side would be prodigiously strengthened ; while, on the other hand, the armies of Leon and Gallicia (whose coasts offered the means of continual communication with England), would conduct their operations in the immediate vicinity of the only great road left open between Madrid and Bayonne — the route by Burgos. He there- fore had instructed Savary to consider Saragossa as an object of the very highest importance ; but the corps of Lefebvre was not strength- ened as the emperor would have wished it to be, ei'e he sat down before Saragossa. The siege was pressed with the utmost vigour; but the immortal heroism of the citizens baffled all the valour of the French. There were no regular works worthy of notice : but the old Moorish walls, not above eight or ten feet in height, and some extensive monas- tic buildings in the outskirts of the city, being manned by crowds of determined men, whose wives and daughters looked on — nay, mingled boldly in their defence — the besiegers were held at bay week after week, and saw their ranks thinned in continual assaults without being able to secure any adequate advantage. Famine came, and disease in its train, to aggravate the sufferings of the towns-people ; but they would listen to no suggestions but those of the same proud spirit in which they had begun. The French at length gained possession of the great eon- vent of St. Engracia, and thus established themselves within the town itself: their general then sent to Palafox this brief summons : 'Head- quarters, Santa Engracia — Capitulation ;' but he received for answer, 'Head-quarters, Saragossa — War to the knife.' The battle was main- tained literally from street to street, from house to house, and from chamber to chamber. Men and women fought side by side, amidst flames and carnage ; until Lefebvre received the news of Baylen, and having wasted two months in his enterprise, abandoned it abruptly, lest he should find himself insulated amidst the general retreat of the French armies. Such was the first of the two famous sieges of Saragossa. "The English government meanwhile had begun their preparations for interfering effectually in the affairs of the Peninsula. They had despatched one body of troops to the support of Castanos in Andalusia; but these did not reach the south of Spain until their assistance was rendered unnecessary by the surrender of Dupont at Baylen. A more considerable force, amounting to ten thousand, sailed early in June, from Cork, for Corunna, under the command of the Hon. Sir Arthur Wellesley. Sir Arthur, being permitted to land at what point of the Peninsula he should judge most advantageous for the general cause, was soon satisfied that Portugal ought to be the first scene of his opera- tions, and accordingly lost no time in opening a communication with the patriots, who had taken possession of Oporto. Here the troops which had been designed to aid Castanos joined him. Thus strengthened, and MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAHTE. 361 well informed of the state of the French armies in Spain, Sir Arthur resolved to effect a landing, and attack Junot while circumstances seemed to indicate no chance of his being reinforced by Bessieres. "It was on the 8th of August, 1808 — a day ever memorable in the history of Britain — that Sir Arthur Wellesley effected his debarkation in the bay of Mondego. He immediately commenced his march towards Lisbon, and on the 17th came up with the enemy under General Laborde, strongly posted on an eminence near Rorica. The French contested their ground gallantly, but were driven from it at the point of the bayo- net, and compelled to retreat. The British general, having hardly any cavalry, was unable to pursue them so closely as he otherwise would have done : and Laborde succeeded in joining his shattered division to the rest of the French forces in Portugal. Junot (recently created Duke of Abrantes) now took the command in person; and finding himself at the head of full twenty-four thousand troops, while the Eng- lish army were greatly inferior in numbers, and miserably supplied with cavalry and artillery, he did not hesitate to assume the offensive. On the 21st of August he attacked Sir Arthur at Vimiero. In the lan- guage of the English general's despatch, 'a most desperate contest ensued;' and the result was 'a signal defeat.' Junot, having lost thir- teen cannon and more than two thousand men, imm.ediately fell back upon Lisbon, where his position was protected by the strong defile of the Torres Vedras. "It is to be regretted that, in the moment of victory, Sir Arthur should have been superseded by the arrival of an officer of superior rank, who did not consider it prudent to follow up the victoiy. .Junot a few days after sent Kellerman to demand a truce, and pi'opose a convention for the evacuation of Portugal by the troops under his orders. General Sir Hugh Dalrymple, who had succeeded Sir Arthur Wellesley in the command, granted the desired armistice. Junot offered to surrender his magazines, stores, and armed vessels, provided the British would disembark his soldiers, with their arms, at any French port between Rochefort and L'Orient, and permit them to take with them their pri- vate property ; and Dalrymple did not hesitate to agree to these terms, although Sir John Moore arrived off the coast with a reinforcement of ten thousand men during the progress of the negotiation. The famous ' Convention of Cintra' was signed accordingly on the 30th of August ; and the French army wholly evacuated Portugal in the manner pro- vided for. Thus Portugal was freed from the presence of her enemies ; and England obtained a permanent footing within the Peninsula. The character of the British army was also raised, not only abroad, but at home : and had the two insurgent nations availed themselves, as they ought to have done, of the resources which their great ally placed at their command, and conducted their own affairs with unity and strength of purpose, the deliverance of the whole Peninsula might have been achieved years before that consummation actually took place." — Family Library. 31 362 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON HONAPARTIT. CHAPTER XXXIII. Arbitrary Conduct of the French Military Governors; General Dupas at Hamburg; the Code of Commerce ; Conquests by Senntus Consulta ; Creation of the Imperial Nobility ; Restoration of the University ; Italy aggrandized at the Expense of the Pope ; the Interview at Erfui't between the Emperors Napoleon and Alexander. I HAVE no wish to detail the many disgraceful actions commit- ted by intriguers of the second class, who hoped to come in for their share in the partition of the continent. It would be a tedious matter to give an account of all the tricks and treacheries which they practised either to augment their fortunes, or to secure the favour of their chief, who wished to have kings for his subjects. It is scarcely to be conceived with what eagerness the princes of Germany sought to range themselves under the protection of Napoleon, by joining the Confederation of the Rhine. I received letters from them continually, which served to show both the influence which Napoleon exercised in Germany, and the facility with which men stoop beneath the yoke of a new power. Bernadotte had proceeded to Denmark, to take the command of the Spanish and French troops, who had been sent from the Hanse Towns to occupy that kingdom, which was then menaced by England. His departure was a great loss to me, for we had always taken the same views on whatever measures were to be adopted, and I became still more sensible of his loss when enabled to form a comparison between him and his successor. It is pain- ful to me to detail the misconduct of those who compromised the French name in unhappy Germany, but, in fulfilling the task I have undertaken, I am determined to adhere strictly to the truth. In April, 1808, General Dupas arrived as governor of Hamburg but only under the orders of Bernadotte, who retained the chief command of the French troops in the Hanse Towns. By the nomination of General Dupas, the emperor cruelly disappointed the wishes and hopes of the inhabitants of Lower Saxony. That general, a scourge to the people of Hamburg, was wont to say of them, "As long as I see those rolling in their carriages, I will have money from them." It is but just, however, to state, that his extortions were not for his own advantage; his most unjustifiable actions were all committed for the benefit of the man to whom he owed his rank, and to whom he had in some measure devoted his existence. I shall here state the way in which the generals, who com- manded the French troops at Hamburg, had been provided for. The Senate of Hamburg granted to the marshals thirty friederichs, MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 363' and to the generals of division twenty friederichs per day, for the expenses of their table, exclusive of the hotel in which they were lodged by the city. General Dupas wished to be provided for on the same footing as the marshals. The senate having, with rea- son, rejected such a claim, Dupas was highly offended, and in revenge insisted that he should be served daily with a breakfast and dinner of thirty covers. This was a most extravagant and intolerable expenditure, and Dupas cost the city more than any of his predecessors. The ill-humour which Dupas had conceived on the resistance of the senate, he visited on the inhabitants. Among other vexa- tions, there was one to which the people could not easily submit. In Hamburg, which had formerly been a fortified town, though now laid out more like an English garden, the custom is still pre- served of closing the gates at nightfall. On Sundays they were shut three-quarters of an hour later, that the amusements of the people might not be interrupted. An event, which excited great irritation in the public mind, and which might have been attended with even more serious consequences, was occasioned by the perverse conduct of Dupas. From some unaccountable whim or other, the general ordered the gates to be shut at seven in the evening, and, consequently, while it was broad day-light, the season being the middle of spring. From this regulation not even the Sunday was excepted ; and on that day a great number of the peaceable inhabitants, on their return from the outskirts of the city, presented themselves for admittance at the gate of Altona. The first comers were greatly surprised to find it closed, as it was a greater thoroughfare than any other gate in Hamburg. The number of persons thus excluded was continually increasing, and a considerable crowd soon col- lected in front of the gate. After useless entreaties addressed to the officers of the station, the people determined to send to the commandant for the keys. The commandant arrived, accompa- nied by the general, and on their appearance, as it was supposed they had come to order the gates to be opened, they were saluted by a general "hurrah!" which, throughout almost all the north, is the popular cry expressive of satisfaction. General Dupas, not understanding its intention, conceived this cry to be the sig- nal for an insurrection, and instead of opening the gates, com- manded the soldiers to fire on the peaceable citizens, who were only anxious to return to their homes. Several persons were killed, and others more or less seriously wounded. Fortunately, after this first discharge, the brutal fury of Dupas was appeased, but he persisted in keeping the gates closed till the morning; 364 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. when an order was posted about the city prohibiting the cry of "hurrah!" under the severest penalties. It was also forbidden, that more than three persons should collect together in the streets. In this manner was the French yoke imposed by certain individ- uals upon towns and provinces hitherto contented and happy. Dupas was as much execrated in the Hanse Towns as Clarke had been at Berlin, of which capital he was governor, during the campaign of 1807. Clarke had heaped every species of oppression and exaction on the inhabitants of Berlin ; and Heaven knows what epithets accompanied his name when uttered from the lips of a Prussian ! On the day following this outrage, fearful of. the fatal conse- quences which might still ensue, I wrote to inform the Prince of Ponte-Corvo of what had taken place, soliciting, at the same time, the suppression of an extraordinary tribunal which had been cre- ated by General Dupas ; his answer was almost immediate, and my request complied with. When Bernadotte returned to Hamburg, he sent Dupas to Lubeck. That city, much less rich than Hamburg, suffered cru- elly from such a guest. Dupas levied all his exactions in kind, and affected the highest indignation at any offer of a compensa- tion in money, the very idea of which he said was offensive to his delicacy of feeling. But his demands had become so extravagant, that the city of Lubeck was actually unable to satisfy them. Besides his table, which he required to be furnished in the same style of profusion as at Hamburg, he was supplied with plate, linen, wood, and candles — in short, with the most trivial articles of household consumption. The senate deputed to this disinterested and incorruptible gen- eral, M. Notting, a venerable old man, who mildly represented to him the abuses which were every where committed in his name, and entreated that he would condescend to accept twenty louis per day, for the expenses of his table alone. At this proposal, General Dupas became enraged. To ofler money to him — to him! — it was an insult not to be endured. In the most furious manner he drove the terrified senator out of the house, and gave immediate orders to his aid-de-camp, Barral, to imprison him. M. de Barral, endowed with a greater share of humanity than his general, and alarmed at so extraordinary an order, oflered some remonstrances, but in vain; and, though much against his inclina- tion, was obliged to obey. The aid-de-camp accordingly repaired to the house of the aged senator, but, withheld by that feeling of respect which gray hairs never fail to inspire in the well-ordered minds of youth, instead of arresting him, he requested the old man MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 3G5 not to leave his house until he could prevail on the general to retract his orders. It was not till the following day that M. de Barral succeeded in getting these orders revoked, that is to say, the release of M. Notting from prison ; for Dupas would not forego his revenge, until he heard that the senator had suffered at least the commencement of the punishment to which his capricious fury had doomed him. Notwithstanding these fine professions of disinterestedness, M. Dupas yielded so far as to accept the twenty louis per day for the expenses of his table, which M. Notting had offered him on the part of the senate of Lubeck ; but it was not without murmurings, complaints, and menaces, that he made this generous concession, exclaiming, on more than one occasion, " Those rascals have lim- ited my subsistence!" Lubeck was not freed from the presence of this general before the month of March, 1809, when he was summoned to take the command of a division in the emperor's new campaign against Austria. Strange as it may appear, it is nevertheless true, that, however oppressive his presence had been at Lubeck, the Hanse Towns soon had reason to regret him. The year 1808 was fertile in remarkable events. Occupied as I was with my own official duties, I still contrived to amuse a few leisure moments in observing the course of those great actions by which Bonaparte sought to distinguish every day of his life. At the commencement of 1808, I received one of the first copies of the Code of Commerce, promulgated on the 1st of January, by the emperor's order. This code appeared to me an absolute mockery ; at least, it was extraordinary to publish a code respect- ing a subject which all the other imperial decrees tended to destroy. What trade could possibly be supposed to flourish under the cruel continental system, and the ruinous severity of the customs? The line was already sufficiently extended, when, by a decree of the senate, it was still farther widened. The emperor, who was all-powerful on the continent, had recourse to no other formality in order to annex to the empire the towns of Kehl, Cassel near Mentz, Wessel, and Flushing, with the territories dependent on them, than his decrees and senatorial decisions, which at least had the advantage of being obtained without blood-shed. Intelligence on all these matters was immediately forwarded to me by the min- isters with whom I was in correspondence; for my situation at Hamburg had acquired such importance, that it was necessary I should be informed of every thing. My correspondence relative to what was passing in the south of France and of Europe afforded me merely an anecdotal interest. But not so the news which came from the north. At Hamburg, 31* 366 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. I was like the sentinel of an advanced post ; always on the alert. More than once I sent information to the government of what was about to take place, before the event actually happened. I was one of the first that gained intelligence of the plans of Russia rel- ative to Sweden. The courier whom I sent to Paris must have arrived there at the very moment when Russia declared war against that power. About the end of February, the Russian troops entered Swedish Finland, and possessed themselves of the capital of that province, which had long been coveted by the Russian government. It has been since asserted that, at the inter- view at Erfurt, Bonaparte consented to the usurpation of that province by Alexander, in return for the latter's complaisance in acknowledging Joseph as King of Spain and the Indies. Joseph was succeeded, at Naples, by Murat; and that accession of the brother-in-law of Napoleon to one of the thrones of the house of Bourbon, gave Bonaparte another junior in the college of kings, of which he would infallibly have become the senior, had fortune still sided with him. Bonaparte, when his brow was encircled with a double crown, after creating princes, at length realized the idea he had so long entertained of being the founder of a new nobiUty, endowed with hereditary rights. It was at the com- mencement of March, 1808, that he accomplished this notable project; and I saw, in the Moniteur, a long catalogue of princes, dukes, counts, barons, and knights of the empire. Viscounts and marquises were alone wanting to the list. At the time that Napoleon was founding a new nobility, he determined to build up again the ancient edifice of the university, but upon a fresh foundation. The education of youth had always been one of his ruling ideas, and I had an opportunity of remark- ing how much he was changed by the exercise of sovereign power, when I received, at Hamburg, the new statutes of the university, and compared them with the ideas which he formerly, when gen- eral, and first consul, had often expressed respecting the education of youth. Though the natural enemy of every thing like liberty, the system of education which Bonaparte had at first conceived was upon a vast and extended scale, comprehending the study of history, and those positive sciences, such as geology and astronomy, which affbrd the utmost scope for development, of which the human mind is susceptible. The sovereign, however, shrunk from the first ideas of the man of genius, and his university, confided to the elegant subserviency of M. de Fontanes, was but a mere school, which might indeed send forth well-informed, but scarcely high-minded and enlightened, men. About this time Rome was occupied by French troops, under MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 367 the command of General Miollis, which was the commencement of a long series of troubles, by which Pius VII. expiated the con- descension he had shown in going to Paris to crown Napoleon. Rome now became the second city of the empire; but, until this time, the boasted moderation of Bonaparte had contented itself with dismembering from the Papal states the legations of Ancona, Urbino, Macerata, and Camerino, which were divided into three departments, and added to the kingdom of Italy. The patience and long-suffering of the Holy See could no longer hold out against this act of violence, and Cardinal Caprara, who had remained in Paris since the coronation, at length quitted that capital. Shortly afterwards, the grand duchies of Parma and Placentia were united to the French empire, and annexed to the government of the Trans- Alpine departments. These transactions took place about the same time as the events in Spain and Bayonne, before mentioned. After the disgraceful conduct of the emperor at Bayonne, he returned to Paris on the 14th of August, the eve of his birth-day. Scarcely had he arrived in the capital, when he conceived fi'esh subjects for uneasiness, on account of the conduct of Russia, which, as I have stated, had declared open war against Sweden, and made no secret of the intention of seizing Finland. The emperor, however, desirous of prosecuting the war in Spain with the utmost vigour, felt the necessity of withdrawing his troops from Prussia to the Pyrenees. He then hastened the interview at Erfurt, where the two emperors of France and Russia had appointed to meet. By this interview he hoped to secure the tranquillity of the continent, while he should complete the subju- gation of Spain to the sceptre of Joseph. That prince had been proclaimed on the 8th of June, and on the 21st of the same month he made his entry into Madrid ; but, ten days after, having received information of the disaster of Baylen, he was obliged to leave the Spanish capital. The interview at Erfurt having been determined on, the emperor again quitted Paris about the end of September, and arrived at Metz without stopping, except for the purpose of reviewing the regiments which he met on his route, and which were on their march from the grand army to Spain. I had received previous intelligence of this intended interview, so memorable in the life of Napoleon; and such was the interest it excited in Germany, that the roads vt^ere covered wuth the equipages of the princes who were going to Erfurt to be present on the occasion. The emperor arrived at the place of rendezvous before Alexander, and went forward three leagues to meet him. Napoleon was on horse- back, and Alexander in his carriage. They embraced, it is said, 368 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. with evei'y demonstration of the most cordial friendship. I shall not dwell on other well-known particulars relating to this inter- view, at which most of the sovereign princes of Germany were present, with the exception, however, of the King of Prussia and the Emperor of Austria. The latter sovereign sent a letter to Napoleon, which to me appeared a perfect model of ambiguity, though it was scarcely possible that Napoleon could be deceived by it. He had not as yet, however, any suspicion of the hostile intentions of Austria, which soon afterwards became apparent; his grand object, at that time, was the Spanish business ; and, as I have before observed, one of the secrets of Napoleon's genius was, that he gave his attention to only one thing at a time. By the interview at Erfurt, Bonaparte obtained the principal object he had in view, namely, Alexander's recognition of his brother Joseph in his new character of King of Spain and the Indies. It has been said that, as the price of this acknowledg- ment. Napoleon consented that Alexander should have Swedish Finland; for the truth of this I cannot vouch, having no positive proofs of the fact. I remember, however, that when, after the interview at Erfurt, Alexander had given orders to his ambassador to Charles IV. to continue his functions under King Joseph, the Swedish charg6 d'affaires at Hamburg told me that confidential letters, which he had received from Erfurt, led him to apprehend that the Emperor Alexander had communicated to Napoleon his designs on Finland, and that the latter had consented to its occu- pation. Be this as it may, Napoleon, after the interview, returned to Paris, where he presided with great pomp at the opening of the legislative body, and again set out, in the month of November, for Spain. CHAPTER XXXIV. Romana's Defection ; Napoleon's Jom-ney to Italy ; Adoption of Eugene ; Louis, King of Holland ; Displeases Napoleon ; Abdicates in favom- of his Son ; Holland united to Fi-ance. Previous to the interview at Erfurt, an event took place which produced a considerable sensation at Hamburg, and, indeed, throughout Europe; an event which was planned and executed with inconceivable secresy. I allude to the defection of the Marquis de la Romana which I have hitherto forborne to men- tion, in order that I might not separate the different facts which came to my knowledge relative to that defection, and the circum- stances which accompanied it. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 369 The Marquis de la Romana had come to the Hanse Towns at the head of eighteen thousand men, which the emperor, in the last campaign, claimed in virtue of treaties previously concluded with the Spanish government. This demand for men was the result of the disastrous battle of Eylau. The Spanish troops were at first well received by the inhabitants of the Hanse Towns, but the difference of language was soon productive of discord between them. The Marquis de la Romana was a little, dark- featured man, somewhat unprepossessing and even vulgar in his appearance, but of considerable talent and information. He had travelled in almost every part of Europe, and, being a close observer, his conversation was both instructive and agreeable. During his stay at Hamburg, General Romana spent most of his evenings at my house, and, while at the whist-table, constantly fell asleep over the game. Madame de Bourrienne was usually his partner, and I recollect he continually apologized for his involuntary breach of good manners, though sure to be guilty of the same offence the next evening. I shall shortly explain the cause of this regular siesta. On the birth-day of the King of Spain, the Marquis de la Romana gave a magnificent entertainment; the ball-room was decorated with warlike implements and allusions. The marquis did the honours with infinite grace, and was particularly courte- ous to the French generals. He spoke of the emperor in the most respectful terms, without any affectation of homage, so that it was almost impossible for any one to suspect him of any clan- destine intention. In short, he played his part to the last with the most consummate address. We had already heard at Ham- burg of the fatal result of the battle at Sierra Morena, and of the capitulation of Dupont, which caused his disgrace at the very moment when the whole army had marked him out as the man most likely to receive the baton of Marshal of France. Meanwhile, the Marquis de la Romana departed for the Danish island of Fiinen, agreeably to the orders which had been trans- mitted to him by Marshal Bernadotte. There, as at Hamburg, the Spaniards were well liked ; for their general obliged them to observe the strictest discipline. Great preparations were then making at Hamburg on the approach of St. Napoleon's day, which at that time was celebrated with much solemnity in every town in which France had representatives. The Prince de Ponte-Corvo was then taking the baths at Travemunde, a small sea-port near Lubeck ; but that did not prevent him from giving directions for the festival of the 15th of August. The Marquis de la Romana, the better to^'deceive the marshal, had despatched Y 370 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. a courier to him, requesting permission to visit Hamburg on the day of the fete, in order to join his prayers to those of the French, and to receive on this occasion, from the hands of the prince, the grand cordon of the Legion of Honour, which he had soli- cited, and which Napoleon had granted him. Three days after, the marshal received intelligence of what had taken place. The marquis had collected a great number of English vessels on the coast, and escaped with all his troops, except a depot of six hun- dred men, left at Altona. It was afterwards ascertained, that he met with no interruption in his passage, and that he landed with his troops at Corunna. I could now account for the drowsiness which always overcame the Marquis de la Romana when he sat down to take a hand at whist. The fact was, he used to sit up all night, making preparations for the escape which he had long meditated, and during the day showed himself every where as usual, in order to avoid the least suspicion of his intentions. On the defection of the Spanish troops, I received letters from government, requiring me to augment my vigilance, and to seek out those persons who might be supposed to have shared the con- fidence of the Marquis de la Romana. I was informed that the agents of England, dispersed through Holstein and the Hanseatic territories, were endeavouring likewise to spread discord and dis- satisfaction among the troops of the King of Holland. These manoeuvres were connected with the treason of the Spaniards and the arrival of Danican in Denmark. Insubordi- nation had already broken out, but it was promptly repressed. Two Dutch soldiers were shot for striking their officers ; but not- withstanding this severity, desertion among the troops increased to an alarming degree. Indefatigable agents, in the pay of the English government, laboured incessantly to seduce the soldiers of King Louis from their duty. Some of these agents being denounced to me, were taken almost in the fact, and positive proof being adduced of their guilt, they were condemned to death. These indispensable examples of severity did not check the manoeuvres of England, though they served to cool the zeal of her agents. I used every endeavour to second the Prince of Ponte-Corvo in tracing out the persons employed by England. It was chiefly from the small island of Heligoland that they found their way to the continent. This communication was facilitated by the numerous vessels scattered about the small islands which lie thick along that coast. Five or six pieces of gold defrayed the expense of the passage to or from Heligoland. Thus, the Spanish news, which was printed and often fabricated at London, was pro- fusely circulated in the north of Germany. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 371 Napoleon was so well aware of the effect produced by his pres- ence, that, after a conquest, he loved to show himself among the people whose territories he had annexed to his empire. To Napo- leon himself, these were, in some sort, journeys of pleasure, in which he enjoyed the fruits of his enterprises ; at the same time that his presence imparted the greatest possible activity to every proceeding. Duroc, who always accompanied him, unless engaged in any mission, gave me an interesting account of the emperor's journey, in 1807, to Venice, and the other Italian provinces, which, in conformity with the treaty of Presburg, were annexed to the kingdom of Italy. Napoleon had many very important motives for this journey. He was planning great alliances; and he loaded Eugene with favours, in order to sound him, and prepare him as much as pos- sible for his mother's divorce. There can be no doubt that Bonaparte now seriously contem- plated his divorce from Josephine. Had there been no other proof of this, I, who from constant attention had learned to read' Napoleon's thoughts in his actions, found a sufficient one in the decree of Milan, by which, in default of lawful male heirs, he adopted Eugene as his son, and successor to the crown of Italy. It was during this journey that Napoleon united Tuscany to the empire. While Bonaparte was the chief of the French republic, he did not object to the existence of a Batavian republic, to the north of France, and was equally tolerant of the Cisalpine republic in the south. But, after his coronation, all the republics, which, like satellites, revolved round the grand republic, were converted into kingdoms, subject to the empire, if not avowedly, at least in fact. In this respect, there was no difference between the Batavian and Cisalpine republic. The latter having been metamorphosed into the kingdom of Italy, it was necessary to find some pretext for transforming the former into the kingdom of Holland. The gov- ernment of the Batavian republic had been for some time past merely the shadow of a government ; but still it preserved, even in its submission to France, those internal forms of freedom which console a nation for the loss of its independence. In this state of things, the emperor, who maintained a host of agents in Holland, found no great difficulty in getting up a deputation, whose object should be, to solicit him to choose a king for the Batavian republic. This submissive deputation came to Paris in the month of May, 1806, to solicit the emperor, as a favour, to place Prince Louis on the throne of Holland. The address of the deputation, with Napo- leon's gracious reply, and the speech of Louis, on the occasion, will be found among the official records of the period. 372 MEMOllv!^ Ol'" NAPOI.KON UONArAKTR, Louis thus boonruo King of Holland, tliough greatly against his inclination; he ollered all the opposition he dared, alleging, as an objection, the state of" his health, to whieh, (HM'tainly the (^lininto oflloUnnd was not fuvonrablo; but r»()uapailo sttiruly made this unbrotlu^rly reply: "it is l)etter to tlie a king than live a nriiu-e." Ilr had lluni no altcniativt^ but to accH>pt the crown, lie went to Holland, taking Avith him lb>rtens'\ who, however, did not stay long there. The new king wished tt) niakci lnmst>lt" beloved by his subjects, and, as they were entirely a conunercial people, there was no better means of doing so than by not adopting Napoh>on's rigid laws against con»niercial intercourse with (''ngland. Hence the ilrst coolness between the two brothers, which, in tlu> scupiel led to the abdication of Louis, and his withdrawing l'iH>m his br(>ther's threateneil vengeance. I know not whether Na[>oleou roeollei-ted the motive assigned by Louis ftn' at first refusing tht^ ert>wa of Holland, uiunelv, Ihe climate of the country, or whether he reckoned upon greater sub- mission in another of his brothers; Init this is certain, that Joseph was not called Iron) the throne of Naples to that of Spain, until after the refusal o\' Louis. 1 have bl^fore mo a copy of the letter written to him by Napol(>oti on tlie subject. It is witlunit date eithej- of time or plaee. but its eontents un(iu(>stionably refer to the nu>uth of March or April, 1808. It is as follows: " Bko'i'uku: TluvKiuji; of Spain, C'lmvlt's IV., Ima just ((bilicatt'it, 'V\w Spanisli (ifoplc louilly appt-ul to uic. Conviiun-il that no lasting pcai-e can W ol>taint'd with lOnglaiui, unless I caiiso a great luovruu'Ut i>n i\w oontincnt. I l\avt> (It'tcnniufil to place a l'"ifncl» king on itie tlirone ot'Spain. 'I'lic cliniatf of lUillaml iUk'h not agvoe witli you ; bosidt'ti, litilhuni cannot rise IVoni her rnius. In tlic vvliirlwinil (>l pi)lilicHl cvontti, whctlicr wo Inivc pcai't- ov not, tlicrc in ni> pi>ssibiliiy oi' n\aintaiuing it. In this state of things, I luivf tlu>ught i)f tl>e ihront^ iifiSpuin tor you. 'I'ell uie ilei-iileiUy what is yi>nr iniinion of tliis i\ieasure. 1ft were to name yon l\ing o( Spain, winilil yoa accept the (itfer? May 1 eenut on yon't Answer inc simply on tlit-se two points. Say. ' 1 have recjeet oi' separating tV(>m it l>rab:int tmd Zealand, in e\.ch;uige tor other provinces, the possession of which was doubtful; but t^ouis made a firm and successful stand against this tirst act of usurpa- tion. Bonaparte was too intent on the great business in Spain, to risk any commotion in the nt^vth, whtn-e, as I have said, the declar- ation of Ixnssia agtiinst Sweden already suthciently occupied him. He consequently did not insist on the nu>asure, and even atlected indilfereuce to the pro}'osed augmentation oi' territory to the empire. * MKIWOIUH OF NAI'Ol,f';ON HON AI'Alt'lMO. 373 On tho 20f.h o^ December, I)owover, N;ij)oleon wrote l.o T.oui,s a very rermirkablc letter, in which appears the unflisjfuised expres- sion of that tyranny which h(i wished to exercise over all his Hmiily, in onleT to niak(; them the instruments of his own ambition. In this letter he r(5piv);u;l)(f(| Tiouis for acting in of)pr)sition to his system of policy, t(!llinmitted to it with resignatif)n ; indeed, (;very d:iy jKissed on tlui tln'oru; w;i,s a sacri- fice to Louis. lie lived at Paris very retiret], under the constant observation of the police ; for it was supr)Osed that, as he had come against his will, he would not prolong his stay so long as Napoleon desired. In this respect they were not much deceived ; but any such attempt on his j)art was useless. Tliis surveilhuice and constraint, how- ever, harl the effect of dis[)l;iying in him a strength of character which he was not j)reviously suj)pos(;d to possess. Amidst the gen(iral silence of the high servants of the empire, ;i,nd even of the kings and princes asscfnbled in the c;i,pital, he ventured to say, "J, have been deceived by promises which were never intended to be kept. JTolhmd is weary of being the pl;iy thing of France." The emp(;ror, little accustomed to such huigunge as this, was terribly incensed :d it. From th:i,t moment l>ouis had no alternative — he must either yield to the incessant exactions of Najjfjleon, or see Holland unitf;d to France. He chos(i the latter, but not till he had cx(;rted all his feehh; {>ower in })ehalf of th(; subjects whom Napo- leon ha,d consigned to him; Ijut he would not be the accomplice r)f the n)an who had resolved to make those subjects the victims of his hatred against England. liOuis, however, was yiermitted to return to his states to con- template the misery arising from the continental }>lockade, which pressed with an iron hand on every brancfi of trade anr] influstry, iiitherto so flourishing in the provinces of Holland. At length, his feeling heart being no longer able to sujjport the sight of evils which it was no longer in his power to relieve, he endeavoured, })y cautious and resfjectful remonstrances, to avert the utter ruin with which Holland was threatened. On tho 23d of March, 1810, he wrote the following letter to Napoleon : 32 374 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. "If you wish to consoliJate the present stnte of France, to obtain maritime peace, or to attack England with success, it is not by measures hke the blockading system that these objects can be obtained ; it is not by the destruction of a kingdom of your own creation, by the enfeebhng of your allies, and setting at defiance their most sacred rights, and the first principles of the law of nations. On the contrary, you should ren- der them the friends of France, and consolidate and strengthen your allies, till, like your own brothers, you might depend upon them. The destruction of Holland, far from being a means of assailing England, will but add the more to her strength, by all the industry and riches which will take refuge with her. In reality, there are but three methods of assailing England; namely, by detaching Ireland from her, getting pos- session of the East Indies, or by actual invasion. These two latter modes, which would be the most efTectual, cannot be executed without a naval force. But I am astonished that the first should have been so easily relinquished. It would be a surer mode of obtaining peace on good conditions, than the system of injuring one's self and friends, in the attempt to inflict a greater injury upon the enemy. Louis." Written remonstrances were not more to Napoleon's taste than verbal ones, at a time when, as I was informed by my friends whom fortune had enchained to his destiny, no one ever ventured to address a word to him, except to answer his questions. Cam- baceres, who, as his old colleague in the consulate, had alone retained that privilege in public, lost it after Napoleon's marriage with the descendant of the Austrian emperors. His brother's letter excited his highest displeasure. Two months after its reception, being on a journey in the north, he addressed to him from Ostend a letter, a very model of haughty insolence, which cannot be read without a painful feeling, proving as it does how weak are the most sacred ties of blood, in comparison with the interests of an insatiable ambition. This letter was as follows : "Bkothek: In our situation, frankness is the best course. I know your secret sen- tunents, and all that you can say to Uie contrary will avail nothing. Holland, unques- tionably, is in a melancholy situation. I believe you are anxious to extricate her from her difliculties, and it is you, and you alone, who can do so. When you conduct your- self in such a way as to induce the people of Holland to believe that you act under my influence — that all your measures and all your sentiments are conformable to mine — then you will be loved, you will be esteemed, and you will acquire the power necessary for reestablishing Holland. When to be known as my friend, and the friend of France, shall be a title of recommendation to your court, Holland will be in her natural situ- ation. Since your return from Paris, you have done notliing to effect this object. What will be the result of your conduct? Your subjects, bandied about between France and England, will throw themselves into the arms of France, and will demand to be united to her, rather than remain in a state of such uncertainty. If your knowl- edge of my character — which is to go straight forward to my object, unimpeded by any consideration — is not sufficient for you, say, what would you have me do ? I can dis- pense with Holland, but Holland cannot dispense with my protection. If under the dominion of one of my brothers, but looking to me alone for her welfare, she does not find in her sovereign my image, all confidence in your government is at an end ; by your own hand your sceptre is broken. Love France — love my glory ; that is the only way so serve Holland. If you had acted as you ought to have done, that country, having become a part of my empire, would have been the more dear to me, seeing I had given her a sovereign whom Hooked upon almost as my son. In placing you on the throne of Holland, I thought I had placed a French citizen there : you have fol- lowed a course diametrically opposite to what I had expected. I have been forced to MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 375 prohibit you from coming to France, and to take possession of a part of your territory. In proving yourself a bad Frenchman, you are less to the Dutch than a Prince of Orange, to which dynasty they owe their rank as a nation, and a long succession of prosperity and glory. It is evident to the Dutch, that, by your banishment from France, they have lost what they would not have done, under a Schimmelpennick, or a Prince of Orange. Show yourself a Frenchman and the brother of the emperor, and be assured that you will thereby advance the interests of Holland. But your fate seems fixed ; you are incorrigible ; you would drive away the few Frenchmen who remain with you. Affection and advice are lost upon you; you must be dealt with by threats and compulsion. What mean the prayers and mysterious fasts you have ordered? Louis, you will not reign long. Your actions disclose better than your confidential letters the sentiments of your soul. Return from your wilful course. Be a Frenchman in heart, or your people will banish you; and you will leave Holland an object of their ridicule. States must be governed by reason and policy, and not by visionary schemes, the offspring of acrid and vitiated humours. Napoleon." This letter had scarcely reached Louis, when Napoleon was informed of a petty affray that had taken place at Amsterdam, and to which Count de la Rochefoucauld, knowing he could not better please his master than by affording him a pretext for being angry, contrived to give a sort of diplomatic importance. It appeared that the honour of the count's coachman had been compromised by the insult of a citizen of Amsterdam. The sensitive feelings of the gentleman in livery had been so deeply wounded, that a quarrel ensued, which, but for the interference of the guard of the palace, might have led to very serious consequences, since it assumed the character of a national affair between the French and the Dutch. M. de la Rochefoucauld sent off a report of his coachman's quarrel to the emperor, who was then at Lille. The illustrious author of the " Maxims " related the affair with as much warmth and earnestness as in his literary crusade against royalty. Napoleon, in consequence, instantly despatched a most violent letter to Louis, declaring, at the same time, it should be the last he would ever write to him. Thus, reduced to the cruel alternative of crushing Holland with his own hands, or leaving that task to the emperor, Louis did not hesitate to lay down a sceptre which he was not suffered to wield for the happiness of his people. His resolution being made, he addressed a message to the legislative body of the kingdom of Holland, explaining the motives of his abdication. What, indeed, could be more reasonable than such a step, when he found an armed force in possession of his dominions, which had been united to the empire by what was formerly called a family alliance ? But, at that time, no consideration seemed capable of arresting the course of Napoleon's arbitrary proceedings. The French troops entered Holland under the command of the Duke de Reggio; and that marshal, who was more king than the king himself, threat- ened to occupy Amsterdam. Louis then descended from the- 376 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, throne ; and, four years after, Napoleon, in his turn, was forced to descend from his. After his message to the legislative body, Louis published his act of abdication, in which he dwelt on the unhappy state of his kingdom, attributing it to his brother's unfavourable feeling towards himself He declared that he had shrunk from no effort or sacrifice, useless as they had proved, to put an end to so painful a state of things ; and that, finally, he considered himself as the unhappy cause of the continual misunderstanding between the French empire and Holland. It is worthy of remark, that Louis imagined he could abdicate the crown of Holland in favour of his son, as Napoleon wished, four years after, to abdicate his crown in favour of the King of Rome. How often do these coinci- dences occur in the history of Napoleon! in the depth of his reverses, how often was he assailed with precisely the same blows which, in the height of his fortune, he relentlessly aimed at others! Louis bade farewell to the people of Holland in a proclamation, after the publication of which he retired to the waters of Toplitz. He was living there in tranquil retirement, when he learned that his brother, so far from respecting the terms of his abdication, had united Holland to the empire. Against this arbitrary pro- ceeding Louis published a protest, the circulation of which was strictly forbidden by the police. Thus there seemed to be an end of all intercourse between these two brothers, who were so opposite in character and dis- position. But Napoleon, who was enraged that Louis should have presumed to protest, and that too in energetic terms, against the union of his kingdom with the empire, ordered him to return to France, to which he was summoned in his character of con- stable and French prince. Louis, however, did not think proper to obey this summons; and Napoleon, in the excess of his pas- sion, though faithful to his promise of never writing to him again, ordered the following letter to be addressed to him by M. Otto, who had been ambassador from France to Vienna, since the still recent marriage of the emperor with Maria Louisa: " Sire: The emperor directs me to write to your majesty as follows: "'It is the duty of every French prince, and every member of the imperial family, to reside in France ; whence they cannot absent themselves without the permission of the emperor. Before the union of Holland to the empire, the emperor permitted the king to reside at Toplitz in Bohemia. His health appeared to require the use of the waters ; but now the emperor requires that Prince Louis shall return, at the latest by the 1st of December next, under pain of being considered disobedient to the constitutions of the empire, and the head of his family, and being treated accordingly.' " I fulfil, Sire, word for word, the mission with which I am entrusted, and I send the chief secretary of the embassy, to be assured that this letter is carefully delivered. •I beg your majesty to accept the homage of my profound respect, &c. &c. " Otto." MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 377 What a letter was this to be addressed by a subject to a prince, who had scarcely yet ceased to be a king! When on a subsequent occasion I saw M. Otto at Paris, knowing the esteem which I had ever felt for Louis, he spoke to me on the subject, telling me how much he had been distressed at the necessity of writing such a letter to the brother of the emperor. He stated, however, that he had employed the very expressions dictated by Napoleon, in that irritation which he could never restrain whenever his will was in the slightest degree opposed. CHAPTER XXXV. Napoleou an-ives in Spain ; the Frencli successful eveiy where ; Sir Jolin Moore's Retreat ; Napo- leon leaves Spain; Austria declares War; Napoleon heads his Army in Germany; Austrian Disasters; Vienna taken. The emperor, enraged at the first positive disgraces which had ever befallen his arms, and foreseeing that unless the Spanish insurrection were crushed ere the Patriots had time to form a regular government and to organize their armies, the succours of England, and the growing discontents of Germany, might invest the task with insurmountable difficulties, determined to cross the Pyrenees in person, at the head of a force capable of sweeping the whole Peninsula clear before him. Hitherto no mention of the unfortunate occurrences in Spain had been made in any pub- lic act of his government, or suffered to transpire in any of the French journals. It was now necessary to break this haughty silence. The emperor announced, accordingly, that the peasants of Spain had rebelled against their king; that treachery had caused the ruin of one corps of his army ; and that another had been forced, by the English, to evacuate Portugal: demanding two new conscriptions, each of eighty thousand men — which were of course granted without hesitation. Recruiting his camps on the German side, and in Italy, with these new levies, he now ordered his veteran troops, to the number of two hundred thou- sand, including a vast and brilliant cavalry, and a large body of the Imperial Guards, to be drafted from those frontiers, and marched through France towards Spain. On his return from the conference at Erfurt, which had ter- minated on the 14th of October, Napoleon opened in person, on the 24th, the sittings of the legislative session in Paris ; and two days after he left that capital to take the command of the armies in Spain, and reached Bayonne on the 3d of November. He 32* 378 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, remained there for a few days, directing the movements of the last columns of his advancing armies, and on the 8th arrived at Vittoria. He immediately obtained a detailed report of the posi- tion of the French and Spanish armies, and instantly drew up a plan for the prosecution of the war ; and in a few hours the whole machinery of his intended operations was put in motion. The presence of Napoleon every where restored victory to the French standards, and in less than two months he had cleared the Penin- sula of any opposing force, and obliged the English army, under Sir John Moore, to make a precipitate retreat upon Corunna. Napoleon, after enjoying the sight of an English army in full retreat, no longer considered it worthy of his own attention, but entrusted the consummation of its ruin to Soult ; and immediately proceeded to Paris with his utmost speed. The cause of this sudden change of purpose and extraordinary haste was a sufficient one ; and ere long it transpired. It was in the midst of the operations of the Spanish war that Napoleon learned that Austria had, for the first time, raised the landwehre. I obtained the most certain information that Austria was preparing for war, and that orders had been issued, in all directions, to collect and put in motion all the resources of that powerful monarchy. I communicated these particulars to the French government, and strongly suggested the necessity of increased vigilance and precautionary measures. Preceding aggressions, particularly that of 1805, were not to be forgotten. It is probable that similar information was furnished from other quarters. Be that as it may, the emperor committed the military operations in Spain to his generals, and set out for Paris, where he arrived at the end of January, 1809. He had been in Spain only since the beginning of November, and though the insurgent troops were defeated, the inhabitants, still unsubdued, show^ed themselves more and more uniavourable to Joseph's cause, and it did not appear A'^ery probable that he would ever seat himself tranquilly on the throne of Madrid. Before commencing a relation of what came to my knowledge respecting the German campaign which was about to begin, I must be permitted to refer back to one of the most important events preceding it. When speaking of the interview at Erfurt, it will be remembered that I alluded to a somewhat ambiguous letter transmitted from the Emperor Francis to Napoleon. The answer to this letter, which I purposely omitted in its proper place, that it might serve as an introduction to the events of 1809, seemed to be written in the spirit of prophecy, clearly pointing out what actually took place in that year. It was in the following terms : MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 379 "Sire, MY Brother: I thank your royal and imperial majesty for the letter you have been so good as to write me, transmitted by Baron Vincent. I have never doubted the upright intentions of your majesty, but I was not the less fearful, for the moment, that hostilities would be renewed between us. There ia, at Vienna, a fac- tion which affects alarm in order to drive your cabinet to violent measures, which would entail misfortunes greater than those which are past. I had it in my power to dismember your majesty's monarchy, or at least to diminish its power. I did not do 80. It exists, as it is, by my consent. This is the best proof that our accounts are settled, and that I have no wish to injure you. I am always ready lo guarantee the integrity of your monarchy ; I will never do any thing adverse to the important inter- ests of your state. But your majesty ought not to bring again under discussion, what a war of fifteen years had settled. You ought to avoid every proclamation or act calculated to provoke hostility. The last levy in mass might have had this effect, if I had apprehended that the levy and preparations were made in conjunction with Russia. I have just disbanded the camp of the confederation. I have sent one hun- dred thousand men to Boulogne, to renew my projects against England. I had rea- son to believe, when I had the happiness of seeing your majesty, and had concluded the treaty of Presburg, that our disputes were terminated for ever, and that I might undertake the maritime war without interruption. I beseech your majesty to distrust those who, by speaking of the dangers of the monarchy, disturb your happiness, and that of your family and people. Those persons alone are dangerous: they create the dangers they pretend to fear. By a straightforward, plain, and ingenuous line of con- duct, your majesty will render your people happy; will yourself enjoy that tranquillity which, after so many troubles, you must doubtless require ; and will be sure of ever finding me disposed to abstain from whatever might be injurious to your best interests. Let your conduct bespeak confidence, and you will inspire it. The best policy at the present time Is simplicity and truth. Confide to me whatever troubles may distress you, and J will instantly banish them. Will your majesty allow me to make one observation more? Listen to your own judgment — your own feelings; they are much more correct than those of your advisers. I beseech your majesty to read my letter in the same spirit in which it is written, and to see nothing in it which has not for its object the welfare and tranquillity of Europe and your majesty." From this letter of Napoleon, I had no doubt that a new war would soon ensue between France and Austria. The tone of superiority assumed by Napoleon, as if he had been writing to one of the princes subject to his Confederation of the Rhine, was, indeed, of a nature to irritate the wounded pride of the heir of the Cassars. The cabinet of Vienna was also attacked in a manner calculated to irritate all its members against Napoleon. Illusion, however, that last resource of misfortune, appeared in a seducing form before the eyes of Austria. True, she had been conquered once, but it did not therefore follow that she should be conquered again. She might recover what she had lost, and the war which Napoleon was obliged to maintain, at an immense expense of men and money, in the Peninsula, gave her chances of success which she had not possessed on the former occasion, when England alone was at war with France; and when, above all, England had not, as she had at that moment, a part of Europe where she could employ her land forces against the power of Napoleon. Whether undesignedly, or from a wish that, in the 380 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. new war about to take place, it might evidently appear that he was not the aggressoi', Napoleon suffered himself to be anticipated. The Emperor Francis, however, notwithstanding the instiga- tions of his counsellors, hesitated about taking the first step; but at length, yielding to the open solicitations of England, and the secret insinuations of Russia, and, above all, seduced by the sub- sidies of Great Britain, he declared hostilities, not at first against France, but against her allies of the Confederation of the Rhine. On the 9th of April, Prince Charles, who was appointed com- mander-in-chief of the Austrian troops, addressed the following note to the commander-in-chief of the French army in Bavaria: "In conformity with a declaration made by his majesty the Emperor of Austria to the Emperor Napoleon, I hereby apprise the general-in-chief of the French army that I have orders to advance with my troops, and to treat as enemies all who oppose me." A courier carried a copy of this declaration to Strasburg with the utmost expedition, from which place it was transmitted by telegraph to Paris. The emperor, surprised, but not disconcerted by this intelligence, received it at St. Cloud on the 11th of April, and two hours after he was on his road to Germany. The com- plexity of affairs in which he was then engaged seemed to give a fresh impulse to his activity. When he reached the army (neither the troops nor his guard having been able to keep up with him), he placed himself at the head of the Bavarian regiments, thus adopting, as it were, the soldiers of Maximilian. Six days after his departure from Paris, the army of Prince Charles, which had passed the Inn, was threatened. The emperor's head-quarters were at Donawerth, and from thence he addressed to his soldiers one of those energetic and concise proclamations, which made them perform so many prodigies. This complication of events could not but be fatal to Europe and to France, whatever might be the results, but it afforded an opportunity favourable to the development of the emperor's genius. As his favourite poet, Ossian, loved best to tune his lyre to the noise of the roaring tempest. Napoleon, in like manner, required political tempests and opposing elements to display his wonderful abilities. During the campaign of 1809, and more especially at its com- mencement, Napoleon's course was even more rapid than it had been in the campaign of 1805. Every courier who arrived at Hamburg, brought us news, or rather prodigies. As soon as the emperor was informed of the attack made by the Austrians upon Bavaria, orders were despatched to all the generals having troops under their command to proceed with the utmost expedition to the theatre of war. The Prince of Ponte-Corvo was summoned to MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 381 the grand army with the Saxon troops under his command, and temporarily resigned the government of the Hanse Towns. I shall not enter into any longer details respecting the second campaign of Vienna than I did of the first, and the campaign of Tilsit. I shall confine myself, as before, to relating such informa- tion ,as I obtained at Hamburg, where my functions always became more difficult whenever any fresh movement took place in Ger- many. I can declare, that in 1809 it required all the promptitude of the emperor's march upon Vienna, to defeat the conspiracies which were formed against his government; for, in the event of his arms being unsuccessful, the blow was ready to be struck. England had entertained the project of an expedition in the north of Germany, and her forces there already amounted to about ten thousand men. The Archduke Charles had formed the plan of concentrating in the middle of Germany a large body of troops, consisting of the corps of General Am Eude, of General Radiz- wowitz, and of the English, with whom were to be joined the people who were expected to rise on their approach. But all the attempts and contrivances of England on the continent were fruitless ; for with the emperor's new system of war, w hich con- sisted in making a push on the capital, he soon obtained negotia- tions for peace. He was master of Vienna before England had even organized the expedition to which I have just alluded. He left Paris on the 11th of April, was at Donawerth on the 17th, and on the 23d he was master of Ratisbonne. In the engagement which preceded his entrance into that town. Napoleon was wounded in the heel. The injury, however, was too shght to cause him to leave the field of battle for a moment. Between Donawerth and Ratisbonne also was affected that bold and skil- ful manoeuvre by which Davoust gained and merited the title of Prince of Eckmuhl. At this period, it seemed as if fortune was so allied to Napoleon's arms, that she took pleasure even in realizing his boasting predic- tions; for, within a month after his proclamation to that effect, the French troops did really make their entry into the Austrian capital. Rapp, who, during the campaign of Vienna, had resumed his duties as aid-de-camp, related to me one of those striking remarks of Napoleon, which, when his words are compared with the events that followed them, would almost appear to indicate a foresight of his future destiny. The emperor, when within a few days' march of Vienna, procured a guide to explain to him the names of every village, or ruin, however insignificant, that pre- sented itself on his road. The guide pointed to an eminence, on 383 - MEMOtllS OF N.ArOLKON BONArARTE. ^vhioll were still Ansible a few remaining vestiges of an old for- tified castle. " Those," said the guide, " are the ruins of the castle of Dievustein." Napoleon suddenly stopped, and remained for some time silently contemplating the ruins, then turning to Mar- shal Lannes, who was with him, he said, "See! yonder is the prison of Richard Cann* de Lion. He, too, like us, went to Syria and Valestine. But Canu" de Lion, my brave Lannes, was not more brave than you. He was more fortunate than I at St. Jean d'Acre. A Duke of Austria sold him to an emperor of Germany, who shut him up in yonder castle. Those were the days of bar- barism. How diflerent the civilization of our own times! The world has seen how I treated the Emperor of Austria, whom I might have imprisoned — and I would treat him so again. 1 take no credit to myself for this. In the present an;e, crowned heads must be respected. A conqueror imprisoned!" A few days after, the emperor was at the gates of Vienna, but on this occasion his access to that capital was not so easy as it had been rendered in 1805, by the ingenious bravado of Lannes. The Archduke IMaximilian, who was shut up in the capital, wished to defend it. although the French army already occupied the prin- cipal suburbs. In vain were Hags of truce sent one alter the other to the archduke. They were not only sent back unheard, but were even ill-treated, and one of them was almost killed by the populace. The city Avas then bombarded, and was fast becoming a prey to the flames, when the emperor, hearing that one of the archduchesses remained in Vienna, on account of ill- health, ordered the flring to cease. Singularly capricious were the events of Napoleon's destiny — this archduchess was no other than Maria Louisa! Vienna at length opened her gates to Napoleon, who. for some days, took up his residence at Schoen- brunn. He lost no time in addressing the following proclamalion to his troops: " SoLinEKs ! One month after the eneiny passed the Inn, on the same day, and at the sanie hour, we have entered Vienna ! Her landwehres, her levies in mass, her ramparts, created by the impotent fury of the princes of the house of Lorraine, have vanislied at your approacli. The princes of thai house have abandoned their capital, not like honourable warriors, yieldinsi; to the circumstances of war. but like perjurers, pursued by their own remorse. In tlyini; iVom Vienna, their farewell to its inhabitants were murder and contlagration. Like Medea, they have, with their own hands, mas- sacred their children." Who would have believed that, after the manner in which Napoleon had spoken of the Emperor of Austria in this proclama- tion, he would finish the campaign with a proposal to marry his daughter? I had always been of opinion, that this propensity of Bonaparte, to abuse his enemies in these public addresses, was, to MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 383 say the least of it, impolitic, and by no means added to his rep- utation. And if it be remarked, that I am at pains to present Napoleon's proclamations to the reader, and say nothing with regard to his bulletins, the reason is this — his proclamations were founded on truth, almost to their prophecies, which, however, were not always realized like that of his entrance into Vienna. Their groundwork was the great historical events which had taken place before the eyes of the army to which they were addressed; while his bulletins, which were intended to impose on the people of the interior of France, and foreign countries, too fully justified the proverb, "to lie like a bulletin." As Bourrienne has given none of the military details of this rapid and decisive campaign, we supply the following short abstract: "On the 6th of April, Austi'ia declared war; and on the 9th, the Archduke Charles, generalissimo of armies which are said to have been recruited, at this period, to the amount of nearly five hundred thousand men, crossed the Inn at the head of six corps, each consisting of thirty thousand ; Napoleon, having so great an army in Spain, could not hope to oppose numbers such as these to the Austrians ; but he trusted to the rapid combinations which had so often enabled him to baffle the same enemy ; and the instant he ascertained that Bavaria was invaded by the Archduke Charles, he assumed the command on the 13th, and immedi- ately formed the plan of his campaign. " He found the two wings of his army, the one under Massena, the other under Davoust, at such a distance from the centre, that, if the Austrians had seized the opportunity, the consequences might have been fatal. On the 17th of April, he commanded Davoust and Massena to march simultaneously towards a position in front, and then pushed for- ward the centre, in person, to the same point. The Archduke Lewis, who commanded two Austrian divisions in advance, was thus hemmed in unexpectedly by three armies, moving at once from three different points ; defeated and driven back, at Abensberg, on the 20th ; and utterly routed, at Landshut, on the 21st. Here the archduke lost nine thou- sand men, thirty guns, and all his stores. "Next day Bonaparte executed a variety of movements, by means of which he brought his whole force, by different routes, at one and the same moment upon the position of the Archduke Charles. That prince was strongly posted at Eckmuhl, with full one hundred thousand men. Napoleon charged him at two in the afternoon ; the battle was stern, and lasted till nightfall, but it ended in a complete overthrow. The Aus- trians, besides their loss in the field, left in Napoleon's hands twenty thousand prisoners, fifteen colours, and the greater part of their artillery ; and retreated in utter disorder upon Ratisbonne. " Thus, in five days, in spite of inferiority of numbers, did the emperor triumph over the main force of his opponent. 3S4 MEMOIRS OF NAVOLKOX liOXAl'AUTE, " He reviewed his army on the 24th, distributing rewards of all sorts with a lavish hand, and, among others, bestowing the title of Duke of Eckmuhl on Davoust ; forthwith eomnieneed his march upon Vieima; and on the 9th of IVlay appeared before the walls of the capital. On the 10th a capitulation was signed, the French troops took possession of the city, and Napoleon once more established his head-qua rtcr.s hi jhe imperial palace of Schoenbrunu. "Napoleon knew that unless lie concluded the main contest soon, the national spirit of dermany would kindle a general ilame from the Rhine to the Elbe: and he, theretore, desired fervently that the Austrian generalissimo might be tempted to quh the fastnesses of Boiiemia, and try once more the fortune of a battle. "The Arcluluke Charles, having rt^established the order and recruited the numbers of his army, had anticijnited these wishes of his enemy, and was already posted on the opposite bank of the Danube, whicli river, being greatly swollen, and all the bridges destroyed, seemed to divide the two camps, as by an impassable barrier. "Napoleon determined to pass it ; and on the '2(Mh of JMay made good his passage, by means of a bridge oi' boats, to the left bank of the Dan- ube ; where he took possession of the villages of Asperne and Essling. ''On the Olst. at day-break, the archduke appeared on a rising ground, separated fixan the French position by an extensive plain ; his whole force divided into live heavy columns, and protected by not les*; than two hundred pieces of artillery. The battle began at tour P. jM. with a furious assault on the village of Asperne : which was taken and retaken several times, and remained at nightfall in the occupation, partly of the Fi-ench. and partly of the assailants. "Next morning the battle recommenced with equal fury: the Fi'ench recovered the church of Asperne; but the Axistrian right wing renewed their assaults on that point with more and more vigour, and in such numbers, that Napoleon guessed the centre and letl had been weakened for the purpose of strengthening the right. Upon this he instantly moved such masses, ai echenon, on the Austrian centre, that the archduke's line was shaken ; and for a moment it seemed as if victory was secure. "At this critical moment, by means of Austrian tire-ships suddenly sent down tlie swollen and rapid river, the bridge connecting the island of Lobau with the right bank was wholly swept away. Bonaparte per- ceived that if he wished to preserve his communications with the right of the Danube, where his reserve still lay, he must instantly tall back on Lobau ; and no sooner did his troops connnence their backward nioveujent, than the Austrians recovered their order and zeal, charged in turn, and tinally made themselves masters of Asperne. Essling, where Massena commanded, held firm, and under the protection of that village and numerous batteries erected near it, Napoleon succeeded in with- drawing his whole tbrce during the night. On the morning of the CSd ihe French were cooped up in Lobau and the adjacent islands — Asperne, Essling, the >vhole left bank of the rivei', remaining in the possession of MEMOIES OF NAPOLEON BONAPAUTE. /J85 tho AusUians. On f;it.}ic;r .side o, great victory was claimed; and with equal injufitico. "On tlio -Ith of July Napoloon had at last rrjostahlishod thoroughly his communication with the right hank, and arranged the means of pass- ing to the left at a point where the archduke had made hardly any preparation for receiving him. The Austrians having rashly calculated that Asperne and l^^ssling must needs he the objects of the next contest, as of the preceding, were taken almost unawares hy his appearance in another fjuart,er. They changed their line on the instant; and occupied a position, the centre and key of which was the little town of Wagram. " Mere, on the 0th, the final and decisive hattle was fought. The archduke had extended his line over too wide a space; and this old error enabled Napoleon to ruin him by his old device of pouring the full shock of his strength on the centre. The action was long and bloody: at its close their remained twenty thousand prisoners, besides all the artillery and baggage, in the hands of Napoleon. The archduke fled in great confusion as far as Znairn, in Moravia. The Imperial Council perceived that ftirther resistance was vain : an armistice was agreed to at Znaim ; and Napoleon, returning to Schoenbrunn, continued occupied with negotiations until October. "In this fierce campaign, none more distinguished himself than Lannes, Duke of Montebello. At ilatisbonne he headed in person the storming party, exclaiming, 'Soldiers, your general has not forgotten that he was onV^e a grenadier!' At the battle of Asperne his exertions were extraordinary. He was struck, towards the close of the day, by a cannon-shot, which carried off both his legs. The surgeons, on examining the wound, declared it mortal. He answered them with angry imprecations, and called with frantic vehemence for the emperor. Napoleon came up, and witnessed the agonies of the dying marshal, who deeply regretted that he should be denied to see the end of the campaign. Thus fell Lannes, whom, for his romantic valour, the French soldiery delighted to call the Roland of the camp." — Family Library. CHAPTER XXXVI. The Papal BtatcH iinitel to Franw; Ojo liafUc ofTalavcra; Hir Arlliur Wdlftsley ; Stapn' Attempt to a«HaRBimits, caused a senatus consultuni to be issued for levying the national giuu'ds, who were divided into three corps. He also arranged his di}iloniatic atlairs, by concludinjr, in Feburary, 1812, a treaty oi' alliance. olVeusive and defensive, with Prussia, by virtue of which the two contracting powers niutnally guaranteed the integrity of their respective jiossessions, and the I'auojiean posses- sions o\ the C>tlonian l\nMe. because that prince was then at war with Russia. A similar treaty was conchuled about the beginning o\' IMarch with Austria, aiul about the end of the same month Napoleon renewed the capitulation of France and Switzerland. Determined at length to extend the bounds of his empire, or rather to avenge the mjuries which Russia had committed against his continental system. Napoleon, as was his custom, put all his allairs in order; his despatch and foresight on these occasions were little less than miraculous. Yet. before his departure for Cermany. the inllexible determination o( the jx^pe not to come to anv arrangement, occasioned him considerable anxiety. Savona did not apiHvir to him a residence sulliciently secure for such a prisoner. He was fearful lest, when all his forces were removed towards the Niemen, the English should attempt to carry otV the pope, or that the Italians, excited by the clergy, whose dissatisfac- tion was general in Italy, should stir up those religious commotions which are always fatal and dillicult to appease. With ihe view therefore oi' keeping the pope still under his control, he appointed hini his residence at Fontainbleau. and even at one time thought oi' bringing him to Paris. The emperor gave directions to M. Denon to reside at Fontain- bleau with the holy father; and in this respect evinced a degree of delicacy and attention, in allbrding his illustrious prisoner the socielv of a man whose n\anners and accomplishments were so suitable to his situation. Pius \U. soon conceived a great degree of friendship for JM. Denon, and the latter, when speaking to me of his residence with the pope, related the following anecdote: "The pope," said he, "conversed with me in the most familiar manner. He always addressed me by the appellation "my son." and seemed to take pleasure in conversing with me, especially on the subject of our Egvptian expedition, respecting which he made frequent inquiries. One dav he asked me for niy work on the "Antiquities of Egypt," anil as you are aware it is not quite orthodox on some points, and does not perfectly agree with the creation of the world according to Genesis, I at first hesitated; MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 401 but the pope inf3isted, and at length I complied with his desire. The holy father told me he had felt much interested in its perusal ; and upon my alluding to certain delicate points, he said, 'No matter, no matter, my son; all that is exceedingly curious, and certainly quite new to me.' I then," continued M. Denon, "explained to his holiness why I had hesitated to lend him the work, which, I observed, he had excommunicated, together with its author. 'Excommunicate you, my son!' exclaimed the pope, in a tone of the most aflectionate concern, 'I am very sorry for it, and I assure you I was not at all aware of it.' " M. Denon, on relating to me this anecdote, observed, that he had constant reason to admire the virtues and resignation of the holy father, but he added, that it would nevertheless have been easier to make him a martyr, than to have induced him to yield on a single point, until he should be restored to the temporal sovereignty of Rome, of which he con- sidered himself the depositary, and of which he would not endure the reproach of having willingly sacrificed. CHAPTER XXXIX. Departui'e of Napoleon and Maria-Louisa for Dresden; Napoleon and Alexander desire War; Attempt to detach Sweden from her Alliance with Russia. Having provided for the pope's residence. Napoleon set off for Dresden, accompanied by Maria-Louisa, who had expressed a wish to see her father. The expected war with Russia, the most gigantic enterprise, perhaps, that the mind of man ever conceived since the conquest of India by Alexander the Great, now absorbed universal attention, and set at naught the calculations of reason. The Manzanares was forgotten, and nothing was thought of but the Niemen, already so celebrated by the raft of Tilsit. Thither, as towards a common centre, were moving men and horses, carriages and provisions, and baggage of every description, f The ambitious hopes of the generals, and the fears of the wise, were all now directed towards Russia. The war in Spain, which was becoming more and more unfortunate, excited but feeble interest, and our most distinguished officers considered it almost a disgrace to be employed in the Peninsula. In short, it required no great foresight to tell that the period was at hand, when the French would be obliged to recross the Pyrenees. No general plan of operation was laid down for the troops, who were scattered into many separate divisions, and ' although Joseph had returned to Madrid, he had scarcely a single A A 3'4* 402 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAI'ARTB. general under his orders. Thoui:;h tlie truth was concealed from the enijvror on many subjects, he certainly was not deceived as to the situation ot' Spain in the sprint- ot' 181'J. In February, the Duke of Ivagusa had frankly infornieil him that, witliout consider- able reinforcements of men and money, no important advantages could be hoped for, since Ciudad Rodri^o and Badajoz had fallen into the hands of the English. The French were shortly after defeated at Salamanca, and Wellington entered Madrid. Tlie negotiations which Napoleon carried on with Alexander, when he yet wished to appear averse to hostilities, resembled those oratorical circumlocutions which do not, however, prevent us from coming to the conclusion we desire. The two emperors equally wished for war; the one with the view of consolidating his power, and the other in the hope of freeing himself from a yoke which had become a species of vassalage; for it was little short oi' it to require a power like Russia to close her ports against England, merely to favour the interests of France. At this period tiiere were but two European powers not tied to Napoleon's fate — Sweden and Turkey. AVith these powers, such near neighbours of Russia, Napoleon was anxious to form an alliance. With respect to Sweden, his efforts were vain; and though, in tact, Turkey was then at war with Russia, yet the Grand Seignior was uot now, as at the time of Sebastiani's embassy, under the influence of France. The peace which was soon concluded at Bucharest, between Russia and Turkey, increased Napoleon's embarrassment, who was far from expecting such a result. The left of the Russian army, secured by the neutrality of Turkey, was reint'orced by Bagrafion's cOrps from Moldavia. This corps subsequently occu- pied ti\e right of the Beresina, and thus destroyed the last hope of saving the Avrecks oi' the French army, reduced as it then was one-half'. It is difficult to conceive how Turkey could have allowed the consideration of past injuries on the part of France to induce her to terminate the war with Russia, when France was attacking that power with immense forces. The Turks never had a more favourable opportuni^y for taking revenge on Russia, and, unfortunately for Napoleon, they suffered it to escape. With the' northern power Napoleon was not more successful. In vain were his overtures addressed to the prince whose fortune he liad made — who was allied to his family — but with whom he had never been on terms of good imderstanding. The Emperor Alexander had a considerable" body of troops in Finland, destined to protect that country against the Swedes — Napoleon having con- sented to that occupation, in order to gain the provisional consent of Alexander to the invasion of Spain." What was the course pm-- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 403 sued by Napoleon, when, being at war with Russia, he wished to detach Sweden from her alliance with Alexander? He intimated to Bernadotte, that he had a sure opportunity of retaking Finland; a conquest which would be glorious to himself, gratifying to his sub- jects, and the certain means of winning their attachment to him. By this alliance, Napoleon wished to force Alexander to maintain his troops in the northern part of his empire, and even to augment their numbers, in order to cover Finland and St. Petersburgh. It was thus that Napoleon endeavoured to draw the prince royal into his coalition. Napoleon cared little whether Bernadotte should succeed or not. The Emperor Alexander would have been obliged to increase his force in Finland, and that was all Napoleon desired. In the gigantic struggle in which France and Russia were about to engage, the most trivial alliance was not to be neglected. But in the month of January, 1812, Davoust had invaded Swedish Poraerania, without any declaration of war, and without any appa- rent motive. Was this inconceivable violation of territory likely to dispose the Prince Royal of Sweden to the proffered alliance, even had that alliance not been adverse to the interests of his country? That was impossible, and Bernadotte took the part that was expected of him. He rejected the offers of Napoleon, and prepared for coming events. Alexander, on his side, was desirous of withdrawing his forces from Finland, in order to make a more effectual resistance to the immense army which threatened his states. Unwilling to expose Finland to an attack on the part of Sweden, he had an interview on the 28th of August, 1812, at Abo, with the prince royal, for the purpose of effecting an arrangement and a union of interests. I know that the Emperor of Russia promised Bernadotte that, happen what might, he should not be involved in the fate of the new dynasties; that he would guarantee the possession of his throne, and that he should have Norway as a compensation for Finland. He even went so far as to hint that he might eventually supersede Napoleon. Such promises had the desired effect. Ber- nadotte adopted all the propositions of Alexander, and from that naoment Sweden made common cause against Napoleon. 404 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. CHAPTER XL. Reflections on Polimd; Disasters in Russia; jraTlet's Conspiracy; Motives of Napoleon's Return to Paris; his Exertions to repair his Losses ; War still resolved on. It has been a question frequently and warmly discussed, whether Bonaparte, previous to undertaking his last campaign, had resolved on restoring her independence to Poland. Facts will but prove that Bonaparte, as emperor, never formed the decided intention of reestablishing the old kingdom of Poland, although at a previous period he was fully convinced of its necessity. He may have said that he would do so. but I must beg leave to say that this atibrds no reason for believing that such was his real intention. On Xapoleon's arrival in Poland, the Diet of Warsaw, convinced, as it had reason to be, of the emperor's sentiments, declared the kingdom free and independent. The difierent treaties of dismem- berment were pronounced to be null, and unquestionably the Diet, relying upon Napoleon's support, had a right so to act. But the address it sent up to the emperor, in which these principles were declared, was but ill-received. His answer was ambiguous and inde- cisive, nor could his motive be blamed. To secure the alliance of Austria against Russia, he had just guaranteed to his lather-in-law the integrity of his dominions. Napoleon, therefore, declared that he could take no part in any movement or resolution tending to dis- turb Austria in the possession of the Polish provinces forming part of her empire. To act otherwise, he said, would be to sepai'ate himself from his alliance with Austria, and to tlu'ow her into the arms of Russia. But. with regard to the Polish-Russian provinces. Napoleon declared that he would see what could be done, should Providence prosper their good cause. The character of Bonaparte presents many most unaccountable inconsistencies. Although the most positive man that, perhaps, ever existed, yet there never was one who more readily yielded to the chanii of illusion. In many circumstances, the wish and the reality were to him one and the same thing. But never did he indulge in greater illusions than at the beginning of the campaign of ]Moscow. The burning of then- towns and villages seemed a suiiicient proof that the Russians wished to allure us into the heart of their empne. It was the opinion of all sensible people, even before the commencement of those disasters which accompanied the most fatal retreat recorded in history, that the emperor ought to have passed the winter of lSl'2-13 in Poland, and have resumed his vast enterprises in the spring. But his natui-al impatience ur2;ed him forward as it were unconsciouslv. and he seemed to be MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. '40'5 under the influence of an invisible demon, stronger even than his own will : this demon was ambition. He, who knew so well the value of time, never sufficiently understood its power, and how much is often-times gained by delay. And yet he might have learned from Caesar's Commentaries, which were his favourite study, that Ceesar did not conquer Gaul in one campaign. Another delusion by which Napoleon was misled, during the campaign of Moscow, and which past experience might render in some degree excusable, was the belief that the Emperor Alexander would propose peace, when he saw him at the head of his army on the Russian territory. But the burnjng of Moscow soon convinced him that it w^as a war of extermination ; and the conqueror, so long accustomed to receive overtures from his vanquished enemies, had now the deep mortifi- cation to see his own, for the first time, rejected. The prolonged stay of Bonaparte at Moscow cannot otherwise be accounted for, than by supposing that the Russian cabinet would change its opin- ion, and consent to treat for peace. However that may be, Napo- leon, after his long and useless stay at Moscow, left that ruined city, with the design of taking up his winter-quarters in Poland; but Fate now declared against him, and, in that dreadful retreat, the very elements seemed leagued with the Russians to destroy the most formidable army ever commanded by one chief. To find a catastrophe in history comparable to that of the Beresina, we must go back to the destruction of the legions of Varres. Notwithstanding the general gloom which hung over Paris, the distresses of some, and the forebodings of others, that capital con- tinued tranquil, when, by a singular chance, on the very day on which Napoleon evacuated the burning city of Moscow, Mallet attempted his extraordinary enterprise. This general, who had always professed republican principles, and was a man of much energy of character, after having been imprisoned for some time, obtained permission from government to live in Paris, in a hospital- house, situated near the Barriere du Trone. This hair-brained adventurer conceived the idea of overthrowing Napoleon's empire, and establishing a popular form of government. But what power had Mallet ? what could he do to effect this ? Absolutely nothing ; and had his government continued three days, chance must have been more favourable to him than he could reasonably have expected. He affirmed that the emperor had been killed in Russia, but the first post that arrived from that country would at once con- found both Mallet and his proclamations. In short, his enterprise was quite that of a madman. The nation was much too weary of agitation to throw itself into the arms of Mallet and his associate, Lahorie, who had figured so disgracefully on the trial of Moreau. ■ion Mr.MoiUi? or naimit.eon bonapahtb. Yot. in spite of the ovidont impossibility of" success, it must lie cou- tesseil, that considerable ingenuity ai\d address were en\ployed in the commencement o( this silly conspiracy. On the '2'2d of October, IMallet escaped from the hospital-house, and sent for Colonel Soulier, who conu\ianded the tenth cohort of the natitnial guard, whose barracks were situated immediately behind the hospital. So far all went well. Mallet was provided with a bundle of forged orders, drawn up and signed by himself. Tie announced himself to Soulier under the name of General La IMotle. auil saitl that he came from General IMallet. Colonel Soulier, on being informed o\' the empenVs death, burst into tears, and gave innnediate directions to the adjutant to assemble the cohort, and obey the orders of General La IMotte; to whom he apologized for being obliged, on account of his health, to remain in bed. It was then two o'clock in the morning, and the I'orged documents, respecting the emperor's death, and the new form of government, were read to the troops bv the light of the lan\ps. ]\L\llet then hastily set ofl' with twelve lunulred men to the prison of La Fiirce. and liberated the Sieurs Guidal and Tiahorie. who were confmed there. IMallet informed them of the emperor's death and the change of government ; gave them some instructions, and appointed then\ to meet him at the Hotel de "N'^ille. In consequence of his directions, the minister and prefect of police wei-e arrested in their hotel. 1 was then at Courbevoie. and on that very morning went to Paris, as I t'requently did. to breakfast with the minister of police. IMy surprise may be imagined, when 1 learned trom the porter that the Puke ot l\ovigi-> had been arrested, and conveyed to the prison of La Force. 1 made my way. however, into the house, and was int'ormed. to my great astonishment, that the ephemeral minister was being measured for his new suit of oilice — an act so completely characteristic of the conspirator, that I saw at once how matters really stood. The minister of war was also arrestctl. and IMallet himself repaired to General ITulin. who had the command of Paris. He told him that he was commissioned bv the minister of police to arrest him. and seal his papers, itulin demanded to see the orders, and then entered his cabinet, into which IMallet followed him; and just as Hulin was turning round to speak to him. lie fired a pistol in his face. Hulin tell. The ball entered his cheek, but the wound was not mortal. It is not a little remarkable, that the captain whom IMallet had ordered to follow him. and who accompanied him to Hulin's. took no part in these proceedings, which he seemed to consider quite as a n\atter of course; and MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 407 Mallet proceeded with the utmost composure to the Adjutant- general Doucet's. It happened that one of the inspectors of the police was there. He recognised Mallet as being a man under his own surveillance; and, telling him he had no right to leave the hospital without his knowledge, ordered his immediate arrest. Mallet, perceiving that all was lost, endeavoured to draw a pistol from his pocket; but the act being observed, he was seized and disarmed, together with his three attendants. Thus terminated this extraordinary conspiracy, for which fourteen individuals suf- fered death, though, with the exception of Mallet, Guidal, and Lahorie, the rest were but passive machines or dupes. This event produced but little sensation in Paris, for the enter- prise and its result were made known almost at the same instant. But the wits amused themselves greatly at the idea of the minister and prefect of police being imprisoned by the men who, only the day before, were their prisoners. The next day I went to see Savary, whom I found scarcely yet recovered from the stupefac- tion caused by his extraordinary adventure. He was aware that his imprisonment, though it had lasted only half an hour, afforded a topic for the jests of the Parisians. The emperor, as I have already mentioned, left Moscow on the very day of Mallet's audacious enterprise, and was at Smolensko when he heard the news. Rapp was present when Napoleon received the despatches containing an account of what had hap- pened in Paris. He informed me that Napoleon was greatly agitated on perusing them, and vented his anger against the inefficiency and negligence of the police. "Is it come to this, then!" said he; "is my power so insecure as to be endangered by a single individual, and he a prisoner? It would seem that my crown sits but loosely on my head, if, in my own capital, the bold stroke of three adventurers can shake it. Rapp, misfortune never comes alone: this is an appropriate finish to what is passing here. I cannot be every where, but I must go back to Paris ; my pres- ence there is indispensable to reanimate public opinion. I must have men and money: — great successes and great victories will repair all : I must set off." Such were the motives which induced the emperor to leave his army so precipitately. It is not without indignation that I have heard that departure attributed, by some, to cowardice and fear. Napoleon a coward! they know nothing of his character who say so. Tranquil in the midst of danger, he was never more happy than on the field of battle. On leaving Moscow, Napoleon consigned the wreck of his army to the care of his experienced generals : to Murat, who had so nobly com- manded the cavalry, but who abandoned the army to return to 408 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Naples; and to 'Nej, the Hero, rather than the Prince, of the Moskowa, whose name will be immortal in the annals of glor}^, as his death will be eternal in the annals of party revenge. Amid the general disorder, Eugene, more than any other chief, main- tained a sort of discipline among the Italians ; and it was remarked that the troops of the south, engaged in the fatal campaign of Moscow, endured the rigour of the cold better even than the men who were natives of less sunnj^ climes. The return of Napoleon from Moscow was not like his return from the campaigns of ^'"ienna and Tilsit, when he came back crowned with laurels, and bringing peace as the reward of his triumphs. From this period, he threw off even the semblance of legality in tlie measures of his government : he assumed arbitrary power, imagining that the critical circumstances in which he was placed would be a sufficient excuse. But, however inexplicable were the means to which the emperor had recourse to procure resources, it is but just to acknowledge that they were the natural consequence of his system of government, and that he evinced almost inconceivable activity in repairing his losses, so as to place himself in a situation to resist his enemies, and restore victory to his banners. Obedience followed his mandates; but who shall describe the distresses they occasioned throughout his vast empire? Conscriptions were enforced even after substitutes had been pro- cured at enormous sacrifices. In one instance, no less a sum than fifteen thousand francs was given for a discharge from the guard of honour, which was raised about this period for the protection of Napoleon's person. But, in spite of all Napoleon's strenuous efforts, the disasters of the Russian campaign were every day more and more sensibly felt. The King of Prussia, in joining France, had played a part which betrayed his weakness, instead of openly declaring himself for the cause of Russia, which w^as also his own. Then took place the defection of General Yorck, who commanded the Prus- sian contingent to Napoleon's army in Marshal IMacdonald's divi- sion. The King of Prussia, though no doubt secretly pleased w'ith the conduct of General Yorck, had him formally tried and condemned; and yet a short time after that sovereign commanded in person the troops which had turned against us. The defection of the Prussians produced a very ill effect. It w^as a signal which could leave no doubt as to the disposition of our German allies, and it w'as easy to perceive that this defection would be followed by others. Napoleon quickly foresaw that this event was indica- tive of fatal chances for the future, and in consequence assembled a privy council, consisting of the ministers of state and some of MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 409 the grand officers of his household. M. de Talleyrand, Camba- ceres, and the president of the senate were present. Napoleon asked whether, in the complicated difficulties of our situation, it would be most advisable to negotiate for peace, or to prepare for a new war? Cambaceres and Talleyrand gave their opinion in favour of peace, which, however, Napoleon would never hear of after a defeat ; but the Duke de Feltre, knowing how to touch the susceptible chord of Bonaparte's heart, said that he should con- sider the emperor dishonoured if he consented to give up the smallest village which had been united to the empire by a decree of the senate. This opinion was adopted, and the war continued. The powers with whom Bonaparte was most intimately allied separated from him, as he might have expected, and Austria was not the last to imitate the example set by Prussia. In these difficult circumstances, the emperor, who for some time past had noticed the talent and address of the Count Louis de Narbonne, sent him to Vienna to replace M. Otto; but the pacific propositions of M. de Narbonne were not listened to. Austria would not let slip so fair an opportunity of taking a safe revenge. Napoleon now saw clearly, that since Austria had abandoned him, and refused her contingent, he should soon have all Europe in arms against him. But even this did not intimidate him. Some of the princes of the Confederation of the Rhine still remained faithful to him; and his preparations being completed, he proposed to resume in person the command of the army, which had been reproduced as it were by miracle. Before his departure, Napoleon appointed the Empress Maria- Louisa as regent, with a council of regency to assist her. CHAPTER XL L Discontent in France and the Provinces ; Hambui'g evacuated ; is occupied by the Cossacks ; Napo- leon's new Ai-my ; Reoccupation of Hamburg ; Coiigi'ess at Prague. A LONG time before Napoleon left Paris to join his army, the bulk of which was in Saxony, partial insurrections had occurred in many places. Although he had built a new city in La Vendue, to which he gave the name of Napoleon-town, the troubles in La Vendee were still spoken of It is true, these related to obscure rumours that excited no great attention, and the interior of old France was still in a state of tranquillity. Far otherwise was it in the provinces annexed by force to the extremities of the empire, particularly in the north, and in the unfortunate Hanse 35 410 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Towns, for which, since mv residence at Hamburg, I have always felt the greatest interest. The intelligence of the march of the Russian and Prussian troops, who were descending the Elbe, increased the agitation which prevailed in Westphalia, Hanover, Mecklenburg, and Pomerania. Advantage was every where taken of our reverses, and, in consequence, all the French troops cantoned between Berlin and Hamburg, including those who occupied the shores of the Baltic, fell back upon Hamburg. Reports of the most exaggerated nature now announced the approach of a Russian corps. A retreat was immediately ordered, which was executed on the 1 2th of March. General Cara Saint- Cyr having no money for the troops, helped himself out of the municipal chest. He left Hamburg at the head of the troops and men whom he had taken from the custom-house service. He was escorted by the town-guard, which protected him from the insults of the populace, and heartily glad were the Hamburgers to be well rid of their guests. This sudden retreat excited the indignation of Napoleon, and he accused General Saint- Cyr of pusillanimity, in an article inserted in the Moniteur, and afterwards copied by his order into all the journals. It would, indeed, be difficult to exculpate Saint-Cyr in the eyes of impartial observers, for had he been better informed, and less easily alarmed, he might have kept Hamburg, and prevented its temporary occupation by the enemy; to dislodge whom, it was necessary two months after- wards to lay siege to the city. The whole blame of this transac- tion was cast upon General Saint-Cyr, who, in fact, was betrayed by his perfidious and cowardly advisers. In the month of x\ugust all negotiation was broken oif with Austria, though that power, with its usual fallacious policy, still continued to protest fidelity to the cause of Napoleon, until the moment that her preparations were completed, and her resolution made. But if there were duplicity at Vienna, were there not folly and blindness in the cabinet of the Tuileries? Could we reasonably rely upon Austria? Without a single remonstrance, she had seen the Russian army pass the Vistula, and advance as far as the Saale. At that moment, a single movement of her troops, a word of declaration, would have prevented every thing. But as she would not interfere when she might have done so with certainty and safety, was there not, I repeat, a most extraordinary degree of folly and blindness in the cabinet which witnessed this conduct, and did not understand it? I again turn to the relation of those misfortunes which still afflicted the north of Germany, and Hamburg especially. Fifteen leagues east of Hamburg, but included within its territory, is a MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 411 village called BergdorfF. It was in that village that the Cossacks were first seen. Twelve, or fifteen hundred of them arrived under the command of Colonel Tettenborn, who was detached from the main body of the Russian army, then about thirty leagues distant. Had it not been for the retreat of the French troops, amounting to three thousand, exclusive of men in the custom- house service, no attempt would have been made upon Hamburg; but the very name of the Cossacks inspired a degree of terror which every body must well remember. At four o'clock in the afternoon of the 17th of March,_ a picket of Cossacks, consisting of only forty men, took possession of a town recently flourishing, with a population of one hundred and twenty thousand, but now ruined and reduced to eighty thousand inhabitants, by the blessing of its union with the French empire. On the following day, the 18th, Colonel Tettenborn entered Ham- burg at the head of one thousand Cossack regulars. It was not until the expiration of three or four days that the small number of the allied troops was noticed, and even that number gradually diminished. On the day after the arrival of the Cossacks, a detachment was directed upon Lubeck, where they were received with the same honours as at Hamburg. Other detachments were sent to various places, and after four days' occupation, there remained in Hamburg only seventy out of twelve hundred Cossacks, two hundred irregulars included, who had entered on the 18th of March. The first care of their com- mander was to take possession of the post-office, and the treasuries of the different public offices. All the moveable effects of the French government and its agents were seized and sold ; and the officers laid their hands on whatever private property they could reach, after the true Cossack fashion. The restored Senate of Hamburg was but of short duration. It was soon discovered that the popular manifestation of hatred to the French government was somewhat premature, and the people of the Hanse Towns learned, with no small alarm, that the emperor was making immense preparations to fall upon Ger- many, where his lieutenants would not fail to take cruel revenge on such as had disavowed his authority. Before he quitted Paris, on the 15th of April, Napoleon had enrolled under his ban- ners one hundred and eighty thousand men, exclusive of the guard of honour ; and with such forces, and such ability to direct them, it was certain that he might venture on a great game — and possibly win it too. The French having advanced as far as Haarburg, took up their position on the Schwartzenberg, which commands that little town, 412 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. as well as the river itself, and the considerable islands situated in that part of it between Haarburg and Hamburg. Being masters of this elevated point, they began to threaten Hamburg, and to attack Haarburg. These attacks were directed by Vandamme; of all our generals the most dreaded in conquered countries. He was a native of Cassel, in Flanders, and had acquired a reputation by his inflexible severity. At the very time he was attacking Hamburg, Napoleon said of him at Dresden, "If I were to lose "\^andamme, I know not what I would not give to have him back again ; but if I had two Vandammes, I should be obliged to shoot one of them." It is certainly true that one was quite enough. Davoust was at Haarburg with forty thousand men, when it was agreed that the town should -be surrendered; and the French, consequently, made their entrance on the evening of the 30th of IMay, occupying the posts as quietly as if they had been merely changing guard. On the 18th of June was published an imperial decree, dated the 8th of the same month. To expiate the crime of rebellion, an extraordinary contribution of forty-eight millions of francs was imposed upon Hamburg, and Lubeck was required to contribute six millions. This enormous sum, levied on the already ruined city of Hamburg, was to be paid in the short space of a month, by six equal instalments, either in money, or bills on respectable houses in Paris. In case of default, or delay of payment, the whole moveable and immoveable eflects of the inhabitants were to be sold. In addition to this, the new prefect of Hamburg made a requisition of grain and provisions of every kind — wines, sail- cloth, masts, pitch, hemp, iron, copper, steel — in short, every thing that could be useful for the supply of the army and navy. But while these exactions were made on the property of individuals in Hamburg, at Dresden their liberties, and even their lives, were invaded. On the 15th of June, Napoleon, no doubt Winded by the false reports that were laid before him, gave orders that a list should be made of all the inhabitants of Hamburg who were absent from the city. He allowed them only a fortnight to return home, as if this short interval would be sufficient for them to come from the places where they had taken refuge. The consequence was, that many of them remained absent beyond the given time. But victims were wanting, and this measure was calculated to produce them, while it also carried terror into the bosom of every family. It was not Bonaparte, how'ever, who conceived the ini- quitous idea of seizing hostages to answer for the men whom prudence obliged to be absent. Of this I entirely clear his mern- orv. Tiie hostages were, nevertheless, taken, and were declared MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 413 to be also responsible for the payment of the contribution of the forty-eight millions. They were selected from the most respect- able and wealthy men in the city of Hamburg; some of them even eighty years of age. They were conveyed to the old castle of Haarburg, on the left bank of the Elbe; and there these men, who had been accustomed to all the comforts of life, were deprived even of necessaries, and had only straw to lie on. O, for the pen of a Juvenal to lash these enormities as they deserve! The hos- tages from Lubeck were taken to Hamburg, where they were thrown, between decks, on board of an old ship that was anchored in the port — a worthy imitation of the prison-ships of England. On the 24th of July a decree was issued, which was published in the Hamburg Correspondent on the 27th of the same month. This decree consisted merely of a proscription-list, comprising the names of some of the wealthiest men in the Hanse Towns, Hanover, and Westphalia, — convicted, it was said, of treason against France. On the 2d of May Napoleon won the battle of Lutzen. A week afterwards he was at Dresden, where he stayed only ten days, and then went in pursuit of the Russian army, which he came up with on the 19th at Bautzen. This battle, which was followed on the two succeeding days by those of Wurtchen and Ochkirchen, may thus be said to have lasted three days — a sufficient proof that it was obstinately disputed. It terminated at length in favour of Napoleon, though the advantage was dearly purchased both by him and France. General Kirschner, while speaking to Duroc, was killed by a cannon-ball, which also mortally wounded the latter in the abdomen. The moment had now arrived for Austria to prove whether or not she intended altogether to betray the cause of Napoleon. All her amicable demonstrations were limited to an offer of her inter- vention in opening negotiations with Russia. Accordingly, on the 4th of June, an armistice was concluded at Plesswitz, which was to last till the 8th of July, and was finally prolonged to the 10th of August. The first overtures, after the conclusion of the armistice of Plesswitz, determined the assembling of a congress at Prague. It was reported at the time that the allies demanded the restoration of all they had lost since 1805; that is to say, since the campaign of Ulm. In this demand were comprehended Holland and the Hanse Towns, which had become French provinces. But even then, we should have retained the Rhine, Belgium, Piedmont, Nice, and vSavoy. This proposition, reasonable as it appeared, was nevertheless impracticable ; for it depended on a man who 35* 414 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. would never consent to go back to such a state of things. The battle of Vittoria, which placed the whole of Spain at the disposal of the English, the retreat of Suchet upon the Ebro, and the fear of seeing the army of Spain annihilated, were enough to alter the opinions of those counsellors who, never hazarding their own per- sons on the field of battle, still advised a continuance of the war. At this juncture General Moreau arrived, and, it has been said, at Bernadotte's solicitation. But this is neither true nor probable. Moreau was influenced by the desire of being revenged on Napo- leon, and he found death where he could not find glory. CHAPTER XLIL Rupture of the Conferences at Prague; Defection of Jomini; Battles of Dresden and Leipsic; Prince Poniatowski killed ; Defection of Austria and Bavaria ; fresh Levy of Men ; Siege of Ham* bui'g : is defended by Davoust ; Distress of the Inhabitants. At the enji of July, the proceedings of the congress at Prague were no farther advanced than on its first assembling. Far from holding out a prospect of peace to the French nation, the emperor made a journey to Mentz ; the empress went there to see him, and returned to Paris immediately after the emperor's departure. The armistice not being renewed, it died a natural death on the 17th of August, the day appointed for its expiration. A fatal event immediately followed the rupture of the conferences. On the same day, Austria, willing to gain by war, as she had before gained by alKances, declared that she would join her forces to those of the allies. On the ' very opening of this disastrous campaign, Jomini went over to the enemy. Jomini belonged to the staff of the unfortunate Marshal Ney, who was beginning to execute with his accustomed ability the orders he had received. Public opinion has pronounce'd upon the conduct of Jomini, who deserted from our ranks at so critical a moment, the better as it would seem to advance his own interests. The first actions were the battle of Dresden, which took place seven days after the rupture of the armistice, and ' the battle in which Vandamme was defeated, and which rendered the victory of Dresden unavailing. It was at Dresden that Moreau perished. The signal once given, and Bavaria freed from the presence of the French troops, she, too, soon raised the mask, and ranged her- self among our enemies. In October was fought the battle of Leipsic, and its loss decided the fate of France. The Saxon army, which had alone remained faithful to us, went over to the MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 415 enemies' ranks during the engagement. In this battle, the fore- runner of our misfortunes, perished Prince Poniatowski, in an attempt to pass the Elster. I will take this opportunity of relating what came to my knowl- edge respecting the death of two men who were deeply and de- servedly regretted — Duroc and Poniatowski. Napoleon lamented Duroc, less from real feeling, than because he was sensible of his great utility to him. The admirable order which prevailed in the emperor's household, and in the other imperial establishments, was entirely due to him. Next to the death of Duroc, that of Poniatowski excited the greatest public sympathy during the campaign of 1813. Joseph Poniatowski, nephew of Stanislaus Augustus, King of Poland, was born at Warsaw on the 7th of May, 1763, and was present at the battle of Leipsic. He had previously been raised to the rank of marshal of France. After that battle, where five hundred thousand mei,i were engaged on the surface of^ three square leagues, retreat became indispensable. Napoleon, therefore, took leave at Leipsic of the King of Saxony and his family, whom he had brought with him from Dresden. The emperor then exclaimed, in a loud voice, "Adieu, Saxons!" to the people who filled the market-place, where the King of Saxony resided. With some difficulty, "and after threading many circuitous passages, he reached the suburb of Runstadt, leaving Leipsic by the outer gate of that suburb which leads to the bridge of the Elster, and Lindenau. The bridge blew up soon after he had passed it, thus completely cutting off the retreat of that part of the army which was on the left bank of the Elster, and which fell into the power of the enemy. Napo- leon was, at the time, accused of having ordered the destruction of the bridge immediately after he had himself passed it, in order to secure his own personal retreat, as he was threatened by the active pursuit of the enemy. This was not the fact. Before passing the bridge of the Elster, Napoleon had directed Ponia- towski, in concert with Marshal Macdonald, to cover and protect the retreat, and defend that part of the suburb of Leipsic which is nearest the Borna road. For the execution of these orders he had only two thousand Polish infantry. He was in this desperate situation when he saw the French columns in full retreat, and the bridge so choked up with their artillery and wagons, that there was no possibility of passing it. Then, drawing his sv.^ord, and turning to the officers who were near him, he exclaimed, "Here, my friends, we must fall with honour!" At the head of a small party of Cuirassiers and Polish officers, he rushed on the columns of the allies. In this action he received a ball in his left arm ; he 416 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. had already been wounded on the 14th and 16th, He, neverthe- less, pushed forward, but found the suburb filled with allied troops ; he cut his way through them, and received another wound. He then 'threw himself into the Pleisse, which is before the Elster. Aided by his officers he gained the opposite bank, leaving his horse in the Pleisse. Though greatly exhausted, he mounted another, and gained the Elster by passing through M. Reichen- bach's garden, which was situated on the side of that river. The moment was urgent — the greater part of his troops were drowned in the Pleisse and the Elster. Disregarding the steepness of the banks of the latter at that spot, the prince, wounded as he was, plunged into it, and both horse and rider were swallowed up in the stream, together with several officers who followed his exam- ple; Marshal Macdonald happily escaped. Five days after, a fisherman drew the body of the prince out of the water. On the 26th of October, it was temporarily deposited in the cemetery of Leipsic, with all the honours due to the rank of the deceased. A modest stone marks the spot where the body of the prince was taken out of the river. The body of the prince, after being embalmed, was sent iii the following year to Warsaw; and in 1816, by permission of the Emperor Alexander, it was deposited in the cathedral, among the kings and great men of Poland. The celebrated Thorwaldsen was commissioned to execute a monument for his tomb. Prince Poniatowski left no isssue but a natural son, born in 1790. That royal race, therefore, exists only in a collat- eral branch of King Stanislaus, born in 1754. When the war resumed its course, after the disaster of Leipsic, the allies determined to treat with Napoleon only in his own cap- ital, as he, two years before, had refused to treat with the Empe- ror of Austria except at Vienna. That monarch now completely threw off the mask, and declared to the emperor that he would make common cause with Russia and Prussia against him. The reason he assigned for this in his manifesto was curious enough, viz : that the more enemies there were against him, the greater would be the chance of speedily obliging him to accede to condi- tions, which would at length restore the tranquillity of which Europe stood so much in need. This declaration on the part of Austria was a matter of no trifling importance, since she had by this time raised an army of two hundred and fifty thousand men; the Confederation of the Rhine, one hundred and fifty thousand; in short, including the Swedes and the Dutch — English troops in Spain and in the Netherlands — the Danes, who had abandoned us — the Spaniards and Portuguese, whose courage and hopes were revived by our reverses — Napoleon had arrayed against MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 417 him upwards of a million of enemies. Among them, too, were the Neapolitans, with Mm'at at their head! The month of November, 1813, was fatal to the fortune of Napoleon. In all parts, the French armies were repulsed and driven back upon the Rhine, while in every direction the allied forces advanced towards that river. I had long looked upon the fall of the empire as certain, not because the foreign sovereigns had resolved on its destruction, but because I saw the impossibility of Napoleon defending himself against all Europe; and because I knew that, however desperate might be his fortune, nothing would induce him to consent to conditions which he considered disgraceful. At this period every day witnessed some new defec- tion. Even the Bavarians, the natural allies of France — they whom the emperor had led to victory at the commencement of the second campaign of Vienna — the}^ whom he had, as it were, adopted on the field of battle, were now against us, and distin- guished themselves as the most inveterate of our enemies. Even before the battle of Leipsic, the loss of which was followed by such ruinous consequences to Napoleon, he had felt the neces- sity of applying to France for a fresh levy of troops — as if France had been inexhaustible. He directed the empress-regent to make this demand, who accordingly proceeded to the senate, for the first time, in great state ; but the glories of the empire were now on the decline. Maria-Louisa obtained a levy of two hundred and eighty thousand men, w^ho were no sooner enrolled than sacrificed to the exigencies of the war. The defection of the Bavarians considera- bly augmented the difficulties experienced by the wreck of the army, w^hich had been all but annihilated at Leipsic. They had preceded us to Hanau, a town four leagues distant from Frankfort ; there they established themselves with the view of cutting off our retreat ; but French valour was roused, the little town was soon carried, and the Bavarians repulsed with considerable loss. The French armj^ then arrived at Mentz, if, indeed, the name of army can be applied to a few masses of men, destitute, dispirited, and exhausted by fatigue and privations — in a word, brutalized, as it were, by excess of misery. On their arrival at Mentz, no prepara- tions had been made for their reception, there were no provisions or supplies of any description, and, as the climax of liiisfortune, contagious diseases broke out among the soldiers. I received sev- eral letters from their commanders, and all concurred in represent- ing their situation as most dreadful. However, without reckoning the shattered remains which escaped the disasters of Leipsic, and the ravages of disease — without including the two hundred and eightv thousand men which, on the Bb 418 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. application of ]\Iana-Louisa, the senate had granted in October — the emperor still possessed one hundred and twenty thousand good troops ; but they were in the rear, scattered along the Elbe, or shut up in fortresses, such as Dantzic, Hamburg, Torgau, and Spandau. Such, therefore, was the horror of our situation, that if, on the one hand, we could not resolve to abandon them, it was, on the other, impossible to assist them. In France, the universal cry was for peace — peace — at whatever price it was to be purchased. The levy of October was followed, within a month, by another of three hundred thousand men, and it was then only that France fully understood how deep and deadly were the wounds she had received. In this state of things, it, may even be afhrmed that the year 1813 was more fatal to Napoleon than the year 1812. His own activity and the sacrifices of France succeeded in repairing the disasters of Moscow ; those of Leipsic were irreparable. After the battle of Leipsic, in which France lost for the second time a formidable army, all the powers allied against Napoleon declared, at Frankfort, on the 9th of November, that they would never break the bonds which united them; that henceforth it was not merely a continental peace, but a general peace, that would be insisted oi\ and that any negotiation not having a general peace for its object would be rejected. The allied powers declared, that France ought to be satisfied with her natural boundaries — the Rhine, the Alps, and the Pyrenees. According to these proposals, Germany, Italy, and Spain, were to be entirely withdrawn from the dominion of France. England recognised the freedom of trade and navigation, and there appeared no reason to doubt her sincerity, when she professed her willing- ness to make very considerable sacrifices for the promotion of the object proposed by the allies. But to these offers a fatal condition was added, namely, that the congress should meet in a town to be declared neutral, on the right bank of the Rhine, where the pleni- potentiaries of all the belligerent powers were to assemble ; but " the course of the war was not to be impeded by these negotiations." The Duke de Bassano, who was still minister for foreign affairs, replied, by order of Napoleon, to the overtures made by the allies for a general congress, and stated that the emperor acceded to them, and wished Manheim to be chosen as the neutral town. We shall now see the reason why these first negotiations were attended with no result. In the month of October, the allies overthrew the colossal edifice, denominated the French empire. When led by victory to the banks of the Rhine, they declared their wish to abstain from conquests, explained their intentions, and manifested an unalterable resolution not to depart from them. This deter- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 419 mination of the allies induced the French government ' to evince pacific intentions. Napoleon wished, by an apparent desire for peace, to justify, if I may so express myself, in the eyes of his sub- jects, the necessity for new sacrifices, which, according to his pro- clamations, he demanded only to enable him to obtain peace on as honourable conditions as possible. But the truth is, he was resolved not even to listen to the offers made at Frankfort. He always represented the limits of the Rhine as merely a compensation for the partition of Poland, and the immense aggrandizement of the English possessions in Asia. But his grand object was to gain time, and, if ijossible, to keep the allied armies on the right bank of the Rhine. The nation was weary of its sacrifices ; the immense levies raised, one after the other, had converted the conscription into a sort of press. The labourers of the country, and the artisans of the town, were alike dragged from their employment, and the dis- satisfaction of the people at the measures of government was loudly and boldly expressed. Still, however, they were willing to make one last effort, could they have believed that the emperor would henceforth confine his views to France alone. Napoleon sent Caulincourt to the head-quarters of the allies, but that was merely to gain time, and to induce a belief that he was favourably dis- posed to peace. The allies having learned the immense levies of troops which Napoleon was raising, and being well acquainted with the state of feeling in France, published their famous manifesto, addressed to the French people, which was profusely circulated, and which may be referred to as an important lesson to subjects who trust to the promises of governments. The good faith with which those promises were kept, may be judged of from the treaty of Paris. In the meantime, the manifesto did not a little contribute to alienate from Napoleon those who were yet faithful to his cause; for, believing in the declarations of the allies, they saw in him the sole obstacle to that peace which France so ardently desired. It was in vain, too, to levy troops — every thing essential to an army was wanting. To meet the most pressing demands, the emperor drew out thirty millions from the immense treasure which he had accumulated in the cellars and galleries of the Pavilion Marsan at the Tuileries. These thirty millions — a generous sacrifice on the part of Napoleon— were soon swallowed up. I am now arrived at the most critical period in Napoleon's career. What reflections must he have made, if he had had leisure to reflect ; if he had compared the recollections of his rising glory 420 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. with the melancholy picture of his falling fortune! How forcible the contrast, when we compare the famous flag of the army of Italy^ carried to the Directory by Bonaparte, when flushed with youth and victory, with those drooping eagles, who were now com- pelled to defend their eyrie, whence they had so often taken flight to spread their triumphant wings over Europe! How strikingly does this display the difference between liberty and absolute power ! Napoleon, the child of Liberty, to whom he owed every thing, had disowned his mother, and was now about to fall. For ever past were those glorious triumphs, when the people of Italy consoled themselves for defeat, and submitted to the magical power of that liberty, which heralded the armies of the republic. Now, on the contrary, it was to free themselves from a despot's yoke, that the nations of Europe had taken up arms, and were preparing to invade the sacred soil of France. I have already made frequent mention of the sufferings of the unhappy city of Hamburg, but these were merely the prelude to what it had still to undergo. During the campaign of 1813, the allies, after driving the French out of Saxony, and obliging them to retreat towards the Rhine, besieged Hamburg, where Davoust was shut up with a garrison of thirty thousand men, resolutely determined to make it a second Saragossa. From the month of September, every day augmented the number of the allied troops, who were already making rapid progress on the left bank of the Elbe. Davoust endeavoured to fortify Hambiu'g on so extended a scale, that, in the opinion of the most experienced military men, it would have required a garrison of sixty thousand men to defend it in a regular and protracted siege. At the commencement of the siege, Davoust lost Vandamme, who was killed in a sortie at the head of a numerous corps, which was rashly sacrificed, the greater part being made prisoners. It is but fair, however, to state, that Davoust displayed great activity in his erroneous and useless plan of defence ; he began b}^ laying in large supplies, and employed upwards of fifteen thousand men in the works of the fortification. General Bertrand Avas ordered to construct a bridge which might form a communication between Hamburg and Haarburg, by join- ing the islands of the Elbe to the continent, along a total distance of about two leagues. This bridge was to be built of wood, and Davoust seized upon all the timber-yards to supply materials for its construction. In the space of eighty-three days the bridge was finished. It was a very magnificent structure; its length being two thousand five hundred and twenty-nine fathoms, exclusive of the lines of junction formed on the two islands. The inhabitants underwent every species of oppression, but all MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 421 the ciniel and tyrannical measures of the French to preserve the place were ineffectual. The allies advanced in great force, and occupied Westphalia, which obliged Davoust to recall to the town the different detachments dispersed around the neighbourhood of Hamburg. In the month of December, provisions began to dimin- ish, and there was no possibility of renewing the supply. The poor were, first of all, compelled to leave the town, and afterwards all persons who were not usefully employed. It is no exaggeration to estimate at fifty thousand the number of persons who were thus exiled. At the end of December, people, without distinction of sex or age, were dragged from their beds, and conveyed out of the town on a cold night, when the thermometer stood between sixteen and eighteen degrees, and, by a refinement of cruelty, their fellow- townsmen were obliged to form their escort. It was affirmed that several aged men perished in this removal. Those who survived were left on the outside of the gates of Altona ; at which town, however, they all found refuge and assistance. Such is a brief statement of the vexations and cruelties which long oppressed this unfortunate city. CHAPTER XLIII. Prince Eugene and the Affairs of Italy ; Mm-at's Pei-fldy : declares War against France ; the National Guai-d of Paris enrolled ; the Emperor's Addi-ess. The affairs of Italy, and the principal events of the vice-royalty of Eugene, now demand some share of attention; I shall, there- fore, somewhat anticipate the order of time in laying before the reader those particulars relative to Eugene, which I obtained from authentic sources. After the campaign of 1812, when Eugene revisited Italy, he was promptly informed of the more than doubtful dispositions of Austria towards France. He, therefore, lost no time in organizing a force capable of defending the country which the emperor had committed to his safeguard. Napoleon was well aware of the advantage he would derive from the presence, on the northern frontiers of Italy, of an army sufficiently strong to harass Austria, in case she should draw aside the transparent veil which still cov- ered her policy. Eugene did all that depended on him to further the emperor's intentions ; but, in spite of all his efforts, the army of Italy was, after all, only an imaginary army to those who could compare the number of men actually present with the number 36 422 ME:\iOIRS OF napoleon BONAPARTE. stated in the lists. When, in July, 1813, the viceroy was informed of the turn taken by the negotiations at the shadow of a congress assembled at Prague, he had no longer any doubt of the renewal of hostilities, and, foreseeing an attack on Italy, he resolved, as speedily as possible, to approach the frontiers of Austria. By his utmost endeavours, he could only assemble an army of about forty- . five thousand infantry, and five thousand cavalry, consisting both of French and Italians. On the renewal of hostilities, the viceroy's head-quarters were at Udina. Down to the month of April, 1814, he succeeded in maintaining a formidable attitude, and in defend- ing the entrance of his kingdom Avith that military talent which was to be expected in a man educated in the great school of Napo- leon, and whom the army looked up to as one of its most skilful generals. During the great and unfortunate events of 1813, public attention had been so much engrossed with Germany and the Rhine, that the affairs of Italy seemed to possess an inferior interest, until the defection of Murat, for a time, diverted attention to that country. At first, this fact was thought incredible by every one, and Napo- leon's indignation was extreme. Another defection, about the same period, deepl}^ distressed Eugene; for, though raised to the rank of a prince, and almost a sovereign, he was still a man, and an excellent man. United to the Princess Amelia of Bavaria, who was as amiable and as much beloved as himself, he had the deep regret of counting the subjects of his father-in-law among the enemies whom he would probably have to combat. Fearing lest he should be harassed by the Bavarians on the side of the Tyrol, Eugene commenced his retrograde movement in the autumn of 1813. He at first fell back on the Taghamento, and successively on the Adige. On reaching that river, the army of Italy was con- siderably diminished, in spite of all Eugene's care of his troops. About the end of November, Eugene learned that a Neapolitan corps was advancing upon Upper Italy, part taking the direction of Rome, and part that of Ancona. The oBject of the King of Naples was to take advantage of the situation of Europe, while, in fact, he was the dupe of the promises held out to him as the reward of his treason. Murat seemed to have adopted the deceitful policy of Austria, for not only had he determined to join the coalition, but was actually in communication with England and Austria at the very moment that he was making protestations of fidelity to Napoleon. When first informed of Murat's treason by the viceroy, the emperor refused to believe it; "No," he exclaimed to those about him, "it cannot be. Murat — to whom I have given my sister? Murat — to whom I have given a throne! Eugene must be mis- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 423 informed. It is impossible that Murat has declared himself against me." It was, however, not only possible, but true. Gradually- throwing aside the dissimulation beneath which he had concealed his designs, Murat seemed inclined to renew the pohcy of Italj^^ during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, when the art of deceiving was deemed by the Italian governments the most sublime effort of genius. Without any declaration of war, he directed one of his generals, who occupied Rome with five thousand men, to assume the supreme command in the Roman states, and to take possession of the country. General Miollis, who commanded the French troops in Rome, could only throw himself, with his hand- ful of men, into the castle of Saint Angelo, the famous mole of Adrian, in which was long preserved the treasure of Sixtus V. ; the French general soon found himself blockaded by the Neapolitan troops, who also blockaded Civita Vecchia and Ancona. The treaty concluded between Murat and Austria, was defini- tively signed on the 11th of January, 1814. As soon as he was informed of it, the viceroy, certain that he would soon have to engage with the Neapolitans, was obliged to renounce the preservation of the line of the Adige, the Neapolitan army being in the rear of his right wing. He accordingly ordered a retrograde movement on the other side of the Mincio, where his army was cantoned. In this position, Prince Eugene, on the 8th of February, had to engage with the Austrians who had come up with him ; and the victory of the Mincio arrested for some time the invasion of the Austrian army, and its junction with the Neapolitan troops. It was not until eight days after, that Murat officially declared war against the emperor, and immediately several general and superior officers, and a great many French troops, abandoned his service, and repaired to the head-quarters of the viceroy. Murat did every thing he could to detain them; but they signified to him that, as he had declared war against France, no Frenchman who loved his country could continue in his service. The viceroy received an official communication from Napoleon's war minister, accom- panied by an imperial decree, recalling all the French who were in the service of Joachim, and declaring that all who were taken with arms in their hands, should be tried by a court-martial as traitors to their country. On the 1st of February Eugene pub- lished a proclamation, calling on all true Frenchmen to quit the service of Murat, which, indeed, most of them had already done. Murat commenced by gaining advantages which it was impossible to dispute with him. His troops almost immediately took posses- sion of Leghorn, and the citadel of Ancona, and the French were obliged to evacuate Tuscany. 424 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. I again turn to the affairs of France at the close of 1813, where the prospect was scarcely more cheering than on the other side of the Alps. The defection of Murat had destroyed one of Bona- parte's gigantic projects. This was, that Murat and Eugene, with their combined forces, should march on the rear of the allies, while he, disputing the soil of France with the invaders, should multiply the obstacles to their advance. The King of Naples and the Viceroy of Italy were to march upon Vienna, and make Austria tremble in the heart of her capital, before the timid mil- lion of her allies, who measured their steps as they approached Paris, should pollute by their presence the capital of France. When informed of the vast project, which, however, was but the dream of a moment, I recognised that eagle glance, that power of discovering great resources in great calamities, which is the true mark of superior genius, and which was so eminently con- spicuous in Napoleon. But all his resources were now exhausted — even victory, if dearly purchased, must have proved fatal to him ; while in France new hopes and wishes had succeeded to those bright illusions which had attended his advance to the consular power. Now was he able fully to appreciate the wisdom of that advice which Josephine gave him — "Bonaparte, I entreat you, do not make yourself a king!" Napoleon, it is true, was still emperor; but he who had imposed on all Europe treaties of peace, scarce less dis- astrous than the wars which had preceded them, could not now obtain an armistice, and Caulincourt, who vv^as sent to treat for one at the camp of the alHes, spent uselessly twenty days at Luneville, before he could obtain permission to pass the advanced posts of the invading army. In the first fortnight of January, 1814, one-third of France was invaded, and it was proposed to form a new congress, to be held at Chatillon-sur-Seine. Napoleon's situation became daily worse and worse. He was advised to seek extraordinary resources in the interior of the empire, and was reminded of the fourteen armies which rose, as if by enchantment, to defend France at the commencement of the revolution. At this time, the Jacobins were disposed to exei^t every effort to save him ; but they required to have their own way, and to be allowed uninterruptedly to excite a revolutionary feeling. The press, which groaned under a most odious and intolerable censor- ship, was to be wholly at their command. I do not state these facts from hearsay; I happened, by chance, to be present at two conferences, in which were set forward projects, infected with the odour of the clubs ; and these projects were supported with MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 425 the more assurance, because their success was regarded as certain. And yet the ill-omened counsellors of the emperor were well aware of his hatred of a free press, and his contempt for the pop- ular authority! Though I had not seen Napoleon since my departure for Hamburg, yet I was sufficiently assured of his feeling towards the Jacobins, to be convinced that he would quickly turn from them with loathing and disgust. I was not wrong. Indig- nant at the price they demanded for their services, he exclaimed, "This is too much! In battle, I shall have a chance of deliver- ance; but I shall have none with these furious blockheads: there can he nothing in common between the demagogic principles of ninety- three and the monarchy; between clubs of madmen and a regular ministry ; between revolutionary tribunals and estab- lished laws. If my fall is decreed, I will not at least bequeath France to the revolutionists from whom I have delivered her." These were golden words ; and Napoleon thought of a more noble and truly national mode of warding oft' the danger which threatened him. He ordered the enrolment of the national guard of Paris, which was intrusted to the command of Marshal Mon- cey. The emperor could not have made a better choice ; but the staff of the national guard was a focus of hidden intrigues, in which the defence of Paris was less thought about than the means of taking advantage of Napoleon's overthrow. I was made a captain in this guard, and with the rest of the officers was sum- moned to the Tuileries on the 21st of January, when the emperor took leave of them, previous to his departure on the following day, to combat the invaders of his kingdom. We were introduced into the noble hall which I had so often trod while an inmate of the palace. Napoleon entered with the empress ; he advanced with a dignified air, leading by the hand his son, not yet three years old. It was long since I had had so near a view of him. He had grown very corpulent, and I remarked on his pale coun- tenance an expression of melancholy and irritability. The habit- ual movement of the muscles of his neck was more observable and frequent than formerly. Were I to attempt it, I should but ill describe what were my feelings during the ceremony, when I again saw, under such circumstances, the friend of my youth, who had become master of Europe, and who was now on the point of sinking beneath the efforts of his enemies. There was something melancholy in this solemn and impressive ceremony. Seldom indeed have I witnessed such profound silence in so numerous an assembly. At length, Napoleon, in a voice as firm and sonorous, as when he used to harangue his troops in Italy or in Egypt, but without that air of confidence which then lighted 36* 426 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. up his features, delivered to us an address, of which the following is apart: — "Gentlemen, and Officers of the National Guard! I am happy to see you around me. This night, I set out to take the command of the army. On quitting the capital, I confidently leave behind me my wife, and my son, in whom so many hopes are centred. Under your faithful guard I leave all, that, next to France, I hold dear. To your care they are intrusted." I listened attentively to Napoleon's address, and though he delivered it firmly, he either felt or feigned emotion. Whether or not the emotion was sincere on his part, it was shared by many present : and for my own part, I confess I was deeply alFected when he uttered the words, "I leave behind me my wife and my son." At that moment my eyes were fixed on the child, and the interest with which he inspired me was equally unconnected with the splendour which surrounded, and the misfortunes which seemed ready to overwhelm him. I beheld in the interesting infant, not the King of Rome, but the son of my old friend ; I could not but contrast my feelings on the occasion with those which I experi- enced when, fourteen years ago, we came to take possession of the Tuileries. O, what ages had passed in the interval! It may be considered curious, by those who are in the habit of compar- ing dates, that Napoleon, the successor of Louis XVI., and who had become the nephew of that monarch by his marriage with the niece of Marie Antoinette, took leave of the national guard of Paris on the anniversary of the fatal 21st of January, after twenty-five years of successive terror, disgrace, hope, glory, and misfortune. CHAPTER XL IV. The Congress of Chatillon ; Ruptui'e of the Conferences ; the Prussians repulsed ; Battles of Briejme and Craonne ; Capture of a Convoy ; the Council of Regency ; Departui'e of the Empress ; Maa<- mont's Defence of Paris ; Capitulation of Pai'is ; Populai' Expression in Favom- of the Boui'bans ; Deputation to the Emperor Alexander. Meanwhile, a congress was opened at Chatillon-sur- Seine, at which were assembled the Duke de Vicenza on the part of France; Lords Aberdeen, Cathcart, and Stewart, as the representatives of England; Count Razumowsky on the part of Russia; Count Stadion for Austria; and Count Humboldt for Prussia. Before the opening of the congress, the Duke de Vicenza, in conformity with the emperor's orders, demanded an armistice, which is almost invariably granted during negotiations for peace; but it was now too late : the allies had long since determined not to listen to any MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 427 such demand. Instructed by the past, they resolved to continue their miUtary operations during the time negotiations were going on, and required, on their part, that the propositions for peace should be immediately signed. But these were not the proposi- tions of Frankfort. The allies established as their basis the limits of the old French monarchy. They conceived themselves author- ized in doing so by their success and by their situation. In order to form a just estimate of Napoleon's conduct during the course of these negotiations, it is especially necessary to bear in mind the organization he received from nature, and the ideas which that organization produced at a very early period of life. If the last negotiations of his expiring reign be examined with due attention and impartiality, it will appear evident, that the causes of his fall arose out of his character. I cannot range myself among those flatterers, who have accused the persjms about him with having constantly dissuaded him from peace. A victim to his own duplicity and unbounded love of fame, he had no one at this period, at least, to blame but himself The plenipotentiaries of the allies, convinced that these renewed difficulties and demands on the part of Napoleon had no other object than to gain time, declared, that the allied powers, faithful to their principles, and in conformity with their previous declara- tions, regarded the negotiations at Chatillon as terminated by the French government. This rupture of the conferences took place on the 19th of March, six days after the presentation of the ulti- matum of the allied powers, for the signing of which only twenty- four hours were at first allowed. The issue of these long discus- sions was thus left to be decided by the chances of war, not very favourable to the man who had Europe arrayed in arms against him. The successes of the allies during the conferences at Cha- tillon, had opened to their view the road to Paris ; while Napoleon shrunk from the necessity of signing his own disgrace. To this feeling alone his ruin is to be attributed, and he might have said, "Every thing is lost but honour!" His glory is immortal. The campaign of France obliged Napoleon to adopt a system of operations quite new to him. He, who had been accustomed to attack, was now compelled to stand on his defence, so that instead of having to execute a previously concerted plan, as when in the cabinet of the Tuileries he traced out to me the field of Marengo, his movements were all now dependent on those of his numerous enemies. When the emperor arrived at Chalons-sur- Marne, the Prussian army was advancing by the road of Lorraine. He drove it back beyond Saint Dizier. Meanwhile, the grand Austro-Russian army passed the Seine and the Yonne at Men- 428 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. tereau: and even sent forward a corps which advanced as far as Fontainbleau. Napoleon then made a movement to the right, in order to drive back the troops which threatened to march on Paris ; and, by a curious chance, he came up with the troops in the very place where his boyish days were passed, and those wild dreams indulged, which seemed to relate but a fabled future. What thoughts and recollections must have crowded on his mind, when he found himself an emperor and a king at the head of a still powerful army, in the chateau of the Count de Brienne, to whom he had so often paid his homage ! It was at Brienne that he said to me, thirty-four years before, "I will do your French nation all the harm I can." Since then he had certainly changed his mind ; but it might be said, that Fate persisted in forcing the man, in spite of himself, to realize the intentions of the boy. No sooner had Napoleon revisited Brienne, as a conqueror, than he was repulsed, and hurried towards his fall, which every moment was making a nearer approach. I think it indispensable briefly to describe Napoleon's wonderful activity, from the moment of his leaving Paris to the entrance of the allies into the capital. But few successful campaigns, indeed, afforded our generals and the French army an opportunity of reaping so much glory as they gained during this great reverse of fortune. For it is possible to triumph, and to fall with glory, though honour itself be missed. The chances of the war were not doubtful, but certainly the numerous hosts of the allies could never have counted on so long and brilliant a resistance. The theatre of the military operations soon approached so near to Paris, that the general eagerness for news from the army was readily satisfied; and upon any fresh intelligence of success on the part of the emperor, his partisans saw the enemy already driven from the French territory. Too well acquainted with the resolves and resources of the allied sovereigns, I was not for a moment led away by this delusion. Besides, events were so rapid and diver- sified in this war of extermination, that the guns of the Invalides, announcing a victory, were sometimes immediately followed by the distant rolling of artillery, denoting the enemies' near approach to the capital. The emperor had left Paris on the 25th of January, at which time the Emperors of Russia and Austria, and the King of Prussia, were assembled at Langres. Napoleon rejoined his guard at Vitry-le-Francais. On the second day after his departure he drove before him the Prussian army, which he had forced to evacuate Saint Dizier. Two days after this, the battle of Brienne was fought, and on the first of February, between seventy and , MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 429 eighty thousand French and alHed troops stood face to face. On this occasion the commanders on both sides incurred great per- sonal risks, for Napoleon had a horse killed under him, and a Cossack fell dead by the side of Marshal Elucher. A few days after this important engagement, Napoleon entered Troyes, where he stayed but a short time, and then advanced to Champ Aubert. At this latter place was fought the battle which bears its name. The Russians were defeated, General AlsufiefF'was made prisoner, and two thousand men and thirty pieces of cannon fell into the hands of the victors. The prisoners were sent to Paris, as a proof of the emperor's success. This battle took place on the 10th of February, and at this period it is scarcely an exaggeration to say, that the French army had every day to sustain a conflict, and frequently on different points. After the battle of Champ Aubert, the emperor was under such a delusion as to his situation, that while supping with Berthier, Marmont, his prisoner General AlsufiefF, 4ind others, he said, "Another such a victory as this, gentlemen, and I shall be on the Vistula." Finding that no one replied, and observing by the countenances of the marshals that they did not share his hopes, "I see how it is," he added; "every one is growing tired of war ; there is no longer any enthusiasm. The sacred fire is extinct." Then rising from the table, and stepping up to General Drouet, with the marked intention of pay- ing him a compliment, which would at the same time reflect censure on the other marshals, " General," said he, patting him on the shoulder, "is it not true that we only want a hundred men like you to ensure success?" Drouet replied, with equal presence of mind and modesty, "Rather say one hundred thousand, sire." This anecdote, so characteristic of Napoleon, was related to me by the two principal persons who were present on the occasion. But Napoleon now began to have other subjects of inquietude, besides the fate of battles. He was not ignorant that, since the beginning of February, the Duke d'Angouleme had arrived at Saint Jean de Luz, whence he had addressed a proclamation to the French armies in the name of his uncle Louis XVIII. ; and he speedily heard of the arrival of the Count d'Artois at Vesoul, on the 21st of February, which place he did not leave until the 16th of March following. Meamvhile, hostilities were maintained with increased vigour over a vast line of operations. How much useless glor}" did our soldiers not gain in these conflicts ! But in spite of prodigies of valour, the enemy's masses advanced and approximated to a central point, so that this war might be compared to the battles of the ravens and the eagle in the Alps. The eagle kills them by hundreds, 430 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. every stroke of his beak is the death of an enemy, but still the ravens return to the charge, and press upon the eagle, until he is literally overwhelmed by the number of his assailants. Towards the close of 'February, the allies were in retreat on sev- eral points ; but their retreat was not a rout. After experiencing reverses, they fell back without disorder, and retired behind the Aube, where they rallied, and obtained numerous reinforcements, which daily arrived, and soon enabled them to resume the offensive. Still Napoleon continued to astonish Europe, leagued as it was against him. At Craonne, on the 7th of March, he destroyed Blucher's corps in a contest which was very warmly disputed, but the victory was attended with great loss to the conqueror. Marshal Victor was seriously wounded, as well as Generals Grouchy and Ferriere. The latter days of March were but a continued series of mis- fortunes to Napoleon. On the 23d, the rear-guard of the French army suffered considerable loss. To. hear of attacks on his rear- guard must, indeed, have sounded harshly to Napoleon, wdiose advanced guard had so often led on his grand army to victory. Prince Schwartzenberg soon passed the Aube, and marched on Vitry and Chalons. Napoleon, counting on the possibility of defending Paris, threw himself with the rapidity of the eagle on Schwartzenberg's rear, passing by Doulevant and Bar-sur-Aube. He pushed forward his advanced guard to Chaumont, and there saw the Austrian army make a movement which he took for a retreat ; but it was no such thing. The movement was directed on Paris, while Blucher, wdio had again occupied Chalons-sur- Marne, marched to meet Prince Schwartzenberg; and Napoleon, thinking to cut off their retreat, was himself cut off from the possi- bilit}^ of returning to Paris. Every thing then depended on the defence of Paris, or, to speak more correctly, it was just possible, by sacrificing the capital, to lengthen out for a few days longer the existence of the shadow of the empire, now fast disappearing from the view. On the 26th, was fought the battle of Fere Champenoise, where, valour giving way to numbers, Marshals Marmont and Mortier wei-e obliged to retire upon Sezanne, after sustaining con- siderable loss. It was on the 26th of March — and I beg the reader's attention to this date — that Napoleon suffered a loss which in his circum- stances was quite irreparable. At the battle of Fere Champenoise, the allies captured a convoy, consisting of nearly all the ammuni- tion and stores we had left, a vast quantity of arms, cassoons, and equipage of all kinds. The whole became the prey of the allies, who published a bulletin announcing this important capture. On that very day the empress left Paris. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 431 An extraordinary council of regency was convoked, at which Maria-Louisa presided. The question discussed was, whether the empress should remain at Paris or proceed to Blois. Joseph Bonaparte strongly urged her departure, in conformity with a letter from the emperor, which directed that, in case of Paris being threatened, the empress-regent and all the council of regency should retire to Blois. The arch-chancellor and the majority of the council were of the same opinion ; but one of the most influential members of the council, a man of distinguished judgment and discernment, observed to Joseph, that the letter referred to had been written under circumstances very different from those then existing, and that it was highly essential to the interests of the imperial family that the empress should remain in Paris, where no one could doubt she would obtain more advan- tageous conditions from the emperor her father, and the allied sovereigns, than if She were fifty leagues from Paris. The same individual even suggested that Maria-Louisa, imitating the example of her ancestress, Maria-Theresa, should take her son in her arms, and throw herself on the protection of the people. Such a step he considered would rouse to the highest pitch the national enthusiasm, and cause the citizens to arm in defence of their cap- ital. The adoption of this opinion would only have retarded, for a few days, a change which had become inevitable; nevertheless it might have given rise to serious difficulties, and, certainly, as regards Napoleon's interest, it was the wisest that could have been given. The emperor's will, however, as declared in his letter, prevailed with the majority, and their first opinion was acted upon. The empress accordingly proceeded to Blois, and Joseph took up his residence at the Tuileries, with the title of Lieutenant- general of the Empire. On the departure of the empress, many persons expected a popular movement in favour of a change of government, but the people of Paris remained as tranquil as if they had been merely the spectators of the concluding scenes at one of their theatres. Many of the inhabitants, it is true, at first thought of defence, not for the sake of preserving Napoleon's government, but merely from that quickness of feeling which belongs to our national character. They could not but feel indignant at the thought of seeing foreigners masters of Paris, a circumstance of which there had been no example since the reign of Charles VIL Meanwhile, the critical moment approached. On the 29th of March, Mar- shals Marmont and Mortier fell back to defend the approaches to Paris. During the night, the barriers were consigned to the care of the national guard, and not a foreigner, not even one of their agents, was allowed to enter the capital. 482 MEMOIRS or napoleon BONAPARTE. On the 30th of March, at day-breajc, the whole population of Paris was awakened by the report of cannon, and the plain of St. Denis was soon covered with allied troops, who were pouring into it from all points. The heroic valour of our troops was unavailing against such superiority of numbers. But the allies paid dearly for their entrance into the capital. The national guard, under the command of Marshal Moncey, and the pupils of the Polytechnic school, transformed into artillerymen, behaved in a manner worthy of veteran troops. The conduct of Marmont, in that day alone, Avould be enough to immortalize him as a gen- eral. The corps he commanded was reduced to between seven and eight thousand infantry, and eight hundred cavalry, with which, for the space of twelve hours, he maintained his ground against an army of fifty-five thousand men, of whom it is said fourteen thousand were either killed, wounded, or taken. The marshal was seen every where in the thickest of the fight, a dozen of soldiers were bayoneted at his side, and his hat was per- forated by a ball. But what could be done against overwhelming numbers? In this state of things, the Duke de Ragusa made known his situation to Joseph Bonaparte, who authorized him to negotiate. Joseph's answer is so important, in reference to the events which succeeded, that I think it necessary to transcribe it literally. It was as follows: "If the Dukes of Ragusa and Treviso can no longer hold out, they are authorized to negotiate with Prince Schwartzenberg and the Emperor of Russia, who are before them. They will fall back on the Loire. "Joseph. " Montmartre, March 30, 1S14, quarter-past li o'clock." It was not until a considerable time after this formal authority that Marmont and Mortier ceased to make a vigorous resistance against the allied army, for the suspension of arms was not agreed upon until four in the afternoon, and Joseph, as it is well known, did not wait for it. At a quarter past twelve, that is to say, immediately after he had addressed to Marmont the authority just alluded to, Joseph repaired to the Bois de Boulogne, to regain the Versailles road, and from thence to proceed to Rambouillet. Joseph's precipitate flight astonished only those who did not knov.' him. I have been assured that several officers attached to his stafl'were by no means pteased at so sudden a retreat. Indeed, the)^ at first imagined that it was a movement towards the bridge of Neuilly, in order to oppose the passage of the allies, but were promptly undeceived when, on gaining the outward barrier, the whole company turned off" to the left towards the Bois de Boulogne. Under these circumstances, what was to be done but to save Paris, which there was no possiblity of defending two hours longer ? MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 433 and Marmont, who signed the suspension of arms, which was fol- lowed hy the capitulation of the city on the following night, deserved rather a civic crow^n, than the unjust reproaches which have been heaped upon him. Methinks I still see the marshal, when, on the evening of the 30th of March, he returned from the field of battle to his hotel in the Rue de Paradis, where I was waiting for him, together with about twenty other persons, among whom were MM. Perregaux and Lafitte. When he entered, he was scarcely recognisable ; he had a beard of eight days' growth, the great-coat which covered his uniform was in tatters, and from head to foot he was blackened with gunpowder. We were con- sidering what was best to be done, and all insisted on the neces- sity of signing a capitulation. The marshal must remember that the general exclamation around him was, "France must be saved." MM. Perregaux and Lafitte expressed themselves most decidedly, and it will easily be conceived what weight was attached to the opinions of two men who stood at the head of the financial world. They affirmed, that the general wish of the Parisians, which no one could be better acquainted with than themselves, was decidedly averse to a protracted struggle, and that France was tired of the yoke of Bonaparte. This last declaration afforded a wider field for the discussion of the question then under consideration. It was no longer confined to the capitulation of Paris, but the change of the government was contemplated, and the name of the Bour- bons was for the first time pronounced. I do not recollect which of us it was, who, on hearing mention made of the possible recall of the old dynasty, remarked how difficult it would be to effect a restoration without retrograding to the past. But I am pretty well sure it was M. Lafitte who replied, "Gentlemen, we shall have nothing to fear, provided we have a good constitution, which will guarantee the rights of all." The majority of the meeting concuiTed in this judicious opinion, which was not without its influence on Marshal Marmont. This memorable meeting, however, was attended by an unex- pected incident. In the very midst of our discussions, one of the emperor's aids-de-camp arrived at Marmont's hotel. Napo- leon, being informed of the advance of the allies on Paris, had marched with the utmost speed from the banks of the Marne on the road of Fontainbleau. In the evening he was in person at Froidmanteau, whence he despatched his envoy to Marshal Mar- mont. From the language of the aid-de-camp, it was easy to perceive that the ideas which prevailed at the imperial head- quarters were very different from those entertained by the people of Paris, The officer expressed indignation at the very idea of Cc 37 434 MEMOIKS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. capitulation, and announced with inconceivable confidence the approaching arrival of Napoleon in Paris, which he yet hoped to save from the occupation of the enemy. The same officer assured us, with much warmth, that Napoleon depended on the people rising in spite of the capitulation, and that they would unpave the streets to stone the allies on their entrance. What more he said to the same effect I do not now remember, but I ventured to dissent from the absurd idea of defence, and observed that it was madness to suppose that Paris could resist the numer- ous troops who were ready to enter on the following day. The greater part of the company present concurred in my opinion, and the decision of the meeting was unanimous. Such is a correct statement of facts, \vhich have been perverted by certain parties, with the view of enhancing Napoleon's glory. I am aware that there are some versions which differ in many points from my own : with regard to them I have but one observa- tion to ofier, which is, that I heard and saw what I have here described. The day after the capitulation of Paris, Marmont went in the evening to see the emperor at Fontainbleau. He supped with him, and Napoleon greatly praised his noble defence of Paris. After supper the marshal rejoined his corps at Essonne, and six hours after the emperor arrived there to visit the lines. On quit- ting Paris, Marmont had left Colonels Fabvier and Denys to superintend the execution of the terms of the capitulation. These officers joined the emperor and the marshal as they were proceed- ing up the banks of the river of Essonne. They did not disguise the effect which the entrance of the allies had produced in Paris. The emperor appeared deeply mortified at the intelligence, and returned immediately to Fontainbleau, leaving the marshal at Essonne. At day-break on the 31st of March, Paris presented a novel and curious spectacle. Scarcely had the French troops evacuated the capital, than the most respectable quarters of the town resounded with cries of " Down with Bonaparte !" " No conscrip- tion!" "No consolidated duties!" With these cries were mingled that of "The Bourbons for ever!" though this latter cry was not repeated so frequently as the others, and in general I remarked that the people looked on and listened with comparative indiffer- ence. As I had taken a very active part in all that had happened during some preceding days, I was particularly curious to study what might be called the physiognomy of Paris. This was the second opportunity which had been afforded me for such a study, and I now saw the people applaud the fall of a man, whom they MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 435 had received with enthusiasm after the 18th Brumaire. The rea- son was the same — Hberty was then hoped for, as it was hoped for again in 1814. I went out early in the morning to see the numerous groups of people who were assembled in the streets. I saw women tearing their handkerchiefs, and distributing the fragments as the emblems of the revived lily. That same morn- ing I met on the Boulevards, and some hours afterwards on the Place Louis XV., a party of gentlemen who were parading the streets of the capital, proclaiming the restoration of the Bourbons, and shouting "Vive le Roi!" and "Louis XVIII. for ever!" At their head I recognised M. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld, Count de Froissard, the Duke de Luxembourg, the Duke de Crussol, Seymour, &c. The cavalcade, distributing white cockades as they passed along, was speedily joined by a numerous crowd, which tumultuously hurried to the Place Vendome. The pro- ceedings which there took place are well known, and even the delirium of popular joy could scarcely excuse the fury that was directed against the effigy of the man whose misfortunes, whether merited or not, ought to have protected him from such outrages. On the evening of the 31st of March, an important meeting of the royalists was held in the hotel of the Count de Morfontaine, who officiated as president, when it was proposed that a deputa- tion should be immediately sent to the Emperor Alexander, to express to him the wish of the meeting. This motion was imme- diately approved, and the mover was chosen as chief of the dep- utation, which consisted besides of MM. Ferrand and Caesar de Choiseul. On leaving the hotel, these gentlemen met M. de Cha- teaubriand, who had that very day been, as it were, the precursor of the restoration, by publishing his admirable pamphlet, entitled "Bonaparte and the Bourbons." He was invited to join the dep- utation, to which he consented, but nothing could overcome his diffidence, and induce him to speak. On arriving at the hotel, in the Rue St. Florentine, the deputation was introduced to Count Nesselrode, to whom M. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld briefly explained its object : he signified to him the wishes of the meet- ing, and the unanimous desire of Paris and of France. He rep- resented the restoration of the Bourbons as the only means of securing the peace of Europe, and observed, in conclusion, that as the exertions of the day must have been very fatiguing to the emperor, the deputation would not solicit the favour of being introduced, but would confidently rely on the good faith of his imperial majesty. "I have just left the emperor," replied M. Nesselrode, "and can pledge myself for his intentions. Return to the meeting, and announce to the French people, #iat, in com- 436 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. pliance with their wishes, so ardently expressed, his imperial majesty will use all his influence to restore the crown to the legitimate monarch: his majesty Louis XVIII. shall reascend the throne of France." With this happy intelligence the deputation returned to the meeting in the Rue d'Anjou. Great enthusiasm was undoubtedly displayed on the entrance of the allies into Paris. It may be approved or blamed, but the fact cannot be denied. I was an attentive observer of passing events, and I could not but recognise the expression of a senti- ment which I had long anticipated. Napoleon had become master of France by the sword, and, the sword being sheathed, he could plead no other right to the kingdom; for no popular institution had identified with the nation the new dynasty which he had hoped to establish. The nation admired, but did not love him — for it is impossible to love what is feared — and Napoleon had done nothing to merit the affection of France. CHAPTER XLV. The Allied Sovereigns enter Pai-is ; Alexander's Declaration ; Provisional Government appointed ; Napoleon negotiates ; his Conditional Abdication ; his Wish to retract. I WAS present at all the meetings and conferences which were held at M. Talleyrand's hotel, where the Emperor Alexander had taken up his residence. Of all the individuals present at these meetings, M. de Talleyrand appeared most disposed to preserve Napoleon's government, with some restrictions on the exercise of his power. In the existing state of things it was only possible to choose one of three courses ; first, to make peace with Napoleon, with proper securities against him; second, to establish a regency; and, third, to recall the Bourbons. On the 31st of March the allied sovereigns entered Paris; and the Emperor Alexander repaired to M. de Talleyrand's hotel, where I, with others, was expecting him. When the emperor entered the drawing-room, most of the persons assembled, and particularly the Abb^ de Pradt, the Abb6 de Montesquieu, and General Dessolles, urgently demanded the restoration of the. Bourbons. The emperor did not come to any immediate decision, but drawing me into the embrasure of a window, which looked into the street, he made some observations, which enabled me to form an opinion, as to his ultimate determination. "M. de Bour- rienne," sal* he, "you have been the friend of Napoleon, and so MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 437 have I ; I was most sincerely his friend, but there is no possibility of remaining at peace with a man of such bad faith. We must have done with him." These last words opened my eyes, and when the different propositions which were made came to be dis- cussed, I saw plainly that Bonaparte, in making himself emperor, had made up the bed for the Bourbons. A discussion ensued on the three possible measures which I have already mentioned, and which Alexander had himself pro- posed. It appeared to me, that his majesty was (what is com- monly termed) acting a part, when, pretending to doubt the pos- sibility of recalling the Bourbons, which he wished above all things, he asked M. de Talleyrand what means he proposed to employ for the attainment of that object? Indeed, I am persuaded, that his only motive for starting obstacles was, in order to hear the persons around him express themselves in a more decided man- ner. Besides the French, there were present at this meeting the Emperor Alexander, the King of Prussia, Prince Schwartzenberg, M. Nesselrode, M. Pozzo-di-Borgo, and Prince Lichtenstein. During the discussion, Alexander remained standing, at intervals walking up and down with some appearance of agitation. At length, addressing us in an elevated tone of voice, "Gentlemen," said he, "you know that it was not I who commenced the war; you know that Napoleon came to attack me in my dominions. But we are not drawn here by the thirst of conquest, or the desire of revenge. You have seen the precautions I have taken to pre- serve your capital, the wonder of the arts, from the hoiTors of pillage, to which the chances of war would have consigned it. Neither my allies nor myself are engaged in a war of reprisals, and I should be inconsolable if any violence had been committed on your magnificent city. I repeat, gentlemen, that we are not waging war against France, but against Napoleon, and every other enemy of French liberty. William, and you. Prince (here the emperor turned towards the King of Prussia and Prince Schwartzenberg, who represented the Emperor of Austria), are not the sentiments I express in unison with your own?" Both signified their assent to this observation of Alexander, which his majesty several times repeated in different words. He insisted that France should be perfectly free, and that as soon as the wishes of the country were understood, he and his allies would support them, without seeking to exercise their influence in favour of any government in particular. The Abb6 de Pradt then declared, in a tone of conviction, that we were all royalists, and that the feelings of the people, both of Paris and the whole of France, were similar to our own. The 37* 438 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, Emperor Alexander, again adverting to the different governments which might be suitable to France, spoke of the maintenance of Bonaparte on the throne, the establishment of a regency, the choice of Bernadotte, and the recall of the Bourbons. M. de Talleyrand then spoke, and I well remember his saying to the Emperor of Russia, "Sire, only one of two things is possible. We must have either Bonaparte or Louis XVIII. ; Bonaparte, if you can support him, but you cannot, for you are not alone. Whom could you propose after him? Not another soldier; we will not have him. If we wanted a soldier, we would keep the one we have; he is the first in the world. After him, any other offered to our choice would not have ten men to support him. I say again, sire, either Bonaparte or Louis XVIII. Any thing else is an intrigue." These remarkable words of the Prince of Benevento produced on the mind of the Emperor Alexander all the effect we could have desired. Thus the question was simpli- fied, having now but two alternatives ; and as it was evident that Alexander would have nothing to do with either Napoleon or his family, it was reduced to the single proposition of the return of the Bourbons. On being pressed by us all, with the exception of M. de Talleyrand, who still wished to leave the question unde- cided between Bonaparte and Louis XVIII., Alexander at length declared, that he would never again treat with Napoleon. When it was represented to him that this declaration applied only to Napoleon personally, and did not extend to his family, he added, "Nor with any member of his family." Thus, as early as the 31st of March, the Bourbons might be said to be restored to the throne of France. Of all the propositions which were then in agitation, the one most to be deprecated, as it appeared to me, was that which had for its object the appointment of a regency. In that case, every thing would still have been left in suspense. The discussion did not terminate till three o'clock in the afternoon, when the Emperor Alexander signed the following declaration: "If the conditions of peace required strong guarantees when the object was to restrain the ambition of Bonaparte, they ought to be more favourable when, by a return to a wise government, France herself shall offer the assurance of repose. The sovereigns proclaim that they will no longer treat with Bonaparte, nor with any mem- ber of his family. They respect the integrity of the French territory, as*it existed under the legitimate monarchy ; they may even go farther, since they adopt the prin- ciple, that France must be great and powerful. They will recognise and guarantee any constitution of which the French nation may make choice. They consequently invite the senate immediately to appoint a provisional government, to manage the busi- ness of the state, and to prepare the constitution which may be agreeable to the wishes of the people. The sentiments herein expressed are shared by all the allied powers." And here I cannot help noticing the haste with which Laborie, whom M. de Talleyrand had appointed secretary to the provi- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 439 sional government, rushed out of the apartment as soon as he got possession of the Emperor Alexander's declaration. He got it printed with such expedition, that in the space of an hour it was placarded on all the walls in Paris. The effect it produced was prodigious — the hopes of intriguers were at once destroyed by it. As yet, there appeared no doubt whatever of Alexander's sincerity. The treaty of Paris could not be anticipated, and there was rea- son to believe that France, with a new government, would obtain more advantageous conditions than if the allies had treated with Napoleon. But this illusion speedily vanished. On the evening of the 31st of March, I returned to M. de Talleyrand's. About eleven o'clock on the same evening I again saw the Emperor Alexander, who, stepping up to me, said, "M. de Bourrienne, you must take the superintendence of the post-office department." I could not decline so marked an invitation on the part of the emperor; and besides, Lavalette having departed on the preceding day, the business of the office would have been for a time suspended ; a circumstance which would have been extremely prejudicial to the restoration, which we wished to favour. I accordingly, after some difficulty, succeeded in putting matters in a train, by which letters were forwarded the next morning without the loss of a single post. The most important point to be obtained was the declaration before mentioned. After that, every thing else would follow as a matter of course. Bonaparte's partisans were now fully aware of the impolicy of removing the empress and her son from Paris. It was, of course, necessary to establish a provisional government, of which M. de Talleyrand was appointed president. The other members were General Beurnonville, Count Francois de Jaucourt, the Duke Dalberg, who married one of Maria- Louisa's ladies of honour, and the Abbe de Montesquieu. The post of Chancellor of the Legion of Honour was given to the Abbe de Pradt. Thus, among the members of the provisional government were two abb6s, and, by a singular chance, they happened to be the same who had officiated at the mass which was performed in the Champ de Mars, on the day of the first federation. On the morning of the 30th of March, while the battle under the walls of Paris was at the hottest, Bonaparte was still at Troyes. He quitted that town at ten o'clock, accompanied only by Ber- trand, Caulincourt, two aids-de-camp, and two orderly officers. He was not more than two hours in travelling the first ten leagues. Indeed, he and his feeble escort performed the journey without changing horses, or even once alighting. The emperor, with his attendants, who were not acquainted with their place of destina- 440 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. tion, arrived at Sens, about one o'clock in the afternoon. Every thing was in such confusion, that it was impossible to prepare a suitable conveyance for the emperor. Both he and his suite were therefore obliged to continue their journey in a mean-looking calash, and in this equipage, about four in the morning, this mon- arch, late so powerful, reached Froidmanteau, about four leagues from Paris. It was there that the emperor received from General Belliard, who had arrived at the head of a column of artillery, the first intelligence of the battle of Paris. He heard the news with a composure which was probably affected, in order not to discourage those around him. He walked for about a quarter of an hour on the high road, in conversation with Belliard, and it was after that promenade that he sent Caulincourt to Paris, as I have before mentioned. Napoleon afterwards went to the house of the post- master, where he ordered his maps to be brought to him, and, as was his custom, marked the different positions of his own and the enemies' troops with pins, the heads of which were tipped with wax of different colours. After occupying himself some time in this manner, he resumed his journey, and arrived at Fontainbleau at six o'clock in the morning. On the evening of the 31st of March, the emperor sent for the Duke de Ragusa, who had arrived at Essonne with his troops. The duke reached Fontainbleau between three and four o'clock in the morning of the first of April. At this interview Napoleon received a detailed account of the events of the 30th, and, as I have already stated, highly complimented Marmont for his gallant conduct before the walls of Paris. All was gloom and melancholy at Fontainbleau, yet the emperor still retained his authority, and I have been informed that he deliberated some time as to whether he should retire behind the Loire, or at once attempt a bold stroke upon Paris, which would have been far more in accordance with his character, than to resign himself to the chances which an uncertain temporizing might afford him. The latter idea pleased him best, and he was seriously considering of his plan of attack, when the news of the 31st, and the unsuccesful issue of Caulincourt's mission, gave him to under- stand that his situation was more desperate than he had hitherto imagined. Meanwhile, the heads of the columns, which the emperor had left at Troyes, arrived at Fontainbleau, after one of the most rapid marches ever known, having completed a distance of fifty leagues in somewhat less than three days. On the 2d of April, Napoleon communicated the events of Paris to the generals who were about him, recommending them, at the same time, to conceal the news, MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 441 lest it should dispirit the troops upon whom he still relied. The same day he reviewed his troops in the court of the palace. He then endeavoured to persuade the generals to second his mad designs upon Paris, by making them believe that he had made sincere efforts to conclude a peace. He assured them that he had expressed to the Emperor Alexander his willingness to purchase it by immense sacrifices ; that he had consented to resign even the conquests made during the revolution, and to confine himself within the ancient limits of France. The old companions of the glory of their chief exclaimed, with one voice, "Paris! Paris!" But fortunately, during the night, the generals having deliberated with each other, saw the frightful abyss into which they were about to plunge their beloved country. They, therefore, resolved to intimate in moderate and respectful terms to the emperor, that they would not expose Paris to destruc- tion; and this spirit of moderation spreading gradually even among the ranks, by the 3d of April more prudent ideas succeeded the rash enthusiasm of the day preceding. The wreck of the army assembled at Fontainbleau, the poor remains of a million of troops which had been levied within fif- teen months, consisted only of the corps of the Duke de Reggio, Ney, Macdonald, and General Gerard, which altogether did not amount to twenty-four thousand men, and which, joined to the remaining seven thousand of the guard, did not leave the emperor a disposable force of more than thirty-one thousand men. Noth- ing but madness or sheer despair could have suggested the idea of successfully combating, with such scanty resources, the foreign masses which occupied and surrounded Paris. On the 2d of April the senate published a decree, declaring that Napoleon had forfeited the throne, and abolished the right of succession which had been established in favour of his family. Furnished with this act, and without waiting the concurrence of the legislative body, which was given next day, the provisional government published an address to the French armies. In this address the troops were informed that they were no longer soldiers of Napoleon, and that the senate released them from their oaths. The address of the senate was sent round to the marshals, and of course to such of them first as were nearest the capital. Of this latter number was Marmont, whose allegiance to the emperor, as we have already seen, yielded only to the sacred interests of his country. Prince Schwartzenberg wrote to Marmont to induce him to espouse a cause which had now become the cause of France. To the prince's letter Marmont replied, that as the army and nation had been absolved from their oaths of allegiance to Napo- 442 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. leon, by a decree of the senate, he was disposed to concur in the union of the army and the people, which would avert all chance of civil war, and stop the effusion of French blood ; and that he was ready with his troops to quit the army of the Emperor Napo- leon, on the following conditions, the assurance of which he required in writing: " First. I, Charles, Prince Schvvartzenberg, Marshal and Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Armies, guarantee to all the French troops who, in consequence of the decree of the senate of the 2d of April, may quit the standard of Napoleon Bonaparte, that they shall retire freely into Normandy, with arms, baggage, and ammunition, and with the same marks of respect and military honours which the allied troops recipro- cally observe to each other. " Second. That if, by this movement, the chances of war should throw into the hands of the allied powers the person of Napoleon Bonaparte, his life and liberty shall be guaranteed, in a space of territory and a circumscribed country, to be chosen by the allied powers and the French government." Prince Schwartzenberg, in his answer to Marmont, expressed his satisfaction at the marshal's readiness to obey the call of the provisional government, and added, "I beg of you to believe that I am fully sensible of the delicacy of the sentiment expressed in the article you demand, and which I accept, relative to the person of Napoleon." The conditions before mentioned being agreed to on the part of the Prince of Schwartzenberg, Marmont considered himself bound to the cause which might now be called the cause of France. It will be seen, however, that he subsequently found himself so cir- cumstanced as to be obliged to request a releasement from his promise, and the Prince of Schwartzenberg generously annulled it. I happened to learn the manner in which Marshal Macdonald was informed of the taking of Paris. He had been two days wdthout any intelligence from the emperor, when he received an order in the hand-writing of Berthier, which ran thus: "The emperor desires that you halt wherever you may receive this order." After Berthier's signature, the following words were added as a postscript : " You of course know that the enemy is in possession of Paris." This singular postscript, and the tone of indifference in which it was expressed, filled Macdonald with mingled surprise and alarm. He then commanded the rear-guard of the army, wiiich occupied the environs of Montereau. Six hours after the receipt of the order alluded to, Macdonald received a second, directing him to put his troops in motion, and he then learned the emperor's intention of marching on Paris with all his remaining force. On receiving the emperor's second order Macdonald left his corps at Montereau, and repaired in haste to join Napoleon at MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 443 Fontainbleau. On his arrival, the emperor had already intimated to the generals commanding divisions in the army corps assembled there, his intention of marching on Paris. Alarmed at such a determination, the generals, most of whom had left in the capital their wives, children, and friends, gathered round Marshal Mac- donald, requesting him to go with them, and endeavour to dissuade the emperor from his intention. "Gentlemen," said the marshal, "in the emperor's present situation, such a proceeding might dis- please him. We must use delicacy and precaution. Leave it to me, gentlemen; I will go to the castle." Marshal Macdonald accordingly went to the palace of Fontain- bleau, where the following conversation took place between him and the emperor, and I beg the reader not to lose sight of the fact that it was the marshal himself who gave me the relation. The moment he entered the emperor's apartment, the latter stepped up to him, and said, "Well, how are things going on?" — "Very badly, sire." — " How ! badly ! what then are the feelings of your army ?" — "My army, sire, is entirely discouraged: their minds are alarmed,, by the events of Paris." — "Will not your troops join me in an advance on Paris?" — "Sire, do not think of such a thing. If I were to give such an order to my troops, I should run the risk of being disobeyed." — "But what is to be done? I cannot remain as I am ; I have still resources and partisans. It is said that the allies will no longer treat with me. Well, no matter. I will march on Paris; I will be revenged on the inconstancy of the Parisians and the baseness of the senate. Wo to the members of the government they have patched up until the return of their Bourbons, for that is what they are aiming at! But to-morrow I shall place myself at the head of my guards, and we will march on the Tuileries." While Napoleon thus gave way to such idle threats, the marshal listened in silence ; at length, perceiving him somewhat more calm, he replied, " Sire, it appears, then, that you are not aware of what has taken place in Paris, of the establishment of a provisional government, and — " "I know it all; and what then?" — "Sire," added the marshal, presenting to him a paper, "here is something which will tell you more than I can." Macdonald thereupon gave him a letter from Marshal Beurnonville, announcing the forfeiture of the emperor, pronounced by the senate, and the determination of the allied powers not to treat with Napoleon, or any member of his family. "Marshal," said the emperor, "may this letter be read aloud?" "Certainly, sire." The letter was then handed to BaiTe, who read it. An individual then present afterwards described to me the impression which the 444 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. reading of the letter produced on Napoleon. His features were violently contracted, as I have often observed them on similar momentous occasions. He did not, however, lose his self-com- mand, which, indeed, he could always preserve when policy or vanity required it; and when the reading of Beurnonville's letter was ended, he affected to persist in his intention of marching on Paris. "Sire," exclaimed Macdonald, "that project must be renounced. Not a sword would be drawn from its scabbard to second you in such an enterprise." The question of the emperor's abdication now began to be seriously entertained. Caulincourt had already hinted to Napo- leon that, in the event of his abdicating personally, there was still a possibilit)'^ that the allies might agree to a council of regency. This idea, and the opposition of the marshals to his desperate project of marching upon Paris, determined Napoleon to sign his abdication, which he himself drew up in the following terms : " The allied powers having declared that the Emperor Napoleon is the only obstacle to the reestablishment of peace in Europe, the Emperor Napoleon, faitlifiil to his oath, declares that he is ready to descend the throne, to leave France, and even to lay down his life, for the welfare of the country, which is inseparable from the rights of his son, those of the regency, of the empress, and the maintenance of the laws of the empire. Given at our palace of Fontainbleau, April 2d, 1814. Napoleon." After having written this act, the emperor presented it to the marshals, saying, "Here, gentlemen; are you satisfied?" This abdication of Napoleon was certainly very useless; but, had circumstances recurred to render it of any importance, the act would possibly have proved altogether invalid. To most peo- ple its meaning would appear unequivocal, but not so to me, who was so instructed in the cunning to which Napoleon never hesi- tated to resort, whenever a purpose was to be gained by it. I beg the reader to -observe, that Napoleon does not say that "he descends from the throne," but that "he is ready to descend from the throne." This was a subterfuge, by the aid of which he intended to open new negotiations respecting the form and condi- tions of regency for Iiis son, in case of the allied sovereigns acceding to that proposition. This would have enabled him to gain time, and, blinded to his real situation, he had not yet resigned all hope. In this state of feeling, he joyfully welcomed a piece of intelli- gence communicated to him by General Allix. The general stated that he had met an Austrian officer, who was sent by Francis II. to Prince Schwartzenberg, and who positively assured him that all which had taken place in Paris was contrary to the wish of the Emperor of Austria. That this may have been the opinion of the MEMOIES OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 445 Austrian officer is possible, and even probable, but subsequent events proved that it was nothing more. However, as soon as General Allix had communicated this good news, as he termed it, to Napoleon, the latter exclaimed to the persons who were about him, "I told you so, gentlemen! Francis II. cannot carry his enmity so far as to dethrone his daughter. Vicenza, go and desire the marshals to return my act of abdication. I will send a courier to the Emperor of Austria." Thus Bonaparte, in his shipwreck, looked round for a saving plank, and buoyed himself up with self-deceptions. The Duke de Vicenza went to Marshals Ney and Macdonald, whom he found just stepping into the carriage to proceed to Paris. Both posi- tively refused to return the act to Caulincourt, saying, "We are sure of the concurrence of the Emperor of Austria, and will take all responsibility upon ourselves." The sequel sufficiently proved that they were better informed than General Allix. During the conversation with Marshal Macdonald, which has been just related, the emperor was seated. When he came to the resolution of signing his abdication, he rose abruptly, and walked with hurried steps once or twice up and down the apart- ment. After the act was signed, he said, "Gentlemen, the interests of my son, the interests of the army, and, above all, the interests of France, must be defended. I therefore appoint, as my commis- sioners to the allied powers, the Duke de Vicenza, the Prince of the Moskowa, and the Duke de Ragusa: are you satisfied?" He added, after a pause, "I think all these interests are intrusted to good hands." All present answered as with one voice, "Yes, sire." But no sooner was the answer pronounced, than the emperor threw himself on a small yellow sofa which stood near the window, and striking his thigh with his hand, with a sort of convulsive motion, he exclaimed, "No, gentlemen! I will have no regency. With my guards, and Marmont's corps, I shall be in Paris to-morrow." Ney and Macdonald vainly endeavoured to undeceive him respecting this impracticable design. He rose with marked ill-humour, and rubbing his head, as he was in the habit of doing when much agitated, he said, in a loud and authoritative tone, "Retire." The marshals withdrew, and Napoleon was left alone with Cau- lincourt. He told the latter, as I afterwards heard, that what had most displeased him, in the proceedings which had just taken place, was the reading of Beurnonville's letter. "Sire," observed the Duke de Vicenza, " it was by your order that the letter was read." — " Yes, that is true ; but why was not that letter addressed directly to me by Macdonald?" — "Sire, the letter was at first addressed to 38 446 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Macdonald, but the aid-de-camp who was the bearer of it had orders to communicate its contents to Marmont, on passing through Essonne, because Beurnonville did not know precisely where Macdonald was to be found." After this explanation, which did not take more than three minutes, the emperor appeared satisfied, and said to Caulincourt, " Vicenza, call back Macdonald." The Duke de Vicenza hastened after the marshal, whom he found at the end of the gallery of the palace, engaged in conversa- tion, and brought him back to the emperor. On his returning, Napoleon, who had quite recovered his usual composure, calmly addressed him, "Well, Duke de Tarento, do you think that the regency is the only possible thing?" — Yes, sire." — "Then I wish you to go with Ney to the Emperor Alexander, instead of Mar- mont; it is better that he should remain with his corps, to which his presence is indispensable. You will, therefore, go with Ney ; I rely on you. I trust you have entirely forgotten all that has separated us for so long a time." — "Yes, sire; I have not thought of it since 1809." — "I am glad of it, marshal; and I must acknowl- edge to you that I was in the wrong." While speaking to the marshal, the emperor manifested unusual emotion. He approached him, and pressing his hand in the most affectionate manner, he uttered but one word more, "Depart." The emperor's three commissioners — that is to say. Marshals Macdonald and Ney, and the Duke de Vicenza — informed Mar- mont that they would dine with him as they passed through Essonne, and acquaint him with all that had taken place at Fontainbleau. On their arrival at Essonne, the three imperial commissioners explained to the Duke de Ragusa the object of their mission, and persuaded him to accompany them to the Emperor Alexander. This obliged the marshal to inform them how he was situated. The negotiations which Marmont had opened, and almost concluded, with Prince Schwartzenberg, were rendered null by the mission which he had joined, and which it was necessary he should himself explain to the commander of the Austrian army. The three marshals and the Duke de Vicenza repaired to Petitbourg, the head-quarters of Prince Schwartzen- berg, and there the prince released Marmont from the promise he had given. MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 447 CHAPTER XLVI. Conference of the Marshals with Alexander ; Blutiny In the Corps of Marmont : they return to Order ; Unconditional Abdication required of Napoleon ; Farewell Interview between Napoleon and Mac- donald ; Unconditional Abdication signed. After my nomination as director-general of the post-office, tlie business of that department proceeded as regularly as before. I sent on the 4th of April an advertisement to the Moniteur, stating that the letters to and from England and other foreign countries, which had been lying at the post-office for more than three years, would be forwarded to their respective addresses. This produced to the post-office a receipt of nearly three hundred thousand francs, a sum which will give some idea of the prodigious quantity of intercepted letters, and the system which characterized the impe- rial government during the time of its existence. On the night after the publication of my advertisement, I was awakened by an express from the provisional government, request- ing me to proceed with all possible haste to M. de Talleyrand's hotel. I lost no time in repairing thither, and arrived a few min- utes before the emperor's commissioners. I went up to the saloon on the first floor, which was one of the suite of apartments occu- pied by the Emperor Alexander. The marshals were conferring with that monarch, and it would be difficult to describe the anxiety, or, indeed, I might say the consternation, which prevailed among some of the members of the provisional government and other individuals who were assembled in the saloon where I was. During the interview of the marshals with Alexander, which lasted a considerable time, I had an opportunity of learning some particulars of a conversation which they had already had with M. de Talleyrand. The prince observed to them, " Gentlemen, what is it you are about to do? If you succeed in your designs, you will compromise all who have met in this place since the 1st of April, and that number is not inconsiderable. As for me, I am willing to be compromised : take no account of me." I had passed the evening of this day with M. de Talleyrand, who had observed to the Emperor Alexander, in my presence, "Will you support Bonaparte? No, you neither can nor will. I have already had the honour to tell your majesty, that there can be no other alter- native than between Napoleon and Louis XVIII. ; any other choice whatsoever would be but an intrigue, and no intrigue will possess sufficient strength and consistency long to sustain him who may be its object. Bernadotte, Eugene, the regency — all these are but intrigues. Under present circumstances, nothing but some 448 MKMlUUS OF NAl'UI.r.ON MONAr.VUTK. fixed principle is sutViciontly strong to establish the new order of things, on which we now tind onrselves obliged to enter. Louis XYttl. is a principle." I remen\ber that M. de Talleyrand fre- quently nuide use of this expression to us — "Louis XVIII. is a principle." AVMien the marshals and Caulincourt had retired, we were all anxious to know what had passeil between them and the Emperor of Fxussia. I learned from DessoUes that the marshals were unan- imous in urging Alexander to accede to a regency. Macdonald, especially, warn\ly defended the proposition. The marshals strongly manifested their disinclination to abandon the lamily of the man who had so often led them to victory: and lastly, they ventured to remind Alexander of his own declaration, in whicli he proclaimed in his own name, as well as on the part of his allies, that they had not come to France with the intention o( imposing anv particular government. iDessoUes, who from the fu'st had openly declared himself in favour of the Bourbons, then replied in his turn, with as nuich warmth as the partisans of the regency. He represented to Alexander how n\any persons would be compromised for merely having acted or declared their opinions behind the shield of his promises. Alexander seemed to waver, and, unwilling to give the marshals a positive retusal, he had recourse to a subterfuge, by which he would be enabled to execute the design he had irrev- ocably formed, without seeming to take on himself alone the responsibility of a change of government. He, therefore, at last, gave the following answer to the marshals: "Gentlemen, I am not alone in an attair of such importance : I must consult the King of Prussia, for I have promised to do nothing without consulting him. In a few hours you shall know my decision." While the marshals were gone to Paris, Napoleon was anxious to ascertain whether his conmiissiouers had passed the advanced posts of the foreign armies, determined, in case of resistance, to march on Paris, tor he could not bring himself to believe that he had lost every chance. He sent an aid-de-camp to Marmont, whom he ordered to come immediately to Fontainbleau; but such was his impatience, that, instead of waiting for the return of the first, he sent otf a second, and then a third officer on the same errand. This rapid succession of messengers alarmed the gener- als who couunanded the ditferent divisions of Marmont's corps at Essone. They feared that the emperor had been made acquainted with the convention concluded that morning with Prince Schwartz- enberg, and that he had sent for ]\L\rmont with the view of severely reprimanding him. Napoleon, however, knew nothing MEMOIRS OF NAI'OLEON BONAI'AETE. 449 of the matter; for Marrnont, on rlepai-ting for Paris, had left orders that it should he said he had gone to ins{)ect his lines. Souliam, Lebrun, Des Essarts, and Bordesaille, who had given their assent to the convention with J^ince Schwartzenherg, deliberated in the absence of Marrnont, and, perhaps being ignorant that he was released from his promise, and fearing the vengeance of Napoleon, they determined to march upon Versailles. On arriving there the troops, not seeing the marshal at their head, thought themselves betrayed, and a spirit of insurrection soon exhibited itself among them. One of Marmont's aids-de-camp, whom he had left at Essonne, exerted his utmost endeavours to prevent the departure of his general's corps, but finding all his efforts ineffectual, he hastened to Paris to inform the marshal of what had happened. Marrnont was at breakfast at Ney's, with Macdonald and Caulin- court, when he received the news, which almost threw him into despair. He said to the marshals, "I must immediately rejoin my corps, and quell this mutiny." Then, without losing a moment, he ordered his carriage, and told the coachman to drive with the utmost speed. He sent forward one of his aids-de-camp to inform the troops of his approach. Having arrived within a few hundred paces of the place where the troops were assembled, he found the generals who were under his orders advancing to meet him. They entreated him not to proceed, as the men were in open insurrection. " I will go into the very midst of them," said Mar- rnont; "in a moment they shall either kill me, or acknowledge me as their chief." He then sent ofT another aid-de-camp to range the troops in the order of battle, and, alighting from his carriage, and mounting a horse, he advanced alone, and thus harangued the soldiers: "How! is there treason here? Is it possible that you disown me? Am I not your comrade? Have I not been wounded twenty times among you? Have I not shared your fatigues and privations, and am I not ready to do so again?" At these words he was interrupted by a general shout of "Vive le Mar6chal! Vive le Mar6chal!" The mission of the marshals had caused the most lively appre- hensions among the members of the provisional government, but the alarm was equally great on hearing the news of the mutiny of Marmont's troops. During the whole day we were in a state of the most cruel anxiety. The insurrectionary spirit it was feared might extend to other corps of the army, and the cause of France again be compromised. But the successful gallantry of Marmont saved every thing, and it would be impossible to convey an idea of the manner in which he was received by us at Talleyrand's, when he related the particulars of what had passed at Versailles. Dd 38* 450 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. As soon as Marmont had left Paris for Versailles, Napoleon's three commissioners hastened to the Emperor Alexander, to learn his resolution before he should be made acquainted with the move- ment of Marmont's troops. Alexander had walked out at six in the morning to the residence of the King of Prussia, in the Rue de Bourbon. The two sovereigns afterwards proceeded together to M. de Talleyrand's, where they were when Napoleon's com- missioners arrived. On the marshals and Caulincourt being intro- . duced to the two sovereigns, the Emperor Alexander, in answer to their proposition, replied, " That the regency was impossible — this, gentlemen, is the conclusion both myself and my allies have come to. Submissions to the provisional government are pouring in from all parts ; and if the army had formed contrary wishes, those wishes should have been made known earlier." " Sire," observed Macdonald, "that was impossible, as none of the marshals were in Paris ; and, besides, who could foresee the turn which affairs have taken? Could we have foreseen that an unfounded alarm would have removed from Essonne the corps of the Duke de Ragusa, who has this moment left us to bring his troops back to order?" These words produced no change in the determination of the allied sovereigns, who still insisted on Napoleon's uncondi- tional abdication. Before taking leave of the Emperor Alexander, the marshals solicited an armistice of forty-eight hours, which time they said was indispensable to negotiate the act of abdication with Napoleon. This request was immediately complied with. When, in discussing the question of the abdication, conforma- bly with the instructions he had received, Macdonald observed to the Emperor Alexander, that Napoleon desired nothing for him- self, "Assure him," replied Alexander, "that a provision shall be made for him suitable to the rank he has occupied. Tell him, that if he wishes to reside in my dominions, he shall be well received, though he brought desolation there. I shall always remember the friendship which united us. He shall have the island of Elba, or something else." After taking leave of the Emperor Alexander on the 5th of April, Napoleon's commissioners returned to Fontainbleau, to render an account of their mission. That same day I saw Alexander, and it appeared to me that his mind was relieved from a great w^eight by the question of the regency being definitely settled. I learned that he intended to quit !Paris in a few days, and that he had given full powers to M. Pozzo-di-Borgo, whom he appointed his commissioner to the pro- visional government. On the same day, the 5th of April, Napoleon inspected his troops in the palace-yard of Fontainbleau. He observed some MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 451 coolness among the officers, and even among the private soldiers, who had evinced such enthusiasm at the review on the 2d of the same month: their altered behaviour shocked him so much, that he remained but a short time on the parade, and immediately retired to his apartments. Convinced of the general discontent, which even his soldiers expressed by their silence, he gave him- self up to the most painful reflections. At near one o'clock on the morning of the 6th of April, Ney, Macdonald, and Caulincourt, arrived at Fontainbleau, to acquaint the emperor with the issue of their mission, and the sentiments expressed by Alexander when they took leave of him. Marshal Ney was the first to announce to Napoleon, that the allies required his complete and unconditional abdication, without any other stipulation than his personal safety, which should be guaranteed. Marshal Macdonald and the Duke de Vicenza then spoke to the same effect; but in milder terms than those employed by Ney, who, indeed, was not an adept in courtly phrases. When Marshal Macdonald had finished speaking, Napoleon said, with some emo- tion, " Marshal, I am fully sensible of all that you have done for me, and of the warmth with which you have pleaded the cause of my son. They wish for my complete and unconditional abdication. Very well : I again empower you to act on my behalf. You shall go and defend my interests, and those of my family." Then, after a few minutes' silence, and again addressing Macdonald, he con- tinued — "Marshal, where shall I go?" Macdonald then informed the emperor of what Alexander had said, in the supposition of his wishing to reside in Russia — " Sire," added he, " the Emperor of Russia told me that he destined for you the island of Elba, or something else." "Or something else!" repeated Napoleon, has- tily; "and what is that something else?" "Sire, I know not." "Ah, no doubt it is the island of Corsica, which he would not mention, in order to avoid any embarrassment. Marshal, I refer all to you." The .marshals returned to Paris as soon as Napoleon had fur- nished them with new powers ; but, on their arrival, Ney sent in his adhesion to the provisional government; so that when Mac- donald returned to Fontainbleau, to convey to Napoleon the defini- tive treaty of the allies, Ney did not accompany him. Caulincourt had remained with the emperor. When Macdonald entered the emperor's chamber, he found him seated in a small arm-chair before the fire-place. He was dressed in a morning-gown of white dimity, and he wore his slippers without stockings. His elbows rested on his knees, and his head was supported by his hands. He was motionless, and appeared absorbed in profound •15*3 MEMOIRS or NAroM'.oN ronapaute. vofloction. Only two poisons Avore m ilh him. the Duke do Bns- snuo. who w;is at a httio distance tVoni the oniporor, and Caulin- court, who was near the fire-}^laee. So profound was Napoleon's revevy, that ho did not hear IMacdonald enter, and the Duke de Vicenza Avas obliged to inform him of the marshal's presence. "Sire, the Duke de Tarento has brought, for your signature, the treatv which is to be ratified to-morrow." Whereupim the em- penn-. as if roused from a lethargic slumber, turned to Macdonald, and merely said, " Ah, marshal, you here!" Napoleon's counte- nance was so much alterotl. that the marshal, struck with the change, uttered the involuntary exclamation, "Is your majesty imlispt>sed?" — "Yes," replied Napoleon ; "I have passed a very bad night." The" emperor continued seated for a moment ; then rising, he took the treaty, read it. Avithout making any obserA'ation, andliav- ing signed it, returned it to the marshal, saying. "I am not uoav ricli enough to rcAvard these last services."" — ''Sire, interest never guiilcil my conduct." — "1 know it, and I now see hoAV nuich I have been deceived respecting you. .1 see, too, the designs oi' those \vIio prejudiced me against you." — "Sire, 1 have already told you that, since 1809. 1 am devoted to you in life and death.""-^"I kiiOAv it ; but. since I cannot recompense you as I Avould Avish. I Avill beg you to accept a token of remembrance, which, trifling as it is, Avill at least serve to assure you that I shall never forget the services you have rendered me." Then turning to Caulincourt, Napoleon said, "A'icenza. ask for the sabre Avhich Avas given me bv ^lurad Bey in Egypt, and Avhich I Avore at the battle of JMount 'iThabor." Constant liaving brought the sabre, the emperor took it from the hands o\' Caulincourt. and presented it to the marshal. "Here, my faithful friend!"' said he, "is a reward Avhich I think Avill gratify you." Macdonald, on receiving the sabre, said, " If ever I liaA'e a son, sire, this Avill be his most precious inheritance; but I Avill never part Avith it as long as Hive." — "Give me your hand," said the emperor, "and embrace me." At these Avords, Napoleon and Macdonald rushed into each other's arms Avith a mutual feeling of emotion, and parted Avith tears in their eyes. On the 11th of April, at Fontninbleau. after the clauses of the treaty had been guaranteed. Napoleon signed his act of abdication, Avhicli Avas conceiA'ed in the folio Aving terms: " The allied power? hnvini: proelaimeil that the Emperor Napoleon is the only obstaele to the riiestablishniem of peaee in Europe, the Eniperor Napoleon, fiiithfiil to his oath, deelares that he renounees tor himself and his heirs the thrones of Franee and Italy, and that there is no personal sacrifice, even that of life, which he is not ready to make for the interests of France." MEMOIRS OK NAPOLEON BONAPAETE. 453 It was not until after Bonaparte had written and signed the above act, that Marshal Macdonald sent to the provisional gov- ernment his recognition, expressed with equal dignity and simpli- city. It was as follows: "Being released from my oaths by the abdication of the Emperor Napoleon, I declare that I adhere to the acts of the senate and the provisional government." Thus terminated Napoleon's legal reign. It is worthy of remark, that his act of abdication was published in the Moniteur on the 12th of April, the very day on which the Count d'Artois made his entry into Paris with the title of Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom, conferred on him ?jy Louis XVIII. The 12th of April wa.s, also, the day on which the imperial arrriv% under the walls of Toulouse, fought its last battle, when the French troops, commanded by Soult, made Wellington purchase dearly his entrance into the south of France. CHAPTER XLVII. TranquUllty of Paris; Arrival of the Count d'ArtoiH: his Entry into PariH ; Arrival of the Emperor of Auatrifl ; Marla-Louiaa: her Dejiarture for Vienna; Italy, and Eugene. Political changes are generally stormy; yet, at the period of which I am now treating, Paris was perfectly tranquil — thanks to the excellent discipline maintained by the commanders of the allied armies, and thanks, also, to the services of the national guard of Paris, who every night patwlled the streets. My duties as director- general of the post-office had, of course, obliged me to resign my captain's epaulettes; but I cannot pass over without notice the important benefits which this citizen-guard conferred on the community. When, on the departure of the commissioners whom Napoleon had sent to Alexander to treat for the regency, it was finally determined that the allied sovereigns would listen to no terms proposed by Napoleon or his family, the provisional government thought it was time to request that Monsieur would, by his pres- ence, give a fresh impulse to the efTorts of the Bourbon partisans. The Abb OF BOl'KRIEXXE'S NAFOLEON. APPEIDIX EMBRACING THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS OF NAPOLEON'S LITE, FEOM 1815 TO 1821; WITH AN ACCOUNT OF HIS DEATH AT ST. HELENA, OF THE EXHUMATION OF HIS REMAINS IN 1840, AND OF THEIR FINAL DISPOSITION EST PARIS. CHAPTER I. Preliminaiy Remarks ; Situation of France and Belgium ; the Duke of Wellington at Brassels ; Rapid Concentration of an Army by Napoleon ; Blucher assembles his Army ; Encounter at Quatre-bras ; Details of the Battle of Waterloo ; its Disastrous Results to the French ; the English and Prussians equally entitled to the Honours of the Victory. In assuming the task of finishing what Bourrienne has left undone, the editor deems it unnecessary to premise, that he shall be com- pelled to draw mainly on works with which the reading public are already familiar. While he aims to embody every fact that can be considered interesting, he will also be careful that the splenetic remarks which are indulged in by some of the biographers of Napoleon, shall not be perpetuated through the medium of this edition. The many wilful misrepresentations which pride, or ava- rice, or ambition, have induced some writers to make, have lost their effect, if they ever had any, through the agency and develop- ments of time itself; and every individual may now calmly contem- plate the brilliant career of " the greatest captain of his age" and draw his own conclusions as to his relative merits and deficiencies. Perhaps no prominent events in modern history have been more productive of misrepresentation than the events which succeeded Napoleon's return from Elba. In relation to the Battle of Water- loo, in particular, the details published at the time, and during some years after, are for the most part deliberate, and often preposterous, falsifications — suited to the feelings of the writers, and the feel- ings and prejudices of the nations to which they were expressly addressed. Among the authors who have published their '^Remarks" to the world, is Captain John W. Pringle, of the Royal Engineers; and he is now generally admitted to have given a more impartial 41* 486 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. account than most other writers who have ventured upon the sub- ject. He makes no pretensions to giving any new matter upon a topic ah'eady so much discussed, but merely presents some facts and considerations w:hich have not been, perhaps, fully or fairly appreciated. As he embraces every incident of interest in the memorable campaign of 1815, we subjoin his statement in detail, which is as follows : France, as is well known, is, on the Belgian frontier, studded with fortresses. Belgium, on the contrary, is now defenceless. The numer- ous fortresses in the Low Countries, so celebrated in our former wars, had been dismantled in the reign of the Emperor Joseph ; and their destruction completed by the French, when they got possession of the country at the battle of Fleurus, 1794, with the exception of Antwerp, Ostend, and Nieuport, which they had kept up on account of their marine importance. These circumstances placed the two parties in very diiferent situations, both for security, and for facility of preparing and carrying into execution the measures either for attack or defence. It may be well supposed, that the general impression in Belgium was, that Bonaparte would lose no time in endeavouring to regain a country which he considered as almost part of France ; important to him for the resources it would have afforded, and perhaps still more so, as it would deprive his enemies of so convenient a base of operations for the pre- paration of the means for attacking France. The discontent in Belgium, and the Prussian provinces on the Rhine, also ainong the Saxon troops who had served in his army, was known. The mutinous spirit of these troops appeared to be in concert with the movements of the French forces on the frontiers ; so much so, that they were disarmed and sent to the rear. In the former, the discontent was particularly favoured by the number of French officers and soldiers, who had been discharged as aliens from the French army, in which they had served nearly since the Revolution, and now gave themselves little care to conceal their real sentiments and attachments. The flight of Louis from Lille, through Flanders, added to this feeling in Belgium — such appeared to be the pre- vailing spirit. The force the British had to keep it in check, and resist an invasion, amounted only to six thousand or seven thousand men, under the orders of Sir Thomas Graham, consisting chiefly of second battal- ions, hastily collected, a great portion of our best troops not having yet A'turned from America. There were also in Belgium the German legion, together with eight thousand to ten thousand men of the new Hanoverian levies. The organization of the Belgian troops had been just commenced, so that the force of the Prince of Orange might amount to about twenty thousand men. The Prussian General Kleist, who com- manded on the Rhine and Meuse, had thirty thousand men, afterwards augmented to fifty thousand, which, however, included the Saxons. The intelligence of Napoleon having landed at Cannes on the 1st of March, reached Brussels on the 9th. Preparations were immediately MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 487 made for the defence of the country. The British troops under General Clinton concentrated, with their allies, near Ath, Mons, and Tournay ; and these places, with Ypres, Ghent, and Oudenarde, were ordered to be put in a state of defence consistently with the exigencies of the moment. To effect this, every use was made of what remained of the old fortifi- cations. New works were added, and advantage was taken of the great system of defence in that country, which is generally under the level of some canal, or the sea, and consequently capable of being inundated. The sluices which commanded the inundations were covered by strong redoubts. About twenty thousand labourers, called in by requisitions on the country, were daily employed on the works, in addition to the working parties furnished by the troops. The necessary artillery and stores were supplied from England and Holland. Troops arrived daily, and were immediately moved to the frontiers, whence, from the movements that were constantly taking place, it is probable that exaggerated accounts were transmitted to the enemy. By these vigorous and prompt measures, confidence became restored — the panic among the people of Belgium was removed — they saw that their country was not to be given up without a severe struggle — it fixed the wavering, and silenced the disaffected. In less than a month, most of the frontier places were safe from a coup-de-main. The Duke of Wellington had arrived at Brussels from Vienna early in April, and immediately inspected the frontier and the fortresses ; after which, he agreed on a plan of operations with the Prussians, by which they concentrated their troops along the Sambre and Meuse, occupying Charleroi, Namur, and Liege, so as to be in communication with his left. The Prussians had repaired the works round Cologne, which assured their communications with Prussia, and gave them a tete-du- pont on the Rhine. Reference to the map will show that the canton- ments of the Prussians, along the Sambre and Meuse, enabled them to act in concert with our army ; to cover their line of communication with Prussia ; and to move rapidly into the provinces of the Moselle, in the event of the enemy advancing from Metz. The Russians were to have come into the line at Mayence, but they did not reach the Rhine until June, and then only the first corps ; so that, for the present, a gap existed from the Prussian left at Dinant, to the Austi'o-Bavarian right at Manheim. It was an important object to cover Brussels ; and it is to be consid- ered that this city forms, as it were, a centre to a large portion of the French frontier, extending about seventy miles from the Lys to the Meuse, viz : from Menin to Philipville or Givet ; that it is about fifty miles distant from these extreme points; and that it was necessary to guard the entrance from France by Tournay, Mons, and Charleroi ; and also to prevent Ghent, a very important place, from being attacked from Lille. Bonaparte appears to have attached much importance to the occupation of Brussels, as appears by the bulletins found ready printed 488 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. in his baggage, which was captured. It was, therefore, of much import- ance, in every point of view, to prevent even a temporary occupation of this city, and this could only be done by risking an action in front of it. Some movements were observed on the French frontier, between Lille and Berguer, as if preparing for offensive operations, about the end of March, at which period the troops cantoned near Menin had orders, after making due resistance, and destroying the bridge on the Lys, to fall back on Coutrai, their point of assembling; and then, after such a resistance as would not compromise their safety in retreat, to endeavour to ascertain the object of the enemy's movements, and give time for the troops to assemble. They were to retire on Oudenarde and Ghent, opening the sluices and extending the inundation. About the beginning of May, similar movements were also observed, but less was then to be apprehended, since, by the advanced state of the works at Tournay, the t^te-du-pont at Oudenarde and Ghent, we then commanded the Scheldt, and could have assumed the offensive. Great credit is undoubtedly due to Napoleon for the mode in which he concealed his movements, and the rapidity with which he concen- trated his army. The forced marches he was obliged to make, appear, however, to have paralyzed his subsequent movements, from the fatigue his troops underwent. The army he commanded were mostly old sol diers of the same nation, under a single chief. The allied armies were composed of different nations, a great portion of young levies, and under two generals, each of such reputation as not likely to yield great defer ence to the other. On the night of the 14th of June, the French army bivouacked in three divisions, as near the frontier as possible, without being observed by the Prussians ; the left at Ham-sur-heure, the centre at Beaumont, where the head-quarters were established, and the right at Philipville. At three o'clock A. M., on the 15th of June, the French army crossed the frontier in three columns, dii'ected on Marchiennes, Charleroi, and Chatelet. The Prussian out-posts were quickly driven in ; they, how- ever, maintained their ground obstinately at three points, until eleven o'clock, when General Ziethen took up a position at Gilly and Gosselies, in order to check the advance of the enemy, and then retired slowly on Fleurus, agreeably to the orders of Marshal Blucher, to allow time for the concentration of his army. The French army was formed on the night of the 15th, in three columns, the left at Gosselies, the centre near Gilly, and the right at Chatelet. Two corps of the Prussian army occu- pied the position at Sombref, on the same night, where they were joined by the first corps, and occupied St. Amand, Bry, and Ligny ; so that, notwithstanding all the exertions of the French, at a moment when time was of such importance, they had only been able to advance about fifteen English miles during the day, with nearly fifteen hours of day-light. The corps of Ziethen had suffered considerably, but he had effected his orders ; so that Marshal Blucher was enabled to assemble three corps of his army, eighty thousand men, in position early on the 15th, and his fourth corps was on its march to join him that evening. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 489 The Duke of Wellington seems to have expected an attack by the Mons chaussee, and on his first receiving information of the enemy's move- ments, merely ordei'ed his troops to hold themselves in readiness ; this was on the evening of the 15th of June, at six o'clock. Having obtained farther intelligence about eleven o'clock, which confirmed the real attack of the enemy to be along the Sambre, orders were immediately given for the troops to march upon Quatre-bras. The Duke of Wellington arrived at Quatre-bras on the 16th, at an early hour, and immediately proceeded to Bry, to concert measures with Marshal Blucher, for arranging the most efficient plan of support. It appeared at that time, that the whole French attack would be directed against the Prussians, as considerable masses of the enemy were in movement in their front. The object of the enemy on the 16th, as may be seen by the general orders of Napoleon, communicated by Soult to Ney and Grouchy, was to turn the Prussian right, by driving the British from Quatre-bras, and then to march down the chaussee upon the Bry, and thus to separate the armies. For this purpose, Ney was detached with forty-three thousand men. The plan was excellent, and if Ney had been successful, would have led to important results. After obtaining possession of Quatre- bras, he was to have detached part of his forces to attack the Prussian right flank in the rear of St. Amand, while Bonaparte was making the chief attack on that village, the strongest in the position, and at the same time keeping the whole Prussian line engaged. Half of Ney's force was left in reserve near Frasnes, to be in readiness to support the attacks on Quatre-bras or St. Amand, and in the event of both succeeding, to turn the Prussian right, by marching direct on Wagnele or Bry. The village of St. Amand was well defended ; it formed the strength of the Prussian right, and from the intersection of several gardens and hedges, was very capable of defence, although so much in advance of the rest of the Prussian position. After a continued attack for two hours, the enemy had only obtained possession of half the village of St. Amand, and a severe attack was made upon Ligny, which was taken and retaken several times. At this time Bonaparte sent for the corps of reserve left by Ney at Frasnes; before, however, it reached St. Amand, in conse- quence of the check they had sustained at Quatre-bras, it was counter- marched, and from this circumstance became of little use either to Bona- parte or Ney. Bonaparte having observed the masses of troops which Blucher had brought up behind St. Amand, appears to have changed the disposition of his reserves, who were marching upon St. Amand, and moved them towards the right, to attack the Prussian centre at Ligny, which they succeeded in forcing, and so obtained possession of that village. It was now nine o'clock, about dark, which prevented the French from advancing farther, and they contented themselves with the occupation of Ligny. The Prussians did not evacuate Bry before three o'clock A. M. on the 17th. In the course of the night, the Prussians fell back on Tilly and Gembloux. The loss of the Prussians, according to their 490 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. own account, amounted to fourteen thousand men and fifteen pieces of artillery : the French official account, in the Moniteur, says fifteen thou- sand. The French acknowledge to have lost seven thousand. The force of the enemy, at the time the Duke of Wellington left Quatre-bras to communicate with Blucher, appeared so Aveak that no serious attack was at that time to be apprehended ; but on his return to that position, about three o'clock, he found they had assembled a large force at Frasnes, and were preparing for an attack, which was made about half-past three o'clock by two columns of infantry, and nearly all their cavalry, supported by a heavy fire of artillery. The force at that time under his orders, was seventeen thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry, of which about four thousand five hundred were British infantry ; the rest, Hanoverians, Belgians, and Nassau troops. They at first obtained some success, driving back the Belgian and Brunswick cavalry ; their cavalry penetrated among our infantry before they had quite time to form squares, and forced part of it to retire into the adjoin- ing wood ; they were, however, repulsed. At this period of the action, the third British division, under General Alton, arrived about four o'clock, soon after the action had commenced. They consisted of about six thousand three hundred men, and were composed of British, King's German legion, and Hanoverians. Tliey had some difficulty in main- taining their ground, and one regiment lost a colour. They succeeded, however, in repelling the enemy from the advanced points he had gained at the farm of Gemincourt and the village of Pierremont. Ney still, however, occupied part of the wood of Bossu, which extends from Quatre-bras, on the right of the road towards Frasnes, to the distance of about a mile. This favoured an attack on the right of our position, which he accordingly made, after having been repulsed on the left. At this moment the division of General Cooke (guards), four thousand strong, arrived from Enghien, and materially assisted to repel this attack, which, after considerable exertions, was done, and the enemy driven back upon Frasnes, in much confusion. This affair was severely contested, and, though the enemy were repulsed, the loss on each side was nearly equal, owing to the superiority of the French in artillery. The loss, however, inflicted on the French by the fire of musketry, which their attacking columns were exposed to, was very considerable, and counterbalanced the advantage they derived from their artillery. It required great exertions to maintain the important post of Quatre-bras, in the present relative situations of the two armies. If Ney had advanced as rapidly as Bonaparte says he might have done, he would have obtained his object. But even had Ney got possession of Quatre-bras at an early hour, he would scarcely have been able to detach any sufficient force against the Prussians, seeing, as he must have done, or at least ought to have calculated, that the British forces were arriving rapidly on the point which we suppose him to have occupied. The British could have still retreated on Waterloo, and been concentrated on the 17th at that MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 491 position ; and there was nothing to prevent the Prussians tetreating on Wavres, as they afterwards did. Bonaparte did not gain possession of Quatre-bras until the forenoon of the 17th. He had sustained a severe check with one part of his army, and gained an indecisive action with the other ; the loss of the allies not exceeding his own, while they had the advantage of retiring leisurely on their resources and reinforcements, and by the retreat, gave up no place or position now of consequence to the pursuing enemy. The result of the operations of the 16th produced no important consequences to the French. The celebrated engineer, General Rogniat, does not hesitate to term it an indecisive action. The success of the British in repelling the attack of Quatre-bras, tended to make them meet the renewed attack at Waterloo with more confidence, and probably had a contrary effect on the enemy ; while the manner in which the Prussian corps of Thielmann received the attack of Grouchy on the 18th, who had superior forces, showed how little the confidence of the Prussians had been shaken by the action at Ligny. The outline of the operations, and the strategic on the part of Napoleon to separate the two armies, was no doubt finely conceived, and, as we have seen, was nearly successful : yet it is presumed that, had it been so, even to the extent Bonaparte could hope or expect, the allies had still a safe retreat and sufficient resources. On all sides it was a calculation of hours. It is hardly possible to know the point an enterprising enemy means to attack, especially on so extended a line, and here the assailant has the advantage. The spirited manner in which the allied marshals adhered to their plans of defence previously agreed on, and extricated themselves from the difficulties which they found themselves placed in, by the sudden and vigorous attack they had to sustain, and which their distinct com- mands tended rather to inci'ease, must command admiration. On the morning of the 17th, the British troops remained in possession of Quatre-bras, where the rest of the army had joined the Duke of Wellington, who prepared to maintain that position against the French army, had the Prussians remained in the position of Ligny, so as to give him support. Marshal Blucher had sent an aid-de-camp to inform the duke of his retreat, who was unfortunately killed ; and it was not until seven o'clock on the 17th, that Lord Wellington learned the direction which the Prus- sians had taken. The Prussians had fallen back very leisurely on Wavres, their rear-guard occupying Bry, which they did not evacuate before three o'clock on the morning of the 17th. The retrograde move- ment of the Prussians rendered a corresponding one necessary an the part of the British, which was performed in the most leisurely manner, the duke allowing the men time to finish their cooking. About ten o'clock the whole army retired, in three columns, by Genappe and Nivelles, towards a position at Waterloo. As the troops arrived in position in front of Mont St. Jean, they took up the ground they were to maintain, which was effected early in the 492 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. evening. The weather began to be veiy severe at this period. The whole French army, under Bonaparte, with the exception of two corps under Grouchy (thirty-two thousand men, and one hundred and eight guns) took up a position immediately in front ; and, after some cannon- ading, both armies remained opposite to each other during the night, the rain falling in torrents. The duke had already communicated with Marshal Btucher, who promised to come to his support with the whole of his army, on the morning of the 18th. It was consequently decided upon to cover Brussels (the preservation of which was of such import- ance, in every point of view, to the King of the Netherlands), by main- taining the position of Mont St. Jean. The intention of the allied chiefs, if tliey were not attacked on the 18th, was to have attacked the enemy on the 19th. The morning of the 18th, and part of the forenoon, were passed by the enemy in a state of supineness, for which it was difficult to account. The rain had certainly retarded his movements, more particularly that of bringing his artillery into position ; yet it was observed that this had been accomplished at an early hour. Grouchy has given, as a reason, that Napoleon's ammunition had been so much exhausted in the pre- ceding actions, that there was only a sufficiency with the army for an action of eight hours. The heavy fall of rain on the night of the 17th, was no doubt more disadvantageous to the enemy than to the troops under Lord Wellington ; the latter were in position, and had few move- ments to make ; while the enemy's columns, and particularly his cav- alry, were much fatigued and impeded by the state of the ground, which, with the trampled corn, caused them to advance more slowly, and kept them longer under fire. On the other hand, the same causes delayed the Prussians in their junction, which they had promised to effect at eleven o'clock, and obliged Lord Wellington to maintain the position alone, nearly eight hours longer than had been calculated upon. About twelve o'clock, the enemy commenced the action by an attack upon Hougomont, with several columns, preceded by numerous light troops, who, after severe skirmishing, drove the Nassau troops from the wood in its front, and established themselves in it. During the early part of the day, the action was almost entirely con- fined to this part of the line, except a galling fire of artillery along the centre, which was vigorously returned by our guns. This fire gradu- ally extended towards the left, and some demonstrations of an attack of cavalry were made by the enemy. As the troops were drawn up on the slope of the hill, they suffered most severely from the enemy's artillery. In order to remedy this. Lord Wellington moved them back about one hundred and fifty or two hundred yards, to the reverse slope of the hill, to shelter them from the direct fire of the guns; our artillery in consequence remained in advance, that they might see into the valley. This movement was made between one and two o'clock by the duke in person ; it was general along the front or centre of the position, on the height to the right of La Haye Sainte. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 403 It is by no means improbable, that the enemy considered this move- ment as the commencement of a retx'eat, since a considerable portion of our troops were withdrawn from his sight, and determined in consequence to attack our left centre, in order to get possession of the buildings called Ferme de M^ St. Jean, or of the village itself, which commanded the point of junction of the two chaussees. The attacking columns advanced on the Genappe chaussee, and by the side of it ; they consisted of four columns of infantry (d'Erlon's corps, which was not engaged on the 16th), thirty pieces of artillery, and a large body of cuirassiers (Milhaud's). On the left of this attack, the French cavalry took the lead of the infantry, and had advanced considerably, when the Duke of Wellington ordered the heavy cavalry (Life Guards) to charge them as they ascended the position near La Haye Sainte. They were driven back on their own position, where the chaussee, being cut into the rising ground, leaves steep banks on either side. In this confined space they fought at swords' length for some minutes, until the enemy brought down some light artillery from the heights, when the British cavalry retired to their own position. The loss of the cuirassiers did no appear great. They seemed immediately to reform their ranks, and soon after advanced to attack our infantry, who were formed into squares to receive them, being then unsupported by cavalry. The columns of infantry in the meantime pushed forward on our left of the Genappe chausse, beyond La Haye Sainte, which they did not attempt in this attack to take. A Belgian brigade of infantry, formed in front, gave way, and these columns crowned the position ; when Sir Thomas Picton moved up the brigade of General Pack from the second line (the ninety.second regiment in front), which opened a fire on the column just as it gained the height, and advanced upon it ; when within thirty yards, the column began to hesitate ; at this moment a brigade of heavy cavalry (first and second dragoons) wheeled round the ninety-second regiment, and took the column in flank ; a total rout ensued : the Fi'ench, throwing down their arms, ran into our position to save themselves from being cut down by the cavalry ; many were killed, and two eagles, with two thousand prisoners, taken. But the cavalry pursued their success too far, and being fired upon by one of the other columns, and at the same time, when in confusion, being attacked by some French cavalry, who had been sent to support the attack, the British were obliged to retire with considerable loss. In this attack the enemy had brought forward several pieces of artillery, which were captured by our cavalry ; the horses in the guns were killed, and we were obliged to abandon the guns. General Ponsonby, who com- manded the cavalry, was killed. The gallant Sir Thomas Picton also fell, leading on his division to repel this attack. From this period, half- past two, until the end of the action, the British cavalry were scarcely engaged, but remained in readiness in the second line. After the French cuirassiers had reformed, and were strongly reinforced, they again advanced upon our position, and made several desperate attacks upon 43 494 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. our infantry, who immediately formed into squares, and maintained themselves with the most determined courage and coolness. The French cavalry, in the attack on the centre of our line above mentioned, were not supported by infantry. They came on, however, with the greatest courage, close to the squares of our infantry ; the artil- lery, which was somewhat in advance, kept up a well-directed fire upon them as they advanced, but, on their nearer approach, the gun- ners were obliged to retire into the squares, so that the guns were actually in possession of the enemy's cavalry, who could not, however, keep possession of them, or even spike them, if they had the means, in consequence of the heavy fire of musketry to which they were exposed. They were driven back with loss on all points, and the artillerymen immediately resumed their guns in the most prompt manner, and opened a severe and destructive fire of grape-shot on them as they retired.* After the failure of the first attack, the French had little or no chance of success by renewing it ; but the officers, perhaps ashamed of the failure of such boasted troops, endeavoured repeatedly to bring them back to charge the squares; but they could only be brought to pass between them, and round them. They even penetrated to our second line, where they cut down some stragglers and artillery-drivers, who were with the limbers and ammunition-wagons. They charged the Belgian squares in the second line with no better success ; and, upon some heavy Dutch cavalry showing themselves, they soon retired. If the enemy supposed us in retreat, then such an attack of cavalry might have led to the most important results; but by remaining so use- lessly in our position, and passing and repassing our squares of infantry, they suffered severely by their fire ; so much so, that before the end of the action, when they might have been of great use, either in the attack, or in covering the retreat, they were nearly destroyed. Had Bonaparte been nearer the front, he surely would have prevented this useless sacri- fice of his best troops. Indeed, the attack of cavalry at this period is only to be accounted for by supposing the British army to be in retreat. Thus, every attack of the enemy had been repulsed, and a severe loss inflicted. The influence this must have had on the "morale" of each army was much in favour of the British, and the probability of success on the part of the enemy was consequently diminished from that period. It may here be proper to consider the situation of the Prussian army, and the assistance they had rendered up to this time, about six o'clock. The British army had sustained several severe attacks, which had * The cavalry came up to one of the squares at a trot, and appeared to be hanging back as if expecting our fire ; they closed round two sides of it, having a front of seventy or eighty men, and came so close to one angle, that they appeared to try to reach over the bayonets with their swords. The squares were generally formed four deep, rounded at the angles ; on the approach of the cavalry, two files fired, the others reserving their fire: the cavalry then turned, and it is not easy to believe how few fell — only one officer and two men; no doubt many were wounded, but did not fall from their horses. Many squares fired at the distance of thirty paces, with no other efTect. In fact, our troops fired too high, which must have been noticed by the most casual observer. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 495 been all repulsed, and no advantage of any consequence had been gained by the enemy. They had possessed part of the wood and garden of Hougomont, and La Haye Sainte, which latter they were unable to occupy. Not a square had been broken, shaken, or obliged to retire. Our infantry continued to display the same obstinacy, the same cool, calculating confidence in themselves, in their commander, and in their officers, which had covered them with glory in the long and arduous war in the Peninsula. From the limited extent of the field of battle, and the tremendous fire their columns were exposed to, the loss of the enemy could not have been less than fifteen thousand killed and wounded. Two eagles and two thousand prisoners had been taken, and their cavalry almost destroyed. We still occupied nearly the same position as we did in the morning, but our loss had been severe, perhaps not less than ten thousand killed and wounded. Our ranks were farther thinned by the number of men who carried off the wounded, part of whom never returned to the field. The number of Belgian and Hanoverian troops, many of whom were young levies, that crowded in the rear, was very considerable ; besides the number of our own dismounted dragoons, together with a proportion of our infantry, some of whom, as will always be found in the best armies, were glad to escape from the field. These thronged the road leading to Brussels, in a manner that none but an eye-witness could have believed ; so that, perhaps, the actual force under the Duke of Wellington at this time, half-past six, did not amount to more than thirty-four thousand men. We had at an early hour been in communication with some patroles of Prussian cavalry on our extreme left. But it was certainly past five o'clock before the fire of the Prus- sian artillery (Bulow's corps) was observed from our position ; and it soon seemed to cease altogether. It appears that they had advanced, and obtained some success, but were afterwards driven back to a con- siderable distance by the French, who sent a corps under General Lobau to keep them in check. About half-past six, the first Prussian corps came into communication with our extreme left, near Ohain. The efiective state of the several armies may be considered to have been as follows : The army under the Duke of Wellington amounted, at the com- mencement of the campaign, to seventy-five thousand men, including every description of force, of which nearly forty thousand were English, or the King's German legion. Our loss at Quatre-bras amounted to four thousand five hundred killed and wounded, which reduced the army to seventy thousand five hundred men; of these, about fifty-four thousand were actually engaged at Waterloo — about thirty-two thousand were composed of British troops, or the King's German legion, including cavalry, infantry, and artillery ; the remainder, under Prince Frederic, took no part in the action, but covered the approach to Brussels from Nivelles, and were stationed in the neighbourhood of Halle. The French force has been variously stated, and it is not easy to form a very accu- rate statement of their strength. Batty gives it at one hundred and 496 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE twenty-seven thousand men; that is, the number which crossed the frontiers. It is also given at one hundred and twenty-two thousand. Gourgaud reduces it to one hundred and fifteen thousand; of these, twenty-one thousand were cavalry, and they had three hundred and fifty guns. They assert they had but seventy-one thousand engaged at Waterloo. This number, however, is certainly under- rated ; and there is little doubt but Bonaparte had upwards of seventy-five thousand men under his immediate command on the 18th of June. It may be necessary here to refer to the operations of the corps under Grouchy, who were detached in pursuit of the Prussians. It appears that, at twelve o'clock on the 17th, Bonaparte was ignorant of the direction the Prussian army had taken. It was generally supposed that it was towards Namur. At that hour, Bonaparte ordered Grouchy, with thirty- two thousand men, to follow them. As the troops were much scattered, it was three o'clock before they were in movement, and they did not arrive at Gembloux before the night of the 17th, when Grouchy informed Bonaparte of the direction the Prussian army had taken. He discov- ered the rear-guard of the Prussians near Wavres about twelve o'clock on the 18th, and at two o'clock he attacked Wavres, which was obsti- nately defended by General Thielmann, and succeeded in obtaining possession of a part of the village. By the gallant defence of this post by General Thielmann, Grouchy was induced to believe that the whole Prussian army was before him. Blucher, however, had detached Bulow's corps (fourth) at an early hour upon Chapelle-Lambert, to act on the rear of the French army. The British army, at this eventful period of the day, amounted to about thirty-four thousand men (allowing ten thousand killed and wounded, and ten thousand more who had left the field), eighteen thousand of whom were English. The enemy may have had about forty-five thou- sand immediately opposed to us, allowing twenty thousand killed, wounded, and taken prisoners, and ten thousand men detached to act against the Prussians. The assistance of the Prussians had been expected at an early hour, which had induced Lord Wellington to accept a battle ; so that the British army had to bear the whole brunt of the action for a much longer period than was calculated. Lord Wellington, however, showed no anx- iety as to the result. The corps of Lord Hill, several Belgian battalions, and a considerable portion of the cavalry, had been but little engaged. He knew the troops he had under his command, and seemed confident of being able to maintain his position, even if the Prussians did not arrive before night. The above detail has been entered into for the purpose of showing the state of the armies towards the close of the day. Bonaparte was now aware of the powerful diversion the Prussians were about to make, but at the same time seems to have imagined that Grouchy would be able to paralyze their movements. He therefore resolved to make a last MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 497 desperate effort to break the centre of the British army, and carry their position, before the attack of the Prussians could take effect. The Imperial Guard had been kept in reserve, and had been for some time formed on the heights extending from La Belle Alliance towards Hougomont, which supported their lefl flank. They had not yet been engaged. About seven o'clock, they advanced in two columns, leaving four bat- talions in reserve. They were commanded by Ney, who led them on. At the same time, they pushed on some light troops in the direction of La Haye. The advance of these columns of the guards was supported by a heavy fire of artillery. Our infantry, who had been posted on the reverse of the hill, to be sheltered from the fire of the guns, were instantly moved forward by Lord Wellington. General Maitland's brigade of guards, and General Adams's brigade (fifty-second and seventy- first regiments, and ninety-fifth rifles), met this formidable attack. They were flanked by two brigades of artillery, who kept up a destructive fire on the advancing columns. Our troops waited for their approach with their characteristic coolness, until they were within a short distance of our line, when they opened a well-dii'ected fire upon them. The line was formed four deep. The men fired independently, retiring a few paces to load, and then advanced and fired, so that their fire never ceased for a moment. The French, headed by their gallant leader, still advanced, notwithstanding the severe loss they sustained by this fire, which apparently seemed to check their movement. They were now within about fifty yards of our line, when they attempted to deploy, in order to return the fire. Our line appeared to be closing round them. They could not, however, deploy under such a fire ; and, from the moment they ceased to advance, their chance of success was over. They now formed a confused mass, and at last gave way, retiring in the utmost confusion. They were immediately pursued by the light troops of General Adams's brigade. This decided the battle. The enemy had now exhausted his means of attack. He had still, however, the four bat- talions of the Old Guard in reserve. Lord Wellington immediately ordered the whole line to advance to attack their position. The enemy were already attempting a retreat. These battalions formed a square to cover the retreat of the flying columns, flanked by a few guns, and sup- ported by some light cavalry (red lancers). The first Prusssian corps had now joined our extreme, left. They had obtained possession of the village of La Haye, driving out the French light troops who occupied it. Bulow, with the fourth corps, had some time previous to this made an unsuccessful attack upon the village of Planchenot, in the rear of the enemy's right wing, and being joined by the second corps (Pirch's), was again advancing to attack it. In the mean time, the square of the Old Guard maintained itself, the guns on its flank firing upon our light cavalry, who now advanced, and threatened to turn their flank. Our light troops were close on their front, and our whole line advancing, when this body, the "eZtie," and Gg 43* 498 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. now the only hope of the enemy to cover their retreat and save their army, gave way, and mixed in the general confusion and route, aban- doning their cannon and all their materiel. It was now nearly dark. Bulow, upon being joined by Pirch's corps, again attacked Planchenot, which he turned, and then the enemy abandoned it. He immediately advanced towards the Genappe chaussee, and closed round the right of the French, driving the enemy before him, and augmenting their con- fusion. His troops came into the high-road, or chaussee, near Maison du Roi, and Blucher and Wellington having, met about the same time near La Belle Alliance, it was resolved to pursue the enemy, and give him no time to rally. The Prussians, who had made only a short march during the day, pursued the enemy with such vigour, that they were unable to rally a single battalion. The British army halted on the field of battle. The French once attempted to make a show of resistance at Genappe, where, perhaps, if they had had a chief to direct them, they might have main- tained themselves until day-light, the situation of the village being strong; this might have given them the means of saving at least the semblance of an army. The second Prussian corps was afterwards detached to intercept Grouchy, who was not aware of the result of the battle until twelve o'clock next day. He had succeeded in obtaining some advan- tage over General Thielmann, and got possession of Wavres. He immediately retreated towards Namur, where his rear-guard maintained themselves against all the efforts of the Prussians, who suffered severely in their attempt to take the place. This served to cover his retreat, which he executed with great ability, keeping in a parallel line to Blucher; and, having rallied many of the fugitives, he brought his army without loss to Paris. He had been considered as lost, and his army made prisoners; this belief was a great cause of the resignation of Bonaparte ; otherwise, with this army he could have mustered seventy or eighty thousand men ; with the fortifications and resources of Paris, which was sufficiently secure against a coup-de-main, it is not likely he would have so easily submitted without another struggle, after the brilliant defensive campaign he had made the preceding yfear. There are always some turns of fortune in the events of war ; he might at least have made terms. That army, and a great part of the population, would still have been o-lad to make sacrifices to endeavour to reestablish the sullied lustre of his arms. At least, the honour of falling sword in hand was in his power. The lime of the arrival and cooperation of the Prussians has been variously stated. The above account is perhaps as near the truth as can be. The French writers make it at an early hour, to account more satisfactorily for their defeat. The Prussians also make it somewhat earlier than was actually the case, in order to participate more largely in the honours of the day. Their powerful assistance has been acknowl- edged to its full extent. They completed the destruction of the French army, after they had failed in all their attacks against the British, which MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 499 continued upwards of seven hours; after their cavalry had been destroyed, their Imperial Guards driven back, and eagles and prisoners taken, and when their means of farther attack may be considered as exhausted. The British army had suffered severely, and was not in a state to have taken great advantage of the retreat of the French. But its safety was never for a moment compromised, and no calculation could justify the idea that we would have been so easily defeated and driven from our position, but that tlie enemy would have been so much crippled, that he could not have taken much advantage of our reverses. Even in such a case, the arrival of the Prussians must have obliged him to have retired. This short campaign of " Hours" was a joint operation. The honours must be shared. On the 16th, the Prussians fought at Ligny under the promise of our cooperation, which could not, however, be given to the extent it was wished or hoped. On the 18th, Lord Wellington fought at Waterloo, on the promise of the early assistance of the Prussians, which, though unavoidably delayed, was at last given with an effect which perhaps had never before been witnessed. The finest army France ever saw, commanded by the greatest and ablest of her chiefs, ceased to exist, and in a moment the destiny of Europe was changed. C H APT ER II. The CoiiBequences of the Battle of Waterloo ; the Chambers meet, and adopt several important reso- lutions, submitted by La Fayette ; the Ministers make a detailed slalement of recent disasters ; the Abdication of Napoleon considered a necessary measure ; he communicates his act of Abdication ; repairs to Malmaisou, and thence to Rochefort; Paris surrendered to the Allies; Louis XVIIL reestablished upon the Throne ; Negotiations of Las Cases and Savary with Captain Maitland ; Napoleon determines to embark on board the Bellerophon ; Letter to the Prince Regent ; Recep- tion by Captain Maitland ; Interview with Admiral Hotham ; Napoleon and the Marines ; Sailfs for England ; Arrives at Torbay, whence the Bellerophon is ordered to anchor olT Plymouth ; Meeting of Napoleon and the English Commissioners ; Attempt to remove him on shore by writ of Habeas Corpus ; Napoleon's Protest against the Decision of the English Government ; Selection of his Companions in Exile ; Examination of his Effects ; is transferred on board the Northumberland, and committed to the care of Admiral Cockburn ; Sails for St. Helena. The immediate consequences of the battle of Waterloo were the total loss of the campaign, and the entire destruction of the finest, though not the most numerous, army which Napoleon had ever commanded. That portion of the army which escaped from the field, fled in the greatest confusion towards the frontiers of France, and was not reassembled until it had reached Laon. Napoleon himself continued his flight until he reached Philip- ville, and at this point he intended to have placed himself at the head of Grouchy 's division, but a report became current that this 500 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPAKTE. division also had been destroyed, and that the general was made prisoner. These reports led him to abandon his purpose, and to continue his journey to Paris, whither he carried the news of his own defeat. On the 19th, the capital had been greeted with the intelligence of three great victories — at Charleroi, at Ligny, and at Quatre- bras; but on the 21st, the third day after the fatal action, it was whispered, and then openly said, that Napoleon had returned alone from the army on the preceding night, and was now at the palace of the Bourbon-Elys^e. The unfortunate state of affairs could not long be concealed: it was soon known that a great bat- tle had been fought, and that the French army was defeated. The Chambers of Representatives and of Peers hastily assem- bled, and a series of resolutions were submitted by the Marquis de la Fayette, prefaced by an energetic and patriotic speech, in which he invited the representatives of the people to rally round the ancient standard of "liberty, equality, and public order." The first resolution declared the state to be in danger; the second, that the sittings of the chambers should be permanent, and any attempt to dissolve them regarded as high treason; the third, that the troops had deserved well of their country; the fourth, that the national guard should be called out ; and the fifth, that the ministers be invited to repair to the assembly. These propositions intimated the fears of the Chamber of Representatives, lest they should again be dissolved by an armed force, and at the same time announced their intention to place themselves at the head of public affairs, without farther respect to the emperor. The resolutions were all adopted, except the fourth, which was considered premature. The chamber formed itself into a secret committee, before which the ministers laid the full extent of recent disasters, and announced that the emperor had named Caulincourt, Fouche, and Carnot, as commissioners to treat of peace with the allies. The ministers were bluntly reminded by the republican members that they had no basis upon which they could found any negotiations, as the allies had declared war against Napoleon, and that he alone was the sole obstacle between the nation and peace. All seemed to unite in one sentiment, that the abdication of Napoleon was a measure absolutely necessary ; and a committee of five members was appointed to concert measures with ministers. The Chamber of Peers adopted the three first resolutions of the lower chamber, and named a committee of public safety. It was now evident that Napoleon must either declare himself absolute, and dissolve the chambers by violence, or abdicate the authority he had so lately resumed. His brother Lucien recom- MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 501 mended him to dissolve the chambers, as he had formerly done on the 19th Brumaire ; but times were now very much changed, and he could neither bring himself to adopt desperate measures, nor to make an apparently voluntary resignation. On the evening of the 21st of June, he held a council, to which the^ presidents and vice-presidents of both chambers were admitted, and after an angry discussion, in which his abdication was stated as necessary, the meeting broke up without coming to any decision. On the morning of the 22d of June, only four days after the defeat at Waterloo, the Chamber of Representatives again assembled, and expressed the utmost impatience to receive the act of abdication. They were about to put it to the vote, that it should be demanded of the emperor; but this was rendered unnecessary, by his com- pliance. It was presented by Fouch^, and was expressed in the following terms : " Frenchmen ! — In commencing war for maintaining the national independence, I relied on the union of all efforts, of all wills, and the concurrence of all the national authorities. I had reason to hope for success, and I braved all the declarations of the powers against me. " Circumstances appear to me changed. I offer myself as a sacrifice to the hatred of the enemies of France. May they prove sincere in their declarations, and have really directed them only against my power! My political life is terminated, and I proclaim my son, under the title of Napoleon II., Emperor of the French. " The present ministers will provisionally form the council of the government. The interest which I take in my son induces me to invite the Chambers to form, without delay, the regency, by a law. "Unite all for the public safety, in order to remain an independent nation. (Signed) " Napoleon. "Done at the Palace EIys6e, June the 22d, 1815." The debate which followed the production of this act, in either house, was violent; but to preserve the respect due to the late emperor, the chamber named a committee to wait on him with an address of thanks, in which they carefully avoided all mention and recognition of his son. Napoleon, for the last time, received the committee delegated to present the address, in the imperial robes, and surrounded by the great officers of state. He seemed pale and pensive, but firm and collected ; and in his answer he recommended unanimity, and the speedy preparation of means of defence. He also reminded them that his abdication was conditional, and com- prehended the interests of his son. The president of the chamber replied, with profound respect, that the chamber had given him no directions respecting the subjects which he had just pressed upon them. Napoleon now clearly per- ceived that there was no hope for his son; he dismissed the depu- tation with dignity and courtesy ; and thus terminated the second reign — the hundred days of Napoleon. 502 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. # A provisional government was formed, vesting the executive powers of the state in five persons — two chosen from the House of Peers, and three from that of the Representatives. These were, Carnot, Fouche, Cauhncourt, and Generals Grenier and Quinette. The chambers again met on the 24th of June, when the question of the succession came to be considered, and was evaded, upon the plea that there was no occasion for a formal recognition of Napo- leon II., since he was, by the terms of the constitution, already in possession of the throne. By this means, the chambers succeeded in silencing the imperialist party, by nominally acknowledging the young Napoleon's right to the crown ; and at the same time pre- venting the interference of Napoleon, or any of his friends, in the farther administration of the country. It was required that he should retire to the palace of Malmaison; where, in compliance with the suggestions of some members of the government, he addressed the following (his last) proclamation to the army: " SoLDiEKS ! — When I yield to the necessity which forces me to separate myself from the brave French army, I take away with me the happy conviction that it will justify, by the eminent services which the country expects from it, the high character which our enemies themselves are not able to refuse to it. Soldiers, I shall follow your steps, though absent. I know all the corps, and not one among them will obtain a signal advantage over the enemy that I shall not render homage to the courage which it will have shown. You and I, we have been calumniated. Men, incapable of appreciating your actions, have seen, in the marks of attachment you have given me, a zeal of which I was the sole object ; let your future success teach them that it was the country above all that you served in obeying me, and that if I have any part in your affection, I owe it to my ardent love for France, our common mother. Soldiers, some efforts more, and the coalition will be destroyed. Napoleon will know you by the blows that you will give to it. Save the honour, the independence of the French; be what I have known you for twenty years, and you will be invincible." Nothing is more remarkable throughout this eventful period than the carelessness displayed by Napoleon concerning his own future fate. He gave up his power without making a single condition for himself Yet the excessive anxiety to receive his abdication •which was shown by the leading members of the party opposed to him, is sufficient proof that they would willingly have granted any thing in their power to ensure it. If he had insisted, as a prelim- inary, that they should give him a proper escort to the coast, and a naval armament of respectable strength, rapidly equipped and put under weigh, so as to forestal the vigilance of the British gov- ernment, there can be little doubt that he would have reached America in safety. The British force on the coast at that moment could not have prevented him. But, like a man who had seen the passion of his life overthrown, he seemed to have sunk into indif- ference. So little did he exert his usual vigilant foresight, that he even suffered himself to believe that he should be permitted to MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 503 remain in France, and amused himself with plans of collecting a circle of private friends about him at Malmaison. He never even thought of his funds till reminded by Savary, who, after obtaining his instructions, went to the treasury of the crown, on the 23dj and drew the sum (not a large one) which the emperor had at his command. He was only just in time ; having scarcely left the office when it was closed, and all payments forbidden by order of the provisional government. On the 26th, General Becker* made his appearance at Malmai- son, and announced that he had received orders to take the com- mand of the troops entrusted to protect the emperor, and to answer for his person to the provisional government. Napoleon was per- fectly aware of the meaning of this ; notwithstanding, he received General Becker with courtesy. He now saw that his motions were watched, and that Fouche probably intended to procrastinate matters, and deliever him up to the allies. Sidyes, among others, had visited him for the purpose of warning him of such a design ; and neither the passports required as safe conducts to the coast for himself and his suite, nor the order for the frigates, were yet made over to him. Napoleon continued to display the same quiet indifference about his fate which had been observable since his abdi- cation. "His composure," says Savary, "alarmed me." Incited by this faithful councillor, he, however, made a pressing demand, through General Becker, on the 27th, that the provisional govern- ment would complete the necessary measures for his departure ; adding, that if he did not receive their answer without delay, he would address himself to the Chambers, and proceed to the hall of their sittings, there to wait the issue of events, and to assign to them the task of delivering him up to the enemy. The answer was, that "for greater security, the provisional government had demanded from the Duke of Wellington a safe conduct for Napo- leon to proceed to the United States ; and that, as soon as received, it should be forwarded." No one could be deceived as to the intention of this proceeding ; it clearly denoted that the men who, for the moment, possessed the government of France, had deter- mined that the late emperor should not leave the country freely. * General Becker had been on indifferent terms with Napoleon for some time pre- vious ; notwithstandiug which, it is said he was received with ease, and even cheerful- ness. Doubtless the very courtesy extended to him, had a tendency to make his situation rather irksome ; yet he seems to have discharged his unpleasant duty in the most unex- ceptionable manner. As an evidence that all ill-feeUng between them was finally effaced, it may be stated that, at the moment when Napoleon went on board the Belle-" rophon, General B. approached to bid him adieu. " Retire, general," said the former,, with much animation ; " I would not have it believed that a Frenchman delivered me to my enemies." At the same time, he extended his hand while speaking ;. and when he had concluded, cordially embraced and dismissed him. 504 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. The fear that he should at any time return, had made them take a step which was certain to place him in the power of the English government. The Duke of Wellington had no authority to grant so important a passport, but informed his government of the request: and the coast of France was immediately guarded by English cruizers, with strict injunctions to prevent the departure of Napoleon Bonaparte. The official order reached the British squadron, lying off Rochelle and Rochefort, on the 5th or 6th of July; but, as early as the 30th of June, an anonymous French correspondent had warned Captain Maitland, commanding the Bellerophon, off the latter port, of the probable embarkation of Napoleon from that part of the coast. The letter was written on very thin paper, and enclosed in a quill. Probably the informant was an agent of Fouch6. Meanwhile, the allied armies were fast approaching Paris, The deputation from the provisional government, with proposals for an armistice, had produced no other effect than to accelerate their march. They had hitherto proceeded with caution ; but no sooner did they receive intelligence of the abdication of Napoleon, than they advanced rapidly. The Prussians had appeared on the Lower Seine, on the 27th. Napoleon, who watched every movement, perceived that they had thereby exposed themselves to be cut to pieces, and sent an offer to the provisional government to place himself at the head of the army, and punish their rashness. " You will explain to them," said he to General Becker, who was the bearer of his message, " that it is not my intention to resume the possession of power. My only wish is to defeat and crush the enemy, and compel him, by means of our victory, to give a favour- able turn to the negotiations. As soon as this result shall have been obtained, I shall depart, and quietly proceed on my journey." Such an offer was, of course, rejected. Whatever were its latent, perhaps, even unconscious, motives, it was unquestionably prompted by the irresistible impulse of the military commander, to rush upon an enemy who had thrown himself into a false position. It had the effect, however, of alarming Fouch^ who could not receive even a remote suggestion of Napoleon at the "head of the army," without trembling, and heartily wishing him out of the way. On the following day, all the obstacles were removed which had hitherto impeded his departure, and, on the 29th, he finally left Malmaison. A small band of friends had collected round him to bid him farewell, besides those who had asked and received per- mission to follow him in his exile. Lab6doy^re suffered himself to be persuaded to remain in France, contrary to the warnings and remonstrances of the emperor. The officers of the guard were MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 505 admitted to take their leave. Hortense was with him to the last moment, and was overcome with grief. It was, howevei', with a firm step, and a comitenance perfectly calm, that Napoleon came out of his private apartments, and announced that he was ready .to depart. He took the road to Rochefort, by Tours, travelling in a plain summer calash, accompanied by Savary, and Generals Becker and Bertrand ; General Gourgaud followed in a carriage containing the emperor's effects. Madame Bertrand and her children, M. de las Cases and his son, M. and Madame Montholon, Colonel de Planat, and several orderly officers, who had requested leave to accompany the emperor, travelled by the road of Orleans. If Davoust had not taken the precaution to have the bridges in front of Malmaison burnt, Napoleon would have run a great risk of falling into the hands of the allies. A Prussian detachment appeared there in quest of him very soon after he started. They had arrived by a circuitous route, and must have been led by a guide well acquainted with the localities. Napoleon, however, had escaped this danger. He slept at Rambouillet the first night, at Tours on the 30th, and at Niort on the 1st of July. He was well received wherever he was recognised ; but at the last-named place, the enthusiasm of the people and troops was extreme. A great crowd surrounded the hotel where he slept, and the troops so earnestly requested to be allowed to supply him with an escort, that he could not resist their entreaties, and pursued the journey to Rochefort, attended by a picquet of light cavalry. He reached this place on the 3d of July. The carriages containing the remainder of his suite had successively arrived. Joseph Bonaparte also joined him at Rochefort ; and in this place the two brothers saw each other for the last time. The roadstead and harbour were found to be watched by the English man-of-war, the Bellero- phon, which had taken up its station two days before ; ever since, in fact, the receipt by Captain Maitland of the anonymous letter before mentioned. Napoleon remained at Rochefort till the 8th, when he embarked on board the Saale frigate ; without, however, any immediate pros- pect of getting to sea. The fate of France had been rapidly decided in this short inter- val. The provisional government failed alike in awakening the national spirit, in conciliating the army, or in bringing the English and Prussian generals to terms. The leading members of the Chambers continued to proclaim resistance to the Bourbons ; but no practical measures supported their denunciations. The royal- ists were active ; Fouche intrigued for them ; Grouchy and Soult retreated under the walls of Paris, followed close by Wellington 43 506 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. and Blucher. A short yet brave resistance was made; but on the night of the 2d of July an armistice was concluded, by which the capital was surrendered to the allies, and the French army was drawn oft' behind the Loire. Against this arrangement, the troops struggled with fruitless violence. The foreign armies remained in their encampments without the walls, till by degrees the humbled soldiers of Napoleon had learned to submit to inevitable fate. By the 7th, the last French corps evacuated Paris, and the Duke of Wellington and Marshal Blucher made their triumphant entry at the head of their armies, and occupied the city. The provisional government and the Chambers had continued their sittings up to this period: they now received the final resolution of the allied sovereigns, to the effect that "all authority emanating from the usurped power of Napoleon Bonaparte was null and void;" and that Louis XYIIL, who was at St. Denis, would on the next day, or day after at farthest, enter his capital, and resume his regal authority. The leading members of the Chamber of Representa- tives, endeavouring to plead the cause of liberty, received from the mouth of Lord Castlereagh, the English premier, as their sole response, "Your king is at hand!" Louis XVIIL made his public entry into Paris on the 8th of July. While these events transpired in the capital of France, its late emperor remained at Rochefort, or on board one of the French frigates, occasionally landing at the Isle of Aix; the Bellerophon, now joined by the Slaney, closely blockading the port. On the 10th of July, Savary and Las Cases were despatched to Captain Maitland, under a flag of truce, to inquire whether he had any knowledge of the passports which the emperor expected to receive from the British government, or if it were the intention of that government to throw any impediment in the way of his voyage to the United States. The two envoys were received on board the Bellerophon, where they remained about two hours. To their inquiries, Captain Maitland replied that he had no knowledge con- cerning the passports ; that he could not say what were the inten- tions of his government ; but that he could not permit any ship of war to leave the port of Rochefort; nor could he suffer any neu- tral vessel whatever to pass with a personage of so much conse- quence. In the course of conversation, Captain Maitland, accord- ing to his own statement, threw out the suggestion, "Why not seek an asylum in England?" — to which various objections were urged by Savary; and thus the interview terminated. Captain Maitland had already received official orders to watch for and intercept Napoleon, impossible; and, in case of success, to take him to England, on board his ship, with all possible expedition. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 507 After the discussion of various plans of getting to sea — one offered by a Danisli captain, another by the midshipmen of the French frigates, but all finally rejected — Napoleon once more despatched Las Cases, accompanied by General Lallemand, to Cap- tain Maitland, on the 14th of July, with instructions to inquire again whether the intentions of the British government were yet declared as to a passport to America, or if permission for Napoleon to pass in a neutral vessel could yet be granted. The answer was in the negative ; but Captain Maitland again suggested his embark- ation on board the Bellerophon, in which case he should be con- veyed to England. Las Cases returned to the Isle of Aix, after his interview with Captain Maitland on the 14th of July. The result of his mission appeared to be, " that Captain Maitland had authorized him to tell the emperor that, if he decided upon going to England, he was authorized to receive him on board ; and he accordingly placed his ship at his disposal." Napoleon then finally made up his mind to place himself on board the British ship. He gave directions to Las Cases to announce his determination to Captain Maitland, and prepare him for the reception of himself and his suite on the fol- lowing morning. At the same time, he entrusted to Gourgaud a letter to the Prince Regent, with instructions to seek the means of conveying it to Englan#, and putting it into the hands of his royal highness. Much has been said about the date of this letter, which was unquestionably the 13th, although all the followers of Napo- leon assert that it was written in consequence of the interview between Las Cases and Captain Maitland, which did not take place till the 14th; while the latter, pointing to that date, uses it as an argument that Napoleon had made up his mind before the inter- view took place. It is certainly now a matter of very little conse- quence ; yet it may be well enough here to give the letter which Captain Maitland addressed to the British Admiralty on the 14th, and also the letter of Napoleon to the Pi'ince Regent. Captain M.'s ran thus : "For the information of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, I have to acquaint you that the Count Las Cases and General Lallemand this day came on board his majesty's ship under my command, with a proposal from Count Bertrand for me to receive on board Napoleon Bonaparte, for the purpose of throwing himself on the gen- erosity of the Prince Regent. Conceiving myself authorized by their lordships' secret order, I have acceded to the proposal, and he is to embark on board the ship to-morrow morning. That no misunderstanding might arise, I have expHcitly and clearly explained to Count Las Cases that I have no authority whatever for granting terms of any sort, but that ail I can do is to carry him and his suite to England, to be received in such manner as his Royal Highness may deem expedient." Napoleon's letter to the Prince Regent was in these terms : 508 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, "RocHEFORT, July 13th, 1815. " Royal Highness : A victim to the factions which distract my country, and to the enmity of the greatest powers of Europe, I have terminated my pohtical career, and I come, like Themistocles, to throw myself upon the hospitality of the British people. I put myself under the protection of their laws ; which I claim from your Royal Highness, as the most powerful, the most constant, and the most generous of my enemies. " Napoleon." The emperor embarked on the 15th of July, at day-break, on board the French brig Epervier, accompanied by the whole of his suite. That very morning an emissary from the provisional gov- ernment had arrived to arrest him. He was anxiously expected in the Bellerophon. When Captain Maitland perceived the approach of the brig, he sent his barge to meet it, and bring the emperor on board. The barge quickly returned. " General Bertrand first came up the ship's side," says Captain Maitland, " and said to me, ' The emperor is in the boat.' Napoleon then ascended, and, when he came on the quarter-deck, pulled off his hat, and, addressing me in a firm tone of voice, said, ' I am come to throw myself on the protection of your prince and laws.' " The captain then led him into the cabin, which was given up to his use ; and afterwards, by his own request, presented all the officers to him, and he went round every part of the ship during the morning. The admiral's ship, the Superb, which had appeared in the offing early in the morning, anchored clise by at half-past ten. In the afternoon. Sir Henry Hotham waited on the emperor, and remained to dinner by his request. The dinner was served on Napoleon's gold plate, and regulated by his maitre d'hotel; and as while on board the Bellerophon he was uniformly treated as a royal personage, he led the way to the dining-room, and seated himself in the centre of one side of the table, placing Sir Henry Hotham on his right hand. His conversation continued to be easy and agreeable. On the following morning. Napoleon visited the Superb. In leaving the Bellerophon, he stopped in front of the guard of marines drawn up on the quarter-deck to salute him. He made some observations on the fine appearance of the men ; asked which had been longest in the corps, and went up and spoke to him. He then put the guard through part of their exercise. He made some remarks on the difference of their charge with the bayonet to that manoeuvre as performed by the French; and then advancing into the midst of the men, he took a musket from one of them, and went through the exercise himself according to the French method. There was a sudden movement and change of countenance among the officers present at seeing him thus carelessly place himself among English bayonets. Some of them afterwards expressed MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 509 surprise at the circumstance, and asked his officers if Napoleon ever acted in the same way with his own soldiers? "Not one among them," says Las Cases, "had formed any idea of sovereigns who could thus explain and execute their own commands ; it was, therefore, easy to perceive that they had no just conception of the personage now before them, notwithstanding his having been so marked an object of attention and curiosity for above twenty years." The emperor was received on board the Superb with all the honours paid to royal personages, with the exception of firing a salute. The guard was turned out, the yards manned, and a fine band of music played while he breakfasted. He went through the ship, examining every thing, and conversing with the admiral and officers. The whole party returned to the Bellerophon about noon, and immediately afterwards the ship got under weigh, and made sail for England. The voyage was rather tedious. Napoleon passed much of his time in reading. He occasionally played vingt-un with all the party ; frequently walked the deck, and on one occasion witnessed a play performed by the midshipmen, and laughed heartily at the strapping fellows who personated the ladies. He conversed a great deal with Captain Maitland, entering willingly into the details of various periods of his history and actions; and asking many questions about English'customs, saying, on one occasion, "I must now learn to conform myself to them, as I shall probably pass the remainder of my life in England." He is described as having been very lethargic — going to bed early, rising late, and frequently falling asleep during the day. On the 23d of July, the ship passed Ushant; Napoleon cast many a melancholy look at the coast of France, but said nothing. At break of day on the 24th, they were close to Dartmouth: Ber- trand went into the cabin, and informed the emperor, who came on deck at half-past four in the morning, and remained on the poop till the anchor was dropped in Torbay. He was much struck with the beauty of the scenery, and exclaimed, "What a beautiful coun try! it very much resembles Porto-Ferrajo in Elba." The ship was scarcely at anchor, when an officer came on board with official despatches from Admiral Viscount Keith. The Lords of the Admiralty strictly forbade any communication with the shore, or the admittance on board of any person whatever, Lord Keith or Sir John Duckworth alone excepted. Gourgaud had not been permitted to land from the Slaney, and as he had refused to entrust the letter to the Prince Regent into another hand, it had not been sent. He was himself soon transferred to the Bellerophon. During the night of the 25th, orders were received for the ship 43* 510 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. to repair to Plymouth, off which place it was accordingly moored on the afternoon of the 26th. Two frigates were anchored on each side, and armed boats kept off in all directions to prevent any communication between those on board and the multitude by which the sea was covered. Nothing, however, deterred people of all ranks and of both sexes from endeavouring to get a sight of Napoleon ; they flocked to Plymouth from distant parts of Eng- land, and engaged boats at any price to take them within view of him. On one occasion, it is said that upwards of a thousand boats were counted, each containing on an average eight individuals. No wonder that Napoleon observed, after regarding the sight from his cabin-window, " These English appear to have a very large portion of curiosity!" On the 31st, Sir Charles Bunbury, one of the under-secretaries of state, together with Lord Keith, came on board to notify to the emperor, officially, the resolution of the English government respecting him. Sir Walter Scott had the advantage of comparing Sir Henry Bunbury's account of their interview with Napoleon with that of Mr. Meike, secretary to Lord Keith. We, therefore, extract the following from his history. The commissioners were introduced into the cabin, where they were received by Napoleon, who was attended by Bertrand. Sir Charles Bunbury then pro- ceeded to read in French the following letter from the ministers to Lord Keith, while Napoleon, whose manner was easy and dignified, listened without interruption or remark, or any manifestation of emotion : " As it may, perhaps, be convenient for General Bonaparte to learn, without further delay, the intentions of the British government with regard to him, your lordship will com- municate the following information : It would be inconsistent with our duty towards o^ir country and the allies of his majesty, if General Bonaparte possessed the means of again disturbing the repose of Europe. It is on this account that it becomes absolutely necessary he should be restrained in his personal liberty, so far as this is required by the foregoing important object. The island of St. Helena has been chosen as his future residence ; its climate is healthy, and its local position will allow of his being treated with more indulgence than could be admitted in any other spot, owing to the indispensable pre- cautions which it would be necessary to employ for the security of his person. " General Bonaparte is allowed to select among those persons who accompanied him to England (with the exception of Generals Savary and Lallemand) three officers, who, together with his surgeon, will have permission to accompany him to St. Helena; these individuals will not be allowed to quit the island without the sanction of the British government. Rear-admiral Sir George Cockburn, who is named commander-in- chief at the Cape of Good Hope and seas adjacent, will convey General Bonaparte and his suite to St. Helena ; and he will receive detailed instructions relative to the execu- tion of this sei-vice. Sir George Cockburn will, most probably, be ready to sail in a few days ; for which reason it is desirable that General Bonaparte should make choice of the persons who are to accompany him, without delay." Having heard this document to the close, Napoleon was requested to state if he had any reply to make. He then, with MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 511 great calmness of mannei' and mildness of countenance, declared that he solemnly protested against the orders which had been read; that the British ministry had no riglit to dispose of him in the way proposed; that he appealed to the British people and the laws, and asked to what tribunal he could appeal. " I am come," he con- tinued, "voluntarily to throw myself on the hospitality of your nation ; I am not a prisoner of war, and, if I were, have a right to be treated according to the law of nations. But I am come to this country a passenger on board one of your ships, after a previous negotiation with the commander. If he had told me I was to be a prisoner, I would not have come. I asked him if he was willing to receive me on board, and convey me to England. Captain Maitland said he was, having received, or telling me he had received, special orders of government concerning me. It was a snare, then, that had been spread for me; I came on board a British ship as I would have entered one of their towns — a ship, a village — it is the same thing. As for the island of St. Helena, it would be my sentence of death. I demand to be received as an English citizen. How many years entitle me to be domiciliated?" Sir Henry Bunbury answered that he believed four were neces- sary. " Well, then," continued Napoleon, " let the Prince Regent during that time place me under any superintendence he thinks proper ; let me be placed in a country-house in the centre of the island, thirty leagues from every seaport ; station a commissioned officer about me, to examine my correspondence, and superintend my actions ; or, if the Prince Regent should require my word of honour, perhaps I might give it. I might then enjoy a certain degree of personal liberty, and I should have the freedom of literature." He referred again to the manner of his coming on board the Bellerophon ; said that he was perfectly free in his choice, and that he had preferred confiding himself to the hospitality and generosity of the English nation; reminding them that he might have gone to his father-in-law, the Emperor of Austria, or to the Emperor Alexander, who had no private quarrel with him. " If your gov- ernment act thus," he said, "it will disgrace you in the eyes of Europe. Even your own people will blame it." He reminded them that the tri-coloured flag was still flying at Bordeaux, Nantes, and Rochefort, when his decision was made; that the army had not yet submitted; "or," he continued, "if I had chosen to remain in France, what was there to prevent me from remaining concealed for years among a people so much attached to me ?" He after- wards adverted to the name by which he was now designated. "Your government," said he, pointing to the epithet in Lord Mel- 512 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. ville's letter, " has no right to term me ' General Bonaparte.' I was emperor, acknowledged by all the powers in Em'ope, except Great Britain; and she had acknowledged me as chief consul. I am prince, or consul, and ought to be treated as such, if treated with at all. When I was at Elba, I was at least as much a sove- reign in that island as Louis on the throne of France. We had both our respective flags, our ships, our troops. Mine, to be sure," he said, with a smile, "were rather on a small scale; I had six hundred soldiers, and he had two hundred thousand. At length I made war upon him, defeated him, and dethroned him. But tnere was nothing in this to deprive me of my rank as one of the sov- ereigns of Europe." Napoleon received little interruption from Lord Keith and Sir Henry Bunbury, who declined replying to his remonstrances, stating themselves to be unauthorized to enter into discussions, as their only duty was to convey the intentions of their government to him, and transmit his answer, if he charged them with any. Sir Henry Bunbury, however, suggested that St. Helena had been selected as the place of his residence, because its local situation allowed freer scope for exercise and indulgence than could have been permitted in any part of Great Britain. " No, no," repeated Napoleon with animation, " I will not go there. You would not go there, sir, were it your own case ; nor, my lord, would you." Lord Keith bowed, and answered, "He had been already at St. Helena four times." This answer was very little to the point, and the cold subterfuge does his lordship no honour. Napoleon reiterated his protests against being sent there, and again said, " I will not go thither; I am not a Hercules (with a smile), but you shall not conduct me to St. Helena. I prefer death in this place. You found me free — send me back again ; replace me in the con- dition in which I was, or permit me to go to America." He then repeated his expectations that he should have been allowed to land — urged the admiral to take no further steps to remove him to the Northumbei'land till the government should have been informed of what he had said. In this manner the interview terminated, and the two commissioners of government took their leave. The friends of Napoleon in England, meanwhile, used all their influencs to soften the rigour of his sentence ; and failing in their appeals to, the clemency of the government, they had recourse to other, though certainly as inadequate, means to effect their pur- pose. It was first sought to procure his removal on shore by writ of Habeas Corpus; but this process was found to be inapplicable to an alien: upon which a subpoena was issued, citing him to appear as witness in an action brought by a naval officer for libel. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 513 This proceeding seems to have alarmed and confounded both the Admiralty Board and its officer, Lord Keith. The latter, espe- cially, appears to have had a true British sailor's dread of the mysterious powers of the law; and he accordingly took every precaution to prevent the citation from being served, at first by keeping the attorney's boat at a distance while he was on board, and by the speed of his twelve-oared barge when he quitted the ship : and, at last, fairly frightened by the pertinacious lawyer, he ordered the Bellerophon to put to sea, and to cruise off the Start until the Northumberland should be ready to receive the captive. This was on the 4th of August, and on the same day Napoleon prepared the following protest against his deportation : " I hereby solemnly protest, in the face of Heaven and mankind, against the violence that is done me; and the violation of my most sacred, rights, in forcibly disposing of my person and liberty. I voluntarily came on board the Bellerophon. I am not the prisoner — I am the guest of England. I came at the instigation of the captain himself, who said he had orders from the government to receive and convey me to England, together with my suite, if agreeable to me. I came forward with confidence, to place myself under the protection of the laws of England. When once on board tlie Belle- rophon, I was entitled to the hospitality of the British people. If the government, in giving the captain of the Bellerophon orders to receive me and my followers, only wished to lay a snare, it has forfeited its honour and disgraced its flag. If this act be consummated, it will be in vain for the English henceforth to talk of their sincerity, their laws and liberties. British faith will have been lost in the hospitality of the Bellerophon. "I appeal to history: it will say, that an enemy who made war for twenty years against the English people, came spontaneously, in the hour of misfortune, to seek an asylum under their laws. What more striking proof could he give of his esteem and confidence? But how did England reply to such an act of magnanimity ] It pretended to hold out a hospitable hand to this enemy; and on giving himself up with confidence, he was immolated ! (Signed) " Napoleon." "Bellerophon, at sea, Friday, August 4th, 1815." Napoleon desired that Las Cases might bear this document to the Prince Regent; but the necessary permission for that purpose was obstinately refused. It appears, indeed, to have been a matter of vital importance to the ministerial policy of the day, to prevent any direct communication between the emperor and the prince. Such was known to be the genius of the French emperor, and the power which this gave him over inferior minds, that when Lord Keith was consulted as to the probable result of an interview with the Regent, he unhesitatingly exclaimed, "On my conscience, if you grant that, I believe they will be excellent friends within half an hour." No answer was ever returned by the Prince Regent either to the letters or the protests of Napoleon. The Northumberland made its appearance on the 6th of August, accompanied by two frigates, containing troops destined to form the garrison at St. Helena. Napoleon, perceiving that further Hh 514 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. remonstrance was useless, from this time submitted to his fate with firmness. He finally made choice of Counts Bertrand and Montholon, and General Gourgaud, as the three officers of his suite who were permitted to follow him in his exile ; to these he added Count Las Cases, who was considered purely in a civil capacity. This arrangement was not made without inflicting much unavoidable pain both on the emperor and those whom he excluded. His own surgeon having suffered gi'eatly from sea- sickness on the way from Rochefort, felt averse to undertaking another voyage; Napoleon, therefore, proposed to Mr. O'Meara, the surgeon of the Bellerophon, to take his place; to which, after obtaining the necessary permission from government, Mr. O'Meara consented, and was in consequence transferred to the Northum- berland. Bertrand was to be accompanied by his lady and three children, Montholon by his lady and one child, and Las Cases by his son. The twelve attendants selected by the emperor were, Marchand, Saint-Denis, and Novarrez, his valets-de-chambre ; Cipriani, maitre d'hotel; Le Page, cook; Archambaud and Gen- tilini, valets ; Pieron, chef-d'office ; Santini, Rosseau, Archambaud, and Bernard, holding various offices in his household. Captain Maitland received orders to take all arms from the foreigners of every rank on board the Bellerophon ; keeping them in charge to be transferred to the Northumberland, and restored at a proper opportunity. This order was obeyed, except in the case of Napoleon himself, to whom Lord Keith had the delicacy to grant permission to wear his sword. A secretary who heard his lordship make this exception, reminded him that "the orders were that aZ/ should be disarmed;" upon which Lord Keith returned the characteristic answer — "Mind your own business, sir, and leave us to ours." The government also directed Admiral Cockburn to have all the effects of General Bonaparte examined. The plate, baggage, wines, and provisions, the general was to be permitted to retain ; the money, diamonds, and saleable effects, were to be delivered up to the British government, which took upon itself the administra- tion of his property, and charged itself with his maintenance. In case of death, he was allowed" to dispose of his property by will. All letters written or received by him were to be opened and read by the admiral or future governor of St. Helena. Any attempt to escape was to be punisKed with close imprisonment. All the regulations under which he was placed were to apply to every individual of his suite ; and all were warned that they would not be received on board the Northumberland without their consent. This last clause gave great pain, as seeming to imply a repugnance MEMOIKS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 515 on their part to accompany the emperor. The search of the emperor's effects was concluded in the presence of Admiral Cock- burn by Mr. Byng, his secretary. Captain Maitland says, " The covers of the trunks were merely opened, and Mr. Byng passed his hand down the side, but the things were not unpacked." Ber- trand was invited to attend, but he was so indignant at the meas- ure, that he positively refused. The Duke of Rovigo, however, consented, and he and Marchand were present. Four thousand gold napoleons were taken; the rest of the money, amounting to about fifteen hundred napoleons, was returned to Marchand for the emperor, by whom it was required to pay the salaries of such of his servants as were about to quit him. Napoleon was received on board the Northumberland on the 7th of August, when he retired into the after-cabin, and remained alone for some time with Savery and Lallemand. On parting, he embraced each of them most affectionately, after the French man- ner, putting his arms round them, and touching their cheek with his. He was firm and collected; while his companions were so deeply affected, that the tears were streaming from their eyes — a fact to which Las Cases called the attention of Lord Keith, say- ing, "You observe, my lord, that those who weep are those who are to remain." Soon after this leave-taking, the ship got under weigh, and proceeded on its distant destination. On the 29th of August, the Northumberland entered the tropic, and crossed the line on the 23d of September. The day was one of unusual mirth and disorder ; but the admiral had taken care to provide that Napoleon and his suite should be exempted from the usual ceremonies to which landsmen are subject, after amusing himself with exciting their alarm by awful anticipations. The emperor, appreciating the decorum which had been observed towards him, ordered a hundred napoleons to be distributed among the crew ; but the admiral, deeming this liberality excessive for a general, restricted the donation to one-tenth of that amount — an interference which was considered uncalled for, and in conse- quence of which nothing was given. Early in Octobei% a French merchant vessel was spoken with in the gulf of Guinea, the captain of which seemed surprised and vexed to learn that Napoleon was a prisoner in the hands of the English. " You have robbed us of our treasure," he said, when informed of his detention and sentence to transportation; "you have taken away the only one who knew how to govern us according to our tastes and manners." Nothing of material interest occurred to vary the monotony of the voyage. Napoleon employed much of his time in reading; 516 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. he also commenced the history of his campaigns in Italy, which he dictated to Las Cases. At night he generally played vingt-un, the admiral and some of the officers being frequently of the party. He retired to bed early, rose late, and breakfasted about ten in the French stvle. CHAPTER III. Arrival at St. Helena ; General Description of the Island ; Napoleon's Residence at the Briars : his Pastimes ; Removal to Longwood ; Boundaries assigned for Recreation ; Domestic Arrangements ; Exercises for Health ; Arrival of Sir Hudson Lowe : his Interview with Napoleon ; Annoyances ; Unpleasant Altercations with the Governor ; Arrival of Sir Pultney Malcolm with Commissioners from the Em'opean Powei-s ; Ti-eaty of the Allied Sovereigns ; " Bonaparte's Detention Bill ;" Lord and Lady Holland ; Reduction of Expenses at Longwood ; Building Materials and Fin-niture sent to St. Helena ; Napoleon's Opinion of this Measui'e ; his Treasures ; Description of his Apartment ; the Imperial Plate sold to supply Deficiencies ; Further Restrictions ; Santini ; Las Cases entrapped and banished ; Removal of Doctors O'Meara and Stokoe ; Arrival of Dr. Antommarchi ; Napoleon tm-ns Gai-dener ; Fails rapidly ; Dictates his Will: his Death; Post-mortem Examination ; Funeral. On the 15th of October, at day-light, the island of St. Helena* was in full view, with its barren, peaked, and rocky hills. To its intended inhabitants, it presented the appearance of one entire fortress: every height, platform, and opening, near the sea, was bristling with cannon. Napoleon came on deck early in the morning, and went forward on the gangway to view the island. As he surveyed it through his glass, Las Cases anxiously watched * "The island of St. Helena," says O'Meara, "is situated in lat. 15° 55' S., and long. 5° 46' W., in the south-east trade-wind. It is about ten miles and a half in length, six and three-quarters in breadth, and twenty-eight in circumference : the highest part of it is Diana's Peak. It is distant from the nearest land (the island of Ascension) about six hundred miles, and twelve hundred from the nearest continent, the Cape of Good Hope. Its appearance is the most desolate and unpromising that can be imagined: its exterior presents an immense mass of brown rock, formed of different sorts of lava, rising from the ocean in irregular, rugged, and perpendicular precipices, of a burned and scorified appearance, totally void of vegetation, from three hundred to fifteen hundred feet high, diversified with hideous, deep, and narrow ravines, descending to the sea, and here and there forming landing-places. The island is composed of lava, cooled in different states of fusion : there is a total absence of any primitive substance. Its conical hills, the puzzolana, and other volcanic productions found in it, clearly show that it has undergone the action of fire. James' Town, the only one in the island, is situated in the bottom of a deep, wedge-like ravine : it is defended by a hne of works along the beach, to the left of which (from the sea) is the landing-place ; and by strong sea-works on Ladder Hill, Rupert's Hill, by Munden's and Banks's batteries. Across the sea-Hne there is a draw-bridge and a gate leading into the main street, which is closed at night. There are, besides this landing-place, five or six others — not, however, easily practicable, excepting to a sailor. The popu- lation of the island (exclusive of the military) is reckoned at about two thousand nine hundred souls, of whom about seven hundred and eighty are whites, thirteen hundred blacks, and the rest Lascars, Chinese, &c." MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 517 the expression of his countenance, but could not perceive any change during his scrutiny of the scene before him. He very soon returned to his cabin, and proceeded with his usual occupations. The Northumberland was anchored about noon, and the admiral went on shore immediately in search of a temporary habitation for his captive. Having found one, he returned in the evening with the grateful news that they would be permitted to land on the morrow. The orders of government had been that Napoleon should remain on board until a suitable residence could be provided for him, but as he had become weary of shipboard, Sir George Cock- burn undertook upon his own responsibility to land his passengers, and to provide for the security of Napoleon's person. The island at that time afforded little accommodation for such a guest, with the exception of Plantation-house, the residence of the governor, which, however, was expressly prohibited from being assigned as the residence of the fallen emperor. Sir George Cockburn made choice of Longwood, a country-house occasionally occupied by the lieutenant-governor, as suitable from its particu- lar situation to be extended so as to afford such accommodation as was sufficient for a captive of the rank at which Napoleon was rated by the British government. This situation was also approved by Napoleon himself, and, until the necessary alterations could be made, he obtained accommodations at the residence of Mr. Bal- combe, a merchant of the island, whose estate was situated about two miles from James Town, and known by the name of "the Briars." Here, it is said, the days passed wearily, and the even- ings appeared long. His usual routine was to rise early; walk awhile before breakfast ; hear Las Cases read the matter he had dictated the day previous; again dictate till about five o'clock; and then walk till six, when he dined — passing the evening in conversation, relieved occasionally by a game of chess or picquet, or by reading aloud. Sometimes, for the sake of variety, he visited Mr. Balcombe's family in the evening; joining in conver- sation with the utmost ease and good-humour, playing whist, joking with the young ladies, and — at least, he did so on one occasion — uniting with them in a game at "blind-man's buff," to their great delight. The different individuals of his suite, except Las Cases and his son, who were accommodated with him, lodged in the town, but came round him daily, being allowed to pass and repass, accompanied by an English officer or by O'Meara. On the 10th of December, Longwood having been sufficiently extended and repaired for his reception. Napoleon and a portion of his household removed thither, accompanied by Admiral Cock- 44 518 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. burn, who arrived at the Briars about noon to escort him. _ They had not met before for some time ; the inconveniences experienced by the emperor, and the restraints put on the members of his suite, having occasioned some coolness between them. The admiral, however, was received with perfect courtesy, and all causes of complaint appeared to have been forgotten. ^ After a pleasant ride on horseback, each attended by several of his officers, they reached Longwood about four o'clock; and Napoleon — after all his wanderings — his life of intense action and strange turns of fortune — entered the abode in which all action was to be super- seded by passive endurance, and all glory by suffering, and which he was never again to change till " mortal put on immortality." By the regulations now adopted, a space of about twelve miles in circumference was traced off, within which he might take exer- cise without being attended by any one. Beyond that boundary a chain of sentinels was placed to prevent his passing, unless accom- panied by a British officer. He was also permitted to extend his excursions to any part of the island, providing the officer was in attendance, and near enough to observe his motions. Two mili- tary stations were placed within these limits — one at Deadwood, and the other at Hut's Gate, opposite to the residence assigned Count Bertrand. Sir George Cockburn, in conceding such an extensive space for the convenience of his prisoner, took every precaution which the peculiarity of the island presented to pre- vent the possibility of escape.* * Dr. O'Meara gives the following account of the precautions which were taken: " A subaltern's guard was posted at the entrance of Longwood, about six hundred paces from the houses, and a cordon of sentinels and picquets was placed round the limits. At nine o'clock the sentinels were drawn in, and stationed in communication with each other, surrounding the house in such positions, that no person could come in or go out without being seen and scrutinized by them. At the entrance of the house double sentinels were placed, and patroles were continually passing backward and for- ward. After nine, Napoleon was not at liberty to leave the house unless in company with a field-ofRcer ; and no person whatever was allowed to pass without the counter- sign. This state of affairs continued until day-light in the morning. Every landing- place in the island, and, indeed, every place which presented the semblance of one, was furnished with a picquet, and sentinels were even placed upon every goat-path leading to the sea ; though in truth the obstacles presented by nature, in almost all the paths in that direction, would, of themselves, have proved insurmountable to so unwieldy a person as Napoleon. "From the various signal-posts on the island, ships are frequently discovered at twenty-four leagues' distance, and always long before they can approach the shore. Two ships of war continually cruised, one to windward and the other to leeward, to whom signals were made as soon as a vessel was discovered from the posts on shore. Every ship, except a British man-of-war, was accompanied down to the road by one of the cruisers, who remained with her until she was either permitted to anchor, or was sent away. No foreign vessels were allowed to anchor, unless under circumstances of great distress; in which case, no person from them was permitted to land, and an officer with a party of men from one of the ships of war was sent on board to take MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 519 On the 14th of April, 1816, Sir Hudson Lowe,* accompanied by his lady and a numerous staff, arrived at St. Helena, where he landed on the day following, and sent an abrupt intimation to Napoleon that he should visit him the next morning at ten o'clock. When he presented himself, however, accompanied by the admiral, and by the whole of his staff, in the midst of a pelting storm of wind and rain, he was informed- that Napoleon was indisposed, and could not receive him. Two o'clock of the following day was then fixed upon, when he arrived, attended as before, and an introduction took place. This visit does not seem to have pre- possessed Napoleon in favour of his keeper, whom he described as a man about forty-five years of age, of the common height, slender make, with red hair, ruddy, freckled complexion, and eyes that, glancing askance, seldom ventured to look the person he addressed full in the facei "He has," said the emperor, "a most villanous countenance; but we must not decide too hastily: the man's dis- position may make amends for the unfavourable impression created by his face." Notwithstanding the restrictions to which he became subjected, Napoleon maintained even a cheerfulness of manner, and portioned out his time so as to find employment for the various hours of the day. He arranged his household, allotting to each member of it a certain trust ; and preserving the etiquette and arrangements of a court as much as possible. To the minds and feelings of the faithful followers who surrounded him, he was still the emperor of half Europe, though his manners to them were simple, familiar, and frequently playful. All the conversations detailed by Las Cases and O'Meara are those of friends, talking on equal terms. He rode, drove, or walked out frequently ; visiting the residents within his limits, and frequently entering into familiar conversation with the labourers and poorer inhabitants. The officers of the fifty- third, and of the St. Helena regiment, with their wives, were intro- charge of'them as long as they remained, as well as in order to prevent any improper communication. Every fishing-boat belonging to the island was numbered, and anchored every evening at sunset, under the superintendence of a lieutenant in the navy. No boats, excepting guard-boats from the ships of war which pulled about the island all night, were allowed to be down after sunset. The orderly officer was also instructed to ascertain the actual presence of Napoleon twice in the twenty-four hours, which was done with as much dehcacy as possible. In fact, every human precaution to prevent escape, short of actually incarcerating or enchaining him, was adopted by Sir George Cockburn." * Hudson Lowe entered the army at an early age, but attained the rank of general and the honour of knighthood while serving in Italy in a foreign corps in the pay of England; and "first became known to history," says Colonel Napier, "by losing in a few days, at Caprse, a post that, without any pretensions to celebrity, might have been defended for as many years." It has been hinted that his defects as a general were his chief recommendations to his subsequent office of gaoler. 520 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. duced to him, and he invited some of them to his table every week, together with some of the famiUes of the island. The officers of India ships, the passengers to or from India, came in numbers to Longwood, to request an interview with him, and were rarely disappointed. They generally went away highly pleased with their reception, and often expressed great surprise at finding Napoleon so unlike the idea they had formed of him. On one occasion, O'Meara told him of the great admiration his manners had excited in some ladies who had been presented to him. " Oh," replied he, laughing, "I suppose they imagined I was some fero- cious horned animal." Napoleon's health already began to decline, though there was no appearance of any decided disease. The representations of O'Meara, however, induced him to take more exercise, and towards the end of the year, and the commencement of 1816, he took fre- quent rides and walks, often very early in the morning. His favourite ride was through the deep ravine which separated Long- wood from Diana's Peak. He gave it the name of the "Valley of Silence," and in the midst of it he fixed on a regular resting- place. He read very much, especially when the files of newspa- pers arrived by the ships which came from Europe. He also continued his dictations. He generally invited one or more, some- times all the members of his suite, to dinner. The conversation then turned on the events of the day, which had been learned from the newspapers; or on old recollections; or on the discussion of works of literature, poetry, or romance. The reports of these conversations are highly interesting. Once, the emperor enter- tained his guests with a narrative of the expedition of La Perouse, which he professed to have found in a newspaper. He went on a long while, dictating the most romantic adventures, and strange turns of fate. At last, when they were all put into a state of excitement, he laughed, and they found he had been exerting his old talent of improvising. The evenings were spent in reading aloud — generally romances and novels — but frequently dramas. Once or twice the Bible became the subject; after reading the "Sermon on the Mount," and observing on its pure and exalted morality. Napoleon said, laughing, "It would be hard to make many people in Europe believe what I have been reading." In one of his rides with Las Cases, they dismounted to explore the bottom of a deep valley, and sunk in the mud up to their knees. It was with considerable difficulty that they extricated themselves. As Napoleon scrambled out, he said, "This is a dirty adventure. If we had sunk and been lost, it would certainly have been said that I was swallowed up for my crimes." MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 521 It is rather a singular fact, that among the numerous authors who have written in reference to the history and character of Napoleon, and of his treatment by the English government, not one has spoken of Sir Hudson Lowe in any other terms than those of unqualified reprobation. Even apologists for the treachery of the Enghsh government, are unsparing in their condemnations of the paltry acts of petty tyranny which disgraced the official con- duct of this superficial instrument of usurped authority. No won- der that Napoleon w^as unable or unwilling to disguise the contempt he conceived for Sir Hudson, at their very first interview: it would exhibit itself upon almost every occasion, until death closed the melancholy series of vexations to which he was continually subjected. It seems that this "governor," not satisfied with the general supervision of Napoleon and his attendants, felt authorized to make himself familiar with the ordinary details of his kitchen economy, and with the relative footing upon .which he stood in regard to his most abject menials. On his arrival at St. Helena, he was not satisfied with receiving a certificate signed by all the servants, that they remained voluntarily with Napoleon, but he determined on making all of them appear before him, that he might question each separately as to the sincerity of the pro- fessions set forth in their written declarations. After his interro- gatories were finished, he remarked, "I am now satisfied; I can inform the English government that they all signed it freely and 'Voluntarily." His ^'instructions," to which he always adverted to screen his vexatious encroachments from deserved censure, did not require the adoption of this measure ; it was a gratuitous insult on his part, meanly insinuating that an undue influence had been exercised by the emperor over his domestics. It was the first of the pitiful interferences by which he embittered the few remaining years of his noble victim, and w.as sufficient of itself to prove his unfitness for the post which had been assigned him. To recapitulate all the obnoxious conduct of Sir Hudson Lowe, or to detail the innumerable sources of annoyance which he almost daily devised, would be to swell this volume to an unreasonable bulk, without giving any better idea of the persecutions which Napoleon endured, than the statement of a few simple facts will afibrd. On the 11th of May he invited ''General* Bonaparte" to * Sir Hudson well knew, as did every individual in his suite, that it was a principle with Napoleon not to acknowledge the right of the English government to pretend to sweep away, by a stroke of the pen, all the acts of the French people — by which he had been endowed with the titles of First Consul, Consul for Life, and Emperor. He therefore would never recognise the title of General Bonaparte, which the English government had conferred upon him. This did not proceed from personal vanity, as his detractors assert. He oiiered, both before his imprisonment and during its continu- 44* 522 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. meet Lady Moira at Plantation-house to dinner; but this being beyond the Hmits within which he could ride without a guard, was construed into an insult, and Napoleon would not even deign to return an answer. On the same day, as a set-off to his pretended invitation, he published a proclamation, "forbidding any person on the island to send to or receive letters from General Bonaparte or his suite, on pain of being immediately arrested, and dealt with accordingly." Henceforth the breach between the governor and his captives was decided, and the little intercourse which took place between them, served but to increase their mutual aversion. A violent altercation, which took place five days after, is thus described by Napoleon himself: "I received him," he said to Las Cases, "with a stormy countenance, my head inclined, and my ears pricked up. We looked furiously at each other. My anger must have been powerfully excited, for I felt a vibration in the calf of my left leg. This with me is always a sure indication ; and I have not felt it for a long time before. I told the gov- ernor, with warmth, that I asked him for nothing ; that I would receive nothing at his hands ; and that all I desired was to be left undisturbed. I added, that though I had much cause to complain of the admiral, I never had reason to think him wholly destitute of feeling ; and though I found fault with him, I could always receive him in perfe'ct confidence ; but that during the month Sir Hudson Lowe has been on the island, I have experienced more causes of irritation than during the six pre- ceding months," Sir Hudson replied, that he did not come to receive a lesson. " That," said the emperor, "is no proof that you do not need one. You tell me that your instructions are much more rigid than those ance, to assume a name, which he intended should be either Colonel Muiron or Duroc, but no notice was taken of his offer. The English government chose to treat him as an usurper, and to consider that Louis XVIII. had reigned for twenty years ; notwith- standing that they had made the peace of Amiens with him as First Consul, and had treated with him as Emperor on more than one occasion — the last instances being at the conferences of Chatillon-sur-Seine. "If the people had no right to make me emperor," said he, " they were equally incapable of making me general. The English called Washington a leader of rebels for a long time, and refused to acknowledge either him or the constitution of his country ; but his success ultimately obliged them to change their tone, and acknowledge both." " It was in fact no less whimsical than ridiculous to see the ministers of England attach such importance to giving only the title of General to one who had governed so large a portion of Europe, and made seven or eight kings, of whom several still retained this title of his creation ; who had been above ten years Emperor of the French, and been anointed as well as consecrated in that quality by the head of the church ; one who could boast two or three elections of the French people to the sovereignty ; who had been acknowledged as emperor by the whole of continental Europe ; had treated as such with all the sovereigns ; concluding every species of alUance both of blood and interest with them: so that he united in his person every title, civil, political, and reli- gious, existing among men : and which, by a singular though real comcidence, not one of the reigning princes of Europe could have shown accumulated in an equal degree, on the chief and founder of his dynasty." MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 523 of the admiral. Do they direct that I should be taken off by poison or the sword? No act of atrocity on the part of your ministers would sur- prise me. If my death be determined on, execute your orders. I know not how you will administer the poison ; but you have a ready excuse for the sword. Should you attempt, as you have threatened, to violate the sanctuary of my abode, I give you fair warning that your soldiers shall effect their entrance only over my corpse. When I heard of your arrival, I congratulated myself that I should meet with a general who, having spent much time on the Continent, and borne a part in public affairs, would know how to act in a becoming manner; but I was grossly deceived." Here Sir Hudson interrupted, saying that his con- duct, as a soldier, was according to the fashion of his own country, to which his duty was owing, and not according to the fashion of foreign- ers. " Your country, your government, and yourself," resumed Napo- leon, "will be overwhelmed with disgrace for your conduct to me. A few days ago, you invited me to dinner as General Bonaparte, with the view of rendering me an object of ridicule or amusement to your guests. I am not General Bonaparte to you. If Lady Moira had been within my boundaries, I should undoubtedly have visited her, because I do not stand on strict etiquette with a woman ; but as I am not a prisoner of war, I cannot submit to regulations implying that I am so. I am placed in your power only by the most horrible breach of confidence." As an unmistakable illustration of littleness, which Sir Hudson often displayed, it may be mentioned that a few days after the interview which has just been so vividly described, he thought it not derogatory to his dignity to go in person to Longwood, for the purpose of seizing a domestic, who, having recently quitted the service of Deputy-governor Skelton, had, without permission, engaged in that of Count Montholon; and that, on the following day, a few sailors from the Northumberland, who had been allowed to officiate as servants to the persons composing Napoleon's suite, were removed to make room for a like number of soldiers — the governor affirming that the admiral wanted the men, and the admiral, when applied to on the subject, stating that the men might remain, if the governor would permit them. But the most heart- less, perhaps, of all the petty tyrannies inflicted, was the frequent detention and abstraction of letters and books which were sent out for the inmates of Longwood. It once happened that letters addressed by the post to Napoleon and his followers, notwithstand- ing their being forwarded without seals, were detained, and sent back to Europe, because they were not addressed officially to the governor ; the sole end of this arbitrary act being to prevent the exiles gaining intelligence of their friends and families. He refused to communicate even the names of the writers ; but left the parties in suspense till the correspondence was returned, through the sec- 524 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. retary of state's office, from London. Nay, so rigorous was he respecting letters, that one from the Countess Bertrand, to some person in James' Town, on trifling business of the moment, was seized and sent back, with an official note, intimating that, for the future, not only all written, but all verbal communications between the captives and the inhabitants, would be prohibited, without special permission from Plantation-house. As it would be almost a repetition of events but little varying from each other, to dwell further upon this portion of Napoleon's history — at least, so far as relates to his intercourse with Sir Hud- son Lowe — we shall revert to more interesting topics, after briefly describing an interview which took place on the 18th of August, when the governor called at Longwood for the purpose of devising means for reducing the expenses of that establishment. This was in the presence of Sir Pultney Malcolm.* Napoleon would have avoided the scene ; but, being in the garden when Sir Hudson was announced, he was in a manner compelled to receive him. The conversation that ensued soon assumed a violent tone. The em- peror told his visiter that the details into which he desired to enter were painful to him. "They are mean," he said. "You might place me on the burning pile of Montezuma, without extracting from me gold, which I do not possess. Besides, who asks you for any thing ? Who entreats you to feed me ? When you discon- tinue your supply of provisions, the brave soldiers whom you see there" — pointing to the camp of the fifty-third — "will relieve my necessities. I shall place myself at their table; and they, I am confident, will not drive away the first, the oldest soldier of Europe." The admiral endeavoured to excuse the governor, and render favourable explanations of his conduct. " The faults of M. Lowe," replied Napoleon, "proceed from his habits of life. He has never had the command of any but foreign deserters — Piedmontese, Cor- sicans, Sicilians — all renegadoes and traitors to their country ; the * Rear-admiral Sir Pultney Malcolm, who had been appointed to the command of the naval forces on this station, arrived with his lady in the Newcastle in June, 1816. He was soon after presented to Napoleon, when they conversed freely for about two hours, and were mutually pleased with each other. As he was going away, the admiral said to the French officers that he had been taking a very fine and valuable lesson on the history of France ; and Napoleon thus expressed himself concerning his visiter: "Ah! there is a man with a countenance really pleasing, open, intelligent, frank, and sincere. There is the face of an Englishman. His countenance bespeaks his heart, and I am sure he is a good man. I never yet beheld a man of whom I so immediately formed a good opinion as of that fine soldier-like old man." The admiral gave Napoleon some papers, in which the death of the Empress of Austria was announced, and also the sentence passed on several of the generals comprised in the proscription of the 24th of July. Cambronne had been acquitted, and Bertrand con- demned to death. He likewise received letters from his mother, his sister Pauline, and from his brother Lucien. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 525 dregs and scum of Europe. I know the name of every English general who has distinguished himself; but I never heard of him except as a scrivano to Blucher. If he had commanded English- men, and were one himself, he would show respect to those who have a right to be honoured." The emperor added, that he was treated worse than a condemned criminal or a galley-slave, as they were permitted to receive printed books and newspapers. Sir Hudson contended that he was justified in detaining things sent to The Emperor. "And who," answered the latter, "gave you the right to dispute that title? In a few years, Lord Castlereagh, Lord Bathurst, and you who speak to me, will be buried in the dust of oblivion ; or, if your names be remembered, it will only be for the indignities with which you have treated me, while the Emperor will remain for ever, the subject and ornament of history and the star of civilized nations. You have, undoubtedly, power over my body, but none over ray mind ; that is as free, as lofty and inde- pendent, as when I was at the head of armies, or on my throne disposing of kingdoms. For you — you are a sbiro Siciliano, and not an Englishman. Do not present yourself before me again, until you come with orders to despatch me, and then every door shall be opened to admit you." This was certainly unbecoming violence; and such as nothing ought to have tempted Napoleon to use. He afterwards, indeed, reproached himself with it; and directed that Sir Hudson should not be again permitted to intrude upon his privacy. " It would have been more worthy of me," he said, " more consistent and more dignified, to have maintained per- fect composure ; but this governor makes me fly into a passion, and expressions escape me which would have been unpardonable at the Tuileries. If they are excusable even here, it is because I am powerless." Sir Hudson Lowe avenged himself, by declaring that "he considered Ali Pacha a more respectable scoundrel than General Bonaparte." About this time — as if to remind Sir Hudson that, whatever might have been his opinion and that of his employers, the emperor was not regarded as an outcast by all intelligent, high-minded, and even patriotic British subjects — a present of some books, and a newly-invented machine for making ice, with various other arti- cles, arrived on the island from Lord and Lady Holland, whose respect for the prisoner was derived from personal knowledge of the excellent qualities of his heart and mind, enhanced, probably, by the esteem in which he had been held by their illustrious rela- tive, Charles James Fox. They had originally been introduced to Napoleon when first Consul, and, at that time, had received from him abundant proofs of kindness and attention. During the Benin- 526 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. sular war, they were again honoured with the most distinguished testimony of his regard. Having heard that his lordship and family were travelling, for the health of one of their children, in Spain, the emperor gave orders to his marshals and generals on no account to molest or make them prisoners.; but, in case they should fall into the hands of the French, to conduct them in safety wheresoever they might desire. The knowledge of this — confirmed subse- quently by Marshals Soult and Suchet — naturally begat a feeling of gratitude, which, when its object was overwhehned by misfor- tunes, grew into lively and enduring sympathy. This had been already evinced on several occasions ; first, when the emperor was at Elba, when Lady Holland, who happened to be at Florence, having learned that he experienced some difficulty in procuring English newspapers, immediately sent him her own set ; secondly, by her ladyship waiting on Sir Hudson Lowe, when appointed to the government of St. Helena, and desiring, as a personal favour, that every indulgence consistent with his duty should be extended to the captive committed to his charge; and, thirdly, by Lord Holland's earnest endeavours, at the time of passing the act for legalizing Napoleon's detention, to procure a dispassionate consid- eration of his case in the House of Peers. As to the value attached to the acts of kindness referred to, the emperor's own evidence is conclusive. Speaking of the contingent possibility of his restora- tion to the throne of France, he said, "I can fancy Lord Holland as prime minister of England, writing to me at Paris, " If you do such a thing, I shall be ruined.'. . . These words would arrest my career more eflfectually than armies." Among many important articles brought by the Newcastle, was a copy of the act passed by the British parliament, entitled "Bona- parte's Detention Bill,"* which exempted from punishment all offences committed against his person up to the date of passing the same. The necessity of this statute sufficiently explains the question of right upon which the emperor was originally trans- ported. With this act, and the treatyf upon which it was based, * The passage of this bill was strenuously resisted by the Duke of Sussex and Lord Holland, both of whom entered their solemn protests against the measure — the latter making use of the following forcible language: " To consign to distant exile and impris- onment a foreign and captive chief, who, after the abdication of his authority, relying on British generosity, had surrendered himself to us in preference to his other enemies, is unworthy of the magnanimity of a great country; and the treaties by which, after his captivity, we have bound ourselves to detain him in custody, at the will of sov- ereigns to whom he had never surrendered himself, appear to me repugnant to the principles of equity, and utterly uncalled for, by expedience or necessity." t This treaty, which was signed at Paris on the 20th of August, 1815, was to the following effect : After a preamble, which stated, that the sovereigns had agreed on the measures best calculated to preclude the possibility of Napoleon Bonaparte again dis- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 527 also came three commissioners, who were appointed to superin- tend its execution, viz : Baron Sturmer, as representative from Aus- tria; Count Bahnaine, for Russia; and the Marquis de Montchenu, for France. Sir Pultney Malcolm mentioned their arrival at his first interview with the emperor, and stated that they were desirous of being presented to him; but he declined having any intercourse with them, especially in their official capacity. He laughingly complimented Prussia on having spared the expense of sending one, but evinced vexation at hearing that France was represented by an old emigrant — one of that "race of imbeciles," as he expressed it, "who had made all Europe believe that Frenchmen were all dancing-masters." In giving his reasons to the admiral for refusing to receive them, Napoleon broke forth in the follow- ing eloquent strain: "After all, sir, you and I are men. I appeal to you : is it possible that the Emperor of Austria, whose daughter I married — who implored that union on his knees — who keeps back my wife and my son — should send me his commissioner, without a line for myself — without the smallest scrap of a bulletin with respect to my son's health? Can I receive him with con- sistency? Can I have any thing to communicate to him? I may say the same thing of the commissioner sent by Alexander, who gloried in calling himself my friend ; with whom, indeed, I carried on political wars, but had no personal quarrel. It is a fine thing to be a sovereign, but we are not on that account the less entitled to be treated like men : I lay claim to no other character at pres- ent! The only one of those commissioners whom I might, perhaps, receive, would be that of Louis XVIII., who owes me nothing: that commissioner was a long time my subject ; he acts merely in conformity to circumstances, independent of his own option ; and I should accordingly receive him to-morrow, were I not apprehen- sive of the misrepresentations which would take place, and of the false colouring which would be given to the circumstance." The utter failure of this mission subsequently rendered its instruments turbing the peace of Europe, the document continued: " Napoleon Bonaparte is con- sidered, by the powers who signed the treaty of the 20th of March last, their prisoner. His safeguard is especially entrusted to the British government. The choice of the place, and the measures which may best ensure the object of the present stipulation, are recerved to his Britannic Majesty. The imperial courts of Austria and Russia, and the royal court of Prussia, shall appoint commissioners to reside in the place which his Britannic Majesty's government shall assign as the residence of Napoleon Bonaparte ; and who, without being responsible for his security, shall assure themselves of his presence. His Most Christian Majesty is also invited to send a French commissioner to the place of Napoleon's detention." M. de Chateaubriand well characterized the fear which had dictated this convention, when he said, in the Chamber of Peers, " The gray great-coat and well-known hat of Napoleon, mounted on a pole on the coast of Brest, would make all Europe fly to arms !" 528 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. extremely ridiculous. Their principal object was from day to day to assure themselves of Napoleon's presence ; yet, in consequence of their refusal to be introduced as private individuals, and the emperor's determination not to admit them officially, they never obtained a sight of him during their residence on the island ; and were consequently useless to their governments, and insignificant in the eyes of the world. On the 23d of August, an official protest against the treaty, and the act of parliament founded thereupon, and also a recapitulation of the many grievances inflicted on the exiles, was addressed by Count Montholon, in the name of the emperor, to Sir Hudson Lowe. It is said that this document, for precision, eloquent rea- soning, energy, and dignity of style, added to the importance of its various details, was one of the most remarkable state papers of the age ; but it was productive of no visible effect in ameli- orating their condition.* Although £12,000 a-year (the sum originally allowed by the English towards supporting the establishment at Longvvood) had been found insufficient for that purpose. Lord Bathurst sent orders, about this time, for the reduction of the expenses to £8,000 a-year; and this gave a fresh impetus to Sir Hudson Lowe's vexatious activity. He examined into minute details: such as, whether common salt should not be substituted for basket salt; he com- plained of the fire-wood used ; of the frequency of the emperor's baths — which entailed expenses, as all the water had to be brought from a distance, there being none at Longwood ; and even found fault with so much linen being sent to the wash! At the same time, orders and counter-orders so confused the sentinels, that O'Meara was arrested forgoing into Bertrand's house; Gourgaud was repeatedly stopped; and no one knew from one day to another how to avoid these sources of irritation. The emperor, * Perhaps Napoleon dictated this paper to Montholon because he regretted the undig- nified scene which had occurred in his last interview with the governor. However, he seems to have soon dismissed the subject from his mind, and turned his attention into totally different channels. This power of banishing the recollection of any occurrence was one of his remarkable characteristics. He once explained it by saying that the different affairs were arranged in his head as in a closet. " When I wish to turn from any business," said he, " I close the drawer which contains it, and I open that which contains another. They do not mix together, and do not fatigue me or inconvenience me. If I wish to sleep, I shut up all the drawers, and I am soon asleep." He was, in fact, able to sleep at will — a peculiarity of which all his counsellors were well aware. Frequently, in his campaigns, he was suddenly aroused upon some emergency, when he would get up, give his decision, or dictate his answer, with his mind as clear and unembarrassed as at any other moment, and without having in his eyes the slightest appearance of sudden awaking. When the business was over, he immediately returned to rest. This has been known to happen ten times in one night, and he was always found to have fallen asleep again. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 529 who would not expose himself to these insults, gave up his rides, and only drove out in his calash, or took short walks. One day he asked his groom how his horse was, and was answered that he was in good condition and high spirits. "At all events," rejoined the emperor, " I hope he does not complain of me ; for no horse ever led more the life of a canon than he does." Notwithstand- ing he talked thus lightly on the subject. Napoleon's health visibly suffered, and his friends observed with pain that his countenance altered. Materials for the erection of a new residence, together with some costly articles of furniture, were sent out about this period; and when the emperor was urged to come to some conclusion as to their disposition, he said, "It is so much money thrown into the sea. I would much rather they had sent me four or five hundred volumes of books, than all their furniture and houses. The com- pletion of the buildings would require some years, and before that time I shall be no more." In a conversation with O'Meara on this subject, he observed, " I cannot well comprehend the conduct of your ministers. They go to the expense of sixty or seventy thousand pounds in sending out furniture, wood, and building materials, for my use, and at the same time send out orders to put me nearly on rations! They will not furnish my followers with what they have been accustomed to, nor will they allow me to provide for them by sending sealed letters through a mercantile house, even of their own selection. No man in France would answer a letter of mine, when he knew that it would be read by the English ministers, and he denounced to the Bourbons. More- over, you ministers having seized the trifling sum of money that I had in the Bellerophon, gives reason to suppose that they would do the same again, if they knew where any of my property was placed. It must be to gull the English nation. John Bull, seeing all this furniture sent out, and so much parade and show in the preparations, thinks I am well treated here." Soon afterwards, the ministerial papers, in reply to Lord Hol- land's motion on the subject, commenced the cry that " Bonaparte must possess immense treasures, which he no doubt concealed." On reading these assertions. Napoleon gave utterance to one of the most noble denunciations of a mean insinuation that was ever recorded. He called for a secretary, and rapidly dictated the following, which was taken down without the alteration of a single word: " You wish to know the treasures of Napoleon ! They are immense, it is true, but they are all exposed to light. They are : The noble har- •hours of Antwerp and Flushing, which are capable of containing the I I 45 630 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. largest fleets, and of protecting them from the ice from the sea; the naval works at Dunkirk, Havre, and Nice ; the great harbour of Cher- bourg ; the maritime works at Venice ; the fine roads from Antwerp to Amsterdam, from Mentz to Metz, from Bordeaux to Bayonne ; the passes of the Simplon, of Mont Cenis, of Mont Genevre, of La Corniche, which opens the Alps in four directions : — these passes exceed in grandeur, in boldness of skill and execution, all the works of the Romans ; in these alone you will find eight hundred millions of francs : — ^the roads from the Pyrenees to the Alps, from Parma to Spezzia, from Savona to Pied- mont ; the bridges of Jena, Austerlitz, Des Arts, Sevres, Tours, Rouen, of the Isere, of the Durance, &c. ; the canal which connects the Rhine with the Rhone by the Doubs, and thus unites the northern seas with the Mediterranean ; the canal which connects the Scheldt with the Somme, and thus joins Paris and Amsterdam ; the canal which unites the Ranee with the Vilaine ; the canals of Aries, of Pavia, of the Rhine ; the drain- ing of the marshes of Burgoing, of the Cotentin, of Rochefort; the rebuilding of the greater number of the churches destroyed during the revolution ; the building of others ; the institution of numerous estab- lishments of industry for the suppression of mendicity ; the works at the Louvre ; the public warehouses ; the bank ; the canal of the Ourcq ; the distribution of water in the city of Paris ; the numerous sewers ; the quays ; the embellishments and the monuments of that great capital : the works for the embellishment of Rome ; the reestablishment of the manu- factories of Lyons ; the creation of many hundreds of cotton manufacto- ries for spinning and weaving, which employ several millions of hands ; funds accumulated to establish four hundred manufactories of sugar from beet-root, for the consumption of France, and which would have fur- nished sugar at the same price as the West Indies, if they had continued to receive encouragement for only four years longer ; the substitution of woad for indigo, which would have been brought to equal in quality, and not to exceed in price, the indigo from the colonies ; numerous manu- factories of different descriptions ; fifty millions of francs expended in ijepairing and beautifying the palaces belonging to the crown ; the fur- itiiture of the palaces ; the crown diamonds, all purchased with Napo- leon's money ; the Regent (the only diamond that was left of those for- merly belonging to the crown) withdrawn from the hands of the Jews at Berlin, with whom it had been pledged for three millions of francs ; the Napoleon museum, valued at upwards of four hundred millions of francs, filled with objects legitimately acquired, either by money or treaties of peace known to the whole world, by virtue of which the master-pieces it contains were given in lieu of territory, or of contributions ; several millions amassed for the encouragement of agriculture, which is the par- amount consideration for the interest of France ; the introduction into France of merino sheep, &c., &c. These form a treasure of several thousand millions of francs, which will endure for ages ! These are the monuments which will confute calumny ! " History will say, that all these things were accomplished amid per- MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 531 petual wars, without having recourse to any loan, and while the national debt was diminishing every day ; and that nearly fifty millions of taxes had been remitted ; while very large sums remained in the private treasury of Napoleon." History will also add to the mass of treasures left by Napoleon — as not the least valuable, though intangible — his great Code of simplified laws; his schools and universities; and his cadastre, or excellent system of registration, which, had he had time to com- plete it, would have proved one of the greatest boons ever con- ferred on a civilized nation. Towards the latter part of August, Napoleon sent for O'Meara,. to visit him in his bed-room, about nine o'clock in the morning. The following minute description, which the latter has given of this- apartment, will interest those to whom the power of association: makes such "little things" seem, in some cases, "great." "It was about four feet by twelve, and ten or eleven feet in heio-ht.. The walls were lined with brown nankeen, bordered and edged with- common green bordering paper, and destitute of surbace. Two small windows, without pulleys, looking towards the camp of the fifty-third'' regiment, one of which was thrown up and fastened by a piece of notched' wood. Window-curtains of white long-cloth, a small fire-place, a shabby^ grate, and fire-irons to match, with a paltry mantel-piece of wood, painted white, upon which stood a small marble bust of his son. Above the mantel-piece hung the portrait of Maria-Louisa, and four or five of young Napoleon, one of which was embroidered by the mother. A little- more to the right hung also a miniature picture of the Empress Josephine,, and to the left, the alarm chamber-watch of Frederick the Great, obtained! by Napoleon at Potsdam ; while, on the right, the consular watch, . engraved with the cypher 'B,' hung by a chain of plaited hair of Maria- Louisa from a pin stuck in the nankeen lining. The floor was covered' with a second-hand carpet, which had once decorated the dining-room. of a lieutenant of the St. Helena artillery. In the right-hand coj'ner- was placed the little, plain, iron camp- bedstead, with green silk curtains, upon which its master had reposed upon the fields of Marengo and' Austerlitz. Between the windows, there was a paltry second-hand- chest of drawers; and an old book-case, with green blinds, stood on the left of the door leading to the next apartment. Four or five cane- bottomed chairs, painted green, were standing here and there about the room. Before the back door there was a screen, covered with nan- keen, and, between that and the fire-place, an old-fashioned sofa, cov- ered with white long-cloth ; upon which reclined Napoleon, clothed in his white morning-gown, white trowsers and stockings all in one. A chequered red Madras upon his head, and his shirt-collar open, without a cravat. His air was melancholy and troubled. Before him stood a little round table, with some books, at the foot of which lay, in confusion 532 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. upon the carpet, a heap of those which he had already perused ; and at the foot of the sota, facing him, was suspended a portrait of the Empress I\Iaria-Louisa, with her son in her arms. In front of the fire-place stood Las Cases, witli his arms folded over his breast, and some papers in one of his hands. Of all the former magnificence of the once mighty Emperor of France, nothing was present except a superb wash-hand stand, containing a silver basin, and water-jug of the same metal, in the left-hand corner." Napoleon had sent for O'lNIeara to ask him the following ques- tions: "You know that it was in consequence of my application that you were appointed to attend me. Now, I want to know from you precisely and truly, as a man of honour, in what situation you conceive yourself to be, whether as my surgeon, as M. Maingaud was, or the surgeon of a prison-ship and prisoners? Whether you have orders to report every trifling occurrence or illness, or what I say to you, to the governor? Answer me candidly: what situ- ation do' you conceive yourself to be in?" O'Meara replied, "As your surgeon, and to attend upon you and your suite;" and pro- ceeded to satisfy Napoleon on the subjects which had agitated him. The sequel and the ultimate expulsion of O'JMeara from the island show that he was justified in his declaration. The emperor proceeded to say, that the governor had in a manner forced him- self into his chamber, when he was ill and a prey to melancholy, and had pressed him to accept the visits of Mr. Baxter, his own physician; to which he would not consent. "I understand," said he, that he proposed an officer should enter my chamber to see me, if I did not stir out. Any one," continued he, with much emotion, "who endeavours to force his way into my apartment, shall be a corpse the moment he enters it." The menaced reductions at Longwood were commenced on the 7th of September, by withdrawing eight English domestics ; and the supplies henceforth delivered were so scanty, that the attend- ants were compelled to purchase many necessaries for their own as well as the emperor's table. It is said that the governor pro- posed to augment the expenditure of Napoleon and his suite, pro- vided the surplus passed through his hands, and threatened to effect still further retrenchments, if his proposition was refused; which fact caused Las Cases to enter in his journal the memorable words, " They barter for our very existence." When the particulars of this proposition were mentioned to Napoleon, he merely observed, that Sir Hudson might do as he pleased : it would ill become iiim to become a participator in such business, and he wished the sub- ject might not be brought to his notice again. One day, after the emperor had dined in his own chamber, he siu-prised his officers at MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 533 the general table with barely sufficient to eat; when he immedi- ately ordered that a part of his plate should be sold every month to make up for the recent retrenchments. But even this last measure was not allowed to proceed without the governor's inter- ference ; for, after the order was carried into eiffect, on learning that there was considerable competition in bidding for the impe- rial service, and that as much as a hundred guineas had been offered for a single plate, he directed that for the future no sale should take place except to persons previously sanctioned by him. In October, Piontkowski,* the Pole, and three inferior attendants of the emperor, were forcibly removed, in order to carry out the reductions already commenced ; and for the purpose of inducing others to render themselves liable to removal, a form of consent to a set of new restrictions was submitted to the household for signa- ture, with an intimation that all who refused implicit obedience to the authority of the governor, would be forthwith sent to. the Cape of Good Hope, without being furnished with the means of return- ing to Europe. One of these restrictions was particularly char- acteristic : — " Those persons who, with the consent of General Bonaparte, may receive the governor's permission to visit him, must not communicate with any individual of his suite, unless a permission to that effect be specially expressed." The enforcing of this regulation must, by excluding the emperor's followers when strangers visited him, have reduced him to the necessity of open- ing the doors himself; and if his guests were unable to speak French, no conversation could have ensued, as Napoleon did not understand English. The emperor desired his friends rather to quit him, and return to Europe, than voluntarily submit to the new vexations imposed on them. "I see," he said, "that it is determined to remove you in detail : I would rather see you removed altogether than subjected to insults which are daily multiplied." This, however, was felt to be too great a sacrifice; and all parties agreed to sign the required declarations, merely substituting the words " Emperor Napoleon" for "General Bonaparte." But on this point Sir Hudson Lowe was inflexible, and his pertinacity succeeded in humbling his opponents. After considerable discussion, the declar- ations, as originally dictated, were signed by all the exiles except Santini, who, in consequence of his obstinate refusal, was shortly afterwards sent to the Cape of Good Hope. It should be remem- bered that, seven or eight months previously to this, Napoleon, in order to obviate the difficulties which were constantly arising * PiontkowBki had rejoined the suite of the emperor, by permission of the English^ government, since his arrival at St. Helena, having originally been refused this privilega. 45* 534 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. from his retention of the imperial title, had oflered to take the name of Muiron or Dm'oc; and that Admiral Cockburn had written to the English government for instructions on the subject, hut no answer had ever been returned. He again now made the same otfer; but no notice was taken of it. In reference, however, to the devotion his followers had manifested in signing the declarations, he said, with evident satisfaction, •' They would have designated me 'Bonaparte the Tyrant,' in order to remain with me in my misery, rather than be compelled to return without me to Europe, where they might live in splendour." Santini was a Corsican by birth, and a man of warm feelings and imagination : he had previously become so disgusted with the vulgar tyranny exercised over his master, that at one period he resolved upon summary vengeance. He had for some time watched the declining health of the emperor with solicitude, and had grown moody and melancholy with retlecting on the means of remedying the evils he was compelled to witness. At last, as he was observed to do nothing in the house, but to employ him- self with a gun in the neighbourhood, under pretence of seeking game for the emperor's table, he was seriously questioned as to his intentions by his countryman Cipriani, when he confessed that he had formed a project to shoot Sir Hudson Lowe, whom he designated as a monster, and then to kill himself Cipriani, know- ing the valet's character, caused a communication to be made to the emperor, who was himself compelled to exert all his authority, and much persuasion, to procure a promise that all thoughts of assassination should be laid aside. "Observe for a moment," said Napoleon, '"the fatal consequences of your project; I should have been stigmatized as the murderer — the assassin of the governor; and it would have been ditHcult with most people to eradicate ^such an impression." Santini subsequently returned to Europe, and published a rather detailed statement of what he considered the emperor's wrongs, but in language so violent and exaggerated, that it injured the cause. One great service, ho\vever, he had well and faithfully performed. He had, on his departure from Longwood, been entrusted with the otTicial remonstrances of Napoleon, before alluded to, as sent by Count Montholon to the governor. This docviment having been communicated to the emperor's family and others, gave occasion to a motion for inquiry in the House of Lords. Lord Holland introduced the subject on the ISth of March, 1817, and eloquently appealed to the legisla- ture to limit the bitterness of Napoleon's imprisonment to the alleged necessitv of the case, and not to add harsh treatment to a -confinement sufficiently severe in itself His lordship spoke of MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 535 the unhealthy situation of Longwood; of the restrictions placed on the exercise of the emperor; of the interdiction of his letters, even to his wife, his child, and his dearest relatives; the detention of books sent out to liim; the refusal to allow him to subscribe for newspapers and journals; the inadequacy of the sum allowed for his maintenance, and the want of j^enerosity, if not of justice, in making him contribute to the charges of his own maintenance. Lord Bathurst, the colonial secretary, dexterously, availed himself of the misrepresentations of Santini, in order to discredit the infor- mation upon which Lord Holland had grounded his motion; and by disproving in detail many of the statements which had been pub- lished, and confounding them vnth statements v)hich v)ere unde- niable, had the a];jpearance of answering the whole, and the Eng- lish ministry were for the time triumphant. Count Las Cases had been one of the strongest opponents of the restrictions of Sir Hudson; and, as it was known that he was in the habit of recording all that occurred relative to the treat- ment of the emperor, the governor entertained a violent prejudice against him, and seems to have long sought occasion to remove him from the island. He was charged with constantly declaim- ing against the government and tlie oppression of the exiles, with speaking to strangers who visited Longwood, in a way to excite a favourable interest for the emperor, and with endeavouring to establish means of transmitting clandestine correspondence to Europe. These allegations, however, being unsupported, a plan was thought of to obtain proofs against the accused. Las Cases had a free mulatto servant. Sir Hudson Lowe, in November, 1816, expressed some doubts as to the propriety of a native of the island holding a situation at Longwood ; and, after several commu- nications on the subject, renrioved the lad — offering to send a person of his own selection in his stead. Las Cases, suspecting that it was intended to place a spy upon him, declined to receive any substitute; but the governor was not thus to be baffled. He suborned the mulatto, and sent him back to Longwood, under cover of night, to make an offer of conveying letters for his old master to London, without the knowledge of the authorities of St. Helena. The lad, who represented that he had been engaged as servant by a gentleman about to return to Europe, was unfortu- nately trusted ; and a letter for Prince Lucien, detailing some of the miseries endured by the captives, and another to a friend in Eng- land, written on satin, were sown up in his clothes. This was on the 24th of November ; on the 25th, a troop of soldiers siezed the unfortunate count, took possession of all his papers and effects, and made prisoner also of his son, who had copied part of the 536 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. criminating letter. After a close confinement of about five weeks, during which Las Cases' journals and letters underwent a rigid examination, and he himself was subjected to a long interrogatory, he was sent to the Cape of Good Hope ; whence, after more than seven months' imprisonment, he was permitted to return to Europe ; but not allowed to land in England, until after the death of Napo- leon. The papers of the count were transmitted eventually to England, and detained by the colonial office for several years. It was only on the interference of Lord Holland, indeed, that their return was finally obtained; and to that nobleman, therefore, the world, in this as in other instances, is indebted for the revelations concerning the prison-house of St. Helena. The removal of Las Cases from St. Helena has been generally regretted as a loss, since he appears to have been most honoured with his sovereign's confidence, and to have recorded his opinions and acts with the strictest impartiality and most unwearied assiduity. It was to him that Napoleon had dictated the account of his cam- paigns in Italy, and to him we chiefly owe our knowledge of the memorable facts connected with the emperor's early career. Gourgaud, Montholon, and Bertrand, appear to have had no natural taste for literature, and to have occupied themselves with such pursuits merely in obedience to orders ; hence we obtain from them little information beyond what was dictated expressly for publication. The value Napoleon attached to the services of the good count, is best expressed in the language of his own farewell letter, of which the following is an extract : ' "Your company was necessary to me. You are the only one that can read, speak, and understand English. How many nights have you watched over me in my illness! . . It will be a great source of consolation to me to know that you are on your way to more favoured climes. Endeavour to forget the evils you have been made to suffer, and boast of the fidelity you have shown towards me, and of all the affection I feel for you. If you should some day see my wife and son, embrace them for me. For the last two years, I have had no news from them, directly nor indirectly. In the mean time, be comforted, and console my friends. My person, it is true, is exposed to the hatred of my enemies, who omit nothing that can contribute to gratify their vengeance, and to make me suffer the protracted tortures of a slow death ; but Providence is too just to allow those sufferings to last much longer. The insalubrity of this dreadful climate, and the want of every thing that tends to support life, will soon, I feel, put an end to my existence — the last moments of which will be an opprobrium to the English name. . . Receive my embrace, and the assurance of my friendship. May you be happy !"* * This letter was detained by the governor, and only reached its destination after the death of Napoleon. MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 537 Las Cases, besides his usefulness as an amanuensis, was of great service in cheering the desolation which the emperor could not but feel occasionally. Whenever he observed that his spirits were failing, he tried to amuse him with anecdotes of the emigrants and the gossip of the Fauxbourg St. Germain, which he was fond of hearing, because, as he once expressed it, "I was well acquainted with every thing that had relation to myself, but I never knew any thing of those affairs." Las Cases therefore went on with one story after another, and succeeded in making the emperor laugh heartily. His kind intention was fully understood. " At the con- clusion of one of my stories," says he, "the emperor pinched my ear, and said, in a tone of voice which delighted me — ' I read a story in your Atlas (the work published under the title of Le Sage's Atlas, but in reality by Las Cases), of a northern monarch who was immured in a prison, and one of his soldiers solicited and obtained permission to be imprisoned with him, in order that he might cheer his spirits, either by inducing him to converse, or by relating stories to him. My dear Las Cases, you are that soldier.' " Some of the "amusing stories" are related in the journal: the following is selected as a specimen : — It had been reported in Paris that Napoleon, irritated against the Emperor of Austria, exclaimed, within hearing of Maria-Louisa, that he was a blockhead {une ganache). Not understanding the term, the empress asked a courtier what it meant, who stammered out — "A clever man, a man of extraordinary talent." Shortly afterwards, she presided at a council of state, and on occasion of some stormy debate, she called on Cambaceres to set all right, for, said she, " I consider you the greatest ganache in the empire." At this story, Napoleon held his sides with laughter. " What a pity," said he, " it is not true ! Only imagine the scene! The offended dignity of Cambaceres, the merriment of the whole council, and the embarrassment of Maria-Louisa, alarmed at the success of her unconscious joke." The governor, after a vain attempt to tamper with O'Meara, and to induce him to act as a spy upon the inmates of Longwood, thought it necessary to put that gentleman, although a British officer, under the same regulations as the exiles, and to forbid his quitting the prison limits without permission. He went so far as to direct the officers of the sixty-sixth regiment, which had super- seded the fifty-third, to exclude the doctor from their mess-table ; and when O'Meara remonstrated, he was treated with the foulest abuse by Sir Hudson, who ordered him to be turned out of Plant- ation-house. Finding that he could neither be wheedled nor bullied into compliance with his wishes, the governor procured an order from Lord Bathurst, dated the 16th of May, 1818, to remove 538 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE the refractory surgeon from the island. When sending the offen- sive notice to O'Meara, he enjoined him to discontinue all further communication with the inhabitants of Longwood; but this injunction the doctor determined at all risks to disobey — his patient's health being such as to require that a regimen should be prescribed for him, and, in the absence of a surgeon, that a quan- tity of medicines should be prepared. He accordingly waited on the emperor, and communicated the new vexation. " The crime will be the sooner consummated," said the latter; "I have lived too long for them." O'Meara took leave of Napoleon on the 25th of July, when he was honoured with introductions, and some mes- sages of affection, to the imperial family, and to Lady Holland. "Be," said he, "the interpreter of my love to my good Louisa, my excellent mother, and Pauline. If you should see my son, embrace him for me, and tell him never to forget that he was born a French prince. Assure Lady Holland of the feelings which I entertain of her kindness, and the esteem which I bear towards her. Try to send me authentic information concerning the manner in which my son is brought up." The emperor then embraced him, saying, "Adieu, O'Meara; we shall meet no more. May you be happy!" Whatever might be the irritable effects of his illness in his intercourse with the governor, it is, nevertheless, the unvarying declaration of all his friends and attendants, that Napoleon's equability towards them never deserted him, and that the patience and fortitude which he exhibited to the last were wonderful. To O'Meara, he was always kind, frequently playful, even when suf- fering much. On visiting him, one morning, O'Meara found him worse, and heard that he had been very ill in the night. "I was going to send for you early in the morning," said he; "but then I considered — this poor devil of a doctor has been up all night, at a ball, and has need of sleep. If I disturb him, he will have his eyes so heavy, and his intellects so confused, that he will not be able to form any correct opinion. Soon after this, I fell into a perspiration, and felt much relieved." Few patients show so much consideration for their medical attendants. He often amused himself with jokes upon O'Meara. Whenever he heard of an English dinner party, he would ask — " Well, how many bottles of wine did you drink? Have you a head-ache to-day? Ah! doctor, your eyes betray you!" And if he still met with a denial of the charge, he would ask — "How many of you got drunk? It must have been a very stupid party, surely, if none did." He had a great notion of English wine-drinking; and used to ani- madvert on the practice of sitting after dinner, and sending the ladies away. Once he asked O'Meara what was his Christian MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 539 name, and who was his patron saint; — "For," said he, laughing, "you must have one to plead your cause for you. St. Napoleon," he went on, "ought to be very much obliged to me, and do every thing in his power for me in the next world. Poor fellow! nobody knew him before. He had not even a day in the calendar. I persuaded the pope to give him the 15th of August, my birthday!" Then he went on to tell the story of a poor sinner, as he had heard it told by a priest in Italy. This sinner died; and his soul saw all the good and evil he had done in his life thrown into the scales. The evil much preponderated, and the poor soul was condemned. "Already," said the preacher, "had the devouring element covered his feet and legs, and proceeded upwards, even unto his bowels; in his vitals, O brethren! he felt them. He sank; and only his head appeared above the waves of fire, when he cried out to his patron saint — 'O, patron! take compassion; and throw into the scale all the lime and stone which I gave to repair the convent of .' The saint took the hint, gathered together all the lime and stone, threw them into the scale of good, and the evil flew up to the beam, and the sinner's soul to Paradise, at the same moment. Now, you see by this, brethren, how useful it is to keep the convents in repair, &c." "You observe," said Napoleon, laughing, "those knaves wanted money to get a new convent built, and it poured in upon them after this expedient." For some months after the removal of O'Meara, Napoleon was attended by Dr. Stokoe, surgeon of the Conqueror; but that gentle- man, like his predecessor, was ultimately dismissed for refusing to dishonour himself and his profession by becoming the governor's spy. In a letter to the emperor, dated 21st January, 1819, con- taining some necessary professional directions, he communicated the fact of his removal also ; and it was afterwards ridiculously attempted to construa this letter into a felonious act ; it being, as the governor alleged, an illegal communication with the French I The doctor, however, had a gratifying triumph over the machina- tions of his enemies, and was promptly restored to his post on board the Conqueror. From January till September, 1819, the emperor was without any medical attendant; and during the latter part of that period, was subjected to a course of outrages almost surpassing the con- ception of the most brutal mind. Meanwhile, Madame Montholon and General Gourgaud had been compelled by ill-health to return to Europe, and Counts Bertrand and Montholon alone remained to assuage the sufferings of their revered emperor. Montholon, who had previously given the required report of Napoleon's health, was confined to his room by a severe illness in the month of 540 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. August; when the governor, as if desirous to invent fresh vexations, refused to correspond with Count Bertrand, and endeavoured to insist on a direct correspondence with the emperor himself, either by the visit of one of his officers twice a-day, or by letters. The letters, addressed in the usual style, the emperor would not receive, and against the visits, his doors were bolted. During a whole week. Sir Thomas Reade* and another staff-officer con- tinued to violently enter Longwood, proceeding to the outer door of Napoleon's apartment, where they would continue knocking for some time, exclaiming, "Come out, Napoleon Bonaparte!" "We want Napoleon Bonaparte!" &c. ; concluding their atrocities by leaving packets of letters addressed to him. These disgusting proceedings were finally arrested by the following declaration from their victim : "On the 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, and 16th of August, 1819, attempts were made, for the first time, to violate the apartments inhabited by the Emperor Napoleon, which to this epoch had been constantly respected. He resisted this violence by shutting and locking the doors. In this situation, he reiterates the protestation which he has made, and caused to be made several times, that the right of his door shall not be vio- lated unless by walking over his corpse. He has for three years lived concentrated in the interior of six small rooms, in order to escape insults and outrages. If baseness is carried to the degree of envying him this refuge, it has been determined to leave him no other than the tomb. Labouring for two years under a chronic hepatitis, a disease endemic in this place, and for a year deprived of the assistance of his physicians by the removal of Dr. O'Meara in July, 1818, and of Dr. Stokoe in January, 1819, he has experienced several crises, during which he has been obliged to keep his bed, sometimes for fifteen or twenty successive days. At the present moment, in the midst of one of the most violent of the crises that he has yet experienced, confined to his bed for nine days, having only patience, diet, and the bath, to oppose to the disease ; for six days his tranquillity has been disturbed by threats of an attack, and of outrages which the Prince Regent, Lord Liverpool, and all Europe, well know he will never submit to. As the wish to debase and to insult him is daily manifested, he reiterates the declara- tion he has already made: that he has not taken, nor will he take any notice, nor has he ordered, nor will he order any answer to be given to any despatches or packets, the wording of which shall be done in a manner injurious to him, and contrary to the forms which liave been established for four years, to correspond with him through the inter- mediation of his officers ; that he has thrown and will throw into the fire or out of the window those insulting packets, not wishing to innovate any thing upon the state of affairs that has existed for some years. (Signed) " Napoleon. "Longwood, IGth August, 1819." The reports of the rapid decline of Napoleon's health, success- ively brought to Europe by Las Cases, O'Meara, and Gourgaud, excited the most lively apprehensions of all who still remembered him with affection. His mother addressed an affecting appeal to the congress of the allied sovereigns, for his removal to a more genial clime ; but, failing in this, she obtained from Lord Bathurst, * This individual seems to have been the most contemptible tool that was ever used in a despicable service. It was impossible to further degrade such a creature. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 541 through the mediation of Cardinal Fesch, permission to send out a physician in whom he would probably feel confidence. Dr. Antom- marchi, a young Corsican, was selected, who took with him two priests — the Abb^s Vignali and Buonavita — Napoleon having expressed a wish that himself and his suite might have it in their power to perform the rites of the church according to the CathoUc mode of observance. As he had not been apprised of the engage- ment of this well-meant addition to the inmates of Longwood, he at first received them with some suspicion ; but this was soon dis- pelled by the doctor, who was introduced to his patient on the 22d of September, 1819. Their two first interviews were entirely occupied by conversation concerning every member of the imperial family; and his mother, wife, and son, were objects of repeated and earnest inquiries : the doctor had brought a print of the latter, on which Napoleon gazed with a kind of rapture for some time. It was not until the third interview, that an opportunity was afforded for making the necessary examination, which produced evidence of the existence of extensive disease. The emperor had scarcely been out of doors for eighteen months ; the colour of the skin was unhealthy, the body excessively fat, the white of the eyes had become yellow, the ear hard, the tongue bad, the pulse low ; vio- lent sneezing and hard dry cough were frequent; the right side was hard, swelled, and painful on being touched. A vague pain existed there, and great uneasiness in the shoulder, with a fixed and deep-seated pain, which Napoleon described as appearing to be in the interior of the chest, and which never left him, proceed- ing doubtless from, the dreadful organic disease of the stomach, which was the principal cause of his death. The appetite was gone ; and frequent nausea, and rejection of the food taken, occur- red. "Well, doctor," said Napoleon, when this examination had concluded, "what do you think of it? Am I destined much longer to disturb the digestion of kings?" It is probable that the opinions of the physician and his patient were much alike on this matter, although the zeal of the former prevailed over the unwillingness of the latter to use remedies. He not only submitted to take medicine, but was actually induced once more to take exercise ; he walked out; he even mounted on horseback, and galloped a few miles; and took short drives in his calash. A decided, though temporary, ' improvement was the result, interrupted, however, by very severe "attacks of illness. A new mode of inducing the continuance of a more active life occurred to Antommarchi, towards the end of the year; he proposed to the emperor to dig in the garden. The next morning. Napoleon was at work. He had named No varrez, who had been used to rural 46 542 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. occupations, his head gardener, and worked under his directions. "Well, doctor," he cried, as Antommarchi approached, "are you sat- isfied with your patient ? Is he obedient enough ? This is better than your pills, dottoraccio' (great doctor), he continued, laughing, and holding up his spade; "you shall not physic me any more!" The emperor became fond of his new employment. He pressed all Longwood into his service. The ladies alone escaped, though he tried by every means to persuade them also to begin to dig. They made alleys, grottoes, " cascades, miniature roads, basins or excavations; transplanted young trees; manured the ground, and sowed in it beans, peas, and every vegetable that grows in the island. The arid soil gave little hope of vegetation, but the object was attained for the time ; Napoleon enjoyed a month of compara- tive health. On these occasions, he wore a loose, light dress, and a large straw hat ; and he gave the same costume to a set of Chinese, who worked under his direction. His physician could now perceive, by certain indications, that a dread of the complaint of which his father died — a cancer in the stomach — had entered Napoleon's mind, but that he dared not avow his fears. He was observed consulting medical books and physiological plates to endeavour to gain information from them, and he sometimes recurred to the question of the existence of hereditary diseases. In one of these discussions, a striking proof appears of the acuteness of his mind. The conversation having turned on the causes of pestilence, and the diflTerence between pure and impure air. Napoleon exclaimed — " How ! is it not known what, in an aeriform fluid, wounds such or such an organ? Has no attempt been made to isolate that fatal principle ?" " The attempt has been made," rejoined Antommarchi, "but in vain; it is too subtile." "But," rejoined Napoleon, "the atmosphere that sur- rounds an individual infected with the plague, cannot offer the same elements of composition as that of a healthy individual." These curious remarks are rendered the more interesting, since modern science has succeeded in isolating the fatal principle, by condensing and separating from the air those minute particles of animal and vegetable matter in a state of decomposition, which have been found, by direct experiment on animals, to produce fever in its different degrees of intensity. Some rainy weather came, which stopped the operations in the garden, and Napoleon would not allow even the Chinese to pro- ceed. He was employing them to construct a basin, to which he meant to bring water by pipes. "It is useless," said he; "since there is no hurry for this basin, let them rest ; we will resume our task hereafter. I have, besides, some observations to make ; come, MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 543 follow me : you will find them interesting." " I went," says Antom- marchi; "and found that the objects of his observations were some ants, whose manners he had been studying. These insects had appeared in great numbers in his bed-room, since he occupied it less, and had climbed on his table, on which there was usually some sugar. Allured by the bait, they had established a chain of communication, and taken possession of the sugar-basin. Napo- leon was anxious that they should not be disturbed in their plans ; he only now and then moved the sugar, following their manceu- vres, and admiring the activity and industry they displayed until they had found it again. 'This is not instinct,' said he; 'it is much more — it is sagacity, intelligence, and the ideal of civil association. But these little beings have not our passions, our cupidity ; they assist, but do not destroy each other. I have vainly endeavoured to defeat their purpose ; I have removed the sugar to every part of the room ; they have been one, two, or sometimes three days looking for it, but have always succeeded at last.'" The illness of Napoleon was still varied by intervals of ease, during which he took exercise, and occasionally mounted on horse- back. He one day even rode fast and far enough to alarm Sir Hudson Lowe, who instituted an inquiry into the mysterious cir- cumstance of a horseman having been seen galloping to the camp at Deadwood, disguised as a Chinese. This horseman was the emperor in his working-dress. " Is he afraid," inquired Napoleon, "that I should find wings, and fly away, and escape the grave?" In the month of October, his sufferings greatly increased, and he was subject to frequent fits of melancholy, during which he passed whole days without speaking to any one. At other times, he took much pleasure in talking with the children of his followers, and with the daughters of Mr. Balcombe, who visited Longwood as often as circumstances permitted. He used to make Tristan Montholon, who was between seven and eight years old, recite fables which he had learned by rote without understanding their meaning — -endeavouring, while he did so, to explain their object. In his comment upon " the Wolf and the Lamb," he said that the fable was defective in principle and moral: the wolf ought to have been strangled in devouring the lamb. Tristan, when questioned, confessed that he was sometimes idle at his studies. "But you eat every day?" said the emperor. — "Yes, sire." — "Then you should work daily : no one ought to eat who does not work." — "Oh, well! in that case, I will work every day." — "Such is the influence of the belly !" exclaimed Napoleon, tapping that of the child to whom he was speaking; "it is hunger that keeps the world moving." V 544 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. He was so much affected by intelligence of the death of his sis- ter Eliza, which reached him about the end of December, that he continued in a state of stupor a long time, and the most gloomy forebodings were excited. "Ehza," he said, "has just shown us the way. Death, which seemed to have overlooked my family, has began to strike it. My turn cannot be far off. I have no longer strength, activity, nor energy remaining; I am no longer Napoleon; I bend beneath my yoke; I hardly exist. All is over: my days will soon close on this miserable rock." He then spoke of his son and of Maria- Louisa. His physician tried to divert his thoughts by starting other subjects. "I understand you," said the emperor; "let it be so: let us forget — if, indeed, the heart of a father can ever forget!" After the 17th of March, 1821, he was chiefly confined to his bed. About this period. Sir Hudson Lowe, on learning that the orderly officer, appointed to ascertain from day to day the presence of the emperor, was unable to see him on account of his confine- ment to his sick-chamber, went himself to Longwood, accompanied by his whole staff; he put authoritative questions to the domestics, paraded round the house, examined the outlets, and finally threat- ened to force an entrance, if Napoleon, by a certain date, were not rendered visible when he desired. Antommarchi and Mon- tholon remonstrated against this savage resolution ; the governor, nevertheless repeated his menace, and would doubtless have put it in execution, but that the emperor consented to Dr. Arnott's being called in for consultation on the disease under which he was dying ; upon which. Sir Hudson agreed to receive that gentleman's report instead of the military officer's, and the contemplated out- rage was avoided. On the 15th of April, Napoleon commenced dictating his will, which is an interesting and characteristic document, and on which he spent nearly the whole of four days, shut up with Count Mon- tholon and Marchand. On the 19th he seemed much better, was in good spirits, and able to sit up. His attendants generally expressed their satisfaction at his improvement: "You deceive yourselves, my friends," he said: "I feel that my end draws near. When I am dead, you will have the sweet consolation of returning to Europe. One will meet his relations, and another his friends; as for me — I shall rejoin my brave companions in arms in the Elysian Fields. Yes! Kleber, Desaix, Bessi^res, Duroc, Ney, Murat, Massena, Berthier, will all come to greet me, and talk to me of what we have done together. I shall recount to them the latest events of my life. On seeing me, they will rekindle with enthusiasm and glory. We will discourse of our wars with the MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 545 Scipio's and the Hannibal's — with Caesar and with Frederic. There will be pleasure in that, unless," he added, laughing, " they should be alarmed below to see so many warriors assembled together!" Dr. Arnott at this moment arrived, and the emperor spoke to him for some time concerning the progress of his disorder; then in a solemn tone he addressed him (Bertrand acting as interpreter) on the wrongs and injuries which had been inflicted on himself by Sir Hudson Lowe ; and concluded by expressing his conviction that England would end like the proud republic of Venice. " For me," he exclaimed, "expiring on this frightful rock, torn from my family, and deprived of every thing, I bequeath the infamy and horror of my death to the reigning family of England!" On the 21st, he sent for the Abbe Vignali, and on his appearance the following colloquy ensued: "Do you know, abb^ what a chambre ardente is?'" — "Yes, sire." — "Have you ever officiated in one?" — "No, sire." — "Well, then, you must officiate in mine." He then explained minutely to the priest all the details of the ceremonies to be observed in a room in which a body lies in state ; and thus continued: I was born in the Catholic religion; I will ful- fil the duties it imposes, and receive the assistance it administers." Napoleon seemed fully aware that he was now on his death-bed. On the 28th, after giving Antommarchi particular directions in regard to a post-mortem examination of his remains, and exacting a promise that no English physicians should be employed in the operation unless it was absolutely necessary, he proceeded with perfect calmness and composure as follows : "I desire that you will take my heart, put it in spirits of wine, and carry it to Parma, to my dear Maria-Louisa. You will tell her that 1 tenderly loved her — that I never ceased to love her; and you will relate to her all you have seen, and every particular respecting my situation and my death. I particularly recommend to you carefully to examine my stomach, and to make a precise and detailed report of the state in which you may find it ; which report you will give to my son. I am inclined to believe that it is attacked with the same disorder which killed my father — I mean a scirrhus in the pylorus. What is your opinion?" — "I hesitated to reply," says Antommarchi; and he continued : " I began to suspect that such was the case, as soon as I experienced the frequency and obstinate recurrence of the sickness. I beg you will be very particular in your examination, in order that, when you see my son, you may be able to communicate your observations to him, and point out to him the most proper medicines to use. When I am no more, you will go to Rome : you will see my mother and my family, and will relate to them all you may have observed concerning my situation, my disorder, and my death upon this miserable and dreary Kk 46* 546 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. .rock. You will tell them that the great Napoleon expired in the most deplorable state, deprived of every thing, abandoned to himself and to his glory ; and that he bequeathed with his dying breath, to all the reigning families of Europe, the horror and opprobium of his last moments.' " Alternations of acute anguish and delirium were frequent for several days; during which, all his attendants redoubled their zeal and attention, anxious to give him a last mark of devotedness, which he seemed fully to appreciate. On the afternoon of the 3d of May, when the fever was less violent, he expressed a desire that the Abb6 Vignali might administer the last offices of the church. Every one left the room, except the priest, and Napo- leon received the extreme unction. Although the fever afterwards augmented, he still retained possession of his senses ; and towards evening called his officers around him, and addressed them in the following impressive words : " I am going to die, and you to return to Europe ; I must give you some advice as to the line of conduct you are to pursue. You have shared my exile ; you will be faithful to my memory, and will not do any thing that may injure it. I sanctioned great principles, and infused them into my laws and acts. Unfortunately, however, the circum- stances in which I was placed were arduous, and I was obliged to act with severity, and to postpone the execution of my plans. Our reverses occurred : I could not unbend the bow ; and France has been deprived of the liberal institutions I intended to give her. She judges me with indulgence ; she feels grateful to my intentions ; she cherishes my name and my victories. Imitate her example : be faithful to the opinions we have defended, and to the glory we have acquired ; any other course can only lead to shame and confusion." A hurricane howled round the rocks of St. Helena on the night of the 4th, which tore up by the roots the old willow under which Napoleon had been accustomed to enjoy the fresh air; and the young trees, which he had planted with his own hands, were broken and scattered by the tempest. This was regarded as a fitting precursor to the sad event about to take place, and it has been absurdly attempted from this coincidence to establish some resem- blance between Bonaparte and Oliver Cromwell. On the morning of the last day of Napoleon's existence, it was evident that the long agony was fast drawing to a close. There were fearful indications of physical pain ; but the mind appeared to have become unconscious of it ; and, except at intervals, sensa- tion was apparently abolished. A few scarcely-articulate words were still uttered; among which, the last that could be distin- guished, were, ''Tete ... Armee (head ... army; or, perhaps, armed ... head). Towards evening, the pulse became nearly MEMOIRS OF XAPOLEOV BOXAPARTE. 547 imperceptible; there were deep sighs, piteous moans, ana convul- sive movements; the lips were spasmodically closed against all nourishment; and at eleven minutes before six, on the 5th of May, 1821. he who had for years kept all Europe in a state of feveris'h excitement, terminated his earthly career. After the first burst of gi-ief had been indulged, his executors proceeded, according to the desire of the emperor, to open twO' codicils of his will. The first merely specified certain gratuities to be paid to the members of his household. The second contained the well-known direction which has since been complied with, viz: "It is my wish that my ashes may repose on the banks of the Seine, in the midst of the French people, whom I loved so well." — The governor having neither inclination nor authority to com- ply with this desire, expressed a wish that the officers of the deceased should select any place they might deem proper for the grave : and accordingly they fixed upon a spot called Slane's Val- ley, about three miles from Longwood, whence his Chinese domes- tics had been accustomed to bring him spring- water, and which: was surrounded by some weeping-willows. For the want of necessary materials, the body was not embalmed ;• but, after the examination so strenuously urged upon Dr. Antom- marchi, the heart and stomach were placed in a silver vase, and subsequently deposited in the coffin, as the governor would not allow them to be taken to Europe, to be disposed of according to the emperor's request. The examination disclosed the ravages of a complication of diseases. The lungs were inflamed, and organically diseased; the liver was seriously affected, and botb the lobes adhered — the one to the diaphragm and the other to the stomach. The latter circumstance had prolonged the sufferings and the life of the patient ; for the adhesion of the liver to a portion of the stomach, had occurred on the very spot where the dreadful disease, which had been the immediate cause of death, had per> forated a hole entirelv through the latter organ, which, had it not been so covered, would have caused death at the moment of its formation, by admitting the contents of the stomach into the cavity of the abdomen. Nearly the whole of the interior of the stomach was occupied by a cancerous ulcer. After being clad in the uniform of the Imperial Guard, girt with sword and spurs, and decorated with the cordons and crosses of the Legion of Honour and the Iron Crown, the body was removed to the small bed-room, which had been fitted up as a charnbre ardente, and there laid on a bed, covered with the blue cloth cloak which had been worn by the emperor at the battle of Marengo. Behind the head was the altar, at which the Abb4.- 548 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. Vignali recited prayers ; lighted tapers were placed on either side, and on his chest a crucifix; all the persons of his suite, officers and servants, dressed in mourning, were standing on the left ; and Dr. Arnott watched over the corpse, which had been placed under his personal responsibility. Here the whole population of St. Helena thronged to take a last look at the lifeless remains; but, although the crowd was immense, they all maintaified the greatest order, and a feeling of religious awe caused the preservation of deep silence. After lying in state during the 6th and 7th, the body was deposited in the coffin, which was composed — first of tin, lined with white satin, which, having been soldered down, was enclosed in another of mahogany, a third of lead, and the whole in a fourth of mahogany, secured with iron screws. The meanness of Sir Hudson Lowe even followed the " Captive Conqueror" in death. — It was the wish of his attendants to place the following inscription upon his coffin : " Napoleon, N6 a Ajaccio, le 15 Aout, 1769; mort a Sainte Hel^ne, le 5 Mai, 1821." But this functionary, as if apprehensive that a mere inscription could tell the world more than it already knew, insisted that the plate should bear nothing but " General Bonaparte," and consequently it remained wholly uninscribed. The funeral was appointed to take place on the 8th, when the troops were ordered under arms, and in mourning, at day-break, although the procession did not form till after twelve o'clock. The members of his late household attended as mourners, and were followed by the governor, the admiral, and all the civil and military authorities of the island. As the road did not permit a near approach of the hearse to the place of sepulture, twelve Eng- lish grenadiers had the honour of bearing the coffin to the grave — Counts Bertrand and Montholon, with Marchand and young Napoleon Bertrand, holding the four corners of the pall. The coffin was deposited on the edge of the grave, and uncovered; when the Abb6 Vignali recited the usual prayers, and the body was consigned to its last rest. The artillery then fired three successive volleys of fifteen guns each. After these ceremonies were concluded, an enormous stone was lifted up by means of a ring fixed in it, and was lowered down over the body, resting on a strong stone wall on each side, so as not to touch the coffin. It was then fastened ; the ring was taken away, the hole it had left filled up, and the masonry covered with a layer of cement. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 549 CHAPTER IV. Arrangements made for transporting the remains of Napoleon from St. Helena ; Communication from Lord Palmerston ; Prince de JoinvUle appointed to command the Expedition ; its Departure from France and ai-rival at St. Helena ; Exhumation and Reception of the Remains ; Report of the Commissioners ; Return to France ; Ceremonies along the Route to Paiis ; Final Disposition in the CSiapel of the Invalides. It has been thought that a memoir of Napoleon would not be complete without an account of the funeral honours paid to him by his country; and we therefore conclude our labours with such details of the last great event connected with his history as are considered of general interest. From the period when the dying wish of the exile, that "his ashes should repose on the banks of the Seine, in the midst of the French people whom he had loved so well," became known, its accomplishment was sought from time to time by the French nation, especially by the military portion of it ; but as often dis- countenanced by parties in power. Shortly after the revolution of 1830, the slumbering question was again mooted, and with a louder voice ; but the son of Napoleon — he who had been recog- nised by all France as his heir, and even proclaimed emperor after his father's abdication — was still living, and it was considered that such honour to the dead might endanger the stability of the exist- ing dynasty, by reviving the old question of legitimacy. The disturbed state of Europe, looking on with a distrustful eye to the purposes of France, also discouraged the experiment. It was reserved for the French ministry of 1840, with M. Thiers at its head, to propose that the emperor's wish should be complied with, by consigning his ashes to their fitting resting-place. On the 5th of May, by direction of Louis-Philippe, an official correspondence took place between the cabinets of France and England concern- ing the removal of the remains. The British ministry responded frankly and generously, as is testified by the following communi- cation from Lord Palmerston : " The government of her Britannic Majesty hopes that the promptness of its answer may be considered in France as a proof of its desire to blot out the last trace of those national animosities which, during the life of the emperor, armed England and France against each other. The British government hopes that if such sentiments survive any where, they may be buried in the tomb about to receive the remains of Napoleon." On the 12th of May, the design so worthily entered upon was thus communicated to the Chamber of Deputies by M. de Remu- sat, Minister of the Interior : 550 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. " The king has commanded his son, the Prince de Joinville, to proceed to St. Helena to receive the ashes of the Emperor Napoleon, in order to convey them to France. Our magnanimous ally has wished in this event to efface the last traces of past ani- mosity. The frigate bearing the remains will, on its return, repair to the mouth of the Seine, from whence another vessel will transport them to Paris, to be deposited in the H6tel des Invalides, when a solemn ceremony, worthy of the occasion and of the country, will take place. Napoleon was legitimate sovereign of France ; and as such, his mortal remains might repose at St. Denis; but the ordinary sepulture of kings would not be worthy of Napoleon : he should lie among the soldiers of the nation — his former companions in glory — in that silent and sacred asylum, to which those who henceforth may be called on to defend our country, may always repair to invoke suc- cess. Beneath the dome of the temple, a monument, durable as his memory, will be erected, for which, with the expenses of removal, and of the funeral ceremony, we require of the chambers the grant of a million of francs (£40,000). Henceforth, France alone will possess all that remains of Napoleon : his tomb, Uke his fame, will belong to none but his country." The chambers nobly responded to the appeal of the government and to the wishes of the country ; and the announcement speedily spread through France, eliciting a burst of enthusiasm. Prepara- tions for the expedition were immediately commenced. ■ On the 2d of July, the Prince de Joinville quitted Paris to take command of the Belle Poule frigate, and the Favourite corvette, lying off Toulon. The quarter-deck of the frigate (on board of which the prince sailed) had been fitted up as a chapelle-ardente — an imperial cenotaph — bearing allegorical bassi-relievi — His- tory and Justice, with Religion, and the cross of the Legion of Honour at the sides ; eagles at the four angles ; and the crown on the summit. The prince was accompanied by four of the emperor's com- panions in exile — Count Bertrand, Baron Gourgaud, the younger Las Cases, and Marchand (the emperor's ancient valet-de-chambre) ■ — and by Captain Hermoux, of the navy, his royal highness's aid- de-camp; Midshipman Touchard, his ordnance officer; the Count de Rohan-Chabot, the king's commissioner; the Abbe Coquereau, chaplain ; and four old servants of Napoleon : Denis and Novarrez, valets; Pi6ron, domestic officer; and Archambaud, his huntsman. Of Marchand, his testamentary executor, the emperor had said, " The services which he has rendered me have been those of a friend." The Belle Poule and Favourite put to sea on the 8th of July, 1840, and anchored off St. Helena on the 8th of October. On the 1st of December, the French government received the following despatch : « Cherbom'g Road, November 30th, 1840. " Monsieur le Ministee: As I had the honour of announcing to you, I left the Bay •of All Saints on the 14th of September. I sailed along the coast of Brazil with east- ei:ly winds, which enabled me to reach St. Helena by the parallel of twenty-eight degrees .south, and to arrive at this point after some delay. On the 8th of October, I cast anchor MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 551 in the roads of James' Town. The brig Oreste, sent by Vice-admiral de Mackan to take a channel-pilot on board the Belle Poule, had arrived the evening before. As this vessel brought me no new instructions, I immediately attended to the orders pre- viously committed to me. My first care was to introduce M. de Chabot, the king's commissioner, to General Middlemore, governor of the island. These gentlemen had to regulate, according to their respective instructions, the manner in which the remains of the emperor should be exhumed and removed on board the Belle Poule. The exe- cution of the plans decided on was fixed for the 15th of October.* The governor under- took the exhumation, and all that was to be done on the English territory. As for myself, I regulated the honours that were to be paid on the 15lh and 16th, by the division placed under my orders : the French trading vessels, La Bonne Ami^e, Cap- tain Gallet, and L'Indien, Captain Truquetit, eagerly joined us. On the 15th, at mid- night, the operations were commenced in presence of the English and French commis- sioners, M. de Rohan-Chabot and Captain Alexander, R. E. ; the latter directed the works. As M. de Chabot will transmit to the government a circumstantial report of the operations he witnessed, it is unnecessary for me to detail ihe particulars ; I shall, therefore, only inform you that at ten in the morning the workmen reached the coffin. After having removed it from the grave uninjured, it was opened, and the body found in a state of unhoped-for preservation. At this solemn moment, on sight of the remains — so easily recognised — of him who had done so much for the glory of France, pro- found emotion seized the spectators. At half-past three, cannons from the forts announced that the funeral cortege was moving towards James' Town. The militia and the garrison preceded the car, which was covered with the pall borne by the Gen- erals Gourgaud and Bertrand, and by Messrs. Las Cases and Marchand ; the authori- ties and the inhabitants followed in crowds. The frigate in the roads responded by minute-guns to the cannon of the forts ; our flags were lowered half-mast high, and all the foreign vessels displayed the same signs of mourning. When the cortege appeared on the quay, the English troops formed an avenue, through which the car advanced slowly towards the beach. On the sea-shore, where the English lines terminated, I had assembled around me the officers of the French division : all in deep mourning, with heads uncovered, we awaited the approach of the coffin. It stopped at twenty paces from us, and the governor, advancing towards me, gave into my charge, in the name of the British government, the remains of the Emperor Napoleon. So soon as the coffin had been lowered into the frigate's long-boat, previously disposed to receive it, renewed emotions were manifested; the last wishes of the emperor were fulfilling; his body at length reposed under the national flag. " From that moment, all signs of mourning were abandoned ; honours that the em- peror would have received in life, were rendered to his mortal remains, and it was amid the salvos of the ships, with their flags hoisted and their yards manned, that the long-boat, escorted by the boats of all the vessels in the roads, was slowly towed towards the frigate. On its arrival on board, the coffin was received between two files of officers under arms, and borne to the temporary chapelle-ardente. According to your orders, the honours were yendered by a guard of sixty men, commanded by the senior lieutenant of the frigate. Though it was already late, the absolution was read, and the body remained thus exposed during the night, the chaplain and an officer keeping watch near the coffin. " On the 16th, at ten in the morning, the officers and the crews of the French ships of war, together with those of the merchantmen, having assembled on board the frigate, a solemn funeral service was celebrated. The body was then lowered between decks, where a new chapelle-ardente had been prepared to receive it. At noon, aU was ended, and the frigate ready to sail, but two days were required for the drawing up of the proces-verbal (authentic account), and it was not till the morning of the 18th, that the Belle Poule and Favourite were able to get under weigh. The Oreste left at the same time for its destination. After a quick and favourable voyage, I anchored in the Cherbourg roads at five o'clock this morning. (Signed) F. D'Orleans. " To the Minister of Marine." * The anaiversary of Napoleon's arrival ia the island, twenty-five years before. 552 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, The official report of the commissioners, referred to in the fore- going despatch, gives the following detail of the exhumation and delivery of Napoleon's remains : " We, the undersigned, Phillppe-Ferdinand-Auguste de Rohan-Chabot, in virtue of powers conferred on me by his majesty the King of the French, and Charles Corsan Alexander, deputed by his excellency General Middlemore, Governor of St. Helena, to preside on the part of her Britannic Majesty, having previously communicated to each other our respective powers, have repaired, this 15th day of the present month of October, of the year 1840, to the place of sepulture of the Emperor Napoleon, to super intend and direct personally all the operations of exhuming and removing his remains. " Having arrived at the Valley of Napoleon, we found the tomb guarded, according to the orders of the governor, by a detachment of the ninety-first regiment of British infantry, commanded by Lieutenant Barney, for the purpose of preserving order befit- ting the occasion. The members of council received directions to attend the disinter- ment : these were Lieutenant-colonel Trelawny, his honour the Chief-justice Wylde, and Colonel Hodson. There were also ordered to be present, Mr. Scale, the Colonial Secretary ; and Lieutenant Littlehales, commanding the Dolphin. On the French side were Generals Bertrand and Gourgaud ; Count Las Cases ; Marchand ; Arthur Ber- trand, the commander of the frigate ; the Abb€ ; and the Surgeon, with five or six of Napoleon's domestics. The persons appointed to execute the works having been admitted within the reserved space round the tomb at midnight, and in silence. Captain Alexander, of the Engineers, commenced his work by removing the railing, and the slabs that covered the grave. The earth was next excavated, and, after unwearied efforts, the workmen succeeded in making an impression on the cement which covered the first layer of masonry below. This being entirely removed, we next found a rec- tangular wall, forming, as we afterwards ascertained, the four sides of a vault, fourteen feet deep, six feet wide, and ten feet two inches long. Below the slabs already removed, this vault was entirely filled with earth, about nine inches deep. Beneath the earth appeared a layer of common cement, covering the whole space, and adhering to the walls, which having been completely cleared away, the undersigned commission- ers descended into the vault, and found it perfectly uninjured. The next covering, formed of stones thirteen inches in tliickness, bound together by iron cramps, resisting the labour of several hours, the undersigned English commissioner caused a tunnel to be excavated from the left side of the vault, in order to reach the coffin by this means, in case further efforts to perforate the solid mass should prove insufficient. The removal of the latter, however, having been at length effected, the digging of the lateral ditch was abandoned ; and below the demolished mass was found a slab, eight feet four inches long, four feet and an inch wide, and six feet thick, forming the covering of the inner sarcophagus (or sepulchre) of hewn stones, containing the coffin. This slab, in perfect preservation, was framed in Roman cement, and strongly fastened to the walls of the vault ; and this last masonry having been carefully raised by means of rings or pulleys affixed to it, at half-past nine o'clock in the morning every thing was ready for the opening of the sarcophagus. Then Dr. Guillard purified the tomb by besprinkling it with chlorine, the slab was drawn up and laid on the edge of the vault, exposing the coffin to view, at which moment all present uncovered their heads, and the Abb^ Coquereau, sprinkling holy water, repeated the De Profundis. The undersigned com- missioners then stepped down to inspect the coffin, which they found well preserved, excepting a small portion only of its base, which, although resting on a sound slab, sup- ported by hewn stones, was slightly impaired. Some sanatory precautions having been again taken by the surgeon, an express was sent to the governor, to inform him of the progress of the work. The coffin was then raised with hooks and straps, and removed with reverent care to a tent erected to receive it, the chaplain reading the while the service for the dead conformably to the rites of the Roman Catholic church. " The undersigned coinmissioners then descended into the tomb, which they found to be in perfect preservation, and agreeing entirely with the official description of the interment. MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 553 "Towards eleven o'clock, the undersigned French commissioners, learning that his excellency the governor had authorized the opening of the coffins, caused the first to be taken off v^rith every requisite precaution, within which was found a leaden one, which, with its contents, was placed within that brought out from France. Then his excel- lency, accompanied by his staff. Lieutenant Middlemore, aid-de-camp and military secretary, and Captain Barnes, town-major, entered the tent, to be present at the open- ing of the inner coffins. The upper part of the leaden coffin was thereupon cut, and lifted off with the utmost care. In it was found another of wood, in excellent preserv- ation, and corresponding with the description and recollection of those who had been present at the depositing of the emperor's remains. " The lid of the third coffin having been removed, the lining of tin was v^rithdra^v^, and disclosed a sheet of white satin, which was carefully drawn aside by Doctor Guil- lard, and the body of Napoleon was exposed to view. The features had undergone so little alteration as to be instantly recognised. The contents of the coffin were found remaining in the exact position in which they had been placed ; the hands in remarka- ble preservation ; the uniform, the orders, the hat, very little injured ; and the whole person indicating a recent inhumation. But two minutes at most did the body remain exposed to the air, that short interval sufficing for the surgeon to take the measures prescribed to preserve it from further injury. The tin and mahogany coffins were then reclosed, over which the leaden one was careftilly resoldered, under the direction of Dr. Guillard, and securely fixed by wedges in the new leaden coffin sent from Paris. The whole were then placed in the splendid ebony sarcophagus, which was locked, and the key delivered to the undersigned French commissioner. " Then the undersigned English commissioner declared that, the exhumation being ended, he was authorized by his excellency the governor to inform the French commis- sioner that the coffins containing the mortal remains of Napoleon should be considered at the disposal of the French government from the moment they had reached the place of embarkation, whither they would be conveyed under the personal orders of his excel- lency the governor. " The coffin was then placed on a funeral car, covered with an imperial mantle pre- sented by the undersigned French commissioner, and at half-past three in the afternoon the cortege formed, under the command of his excellency the governor (who, in con- sequence of illness, had been unable to preside at the labours of the night), and advanced from the grave. " From the moment the procession began to move, minute-guns were fired from the battery at High Knoll, and continued from the lines. On its arrival at James' Town, the coriege passed slowly down the main street, through lines of the militia and of the ninety-first, resting on their arms reversed, to the quay, where stood the Prince de Join- ville, surrounded by French officers in waiting to receive the body. The prince then received from the governor the imperial coffin, which was immediately deposited in the long-boat prepared for its reception, and conveyed by the prince on board the Belle Poule, with all the honours due to sovereigns. "For the faithful record of which, we, the undersigned commissioners, have drawn up this proces-verhal, and have sealed it with our arms. " Made in duplicate between us, at St. Helena, this fifteenth day of October, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and forty. (Approved) « Mibblemoke. -^^,^1^^/' "' Further details of the transfer of the body from the custody of the English governor to that of the French commissioners have been derived from an eye-vi^itness of the ceremony, vt^ho vi^rites to the following effect; — After two houts march, the cortege reached the end of the quay, where the Prince de Joinville had stationed himself, at the head of the officers of the three French ships of 47 554 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. war. The greatest official honours had been rendered by the English authorities to.the memory of the emperor, and every tes- timonial of respect had marked the adieu given by St. Helena to his remains. When the funeral car halted at the quay, the Prince de Joinville (who very considerately judging that in hTs character of commandant of the expedition, it would be proper to absent himself from the operations not under his immediate direction, had remained on board the frigate during the exhumation) advanced alone, and, in presence of all around, who stood with their heads uncovered, received in a solemn manner the imperial coffin from the hands of General Middlemore. His royal highness then thanked the governor, in the name of France, for all the marks of sympathy and respect testified by the authorities and inhabitants of St. Helena at the memorable ceremonial, and expressed his entire satisfaction with every thing which had been done. The sarcophagus, having been lowered from the quay to the French cutter, was covered with an imperial mantle, and borne towards the frigate amid salutes from the ships, dressed out in their colours, and having their yards manned. All indications of mourning which the French vessels and crews had hitherto assumed, now that the remains of Napoleon were in French cus- tody, were exchanged for manifestations of festivity and triumph. The magnificent flag which the ladies of James' Town had worked for the occasion was unfurled; and, amid the roar of artillery, the exulting cheers of the French crews, with their bands playing lively national airs, the remains of the gi*eat conqueror and cap- tive left the island, and were received on board the Belle Poule frigate, between two ranks of officers under arms, and carried to the quarter-deck, which had been arranged as a chapelle-ardente. A guard of sixty men, commanded by the senior-lieutenant of the frigate, did the honours. On Sunday, at nine o'clock, the three French vessels were under weigh, and were soon out of sight of the island. The Belle Poule having anchored in the roads of Cherbourg, of which event the prince's despatch conveyed immediate intelli- gence to Paris, preparations for the celebration of the obsequies, to take place in that city on the 15th of December, were commenced on the most extensive scale: and every town and village of the route by which the remains were to pass thither, manifested zealous eagerness to pay its tribute of respect to the memory of Napoleon. On the receipt of final instructions from the French government, the prince proceeded to execute them. At sunrise on Tuesday, the 8th, the sarcophagus containing the body was transferred from the frigate to the Normandie steamer, destined to carry it to Val MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 555 de la Haie, a small village below Rouen, where other steamers in waiting were stationed. On Wednesday, at three o'clock, the prince and his suite reached Val de la Haie, amid such tokens of respect as the place could afford, and where the Dorade, a boat distinguished from the others stationed there by its state adorn- ments, was laid alongside the Normandie, and another removal of the coffin effected. The deck of this vessel represented a funeral temple, hung with drapery of violet-coloured velvet, embroidered with golden bees. The coffin was covered with a magnificent pall, surmounted by an imperial crown. The stern was decorated with flags, inscribed with the names of Napoleon's victories. On this occasion, the prince ordered away all ornaments from the deck, observing: ""This noble deposit from St. Helena needs no decoration." At Val de la Haie, the vessel anchored for the night, and arrived off Rouen the following morning. Here, at the earnest petition of the citizens, it halted a sufficient time to enable the authorities to visit the remains, and the archbishop and clergy to perform some religious rites. To detail the progress of the flotilla from Rouen to Corbevoie would be only to repeat similar demon- strations of honour, of triumph, or of mourning. All the wealth and beauty of France seemed congregated on the banks of the Seine ; the military swarmed as in a camp, and the veterans of the old armies all rallied round the remains of their chief Early on Saturday, the 12th, the steamers arrived at Mantes, and the same afternoon at Poissy. On the following day, the procession moved up from Poissy to Maisons, where it remained for the night ; and on Monday, the 14th, advanced to the bridge immediately below St. Germain's, through which the vessels passed amid every possi- ble manifestation of welcome from the assembled thousands who densely thronged every position from whence the spectacle could be seen. At Anniers, a small village two miles below^ Courbevoie, lay the massive and gorgeous vessel which had been built expressly to convey the remains from Val de la Haie. A receptacle for them had been raised on its deck, in the form of an Egyptian tem- ple, oblong in build, open at the sides, with plain square columns supporting a flat roof, but sustained in front by four statues, on the heads of which it appeared to rest ; the entrance to this temple was by several steps ; the vessel had an immense eagle (gilded) as a figure-head, and bronze shields suspended all round, with the names of victories, trophies of arms, and banners surmounted by the imperial eagle — the bulk-head being covered with laurels and immortelles. In the front and rear were four tripods, throwing out flames ; and round the tomb were engraved, on escutcheons, the names of the principal victories of the republic and the empire. 556 MEMOIRS OP NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. This magnificent and expensive piece of craftsmanship was not used for the destined purpose, its great weight preventing the pos- sibiUty of towing it to Paris by any steamer on the river, in time for the translation to take place on the 15th. This vessel, how- ever, formed part of the convoy for Anniers to Courbevoie, and had a superb effect. At half-past three in the afternoon, the cor- tege reached Courbevoie (some four miles from Paris), where it was received with imperial honours. As each steamer came up, she fired a salute, and then took the station assigned to her for the night. At five o'clock, Marshal Soult, Admiral Duperre, and M. Duchatel, arrived at Courbevoie, and repaired on board the Dorade, to pay their respects to the Prince de Joinville. They were soon after joined by the Duke de Nemours, who spent part of the night with his brother. Very few of the sailors were allowed to land ; but one man went ashore by special leave, who no sooner set his foot on the quay than he was surrounded- and embraced by all the generals in the presence of all the troops. This man — Sergeant Hubert, who had never abandoned the emperor, dead or alive — had assigned to himself the pious mission of guarding his tomb, and had faithfully discharged the self-imposed office from the 8th of May, 1821. Hubert was dressed in the uniform of the grenadiers of the impe- rial guard, and wore the decoration of the Legion of Honour. Early in the morning of Tuesday, the 15th of December, the Durade steamer left her station in the centre of the river, and was moored near the landing-place. The twenty-four seamen of the Belle Poule, who were appointed to bear the coffin ashore, were ranged on each side of the sarcophagus. The funeral car shortly afterwards drew up under the portico of a Grecian temple, erected to receive the coffin. This structure, one hundred feet high, and of tasteful design, was decorated at its angles with branches of palm and tri-coloured flags; and an eagle, with displayed wings spanning sixteen feet, was placed over the front. At half-past nine, the clergy of Courbevoie went on board the Dorade, where prayers were read over the body. The Prince de Joinville then gave orders to land, when the twenty-four seamen raised the coffin on their shoulders; the artillery fired twenty-one rounds, and the remains of the emperor once more rested on French ground, amid every demonstration of welcome from the troops and people. After lying in state a short time in the temple, where the Abb6 Coquereau and the clergy chanted prayers, the seamen raised again their precious load, and carried it to the funeral car destined to convey the remains to the chapel of the Invalides. By the time the cofiin was deposited upon the car, the numerous MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 557 civil authorities of Paris and its districts had arrived at the bridge of Neuilly, to receive the body on the hmits of the department. At this spot, a number of veterans of the old army, dressed in the uniform of the various corps, passed through the crowd to await and join the procession. One of the most affecting associatons recalled by the scene was a colossal statue of the Empress Josephine, erected at the extremity of the bridge on the road lead- ing to Malmaison. It was eleven o'clock before the car left Cour- bevoie ; it paused awhile near the statue of Josephine ; after which the procession commenced its march towards the capital, and, crossing the bridge of Neuilly, debouched into the road leading to Paris, where thousands on thousands of persons were assembled. The first part of the cortege was allowed to pass in silence ; the multitude seemed fixed in breathless expectation; but the moment the car was perceived, every head was bare — hats, handkerchiefs, and banners, swayed to and fro ; while above the roar of artillery rose the swelling of those myriad voices in the incongruous acclaim, "Vive I'Empereur!" At length the cortege, slowdy advancing on its way, entered the city of Paris by the Barriere de Neuilly ; thence passing through the Champs Elys^es, which was densely thronged with spectators, it entered the fine open space of the Place de la Concorde. As the procession wound through this noble square, the effect was magnificent, though imparting less of the character of a funeral solemnity than perhaps became the occasion. It rather denoted a military triumph; martial sights and martial sounds met the eye and smote the ear, to the exclusion of sympathy, real or ideal — if we except the interest excited by the appearance of that body of men, whose aspect and countenances, even more than the distin- guished names borne upon their streamers, denoted them as sol- diers of the Republic — the last representatives of the old armies of the Empire. There, in all variety of uniform — some grotesque, others displaying the acm6 of costume en militaire — might be recognised the veterans of Hoche and Marceau — of Moreau and Massena — of Ney, Murat, Bernadotte, and others — covered with scars and cicatrices, and having an expression of countenance that betokened the memories of their battle-days. But if pageantry expressing the poverty of pomp might offend the mental vision, the effect was imposing enough to the bodily sense ; and to that our narrative is confined. One of the finest sights of the day was the Esplanade of the Invalides, as the car entered it. The central road filled with the procession and lined with troops; the numerous statues of great monarchs and military commanders on either side, commencing 558 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. with Ney, Jourdain, and Hoche, with the colossal figure of the emperor at the edge of the quay; the immense estrades on each side, containing at least thirty thousand people, and behind them innumerable masts with tri-coloured streamers floating, presented as imposing an effect as could be conceived. The edifice of the Invalides is one of the most splendid monuments of the reign of Louis XIV. As its name indicates, it is a hospital for the recep- tion of old soldiers of all ranks, and now contains from four to five thousand. The approach had undergone an appropriate temporary transformation. Across the grand entrance by the esplanade was thrown a triumphal arch, surmounted by imperial emblems, and richly hung with mourning draperies. The Cour Royale, which is entered by the elegant peristyle reaching from this gate, had been fitted up with seats on each side for the public, on a gradual elevation reaching to the top of the lower arcade. This portion of the building was entirely masked with temporary fronts, richly emblazoned with military trophies, the armorial bearings and initials of Napoleon, intersected with funeral wreaths, and other ornaments characteristic of the ceremony of the day. The front of the church, on the south side, had been converted into the por- tico of a military temple, on which were seen seven statues of the most distinguished generals in the wars of the empire, among whom was Marshal Soult. Twelve immense banners, bearing warlike insignia, and each surmounted by the star of the Legion of Honour, completed the splendid decorations of this court. At half-past two, the increased rapidity of the artillery salutes gave notice to those within the building that the funeral cortege had arrived at the gates. The military immediately formed; and, preceded by depu- tations from the various grades in the army, the body of the late emperor was borne along. The general effect of the decorations within the church was at once gorgeous and solemn, suited to the mingled ideas of imperial greatness, and the nothingness of the remains in honour of which these preparations had been made. At eleven o'clock, the first cannon was heard, announcing that the remains of the emperor then touched French ground ; at the sound, an electric thrill seemed to pass through the vast assem- blage. Soon after, attention was for a moment attracted by the arrival of the venerable Marshal Moncey, whose long-cherished wish had been that he might live to see this day. He was wheeled into the church, and with some difficulty reached the choir, to await the remains of his beloved chief About one, the king and royal family arrived from the Tuileries ; and, at length, three hours after its departure from Courbevoie, the car stopped at the gates of MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 559 the Invalides. Louis-Philippe, surrounded by his chief officers of state, stationed himself beneath the dome to receive the body. The Archbishop of Paris, attended by the bishops and clergy, advanced to perform the rites of absolution at the entrance of the church. The walls now reverberated the sounds of cannon — the muffled drums came solemnly up the aisle — and, presently, pre- ceded by the Prince de Joinville, was seen advancing up the nave the emperor's coffin, borne upon the shoulders of the non-commis- sioned officers appointed for the purpose, and accompanied by Generals Gourgaud and Bertrand, and the marshals of France. It was covered with the pall, and the imperial crown lay reposing above. The old invalides, who occupied the fo'st rank, were deeply moved — by pride and joy, perhaps, rather than by grief; while great emotion was apparent in individuals among the mass of mil- itary who were ranged on one side of the dome. Here the body was presented to the king by the prince, who had accompanied it to its final destination, with these words : " Sire, I present to you the body of the Emperor Napoleon." The king replied, raising his voice, "I receive it in the name of France." General Athalin carried the sword of the emperor upon a cushion, and gave it to Marshal Soult, who presented it to the king. His majesty then addressed General Bertrand, and said, "General, I charge you to place this glorious sword of the emperor upon his coffin." His majesty next said, "General Gourgaud, place on the coffin the hat of the emperor." The general did so, and the king returned to his seat, passing by the left of the catafalque, and bowing to the Cham- ber of Deputies. The coffin was then raised into the catafalque ; the mass commenced; and when the Requiem ceased, holy water was sprinkled upon the catafalque by the archbishop. The solemn march which was played by the orchestra, on the return of the clergy, and the entrance of the body, was magnificent. The Requiem of Mozart, the De Prafundis, and the Dies IrcB, were then performed with a solemnity profoundly enhanced by the occasion. Thus concluded the ceremony, which had commenced like the great emperor's career in all the pomp and circumstance of war, and which, fulfilling his last desire, closed, by leaving in silence, in solitude, and in peace with all, the remains of him whose monu- ment is the rock of St. Helena — whose memory can only perish with the records of the world. It is computed that one hundred and fifty thousand soldiers assisted on this great national occasion. The whole of the reign- ing family were present; not so that of the deceased emperon 560 MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. The brothers and nephews of him to whom these honours were paid, were at that period still proscribed — in exile, or in prisoH. Nor were the relatives alone excluded from a participation in these imposing ceremonies. Some of those who had shared in the bitterness of Napoleon's latter days — who were his fast friends in prosperity and adversity — were actually refused permission to enjoy the gratification of beholding this final disposition of his mortal remains. Among others, Count Montholon, whom mere forms had incarcerated as a prisoner of state, sent the following letter to Marshal Soult, earnestly expressing what was probably one of the dearest wishes of his life ; but his application was not only denied — it was treated with utter neglect, « Citadel of Ham, Dec. 1. " MoNsiEUK Le Marechal : * * * To accompany to their last abode the mortal remains of the emperor, is a right which I would claim if I were free, and which I implore as a grace, now that I am a prisoner. I entreat you to accede to my respectful and pressing prayer. Deign to allow me to fulfil that pious and fiUal duty, and I pledge myself by oath that the same sentiment of honour and fidelity which led me to St. Helena, and bound me there while the emperor lived, and which threw me on the coast cf Boulogne, will induce me to return to the walls of Ham immediately after the fune- ral ceremony." The streets of Paris continued thronged through the evening, but no attempt at disturbance was perceptible. The capital gen- erally wore an aspect of festivity and triumph, and the disposition of the populace seemed universally favourable to the preservation of order. During the week, the public were allowed to visit the cata- falque ; and eight days after the ceremony, the body was deposited in a rich chapdle ardente, in the small lateral dome. THS END. Li. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 019 644 487 7