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THE HEROES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 INDIAN REBELLION 
 
 BY 
 
 ^' 
 
 D. W. BARTLETT. 
 
 
 
 /2 
 
 COLUMBUS, OHIO: 
 
 FOLLETT, FOSTER & OO 
 
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1859, 
 
 By FOLLETT, FOSTER & CO., 
 
 In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Southern District 
 
 of Ohio. 
 
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CONTENTS. 
 
 PAOE. 
 
 PREFATORY 5 
 
 CAPTAIN HODSON, CAPTOR OF THE KING OF DELHI 7 
 
 HAVELOCK 48 
 
 REV. MR. POLEHAMPTON, CHAPLAIN AT LUCKNOW 100 
 
 A LADY'S ESCAPE FROM GWALIOR HI 
 
 THE STORY OF CAWNPORE, by Captain Thompson, one op the 
 
 ONLY TWO SIJEVIVOES OP THE CaWNPOEE GaEEISON 186 
 
 THE CHAPLAIN'S NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OP DELHI 265 
 
 THE ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS IN ROHILCUND, 
 
 FUTTEHGHUR, AND OUDE 330 
 
 SIR HENRY LAWRENCE AND THE DEFENSE OF LUCKNOW.. 390 
 GREATHED AND CAMPBELL AFTER THE FALL OF DELHI... 447 
 
 3 
 
PREFATORY. 
 
 In preparing the present work for publication the author 
 has gone carefully over the long list of English books 
 called forth by the mutiny in India, gathering what seemed 
 to him the most thrilling narratives and sketches. This 
 book is, therefore, an abridgment and compilation, rather 
 than an original work, for the reason that no outsider can 
 equal in simplicity, and pathos, and graphic force, the men 
 and women who tell their own stories of the Indian Re- 
 bellion. 
 
 Not the soldier alone, but the civilian and the delicate 
 woman have been singled out for the especial attention of 
 the reader. 
 
 With the exception of Havelock, no soldier has been 
 separately sketched, but the heroism of officers and men 
 is allowed to develop itself in the course of the thrilling 
 narratives which make up the volume. 
 
 There is not a single sketch or story of the Rebellion 
 which is not authenticated abundantly ; and, in fact, the 
 character of the men and women who wrote them is such 
 as to require no authentication. 
 
 D. W. B. 
 
 Washington, D. C, September, 1859. 
 
 5 
 
THE 
 
 HEROES OF THE IIDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 CAPTAIN HODSON, 
 
 THE CAPTOR OF THE KING OF DELHI. 
 
 The life of Captain Hodson, one of the heroes of Delhi, has 
 been written by his brother, and we gather from it the sub- 
 joined sketch of his career: 
 
 The career of the Indian Captain of Irregulars may fairly 
 challenge comparison with that of Fernando Perez, or any 
 other hero of romance, and we may well apply to the English- 
 man, lying in the death-chamber of Lucknow, the poet's 
 touching farewell to the peerless knight Durandarte, stretched 
 on the bloody sward at Eoncesvalles : 
 
 " Kind in manners, fair in favor, 
 Mild in temper, fierce in fight ; 
 Warrior nobler, gentler, braver. 
 Never shall behold the light." 
 
 William Stephen Kaikes Hodson, third son of the Arch- 
 deacon of Stafford, was born in March, 1821, and went, when 
 fourteen years old, to Eugby, where he staid for more than 
 four years, two of which were spent in the sixth form under 
 Arnold. At school he was a bright, pleasant boy, fond of fun, 
 and with abilities decidedly above the average, but of no very 
 marked distinction, except as a runner ; in which exercise, how- 
 ever, he was almost unequaled, and showed great powers of 
 
 7 
 
b HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 endurance. None of Ws old school-fellows have been surprised 
 to hear of his success as the head of the Intelligence Depart- 
 ment of an army, or of his marvelous marches and appeal*- 
 ances in impossible places as Captain of Irregular Horse. 
 Siich performances only carry us back to. first calling over, 
 when we used to see him come in, splashed and hot, and to hear 
 his cheery " Old fellow ! I've been to Brinklow since dinner." 
 But, as a boy, he was not remarkable for physical strength or 
 courage, and none of us would have foretold that he would 
 become one of the most daring and successful swordsmen in 
 the Indian army. We only mention the fact, because it is of 
 great importance that the truth in this matter, which the lives 
 of Hodson and others have established, should be as widely 
 acknowledged as possible. A man born without any natural 
 defect can, in this as in other respects., make his own character ; 
 no man need be a coward who will not be one ; and a high 
 purpose steadfastly kept in view will in the end help a man to 
 the doing of nobler deeds of daring than any amount of natural 
 combativeness. 
 
 From Rugby he went to Trinity, Cambridge, where he took 
 his degree in 1844 ; but fortunately for his country, and — let us 
 own it, hard as it is as yet to do so — for himself also, a con- 
 stitutional tendency to headache led him to choose the army 
 rather than a learned profession. After a short service in the 
 Guernsey militia, which he entered to escape superannuation, 
 he got a cadetship, and embarked for India. Sir William 
 Napier, then Governor of Guernsey, gave him a letter to his 
 brother. Sir Charles, and himself wrote of him, "I think he 
 will be an acquisition to any service. His education, his ability, 
 his zeal to make himself acquainted with military matters, gave 
 me the greatest satisfaction during his service with the militia." 
 His brother's letter never was presented to Sir Charles Napier, 
 as we infer from the passage at page 104, where it is mentioned 
 again. *' I did n't show him his brother's letter," writes Hod- 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 9 
 
 son, in 1850, "that lie miglit judge for himself first, and 
 know me 'per se,' or rather 'per me.' I will, however, if 
 ever I see him again." He never saw Sir Charles again ; 
 hut what a glimpse of the man's character we get from these 
 few lines ! 
 
 On the 13th of Septemher, 1845, Hodson landed in India, 
 and went up country at once to Agra. Here he found the 
 Hon. James Thomason, Lieutenant-Governor of the North- 
 west Provinces, a family friend and connection, with whom he 
 staid till November 2d, when he was appointed to do duty 
 with the 2d Grenadiers, and began his military career as part 
 of the escort of the Governor-General, who was on his way to 
 the Punjaub. In that quarter a black cloud had gathered, which 
 it was high time it should be looked after. 
 
 Hodson, however, marches on, all unconscious, and his first 
 letters give no hint of coming battle, but contain a charmingly- 
 graphic description of the life of an Indian army on march. 
 Here, too, in the very outset, we find that rare virtue of making 
 the best of everything peeping out, which so strongly character- 
 ized him. 
 
 "It is a sudden change of temperature, truly — from near 
 freezing at starting, to 90 degrees or 100 degrees at arriving. 
 It sounds hot, but a tent at 84 degrees is tolerably endurable, 
 especially if there is a breeze." 
 
 At Umbala he attends a grand muster of troops, and sees 
 the Irregulars for the first time. 
 
 " The quiet-looking and English-dressed Hindoo troopers 
 strangely contrasted with the wild Irregulars in all the fanciful 
 wnuniformity of their native costume ; yet these last are the 
 men /fancy for service." 
 
 This was on the 2d of December. On Christmas day he 
 writes : 
 
 " I have been in four general engagements of the most for- 
 midable kind ever known in India. On the 10th, on our usual 
 
10 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 quiet march, we were surprised by being joined by an additional 
 regiment, and by an order for all non-soldiers to return to 
 Umbala." 
 
 Then comes the description of forced marches, and battles 
 which one feels were won — and that was all. The same story 
 every-where as to the Sepoys ; at Moodkee " our Sepoys .could 
 not be got to face the tremendous fire of the Sikh artillery, 
 and, as usual, the more they quailed the more the English 
 officers exposed themselves in vain efforts to bring them 
 
 on At Ferozeshah, on the evening of 
 
 the 21st, as we rushed toward the guns in the most dense dust 
 and smoke, and under an unprecedented fire of grape, our 
 Sepoys again gave way and broke. It was a fearful crisis, 
 but the bravery of the English regiments saved us. A ball 
 struck my leg below the knee, but happily spared the bone. I 
 was also knocked down twice — once by a shell bursting so 
 close to me as to kill the men behind me, and once by the ex- 
 plosion of a magazine. The wound in my leg is nothing, as 
 you may judge when I tell you that I was on foot or horseback 
 the whole of the two following days. .... No 
 efforts could bring the Sepoys forward, or half the loss might 
 have been spared, had they rushed on with the bayonet. 
 Just as we were going into action I stumbled on poor Carey, 
 whom you may remember to have heard of at Price's, at Rugby. 
 On going over the field on the 30th, I found the body actually cut 
 to pieces by the keen swords of the Sikhs, and but for his clothes 
 could not have recognized him. I had him carried into camp 
 for burial, poor fellow, extremely shocked at the sudden term- 
 ination of our renewed acquaintance. . . . I enjoyed 
 all, and entered into it with great zest, till we came to actual 
 blows, or rather, I am — now — half ashamed to say, till the 
 blows were over, and I saw the horrible scenes which ensue on 
 war. I have had quite enough of such sights now, and hope 
 it may not be my lot to be exposed to them again. . . We 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 11 
 
 are resting comfortably in our tents, and had a turkey for our 
 Christmas dinner." 
 
 In the next letter the fight at Sobraon is described : 
 
 " On we went as usual in the teeth of a dreadful fire of guns 
 and musketry, and after a desperate struggle we got within 
 their triple and quadruple intrenchments ; and then their day of 
 reckoning came indeed. Driven from trench to trench, and 
 surrounded on all sides, they retired, fighting most bravely, to 
 the river, into which they were driven pell-mell, a tremendous 
 fire of musketry pouring on them from our bank, and the Horse 
 Artillery finishing their destruction with grape. I had the 
 pleasm^e myself of spiking two guns which were turned on us." 
 
 A rough baptism of war, this, for a young soldier ! No 
 wonder that, when the excitement is over, for the moment he 
 thinks he "has had enough of such sights." But the poetry 
 of battle has entered into him ; witness this glorious sketch of a 
 deed done by the 80th Queen's — Staffordshire — 
 
 " I lay between them and my present regiment — 1st E. B. 
 Fusileers — on the night of the 21st of December, at Ferozeshah, 
 when Lord Hardinge called out, ' Eightieth ! that gun must be 
 silenced.' They jumped up, formed into line, and advanced 
 through the black darkness, silently and firmly : gradually we 
 lost the sound of their tread, and anxiously listened for the 
 slightest intimation of their progress — all was still for five 
 minutes, while they gradually gained the front of the battery 
 whose fires had caused us so much loss. Suddenly M^e heard a 
 dropping fire — a blaze of the Sikh cannon followed, then a 
 thrilling cheer from the 80th, accompanied by a rattling 
 and murderous volley as they sprung upon the battery and 
 spiked the monster gun. In a few more minutes they moved 
 back quietly, and lay down as before on the cold sand ; but 
 they had left forty-five of their number and two captains to 
 mark the scene of their exploit by their graves." 
 
 And so in another month, when the war is over and the army 
 
12 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 on its return, he " catches himself wishing and asking for 
 more." 
 
 "Is it not marvelous, as if one had not had a surfeit of kill- 
 ing ? But the truth is that is not the motive, but a sort of un- 
 defined ambition. ... I remember bursting into tears in 
 sheer rage in the midst of the fight at Sobraon at seeing our 
 soldiers lying killed and wounded." 
 
 His first campaign is over, and he goes into cantonments. 
 The chief impression left on his mind is extreme disappoint- 
 ment with the state of the Sepoy regiments, which he expresses 
 to Mr. Thomason : 
 
 " In discipline and subordination they seem to be lamentably 
 deficient, especially toward the native commissioned and non- 
 commissioned officers. On the march, I have foimd these last 
 give me more trouble than the men even. My brother officers 
 say that I see an unfavorable specimen in the 2d, as regards 
 discipline, owing to their frequent service of late, and the 
 number of recruits ; but I fear the evil is very wide-spread. It 
 may no doubt be traced mainly to the want of European 
 officers. This, however, is an evil not likely to be removed on 
 any large scale. Meantime, unless some vigorous and radical 
 improvement takes place, I think our position will be very un- 
 certain and even alarming in the event of extended hostilities. 
 You must really forgive my speaking so plainly, and writing 
 my own opinions so freely. You encouraged me to do so when 
 I was at Agra, if you remember, and I value the privilege too 
 highly as connected with the greater one of receiving advice and 
 counsel from you, not to exercise it, even at the risk of your 
 thinking me presumptuous and hasty in my opinions." 
 
 Acting upon these impressions, he applies for and obtains an 
 exchange into the 1st Bengal Europeans, in which he is eighth 
 second lieutenant at the age of twenty-five, the junior in rank 
 of boys of eighteen and nineteen. He feels that he has difficult 
 cards to play, but resolves to make the best of every thing, and 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON, 13 
 
 regrets only "that the men who are to support the name and 
 power of England in Asia are sent out here at an age when 
 neither by education nor reflection can they have learned all, or 
 even a fraction of what those words mean. It would be a 
 happy thing for India and for themselves if all came out here 
 at a more advanced age than now ; but one alone breaking 
 through the custom in that respect made and provided, must not 
 expect to escape the usual fate, or at least the usual annoyances, 
 of innovators." 
 
 At this point an opening, of which he was just the man to 
 make the most, occurs. Mr. Thomason writes to Colonel after- 
 ward Sir Henry Lawrence, the new political agent at Lahore, 
 introducing Hodson ; and at once a friendship, founded on mu- 
 tual appreciation, springs up between the two, to end only with 
 their lives. The agent manages to have the young soldier con- 
 stantly in his office, and to get all sorts of work out of him. 
 As a reward, he takes him on an expedition into Cashmere, in 
 the autumn of 1846, whither they accompany the forces of 
 Gholab Singh, to whom the country had been ceded by treaty. 
 The letters from Cashmere on this occasion, and again in 1850, 
 when he accompanied Sir Henry on a second trip to Cashmere 
 and Thibet, are like nothing in the world but an Arabian 
 Night which we feel to be true. The chiefs, the priests, the 
 monasteries, the troops, the glorious country so misused by 
 man, the wretched people, an English lady, young and pretty, 
 traveling all alone in the wildest part on pony-back, all pass 
 before us in a series of living photographs. We have room, 
 however, for one quotation only : 
 
 " The women are atrociously ugly, and screech like the 
 witches in Macbeth — so much so, that when the agent asked me 
 to give them a rupee or two, I felt it my duty to refuse, firmly 
 but respectfully, on the ground that it would be encouraging 
 ugliness. 
 
 " I am the luckiest dog unhung," he concludes, " to have got 
 
M HEROES OF THE INDIAN EEBELLION. 
 
 into Cashmere. I fancy I am tlie first officer of our army who 
 lias been here save the few who have come officially." 
 
 Colonel Lawrence was not the man to let his yomig friend's 
 powers of work rust, so on their return we find Hodson set to 
 huild the famous Hill Asylum for white children at Sabathoo, 
 
 We may as well notice at once, in this early stage of his 
 career, the man's honest training of himself in all ways, gi-eat 
 and small, to take his place, and do his work in his world- 
 battle ; how he faces all tasks, however unwonted, ill-paid, or 
 humble, which seem to be helpful ; how he casts off all habits, 
 however pleasant or harmless, which may prove hinderances. 
 And this he does with no parade or fine sentiment, but simply, 
 almost unconsciously, often with a sort of apology which is 
 humorously pathetic. For example, when set to work on the 
 Asylum, he writes: 
 
 "Colonel Lawrence seems determined I shall have nothing to 
 stop me, for his invariable reply to every question is, ' Act on 
 your own judgment,' ' Do what you think right,* 'I give you 
 carte-blanche to act in my own name, and draw on my funds,' 
 and so forth." 
 
 Which confidence is worthily bestowed. Hodson sets to 
 work, forgetting all professional etiquette, and giving up society 
 for the time. 
 
 " Cutting trees down, getting lime burnt, bricks made, planks 
 sawed up, the ground got ready, and then watching the work 
 foot by foot ; showing this ' nigger ' how to lay his bricks, an- 
 other the proper proportions of a beam, another the construction 
 of a door, and to the several artisans the mysteries of a screw, a 
 nail, a hinge. You can not say to a man, ' Make me a wall or 
 a door,' but you must, with your own hands, measure out his 
 work, teach him to saw away here, to plane there, or drive such 
 a nail, or insinuate such a suspicion of glue. And when it 
 comes to be considered that this is altogether new work to me, 
 and has to be exsuded by cogitation on the spot, so as to give 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 15 
 
 an answer to every inquirer, you may understand the amount 
 of personal exertion and attention required for the work." 
 
 Again, a few months later, November, 1847 : 
 
 " I am in a high, queer-looking native house among the 
 ruins of this old stronghold of the Pathans, with orders ' to 
 make a good road from Lahore to the Sutlej, distance forty 
 miles,' in as brief a space as possible. On the willing-to-be- 
 generally-useful principle, this is all very well, and one gets 
 used to turning one's hand to every thing, but certainly — but 
 for circumstances over which I had no control — I always 
 labored under the impression that I knew nothing at all about 
 the matter. However, Colonel Lawrence walked into my 
 room promiscuously one morning, and said, ' O, Hodson, we 
 have agreed that you must take in hand the road to Ferozepore. 
 You can start in a day or two ;' and here I am." 
 
 Again, in January, 1848, he has been sent out surveying. 
 
 " My present role is to survey a part of the country lying 
 along the left bank of the Ravee and below the hills, and I am 
 daily and all day at work with compasses and chain, pen and 
 pencil, following streams, diving into valleys, burrowing into 
 hills, to complete my work. I need hardly remark, that, 
 having never attempted any thing of the kind hitherto, it is 
 bothering at first." 
 
 Again, in April, 1848, he has been set to hear all manner of 
 cases, civil, criminal, and revenue, in the Lahore court. 
 
 " This duty is of vast importance, and I sometimes feel a 
 half sensation of modesty at being set down to administer 
 justice in such matters so early, and without previous training. 
 A little practice, patience, and reflection settle most cases to 
 one's satisfaction, however ; and one must be content with sub- 
 stantial justice as distinguished from technical law." 
 
 Again, in a letter to his brother — 
 
 " Did I tell you, by the by, that I abjured tobacco when I 
 left England, and that I have never been tempted by even a 
 
16 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 night's al fresco to resume the delusive habit? Nor have I 
 told you — because I despaired of your believing it — that I 
 have declined from the paths of virtue in respect of beer also, 
 this two years past seldom or never tasting that once idolized 
 stimulant \" 
 
 We have no space to comment, and can only hope that any 
 gallant young oarsman or cricketer bound for India, who may 
 read this, will have the courage to follow Hodson's example, 
 if he finds himself the better for abstinence, notwithstanding 
 the fascination of the drink itself, and the cherished associations 
 which twine round the pewter. My dear boys, remember, as 
 Hodson did, that if you are to get on well in India it will be 
 owing, physically speaking, to your digestions. 
 
 These glimpses will enable the reader to picture to himself 
 how Hodson, now Assistant to the Resident at Lahore, as well 
 as second in command of the Guides, was spending his time 
 between the first and the final Sikh war. Let him throw in 
 this description of the duties of "the Guides :" 
 
 "The grand object of the corps is to train a body of men in 
 peace to be efficient in war ; to be not only acquainted with 
 localities, roads, rivers, hills, ferries, and passes, but have a 
 good idea of the produce and supplies available in any part of 
 the country ; to give accurate information, not running open- 
 mouthed to say that ten thousand horsemen and a thousand 
 guns are coming — in true native style — ^but to stop to see 
 whether it may not really be only a common cart and a few 
 wild horsemen who are kicking up all the dust ; to call twenty- 
 five by its right name, and not say ffty for short, as most 
 natives do. This, of course, wants a great deal of careful in- 
 struction and attention. Beyond this, the officers should give 
 a tolerably-correct sketch and report of any country through 
 which they may pass, be au fait at routes and means of feed- 
 ing troops, and above all — and here you come close upon polit- 
 ical duties — keep an eye on the doings of the neighbors, and 
 
CIAPTAIX HOnSOX. 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 17 
 
 the state of the country, so as to be able to give such informa- 
 tion as may lead to any outbreak being nipped in the bud." 
 
 The reader will probably now be of opinion that the young 
 Lieutenant, willing to make himself generally useful, and given 
 to locomotion, will be not unlikely to turn out a very tough 
 nut for the Sikhs to crack when they have quite made up their 
 minds to risk another fight ; and that time is rapidly drawing 
 near. All through the spring and early summer months there 
 are tumults and risings, which tell of a wide conspiracy. Hod- 
 son, after a narrow escape of accompanying Agnew to Mooltan, 
 is scouring the country backward and forward, catching rebels 
 and picking up news. In September the Sikhs openly join 
 the rebel Moolraj. General Whish is obliged to raise the siege 
 of Mooltan ; the grand struggle between the cow-killers and 
 cow-worshipers on the banks of the Chenob has begun. 
 
 We wish we had space to follow Hodson and his Guides 
 through the series of daring exploits by which the Doab was 
 cleared, and which so enraged the Sikhs that " party after party 
 were sent to polish me off, and at one time I couldn't stirabout 
 the country without having bullets sent at my head from every 
 bush and wall. He was attached to Wheeler's brigade during 
 the greater part of the struggle, but joined the army of the 
 Punjaub in time for the battle of Gujerat, which finished the 
 war, and at which he and Lumsden his commander, and Lake 
 of the Engineers, are mentioned in Lord Gough's dispatch as 
 most active in conveying orders throughout the action. We 
 can not, however, resist one story. The old Brigadier, making 
 all haste to join the grand army, where he expects to get up a 
 division, leaves two forts at Kulallwala, and four thousand un- 
 beaten rebels in his rear. He is ordered back to account for 
 them, whereupon Brigadier turns sulky. Hodson urges him to 
 move on like lightning and crush them, but "he would not, 
 and began to make short marches ; so I was compelled to out- 
 maneuver him by a bold stroke." Accordingly he starts with 
 
 2 
 
18 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 one hundred of his Guides when twenty-five miles from Kulall- 
 wala, and fairly frightens a doubtful sirdar " preparing muni- 
 tions of war, mounting guns, and looking saucy," out of his 
 fort. Whereupon the Sikhs abandon a neighboring fort, and 
 the road to Kulallwala is open without a shot fired. 
 
 " In the morning I marched with my litttle party toward the 
 enemy, sending back a messenger to the Brigadier to say that I 
 was close to the place, and that if he did not come on sharp 
 they would run away or overwhelm me. He was dreadfully 
 angry, but came on like a good boy ! When within a mile or 
 so of the fort, I halted my party to allow his column to get up 
 nearer, and as soon as I could see it moved on quietly. The 
 ruse told to perfection ; thinking they had only one hundred 
 men and myself to deal with, the Sikhs advanced in strength, 
 thirty to one, to meet me, with colors flying and drums beating. 
 Just then a breeze sprung up, the dust blew aside, and the long 
 line of horsemen coming on rapidly behind my party burst 
 upon their senses. They turned instantly and made for the 
 fort ; so, leaving my men to advance quietly after them, I gal- 
 loped up to the Brigadier, pointed out the flying Sikhs, ex- 
 plained their position, and begged him to charge them. He 
 melted from his wrath, and told two regiments of Irregulars to 
 follow my guidance. On we went at the gallop, cut in among 
 the fugitives, and punished them fearfully. 
 
 " The Brigadier has grown quite active, and very fond of me 
 since that day at Kulallwala, though he had the wit to see how 
 brown I had done him by making him march two marches in 
 one." It is certainly to the Brigadier's credit that he does 
 seem to have appreciated his provoking " Guide," for he men- 
 tions him in the highest terms in dispatch after dispatch, and 
 at the close of the war comforts him thus : " Had your name 
 been Hay or Ramsay, no honors, no appointments, no distinc- 
 tioixs, would have been considered too great to mark the services 
 you have rendered to Government." 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 19 
 
 The war ended, the Piinjaul) is annexed, and Hodson with it, 
 who loses all his appointments and returns to " the Gruides." 
 
 He feels sore, of course, at the loss of his occupation and 
 position, but sticks to his drill-sergeant's work now that 
 there is nothing higher to do, and pities from his heart the 
 dozens of regimental officers at Peshawur who have not an 
 hour's work in two days. It is a recently-formed station, with 
 a flying column of ten thousand men there for the hot months, 
 and no books or society ; " people are pitched headlong on to 
 their own resources, and find them very hard falling indeed." 
 
 The first Sikh war had opened Hodson's eyes as to the merits 
 of the Sepoys ; the second makes him moralize much about 
 the system of promotion. 
 
 He concludes that for war, especially in India, " your leaders 
 must be young to be effective ;" in which sentiment we heartily 
 agree — but how to get them ? "There are men of iron, like 
 Napier and Radetzky, aged men whom nothing affects ; but 
 they are just in sufficient numbers to prove the rule by estab- 
 lishing exceptions." And would not the following be ludi- 
 crous, but that men's lives are in the balance ? 
 
 " A brigadier of infantry, under whom I served during the 
 three most critical days of the late war, could not see his regi- 
 ment when I led his horse by the bridle till its nose touched the 
 bayonets ; and even then he said faintly, ' Pray which way are 
 the men facing, Mr. Hodson ?' This is no exaggeration, I 
 assure you. Can you wonder that our troops have to recover 
 by desperate fighting, and with heavy loss, the advantages 
 thrown away by the want of heads and eyes to lead them ? 
 
 " A seniority service, like that of the Company, is all very 
 well for poor men ; better still for fools, for they must rise 
 equally with wise men ; but for maintaining the discipline and 
 efficiency of the army in time of peace, and hurling it on the 
 enemy in war, there never was a system which carried so many 
 evils on its front and face." 
 
20 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 His fast friend, Sir Henry Lawrence, again intervenes, and 
 lie is appointed an Assistant Commissioner, leaving the Guides 
 for a time. In this capacity, in April, 1850, he comes across 
 the new Commander-in-chief : 
 
 " I have jnst spent three days in Sir Charles Napier's camp, 
 it being my duty to accompany him through such parts of the 
 civil district as he may have occasion to visit. He was most 
 kind and cordial ; vastly amusing and interesting, and gave me 
 even a higher opinion of him than before. To be sure, his lan- 
 guage and mode of expressing himself savor more of the last 
 than of this century — of the camp than of the court ; but bar- 
 ring these eccentricities, he is a wonderful man ; his heart is as 
 thoroughly in his work, and he takes as high a tone in all that 
 concerns it, as Arnold did in his ; that is to say, the highest the 
 subject is capable of. I only trust he will remain with us as 
 long as his health lasts, and endeavor to rouse the army from 
 the state of slack discipline into which it has fallen. On my 
 parting with him he said, * Now, remember, Hodson, if there is 
 any way in which I can be of use to you, pray do n't scruple 
 to write to me.' " 
 
 After working in the civil service, chiefly in the Cis-Sutlej 
 provinces, for nearly two years, under Mr. Edmonstone, he is 
 promoted to the command of the Guides on Lumsden's return 
 to England. The wild frontier district of Euzofzai is handed 
 over to him, where "I am military as well as civil chief; 
 and the natural taste of the Euzofzai Pathans for broken 
 heads, murder, and violence, as well as their litigiousness 
 about their lands, keeps me very hard at work from day to 
 day." 
 
 Here he settles with his newly-married wife, " the most for- 
 tunate man in the service ; and have I not a right to call 
 myself the happiest also, with such a wife and such a home ?" 
 For nearly three years he rules this province, building a lai-ge 
 fort for his regiment, fighting all marauders from the hills. 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 21 
 
 training Tiis men in all ways, even to practicing their own 
 sports with them. 
 
 "William is very clever," his wife writes, "at this [cutting 
 an orange, placed on a bamboo, in two, at full speed,] rarely 
 failing. He is grievously overworked ; still his health is won- 
 derfully good, and his spirits as wild as if he were a boy again. 
 He is never so well pleased as when he has the baby in his 
 arms." 
 
 Yes, the baby — for now comes in a little episode of home 
 and family, a gentle and bright gem in the rough setting of the 
 soldier's life ; and the tender and loving father and husband 
 stands before us as vividly as thie daring border-leader. 
 
 "You would so delight in her baby tricks," he writes to his 
 father. "The young lady already begins to show a singularity 
 of taste — refusing to go to the arms of any native woman, and 
 decidedly preferring the male population, some of whom are 
 distinguished by her special favor. Her own orderly, save the 
 mark, never tires of looking at her 'beautiful white fingers,' 
 nor she of twisting them into his black beard — an insult to an 
 Oriental, which he bears with an equanimity equal to his fond- 
 ness for her. The cunning fellows have begun to make use of 
 her too, and when they want any thing, ask the favor in the 
 name of Lilli Baba — they can not manage ' Olivia ' at all. 
 They know the spell is potent." 
 
 This happiness was not destined to last. In July, 1854, the 
 child dies. 
 
 " The deep agony of this bereavement I have no words to 
 describe," the father writes. " She had wound her little being 
 round om* hearts to an extent which we neither of us knew till 
 we awoke from the brief dream of beauty, and found ourselves 
 childless." 
 
 Another trial, too, is at hand. In the autumn of 1854, Sir 
 H. Lawrence is removed from the Punjaub, and in October 
 charges are trumped up — there is no other word for it, looking 
 
22 HEROES OP THE INDIAN' REBELLION. 
 
 to the result — against Hodson, in both his civil and military 
 capacity. A court of inquiry is appointed ; and before that 
 court has reported, he is suspended from all civil and military 
 duty. 
 
 Into the details of the charges against him we will not enter, 
 lest we should be tempted into the use of hard words, which his 
 brother has nobly refrained from. All that need be stated is, 
 that the sting lay in the alleged confusion of his regimental 
 accounts. The Court of Inquiry appointed Major Taylor to 
 examine these, and report on them. This was January, 1855 ; 
 in February, 1856, Taylor presented an elaborate report, Avholly 
 exculpating Hodson. Mr. Montgomery — then Commissioner 
 for the Punjab, now Chief Commissioner in Oude — to whom 
 it was submitted, calls it the most satisfactory report he ever 
 read, and most triumphant. This report, however, though 
 made public on the spot, had not, even in May, 1857, been 
 communicated to the Government of India ; whether suppressed 
 on purpose or not, there is no evidence. But when at last fairly 
 brought to their notice by a remonstrance from the accused, the 
 satisfactory natui'e of the document may be gathered from the 
 fact that the answer is, " his remonstrance will be placed on 
 record for preservation, not for justification, which it is fully 
 admitted was not required — no higher testimonials were ever 
 produced." 
 
 It is with the man himself that we are concerned. We haA^e 
 seen him in action, and in prosperity : how will he face dis- 
 grace and disaster ? 
 
 " I must endeavor to face the wrong, the grievous, foul wrong, 
 with a constant and unshaken heart, and to endure humiliation 
 and disgrace with as much equanimity as I may, and with the 
 same soldier-like fortitude with which I ought to face danger, 
 suffering, and death in the path of duty. . . . Our 
 
 darling babe was taken from us on the day my public misfor- 
 tunes began, and death has robbed us of our father before their 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. , 23 
 
 end. The brain -pressure was almost too much for me. . . I 
 strive to look the worst boldly in the face as I would an enemy 
 in the field, and to do my appointed work resolutely and to the 
 best of my ability, satisfied that there is a reason for all ; and 
 that even irksome duties well done bring their own reward, and 
 that if not, still they are duties. 
 
 " It is pleasant to find that not a man who knows me has 
 any belief that there has been any thing wrong. . . Not 
 
 one of them all — and, indeed, I believe I might include my 
 worst foes and accusers in the category — believes that I have 
 committed any more than errors of judgment." 
 
 Thus he writes to brother and sister ; and, for the rest, goes 
 back resolutely to his old regiment, and begins again the com- 
 mon routine of a subaltern's duties, congratulating himself 
 that the colonel wishes to give him the adjutancy, in which 
 post " I shall have the opportunity of learning a good deal of 
 woiic which will be useful to me, and of doing, I hope, a good 
 deal of good among the men. It will be the first step up the 
 ladder again, after tumbling to the bottom." 
 
 The colonel gets him to take the office of quartermaster, 
 however, not the adjutancy, the former office " having fallen 
 into great disorder ;" and in January, 1857, the honest old 
 officer, of his own accord, writes a letter to the Adjutant-Gen- 
 eral, requesting him to submit to the Commander-in-Chief 
 " his public record and acknowledgment of the essential 
 service Lieutenant Hodson has done the regiment at his special 
 request ;" and urging on his Excellency to find some worthier 
 employment for the said Lieutenant. In the same tone writes 
 Brigadier Johnstone, commanding at Umbala, through whom 
 the colonel's letter had to be forwarded ; and who "trusts his 
 Excellency will allow of his submitting it in a more special 
 and marked manner than by merely countersigning ; for," goes 
 on the General, " Lieutenant Hodson has with patience, perse- 
 verance, and zeal, undertaken and carried out the laborious 
 
24 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 minor duties of the regimental staff, as well as those of a com- 
 pany ; and with a diligence, method, and accuracy, such as the 
 best trained regimental officers have never surpassed." 
 
 We sympathize entirely with the editor, when he hursts out, 
 "I know nothing in my brother's whole career more truly 
 admirable, or showing more real heroism, than his conduct at 
 this period, while battling with adverse fates." 
 
 But there was now no need of letters from generals or colonels— 
 however acceptable such testimonies might Ije in themselves — 
 to restore Hodson to his proper position, for the mutter- 
 ings of the great eruption are already beginning to be heard, 
 and the ground is heaving under the feet of the English in 
 India. 
 
 *' We are in a state of some anxiety, owing to the spread of 
 a very serious spirit of dissatisfaction among the Sepoy army. 
 It is our great danger in India, and Lord Hardinge's prophecy, 
 that our biggest fight in India would be with our own army, 
 seems not unlikely to be realized, and that before long. Native 
 papers, education, and progress are against keeping two hun- 
 dred thousand native mercenaries in hand." 
 
 This is not the exact time a sane commander-in-chief 
 looking about for helpful persons, should choose for letting a 
 certain Lieutenant Hodson, lately under a cloud, but we hear a 
 smart officer, and of great knowledge concerning and influence 
 with natives, out of our reach. So thinks General Anson about 
 the 5th of May, 1857, when Hodson, out of all patience at 
 finding that Taylor's report has never reached the authorities at 
 Calcutta, applies to him for leave to go to Calcutta to clear 
 himself. However, by this time the ill-used Lieutenant can 
 afford to joke about his own misfortunes, and writes : 
 
 "There were clearly three courses open to me, 'a la Sir 
 Eobert Peel.' 
 
 "1. Suicide. 
 
 " 2. To resign the service in disgust, and join the enemy. 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 25 
 
 3. To make the Govern or- General eat his words and apol- 
 ogize. 
 
 " I choose the last. 
 
 " The first was too melodramatic and foreign ; the second 
 would have been a triumph to my foes in the Punjab ; besides, 
 the enemy might have been beaten ! 
 
 " I have determined, therefore, on a trip to Calcutta." 
 
 Wherefore General Anson has interviews with this outra- 
 geous lieutenant ; is "most polite, even cordial ;" and "while 
 approving of my idea of going down to Calcutta, and think- 
 ing it plucky to undertake a journey of two thousand, five 
 hundred miles in such weather," thinks " I had better wait till 
 I hear again from him, for he will himself write to Lord Can- 
 ning, and try to get justice done me." 
 
 In six days from this time India is in a blaze. 
 
 With the news of the outbreak came orders to the 1st 
 European Fusileers to move down to Umbala, on the route to 
 Delhi. They march the sixty miles in less than two days, but 
 on their arrival find an unsatisfactory state of things. 
 
 " Here," writes Hodson, " alarm is the prevalent feeling, and 
 conciliation, of men with arms in their hands and in a state of 
 absolute rebeHion, the order of the day. This system, if pur- 
 sued, is far more dangerous than any thing the Sepoys can do 
 to us. I do trust the authorities will act with vigor, else there 
 is no knowing where the affair will end. 0, for Sir Charles 
 now ! The times are critical, but I have no fear of aught save 
 the alarm and indecision of our rulers." 
 
 The Commander-in-chief arrives, and now, to Hodson's 
 most naive astonishment, which breaks out in the comic- 
 alist way in his letters, he regains all he has ever lost by 
 one leap. 
 
 " May VJth. — Yesterday I was sent for by the Commander- 
 in-chief, and appointed Assistant Quartermaster-General on 
 his personal staff, to be under the immediate orders of his 
 
26 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 Excellency, and witli command to raise one hundred liorse and 
 fifty foot, for service in the Intelligence Department, and as per- 
 sonal escort. All this was done, moreover, in a most compli- 
 mentary way, and it is quite in my line." 
 
 We can see clearly enough, from our own point of view, 
 what has been at work for a Lieutenant lately under a cloud. 
 The plot thickens apace. 
 
 But who, at this juncture, will open the road to Meerut, from 
 the General in command of which place we want papers and 
 intelligence ? The following extract from the letter of an offi- 
 cer stationed at that place will perhaps explain : 
 
 " When the mutiny broke out our communications were com- 
 pletely cut off. One night, on outlying picket at Meerut, this 
 subject being discussed, I said : ' Hodson is at Umbala, I know, 
 and I '11 bet he will force his way through, and open communi- 
 cations with the Commander-in-chief and ourselves.' At about 
 three that night I heard my advanced sentries firing. I rode 
 off to see what was the matter, and they told me that a party 
 of the enemy's cavalry had approached their post. When day 
 broke, in galloped Hodson. He had left Kurnal — seventy-six 
 miles off — at nine the night before, with one led horse, and an 
 escort of Sikh cavalry, and, as I had anticipated, here he was, 
 with dispatches for Wilson. How I quizzed him for approach- 
 ing an armed post at night without knowing the parole ! Hod- 
 son rode straight to Wilson, had his interview, a bath, break- 
 fast, and two hours' sleep, and then rode back the seventy-six 
 miles, and had to fight his way for about thirty miles of the 
 distance." 
 
 The pace pleased the General, Hodson supposes ; for "he or- 
 dered me to raise a corps of irregular horse, and appointed me 
 commandant;" but "still no tidings from the hills" — where 
 his wife is. " This is a terrible additional pull upon one's nerves 
 at a time like this, and is a phase of war I never calculated on." 
 
 On the 27th of May the march toward Delhi begins, and 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 27 
 
 Hodson accompanies, acting as Assistant Quartermaster-General 
 attaclied to the Commander-in-cliief, "with free access to him. 
 at any time, and to other people in authority, which gives me 
 power for good. The Intelligence Department is mine exclu- 
 sively, and I have for this line Sir Henry's, old friend, the 
 one-eyed Moulvie, Eujub Alee ; so I shall get the best news in 
 the country." He starts, too, happy about his wife, from 
 whom he has heard — the hill stations all safe, and likely to re- 
 main so. 
 
 General Anson dies of cholera, and General Barnard suc- 
 ceeds ; still, oddly enough, no change takes place in our Lieu- 
 tenant's appointments. And so the little a:-my marches all too 
 slowly, as the Lieutenant thinks and remonstrates, upon Delhi. 
 Other men are answering to the pressure of the times : 
 
 "Colonel T. Seaton and the other officers have gone to Eoh- 
 tuck with the 60th Native Infantry, who, I have no doubt, will 
 desert to a man as soon as they get there. It is very plucky of 
 him and the other officers to go, and very hard of the authorities 
 to send them — a half-hearted measure, and very discreditable, 
 in my opinion, to all concerned ; affording a painful contrast 
 to Sir John Lawrence's bold and decided conduct in this crisis. 
 This regiment — 1st Fusileers — is a credit to any army, and the 
 fellows are in as high spirits and heart, and as plucky, and as 
 free from croaking as possible, and really do good to the whole 
 force. 
 
 "Alfred Light doing his work manfully and well. 
 Montgomery has come out very, very strong indeed ; but many 
 are beginning to knock up already ; and this is but the begin- 
 ning of this work, I fear ; and before this business ends, we who 
 are, thank God, still young and strong shall alone be left in 
 camp. All the elderly gentlemen will sink under the fatigue 
 and exposure." 
 
 '^ June bth. — Headquarters arrive at Aleepore, nearly at the 
 end of our mai-ch — in fact, one may say at the end, for on that 
 
28 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 day I rode right up to the Delhi parade-ground to reconnoiter, 
 and the few sowars whom 1 met galloped away like mad at the 
 sight of one white face. ' Had I had a hundred Gruides with 
 me, I would have gone up to the very walls.' And on June 
 8th we occupy our position before Delhi, having driven the 
 enemy out of their position ; not without loss, for Colonel Ches- 
 ter is killed, Alfred Light — who won the admiration of all — 
 tvounded. . . . No one else of the Staff party killed or 
 wounded ; hut our general returns will, I fear, tell a sad tale. 
 T am mercifully unhurt, and write this line in pencil on the top 
 of a drum to assure you thereof." 
 
 We must break the narrative here for a moment, now that we 
 have got the combatants face to face in the place of decision, to 
 submit to our readers our own conviction that this same siege 
 of Delhi, beginning on June 9th, and ending triumphantly on 
 September 22, 1857, is the feat of arms of which England has 
 most cause to be proud. From Cressy to Sebastopol, it has 
 never been equaled. A mere handful of Englishmen, for half 
 the time numbering less than three thousand, sat down, in the 
 open field, in the worst days of an Indian summer, without 
 regular communication' — for the dSks were only got carried by 
 bribery, stage by stage — without proper artillery, and, last 
 and worst of all, without able leading, before and took a city 
 larger than Glasgow, garrisoned by an army trained by English- 
 men, and numbering at first twenty thousand, in another ten 
 days thirty-seven thousand, and at last seventy -five thousand 
 men, supplied with all but exhaustless munitions of war, and 
 in the midst of a nation in arms. *' I venture to aver," writes 
 Hodson, "that no other nation in the world would have re- 
 mained here, or have avoided defeat had they attempted to do 
 so." We agree with him, and we do trust that the nation will 
 come to look at the siege of Delhi in the right light, and 
 properly to acknowledge and reward the few who remain of 
 that band of heroes who saved British India. 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 29 
 
 Our readers must also remember that we are not giving the 
 story of the siege, but the story of Hodson's part therein, and 
 must, therefore, not think we are unduly putting him forward, to 
 the depreciation of other as glorious names. But what we 
 have, is Hodson's life, compiled from his daily letters to his 
 wife. No doubt the work of the regulars was as important— 
 perha,ps even more trying — than that of the Captain of Irregu- 
 lar Cavalry, Assistant Quartermaster-General, and head of the 
 Intelligence Department ; but these were his duties, and not the 
 others', and we shall now see how he fulfilled them. 
 
 On the first day of the siege, the " Guides " march into camp. 
 " It would have done your heart good to see the welcome 
 they gave me — cheering, and shouting, and crowding around 
 me like frantic creatures. They seized my bridle, dress, hands, 
 and feet, and literally threw themselves down before the horse, 
 with the tears streaming down their faces. Many officers who 
 were present hardly knew what to make of it, and thought the 
 creatures were mobbing me; and so they were, but for joy, not 
 for mischief." 
 
 " ' Burr ah Serai-wallah !' they shouted — 'great in battle,' in 
 the vulgar tongue — making the statf and others open their eyes, 
 who do not much believe, for their part, in the power of any 
 Englishman really to attach to himself any native rascals. 
 
 " Next day, June lOth, the ball opens. The mutineers 
 march out in force and attack our position. 
 
 " ' I had command of all the troops on our right, the gallant 
 Guides among the rest. They followed me, with a cheer for 
 their old commander, and behaved with their usual pluck, and 
 finally we drove the enemy in with loss. . . . Indeed, I did not 
 expose myself unnecessarily ; for having to direct the move- 
 ments of three or four regiments, I could not be in the front as 
 much as I wished.' " 
 
 But wives will be anxious, my Lieutenant, and making all 
 just allowances, it must be confessed that you give her fair cause. 
 
30 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 " * The warmth of the reception again given me by the 
 Guides was quite affecting, and has produced a great sensation 
 in camp, and had a good effect on our native troops, insomuch 
 that they are more willing to obey their European officers 
 when they see their own countrymen's enthusiasm. 
 
 " ' My position is Assistant Quartermaster-General on the 
 Commander-in-chief's personal staff. I am responsible for the 
 Intelligence Department, and in the field, or when any thing is 
 going on for directing the movements of the troops in action, 
 under the immediate orders of the General.' 
 
 " Again, on June 12th, we are at it : 
 
 " 'A sharp fight for four hours, ending as usual. They have 
 never yet been so punished as to-day. The Guides behaved 
 admirably, so did the Fusileers, as usual. I am vexed much 
 at the Lahore Chronicle butter, and wish people would leave me 
 alone in their newspapers. The best butter I get is the defer- 
 ence and respect I meet with from all whose respect I care 
 for, and the affectionate enthusiasm of the Guides, which in- 
 creases instead of lessening.' 
 
 " But this daily repulsing attacks can not be allowed to go 
 on : can not we have something to say to attacking them ? So 
 the General thinks, and sets Greathed, assisted by me and two 
 more engineers, to submit a plan for taking Delhi. 
 
 " 'We drew up our scheme and gave it to the General, who 
 highly approved, and will, I trust, carry it out ; but how times 
 must be changed, when four subalterns are called upon to sug- 
 gest a means for carrying out so vitally-important an enterprise 
 as this, one on which the safety of the empire depends !' 
 
 " Simple but ' perfectly-feasible ' plan of four subalterns : 
 blow open gates with powder, and go in with bayonet ; and 
 that there may be no mistake about it, I volunteer to lead the 
 assault — wholly unmindful of that assurance given to a loving 
 heart in the hills that I am not exposing myself — and fix on 
 a small building in front of the gate as the rendezvous, which 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 31 
 
 is now called 'Hodson's Mosqne.' General approves, and 
 orders assault for the morning of June 13tli. Alas for our 
 * perfectly-feasible ' plan ! 
 
 " ' We were to have taken Delhi by assault last night, but a 
 "mistake of orders" (?) as to the right time of bringing the 
 troops to the rendezvous prevented its execution. I am miich 
 annoyed and disappointed at our plan not having been carried 
 out, because I am confident it would have been successful. 
 The rebels were cowed^ and perfectly ignorant of any intention 
 of so bold a stroke on our part as an assault ; the surprise 
 would have done every thing.' 
 
 "Next day there is another fight; a council of war. Our 
 plan is still approved, but put off from day to day. Aban- 
 doned at last — we are to wait for reinforcements. Poor 
 ' feasible plan !' 
 
 " * It was frustrated the first night by the fears and absolute 
 
 disobedience of orders of , the man who first lost Delhi, 
 
 and has now by folly prevented its being recaptured. The 
 General has twice since wished and even ordered it, but has 
 always been thwarted by some one or other ; latterly by that 
 
 old woman , who has come here for nothing apparently 
 
 but as an obstacle ; is also a crying evil to us. The Gen- 
 eral knows this and wants to get rid of him, but has not the 
 nerve to supersede him. The whole state of affairs here is bad 
 to a degree.' 
 
 " And here I am — June 19th — with fights going on every 
 day, knocked down with bronchitis and inflammation of the 
 chest, 'really very ill for some hours.' 'The General nurses 
 me as if I were his son. I woke in the night and found the 
 kind old man by my bedside, covering me carefully up from the 
 draught.' But on June 20th — bronchitis notwithstanding — I 
 am up and at work again, for the Sepoys have attacked our 
 rear to-day, and though beaten as usual, Colonel Becher — 
 Quartermaster-General — is shot through the right arm, and 
 
82 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 Daly — commanding Guides — hit through the shoulder. So 
 the whole work of the Quartermaster-General's office is on me, 
 and the General begs me as a personal favor to take command 
 of the Guides in addition. I at first refused, but the General 
 was most urgent, putting it on the ground that the service was 
 at stake, and none was so fit, etc. I do feel that we are bound 
 to do our best just now to put things on a proper footing ; 
 and after consulting Seaton and Norman, I accepted the com- 
 mand. How w;ill gnash his teeth to see me leading my 
 
 dear old Guides again in the field ! 
 
 "And so we fight on, literally day by day, for now * our ar- 
 tillery officers themselves say they are outmatched by these 
 rascals in accuracy and rapidity of fire ; and as they have un- 
 limited supplies of guns, etc., they are quite beyond us in many 
 respects. We are, in point of fact, reduced to merely holding 
 our own ground till we get more men.' Still we don't feel at 
 all like giving in. 
 
 " 'The wounded generally are doing well, poor fellows, con- 
 sidering the heat, dirt, and want of any bed but the dry 
 ground. Their pluck is wonderful, and it is not in the field 
 alone that joxi see what an English soldier is made of. One 
 poor fellow who was smoking his pipe and laughing with the 
 comrade by his side, was asked what was the matter with him, 
 and he answered in a lively voice, " 0, not much, sir, only a 
 little knock on the back ; I shall be up and at the rascals again 
 in a day or two." He had been shot in the spine, and all his 
 lower limbs were paralyzed. He died next day. Colonel 
 Welchman is about again ; too soon, I fear, but there is no 
 keeping the brave old man quiet. Poor Peter Brown is very 
 badly wounded, but he is cheerful, and bears up bravely. 
 Jacob has "come out" wonderfully. He is cool, active, and 
 bold, keeps his wits about him under fire, and does altogether 
 well. We are fortunate in having him with the force. Good 
 field officers are very scarce indeed ; I do not wonder at people 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 33 
 
 at a distance bewailing the delay in the taking of Delhi. No 
 one not on the spot can appreciate the difficulties in the way, or 
 the painful truth that those difficulties increase upon us..' 
 
 " I am rather out of sorts still myself, also. It is a burden to 
 me to stand or walk, and the excessive heat makes it difficult 
 for me to recover from that sharp attack of illness. ' The doc- 
 tors urge me to go away for a little to get strength — as if I 
 could leave just now, or as if I would if I could.' ... So I 
 am in the saddle all day — June 24th — though obliged occasion- 
 ally to rest a bit where I can find shelter, and one halt is by 
 Alfred Light. 
 
 *''It does me good to see the "Light of the ball-room" 
 working away at his guns, begrimed with dust and heat, ever 
 cheery and cool, though dead beat from fatigue and exposure. 
 How our men fought to-day ! liquid fire was no name for the 
 fervent heat ; but nothing less than a knock-down blow from 
 sun, sword, or bullet stops a British soldier.' 
 
 " My glorious old regiment ! how they have suffered in this 
 short three weeks ! Colonel Welchman badly hit in the arm, 
 Greville down with fever, Wriford with dysentery, Dennis 
 with sun-stroke. Brown with wounds. 
 
 " 'Jacob and the "boys" have all the work to themselves, 
 and well indeed do the boys behave — with a courage and cool- 
 ness which would not disgrace veterans. Little Tommy Butler, 
 Owen, Warner, all behave like heroes, albeit with sadly-dimin- 
 ishing numbers to lead. Neville Chamberlain has come in, 
 who ought to be worth a thousand men to us.' 
 
 " Those rascals actually came out to-day — June 25th — in 
 their red coats and medals ! 
 
 " ' We are not very well off, quant a la cuisine. I never had 
 so much trouble in getting any thing fit to eat, except when I 
 dine with the General. Colonel Seaton lives in my tent, and is 
 a great companion ; his joyous disposition is a perpetual re- 
 buke to the croakers.' " 
 
84 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 And so, too, was your own, my Lieutenant, for we have 
 fortunately a letter from a distinguished officer, in which he 
 says : 
 
 "Affairs at times looked very queer, from the frightful ex- 
 penditure of life. Hodson's face was then like sunshine break- 
 ing through the dark clouds of despondency and gloom that 
 would settle down occasionally on all but a few brave hearts, 
 England's worthiest sons, who were determined to conquer." 
 
 But this siege does set one really thinking in earnest about 
 several things, and this is the conclusion at which our 
 Lieutenant arrives : 
 
 " There is but one rule of action for a soldier in the field, as 
 for a man at all times, to do that which is best for the pub- 
 lic good ; to make that your sole aim, resting assured that the 
 result will in the end be best for individual interest also. I am 
 quite indifferent not to see my name appear in newspaper para- 
 graphs and dispatches ; only content if I can perform my duty 
 truly and honestly, and too thankful to the Almighty if I am 
 daily spared for future labors or future repose." 
 
 But here is another coil this June 27th : 
 
 " ' There has been an outcry throughout the camp at 's 
 
 having fled from Bhagput, the bridge which caused me so much 
 hard riding and hard work to get, some time ago.' 
 
 " He has actually bolted, on a report of mutineers coming, 
 leaving boats, bridge, and all. By this conduct he has lost our 
 communication with Meerut, and that, too, when our reinforce- 
 ments were actually in sight. The consequence is that I have to 
 go down to Bhagput to recover boats, bridge, etc., and reopen 
 communication, which is done at once and satisfactorily ; and 
 by July 2d we are quite comfortable ; for I have set myself up 
 with plates, etc., for one rupee, and Colonel Beaton's traps and 
 servants will be here to-day . . . except that we are some- 
 what vexed in our spirits ; for ' has been shelved and al- 
 lowed to get sick, to save him from supercession. I do not 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 35 
 
 like eupLuisms. In these days men and things should be 
 called by their right names, that we might know how far either 
 should be trusted. 
 
 " ' July hth. — General Barnard dies of cholera after a few 
 hours' illness. Personally I am much grieved, for no kinder, 
 or more considerate, or gentlemanly man ever lived. I am so 
 sorry for his son, a fine brave fellow, whose attention to his 
 father won the love of us all. It was quite beautiful to see 
 them together.' 
 
 " And so we plunge on day after day, the rain nearly flooding 
 us out of camp. Will the ladies in the hills make us some 
 flannel shirts ? 
 
 " ' The soldiers bear up like men, but the constant state of wet 
 is no small addition to what they have to endure from heat, 
 hard work, and fighting. I know by experience what a com- 
 fort a dry flannel shirt is. 
 
 " ' My 12tk. — ^Three hundred of my new regiment arrive ; 
 very fine-looking fellows, most of them. I am getting quite a 
 little army under me, what with the Guides and my own men. 
 Would to Heaven they would give us something more to do 
 than this desultory warfare, which destroys our best men, and 
 brings us no whit nearer Delhi, and removes the end of the 
 campaign to an indefinite period.' 
 
 " Another fight this 14th July, one of the sharpest we have yet 
 had ; and we who have to lead were obliged to expose ourselves, 
 but really not more than we could help ; and how the papers 
 can have got hold of this wound story I can't think, for I 
 did n't tell it even to you. The facts are thus : 
 
 " ' A rascally Pandy made a thrust at my horse, which I par- 
 ried, when he seized his "tulwar" in both hands, bringing it 
 down like a sledge-hammer ; it caught on the iron of my anti- 
 gropelos legging, which it broke into the skin, cut through the 
 stirrup-leather, and took a slice off my boot and stocking ; and 
 yet, wonderful to say, the sword did not penetrate the skin. 
 
36 HEROES OF THE INDflAN REBELLION". 
 
 Botli my liorse and myself were staggered by the force of the 
 blow, but I recovered myself quickly, and I do n't think that 
 Pandy Avill ever raise his " tulwar " again.' 
 
 " But, to show you that I did no more than was necessary, I 
 must tell you what Chamberlain had to do, who led in another 
 part. 
 
 " ' Seeing a hesitation among the troops he led, who did not 
 like the look of a wall lined with Pandies, and stopped short 
 instead of going up to it, he leaped his horse clean over the 
 wall into the midst of them, and dared the men to follow, 
 which they did, but he got a ball in the shoulder.' 
 
 " I must positively give up the Quartermaster-General's work ; 
 headquarters' staff seems breaking down altogether. General 
 Eeed goes to the hills to-night ; Congreve and Curzon have 
 been sent off, too ; Chamberlain and Becher on their backs with 
 wounds. 
 
 "'Colonel Young, Norman, and myself are, therefore, the 
 only staff representatives of the headquarters' staff, except the 
 doctors and commissaries. I am wonderfully well, thank God ! 
 and able to get through as much work as any man ; but com- 
 manding two regiments, and being eyes and ears to the whole 
 army, too, is really too much.' 
 
 " Again, to-day — July 19th — a sharp fight ; Pandies in great 
 force — driven pell-mell up to the walls ; but how about getting 
 back ? 
 
 " We were commanded by a fine old gentleman, who might 
 sit for a portrait of Falstaff, so fat and jolly is he. Colonel 
 Jones, of 60th Rifles." 
 
 Jolly old Briton, with the clearest possible notion of going 
 on, but as for retiring, little enough idea of that sort of work 
 in Colonel Jones. 
 
 " The instant we began to draw off, they followed us, their 
 immense numbers giving them a great power of annoyance 
 at very slight cost to themselves. The brave old Colonel was 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 37 
 
 going to retire 'all of a heap,' infantry, guns, and all, in a 
 helpless mass, and we should have suffered cruel loss in those 
 narrow roads, with walls and buildings on both sides. I rode 
 up to him and pointed this out, and in reply received carte- 
 blanche to act as I saw best. This was soon done with the as- 
 sistance of Henry Vicars — Adjutant 61st — and Coghill — Adju- 
 tant 2d Bengal European Fusileers — both cool soldiers under 
 fire, though so young, and we got off in good order and with 
 trifling loss, drawing the men back slowly and in regular order, 
 covered by Dixon and Money's guns." 
 
 This Colonel, too, with no notion of retreating, is a candid 
 man ; goes straight to the Greneral on his return, and begs to 
 thank our Lieutenant, and to say he hopes for no better aid 
 whenever he has to lead ; unlike some persons under whom we 
 have served. 
 
 " The General has begged me to give up the Guides, and not 
 the Quartermaster-General's office. You at least will rejoice 
 that it greatly diminishes the risk to life and limb, which, I 
 confess, lately has been excessive in my case. 
 
 " News of Wheeler's surrender — of the massacre four days 
 later — July 26th — and our blood is running fire. * There will be 
 a day of reckoning for these things, and a fierce one, or I have 
 been a soldier in vain.' Another fight on the 24th, and Seaton 
 down with chest-wound, but doing well ; * he is patient and 
 gentle in suffering as a woman, and this helps his recovery 
 wonderfully.' . . . Thanks for the flannel waistcoats ; but 
 as for you and Mrs. coming to camp as nurses, no. 
 
 " ' Unless any unforeseen emergency should arise, I would 
 strongly dissuade any lady from coming to camp. They would 
 all very speedily become patients in the very hospitals which 
 they came to serve and would so willingly support. The flan- 
 nel garments are invaluable, and this is all that can be done for 
 us by female hands at present. . . . You say there is a 
 great difference between doing one's duty and running unneces- 
 
38 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 sary risks, and you say truly ; the only question, what is one's 
 duty ? Now, I miglit, as I have more than once, see things 
 going wrong at a time and place when I might be merely 
 a spectator, and not "on duty," or ordered to be there, and I 
 might feel that by exposing myself to danger for a time I might 
 rectify matters, and I might, therefore, think it right to incur 
 that danger ; and yet if I were to get hit, it would be said " he 
 had no business there ;" nor should I, as far as the rules of the 
 service go, though in my own mind I should have been satisfied 
 that I was right. These are times when every man should do 
 his best, his utmost, and not say, " No ; though I see I can do 
 good there, yet, as I have not been ordered and am not on duty, 
 I will not do it." This is not my idea of a soldier's duty, and 
 hitherto the results have proved me right.' 
 
 ^'August 2>d. — Rumor that Sir Henry is dead at Lucknow. 
 The news has quite unnerved me. bth. — Nana Sahib, the mur- 
 derer — you remember the man at the artillery review, a " swell "- 
 looking, native gentleman, who spoke French, and was talking 
 a good deal to Alfred Light — has been beaten by Havelock, 
 they say has drowned himself. 
 
 " ' I hope it is not true ; for it is one of my aims to have the 
 catching of the said Nana myself. The hanging him would be 
 a positive pleasure to me. . . . Nicholson has come on 
 ahead of our reinforcements from the Punjab ; a host in him- 
 self if he does not go and get knocked over as Chamberlain 
 did. 
 
 " ' General Wilson has been down for some days, but is now 
 better, but nervous and overanxious about trifles. 
 These men are personally as brave as lions, but they have not 
 big hearts or heads enough for circumstances of serious respon- 
 sibility. 
 
 " ' AugustWth. — Talking of jealousies, one day, under a heavy 
 
 fire. Captain came up to me, and begged me to forget and 
 
 forgive what had passed, and only to remember that we were 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 39 
 
 soldiers fighting together in a common cause. As I was the 
 injured party, I could afford to do this. The time and place, 
 as well as his manner, appealed to my better feelings, so I held 
 out my hands at once. Nowadays we must stand by and 
 help each other, forget all injuries, and rise superior to them, 
 or, God help us ! we should be in terrible plight.* 
 
 *' August 12th. — A brilliant affair imder Showers ; four guns 
 taken. Brave young Owen wounded, 'riding astride one gun, 
 and a soldier with musket and fixed bayonet riding each horse, 
 the rest cheering like mad things. I was in the thick of it, by 
 accident.' " 
 
 By this time Pandy, having been beaten severely in twenty- 
 three fights, has had nearly enough of it, and is very chary of 
 doing more than firing long shots ; so there is no longer so 
 much need of our Lieutenant in camp. He may surely be useful 
 in clearing the neighborhood and restoring British rule and 
 order ; so we find him starting for Rohtuck on the 17th August 
 with three hundred men and five officers — all his own men, and 
 first-rate — and Macdowell, two Goughs, Ward, and Wise. On 
 the 18th the inhabitants send supplies and fair words, but there 
 is a body of a thousand infantry and three hundred horse close 
 by who must be handled. Accordingly they are drawn into 
 the open by a feigned retreat, and come on firing and yelling in 
 crowds. 
 
 " ' Threes about and at them ;' five parties, each headed by 
 an officer, are upon them. ' Never was such a scatter ; they 
 fled as if not the Guides and Hodson's Horse, but death and the 
 devil, were at their heels.' Only eight of my men touched. 
 This will encourage my new hands, utterly untrained. 
 
 "Another skirmish, and now * in three days we have 
 frightened away and demoralized a force of artillery, cavalry, 
 and infantry, some two thousand strong, beat those who stood 
 or returned to fight us, twice in spite of numbers, and got fed 
 and fm-nished forth by the rascally town itself. Moreover, we 
 
40 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 have thorouglily cowed the whole neighborhood, and given them 
 a taste of what m6re they will get unless they keep quiet in 
 future. . . . This is a terribly-egotistical detail, and I am 
 thoroughly ashamed of saying so much of myself ; but you 
 insisted on having a full, true, and particular account, so do 
 not think me vainglorious.' " 
 
 Next come orders, but sadly-indefinite ones, to look out for and 
 destroy the 10th Light Cavalry, who are out in the Jheend district. 
 
 " He must either say distinctly ' do this or that,' and I will 
 do it ; or he must give me carte-blanche to do what he wants in 
 the most practicable way, of which I, knowing the coimtry, 
 can best judge. I am not going to fag my men and horses to 
 death, and then be told I have exceeded my instructions. He 
 gives me immense credit for what I have done, but ' almost 
 wishes I had not ventured so far.' The old gentleman means 
 well, but does not understand either the country or the position 
 I was in, nor does he appreciate a tenth part of the effects which 
 our bold stroke at Rohtuck, forty-five miles from camp, has 
 produced. ' N'importe,^ they will find it out sooner or later. I 
 hear both Chamberlain and Nicholson took my view of the 
 case, and supported me warmly. ... I foresee that I shall 
 remain a subaltern, and the easy-going majors of brigade, 
 aidsdecamp, and staff officers will all get brevets." 
 
 Too true, my Lieutenant. 
 
 " The Victoria Cross, I confess, is the highest object of my 
 ambition, and had I been one of fortune's favorites I should 
 have had it ere now." 
 
 True again. 
 
 " But whether a Lieutenant or Lieutenant-General, I trust I 
 shall continue to do my duty to the best of my judgment and 
 ability, as long as strength and sense are vouchsafed to me." 
 
 We trust we are on the whole by this time jDrepared to 
 hazard a prophecy, that you will so continue, whether lieuten- 
 ant or general. 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 41 
 
 *' August 26/A. — A glorious victory at Nujjufghur by Nichol- 
 son. I was not there. Ill in camp ; worst luck. 
 Securing the country again till August 30th, when I have to 
 receive an emissary from Delhi to treat. 
 
 " Sir Colin Campbell is, they say, at Calcutta, and Mansfield, 
 as chief of the staff; so now we may get some leading. 
 
 "We are in Delhi at last — September 15th — -but with griev- 
 oixs loss. My dear old regiment — 1st Fusileers — ^suffered out 
 of all proportion. 
 
 " ' Of the officers engaged only Wriford, Wallace, and I are 
 untouched. My preservation — I do n't like the word escape — • 
 was miraculous.' .... 
 
 " Nicholson dangerously hit ; ten out of seventeen engineer 
 officers killed and wounded. 
 
 " ' . . . You may count our real officers on your 
 fingers now.' 
 
 " Sept. \^th. — -I grieve much for poor Jacob ; we bui-ied him 
 and three sergeants of the regiment last night ; he was a noble 
 soldier. His death has made me captain, the long wished-for 
 goal ; but I would rather have served on as a subaltern, than 
 gained promotion thus. 
 
 " Sept. \%th. — We are making slow progress in the city. 
 The fact is, the troops are utterly demoralized by hai-d work 
 and hard drink, I grieve to say. For the first time in my life, 
 I have had to see English soldiers refuse repeatedly to follow 
 their officers. Greville, Jacob, Nicholson, and Speke were all 
 sacrificed to this. 
 
 " Sept. 22c?. — In the Royal Palace, Delhi. I was quite unable 
 to write yesterday, having had a hard day's work. 1 was 
 fortunate enough to capture the King and his favorite wife. 
 To-day, more fortunate still, I have seized and destroyed the 
 King's two sons and a grandson — the famous, or rather in- 
 famous Abu Bukt — the villains who ordered the massacre of 
 
 our women and children, and stood by and witnessed the foul 
 
 4 
 
42 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 barbarity ; tbeir bodies are now lying on tbe spot where those 
 of the unfortunate ladies were exposed. I am very tired, but 
 very much satisfied with my day's work, and so seem all 
 hands." 
 
 This is Hodson's account of the two most remarkable ex- 
 ploits in even his career. As to defending the shooting of the 
 two princes, let those do it who feel that a defense is needed, 
 for we believe that no man worth convincing now doubts as to 
 the righteousness and policy of the act. 
 
 " Strange," he says, " that some of those who are loudest 
 against me for sparing the King, are also crying out at my de- 
 stroying his sons. * Quousque tandem?' I may well exclaim. 
 But in point of fact, I am quite indifferent to clamor either 
 way. I made up my mind at the time to be abused. I was 
 convinced I was right, and M^hen I prepared to run the great 
 physical risk of the attempt, I was equally game for the moral 
 risk of praise or blame. These have not been, and are not 
 times when a man who would serve his country dare hesitate as 
 to the personal consequences to himself of what he thinks his 
 duty." 
 
 "By Jove, Ho.dson, they ought to make you Commander-in- 
 chief for this," shouts the enthusiast to whom the prisoners 
 were handed over. " Well, I 'm glad you have got him, but I 
 never expected to see either him or you again," says the Com- 
 mander-in-chief, and sits down and writes the following 
 dispatch : 
 
 "The King, who accompanied the troops for some short dis- 
 tance last night, gave himself up to a party of Irregular Cavalry 
 whom I sent out in the direction of the fugitives, and he is now 
 a prisoner under a guard of European soldiers." 
 
 Delhi is ours ; but at what a cost in officers and men ! and 
 Nicholson is deal. 
 
 " With the single exception of my ever-revered friend. Sir 
 Henry Lawrence, and Colonel Mackeson, I have never met his 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 43 
 
 equal in field or council ; he was pre-eminently our best and 
 bravest, and his loss is not to be atoned for in these days. 
 
 " The troops have behaved with singular moderation toward 
 women and children, considering their provocation. I do not 
 believe, and I have some means of knowing, that a single 
 woman or child has been purposely injured by our troops, and 
 the story on which your righteous indignation is grounded is 
 quite false ; the troops have been demoralized by drink, but 
 nothing more." 
 
 In November he gets a few weeks' leave, and is off to Umbala 
 to meet his wife for the last time, safe after all, and no longer a 
 Lieutenant under a cloud. What a meeting must that have been ! 
 
 With the taking of Delhi our narrative, already too long, 
 must close, though a grand five months of heroic action still 
 remained'. Nothing in the book exceeds in interest the ride of 
 ninety-four miles from Seaton's column, with young Macdowell, 
 to carry a dispatch to Sir Colin, on December 30th. The tale 
 of the early morning summons, the rumors of enemies on the 
 road, the suspense as to the Chief's whereabouts, the leaving all 
 escort behind, their flattering and cordial reception by Sir 
 Colin — who gets them " chops and ale in a quiet friendly 
 way " — the fifty-four miles' ride home, the midnight alarm and 
 escape, and the safe run in, take away our breath. And the 
 finish is inimitable. 
 
 "All Hodson said," writes Macdowell, "when we were at 
 Bewar, and safe, was, * By George ! Mac, I 'd give a good deal 
 for a cup of tea,' and immediately went to sleep. He is the 
 coolest hand I have ever yet met. We rode ninety-four miles. 
 Hodson rode seventy-two on one horse, the little dun, and I 
 rode Alma seventy-two miles also." 
 
 One more anecdote, however, we can not resist. On the 6th 
 of January, 1858, Seaton's column joins the Commander-in- 
 chief; on the 27th, at Shumshabad, poor young Macdowell — 
 whose letters make one love him — is killed, and Hodson badly 
 
44 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 wounded. They were in advance, as usual, with gnns, and had 
 to charge a superior hody of cavalry : 
 
 " But there was nothing for it but fighting, as, had we not 
 attacked them, they would have got in among our guns. We 
 were only three officers, and about one hundred and eighty 
 horsemen — my poor friend and second in command, Macdowell, 
 having received a mortal wound a few minutes before we 
 charged. It was a terrible melee for some time, and we were 
 most wonderfully preserved. However, we gave them a very 
 proper thrashing, and killed their leaders. Two out of the 
 three of us were wounded, and five of my men killed and 
 eleven wounded, besides eleven horses. My horse had three 
 saber-cuts, and I got two, which I consider rather an unfair 
 share. The Commander-in-chief is very well satisfied, I hear, 
 with the day's work, and is profusely civil and kind tame." 
 
 In another letter he writes : 
 
 "They were very superior in number, and individually so as 
 horsemen and swordsmen, but we managed to ' whop ' them 
 all the same, and drive them clean off the field ; not, however, 
 till they had made two very pretty dashes at us, which cost us 
 some trouble and very hard fighting. It was the hardest thing 
 of the kind in which I ever was engaged in point of regular ' in 
 fighting,' as they say in the P. R. : only Bell's Life could de- 
 scribe it properly. I got a cut, which laid my thumb open, 
 from a fellow after my sword was through him, and about half 
 an hour later this caused me to get a second severe cut, which 
 divided the muscles of the right arm and put me liors de combat ; 
 for my grip on the sword-handle was weakened, and a demon on 
 foot succeeded in striking down my guard, or rather his tulwar 
 glanced off my guard on to my arm. My horse also got three 
 cuts. I have got well most rapidly, despite an attack of ery- 
 sipelas, which looked very nasty for three days, and some slight 
 fever ; and I have every reason to be thankful." 
 
 He is able, notwithstanding wounds, to accompany the 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON. 45 
 
 forces, Colonel Burn kindly driving liim in his dog-cart. 
 Nothing could exceed Sir Colin's kind attentions. Here is a 
 chief at last who can appreciate a certain Captain, late Lieu- 
 tenant under a cloud. The old chief drinks his health as 
 colonel, and, on Hodson's doubting, says : 
 
 " / will see that it is all arranged ; just make a memorandum 
 of your services during the Punjab war, and I venture to 
 prophesy that it will not be long before I shake hands with 
 you as Lieutenant-Colonel Hodson, C. B., with a Victoria Cross 
 to boot." 
 
 By the end of February lie is well, and in command of his 
 regiment again, and in his last fight saves the life of his Ad- 
 jutant, Lieutenant Gough, by cutting down a rebel trooper in 
 the very act of spearing him. 
 
 And now comes the end. For a week the siege had gone on, 
 and work after work of the enemy had fallen. On the 11th of 
 March the Begum's Palace was to be assaulted. Hodson had 
 orders to move his regiment nearer to the walls, and while 
 choosing a spot for his camp heard firing, rode on, and found 
 his friend Brigadier Napier directing the assault. He joined 
 him, saying, " I am come to take care of you ; you have no 
 business to go to work without me to look after you." They 
 entered the breach together, were separated in the melee, and in 
 a few minutes Hodson was shot through the chest. The next 
 morning the wound was declared to be mortal, and he sent for 
 Napier to give his last instructions. 
 
 " He lay on his bed of mortal agony," says this friend, " and 
 met death with the same calm composure which so much distin- 
 guished him on the field of battle. He was quite conscious and 
 peaceful, occasionally uttering a sentence, 'My poor wife,' 'My 
 poor sisters, I should have liked to have seen the end of the 
 campaign and gone home to the dear ones once more, but it was 
 so ordered.' ' It is hard to leave the world just now, when 
 success is so near, but God's will be done.' ' Bear witness for 
 
46 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 me tliat I have tried to do my duty to man. May God forgive 
 my sins for Christ's sake !' * I go to my Father.' ' My love to 
 my wife — tell her my last thoughts were of her.' ' Lord, re- 
 ceive my soul.' These were his last words, and without a sigh 
 or struggle his pure and noble spirit took its flight." 
 
 " It was so ordered." They were his own words ; and now 
 that the first anguish of his loss is over, will not even those 
 nearest and dearest to him acknowledge " it was ordered for 
 the best?" For is there not something painful to us in calcu- 
 lating the petty rewards which we can bestow upon a man who 
 has done any work of deliverance for his country ? Do we not 
 almost dread — eagerly as we may desire his return — to hear 
 the vulgar, formal phrases which are all we can devise to com- 
 memorate the toils and sufferings that we think of with most 
 gratitude and affection ? There is somewhat calming and 
 Boothing in the sadness which follows a brave man to his grave 
 in the very place where his work was done, just when it was 
 done. Alas, but it is a bitter lesson to learn, even to us his old 
 school-fellows, who have never seen him since we parted at his 
 " leaving breakfast." May God make us all braver and truer 
 workers at our own small tasks, and worthy to join him, the 
 hard fighter, the glorious Christian soldier and Englishman, 
 when our time shall come ! 
 
 On the next day, March 13th, he was carried to a soldier's 
 grave, in the presence of the headquarters' staff, and of Sir 
 Colin, his last chief, who writes thus to his widow : 
 
 " I followed your noble husband to the grave myself, in order 
 to mark, in the most public manner, my regret and esteem for 
 the most brilliant soldier under my command, and one whom I 
 was proud to call my friend." 
 
 Who can add one iota to such praise from such lips ? The 
 man of whom the greatest of English soldiers could thus speak 
 needs no mark of official approbation, though it is a burning 
 disgrace to the authorities that none such has been given. But 
 
CAPTAIN HODSON, 47 
 
 tte family wMct mourns its noblest son may be content with 
 the rewards which his gallant life and glorious death have won 
 for him and them — we believe that he himself would desire no 
 others. For his brothers-in-arms are erecting a monument to 
 him in Litchfield Cathedral ; his school-fellows are putting up a 
 window to him, and the other Rugbaeaus who have fallen with 
 him, in Rugby Chapel ; and the three regiments of Hodson's 
 Horse will hand down his name on the scene of his work and 
 of his death as long as Englishmen bear rule in India. And 
 long after that rule has ceased, while England can honor brave 
 deeds and be grateful to brave men, the heroes of the Indian 
 mutiny will never be forgotten, and the hearts of our children's 
 children will leap up at the names of Lawrence, Havelock, and 
 Hodson. 
 
48 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 HAVELOCK. 
 
 Henry Havelock's father and grandfather appear to have been 
 successful ship-owners at Sunderland, England. His father, 
 having retired from business, purchased Ingress Park, near 
 Greenhithe, in Kent. Henry, however, the second of his four 
 sons, was born at Bishopwearmouth, near Sunderland, on the 5th 
 of April, 1795. His mother was the daughter of Mr. John Carter, 
 of Yarmouth, who was connected with the Ettrick family. Of 
 hia early boyhood two anecdotes are told, which, if true, singu- 
 larly foreshadow his character as a man. When only seven or 
 eight years of age, he climbed a lofty tree after a bird's nest ; 
 but, just as he grasped his prize, the branch broke, and he fell 
 to the ground. For a moment he was stunned, but when he 
 had recovered from the shock, his father asked him if he was 
 not frightened when he felt the bough give way. *'No," said 
 he, "I had no time to be frightened ; I was too much taken up 
 with thinking of the eggs, for I was sure they would be all 
 smashed." At another time, when he was some five years 
 older, he saw a strange dog worrying his father's sheep. In- 
 stead of shouting or pelting stones at the animal, he ran off to 
 a hay-stack in the field, and made a strong band of hay, which 
 he threw round the brute's neck, and tightened till he was dead, 
 when he threw the carcass into a pond, and walked as quietly 
 away as if nothing had happened. 
 
 His early education was conducted at the Charter-house School, 
 at that time under the supervision of Dr. Russell. Among his 
 school-fellows were several whose names have since become fa- 
 mous, such as Connop Thirlwall, the present Bishop of St. 
 
HAVELOCK. 49 
 
 David's ; the late Sir William M'Naghten ; Archdeacon Hare ; 
 Dr. Waddington, dean of Durham ; Mr. George Grote, the his- 
 torian ; Sir Charles Eastlake ; and Lord Panmure. It is said 
 that, owing to his quiet, thoughtful demeanor, his playfellows 
 were in the habit of calling him "the philosopher," which they 
 abbreviated into "Plilos," and, more familiarly, into "old 
 Phlos." Of his progress in scholarship no mention is made; 
 but in illustration of his tenacity of purpose, even in his boy- 
 hood, it is reported that one day he received a black eye in 
 defense of a junior. On being questioned by Dr. Russell as to 
 the cause of it, he would give no other answer than that "it 
 came there," and submitted to be flogged rather than expose his 
 assailant to punishment. Before his school education was com- 
 pleted, he was withdrawn from the Charter-house, in conse- 
 quence of his father's misfortunes. Ingress Park was sold to 
 the Government, and young Havelock was entered as a student 
 of the Inner Temple. Here he attended the lectures of the cel- 
 ebrated Chitty, and formed an intimate friendship with Tal- 
 fourd, the future dramatist and judge. The study of the law. 
 however, had no attractions for him. He longed for a life of 
 adventure and action, and his wish was at length gratified. His 
 elder brother, William — who had greatly distinguished himself 
 in the Peninsula, and was afterward slain at the head of the 14th 
 Dragoons, in the brilliant charge at Ramnuggur — succeeded in 
 obtaining for him a second lieutenancy in the Rifle brigade. 
 Unfortunately, the battle of Waterloo had been fought a few 
 weeks previously ; and thus, for eight years, Lieutenant Have- 
 lock was forced to content himself with the monotonous routine 
 of regimental duties wherever he might chance to be quartered. 
 At length, in 1823, he availed himself of an opj)ortunity of 
 seeing some active service, by exchanging into the 13th Light 
 Infantry, then under orders for India. 
 
 In the following year the first war with Burmah broke out. 
 
 In the ensuing campaigns Havelock served on the general staff, 
 
 5 
 
50 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 as deputy Assistant Adjutant-General, and commanded the es- 
 teem and friendship of Colonel — afterward Sir Willoogliby — 
 Cotton. He was present at several encounters with the enemy, 
 and made himself remarkable for his imperturbable coolness 
 and self-possession. He personally assisted in driving the Bur- 
 mese from their intrenchments at Patanagoa, in January, 1826, 
 and a few days afterward in the attack on their redoubts under 
 the walls of Pagham Mew. For these services he was permit- 
 ted to accompany Captain Lumsden and Dr. Knox on a mis- 
 sion to Ava, and was one of the select few honored with an 
 audience by " The Golden Foot," when the treaty of Yandaboo 
 was concluded and signed. On the conclusion of peace. Lieu- 
 tenant Havelock was appointed by Lord Combermere to the 
 post of Adjutant to the military depot at Chinsurah. Soon 
 after the breaking up of that establishment, he repaired to Cal- 
 cutta, and having passed a creditable examination in the native 
 languages, received from Lord Bentinck the Adjutancy of his 
 regiment, at that time commanded by Colonel — afterward Sir 
 Robert — Sale. It was not, however, till 1838, after having 
 served twenty-three years as subaltern, that he obtained the com- 
 mand of a company. In this capacity he exhibited himself as 
 a strict disciplinarian, and a "God-fearing" captain. Indeed, 
 so thoroughly consistent was his conduct, that he became very 
 unpopular in certain quarters. Being altogether in earnest, 
 both as to faith and good works, he was naturally anxious that 
 the men under his command should be imbued with the same 
 high principles. He was not, however, a large or liberal- 
 minded man. On the contrary, he was a sectarian, of the 
 Baptist persuasion ; and this circumstance rendered his religious 
 views peculiarly obnoxious to those whose belief and practice 
 were equally loose and ambiguous. Complaints were, therefore, 
 sent in to headquarters, representing Captain Havelock as a 
 fanatic, who went about preaching and baptizing. The regi- 
 mental rolls were called for and examined, when it appeared 
 
HAVELOCK. 51 
 
 that the "higot's" company was the best conducted and in 
 every way most ready to take the field. " Present my compli- 
 ments to Captain Havelock," said the gallant chief, "and tell 
 him that I wish he would make Baptists of the whole army." 
 Lord Gough bore similar testimony to his soldierly qualities, 
 and to the happy influence of religion on the private men. On 
 some pressing emergency he was heard to exclaim, "Call out 
 the saints ; Havelock never blunders, and his men are never 
 drunk." Havelock himself was not only temperate, but abste- 
 mious. As a rule, he confined himself to water. At the com- 
 mencement of the Afghan war, he occasionally took a little 
 wine, in compliance with the remonstrances of his friends ; but 
 being visited with a slight attack of fever, he at once attributed 
 it to this deviation from his ordinary practice, and immerliately 
 returned to his old system. " Water-drinking," he emphat- 
 ically observed, "is the best regimen for a soldier." 
 
 On the breaking out of the Afghan war, Colonel Sale was 
 appointed to the command of a brigade, and called upon to 
 recommend an officer for the post of brigade-major. He ac- 
 cordingly sent in the name of Captain Havelock ; but a senior 
 officer in the corps, who had superior interest, was preferred by 
 Sir Henry Fane. However, the opportune arrival of his former 
 patron and steady friend. Sir Willoughby Cotton, to take the 
 command of a division, amply recompensed him for this disap- 
 pointment. Sir Willoughby lost no time in applying for a 
 second aiddecamp, and in the mean time made choice of Have- 
 lock as postmaster to the division. During the invasion of 
 Afghanistan, Captain Havelock served with great distinction, 
 and was present on the staff at the storming of Ghuznee in 
 1839. On the withdrawal of a portion of the British army, he 
 accompanied Sir Willoughby Cotton to Peshawur, whence he 
 forwarded to his brother-in-law, Mr. Marshman, at Serampore — 
 an old Danish settlement near Calcutta — ^his manuscript narra- 
 tive of the preceding campaign. This book was subsequently 
 
52 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 published in England, and is often. quoted by writers on that 
 period of Indian history. Mr. Kaye pointedly refers to it on 
 several occasions. This was not, however, his first literary 
 production. On the conclusion of the Burmese war, he wrote 
 an account of the "Three Campaigns," which, notwithstanding 
 its accuracy and the boldness of its criticisms, is little known 
 beyond the small circle of the Anglo-Indian public. He thus 
 alludes to it with mingled modesty and bitterness of spirit, in 
 the preface to his second work : " My former effort as an 
 author had not met with that species of reward which is com- 
 monly looked for at the present day. No enterprising pub- 
 lisher had taken under his auspices my * Memoir of the Three 
 Campaigns.' It had been printed in a distant land, and thus 
 placed bqyond the reach of the praise or blame of the critics ; 
 and in consequence of the short memories of a large proportion 
 of my subscribers, the proceeds of the publication had scarcely 
 defrayed the cost of giving it to a limited number of readers. 
 Yet a counterpoise to these mortifications was not wanting. A 
 few officers of rank, whose discernment and candor I could not 
 doubt even in my own cause, had characterized the perform- 
 ance as honest and faithful ; three commanders-in-chief in. 
 India had spoken favorably of it to others as well as to myself; 
 and I have been deceived if, when war was likely to be renewed 
 in the Burman empire, and information regarding it had again 
 become valuable, a fourth general, placed in the same situation 
 of responsible control above adverted to, did not find, or pro- 
 fess to find, in the pages of the neglected Lieutenant develop- 
 ments of fact and reasoning which he had in vain sought in 
 books on the same topic that had enjoyed the sunshine of a far 
 more brilliant popularity." 
 
 On the return of Sii* Willoughby Cotton to assume the 
 command of the army in Afghanistan, he was accompanied to 
 Cabul by his aiddecamp, Captain Havelock, who was sub- 
 sequently placed on the staff of his successor. General Elphin- 
 
HAVELOCK. 
 
 53 
 
 stone, as Persian interpreter. However, he marclied witli Ms 
 own regiment to Jellalabad, and participated in the dangers 
 and glories of the " illustrions garrison." In the attack of 
 the 5th of April, 1842, on Akhbar's camp, Havelock com- 
 manded the column on the right, and commenced the battle by 
 a furious onslaught on the enemy's left wing. He was also 
 the writer of the Jellalabad dispatches, which were so much 
 admired by Sir Greorge Murray. Sir Robert Sale fully appre- 
 ciated his services, and appended the following postscript to 
 a letter addressed to General Pollock, on the 19th of February : 
 
 "P. S. Understanding from the third paragraph of the letter 
 from the adjutant-general, that the authority of Major-General 
 Elphinstone has ceased, I ventm-e to mention to you that 
 Captain Havelock, 13th Light Infantry, was appointed, in gen- 
 eral orders, Persian interpreter to the Major-General so long as 
 he continued to command in Afghanistan. He was, by his 
 permission, however, attached to me from the period of my 
 force leaving Cabul, and I have received from him very val- 
 uable assistance in every way throughout our operations, as I 
 have already intimated in public dispatches. I trust you will 
 pardon my undertaking to say that, if you would be pleased to 
 reappoint him to the same situation xxnder yourself, I feel per- 
 suaded that his local experience would render him most useful 
 to you. In the mean time I have nominated him Persian in- 
 terpreter to myself, subject to confirmation, as I can not, under 
 present circumstances, dispense with his services. Be good 
 enough to make this known also to H. E., the Commander- 
 in-chief." 
 
 In acknowledgment of these services he obtained his brevet 
 majority, and was made a Companion of the Bath. After a 
 brief period of no inglorious repose, he took part in the 
 Gwalior campaign, and was present at the battle of Maharaj- 
 pore. In 1845 he accompanied Sir Henry Hardinge and Lord 
 Gough to the Sutlej, with the brevet rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, 
 
54 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 and tore himself conspicuously in the fearful fights of 
 Moodkee, Ferozesliuhur, and Sobraon. Two horses were shot 
 under him at Moodkee, and one at Sobraon ; but it was pre- 
 eminently at Ferozeshuhur that his calm, resolute bearing 
 attracted the admiration of all. During the terrific cannonade 
 on " the night of horrors," Sir Henry Hardinge found him 
 stretched on the ground fast asleep, with his head resting on a 
 hag of gunpowder. Being awakened and chided for such 
 seeming fool-hardiness, he merely remarked, "I was so tired." 
 At the termination of the first Sikh war, he was appointed 
 deputy Adjutant-General of the Queen's troops at Bombay. 
 
 In 1848 Havelock got a two years' furlough, and came to 
 England. 
 
 On the 6th of March, 1850, he was presented, at a levee at 
 St. James's, by the Duke of Wellington ; and next day dined 
 at Lord Hardinge's. On the 20th he was present at a dinner 
 given by the United Service Club to Lord Gough. On the 23d, 
 when the East India Company feted his Lordship, he was 
 among the guests, recognizing old comrades, and thoroughly 
 enjoying this relaxation from military toil. 
 
 A painful duty awaited him on the 25th of March. The 
 widow and family of his brother William, who had been killed 
 at Ramnugghur, were expected at Southampton. It was felt 
 by him to be incumbent on him to be there to receive them on 
 the arrival of the vessel. Accordingly he went down, and 
 showed how able he was to bear the burdens of the depressed, 
 and how ready he was to weep with them that weep. Well 
 did he prove himself a brother to be trusted, and an uncle to 
 be loved. 
 
 This duty fulfilled, he returned to Plymouth, and remained in 
 the west of England till June ; gradually recovering strength, 
 and finding, day after day, opportunities for doing and getting 
 good. Never, perhaps, was he happier than at this time. 
 Circumstances around him were propitious, and companion- 
 
HAVELOCK. 55 
 
 ships were congenial. In general society he was cordially 
 welcomed, and by his Christian brethren he was increasingly 
 esteemed. His family, too, was with him, and that always 
 made his cup to run over. 
 
 About the middle of June he commenced a series of visits 
 to several of his old friends and school- fellows — men of emi- 
 nence and rank. To him this renewal of intercourse was 
 pleasant in the extreme ; and he always referred to it after- 
 ward as having been the occasion of great thankfulness to 
 God. Opinions were canvassed ; differences of judgment were 
 avowed and discussed. Substantial unity was ascertained in 
 regard to the fundamentals of the Christian faith, and, in the 
 assurance that the children of God would be all brought right 
 at last, the old friends mutually rejoiced. 
 
 The intervening years since they parted had wrought upon 
 the accomplished jurist, and the sound-hearted theologian, and 
 the devout soldier, more or less of change in theologic creed 
 and ecclesiastical practice, but no difference could they discover 
 in that which constituted them men of God. Not a whit more 
 conscientious was any one of them than were all the rest, and 
 though they were by no means of the same mind about many 
 matters of grave importance touching things to be believed and 
 things to be done in the name of Christ their common Lord, 
 yet they respected each other's consciences ; resolving, not with 
 any kind of formality at all, but at the dictate of a fraternal 
 evangelical instinct, to walk by the same rule and to mind the 
 same thing up to the last point to which together they had 
 attained. 
 
 It had been recommended to Colonel Havelock that he 
 should take advantage of the medicinal waters of Germany 
 during his stay in Europe. Having paid his visits to his early 
 friends, he set out for Ems, as being one of the best places for 
 prosecuting the object he had in view. His wife accompanied 
 him, and the following letter will show that the journey and 
 
56 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 the treatment to whicli lie was subjected were advantageous to 
 his health : 
 
 " Ems, September 10, 1850. 
 
 . . . " We have had a pleasant and interesting journey 
 to this place. At Dover we were detained by the very tempest- 
 uous state of the weather, and so we visited the barracks and 
 parade in which I learned a part of my military exercises in 
 1816. Then came a good night's tossing on the ocean. The 
 rail carried us to Brussels, and the next day was devoted to 
 Waterloo. Then a quiet Sabbath, Monday carried us to 
 Cologne, and next day we reached by steamer Coblentz and 
 Ehrenbreitstein. We have resided here nearly three weeks, and 
 are all well pleased with the spot. At Coblentz I took counsel 
 of Dr. Soest, recommended to me by Sir W. Cotton, in 1847> 
 I can hardly describe to you how much I have already 
 benefited, by God's help, from these potations and immersions. 
 
 . I am to devour grapes at the rate of eight pounds per 
 diem, and then it is hoped I may be fit for something. We 
 shall see. Love to all." 
 
 What with the grapes and the hydropathy together he rallied 
 yet more sensibly, and became comparatively a vigorous, 
 healthy man. 
 
 It was now nearly time to decide as to the course for the 
 future. Anxious were the deliberations and eai-neat the prayers 
 that God would direct them for the best. It was very soon de- 
 cided that their daughters and little boy should be educated in 
 Europe. With the knowledge that they had of India and of 
 Indian society, they had resolved that those so dear to them 
 should not receive their instruction or their introduction there. 
 The desire to train up their children in the way they should go 
 was paramount. To see them fearing God from their youth 
 was the daily parental prayer. Intellectual discipline was a 
 great object to be secured, with attainments and accomplish- 
 
HAVELOCK. 57 
 
 ments befitting their condition ; but moral and religious influ- 
 ences were desiderated at the same time, with a view to their 
 personal dedication to the service of the Lord Christ. But 
 there was a difficulty. There seemed to be no alternative but 
 for the father to remain in India. No secret did he make of it 
 that he could not relinquish his position there and return to live 
 with his family, either in this coimtry or on the continent. 
 Not so fortunate had he been as some others in obtaining pat- 
 ronage and its emoluments. Three-and-twenty years as a 
 subaltern had not tended to make him a wealthy man. Pro- 
 vision for his wife and children, beyond the time being, had 
 been altogether beyond his power. The course for himself he 
 felt to be inevitable. To India he must return, leaving his 
 children behind him. 
 
 The course, however, was by no means clear for Mrs. Have- 
 lock. To accompany her husband was her first impulse, and 
 upon doing this she was fully bent. He demurred on account 
 of the children. They must not be committed wholly to the 
 care of strangers. What could be substituted for a mother's 
 watchfulness and care ? Who could do for the opening minds 
 and the trusting hearts of their loved ones what she could do ? 
 So far as the father was concerned his mind was made up. He 
 would go out alone. As best he could he would bear the pain 
 of separation. It was not what he should sacrifice, it was what 
 his little ones would gain. Had the attachments between them 
 all been less affectionate or less active, it would have been a far 
 easier task to determine what should be done. But they were 
 so much members one of another, they were so knit together, 
 and they were so mutually and tenderly endeared, that they 
 were bitterly loth to part. Never, indeed, has the household tie 
 been more sensibly or more obviously a fondly-cherished and 
 indissoluble one, than in their case. By comparative strangers 
 it was noticed almost immediately, and by those who knew 
 them intimately it was more and more admired. On which 
 
58 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 side the affectionate preponderated it would have been impossible 
 to pronounce. 
 
 Hence, to leave the children was a great trial, but to let the 
 husband go out alone to India was a trial quite as great. The 
 struggle was a sharp one, but in the end it was fixed that the 
 children should have the benefit of their mother's guardianship, 
 and that the father should return by himself. The time, how- 
 ever, would come when they should meet again. The education 
 being obtained, mother and daughters would proceed to India, 
 and altogether they would re-enjoy the domestic intercourse 
 which was thus sorrowfully interrupted. 
 
 The decision once come to, with his usual promptitude Have- 
 lock arranged for carrying it into effect. It seemed to him that 
 Bonn would be a suitable place on all accounts for the location 
 of his family. Educationally and religiously it Avould supply 
 the opportunities and appliances which were requisite, while it 
 would be a residence of great pleasantness and healthiness for 
 those whom he must leave behind. Accordingly he took a 
 house at Bonn, which overlooked the Rhine, and there for six 
 months he remained with his family, enjoying the neighborhood 
 and society greatly, and improving every day. Most assidu- 
 ously and thoughtfully did he provide for the future comfort of 
 its beloved inmates, so ordering every thing about the dwelling 
 that they have ever since been reminded of his fond solicitude 
 for them in the prospect of his being far away. A pleasanter 
 six months than that was never spent. The remembrance of 
 it has been always grateful. It will be precious now for 
 evermore. 
 
 During the month of Septemoer, 1851, Havelock came to 
 England to take leave of friends. He was in good health and 
 most cheerful spirits, thankful for the blessings he had obtained 
 by his relaxation, and assured that God would be his portion to 
 the end. 
 
 Again he visited the house of mourning, and proved himself 
 
HAVELOCK. 59 
 
 a bearer of the burdens of those who were in sorrow. *' I 
 would say," he remarked one day, "flee in your troubles to 
 Jesus Christ, The experience of upward of thirty years ena- 
 bles me to say, No man ever had so kind a friend as he, or so 
 good a master. View him not at a distance, but as a prop, a 
 stay, and a comforter, ever at hand, and he will recpite your 
 confidence by blessings illimitable." 
 
 A short time was spent in London and the neighborhood, on 
 his way from the west of England to Germany ; and it was 
 several times observed that he took his leave both of elder and 
 more recent associates with a tone of unfaltering confidence in 
 the providence and grace of God. 
 
 This may be gathered from a communication to a friend, 
 whom he was unable to visit for the purpose of saying fare- 
 well : 
 
 . . . " Kent, 8th October, 1851. 
 
 "My Dear , — I write to bid you farewell, and to 
 
 thank you very sincerely for all your very great kindness to 
 me and my family since I came to London, after nearly thirty 
 years' absence, in November, 1849. On the 10th November I 
 expect to be on board the steamer which is to carry me from 
 Trieste to Alexandria, and on the 5th December I hope to land 
 at the Apollo Bimder, Bombay. But all this is in God's hand. 
 I have had in this land countless mercies to praise him for ; 
 and though I leave it, not through desire to abandon it, but 
 only from the conviction that the road to India is my path of 
 duty, that very consideration emboldens me to hope for his 
 protection and guidance by the way and during my sojourn, 
 whether it may prove long or short." 
 
 Havelock returned, and staid at Bonn till the 27th of 
 October, when it was his duty to set out for India. The morn- 
 ing arose upon him sadly. There were his loved ones as wake- 
 ful as himself at eai-ly dawn. Each felt what none could utter. 
 
60 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 Separation was now come — a sensible reality. Pleasant read- 
 ings together were terminated. No more excursions would be 
 planned and executed. Going to the house of God in com- 
 pany was passed. That refreshing and delightful family-worship 
 was all over ; at least, one more exercise, and the husband, the 
 father, the master, would not be there officiating as the patri- 
 arch and the priest unto God. Even at the best of their 
 choicest expectations, they should not kneel down together 
 again for many, many years. 
 
 They kneeled down then. Tremulous were the patriarch's 
 tones ; full, quite full, the heart of the priest of the weeping 
 household, as he was making intercession for his wife and for 
 their daughters and little son. 
 
 Who could tell the impending vicissitudes ? Who could 
 forecast the incidents of their separation ? Who could pre- 
 arrange for the emergencies in India, and for the possible and 
 even probable necessities on the Rhine ? He apjDrehended the 
 uncertainty, but he staggered not at the promise of God 
 through unbelief. Would not God watch between them while 
 they were absent one from another ? Were not Asia and 
 Europe alike under the perpetual observation of their heavenly 
 Father? Might they not at any moment regard it as the pres- 
 ent fact that before they called the Lord would answer, and 
 that while they were yet speaking he would hear ? Had they 
 not often said and sung together that removal from the Divine 
 presence was impossible ; that alienation from the love of God 
 was inconceivable ; that neglect of united and believing prayer 
 offered at the throne of grace was as incredible as 1?hat the Holy 
 One should lie ? 
 
 That hour passed ; the steamer arrived ; the embarkation 
 took place ; the adieu, the last adieu of all, was stammered out ; 
 faces and forms vanished slowly in the distance, and Havelock 
 was on his way to India — alone. 
 
 He was appointed Adjutant-General of the forces in India, 
 
HAVELOCK. 61 
 
 and in the war against Persia commanded the second division 
 under General Outram. He led the land forces in the attack 
 on Mohamraerah. 
 
 The place was taken with very insignificant loss on the part 
 of the British, notwithstanding the strength of the fortifications 
 and the numerous heavy guns placed in position. Further 
 operations were then checked by the intelligence that peace had 
 heen concluded between the belligerent powers, and the British 
 troops were thus enabled to return to India, where their presence 
 was indispensably required. On the 15th May, 1857, Brigadier- 
 General Havelock, C. B., accordingly embarked with his staff on 
 the steamer Berenice, and, after touching at Muscat, reached 
 Bombay on the 29th. The revolt of several regiments of the 
 Bengal army, and the loss of Delhi, struck the General and his 
 gallant comrades with astonishment and horror. No time, 
 however, was lost in idle wonderment. On the 1st June 
 Havelock was once more at sea, on board the Peninsular and 
 Oriental Company's steamer Erin, bound for Ceylon, whence 
 he proposed to proceed to Calcutta by the Bengal. The early 
 part of the voyage was made without accident, and in the after- 
 noon of the 5th it was announced that Point de Galle would be 
 attained on the following morning. This pleasing anticipation, 
 however, was not destined to be realized. 
 
 During the evening the weather changed for the worse, the 
 wind freshened, and the rain came down heavily. At two 
 o'clock in the morning the ship suddenly struck against a reef 
 with a tremendous shock, while a violent squall swept over her 
 and brought on a pitchy darkness. "After the first shock," 
 says Captain Hunt, "the ship had glided into deep water again, 
 and all were expecting her to go down by the head, as the fore- 
 part of the vessel had at once filled, when she struck again an I 
 again, and finally gave one long surge, which fixed two -thirds 
 of her length firmly upon the reef. 
 
 " This brought her up with a shock which made the whole 
 
62 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 frame shiver, and nearly jerked the masts out. The force of 
 this may be imagined, as the speed at the time of its occurring 
 was more than eleven knots the hour. . . , To move about 
 the decks became almost impossible, as every surge rolling in 
 lifted the ship bodily, and, receding, dashed her with violence 
 against the bottom. It therefore became necessary to hang on 
 to the sides or rigging for life ; and heavy rain commencing 
 again to fall made the long hours till daylight wearisome and 
 trying in the extreme. 
 
 " No persuasions could induce the Lascar crew to go aloft to 
 remove the heavier sails or send the upper masts and yards 
 down, and, by lightening the top weight, lessen the severity of 
 the constant shocks. Huddled in groups wherever they could 
 find shelter, they were almost useless throughout the night. 
 Guns were fired, and blue lights burned, immediately it was 
 ascertained that the accident was without remedy. These soon 
 gave the alarm, and brought the district judge and a crowd of 
 fishermen and others to the beach to assist. One bold fellow 
 swam off, though nearly drowned in the breakers, along side the 
 ship, and returning when sufficiently recovered, with a line, a 
 hawser was got on shore, by which >a communication was estab- 
 lished. So soon as it was sufficiently light, canoes came off, 
 hauled along the hawser through the surf, and the passengers 
 were all landed in two or three trips without accident." 
 
 General Havelock had not yet run the race that was set be- 
 fore him. There was still work to be done before he should 
 attain the goal for which he had so long been striving. A 
 merciful Providence saved him from the waves, to make him a 
 chief instrument in the preservation of the British empire in 
 India. On the 7th June he resumed his voyage to Calcutta on 
 board the Fire-Queen, and was joined at Madras by Lieutenant- 
 General Sir Patrick Grant, then on his way to take the provi- 
 sional command of the army in the Bengal Presidency. The two 
 generals arrived at Calcutta in safety on the 17th June, and 
 
HAVELOCK. 63 
 
 immediately afterward Havelock set out for the Upper Prov- 
 inces. His mission was one peculiarly acceptable to a man 
 of his stern, Puritanical cast of mind. He was, almost literally, 
 to draw "the sword of the Lord and of Gideon," and to smite 
 the Midianites. In other words, he was appointed to the com- 
 mand of the movable column destined to act against Nana 
 Sahib and his horde of miscreants. 
 
 On the last day of June Havelock arrived at Allahabad to 
 assume the command of the relieving army. Colonel Neill, a 
 brave soldier, had placed Ord port in a safe condition, and sent 
 that day 820 troops under Major Renaud upon Cawnpore. 
 On the 7th of July Havelock started on for Cawnpore, his whole 
 force-^Renaud's included — not numbering over 1,200 men. 
 
 On the 10th Havelock saw that the position of Renaud's 
 column, then in advance, was becoming critical. The fall of 
 Cawnpore had freed the mutineers from occupation, and they 
 had rapidly pushed down a force to the vicinity of Futtehpore, 
 within five miles of which the Major would arrive on the 
 morning of the 12th. He would thus be exposed to the attack 
 of 3,500 rebels with twelve guns. 
 
 No time was to be lost. Accordingly, on the 10th, Havelock 
 marched, under a broiling sun, fifteen miles to Synee ; and, re- 
 suming his course at eleven o'clock at night, joined Major 
 Renaud on the road by moonlight, and with him marched to 
 Khaga, five miles from Futtehpore, where, soon after dawn, he 
 took up a position. There were now 1,400 British bayonets 
 and eight guns, assisted by a small native force. The General's 
 information had been better than that of the enemy, for when 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Tytler pushed a reconnoissance up to the 
 town they evidently supposed that they had only Major Renaud's 
 gallant but small force in their front. After firing on the 
 Colonel and his escort, they pushed forward two guns and a 
 force of infantry and cavalry, canonnading his front, and threat- 
 ening his flanks. 
 
64 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 His first victory he described in his official report in the fol- 
 lowing language : 
 
 " I have to acquaint your Lordship," he wrote to the Gov- 
 ernor-General, "that I have this morning attacked and totally 
 defeated the insurgents, capturing eleven guns, and scattering 
 their forces in utter confusion in the direction of Cawnpore. 
 By two harassing marches I joined Major Eenaud's advanced 
 column three hours before daylight, encamped about eight 
 o'clock four miles from Futtehpore, where, pitching our tents, 
 the enemy advanced out of Futtehpore, and opened fire upon a 
 reconnoissance under Colonel Tytler. I had a wish to defer the 
 fight till to-morrow, but, thus assailed, was compelled to accept 
 the challenge. I marched with eight guns in the center under 
 Captain Maude, R. A., forming the whole of the infantry in 
 quarter-distance column in support. Captain Maude's fire elec- 
 trified the enemy, who abandoned gun after gun, and were then 
 driven by our skirmishers and column through garden inclosures 
 and the streets of Futtehpore in complete confusion. My loss 
 is merely nominal ; not a single European touched. My 
 column had marched twenty-four miles up to the ground I 
 write from ; Major Eenaud's, nineteen miles. The conduct of 
 the troops in sustaining the fatigue of so long a march, and 
 enduring the heat of a frightful sun, is beyond praise. The 
 enemy's strength is said to have been two regiments of cavalry 
 and three of infantry, and eleven guns." 
 
 The next few days are very briefly and vividly described in 
 the following letter of Havelock's. The "boy H." was his 
 own son : 
 
 "Cawnpore, July, 1857. 
 " Last week I fought fom- fights. On the 12th I took Futteh- 
 pore ; on the 15th I fired the village Aong and the bridge over 
 the Pandoo Nuddee ; on the 16th I recaptured this place, de- 
 feating the usurper Nana Sahib in a pitched battle, and taking 
 all his guns. I lost a hundred men. I never saw so brave a 
 
HAVELOCK. 65 
 
 youth as the boy H. ; he placed himself opposite the muzzle 
 of a gun that was scattering death into the ranks of the 64tb 
 Queen's, and led on the regiment, under a shower of grape, to 
 its capture. This finished the fight. The grape was deadly, 
 but he calm as if telling George stories about India. 
 Lawrence had died of his wounds. . . . Mary Thornhill " — 
 a niece of the General's — "is in great peril at Lucknow. I 
 am marching to relieve it. Trust in God and pray for us. All 
 India is up in arms against us, and every-where around me 
 things are looking black. Thank God for his especial mercies 
 to me. We are campaigning in July. H. H." 
 
 Resting his troops but a day, he marched on Bithoor, 
 but the enemy dared not make a stand. General Neill 
 here joined him. Leaving him at Cawnpore, Havelock, 
 with only 1,500 men, passed rapidly on to the relief of 
 Lucknow. 
 
 On the 29th a battle with the enemy at Busserut Sunge, and 
 totally defeated them. Cholera now attacked his little band, 
 and his numbers were rapidly decreasing. He sent back his 
 sick and wounded to Cawnpore, and asked Neill for further 
 reinforcements. These had no sooner ai*rived than treachery 
 began its work. The General writes : 
 
 " So far as depends on me, I can not afford to have a single 
 traitor in my camp. I paraded the detachment, hnd spoke to 
 them all, both British and natives. I congratulated the former 
 on having come into a camp of heroic soldiers, who had six 
 times met the enemy, and every time defeated him and captured 
 his cannon. The Lascars at this moment were facing the de- 
 tachment ; I turned to them, and told them what miscreants I 
 had this morning discovered them to be — traitors in heart to 
 their fostering government. I made the British soldiers dis- 
 arm them, and ordered them out of the camp under a light 
 
 escort, to be employed under General Neill in the labors of the 
 
 6 
 
66 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 intrenchment. He will look after them. If they attempt to 
 desert, I have ordered them to be punished with death ; the 
 same if they refuse to work with the other soldiers. They shall 
 do ho other duty till I am better instructed." 
 
 The General anticipated that the enemy would not again 
 venture to fight him with a narrow causeway and swamp in his 
 rear. He was right. He found them drawn up at the village 
 of Boorseake Chowki, nearer to Unao than Busherat. They 
 had intrenched the village, which formed, probably, the center 
 of their line, and their guns were placed in good positions 
 among the gardens of the villagers. Their line is said by some 
 accounts to have stretched over five miles ; and their numbers 
 have been estimated at 20,000, but the Greneral gives a much 
 lower number. 
 
 Havelock saw at a glance that this was not a case for ma- 
 neuvering ; and great as the odds were, as the field must be 
 won, it could only be by the outputting of sheer British valor. 
 " Covered by artillery and skirmishers, our troops advanced in 
 echelon of battalions from the right. As they came within range 
 the enemy unmasked his batteries and poured in a deadly fire ; 
 round shot, shell, canister, grape, and shapnel flew around, 
 about, and among our men ; fortunately their guns were 
 leveled too high, and the round shot principally went over the 
 heads of our advancing array. Still the fire was fearful ; it 
 did not, however, for an instant check our men ; on they went 
 covered by the guns, till at length these latter had obtained a suf- 
 ficiently-advanced position to get a flanking fire on the enemy's 
 line. This appeared to paralyze them, and at the same moment 
 the Highlanders, who were on the extreme right, making a 
 dashing charge, carried the enemy's left battery of two guns. 
 This completed their panic ; they at once turned and fled, and 
 our guns and their own captured batteries turning on them com- 
 pleted their confusion. On the left we had been equally suc- 
 cessful. There the enemy's cavalry had attempted to turn 
 
HAVELOCK. 67 
 
 our flank ; but the Madras Fusileers nobly repulsed tbem : tbey 
 fled with the remainder of the line." 
 
 The victory was won, but it cost 140 men out of 1,000 to 
 Havelock, and he was not yet ten miles on the road to Luck- 
 now. He was now obliged to rest his little band, and await 
 reinforcements which, under General Outram, were advancing. 
 On the 19th September, with his reinforcements, he crossed 
 the Ganges. 
 
 On the 21st — Monday — they advanced a mile before the 
 artillery of the foe opened upon them. Major Eyre's battery 
 was ordered to the front, and answered the fire. General 
 Havelock had, however, no intention of walking his men 
 straight up to the batteries which his opponents had taken 
 days, or perhaps weeks, to prepare and strengthen. He ordered 
 the artillery, protected by the 5th, to throw shot and shell 
 among them for a time, till he moved through the swamps a 
 strong force on their right. The close practice of the formi- 
 dable guns now with him soon began to tell fearfully upon the 
 rebels, while the ponderous shells, cast among their numerous 
 cavalry with the precision of rifle practice, carried confusion 
 into their ranks. The enemy detached a horse battery to at- 
 tack Havelock's flank. They were outmaneuvered, however ; 
 and long ere it had reached its intended position, Captain 
 Maude was seen spurring in hot haste across the field, at the 
 head of his horse artillery. Round after round was rapidly 
 exchanged, and in less than a quarter of an hour the guns of 
 the enemy were silenced. By this time the infantry had 
 turned their right, and this completed their defeat. Their guns 
 were horsed rapidly, and their positions quickly abandoned. 
 Two of their guns were left for our infantry. They did not 
 wait to meet the bayonets which were closing fast with them. 
 But as they fled they encountered a new foe. Sir James Outram, 
 heading the volunteer cavalry, turned their flight into a rout, 
 capturing two more guns, and leaving 120 of the enemy 
 
68 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 sabered on tlie plain. The battle of Mungarwar caused little 
 loss to General Havelock's army, but it was attended by seri- 
 ous results to bis enemy, who fought no more till they reached 
 the Alum Bagh. 
 
 The rebels had made admirable arrangements to receive Gen- 
 eral Havelock had he advanced in the direction that they ex- 
 pected him to take. He would have had to storm a breastwork 
 so formidable that it had to be leveled before his baggage 
 wagons and guns could pass. He selected another path, and for 
 that departure from the high road the enemy were not prepared. 
 
 The battle over, the march followed — a long and dreary 
 march in a deluge. The rain had poured incessantly upon a 
 country already turned into a lake, and in many places, as the 
 army moved on, the water assumed great depth. Passing Unao, 
 the scene of former conflicts, through Bussei'ut Gunge — all 
 abandoned by the enemy in their flight — Havelock's force 
 marched that day twenty miles in an Indian flood after gaining 
 a decisive victory. Toward evening they reached an abandoned 
 village, cheerless and dirty, but still capable of affording the 
 shelter which all required, and here they passed the night. 
 
 Early in the morning of the 22d the army continued its 
 march, the rain still falling heavily. Many of the coolies who 
 had been engaged to assist in the conveyance of the baggage 
 and the wounded, had deserted during the night, for they 
 dreaded the approach to Lucknow. But there was no time to 
 wait to supply their loss. Precious lives were being hourly 
 sacrificed in that beleaguered station, and to its inmates every 
 day was an age. Onward Havelock and his noble army 
 pressed, wet and often weary, but sustained by the hope of ef- 
 fecting the object of their march. The day's advance was an 
 incessant struggle through fields turned into morasses and 
 swamps by the ceaseless rain, with heavy guns and lumbering 
 wagons, delayed by some accident or some new obstruction at 
 almost every turn. 
 
HAVELOCK. 69 
 
 Aftei" a toilsome inarch of fourteen miles through a lane 
 of mud, the force reached another deserted village, and in its 
 empty houses they found a shelter for another comfortless night. 
 The artillery booming around the Residency of Lucknow were 
 now heard ; and a royal salute from their heavy guns was fired, 
 in the hope that their friends in danger might hear the report, 
 and comprehend its purpose. 
 
 The 23d opened with little change in the dull, leaden sky. 
 Noon had passed and they had not yet reached Lucknow, while 
 their cavalry, then in advance, had brought them no intelli- 
 gence of the enemy. At length, at two o'clock, they were seen 
 slowly falling back. This excited aj)prehension, and immedi- 
 ately afterward as the force advanced, the rebel army was dis- 
 covered in great force, their right drawn up behind a chain of 
 hillocks, and their left resting on the in closure of the Alum 
 Bagh. Havelock now perceived that he was not to enter Luck- 
 now without a severe struggle. A single glance convinced him 
 that the flower of the enemy was before him, and that here the 
 first passage to the Residency must be fought. He made his 
 dispositions with that alacrity and precision which had so often 
 been the means of baffling his foes, and, although his troops 
 had marched with very little interval for seven hours, no time 
 was lost in attempting to clear the road to Lucknow. 
 
 The mutineers had selected their position with the view of 
 neutralizing Havelock's habit of turning the lines of his op- 
 ponents, of which they had obtained experience in frequent and 
 disastrous engagements. The trunk-road passed through deep 
 and wide morasses, which, at that season, ran close up to its 
 edges, and were altogether impassable. Immediately where the 
 morasses ceased, and firmer footing could be obtained, and on 
 a rising ground, the rebel army were massed in strong bat- 
 talions of infantry, with many guns, and cavalry on the center, 
 the left, and the right. The only available means of attack 
 was by this road ; and upon it the enemy converged the fire of 
 
70 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 their artillery. Havelock's guns replied with, some effect ; but 
 he instantly saw that his men were too closely grouped. His 
 infantry were, therefore, pushed forward rapidly upon his old 
 plan ; and, although a hurricane of round shot and shell were 
 plowing through their ranks, and thinning their sections, they 
 never faltered. At length his left enveloped the enemy's right : 
 audi charging through the soft ground, where the men sank 
 deep at every step, they drove their foe before them, capturing 
 one village after another, and seizing five guns. 
 
 While the enemy's right was thus crushed and driven from 
 the field, his center was exposed to the effective artillery fire 
 from Havelock's batteries ; and, as the battle now pressed 
 upon his left, that wing and the center at length broke up and 
 fled. Sir James Outram, at the head of his handful of cavalry, 
 bravely pursuing the enemy, regardless of the odds ; till after a 
 tedious, but never dubious fight, the battle of the Alum Bagh 
 was won. 
 
 THE KELIBF OP LUCKNOW. 
 
 The city of Lucknow, with its narrow, tortuous streets, still 
 lay between the beleaguered garrison and the army of relief at 
 the Alum Bagh. To penetrate this labyi'inth the nearest way 
 would be by the street, of which the Cawnpore road, on which 
 the Alum Bagh stands, is a continuation. This would take 
 the force direct to the gates of the Residency ; but the Generals 
 knew that the enemy had anticipated their advance by that road, 
 and had made vigorous preparations to receive them. Deep 
 and broad trenches were cut, palisades intersected the streets at 
 short intervals, while every other house had been extemporized 
 into a garrison and filled with Sepoys. To have taken the 
 troops through such a fire would have been madness, and it 
 was not entertained. 
 
 The circuitous route by the Dilkoosha, Martiniere, and the 
 Sikunder Bagh, was equally impracticable ; for the long rain 
 
HAVELOCK. 71 
 
 had turned the fields for the most part into a huge morass, 
 through which the passage of heavy artillery and ammunition 
 wagons, indispensable in such an expedition, would have been 
 impossible ; and that route was also abandoned. For similar 
 reasons other roads were deemed equally impracticable, and the 
 General determined to reach the Eesidency by the way subse- 
 quently adopted. 
 
 Early on the morning of the 25th the army was on the move. 
 On the previous day they had deposited their tents and baggage 
 in the inclosure of the Alum Bagh, and, leaving an escort to 
 defend it, they were now ready for the struggle of the day, 
 which was to prove the fiercest they had yet encountered. 
 
 For some distance from their encampment the road to the 
 town passes through a dense jungle of grass and rank vegeta- 
 tion six or seven feet high, here and there intersected, chiefly in 
 the background, with clumps of brushwood and trees, while, 
 as it nears the canal which surrounds the more populous part 
 of the city, there are houses inclosed in gardens which abut 
 upon the road. As Sir James Outram marched out upon this 
 road at the head of the first brigade, it became evident that the 
 enemy had made extensive preparations to receive them. No 
 sooner were they seen than guns placed in position raked the 
 road with a murderous fire of grape, canister, and round shot, 
 plowing up the ground and tearing down trees and every thing 
 that came in its way, while the Sepoy sharp-shooters, who filled 
 the jungle, galled the troops, as they approached and passed, 
 with an incessant fire of musketry. After a brief halt to com- 
 plete the arrangements for the advance, the gallant 5th Fusi- 
 leers were ordered to charge the guns. In a few minutes this 
 arduous service was admirably performed, and for the moment 
 the enemy's fire was silenced. It was only for a moment, for 
 they had scarcely completed the capture of this outpost when a 
 turn of the road brought them within range of another battery, 
 admirably placed to command the approach and passage of the 
 
72 HEROES OF THE INDIAjST REBELLION. 
 
 bridge of the Char Bagh, which crosses the canal and forms 
 one of the entrances to the city of Lucknow. The enemy 
 here, too, were in great force. The garden inclosures had been 
 made temporary fortresses, with loop-holed walls, from which a 
 constant fire was maintained upon the advancing force. The 
 fire from the heavy guns, which had opened upon them the 
 moment they came within range, was also kept up with terrible 
 energy. At length the word was given. Then there was a 
 shout, a rush, and a brief struggle, and the battery was theirs. 
 
 General Outram here received a wound in his arm, but 
 during the whole of this fearful day, though faint from loss 
 of blood, nothing could subdue his spirit, and he only dis- 
 mounted from his horse at the gate of the Residency. 
 
 During these brilliant affairs the troops had been harassed by 
 the incessant fire of musketry from the inclosure of the Char 
 Bagh, from the long grass on the left, and from the houses on 
 either side of the street at the town end of the bridge ; the rifles 
 almost touching the heads of the artillerymen as they worked 
 the guns, and galling in the extreme our troops, who could not 
 see their foe. As the heavy guns and ammunition wagons, 
 drawn by bullocks, had not yet passed the bridge, it became 
 necessary to clear the garden inclosure, jungle, and the houses 
 in the town commanding the approach. This was speedily 
 effected, and the Highlanders were left behind to protect the 
 heavy artillery and baggage wagons till they were fairly on 
 their way. 
 
 Having crossed the bridge, the force was now on the direct 
 road to the Residency, distant somewhat less than two miles ; 
 but progress in that direction, for the reasons we have already 
 stated, was impossible. The Generals, therefore, left the Cawn- 
 pore road, and detoured along a narrow road to the right, 
 which skirts the left bank of the canal. Their advance was 
 not seriously interrupted till, after a march of some hours, 
 they reached the King's Palace or Kaizer Bagh. 
 
HAVELOCK. 73 
 
 In the mean time Havelock had become aware that the High- 
 landers were somewhat in jeopardy at the bridge of the Char 
 Bagh, and had dispatched artillery and cavalry to their aid. 
 The enemy, enconraged by observing their isolated condition 
 when left behind to protect the passage of the bridge, soon 
 began to rall}^ from every quarter, occupying the massive 
 buildings on either side of the street, and every corner capable 
 of giving them shelter. Three heavy guns, placed to enfilade 
 the position of the 78th, fired on them with galling accuracy, 
 while from every house-top and every corner a storm of bullets 
 was poured incessantly on this gallant corps. Till every 
 bullock had crossed the bridge they were not to move, but the 
 fire from the guns seemed to threaten their annihilation, and at 
 length it became insupportable. They determined as a despe- 
 rate alternative to charge the guns and spike them. Led on by 
 their gallant Adjutant, whose horse had already been shot under 
 him, they dashed up the street with a tremendous cheer. They 
 were received with a volley, but nothing daunted, they charged 
 amidst a furious storm of bullets, and, after a brief struggle, 
 they made the guns their own. 
 
 At last the heavy guns and baggage wagons having passed 
 the bridge, the 78th gathered up their wounded comrades and 
 marched on to join the column then far in advance. But the 
 enemy like bees were on their path ; the jungle was in an 
 instant filled with musketeers, while hordes of cavalry hung 
 upon their rear. The slow movements of the bullocks had 
 made their position extremely critical, when, artillery thunder- 
 ing down the street, they welcomed the succor so ojaportunely 
 sent them by their General. With a loud cheer the guns were 
 unlimbered, got round and fired, and in an instant the enemy 
 were in retreat. For half a mile they now marched on unmo- 
 lested, till, having to penetrate the apparently-deserted streets, 
 they had again incessantly to encounter enemies of whom they 
 could see nothing save the protruding points of their match- 
 
74 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 locks. The fire here thinned their ranks at eveiy step, but they 
 pressed on till, with a hearty cheer, they joined their companions 
 under the walls of the Kaiser Bagh. 
 
 At this point the fire was tremendous. From heavy artillery, 
 and from the walls swarming with Sepoys, the enemy poured 
 down upon the force an iron deluge of grape, canister, and 
 round shot, " under which," wrote Havelock, "nothing could 
 live." They had scarcely silenced this position when they 
 reached a bridge, upon which the foe had concentrated a mur- 
 derous fire. At the further end they had a battery strongly 
 intrenched, while from other heavy guns an enfilading fire ren- 
 dered the passage all but destruction. At a glance the Gen- 
 eral saw the danger — the word was given — the same rush as of 
 old, the same loud cheer, and the same result — the batteries 
 were taken and silenced. 
 
 It was long past noon when the column reached a place of 
 temporary shelter under the walls of the Furred Buksh. The 
 troops were sorely exhausted. For six weary hours they had 
 struggled in deadly fight with a fierce enemy, and all the while 
 under a scorching sun. Faint and worn-out they endeavored 
 to snatch a brief respite from this double foe. 
 
 Darkness was now coming on, and they were still some dis- 
 tance from the beleaguered garrison, who had all the while 
 listened with intense interest to the cannonade at the Kaiser 
 Bagh. To both the Generals it was a moment of deep anxiety. 
 Many considerations favored the plan of occupying the courts 
 of the Mootee Mahul for the night, postponing to the break of 
 day the march to the Residency. Their troops were utterly ex- 
 hausted with their many hours' fight and with the heat ; they 
 had many wounded, the transport of the heavy guns and bag- 
 gage wagons would greatly retard the progress of the troops in 
 the line of fire they had yet to pass through. On the other 
 hand, the enemy might congregate during the night in such 
 overwhelming masses, and so completely invest their temporary 
 
HAVELOCK. 75 
 
 position, that when the morning came they mJght find them- 
 selves so hemmed in as to be threatened with extermination. 
 Besides the garrison was known to be in great extremity. 
 Any hour might seal its ruin. The swarming hordes of Luck- 
 noAV, said to be fifty thousand strong, ferocious as tigers about 
 to lose their prey, might that night concentrate their fury upon 
 the garrison, and, with the relieving army at its doors, the 
 massacre of CawnjDore with all its horrors might be repeated. 
 "I esteemed it to be of such importance," wrote Havelock, 
 '•' to let the beleaguered garrison know that succor was at hand, 
 that, with Sir James Outram's ultimate sanction, I directed the 
 main body of the 78th Highlanders and regiment of Ferozepore 
 to advance." After mvich consideration, for the lives of the 
 men were precious to their Generals, they determined to adopt 
 both alternatives. Leaving the wounded and the baggage and 
 heavy guns with suitable escorts in the Mootee Mahul and other 
 sheltered places for the night, they placed themselves at the 
 head of the Highlanders and Sikhs, and dashed on for the 
 Eesidency. No words can picture that march of fire and 
 death ! Broad, deep trenches had been cut across the road, fur- 
 nished with every kind of obstruction. Every inch of the way 
 was covered point blank by unseen marksmen ; at every turn 
 heavy artillery belched forth its fiery storm of grape and can- 
 ister. Above, below, every-where, crowds of human tigers glared 
 from house-top and loop-holed casement upon the intrepid 
 band ; while as they rounded the corner which opened on the 
 squares of the Palace, they had to encounter from many thou- 
 sand rifles an iron hurricane of destruction and death. 
 
 As the brave 78th were passing through an archway, "which 
 literally streamed fire," a bullet struck General Neill on the 
 head, and he fell to rise no more. The men, enraged, fired a 
 volley against the wall, in the vain hope that some stray bullets 
 might enter the loop-holes, and avenge their brave leader's 
 death. Eecalled to their duty by Havelock's word, they 
 
76 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION, 
 
 marched on, leaving the dying and the dead behind them at 
 every step. It was now dark, but the road was lighted up by 
 the incessant flight of shot and shell and the furious play of 
 musketry. One obstacle after another was conquered, and the 
 way at last was clear. The gate of the Eesidency was before 
 them, and with a cheer, Avhich only British soldiers know how 
 to give, the vanguard of Havelock's " Column of Relief" en- 
 tered in, bringing to the beleaguered garrison safety at least, if 
 not deliverance. 
 
 And who shall picture the greetings of that night — the joy 
 of those who once more began to hope, or the gratitude they 
 felt to that brave heart who for nearly a hundred days had 
 struggled through an overwhelming tide of battle, disease, and 
 death to rescue them ! 
 
 "Our reception," says one, "was enthusiastic — old men, 
 and women, and wan infants pouring down in one weeping 
 crowd to welcome their deliverers." While another adds, 
 " Many people were nearly mad, and the cheering was 
 deafening." 
 
 Since the day that he had been intrusted with the important 
 command he was now about to resign to his gallant friend and 
 fellow-soldier, General Outram — since the day that he had asked 
 his wife to pray that God would enable her husband to " fulfill 
 the expectations of Government," sustained in the execution of 
 a mission so congenial to every feeling of his chivalrous nature, 
 and supported under baffling disappointments by the testimony 
 of a good conscience — this Christian hero had steadily kept 
 before him the work given him to do ; and now that his 
 heavenlj'- Master had permitted him to see it accomplished, his 
 gratitude found expression in the words of the Hebrew warrior, 
 " Not unto us, Lord, not unto us, but unto thy name give 
 
 GLORY." 
 
 The next three days brought with them arduous duties. The 
 wounded, with the heavy train, and a number of the troops 
 
HAYELOCK. 77 
 
 were still outside the defenses of the Eesidency. Between them 
 and these objects of their solicitude the Generals knew the 
 enemy would interpose every conceivable obstacle ; and as his 
 numbers were counted by tens of thousands, much care was 
 needed lest the wounded and their convoys should be over- 
 powered. 
 
 A party of two hundred and fifty men were dispatched to 
 effect a junction with Colonel Campbell, then with the wounded 
 and the heavy guns in the Mootee Mahul, and to bring in other 
 detached parties, who had left with suitable escorts on the route 
 of the 25th. ' Subsequently reinforced they were able to effect 
 their purpose ; but the difficulties they had to contend against 
 were great. 
 
 The wounded and the heavy artillery being now safe within 
 the enceinte of the Residency, the Generals had quickly to con- 
 sider their own position and that of the garrison they had risked 
 so much to relieve. " Our present prospects," wrote General 
 Outram, " have now to be considered. It was the urgent desire 
 of the Government that the garrison should be relieved, and 
 the women and children, amounting to upward of four hundred 
 and seventy souls, withdrawn. 
 
 " In considering the heavy loss at which we forced our way 
 through the enemy, it was evident that there could be no possible 
 hope of carrying off the sick, wounded, and women and chil- 
 dren — amounting to not less than fifteen hundred souls, in- 
 cluding those of both forces. Want of carriage alone rendered 
 the transport through five miles of disputed suburb an im- 
 possibility. 
 
 "There remained but two alternatives: one to reinforce the 
 Lucknow garrison with three hundred men, and, leaving every 
 thing behind, to retire immediately with the remains of the 
 infantry upon the Alum Bagh, thereby leaving the garrison in a 
 worse state than we found it, by the addition to the numbers 
 they had previously to feed, the great amount of our wounded. 
 
78 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 and tlie three hundred soldiers, who would barely have sufficed 
 to afford the additional protection that would have been re- 
 quired, without adding such strength as would have enabled 
 them to make an active defense, to repel attacks by sorties, 
 or to prevent the enemy occupying the whole of their old posi- 
 tions, while it would have been impossible for any smaller force 
 than the remainder of our troops, diminished by those three 
 hundred men, to have any hope of making good their way 
 back, and that not without very serious loss. I, therefore, adopt 
 the second alternative as the only mode of offering reasonable 
 hope of securing the safety of this force, by retaining sufficient 
 strength to enforce supplies of provisions, should they not be 
 open to us voluntarily, and to maintain ourselves, even on 
 reduced rations, till I'einforcements advance to our relief." 
 
 It will be remembered that up to this date not a soldier either 
 of the Chinese Expedition force or of the troops sent out from 
 England had reached Cawnpore. It was, therefore, not unreason- 
 able, especially now Delhi had fallen, that Outram and Have- 
 lock should expect to see strong reinforcements advanced to 
 their relief. They consequently abandoned the intention of 
 removing the wounded, with the women and children, to the 
 Alum Bagh, determining to remain where they were till 
 further help should arrive. It was accordingly arranged that, 
 while Brigadier Inglis retained the command of the original 
 garrison of the Residency, General Havelock and his troops 
 should drive out the enemy, and occupy the palaces extending 
 from the Residency along the river bank, to a point near the 
 Kaiser Bagh. This was effected on the 27th September. Suc- 
 cessful sorties were also made on the three following days on 
 the enemy's more advanced positions. 
 
 Havelock and his brave force had accomplished a great result. 
 Their arrival had furnished the besieged with a great accession 
 of strength, and thus made them independent of the native 
 troops, upon whose continued fidelity their very existence had 
 
HAVELOCK. 79 
 
 for Aveeks depended. " Our real dangers," writes Lieutenant 
 Innes, " consisted in the probable determination of all the 
 natives still with us to abandon us soon — the fearful exhaustion 
 that would consequently have ensued — the necessity of aban- 
 doning our outposts — the losses by musketry and mining which 
 would have followed. Opposition to an assault would, witli 
 our then diminished numbers, have been next to impossible, 
 and thus most assuredly does the Lucknow garrison owe its 
 lives to the timely arrival of Generals Outram and Havelock 
 and their brave troops." 
 
 The relieving column now occupied the series of palaces, in 
 continuation of the Eesidency, stretching along the banks of 
 the Goomtee. Although much defaced, and every-where ex- 
 hibiting the action of war, they still looked grand in their ruin. 
 The gardens, with their ornamental waters, spanned here and 
 there with tasteful bridges ; the marble corridors, communi- 
 cating with the zenanas and gorgeous temples which filled the 
 grounds ; the golden domes and fluted minarets towering above 
 the trees, seemed strangely out of keeping with their rude 
 soldier-tenantry. Here were seen a group of rough Highlanders 
 eating their scanty, coarse food out of the finest china, and 
 surrounded with every conceivable article of luxury ; and there 
 the dead body of a Sepoy or camel polluted the atmosphere, 
 rendering it scarcely bearable. Cashmere shawls and porcelain 
 ornaments lay about unvalued, no one caring to preserve them, 
 while of the commonest necessaries there was absolute want. 
 Such is war ! 
 
 During the interval between the 25th of September, and the 
 final relief of the garrison on November 17th, General Havelock 
 continually experienced the extreme difficulty of defending his 
 widely-extended lines with very insufficient means, incessantly 
 harassed, as he was, by an unwearied and subtile foe. Sorties 
 to silence a battery or to gain possession of some outpost of 
 the enemy, were of almost daily occurrence ; while no sooner 
 
80 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 had lie occupied the palaces, than he had to begin a widely- 
 extended system of mining, which required unwearied care from 
 him by night and day. 
 
 " I am aware of no parallel to our series of mines in modern 
 war," wrote General Outram, on the final relief of the gar- 
 rison ; " twenty-one shafts, aggregating 200 feet in depth, and 
 3,291 feet of gallery, have been executed. The enemy ad- 
 vanced twenty mines against the palaces and outposts. Of 
 these they exploded three, which caused us loss of life, and two 
 which did no injury ; seven have been blown in ; and out of 
 seven others the enemy haVe been driven, and their galleries 
 taken possession of by our miners — results of which the En- 
 gineer department may well be proud. The reports and plans 
 forwarded by Sir Henry Havelock, K. C. B., and now sub- 
 mitted to his Excellency, will explain how a line of gardens, 
 courts, and dwelling-houses, without fortified enceinte, without 
 flanking defenses, and closely connected with the buildings of a 
 city, has been maintained for eight weeks in a certain degree of 
 security ; but notwithstanding the close and constant mus- 
 ketry-fire from loop-holed walls and windows, often within 
 thirty yards, and from every lofty building within rifle range, 
 and notwithstanding a frequent though desultory fire of round 
 shot and grape from guns posted at various distances, from 
 seventy to five hundred yards." 
 
 At last the gunpowder of the garrison began to fail, and 
 something more must be done to counteract the strategy of 
 their cunning enemies. A sort of subterranean cordon, or 
 intercepting mine, was constructed around the more advanced 
 and exposed portion of Havelock's position. Numerous shafts 
 were sunk, and from these listening galleries were constructed, 
 three feet in hight and two feet in breadth, of great length, 
 encircling the whole of that portion of their position open to 
 attack by mining. In these engineers were placed, constantly 
 listening to discover the approach of the enemy's works, that 
 
HAVELOCK. 81 
 
 they might break into their mines, or destroy them by small 
 charges of powder, before they could reach Havelock's sub- 
 terranean boundary. The value of this novel defense, ex- 
 ecuted under the pressure of an unprecedented exigency, 
 was repeatedly tested^ and invariably with the same favor- 
 able results. A single instance will show the arduous nature 
 of this work. 
 
 " We broke into their gallery, some twelve feet from our 
 wall, about twelve o'clock at night," says Lieutenant Hutch- 
 inson, "and Sergeant Day, our superintending miner, remained 
 below, assisted by others, holding the entrance to their gallery 
 till I arrived. 
 
 " On entering the enemy's gallery, I took Corporal Thomp- 
 son, of the 78th Highlanders, with me, and, observing the 
 apparently great length of the enemy's mine, proceeded cau- 
 tiously to extinguish the lights, so as to keep ourselves in 
 darkness as we advanced. At this time the enemy were in the 
 mine at or near their shaft, which, contrary to their usual prac- 
 tice, they evidently wished to hold uninjured. They generally 
 fill them in at once when we take their gallery. 
 
 " I proceeded, extinguishing the lights, till I distinctly saw 
 the enemy at the far end, and to advance further would be to 
 advance in a blaze of light. I therefore lay down and waited, 
 as our preparations above, carried on under Lieutenant Tulloch, 
 were not yet ready. While lying there, I saw a Sepoy, with 
 musket at trail, advance down the mine, and, when within 
 forty feet of him, fired at him. My pistol missed fire, and, 
 before Corporal Thompson could hand me his pistol, the 
 Sepoy had retreated. After remaining some time longer, I 
 placed another man with Corporal Thompson, and went up 
 to get an officer down, as I felt it required a very steady man 
 down there to support us. While we were laying the charge, 
 and making various arrangements, which utterly precluded our 
 watching against an enemy's advance at the same time. Lieu- 
 
82 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 tenant Hay, of the 78t]i Higlilanders, then commanding the 
 picket, kindly volunteered and took up my old post. Lieu- 
 tenant Tulloch and Sergeant Day quickly got the powder 
 down, and all arrangements ready, when we then withdrew 
 Lieutenant Hay behind the partial barricade we had formed ; 
 and while here, still watching with Corporal Thompson, he 
 got two shots at another man, who attempted to come down 
 the mine, and apparently wounded him. The enemy made no 
 more attempts to come down the mine, but went outside their 
 building, and came over our heads, apparently with the inten- 
 tion of breaking through. After some quarter of an hour's 
 walking overhead, they, I conclude, could not find the direc- 
 tion of the mine, and retreated into the house. 
 
 " Our charge of fifty pounds, which I had laid outside our 
 barricade, and eighty-two feet up the enemy's gallery, was soon 
 tamped, and the charge fired by Lieutenant Tulloch. The 
 charge being laid with nine feet of sand-bag tamping behind 
 it, and none in front, the main force of the powder acted to- 
 ward the enemy's shaft, but it took down forty feet backward 
 toward us, leaving us forty feet to use as a listening gallery. 
 I deduce the enemy's mine to be two hundred feet long and 
 upward, from the reconnoitering of Lieutenant Hay and my- 
 self before we commenced laying our charge, and from the 
 position of the houses it came from. The gallery had numer- 
 ous air-holes and was thoroughly ventilated." 
 
 It was remarkable that Dr. Brydon, who was with Have- 
 lock, under similar desperate circumstances, at Jellalabad, was 
 aleo with him at Lucknow. 
 
 A few incidents of these memorable seven weeks were given 
 by the General in a letter, which did not reach Bonn till after 
 the account of his decease. It had been impossible for him to 
 forward any commiinications, so entirely was his position 
 beleaguered. Only once before in his military experience had 
 lie found himself surrounded to such an insuperable extent, 
 
HAVELOCK. 83 
 
 and tliat was at Jellalabad. Even there his isolation was not 
 as extreme as it was at present at Lucknow. 
 
 At length there was the hope that he might get tidings of 
 himself and of his son conveyed to their anxious ones on the 
 Rhine, and he wrote accordingly. The letter told, in a few 
 words, of their dreadful conflict through the city. The severe 
 privations they had been subjected to were intimated rather than 
 narrated ; kindnesses, by which they had been cheered, were 
 gratefully acknowledged; expectation of rescue by Sir Colin 
 Campbell was hopefully expressed. There had, alas I been dis- 
 aster, by which his wife and children would be especially dis- 
 tressed. Henry had been wounded amidst the m.eUe, while 
 fighting throiigh the city. On hearing what had happened, the 
 husband of his cousin Mary undertook, of his own accord, to 
 go at once and render him what help he could. Too disinter- 
 ested to calculate what might befall him personally, and too 
 magnanimous to leave his relative to his fate, he sought him 
 out amidst the fire of the foe, and found him seriously damaged 
 in the left arm. He succeeded in bringing him to the Eesi- 
 dency, but it was with the loss of his own life. In saving his 
 comrade he had sacrificed himself. One ball struck him, and 
 then another, but on he went, with his wounded cousin in his 
 charge, till he had placed him in a place of safety, and then 
 right heroically, with his wife in fullest sympathy with his 
 devotion, he laid down to die. 
 
 The letter of the General will be read with the greater inter- 
 est, as it was the last but one which he wrote his family : 
 
 "Lucknow, November 10, 1857. 
 "You will wonder at not having received a letter by the two 
 last mails. It will be best to begin at the beginning of the 
 story. Sir James Outram brought up my reinforcements on 
 the 18th and 19th September. I threw a noble bridge of 
 boats across the Ganges, and reached the further bank with 
 
84 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 two thousand, five hundred men. Sir James announced that 
 I should have the honor of relieving Lucknow, and that he 
 would accompany my force only as Chief Commissioner and 
 as a volunteer. I heat the enemy on the 21st at Munghul- 
 
 vara, and again at Alum Bagh Bhayon on the 23d 
 
 We penetrated through a long suburb, and passed, under the 
 cover of buildings, a fire from the Kaiser Bagh, or King's 
 Palace, under which nothing could have lived. About this 
 time an orderly brought up intelligence that H. was se- 
 verely wounded. Night was coming on, and Sir James 
 wished to put the troops into a palace and rest them ; but I 
 strongly represented the necessity of reinforcing the garrison, 
 lest it should be attacked and surprised in the darkness ; so the 
 78th Highlanders and the Sikh regiment, of Ferozepore, were 
 called to the front. Sir James and I, and two of the staff, 
 put ourselves at their head, and on we charged, through streets 
 of loop-holed houses, fired at perpetually, and over trenches ciit 
 in the road, till we reached, in triumph, the beleaguered Resi- 
 dency. Then came three cheers from the troops, and the fam- 
 ished garrison found mock-turtle soup and champagne to 
 regale me with as their deliverer. But the rest of my force 
 and guns could not be brought in till the evening of the 26th, 
 and by that time I had lost five hundred and thirty -five killed, 
 wounded, and missing. Since that night we have been more 
 closely blockaded than in Jellalabad. We eat a reduced ration 
 of artillery bullock beef, chupatties, and rice ; but tea, coffee, 
 
 sugar, soap, and candles are unknown hixuries 
 
 The noble conduct of Mr. Martin Gubbins I must next record. 
 My headquarters were established in the house of the late Mr. 
 Ommaney, who was killed during the siege. Gubbins sent to 
 invite me and all my staff to come and live in his better house. 
 To this I would not consent, but commended to his care 
 my two wounded officers. Colonel Tytler and H., and he 
 has cared for them as if they were his children. I dine with 
 
HAVELOCK. 85 
 
 him once a week, and he keeps me supplied with excellent 
 sherry, without which it would have gone ill with me, for I find 
 it not so easy to starve at sixty -three as at forty-seven. The 
 enemy fire at us perpetually with guns, mortars, and musketry, 
 
 but our casualties are not very numerous I should 
 
 have told you that Bensley Thornhill volunteered to go out and 
 bring H. in. Alas ! he received one bad wound over the eye, 
 which injured the skull, while another ball broke in pieces his 
 right arm. It was amputated. He lingered many days, and 
 then died in the hospital, leaving Mary a young widow. Their 
 only infant had died some time before. We are now daily 
 
 expecting Sir Colin Campbell I visit the whole 
 
 of my posts, in the palaces and gardens, with my staff, on foot, 
 daily ; but my doctor has advised me to take something 
 strengthening till we can get upon good diet again." 
 
 Thus was Bensley Thornhill's death announced in the public 
 papers : 
 
 " Died at Lucknow, on the 12th of October, 1857, from 
 wounds received on the 26th of September, when nobly head- 
 ing a party to bring in some wounded men that had been left 
 behind when Generals Outram and Havelock forced their way 
 into the Kesidency on the previous evening, J. Bensley Thorn- 
 hill, Esq., of the Bengal Civil Service, aged twenty-five years 
 and six months. He had got in all the wounded except twelve 
 men, and was taking the eldest son of General Sir Henry Have- 
 lock into a place of safety when w'ounded, and as he entered a 
 gateway a Sepoy from the opposite house sent a ball through 
 his right arm ; he tied his handkerchief round his shattered 
 arm, and went on with his noble and humane duty, and when 
 returning the same Sepoy fired at him again, the ball wounding 
 him over the temple, and leaving him insensible. He was taken 
 to the hospital, and his right arm was amputated that night. 
 He lingered sixteen days, and died of exhaustion from loss of 
 
86 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 blood, and want of food and nourishment tliat the place was 
 destitute of. He was previously twice wounded in the heroic 
 defense of the Lucknow garrison, and was honorably named in 
 General Inglis's dispatch of the 25th of September. He will 
 be sincerely lamented by all who were acquainted witb his up- 
 right and Christian character. He has left a young widow of 
 eighteen — a niece of the brave General Sir Henry Havelock — 
 who has to mourn the loss of both her husband and infant 
 child, after all the privations and sufferings she endured with 
 the heroic garrison at Lucknow. Her husband got his death- 
 wound in doing a brave, humane, and Christian act ; and had 
 he lived, the highest honor, that of the Victoria Cross, would 
 have been his. This is some consolation to her, and to his 
 widowed mother." 
 
 The sagacity of his medical man had observed for some time 
 that the General's strength was on the wane. No actual sur- 
 rendering had he evinced, either to any sense of lassitude or to 
 any demand for repose. A dominant will peremptorily insisted 
 on the suppression of any complaint, and on the unfaltering 
 employment of every power both of body and mind. More 
 necessary than ever were his vigilance and his energy both day 
 and night. They must, therefore, be maintained. It was kind 
 of the doctor to put him on his guard, still he had no option. 
 
 But he must at his time of life be cautious. The privations 
 of the last few weeks had considerably weakened him, and the 
 extraordinary fatigue which he had undergone rendered it rather 
 urgently incumbent that he should take care. There were 
 symptoms, he was assured, which it would be most unwise to 
 overlook. 
 
 He had no desire to overlook them. He would take what 
 care he could. At the same time, even if heai-t and flesh should 
 fail, he must do his duty to his country, and that demanded 
 from him just now the vigilant protection of the Residency from 
 its ruthless and raorins: foes. 
 
HAVELOCK. 87 
 
 THE BBSCUE ACCOMPLISHED. 
 
 Time had been wearing on. October bad passed, and No- 
 vember was now dragging its days and weeks anxiously along ; 
 tbe hopes of the garrison meanwhile existing as they best could, 
 upon the scanty intelligence brought in by spies, or communi- 
 cated to them through a semaphore that had been extemporized 
 upon the Alum Bagh. About the 12th they were made ac- 
 quainted with the advance of Sir Colin Campbell from Cawn- 
 pore, and of his junction with Brigadier Grant's column, then 
 on its way to Lucknow ; and on the evening of the same day 
 they heard of his arrival at Alum Bagh. On the morning of 
 the 15th the march of the General to the Residency with a force 
 of 5,000 men was telegraphed, and from that moment every 
 one was on the watch to mark his progress. Regardless of the 
 danger, courageous spirits mounted to the tower of the Res- 
 idency, while not a few joined the look-out on the top of the 
 Post-office. Here they were able to mark his course, while the 
 smoke and fire indicated plainly his steady advance to their 
 relief. 
 
 Instead of crossing the canal at the bridge of the Char Bagh, 
 as Havelock had done, on leaving the Alum Bagh Sir Colin at 
 once diverged to the right, crossing the country to the Dilkoo- 
 sha, a small palace surrounded by gardens, about three miles 
 from the Residency. The sim was in its strength, and the route 
 lay through meadow land and young sugar canes, but the 
 troops, inspired with the iron energy of their leader, made light 
 of these obstacles. After a running fight of two hours they 
 drove the enemy down the park to the Martiniere, leaving that 
 building, as well as the Dilkoosha, in the hands of Sir Colin 
 Campbell. From this point his course to the Residency was 
 successively disputed by the enemy, intrenched in great force in 
 a series of strongly-fortified buildings. 
 
 Early next morning Sir Colin began his march on the Si- 
 
88 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 kunder Bagh, a strong square building, surrounded by a wall 
 of solid masonry — as usual, loop-holed all around. It was 
 evident that the enemy was here in great numbers, and that the 
 possession of the place would be hotly contested. A village on 
 the opposite side of the road was also held by them. It was 
 necessary to at once reduce the building, and to drive the enemy 
 from the village. The General saw that to efiect this, artillery 
 was wanted in a position that could not be reached without 
 passing between a raking cross-fire from the village and the 
 Sikunder Bagh itself. The necessary orders were given, and in 
 a moment two batteries, one of the Bengal and another of the 
 Royal Artillery, were galloping their guns through a perfect 
 stream of fire. This done, a dazzling line of bayonets, belong- 
 ing to the 53d and to the Highlanders, closing round the loop- 
 holed village, cleared it at a run. Ahead of these two regiments 
 the mutineers occupied groimd on the left of our advance in 
 deep masses; but neither the strength of their ranks nor their 
 numbers were of any avail against our brave soldiers. They 
 swept across the ground without firing till they had faced the 
 enemy ; then came the sharp gleams of fire, and the quick rattle, 
 as of a single shot, and the bayonet in its terrible strength con- 
 cluded the work. The mutineers were dispersed and driven 
 across the plain, the 53d chasing them in skirmishing order ; 
 while the 93d seizing the abandoned barracks, turned them into 
 a military post. 
 
 " The sight from the Residency," says an eye-witness, " was 
 very fine. We could see the enemy retiring, and our guns ad- 
 vancing, through openings in the trees. Occasionally a staff 
 officer was seen dashing across, and once a group ot uifiut^'l 
 officers, supposed to be Sir Colin and his staff, appeared and 
 disappeared again. The firing of heavy guns, and the smoke 
 rising in the clear air, with occasional glimpses of the troops, 
 added greatly to the effect of a naturally-beautiful landscape." 
 
 Meanwhile the artillery had been battering the walls of the 
 
HAVELOCK. 89 
 
 Sikunder Bagh with little effect. At last a breach was made — 
 a hole of two feet square — and then began a charge which for 
 heroic daring has never been surpassed, and rarely equaled. 
 The Sikhs and Highlanders rushed to the wall, and through 
 that hole — for breach it could not be called — they flung them- 
 selves in upon the foe. The entrance once effected, woe to the 
 mutineers ! From the prison they had chosen there was no 
 escape, except through barred windows high up in the building, 
 and through the barricaded gate which was within a few yards 
 of the cannon's mouth. What passed within that house of 
 horrors none who survive care to tell. Now and then a plumed 
 bonnet and a tartan plaid were laid upon the grass without the 
 blood-stained entrance. Beneath them lay a stalwart form 
 whose eye will never more gladden the northern cottage from 
 which the dead man came. Hour after hour passed in that 
 awful struggle. As we read of the storming of the Sikunder 
 Bagh, it may seem as if it had been the work of a single hour. 
 It was the work of several hours. Anxious men stood round 
 this crater outside, wondering how the battle sped and when it 
 would be won. 
 
 But the volcano within the thick walls still raged like a fiery 
 furnace, and life was its costly fuel. Gradually the sphere of 
 action widened as different parts of the building were carried 
 and allowed the entrance of fresh men ; but not more than four 
 hundred soldiers of our army were at any moment inside, and, 
 once in, there was no egress. The mutineers, whose numbers 
 were at first overwhelming, struggled hard for life against the 
 avenging column. At last the struggle closed ; the work of 
 death was done ; the Sikunder Bagh no more intercepted their 
 march of mercy ; and as they looked on the piles of dead, men were 
 constrained to say, " Here surely is retribution for Cawnpore." 
 
 Sir Colin's march was next opposed by the Shah Nujjeef, a 
 mosque, surrounded by a garden, protected by a strong wall. 
 "The wall of the inclosure of the mosque," says Sir Colin, 
 
90 HEROES OE THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 " was loop-lioled with great care. The entrance to it had been 
 covered by a regular work in masonry, and the top of the 
 building was crowned with a parapet. From this, and from 
 the defenses in the garden, an unceasing fire of musketry was 
 kept up from the commencement of the attack. 
 
 " This position was defended with great resolution against a 
 heavy cannonade of three hours. It was then stormed in the 
 boldest manner by the 93d Highlanders under Brigadier Hope, 
 supported by a battalion of detachments under Major Barnston, 
 who was, I regret to say, severely wounded ; Captain Peel 
 leading up his heavy guns with extraordinary gallantry within 
 a few yards of the building, to batter the massive stone walls. 
 The withering fire of the Highlanders effectually covered the 
 Naval Brigade from great loss ; but it was an action almost 
 unexampled in war. Captain Peel behaved very much as if he 
 had been laying the Shannon along side an enemy's frigate. 
 
 *' This brought the day's operations to a close." 
 
 No pen can describe the intense interest with which Sir 
 Colin's progress had been watched by the garrison. They 
 could see every step he took, and they marked how every im- 
 pediment raised by the enemy was overcome, till he reached 
 the Sikunder Bagh and the mosque, while every gun he fired 
 wakened an echo in many an anxious heart among those he 
 was hastening to relieve. 
 
 Meanwhile, Generals Outram and Havelock had been making 
 every preparation to aid him when he should approach near 
 enough for them to operate with safety to their OAvn position. 
 
 The following extracts from Havelock's last dispatch, nar- 
 rating these operations, will now be read with melancholy 
 interest : 
 
 "The progress of the relieving force under his Excellency 
 the Commander-in-chief was anxiously watched, and it was 
 determined that as soon as he should reach the Sikunder Bagh, 
 about a mile and a half from the Eesidency, the outer wall of 
 
HAVELOCZ. 91 
 
 the advance garden of the palace, in which the enemy had 
 before made several breaches, should be blown in by the mines 
 previously prepared ; that two powerful batteries erected in the 
 inclosure should then open on the insurgents' defenses in front, 
 and after the desired effect had been produced, that the troops 
 should storm two buildings known by the names of the Hern- 
 khana, or Deer-house, and the Steam-Engine house. Under 
 these, also, three mines had been driven. 
 
 "It was ascertained, about 11 o'clock, A. M., that Sir Colin 
 Campbell was operating against the Sikunder Bagh. The ex- 
 plosion of the mines in the garden was therefore ordered. 
 Their action was, however, comparatively feeble ; so the batte- 
 ries had the double task of completing the demolition of the 
 wall and prostrating and breaching the works and the buildings 
 beyond it. Brigadier Eyre commanded in the left battery. 
 Captain Olpherts in the right ; Captain Maude shelled from six 
 mortars in a more retired quadrangle of the palace. The troops 
 were formed in the square of the Chuttur Munzill, and brought 
 up in succession through the approaches, which in every di- 
 rection intersected the advance garden. At a quarter-past 
 three two of the mines at the Hernkhana exploded with good 
 effect. At half-past three the advance sounded. It is impos- 
 sible to describe the enthusiasm with which this signal was 
 received by the troops. Pent up in inaction for upward of 
 six weeks, and subjected to constant attacks, they felt that the 
 hour of retribution and glorious exertion had returned. 
 
 " Their cheers echoed through the courts of the palace, re- 
 sponsive to the bugle sound, and on they rushed to assured 
 victory. The enemy could no where withstand them. In a few 
 minutes the whole of the buildings were in our possession, and 
 have since been armed with cannon and steadily held against all 
 attack." 
 
 "On the next day" — we now quote from Sir Colin 's dis- 
 patch — " communications were opened to the left rear of the 
 
92 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 barracks to the canal, after overcoming considerable difficulty. 
 Captain Peel kept up a steady cannonade on the building called 
 the mess-house. This building, of considerable size, was de- 
 fended by a ditch about twelve feet broad, and scarped with 
 masonry, and beyond that a loop-holed mud wall. I determ- 
 ined to use the guns as much as possible in taking it. 
 
 "About 3 o'clock, P. M., when it was considered that men 
 might be sent to storm it without much risk, it was taken by a 
 company of the 90th Foot, under Captain Wolseley, and a 
 picket of Her Majesty's 53d, under Captain Hodkins, sup- 
 ported by Major Barnston's battalion of detachments, under 
 Captain Guise, Her Majesty's 90th Foot, and some of the 
 Punjaub Infantry, under Lieutenant Powlett. The mess-house 
 was carried immediately with a rush. 
 
 " The troops then pressed forward with great vigor, and 
 lined the wall separating the mess-house from the Mootee Mahal, 
 which consists of a wide inclosure and many buildings. The 
 enemy here made a last stand, which was overcome after an 
 hour, openings having been broken in the wall, through which 
 the troops poured, with a body of sappers, and accomplished 
 oxir communications with the Residency. 
 
 " I had the inexpressible satisfaction, shortly afterward, of 
 greeting Sir James Outram and Sir Henry Havelock, who 
 came out to meet me before the action was at an end. 
 
 '•' The relief of the besieged garrison had been accomplished." 
 
 What a greeting was that! The Iron Chief Sir Colin, with 
 the dust of battle still upon him, the '' good Sir James," and 
 the dying Havelock ! Meeting, too, while the walls of the 
 palace where they stood were still reverberating with the din of 
 battle — fit atmosphere for that reunion ! True knights these 
 three brave hearts ! Each had periled his life to rescue the 
 helpless, and one was soon to lay his down worn out in their 
 defense. 
 
 " Sir Colin Campbell" — says the aiTthor of "The Siege of 
 
HAVELOCK. 93 
 
 Lucknow " — "received the hearty thanks and congratulations 
 of Sir James with evident satisfaction ; and G-eneral Havelock, 
 not less delighted and proud, harangued the troops who had so 
 gallantly carried out all the Commander-in-chief's brilliant 
 manuevers, in that concise, and yet soul-stirring language 
 for which he was so well known by his soldiers. While yet 
 speaking, his attention was drawn to the place where his eldest 
 son had just fallen, wounded by a musket-ball from the enemy. 
 Though his father's heart must have been then bleeding with 
 anguish, and beating with curiosity to know the nature of the 
 wound, the General, with wonderful self-command, continued 
 his discourse without interruption, and then, only amid the 
 cheers of the men who were unacquainted with the sad event 
 which had just happened, left to visit his wounded son. For- 
 tunately it was only a slight wound, and he soon recovered 
 from the effects of it." 
 
 It now became necessary to consider in what way the re- 
 moval from the Residency could be accomplished. To stay 
 there would have been to insure the recurrence of the hardships 
 and disasters of the last seven weeks. They must depart with- 
 out delay. It was determined by Sir Colin Campbell to effect 
 his object by a ruse. Accordingly he made his dispositions and 
 continued his fire, as if he intended to dislodge the enemy from 
 their position around the Residency. Through several days 
 this was done. At length lines of pickets were arranged, 
 through which the women and children with the wounded were 
 to be conducted to the Alum Bagh. Of this the rebels had no 
 information, so that they kept on their murderous fire, as they 
 deemed it, upon the garrison far into the night. Before mid- 
 night the departure had commenced. Leaving behind them 
 many a sad memento of the losses they had suffered and of the 
 calamities they had endured, the rescued ones went forth hardly 
 knowing whither they went. Probabilities were all against 
 the hope that they might elude the observation of their fiendish 
 
'94 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 and bloodthirsty foes. But greater was He who was for them 
 than all those who were against them. The cavalcade moved 
 silently and slowly onward, unnoticed and unchallenged by 
 any portentous token or any unfriendly voice. Believing that 
 the pickets were faithfully occupying their appointed places, 
 and that the pathways along the many narrow lanes had been 
 well ascertained, hope animated the fugitives, while the con- 
 tinuous fire upon their abandoned prison-house convinced them 
 that the assailants had no idea of their escape. The Generals 
 were as anxious and as vigilant as though they had had their 
 own wives and children beneath their care, evincing the most 
 instinctive solicitude to secure as far as possible the convenience 
 of each wounded soldier, and the comfort of every weakly 
 child. A fine subject for a congenial artist, that strange and 
 extemporaneous grouping of young men and maidens, of old 
 men and children, threading their dubious way from impending 
 danger to a place of safety amidst the darkness of a long 
 November night. 
 
 It had been deemed desirable to take from the Eesidency the 
 treasure w^hich had been accumulated there, and the jewels 
 formerly belonging to the King of Oude ; this was following 
 in the train of the cavalcade. Hour after hour passed without 
 the occurrence of a mishap, and as morning drew on the im- 
 pression deepened and encouraged every heart that they were 
 really safe. Daylight at length revealed to them their position, 
 and they saw the pickets, between whose friendly and effective 
 shelter they had been passing all the night, closing in around 
 them. To the delight of the gallant deliverers, not a soul who 
 had left Lucknow was missing. One of the most sagacious 
 devices with which modern warfare is acquainted was com- 
 pletely successful. The hope that had been so long deferred 
 was realized ; thus far the fugitives from the house of bondage 
 were free. A subsequent march under the same truly-patri- 
 archal guardianship brought the rescued ones to the Alum 
 
HAVELOCK. 95 
 
 Bagh. Having obtained what refreshment was available for 
 their manifold need, the wounded and the sick, with the children 
 and women, were escorted on toward Cawnpore, on their way 
 to Allahabad ; God still wonderfully preserving them and hon- 
 oring, as with his special favor, the self-denying and indom- 
 itable bravery which twice over had interposed for their relief. 
 Happy had Havelock been beyond expression as he bade the 
 objects of his anxiety and the companions of his privations 
 farewell. They were on their way, he trusted, to scenes at once 
 peaceful and secure ; he would remain and fulfill his duty, that 
 in time to come the scenes about Lucknow might be peaceful 
 and secure too. The day would dawn on India when they 
 should beat their swords into plowshares and their spears into 
 pruning-hooks, when nation would not lift up sword against 
 nation, neither should they learn war any more — when, to 
 adopt his own words, '* the evils and horrors of belligerency " 
 would be unknown. 
 
 HAVELOCK 'S DEATH. 
 
 Before the rescue had been accomplished, Havelock had 
 become seriously unwell. The first symptoms which excited 
 immediate apprehension were those of indigestion. These, 
 however, were presently suppressed, and he was pronounced 
 better. There seemed cause for hope ; especially as he was not 
 only now relieved from his heavy responsibility, but was pro- 
 vided with the sustenance of which he had for weeks been de- 
 prived. His medical attendant was most assiduous ; and, from 
 the Commander-in-chief down to the servants in the Eesidency, 
 all were ready to render to the General any help within their 
 power. 
 
 The 20th of November closed upon him with some promise 
 of continuous amendment ; but, before midnight, according to 
 a correspondent of " The Englishman," unmistakable signs of 
 dysentery made their appearance, and promptest attention was 
 
96 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 necessary, witli the best measures wHcli sagacity and science 
 could supply. They were apparently successful ; and by the 
 forenoon of the 21st there were again indications of improve- 
 ment. 
 
 With characteristic mindfulness of home, one of the first 
 things which he had done on the relief of the Residency was to 
 write to his family. Other letters had indicated apprehension 
 of what might happen. This letter expresses nothing which 
 gave occasion for alarm. 
 
 Prospects were brightening, and he hoped that they should 
 erelong bear away the surviving women and children to a 
 place of safety, and that some of their own most pressing 
 wants would in a measure be supplied. For weeks had they 
 been unable to change any of their clothing. Just as they came 
 into the Residency, so had they continued night and day for 
 forty days ; harassed incessantly by the enemy, and beset with 
 disease and death, without even the ordinary conveniences 
 whereby they could be bodily refreshed. It would be better 
 now. 
 
 Information, too, had reached him of the estimate in which 
 his country held him for his bravery, and of the first of the 
 series of honors which had been conferred on him by the 
 Queen. This was cheering. He was grateful, but as modest 
 and unostentatious as ever. The children were remembered in 
 a kindly message, and their brother, they were assured, though 
 again wounded, was doing well. 
 
 "November V^th. — Sir Colin has come up with some 5,000 
 men, and much altered the state of affairs. The papers of the 
 26th September came with him, announcing my elevation to 
 the Commandership of the Bath for my first three battles. I 
 have fought nine more since. . . . Dear H. has been 
 a second time wounded in the same left arm. This second hit 
 was a musket-ball in the shoulder. He is in good spirits, and 
 is doing well. . . . Love to the children. . . . I do not 
 
HAVELOCK. 97 
 
 after all see my elevation in tlie * Gazette,' but Sir Colin ad*- 
 dresses me as Sir Henry Havelock. . . . Our baggage is at 
 Alum Bagh, four miles off; and we all came into this place 
 with a single suit, which hardly any have put off for forty 
 days." 
 
 This was the last letter which Havelock ever wrote. No 
 more would he indite the graver or the pleasanter things for 
 perusal and pleasurable conversation at Bonn. Henceforward 
 the wedding-day and the birthdays would pass uncommemorated 
 by the grateful references of the conjugal and parental pen. 
 The admonitions and encouragements which had been so 
 habitually interspersed with the periodical correspondence of 
 the last seven years had come to a perpetual end. Happily, 
 however, though his communications with his beloved ones 
 had terminated, they would hear that his confidence in God had 
 triumphantly availed as he passed through the valley of the 
 shadow of death. 
 
 It was now generally known that Havelock was getting 
 worse. He was not seen about among his companions-in-arms. 
 They missed him in the places of military resort. There was 
 sorrow lest, after all his self-sacrificing exertions to rescue 
 others, he should himself succumb. 
 
 To further the incipient improvement of the 20th, it had been 
 arranged to move him to the Dilkoosha ; the change of air 
 being deemed of importance at the crisis which he had just 
 reached. 
 
 The change from the Residency had refreshed the invalid. 
 
 Further improvement was observed, and gladly reported. It 
 
 might be that, thoiigh terribly reduced, he would survive. But 
 
 only momentary was the probability. Early on the 22d the 
 
 disease assumed a malignant form ; and though it inflicted no 
 
 severe bodily suffering, yet it was evidently taking away hivS 
 
 life. 
 
 The confidence of the dying man became more and more pro- 
 
 9 
 
98 HEEOES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 found. To have departed in tlie midst of his family would 
 have been an alleviation. Thoughts, fond and fatherly, fol- 
 lowed one another toward his beloved ones far away on the 
 Rhine. But God had willed that he should not go hence with 
 their prayerful and sustaining utterances falling gently on his 
 ear. He therefore devoutly acquiesced ; and, remembering 
 gracious promises about God's inalienable loving-kindness to the 
 fatherless and the widow, he commended them to the Divine 
 care, and then collected himself to enjoy the abundant entrance 
 into the everlasting kingdom of our Lord and Savior Jesus 
 Christ. 
 
 The 23d passed in the calmest submission to the Lord's will. 
 Every faculty was active, and every sensibility of his nature 
 in fullest power. No mere indifference was upon him. It was 
 not because he did not choose to realize his position that he 
 contrived to be at peace. He knew that he was about to make 
 the great transition from the life that now is to that which is to 
 come. He remembered his unworthiness of all God's favors. 
 He was actually conscious, as he was lying there in his pros- 
 tration, of his personal desert of banishment from God. But 
 then he was in Christ ; and, being there, it was impossible 
 he should perish. He must needs have everlasting life. 
 
 His illustrious companion. Sir James Outram, having called, 
 he thought it right to say to him what was then upon his mind. 
 " For more than forty years," was his remark to Sir James — 
 "for more than forty years I have so ruled my life that when 
 death came I might face it without fear." 
 
 Often had they faced it together, even during that recent 
 memorable advance for the relief of Lucknow. There, however, 
 God had averted it ; but here, at the Dilkoosha, it was present 
 in all its power, and must be met. " So be it," was the un- 
 perturbed response of Outram's comrade ; " I am not in the 
 least afraid to die. To die is gain." 
 
 "1 die happy and contented," he kept on saying, knowing 
 
HAVELOCK. 99 
 
 whom he had helieved, and persuaded that he was able to keep 
 what he had committed to him till that day. 
 
 On the 24th his end was obviously near at hand. 
 
 His eldest son was still his loving and faithful nurse — him- 
 self, it should be remembered, a wounded man, and specially 
 needing kindly care. Waiting on his father with unflagging 
 and womanly assiduity, he was summoned to hearken to some 
 parting words. 
 
 " Come," said the disciple thus faithful unto death ; " come, 
 my son, and see how a Christian can die." And Havelock 
 died 
 
100 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 REV. MR. POLEHAMPTON, 
 
 CHAPLAIN AT LUCKNOW. 
 
 The brothers of Mr. Poleliampton write the history of his 
 life, from which we make the following sketch. It is the story 
 of an ordinary English clergyman, essentially a University 
 man, with his heart still dwelling on the cricket-field and col- 
 lege boat-race — a man not a whit more learned or more brill- 
 iant than a thousand others of his class, doing most unaffect- 
 edly what hundreds more would have been glad to do — type, as 
 we feel, of a large class of English gentlemen who can be true 
 heroes when occasion offers. Mr. Polehampton died at the 
 early age of thirty-three. He was a clergyman's son, sent, 
 when eight years old, to Eton ; there in good credit among his 
 school-fellows as a fearless, honest boy, a stout swimmer, a 
 good oar, and the first choice out of the Eleven in which he 
 once played in the public school matches, at Lord's cricket 
 ground. He went to Oxford, at the age of eighteen, as scholar 
 of Pembroke College, passed his examination creditably with- 
 out seeking honors, but was high in honor for his upright life, 
 and for the sincerity of a religious spirit free from cant. He 
 was a sturdy swimmer still, and once received the silver medal 
 of the Royal Humane Society for having, at peril of his own 
 life, saved a man from drowning in the Lasher. Boating was 
 still his pride ; as a child, he had once ridden from Eton in 
 the front boot of a coach to see a boat race. Under his cap- 
 taincy the college boat was an unconquered one, and in 1846 
 he was chosen to row in the University boat, in the match 
 
EEV. MR. POLEHAMPTON. 101 
 
 witii Cambridge. When he was ordained, the words of the 
 service did not fall as words of form upon his open, honest 
 heart. Afterward, for a little while, he occupied the pulpit in 
 his birthplace, and in 1849 he became assistant curate at St. 
 Chad's, Shrewsbury, the parish of which his mother's father 
 had been vicar for more than forty years. In 1852 Mr. Pole- 
 hampton became engaged to his future wife, Emily, youngest 
 daughter of a barrister in Shrewsbury, but could not marry on 
 his curacy. After three years of waiting, the kind office of a 
 friend secured the Indian appointment. Then he was mar- 
 ried at St. Chad's church, by his brother, and, after a round 
 of visits to home places and home friends, to his deceased 
 father's parsonage, to the old school at Eton, to his Oxford 
 friends, he sailed from England. In the old birthplace at 
 Greenford he writes : 
 
 " When we got into the village, I showed Emmie where the 
 Randolphs, Huddlestones, etc., lived, and we went down the 
 hill to Sayer's, [the parish clerk in his father's time and 
 since.] He knew me at once, and we then went to the church. 
 Besides its interest to me, there is a great deal to see there in 
 the way of old brasses. I showed Emmie the register-book, 
 with one of our births on every other page. Sayer pointed 
 out the window which my father made, or rather began, with 
 a pick-ax. He wanted the poor, who sat under the gallery, 
 to have more light. The church-wardens said there was 
 enough. My father answered there was not. They said there 
 should not be another window ; he said there should. They 
 got peremptory. 'Upon which,' said Sayer, 'Mr. Polehampton 
 says, says he, "Brown, bring me the pick!" and he hits it 
 into the wall, and picks out four or five great stones ; and says 
 he, " There, now, my boys, I 've made a beginning, you go 
 on ; never mind what any body says, and do you make a 
 finish of it." ' So there the window is, and the poor of Green- 
 ford can see to read their Bibles." 
 
102 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 The good blood descends. At Oxford the old student's first 
 thought was to go "straight to the University Barge," and he 
 did not leave till he had a last pull in the scratch four-oar 
 races, and won a pint pewter to take out with him. It was his 
 drinking vessel in the siege, the cup from which he drank in 
 the hour of his death ; the cup that his wife used afterward 
 throughout her noble ministrations to the sick and wounded, 
 in hospital, on the march, and on board the Himalaya. 
 
 Simple and true as the man himself was are his letters and 
 his diary. The home letters from the young wedded couple, 
 full of natural kindliness and playfulness, and of deep earnest- 
 ness withal, are sometimes inexpressibly touching. Force of 
 character in them produces an effect missed often when labored 
 for by force of genius alone. The love of boating cleaves to 
 him. 
 
 " One day," says a letter, "breakfasted with Captain Cor- 
 bett, at the 52d mess. At breakfast were two or three of the 
 Eton men, who are in the regiment. One of them — ^Mr. 
 Crosse — told me that he had just seen my name in Bell's Life. 
 It was in Bell's account of the late match with Cambridge, 
 in which he has given lists of all the former crews. I told 
 him I was not ashamed, as I had two bishops to keep me in 
 countenance, whose names appear in the same paper. I then 
 read the account of the race, which greatly interested me." 
 
 And the letter chatters on over its details. He had a pull 
 against tide up the Hoogley, and an early morning pull in a 
 four-oar, on the river at Lucknow, preceded the serious attack 
 of fever brought on by his devotion to the sick after the out- 
 break of cholera. His account of his illness, in a letter to his 
 mother, contains one of the best descriptions of a mind in 
 delirium that we have read for a long while. Its quiet accu- 
 racy sorely discredits many an overcharged elaboration of the 
 novelist. 
 
 " On Wednesday night — six days after I was taken ill — 
 
REV. MR, POLEHAMPTON. 103 
 
 they gave me a sleeping draught. In the course of the night 
 I became delirious. About 3 o'clock, A. M., I fancied I was 
 ordered to get up, shave, and dress ; so 1 got up, summoned 
 the bearer, to his intense astonishment, made him get the 
 things, and then — it was a wonder I did 'nt cut myself — in a 
 second or two, by most desperate slashes, took off my mus- 
 tache of a week's growth. Then I went back to bed and 
 
 slept At one time I felt some one bathing my 
 
 head ; it was Emmie, and strangely those lines of Marmion 
 came into my head : 
 
 ' Is it the hand of Clare, he said, 
 
 Or injured Constance bathes my head?' 
 
 And I suppose, in the connection with these, the following 
 lines, from the same poem : 
 
 'Above his head 
 He shook the fragment of his blade, 
 And shouted " victory 1" ' 
 
 And I did shout ' victory,' so loud as to make the house ring 
 again. By and by I got very faint, and thought I was dying. 
 I was perfectly happy ; I heard their voices faintly about me, 
 but I could not speak, and did not wish to do so ; and then I 
 fainted, or fell asleep. Presently I woke again, and found 
 myself in the same room with the same persons around me. I 
 thought I was dead ; that it was the judgment-day, and that I 
 was only waiting for the angels to carry me away to judg- 
 ment. I felt perfectly safe and secure, 'my iniquities blotted 
 out, and my sins covered.' I prayed for all of you, and 
 inquired if you were safe ; and I thought a voice told me to 
 wait God's pleasure and I should know all. Then Hutchin- 
 son and Fayrer, every now and then, would come suddenly to 
 me and try to rouse me. I sang, I fancy to myself, for Emmie 
 says she did not hear me, 'Lend, lend your wings/ but I 
 stopped at 'I mount, I fly.' Emmie says, however, that I 
 
104 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 chanted part of a chant quite correctly, which I do n't remem- 
 ber doing. I do n *t know how long all this took, but I fancy 
 about two hours. In the mean while the doctors had come to 
 the conclusion that I ought to be taken to some other house ; 
 and Mr. Gubbins begged that they would take me to his, and 
 he came with Dr. Fayrer to mine. Presently I was seized 
 upon by four men, and carried into Di\ Fayrer's close carriage, 
 which was at the door. I had an idea that they would take nie 
 to the church, and that then I should go to heaven, and I was 
 disappointed when they passed it, and drove to Mr. Gubbins's 
 house. There they took me out and carried me up-stairs, and 
 put me on the bed in the same room in which we slept for 
 three weeks when we first came to Lucknow. I slowly came 
 partially to myself, but I was not quite right for any length of 
 time for nearly a fortnight. What between leeches and blis- 
 ters I had pain enough ; for Bengal leeches are not like Eng- 
 lish ; they are as bad as Bengal tigers 
 
 " What babies we are when we are recovering from sickness ! 
 I used to delight so in flowers. Dear Emmie used to bring two 
 beautiful passion flowers, all wet with dew, and put them on a 
 pillow for me to look at every morning, when I was so weak 
 that I could scarcely lift my head. She used to send me pas- 
 sion flowers from the Crescent before we were married ; so her 
 doing so here had the charm of bringing back old memories, 
 and so added beauty to the flowers. Passion flowers are almost 
 the same here as in England. I used to like to get all the 
 jewelry I could on the bed, and Emmie's gold bracelet. 
 Any thing with color in it I delighted in. I fancy it is so with 
 all sick people." 
 
 For the indications of character contained in it we may quote 
 also this passage from a home letter : 
 
 " Wednesday, Oct. 22c?. — Yesterday I kept no journal; I'll 
 tell you why. At 6 o'clock I went out for a ride. I hadn't 
 gone a hundred yards before I heard horses behind me, and Mr. 
 
REV. ME. POLEHAMPTON. 105 
 
 Gubbins's voice saying, * Ali ! that 's what he calls getting up 
 early.' I turned around, and there were Miss Ommaney, Mr. 
 Gubbins, and Dr. Fayrer. Dr. Fayrer turned off to make a 
 visit ; the two others came on with me. We walked our horses 
 through the station, and then, coming to a sandy road, where I 
 had never been before, Mr. Gubbins proposed a gallop ; so off 
 we went. We had ridden about three-quarters of a mile, when 
 a native ran right across Miss Ommaney's horse, and got 
 knocked down, but was not hurt, as it was sandy. I remember 
 riding on about a quarter of a mile further, and becoming from 
 some cause or other rather unsteady in my saddle ; and then I 
 don't remember any thing else, till I found myself on the 
 ground asking for my spectacles — a requisition natural to all 
 Polehamptons on becoming conscious or first awaking. Then 
 I do n't remember any thing else, till I found myself at my 
 own door, and my horse trying to kick Miss Ommaney's. I 
 was supported up the steps and deposited on the sofa. I was 
 conscious that I had had a fall, but I could not remember any 
 thing for a long time ; could n't think why my hair was so 
 short, etc. Mr. Gubbins wrote a note for a doctor, and got 
 home as fast as he could with Miss Ommaney. Emmie came 
 in just after he was gone ; no one had told her I had had a 
 fall, so you may imagine she was rather frightened to see me 
 lying on the sofa looking somewhat pale. However, she is not 
 given to hysterics, and so she did what was needful very quietly, 
 and I got quite right in about an hour. It seems that Mr. 
 Gubbins heard some natives shouting, ' He has fallen,' and, 
 looking round, saw my horse running away, and me in the arms 
 of two friendly natives. He caught my horse, and somehow or 
 other got me on him, and I rode home; all the way making 
 profuse apologies to Miss Ommaney, of all which I can re- 
 member nothing. The back of my head was cut and bleeding, 
 but not badly, Mr. Gubbins says ; the horse must have kicked 
 me as I fell, as there were no stones and I fell on the sand. I 
 
106 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 suppose my head is too weak after the fever to stand violent 
 exercise, and that I became suddenly giddy and fell off'. I ought 
 to he very thankful that my fall was not on the hard road. ' So 
 no more at present ' from your affectionate son, ' which ' I hope 
 this will find you as it leaves me ; not with a sore head 
 though." 
 
 In the next letter he asks, " Am I not like a young hear, 
 with all my sorrows to come ? I never had a pain till I 
 came here, worse than a flogging at Eton, or a blow on the 
 shin from a cricket-ball. However, I do n't put down these to 
 India ; they have been such as might have happened any where 
 else." 
 
 Then followed a sore trial to the young couple in the death, 
 soon after birth, of their first child. The long letter which 
 tells of this, by its simplicity of detail and because it is the 
 detail of a sorrow borne by brave and tender hearts, is deeply 
 touching. Through what probation in the death of her first- 
 born and in the death of her husband, the chaplain's wife passed, 
 without losing strength to be a helper of other men in their own 
 hours of sorroAV, it is well to feel : 
 
 " My dearest mother. . . . Edward's letter has just been put 
 into my hands, in which he expressed a wish that there might 
 by this time be three of us, instead of two ; and his wish was 
 soon gratified, for at half-past eight in the evening of December 
 30th, my first-born was ushered into the world, and highly de- 
 lighted I was to hear Mrs. Pender, the nurse, say, 'It's a little 
 boy.' . . . On Wednesday and Thursday both Emmie and the 
 baby went on as well as possible. . . . As I walked slowly 
 home by moonlight, I was thinking how happy I was to have 
 a son, and was saying to myself, ' I have a son,' in all the lan- 
 guages I know. On my arrival at home I found the nurse 
 looking very blank ; she told me the baby had just had a con- 
 vulsion fit. . . . Not liking the nurse's account, and fearing the 
 result of another fit, if one came on, I baptized the child, call- 
 
KEV. MR. POLEHAMPTON. 1Q7 
 
 ing him Henry Allnatt. We thought it better not to tell 
 Emmie of his illness till the doctor came again. When he 
 did come, he told me for the first time that the child had been 
 very delicate from his birth, and that, though he certainly might 
 get well and live, he thought it very likely he would not. So, 
 by his advice, I then told Emmie he was unwell. She took the 
 alarm at once, and was very much distressed, but soon recovered, 
 and became quite composed. . . . He was in his mother's bed 
 nearly all the time. I nursed him myself for about an hour by 
 the fire. I went to sleep, and when I awoke I found our little 
 darling much quieter, and I thought better ; but Emmie did not 
 think so. . . . The nurse took him away from her, and held 
 him near the fire, and then, after gasping for breath a little 
 while, he died. Poor little boy ! I prayed very earnestly that 
 he might be spared, but it was not to be. Mrs. Pender carried 
 our little dead lamb back to his mother, and it was piteous to 
 see how she folded him to her arms and cried. After a while 
 the nurse carried him away, and laid him out in his little 
 basket-cradle, just below Emmie's bed, where she could look 
 into it. . . . In the evening, Emmie, who had been very quiet 
 up to this time, had been intently watching baby's face as he 
 lay beside her in the cradle, had an alarming hysterical fit. . . . 
 Dr. Partridge desired he might be buried next day, as he said it 
 was of the greatest importance he should be taken away from 
 Emmie, for that hanging over him and gazing intently on him, 
 as she never ceased to do, was having a very bad effect upon 
 her in her weak state. She did not make much objection when 
 I told her. When I awoke in the morning she was still gazing 
 on her child. At 10 o'clock Captain Hayes and Dr. Partridge 
 came. I had asked the former to come, and had also asked for 
 the use of a little close carriage of his, to carry the baby to the 
 cemetery. He brought his brougham too, and he and Dr. 
 Partridge went in it, and I with my dear little boy in the close 
 carriage ; the only ride we shall ever have together ! But first, 
 
108 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 there was tlie cruel task of taking him away from his mother ! 
 She begged to have him a little while longer ; she had him 
 taken out of his cradle and put on a pillow by her, and then 
 she folded him in her arms, and wept over him in a manner 
 which made me feel more than I ever felt in my life. Then she 
 had the coffin put where the cradle had been, and placed him in 
 it herself, and put some little dark red roses which grow in 
 great luxuriance in our garden, and of which she is very fond, 
 in his hands, and on his breast ; and then she bravely covered 
 him up, and I carried him out and fastened down the coffin out 
 of her hearing." 
 
 Some time afterward, in a letter to a brother, he writes : 
 
 "Yes, I remember, and often think of that last pleasant 
 day's fishing ! This time six years I hope to be not very far 
 from just such another. My poor little boy ! he will never 
 want that fishing-rod, which you saved in such a marvelous 
 manner. I feel my child's death far more now than I did at 
 first. We go to his grave every now and then. Emmie likes 
 to take flowers there. Last Friday she took some and made 
 them into a cross, and laid them on the flat stone which covers 
 his grave. If we have twenty children, we shall never forget 
 our first-born. But God's will be done ; I do n't deserve such 
 a blessing." 
 
 A brother chaplain, Mr. Harris, arrives : 
 
 " He is the man I remember at Oxford, pulling in the Bra- 
 senose boat. I only remember seeing him once, and that was 
 one night in the year 1845, when the B. N. C. bumped our 
 boat in the races. After the bump, as the two boats lay to- 
 gether while the others passed, he was close by me for ten 
 minutes. I have never seen him since." 
 
 We do not dwell upon the perils of the siege, or on the 
 chaplain's manful labor in his calling. His last letter home 
 ends thus : 
 
 " Very likely this will be my last letter for some time ; it 
 
KEY. MR. POLEHAMPTON. 109 
 
 may be my last altogether. I hope not ; but come what may, 
 I am prepared ; and whatever you hear of me, it will not be 
 that I have disgraced myself. Emmie sends her best love. 
 God bless you all. 
 
 " Ever your affectionate, 
 
 '* Henry S. Polehampton." 
 
 Truly they have not been tidings of disgrace. We dwell 
 still on the personal details. Mrs. Polehampton is writing to 
 her husband's mother of his death : 
 
 " He had not the least fear of death. He said to those who 
 came to see him on his death-bed, 'I am not in the least 
 frightened, and I know exactly how I am.' And his beautiful, 
 fearless smile must have proved to them how little dread there 
 was for him in the prospect of death. ... I can not tell 
 you what a strange, unearthly sort of peace I had at the time 
 of his death. Through that last day and night of his life, up 
 to the moment that he died, a marvelous kind of triumphant 
 feeling came over me. I can not explain it, but I felt as if I 
 were watching his entrance into the joy of his Lord ; and I 
 seemed to feel the joy myself. This feeling continued for 
 days after, in a greater or less degree, and only became less 
 radiant as the death-like blank in my own life became more 
 apparent." 
 
 Of herself as a laborer, in letters or diary, the true-hearted lady 
 says nothing, except once, in answer to inquiry, this. If we 
 had not heard of her from others, we should hardly give her 
 words their full interpretation. 
 
 " My own private life was so unvaried and uniform, that 
 there is nothing in it worth relating. If I give you a sketch 
 of one day you will have an idea of what it was during a great 
 portion of the time — that is to say, after the reinforcements 
 came in ; before that, from the time of Henry's death, I had no 
 employment of any sort. We used to pass the day in our 
 gloomy room as well as we could, in reading, and writing, and 
 
110 HEKOES OP THE INDIAN EEBELLION. 
 
 working. After this, I used to go to the hospital after break- 
 fast, spend as many hours there as I found necessary, and 
 return to dinner. In the evening I only spent an hour in the 
 hospital, and then, when it got dark, my time of rest came ; 
 the most precious hour I had in the day ; and that I spent at 
 my darling Henry's grave. I often wonder now, in looking 
 back at that time, how I escaped as I did on these occasions, 
 for the bullets were constantly flying thickly, close over my 
 head as I was sitting at the grave, and several times shells burst 
 within a few yards of me there. It seemed so strange that I 
 should be one to escape." 
 
 Such is the private story of one Christian gentleman who 
 gave his life up to his country in the siege of Lucknow. 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. m 
 
 A LADY'S ESCAPE FROM GWALIOR. 
 
 The writer of this thrilling episode of the Indian Rebellion 
 is a woman, the wife of a chaplain — Mrs. Coopland, of Thorp 
 Arch Vicarage. We have so abridged her story that its most 
 interesting portions are given in a small part of the space 
 given to it in the original English work. 
 
 THE AKKIVAL IN INDIA. 
 
 We reached Calcutta on the afternoon of the 17th of 
 November, 1856. The usual bustle and excitement, consequent 
 on the arrival of an overland steamer, ensued. We all gathered 
 on deck to view the rapidly-approaching land. Some who were 
 returning to homes and relations, welcomed this country of 
 their adoption as an old friend. Others, like myself, examined 
 with a critical eye the new and strange land which they believed 
 would be their homes for many years. At last we anchored, 
 and the friends who had been impatiently waiting on shore put 
 off to the vessel. My husband's brother-in-law now appeared, to 
 our surprise, as we did not know he had arrived a fortnight be- 
 fore. Our boarding-house was ready for us, and, getting a boat, 
 we were soon on shore. 
 
 We arrived before long at our destination. Miss Wright's 
 boarding-house, one of the quietest and best-conducted establish- 
 ments of the kind. We much preferred it to the confusion of 
 a great hotel ; my husband, too, had been there before. Miss 
 Wright we found a most pleasant and attentive hostess. Our 
 large, airy room reminded me of some in the German hotels. 
 After the luxury of a bath, we waited for dinner in the drawing- 
 
112 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 room, wliicli only differed from an English one in the quantity 
 of its lights. By this time the room was filled with hungry 
 people, ready for dinner, an agreeable mixture of civil and 
 military, hut no ladies. A native appeared with meekly-folded 
 hands, and, in a sedate voice, said, " Khana mez pur hi " — din- 
 ner is on the table. We then proceeded to the dining-room, 
 which we had only been separated from by silken curtains. 
 The table was surrounded by native servants, gayly attired in 
 their winter clothing, of different-colored cloth. I only noticed 
 a few odd things ; the one was the want of decanters ; the 
 black bottles were clothed in pretty netted covers, and the 
 tumblers had small silver covers to keep out the insects. I re- 
 member sitting next to a poor young officer, Avho gave me an 
 account of fever, ague, and other Indian drawbacks ; he looked 
 dreadfully ill, and was on the eve of embarking for England. 
 
 The next morning my husband went to call on the Bishop, 
 and report his arrival. ... I will describe how each day 
 passes in Calcutta. 
 
 We rise at daybreak, half-past five o'clock ; the morning is 
 heralded by the cawing of myriads of crows, the sharp squealing 
 of kites, and the twittering of sparrows ; very different from 
 the awakening in a quiet country-house in England ; and in- 
 stead of thinking and indulging for an extra half hour, we start 
 up, hurry over our bath and dressing, and then go out for a 
 drive of an hour ; and woe betide your head if you remain out 
 too long without the buggy-hood up. We then loiter as long 
 as we dare in the garden ; return in and partake of bread and 
 butter and tea ; bathe, and dress for breakfast at 9 o'clock : after 
 that most ladies occupy themselves with their households and 
 children. My husband went out to the shops to buy things for 
 our journey up the country. 
 
 At twelve a dead calm falls on the whole city. The delicate 
 European lady in her lofty chamber, the poor coolie with his 
 head wrapped in his turban, and curled up in some corner, or 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 113 
 
 basking in the sun, even the animals, are alike slumbering. At 
 two there is tiffin ; we read and amuse ourselves till five, 
 when we again drive out, dine at seven, anrl retire to bed at 
 ten. But the gay inhabitants of Calcutta do n't keep such 
 early hours : the cool time of the year is their " season," when 
 they keep as late hours as " Londoners." 
 
 We soon heard from the Bishop that my husband's station 
 was to be Gwalior. We asked some friends what sort of a place 
 Gwalior was, and found it was not under the government, being 
 in the Mahratta states of Gwalior and Indore ; the rajahs of which 
 are each bound by treaty to maintain a body of troops, officered 
 from the Company's army, and under the sole orders of the Brit- 
 ish residents at their respective courts. Scindiah's Contingent 
 consists of five corps of artillery, with thirty guns, two regiments 
 of ca-valry, seven of infantry — in all, about 7,300 mnn. This 
 Contingent was called into the field during the disturbances in 
 Bundlecund, and did very good service. We were told Gwalior 
 was considered, though very hot, a healthy station, and the 
 society there very pleasant ; for, being a Contingency, the officers 
 and their families did not change so often as at other stations. 
 
 We now began to make preparations for our departure from 
 Calcutta. We bought a grand piano, a buggy, a store of 
 glass, etc., and then "laid our dak,"* which is necessary in 
 order to have relays of horses. The great number of people 
 who were on their way up to the north-west provinces made it 
 necessary to bespeak a dak carriage. Some ten years ago, when 
 people traveled up in palanquins, they used to have relays of 
 bearers at every stage, and arrangements made. The money i.s 
 always paid beforehand. I think our journey altogether up 
 the country cost us between £50 and £6U. We could only go as 
 far as Agra by dak carriage ; from thence to Gwalior we were 
 to proceed in the old way by bearers' dak. We then hired a 
 
 * Laid our dak ; that is, arranged our relays of bearers. 
 
 10 
 
114 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 kitmutghar ; but I could not hear of an ayah who would leave 
 Calcutta. We bought a mattress, pillows, lamps, and blankets, 
 to fit up our carriage, as we were told not to depend on the sup- 
 plies of the dak bungalows. We then sent all our boxes, except 
 two portmanteaus, by bullock train, as we are only allowed 
 to take a certain weight of luggage on the gharry or carriage. 
 
 We started in a palki gharry — palanquin carriage — for the 
 ferry, which we crossed in a small steamer, crowded with peo- 
 ple going to the railway station — some, like ourselves, begin- 
 ning their journey — and hosts of natives. We saw floating 
 down the river many bodies of dead natives, all in that state 
 described in the song of the '* White Lady of Avenel," which 
 so terrified the poor Sacristan ; only a crow instead of a pike 
 was diligently picking at the fishy, horrid-looking eyes of the 
 dead bodies. The river was crowded with different vessels. 
 
 I was quite pleased on arriving at the railway station to see 
 again the engine with its long row of carriages. My husband 
 here met some friends of his, a young officer and his wife, who 
 had been his fellow-passengers to England the year before by 
 the " overland route." They had just returned by the Cape, 
 and were on their way to their station. I now saw, for the first 
 time, some elephants ; for they are not allowed to come into 
 Calcutta, as they frighten the horses. The railway carriages 
 were very comfortable, and quite luxurious in their fittings up ; 
 you could draw out a board between the seats, and so recline : 
 very different from the narrow, closely-packed carriages in Eng- 
 land. We enjoyed ourselves very much talking to our friends. 
 My husband talked to Captain F., and I to his wife : she 
 was very pretty and engaging, and I found her conversation 
 most agreeable. She talked all about Indian society, and 
 seemed to prefer it to what she called the " cold, formal Eng- 
 lish manners !" She also gave me a great many friendly 
 hints about traveling and station life. About six months after- 
 ward I saw her name in the long list of Cawnpore victims. 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 115 
 
 We passed many small stations ; at one we got out, and had 
 some refreshments. If it had not been for the view from the win- 
 dows, I could have fancied my self traveling from London to York. 
 
 About five in the evening we reached Eaneegunge, 121 miles 
 on our journey, and there bade adieu to all comfortable travel- 
 ing ; not without a strong wish that they would soon continue 
 the railway on to Agra, and so facilitate traveling, and make 
 India as much like home as possible. No one can imagine the 
 benefit it will be when India is traversed by this gigantic sys- 
 tem of communication. The hotel was a few yards from the 
 railway station ; before it stood several dak gharries, and a 
 traveling carriage belonging to some officer, who preferred trav- 
 eling in it to a dak gharry. 
 
 After a bath and dinner, we all commenced packing our 
 gharries. I was much amused to see how our friends packed 
 theirs ; they were "up to " all manner of traveling " dodges," 
 and very kindly helped us to arrange our small quarters, where 
 we were to pass the night. At last we all started : about six 
 gharries, one full of young officers, who seemed to enjoy the fun. 
 
 I never saw our kind friends again ; they reached Agra be- 
 fore us. Captain P. went on to the Punjaub, and his wife 
 first went to stay with some friends at Delhi, and then at C awn- 
 pore, so her poor husband was in uncertainty as to her fate for 
 months. When he at last heard the dreadful news it nearly 
 killed him. 
 
 The drivers began to blow their shrill horns, and make the 
 night echo to their wild music. The horses went a tremendous 
 pace at first, but soon relaxed their speed, and required inces- 
 sant flogging. We changed horses every six miles, and it was 
 rather annoying to be awakened out of a sound sleep by the 
 process of changing. The horses are very troublesome : at 
 times they will rear, kick, plunge, back, and go through a series 
 of gymnastics by no means agreeable to the occupants of the 
 carriage, and disturbing all their little arrangements. 
 
116 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 The next morning we stopped and breakfasted at a dak 
 bungalow. These bungalows have been so often described, 
 that I will only say the first I saw struck me as being very 
 dreary and desolate : near it were two tombstones erected to the 
 memory of two unfortunate travelers, who had, I believe, died 
 of cholera. Our route now lay through a rather more pic- 
 turesque country. It was very dull work, however, as we could 
 not read on account of the jolting ; we did try to make up a 
 few Hindoostanee sentences with the aid of a dictionary, but it 
 was very puzzling : my husband knew very little of the lan- 
 guage, as Hindoostanee is not spoken in Burmah, and he had 
 a Portuguese servant there. I always felt inclined to speak to 
 the natives in German or French. 
 
 About midnight on the second night we met with an un- 
 pleasant accident. When we were both fast asleep we were 
 suddenly awakened by the sensation of falling from a hight, 
 which was followed by a roll over and tremendous crash. Then 
 came sundry ominous bangs, caused by the horse's kicking, and 
 the wails of natives. We, after some difficulty, opened the 
 door, and extricated ourselves, and I mounted the bank we had 
 fallen down, with my husband's help, as it was very steep. It 
 was bitterly cold, and my husband threw up to me some wraps 
 to cover myself with, while he picked up the kitmutghar, who 
 lay groaning on the ground, declaring his leg was broken ; he 
 had really hurt himself, having fallen from the top, where he 
 had sat among the boxes. We foimd out that the cause of 
 the accident was the driver having fallen asleep over his pipe. 
 We then both set to work to scold him in Hindoostanee, and 
 not being sufficiently fluent in that, had recourse to English ; 
 Avhich we had been told natives disliked more, as they did not 
 know what it meant 
 
 We arrived at Benares on the 26th, and left for Agra on the 
 29th, reaching Allahabad in the evening. 
 
 The road from Allahabad to Cawnpore seemed to me the ex- 
 
A lady's escape fkom gwalior. 117 
 
 treme of barrenness. We halted part of the day at Cawnpore, 
 and dined at the hotel. T was much struck with the dreary, 
 depressing look of the place, which seemed fitted for the cruel 
 tragedies so soon to be enacted there. The cantonments ex- 
 tended six miles, in the middle of a sandy plain ; and when I 
 saw the long rows of black-looking barracks, the neglected 
 houses, surrounded by bare mud walls, so different from those 
 of Allahabad, I felt thankful that our lot was not cast in such 
 a dreary waste. We met many travelers on our way, and con- 
 stantly English ladies and children unaccompanied by male 
 Europeans. 
 
 We reached Agra, January 3d, and visited the Military 
 Chaplain, to whom we had an introduction. He very kindly 
 asked us to stay with him till we had made arrangements to 
 proceed to Gwalior ; for here the dak gharry stopped, the road 
 to Gwalior and Indore not being quite finished. I must here 
 remark, that the Grand Trunk Road, when it is complete from 
 Calcutta to the Afghan frontier, a distance of 1,500 miles, 
 will be one of the best roads in the world. 
 
 Unfortunately it rained heavily all that day, so we could not 
 do any thing. Rain generally falls after Christmas in India, 
 cheering and refreshing every thing, and making a pleasant 
 change in the air. 
 
 GWALIOE. 
 
 We arrived at Gwalior at twelve o'clock on the 8th of Janu- 
 ary. I was aroused from my slumbers by the dhooly being 
 suddenly set down before a large white house, and was surprised 
 to see a Sepoy keeping guard, and several more lying on the 
 ground asleep. The door was opened, and a servant appeared, 
 saying our rooms were ready, and he would prepare us some 
 tea ; which was very welcome, as we had felt the cold greatly. 
 I had not the comfort of smoking cigars like my husband. 
 Captain and Mrs. Campbell had retired for the night, but 
 
118 HEROES OF THE INDIAN EEBELLION. 
 
 sent tlieir salaam, and hoped we would make ourselves 
 comfortable. 
 
 Early next morning I was awakened by the cackling and 
 screaming of poultry, and jumping up to see the cause of tlie 
 excitement, beheld Mrs. Campbell, who had just returned from 
 her drive, surrounded by about a hundred hens and cocks, fifty 
 or sixty guinea-fowls, and ducks, geese, pigeons, and turkeys 
 in like proportion, which she was feeding. About two o'clock 
 I was amused, at the ringing of a bell, to see about half a 
 dozen horses appear with their syces, to be fed ; then the goats 
 and the fowls went through the same process : about three 
 o'clock we dined. At five we drove out in a pretty carriage 
 and pair to see the station. My first view was a pleasing one. 
 The cantonments consisted of a row of large thatched houses 
 in compounds, like pretty, gay gardens, on each side of a wide 
 road bordered with trees, and about a mile long. The road had 
 an English look : the people were driving and riding about, 
 and the pretty, healthy -looking children — so different from those 
 of Calcutta — also riding or driving in little pony-carriages. 
 We passed the church, which looked exactly like an English 
 one, and is very well built. 
 
 Early next morning I walked with my husband to have a 
 good survey of the church ; it was not surrounded with veran- 
 das, nor had it windows down to the ground, or Venetians, or 
 a flat roof, like the other churches I had seen. These omissions 
 added to the beauty, but not to the coolness, so important to an 
 Indian church. It was small, with open benches, and the 
 chancel paved with encaustic tiles from England. The win- 
 clows — though not Waile's or Hardman's — were very prettily 
 painted. The pulpit was of Caen stone, and the reading-desk 
 oak, with velvet cushions. On the communion-table was a 
 velvet cloth, and books bound in Russian leather. There was 
 an organ brought from England five years ago, but quite out of 
 order. The architect was Major Vincent Eyre, of the Engineers. 
 
A lady's escape fkom gwaliok. 119 
 
 On Sunday, tlie 11th, my husband had a very kind note from 
 one of Sir Robert Hamilton's brothers, saying tliat he and his 
 brother — also a chaplain — would be very glad to assist him in 
 the service ; so the three chaplains divided the morning and 
 evening services between them. The church was very well filled. 
 
 On Monday, according to an Indian custom, my husband 
 began his round of calls. The inhabitants of the station con- 
 sisted of the Resident, the Brigadier, the Brigade -Major, about 
 thirty officers and their families, some men belonging to the 
 telegraph office, and a few sergeants and drummers, all Eu- 
 ropeans : there were four native regiments of the Gwalior Con- 
 tingent, the rest being stationed at Jhansi, Sepree, and one or 
 two other small stations. These troops belonged to the Com- 
 pany, and were officered by them, but were paid by the Maha- 
 rajah of Gwalior, to whom the whole of that part of the coun- 
 try belonged, though under the surveillance of political agents. 
 
 The ladies then all called on me, and I returned their calls. 
 
 Our first week at Gwalior was very gay, owing to the arrival 
 of Sir Robert Hamilton, Agent to the Governor-General, on a 
 tour ; and with him General Havelock and his staff, on their 
 way to Persia. 
 
 We went to a large dinner given by the Gwalior officers to 
 Sir R. Hamilton. Though I entered the room not knowing a 
 single person in it — as Mrs. Campbell, being ill, could not go — 
 my Scotch descent soon made me feel among friends ; for every 
 one nearly in India is Scotch or Irish : I met many of the 
 former who knew my father's family in Dumfriesshire. I do 
 think there were only half a dozen genuine English in the room, 
 including my husband. 
 
 The mess-house was a large bungalow, containing a fine 
 dining and drawing-room, a billiard and several smaller 
 rooms. 
 
 Of course, the gentlemen outnumbered the ladies ; and all the 
 former being in unform, there was nothing to contrast with tke 
 
120 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 gay dresses of the ladies, except a few black velvet dresses 
 which some of the ladies had wisely attired themselves in. I 
 was struck with the youthful look of the whole party ; very 
 few had passed their "premiere jeunesse," all were nice-looking, 
 and not many unmarried ; there was not one lady unmarried. 
 
 The rooms were brilliantly lighted and prettily furnished, and 
 the dinner just like an English one, for what could not be pro- 
 cured in India had been brought from Europe ; including her- 
 metically-sealed fruits, fish, and meats, and preserves, with cham- 
 pagne, etc. The evening ended with music, singing, and games. 
 
 A few days after my husband went to a dinner in Sir Robert 
 Hamilton's tent, and was introduced to General Havelock. I 
 remember — being uninitiated into such things — asking him, on 
 his return, " if the tent was cold," and was told it was very 
 luxurious, carpeted with thick Mirzapore carpets, and heated by 
 stoves, and that the dinner reminded him somewhat of a Cam- 
 bridge feast. 
 
 Then the Resident gave Sir R. Hamilton a dinner, to which 
 we all went. My husband went to a court levee, held by Sir R. 
 Hamilton and the Maharajah, in the latter's palace. I need 
 not give a description of the levee ; such things are well known 
 now : there was the usual amount of natch girls, fire-works, 
 etc., and my husband returned with a wreath of yellow jas- 
 min, with which the natives always adorn their guests, and 
 some packets of sweatmeats, and pawn,* and pieces of fine 
 muslin scented with ottar of roses, all of which I delighted my 
 ayah by giving to her. My husband said he had seen many of 
 the neighboring chiefs, who had come to make their " salaam," 
 and thought them fine-looking men. 
 
 Unfortunately the Rajah was a Hindoo ; therefore, the cow 
 being sacred in his eyes, we were not allowed any beef, except 
 it was brought occasionally from Agra ; but the distance and 
 
 * Pawn, a nut wrapped in a betel leaf, and chewed by the natives. 
 
A lady's escape from gwalioe. 121 
 
 heat not being favorable, we seldom tasted any. We subscribed 
 to " the Mntton Club," however. 
 
 I wish the Rajah haa known what a grudge I owed him for 
 this troublesome prejudice. These Hindoos are the most incon- 
 sistent people : I have frequently seen them starve and ill-treat 
 their sacred animals in the most heartless and cruel manner ; 
 and have seen a poor bxillock in a dying state, and in such suf- 
 fering, that it Avould have been a mercy, to put it out of 
 misery, but no one dared. 
 
 My husband found great amusement and occupation for a 
 fortnight in taking to pieces and replacing the church organ, 
 which, as I have before mentioned, was quite out of order ; a 
 note could not be struck without the accompaniment of a lu- 
 dicrous groaning kind of noise. He had studied a book on 
 tuning, and being of a mechanical turn, and finding it hopeless 
 to wait for the " tuner from Calcutta," he set to work, and got 
 on very satisfactorily ; till one morning he came to meet me in 
 a great state of perplexity, saying, if I did not come and help 
 him, the organ would not be ready the next day — Sunday. I 
 accordingly accompanied him to the church, and was very much 
 astonished to see the different parts of the organ lying all about ; 
 however, as he had marked all the pipes and their corresponding 
 places, I had nothing to do but hand them to him, while he re- 
 placed them, and soon all was accomplished to our great satis- 
 faction. The next day one of the ladies played, and we ar- 
 ranged a regular practicing day. Some of the ladies had been 
 members of the Simla choir, which is a very good one. We 
 learned some of the very best chants and hymns, which added 
 much to the beauty of the service, and I flatter myself that our 
 church and service might have been compared with those of any 
 small church in England. The officers also were very useful 
 and kind in taking parts and blowing the bellows. At last my 
 husband persuaded the church-bearer, by the promise of extra 
 
 rupees, to undertake it ; who evidently thought it was himself 
 
 11 
 
122 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 who played : often, when I was practicing, he would stop sud- 
 denly, and peep around the corner grinning, as if to show me 
 how helpless I was without his assistance. 
 
 At last the small house was vacated for us hy Major Mac- 
 pherson, who went to Calcutta with the Maharajah. For six 
 weeks we had been lookers-on, but now we gradually became 
 initiated into the minutige of life at a small station. Most 
 people kept from twenty to thirty servants ; those who had 
 children kept a bearer or ayah for each child. We kept about 
 twenty ; they cost from £100 to £200 a year, even in a station — 
 and in the large towns like Calcutta they cost more — and we 
 were told we should require more coolies in the hot season, to 
 pull the punkahs.* We were obliged to keep a great number, 
 as they will do only their own particular work ; it required 
 three to cook the dinner, one to wash, one to sweep, one to 
 attend to the rooms, one to sew, one for the bullocks, one for 
 the fowls, one to carry water for the animals, one for the goats 
 and cows, two for each horse. Besides those I mentioned we 
 required in Calcutta, and a gardener, my husband had a bearer 
 and I two ayahs : a high-caste woman for a lady's maid, and a 
 low-caste one to do the under work. This is to gratify another 
 absurd prejudice ; for the natives think you are not " correct" 
 if you employ a low- caste woman about your person : a high- 
 caste native won't stay in the same room with a low-caste, or 
 touch or take any thing from him. A lady told me she once 
 sent her matranej with a note to a Sepoy, when he commanded 
 her to throw it down, as he would not " defile himself by taking 
 it from her." Many people keep chiiprassees and others, to 
 perform what one man would do in England, but in Madras 
 and Bombay so many are not required. 
 
 * Punkah, a large wooden board and curtain suspended from the ceiling, 
 and pulled by ropes. 
 
 f Matrane, a woman of the sweeper caste. 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 123 
 
 We bought a share in " the Mutton Club," which is managed 
 by an officer and hosts of satellites. The arrangements are as 
 follows : A flock of sheep is kept, and separated into three 
 divisions ; No. 1 is a lot of fresh sheep to be added to the 
 others, called jungle-wallahs ;* No. 2 are grass-wallahs ; No. 3 
 are grass and gram-wallahs, or those given both grass and gram 
 daily, ready for killing ; so we had a plentiful supply of 
 mutton — a shoulder one day, and leg the next : it was "mutton 
 hot and mutton cold, mutton young and mutton old, mutton 
 tough and mutton tender" every day, occasionally varied by 
 fowls, fish, and game. 
 
 It was now the middle of February, and very cool in the 
 morning and evening, and not oppressively hot in the middle 
 of the day ; indeed, we made all our calls from 12 o'clock to 3. 
 
 Some of the ladies walked a great deal : I knew one or two 
 who used constantly to walk quite around the "Course," four 
 miles long, either morning or evening. We all wore warm 
 shawls and cloth dresses, and kept good fires in our rooms. 
 
 The station looked its best, and a walk down the road was 
 very pleasant, with the fresh, fragrant gardens on each side, 
 filled with sweet-scented flowers ; the magnolia, with their rich 
 fragrance, and the bright scarlet blossoms of the pomegranate 
 contrasting with its glossy green leaves, the soft, puffy, golden- 
 colored flowers of the barbul — the " wax flower," as it is called, 
 from the waxy look of its dark green leaves and white flowers — 
 the Indian-scented jasmin, various sorts of roses, and a 
 large flower with petals like scarlet leaves, besides mignonette, 
 larkspur, and other English flowers. The native flowers have 
 either an overpowering scent, or none at all. The vegetables 
 were all kinds of melons, potatoes, yams, cucumbers, and 
 many others, the names of which I have forgotten. The trees 
 were the neem, different species of acacia, mango, guava, 
 
 * Wallahs, fellows. 
 
124 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 orange, and lime, a few bamboos — but no palms, as they do 
 not grow so far north — and a tree which blossoms like a la- 
 bm'nimi. These gardens were divided by green hedges. The 
 bungalows were either whitewashed outside, or colored according 
 to the inmates' taste ; they had no doors, as at Calcutta, but 
 gates, and gravel walks : most of them wei-e occupied by pet 
 animals of some kind, deer, doves, etc. 
 
 Captain and Lieutenant Cockbourn improved their regiments 
 greatly; the Meades and the Murrays went into the country to 
 live in tents, and we removed to a large bungalow, surrounded 
 by a gravel walk to keep off the snakes. 
 
 Coming events now begin to cast their shadows, though the 
 Sepoys, as yet, were quiet. We dine with the Meade^s, go to a 
 musical party at Captain Eeason's, and begin to hear, in 
 April, of unpleasant reports from other parts of India. 
 
 THE MUTINY. 
 
 The heat now began to be overpowering. I was awakened 
 one morning by the most stifling sensation in the air, and felt 
 quite ill. The ayah and bearer said the hot winds had com- 
 menced. Really, I did think it was very " arg he maficJc " — 
 like fire — it made your brain feel on fire, and all the blood in 
 your body throb and burn like liquid fire. We drove out for a 
 short time, and I was struck with the gray, lurid look of the 
 sky ; the trees looked dry and withered. 
 
 We could no longer drive round the "Course;" the only 
 bearable place was the well-watered road between the houses. 
 Gwalior cantonments are situated in a hollow, therefore the 
 hot winds sweep over them unimpeded. 
 
 We felt languid and weary, and every precaution was taken 
 to mitigate the intense heat. We bathed many times in the 
 day, and drank cooling drinks, particularly soda-water. In- 
 deed, so much of this do the Europeans drink, the natives 
 think it is the only water we have at home, and call it " beta- 
 thee arnee " — foreign water. 
 
A lady's escape fkom gwalior. 125 
 
 Mr. and Mrs. Pierson arrived during the hot weather. It 
 seems strange that in the mutiny, though Mr. Pierson was not 
 so well known or so much liked by his men as Major Blake, 
 Captain Stuart, and Dr. Kirke, yet they not only spared him 
 and his wife, but assisted them to escape. A little before this, 
 a man from Calcutta arrived to take photographs, and staid 
 some time. Some of these photographs were actually recov- 
 ered after the mutinies, and sent into Agra. The Stuarts were 
 taken in groups, and made very pretty pictures, which were 
 sent home, and, I believe, arrived there safely. What a com- 
 fort they must have been ! I saw several groups of Sepoys 
 taken also. Many photographs were found in the room of 
 horrors at Cawnpore ! 
 
 The tempest had been brewing at Meei'ut for some time ; 
 bungalows and houses were burnt, and no one knew who had 
 perpetrated these flagrant acts of revolt. At last eighty-five 
 troopers, having refused to fire with the cartridges supplied 
 them, were sentenced to six and ten years' imprisonment. In 
 spite of the sullen, defiant looks of the Sepoys, they were car- 
 ried to a prison two miles off, in the native city, instead of 
 being under an English gTiard. But for this, the terrible plot 
 would have remained concealed till the day fixed for a simulta- 
 neous rising, when, doubtless, the consequences would have 
 been much more terrible than they were. All went on as 
 usual till Sunday — the fatal day — the 10th of May. 
 
 The news, by means of the telegraph, was all over India 
 by the 13th ; but we then hoped it was not known to the 
 natives, precautions having been taken to prevent them corre- 
 sponding. It burst on us at Gwalior like a thunder-clap, and 
 paralyzed us with horror. We could not help wondering how 
 a plot, known to so many thousands, could so long remain 
 secret, and all things go on quietly as ever. We did not see 
 the terrible details till a day or two afterward, when we were 
 dining with the Stuarts ; I remember our gloomy forebodings. 
 
126 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 and how we talked of wliat had happened. Little more than a 
 month after, out of the nine people assembled together that 
 night, there were only three survivors. Captain Stuart sent 
 to the dS,k ofEce, at the Lushkur, for the papers, that we 
 might see the list of killed and escaped, as many of us were 
 iu anxious suspense about friends at Meerut. O, what a num- 
 ber of people have been cut off in the full pride and vigor of 
 youth in these fearful mutinies ! "What happy homes have 
 been desolated and hearts broken ! The particulars of the 
 Delhi and Meerut mutinies are now too well known ; I will 
 not dwell on them ; but think how we must have heard of 
 them at Gwalior ! 
 
 Martial law was now proclaimed in the Meerut district, and 
 Sir Henry Lawrence sent the following telegraphic message to 
 the Governor-General: "All is quiet here, but affairs are 
 critical. Get every European you can from China, Ceylon, 
 and elsewhere ; also all the Goorkas from the hills ; time is 
 every thing." 
 
 On the 17th, the whole Contingent was paraded to hear the 
 Government proclamation, which was read by Brigadier Eam- 
 sey, who also addressed them. This he could do very well, as 
 he knew the language perfectly. Captain Pearson and Lieu- 
 tenant Cockbourn left Gwalior with half the cavalry and artil- 
 lery regiments. Captain Campbell left also for Agra in com- 
 mand of the Rajah's body-guard. 
 
 Major Macpherson now took up his abode in the canton- 
 ments. We went one day to dine with him, and I was 
 introduced to the Maharajah Scindiah, who happened to be 
 there. I have a distinct recollection, when he shook hands 
 with me, of his limp cold hand — just like all natives. From 
 that time the Rajah used frequently to come to the canton- 
 ments to see Major Macpherson. 
 
 I can never forget the fearful gloom of that month ; but as 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 127 
 
 our feelings are better described in my own and my husband's 
 letters home, I will here insert some of them. 
 
 " Gtvalior, Saturday, Mat 16, 1857. 
 
 " I write to you to-day, although the mail does not leave 
 Bombay till the 28th, because there is no knowing now how 
 long the road between this and Bombay will be open for the 
 passage of the mails. The country north of Agra is in a 
 dreadful state. You will probably have heard of mutiny and 
 disaffection having shown itself in some native regiments near 
 Calcutta, in consequence of which some men -were hung, and 
 one whole native regiment and part of another were dis- 
 banded — apparently the severest punishment the Government 
 dared to inflict. Well, it appears now that there has been an 
 attempt at conspiracy for a general rising throughout the 
 country. It is known that it was intended to rise upon all the 
 Europeans and murder them. And now the insurrection has 
 broken out at Lucknow, Meerut, and Delhi, and other places, 
 where there are no European regiments, the English are, of 
 course, entirely at the mercy of the brutal, treacherous native 
 soldiers ; and, as you see, it has been only the presence of two 
 English regiments at Meerut that has saved any of the Euro- 
 peans. Of course we are alarmed here. There are only 
 about twenty English officers, with their wives and children, 
 in the station, and about five thousand native troops, so that 
 we are entirely at their mercy. Already half of our native 
 cavalry and half of the artillery have been sent to Agra, and 
 these were far more to be trusted than the infantry who remain. 
 Even the Rajah's body-guard has gone to Agra. There is an 
 English regiment at Agra, but there are many native regi- 
 ments, three thousand cut-throats in the gaol, and a hostile 
 population ; so that they would have little chance against so 
 many enemies. And, positively, the Governor has called up 
 all the native regiments, and told them if they do not like the 
 
128 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 service, they are at liberty to leave it without molestation. 
 Fancy sucli a course as this when a rising is feared throughout 
 the country. 
 
 " I do not think that our lives are safe for a moment. 0, 
 how gladly would I send off my wife to England, or even to 
 Agra, this moment, if I could ! The insurgents, of course, 
 will be increasing every day, and, if they come here, the native 
 soldiers have as good as told their officers that they will not 
 resist them — ' they will not fight against their brethren ;' and it 
 would not be simply death to fall into their hands. 
 
 " This is God's punishment upon all the weak tampering 
 with idolatry and flattering vile superstitions. The Sepoys have 
 been allowed to have their own way as to this and that thing 
 which they pretended was part of their religion, and so have 
 been spoiled and allowed to see that we were frightened of 
 them. And now no one can tell what will be the end of it. 
 There is no great general to put things right by a bold stroke. 
 We shall all be cut up piecemeal. Instead of remaining to 
 have our throats cut, we ought to have gone to Agra long ago, 
 or toward Bombay ; and all the European regiments should 
 have been drawn together, and every native regiment that 
 showed the least sign of disaffection at once destroyed, or at 
 least driven away : for, as a leading article in the Agra paper 
 of this morning observes, what native regiment can now be 
 trusted ? I would leave for Bombay at once, but it would be 
 death to be exposed even for an hour to the sun. What to do 
 I know not. The officers, of course, dare not stir one step, but 
 I wonder they do not contrive some plan for sending the ladies 
 and children up to Agra, or to some place where there are Eng- 
 lish troops. There is gloom on the few English faces and a 
 scowl upon the face of every native already. This letter will 
 certainly make you very anxious about us. Sarah happily is 
 all safe, being near Calcutta ; but I hope you will get a more 
 favorable account from me inclosed with this, or, at least, hear 
 
A lady's escape from gwaltor. 129 
 
 that we are in some place of safety. I would send my wife oif 
 at once if I had the chance. The possibility even of our fall- 
 ing into the hands of these demons is horrible 
 
 " G. W. CoOPLAND. 
 
 " P. S. It is dreadfully hot here ; every thing is like iire." 
 
 " GwALiOR, May 19, 1857. 
 
 " I shall Avrite to you some time before the mail will leave 
 Bombay, but in the very unsettled state of the country, and the 
 dak being stopped, it is better not to lose any time. You will 
 know what dreadful times we live in, when we can not be sure 
 of our lives for a day, and live in a state of constant anxiety 
 and dread. You will perhaps have seen in the papers that 
 there have been riots in India. The insurgents are now spread- 
 ing themselves all over. Nothing has yet been heard of the 
 ofiScers, their wives, and families, at Delhi. The rebels have 
 set up a king and a judge there. They seem to have chosen the 
 best time for rebelling, when the hot weather is commencing, 
 and it would be dangerous for the European troops to be ex- 
 posed to it. All the regiments from the Hills are being ordered 
 down to reinforce Delhi, Meerut, and other important stations ; 
 but it will be long before any thing can be done, as no reliance 
 can be placed on the native troops. 
 
 " Here the troops say they won't fight against their brethren. 
 The artillery and cavalry have left here for Agra, together 
 Avith the Maharajah's body-guard, which Captain Campbell 
 has the temporary command of. There are only about thirty 
 Englishmen in this station, and the native troops are not the 
 least to be depended upon. They would most likely take part 
 with the insxirgents, of whom there must now be a great num- 
 ber ; and they will soon be joined by all who hate the English. 
 The insubordination in our own servants is most remarkable. 
 They look as if they would like to cut our throats. The life 
 we lead is quite miserable ; the heat before was bad enough to 
 
130 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 bear, tut now it is dreadful, when you live in fear of your life. 
 Here we are in the midst of a lot of savages — for most of them 
 are nothing better — seventy miles from any European regi- 
 ment, and the insurgents are not far from us. They attacked 
 a small station between here and Agra, and nearly murdered an 
 officer. They murder people in the most cold-blooded way. 
 At Agra there are 3,000 cut-throats in the gaol, very badly 
 guarded, and if they were let out, what would be the conse- 
 quences ? 
 
 " I wish we were safe at home. George has his rifle in 
 readiness. All night long we are only separated by a thin 
 piece of wood from our coolies who pull the punkahs, and who 
 would not hesitate to cut our throats if they had the chance. 
 
 " We do not know from day to day what Avill happen. 
 Captain Campbell gave his wife a brace of loaded pistols before 
 he left her, so you may fancy the state we live in. I hope we 
 shall soon hear better news when the English troops meet the 
 rebels ; but they will never be able to stand the heat, as they 
 are only invalided troops from the hills. Poor Sarah Money — 
 formerly Menteath — had to part from her husband not a month 
 after their marriage, as his regiment was ordered against the 
 rebels. R. M. Coopland." 
 
 " GwALiOE, May 22, 1857. 
 " I have already sent off a letter for you, for the mail which 
 is to leave Bombay on May 28th, giving you an account of the 
 dreadful rebellion that has broken out in India. I am very 
 sorry that I have no better news to give you now ; we are still 
 in great uncertainty and danger. Nothing of course is heard 
 from Delhi, which is still in the hands of the rebels ; and it is 
 to be feared that many of the Europeans who were there when 
 the rebellion broke out have been massacred. I gave you before 
 the names of some that have been murdered there, and nothing 
 further has been heard. *> 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 131 
 
 " It is a dreadful time for Europeans to have to move down 
 into the plains ; but, of course, it was necessary to strike a blow 
 at once. 
 
 " We hear that the Commander-in-chief is already on his 
 way to Delhi with three European regiments, cavalry and 
 artillery, and two or three native regiments that are supposed 
 to be yet faithful ; and it is said that native troops will be 
 found sufficiently trustworthy from stations near Delhi to help 
 in surrounding and investing it. It will be long even before 
 they reach it, so we shall have to wait to know our fate, and 
 the fate, apparently, of English empire in India. It seems that 
 the massacre at Meerut was frightful ; and though there were 
 two English regiments in the station, the natives succeeded in 
 murdering a large number of their officers, and many women and 
 children. But we have heard nothing certain. The mutineers 
 from Meerut and other places have already spread themselves 
 over the country, and just now something terrible has happened 
 at Etawah, a small station only about forty miles to the east of 
 this place, for a whole regiment has been hurried away thither 
 from here this morning. It is to be hoped that they will be 
 faithful. They are all natives, and have only three English 
 officers. 
 
 " We get no newspapers, and as I, of course, am not ad- 
 mitted to military consultations here, the only news we get is 
 by chance conversation, or by my writing to the Brigade- 
 Major, or some other officer, and asking what is going on. 
 
 " You know that we are not in English dominions, but in 
 those of the Eajah of Gwalior. Happily he remains faithful 
 to the English, at least so far, and in appearance, though now 
 no one can tell what native is to be trusted. 
 
 "The weather is now dreadfully close and hot, though they 
 say that the extreme heat has not yet set in. 
 
 " The change in the behavior of all servants and natives 
 is wonderful, since the disturbances broke out. All are insolent, 
 
132 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 no longer like submissive slaves, but as if they were very for- 
 bearing in not at once murdering you ; and tbe people eye us, 
 when we drive out, in the most sinister and malicious way. 
 
 "G. W. COOPLAND." 
 
 " GwALioE, May 23. 
 
 " I write again, as I think you may oe anxious to know how- 
 things go on. 
 
 " We are all in a very anxious and dreadful position ; for 
 what must be a decisive blow to this dreadful conspiracy, is 
 now going on at Delhi. A large force of English troops have 
 reached Delhi, and are to commence operations to-day. The 
 last mail from Agra, which came in to-day, brought woi'd that 
 the rebels had taken Allyghur, where there is a treasury, and so 
 had got possession of a large amount of money, and had 
 stopped the communication with the Punjaub ; so that now we 
 can know nothing certain of the state of things there, and can 
 only hope that the Sepoys will remain faithful there ; for if they 
 join the rebels, all is lost. The fate of India will be decided 
 in two or three days — perhaps is deciding now. There are 
 supposed to be seven thousand Sepoys, all trained by the 
 English, in possession of Delhi ; and it is now believed they 
 have a large number of English officers prisoners, whom they 
 have not yet murdered. Our fate depends upon the result at 
 Delhi ; the slightest failure will be the signal for revolt and 
 massacre among all the native troops throughout the country. 
 Of course here, as every-where else, there is the most anxious 
 expectation. There are now only ten English officers in the 
 station, with many ladies and children, and in the midst of 
 native troops ready to break out at a moment's notice, and are 
 only waiting to see what happens at Delhi. We hope that 
 Agra is safe, as our own lot depends, in a great measure, upon 
 it. There is great fear, if Delhi is not taken, of the insurgents 
 coming here, as Gwalior is on their way, and the atrocities they 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 133 
 
 commit are fearful to think of. The insurgents have burned 
 down a railway station-house not very far from Calcutta, so it 
 will be very difficult to get there now ; they have also burned 
 down a large hospital at Agra. The rebels intend to make 
 terms, by means of the prisoners, with the English who are 
 now besieging Delhi. One young officer did a very brave 
 thing — he blew up a place containing firearms of all sorts. It 
 is supposed he blew himself up with it, as nothing has been 
 since heard of him. You have no idea of the gloom here ; 
 people seldom go out of their houses, and all look as if they 
 expected some dreadful calamity. We dined last night with 
 the Stuarts. Several officers w'ere there, and they all spoke 
 most doubtfully of things, and said, if a decisive blow was not 
 struck at Delhi, it would be all over with the English. 
 
 " It will be dreadful work for the regiments to have forced 
 mai'ches in these scorching winds. We have no news from the 
 Pimjaub, as the dak is stopped. Things have been in a very 
 unsettled state at Peshawur for some time ; they killed an 
 officer who was out of cantonments lately. This is worse than 
 the Santal rebellion, as it is among the Company's own ti'oops. 
 Some of the native regiments that left here are now at Delhi. 
 Some of the officers I met last night said they had observed the 
 insolent manner of the Sepoys here for some time. 
 
 "R. M. COOPLAND, 
 
 *'P. S. Before I write again, I hope to have better news for 
 you ; if not, there is no knowing if we shall be alive." 
 
 " GwALioR, June 2. 
 
 " I am very sorry to say that the aspect of things is not at 
 all more favorable now, and we ourselves have been during the 
 last few days in the midst of the greatest alarm and trouble, 
 
 " The rebellion continues to spread all around us, and has 
 broken out, it is to be feared, even in the Punjaub ; but we do 
 not hear much, and that very irregularly, since, in many places, 
 
134 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 the post roads and telegraphs are in the possession of the 
 rebels, and where it is open the Government keep it to them- 
 selves, and seein to hide the real state of things as much as 
 possible from the people. But we know that at Etawah — per- 
 haps sixty or seventy miles from us — the houses of the officers 
 have been pillaged and burned down, and the treasury carried 
 off; the same has been done at Mynpoorie, a considerable sta- 
 tion between Agra and Cawnpore. The insurgents are all over 
 the country, plundering and murdering as they please. Nothing 
 has yet been heard from Delhi, every thing being in the hands 
 of many thousands of rebels, who have got possession of 
 treasure, it is said, to the amount of between half a million and 
 a million of rupees, besides the property that they have got in 
 Delhi, which was a very wealthy city. It was expected that 
 the Commander-in-chief would have made an attack upon 
 Delhi a week ago, and now that nothing is heard of him, we 
 are almost in despair ; either he is panic-struck, or the native 
 troops we trusted have turned traitors, or he has been defeated, 
 or cholera has broken out among his troops. And every thing 
 depends upon his success ; if he is defeated, we shall all go at 
 once. It is terrible to watch how fear has gradually come over 
 the Government. First, there was a proclamation promising 
 speedy extermination to all rebels, saying that English troops 
 were gathering from all quarters, and that vengeance would 
 soon overtake their enemies. Now, to our shame and humilia- 
 tion, a proclamation has appeared, declaring that every Sepoy 
 who has taken part in this rebellion will be allowed to go to 
 his home in peace on giving up his arms at the nearest station ; 
 that is, offering entire impunity to the wi'etches that have mur- 
 dered and treated with every outrage our women and children, 
 and devastated every thing with fire and sword. 
 
 " But now to come to ourselves. Two regiments and the 
 cavalry having been lately sent off to other places, there are 
 now here two regiments of infantry, two companies of artil- 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 135 
 
 lery, and perhaps a hundred cavalry. The English community 
 consists now of eleven officers, mostly with wives and children, 
 three surgeons, the wives and families of four officers that have 
 been sent off with their regiments, and four sergeants with 
 wives and children. Well, it seems that on Wednesday last, 
 and during Thursday, the most dreadful reports kept coming in 
 to the brigadier, the political agent, and some other officers 
 secretly, that the whole of the troops here were to rise simulta- 
 neously on Thursday evening, at eleven o'clock, and burn 
 down all our houses and murder us ; of course none of these 
 reports ever reached us, and about half-past five on Thursday 
 evening Captain Murray came rushing into our house, and 
 asked to see me alone. He told me that he had been sent by 
 the Brigade-Major to inform me that the troops were going to 
 rise at eleven o'clock that night, and make wholesale burning 
 and slaughtering ; that every woman and child either had fled, 
 or must at once make off to the Residency — a large house be- 
 tween seven and eight miles off, where the political agent at the 
 Court of Gwalior lives ; and that I must drive my wife over 
 there in our buggy, since arrangements had been made for the 
 occupation of all carriages in the station. It was of the ut- 
 most importance that our flight should be made unobserved ; 
 we must wait till the usual time of our evening drive, and pre- 
 tending that we were going out as usual, must slip off on the 
 road to the Residency ; we must not take any thing with us, for 
 fear of exciting suspicion. 
 
 " This was all said in a few moments, and the officer hurried 
 away. You may imagine our feelings, not knowing how many 
 had escaped, nor whether we should succeed in doing so, or 
 should be stopped on the road. We hastily dressed, and or- 
 dered our buggy to be ready, not without many fears that per- 
 haps the groom had run away, or the horse would be found 
 lame ; we took each a night-dress, gave a last look at our nice 
 drawing-room, favorite books, etc., and my wife played on her 
 
136 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 piano, probably for the last time, and then about half-past six 
 we got into our buggy and drove off, lea^dng our money and 
 every thing we had, just as if we were going out for our cus- 
 tomary evening drive. I first drove down the station, thinking 
 to avoid suspicion, and then drove into Mrs. Campbell's com- 
 pound, to ask if she had gone. We found that she had gone 
 early that morning, and so, thinking there was no time to lose, 
 turned down the road toward our place of refuge. We had at 
 once to pass a long bridge guarded by soldiers, and there feared 
 we should be stopped ; but happily they let us pass, and we got 
 clear out upon the road. The road was frightfully bad, in 
 some places covered by gullies, and I had never been that way 
 before, so that as darkness came on, and we were obliged to 
 depend on the directions of any passing natives, we were 
 not a little uncomfortable, and began at last to think — such 
 was the wild, desolate look of the surrounding country — that 
 we were being entrapped. At last we reached a large encamp- 
 ment of Mahratta horse and infantry surrounding a large stone 
 house, which we were glad to find was to be our place of refuge. 
 " I have not time to give you a minute description of all that 
 occurred here. You must imagine thirteen ladies, almost all 
 Avith one or two children, and four sergeants' wives with their 
 children, crowded together, having just left their husbands, as 
 they supposed, in the greatest danger, and expecting that their 
 houses, and all that they had, would in a few hours be in flames, 
 and a birth and death both expected to happen any time ; no 
 beds, no change of dress, and suffocatingly hot ; and then an 
 order that every one should be ready to start at a moment's 
 notice, for perhaps we might have to hurry off toward Agra. 
 The political agent, a son of one of our officers, and an invalid 
 soldier, were the only white men present. You must imagine 
 what a night we passed, entirely in the hands of the Rajah's 
 troops, and expecting to hear the officers that might have 
 survived come galloping in with news that all was over. 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 137 
 
 " But news came at last that the officers had gone among 
 their men, and that the dreadful hour was passed, and no out- 
 break had been made ; and then that the officers were sleeping 
 among the lines, and the artillery officers and the Brigadier be- 
 fore the guns, so that it was supposed that the storm had passed 
 for the present — to burst out on another opportunity. Early 
 in the morning we were told that the Rajah had intimated that 
 he could not afford troops to guard us at that distance ; we 
 must come down to one of his palaces. Of course we were 
 obliged to submit ; and before long the natives of Grwalior 
 crowded to a sight such as never had been seen in their streets 
 before — fifteen or sixteen carriages dashing through, sur- 
 rounded by hundreds of wild Mahratta horsemen, and filled 
 with English ladies and children. A gallop of four or five 
 miles, through the heat and dust, brought us to the Rajah's 
 palace. 
 
 " After waiting some time in the court-yard, we were con- 
 ducted up a long flight of steps to the top of one part of the 
 palace, which we were afterward informed was near the Rajah's 
 harem. Such misery I have seldom seen — poor little children 
 crying, ladies half dead with heat and fatigue, some in tears ; 
 nothing to defend us from the heat ; one mother weeping over 
 a child supposed to be dying, without medical aid or necessaries 
 of any kind. The Rajah, however, did what he could — sent in 
 some old English chairs and a table which he happened to pos- 
 sess, and two or three native beds ; and even had frames, filled 
 with thorns, put in where there wei"e no windows, in order that 
 water might be thrown upon them to keep us cooler. The heat, 
 however, was terrific, and we began to think how many such 
 days it would be possible to survive. 
 
 "As night came on, a few native beds were brought in, and, 
 
 as far as they went, assigned to the different ladies. The 
 
 excitement in the native city below us was immense — the 
 
 people crowding round the palace and gathering on the tops 
 
 12 
 
138 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 of the neighboring houses to get a glimpse of the English 
 prisoners. 
 
 " An immense number of troops was brought up to guard us, 
 and large cannon without end. 
 
 " After another miserable night — I never got water to wash 
 m^y face, or changed my linen — my wife, happily for her, shared 
 a bed with another lady this night — we were told a messenger 
 had arrived from the Brigadier, to the effect that we were to 
 return at once to the station. 
 
 " It appeared that the men had determined to remain faithful 
 for the present, and that the native officers had gone to the Brig- 
 adier, and explained that they were offended at the departure 
 of the ladies, and at their being placed under the care of the 
 Rajah ; that their men would remain faithful, and we had noth- 
 ing to fear. 
 
 "About 6 o'clock, A.M., we bade farewell to the Rajah's 
 palace, and reached our houses again about seven, finding all 
 just as we had left it. This was Saturday morning, and here 
 we are still, Tuesday morning; but our condition is very pitia- 
 ble. We are here only on sufferance ; our masters are always 
 around us : we have to be obliged to them for not burning down 
 our houses and massacring us. How can we trust one of 
 them, when we know that regiments just like them have been 
 guilty of every enormity ? How gladly should I find myself 
 with my Avife on board an English steamer ! but we can not 
 escape now, the roads are unsafe, even if the climate spared us. 
 If a great blow is not struck soon at Delhi, all will go. The 
 Governor of Agra is most anxious that the news of our alarm 
 here should not reach Agra, fearing the effects of it there, 
 though they have one English regiment. Where this will end 
 no one can tell. 
 
 " The country is no longer ours, but in the hands of Sepoys ; 
 and our lives, and all we have, too. I hope you will all com- 
 passionate us, and think about us ; and if it is not too late, I 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 139 
 
 hope England will not leave us to be massacred with impunity, 
 but send troops to save us : though, perhaps, all will be over 
 before they reach us. G. W. Coopland. 
 
 "P. S. Wednesday morning, June 3c?. — Worse news still. 
 We depended upon Agra, and now we hear that the European 
 regiment there has had to set upon the two native i-egiments, 
 and disarm them : what the 1,600 villains let loose will do, we 
 can not tell. No news from Delhi ; every one asks what the 
 Commander-in-chief can be about? There are also fears about 
 the native troops at Allahabad ; and if they took the fort there, 
 they Avould get, it is said, 30,000 or 40,000 stand of arms. 
 Enough to arm the whole country against us." 
 
 *' GrWALioE, June 11. 
 . . . " You will be anxious to hear how things are going 
 on. Well, first of all, I must tell you that the good news of 
 the fall of Delhi has just now come to us by telegraph from 
 Agra. We have heard no particulars, and only know that 
 Delhi was taken on the 8th, and that arrangements wei'e being 
 made for leveling the whole place to the ground. When I 
 wrote to you last, I said that we were all wondering what had 
 become of the Commander-in-chief and his army, and hoping 
 soon to hear of his arrival before Delhi. Well, next morning 
 news came that he had died of cholera at Kurnaul. Since then, 
 up to this morning, each day has brought us intelligence of 
 some additional disaster. First, we heard that at Lucknow, 
 where encomiums had been delivered by the authorities on the 
 loyalty of the troops, every thing was in disorder, the city burnt 
 down, the troops in open mutiny. Next, that the same was 
 occurring throughout the Punjaub, at Mean Meer, Ferozepore, 
 and other places ; that even in Peshawur it had become neces- 
 sary to disarm the native troops ; that at Umballa all the native 
 troops had mutinied, and been cut up by the Europeans coming 
 down from the hills. Next came news of an alarm from Simla, 
 
140 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 where invalids, ladies, and children are assembled in multitudes, 
 having gone up to escape the heat of the plains. The native 
 troops had proposed terms to these poor creatures, on which 
 they were to be spared. Hundreds had been crowded for safety 
 into some magazine, or building of the kind, without beds or 
 any other comfort. Several ladies had lost their intellects 
 through terror ; some had escaped on foot into the jungles ; 
 many had fled into Dugshai and Kussowlie, and there cholera 
 had broken out among them. Another day informed us that 
 all the native troops at Bareilly had mutinied, and that the 
 whole district of Rohilcund was up in arms. Then came word 
 that in our own neighborhood, at Ajmere and Nusseerabad, the 
 whole of the native troops had risen and carried off' the artillery 
 toward Delhi, thoiigh there was a European regiment present, 
 and that several officers of this regiment had fallen in a fight 
 with them. 
 
 ** Then we heard worse news, that at Neemuch the same 
 tragedy had been enacted, and that all the troops there had 
 mutinied, including even one regiment of this Gwalior Con- 
 tingent. 
 
 " This last news has been carefully kept secret, since it was 
 feared that the troops here might be shaken when they heard 
 of the defection of one of their own regiments ; this Contin- 
 gent having, up to this time, remained sound. 
 
 " On Sunday night last we were alarmed by loud shouting, 
 and on going out I found the roads full of artillery and native 
 troops, making off toward Jhansi, a neighboring station, where 
 the troops had risen and carried off" the treasury, the officers 
 and their families having fled into the fort. They went out 
 some distance, but were recalled the same evening, it being 
 feared that they would not face the rebels at Jhansi. 
 
 " Since then we have been in great donbt and uncertainty, 
 not knowing that the next hour might not bring a like car 
 lamity on ourselves. As yet the men here remain quiet, but we 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 141 
 
 are altogether at their mercy. They do almost what they like ; 
 lie down while on guard, langh at us, and seem to enjoy the 
 consternation and looks of constraint and uneasiness that are 
 plainly visible among us. The least hope of success at Delhi 
 would have set all into a flame. You may imagine our peace 
 of mind has not been very great, receiving, as we have 
 done, every day fresh details of horrible outrages and mas- 
 sacres. 
 
 " Some time ago we heard very bad news from Calcutta. 
 The fort there — Fort William — the bulwark of India, with all 
 its stores, arsenals, and magazines, was within a hair's breadth 
 of falling into the hands of the traitors. If it had not been 
 for the loyalty of one native officer, who divulged the plot, the 
 fort would have been seized by mutineers, and the whole cap- 
 ital of India would have fallen into their hands. We after- 
 ward heard that there had been a panic in Calcutta. Multi- 
 tudes had fled on board the shipping in the river, arms had 
 been served out to all Europeans, volunteers were being en- 
 rolled, and even the French were preparing to assist against 
 the enemy. But now we can not hear what may be the fate of 
 Calcutta, or even Allahabad and Cawnpore ; all the country 
 toward Calcutta and the trunk road being in the possession of 
 the traitors, and every dak and telegraph being destroyed, even 
 as far as Mynpoorie, near Agra. I hope you will have good 
 news from Benares. I think they are as safe there as any where. 
 English troops have been sent up there, and as this is completely 
 a Mohammedan rising, there is not much to be feared from the 
 Hindoos of Benares — who are, moreover, cowardly, unwarlike 
 Bengalese. However, I believe, we are all in the greatest 
 danger. The European troops in India are very few, and 
 almost incapable of acting in weather like this, and the worst 
 season is coming. If cholera becomes general at Delhi, no 
 one can tell what will befall them, and it will be six months 
 before an army can be sent out from England. There are, I 
 
142 HEROES OF THE INDIAN EEBELLION. 
 
 think, seventy-one native Bengal regiments, forming an army 
 of between fifty thousand and sixty thousand men. 
 
 " Between twenty and thirty regiments have already muti- 
 nied, and every-where the natives are ready to rise against us. 
 In fact, it is the villagers that, in many places, have committed 
 the worst outrages. The English officers and their families are 
 scattered all over the country, at innumerahle little stations. 
 In this weather it is almost impossible to move, and if they 
 could move they must abandon all their houses and property. 
 Probably, too, they are afraid to move, because, on the least 
 appearance of their abandoning the country, the whole popula- 
 tion would rise behind them. They can not move either with- 
 out the orders of their superiors. Even though Delhi is taken, 
 I do not see how the small European force that we have will be 
 able to stand against the daily-increasing hordes of rebels. 
 Even at Seepree, the next station to this, the regiment is 
 insubordinate or disaffected. This, with Jhansi and Neemuch, 
 which I spoke of before, are out-stations which I have to 
 visit. 
 
 " The detailed accounts of the massacres at Meerut and 
 Delhi are most horrible. At Delhi a large number of gentle- 
 men — including some civilians and the chaplain — and ladies 
 had taken refuge in the palace of the old native king. The 
 rebels, raving like demons, tore them out, one after another, 
 and murdered them deliberately, and then dragged their bodies 
 about the streets. The escapes of some, after wandering in 
 the jungles and hiding there for days, are most wonderful. 
 One family escaped in a carriage, having shot down several 
 times the rebels who tried to stop them. In many places the 
 regiments have first murdered their officers ; in some cases not 
 one has survived. In one instance the commanding officer 
 committed suicide. 
 
 " I hope, now Delhi is taken, things will take a turn for the 
 better. The mail does not leave Bombay, I believe, till the 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 143 
 
 27111, so that I shall be able, all well, to send you another letter 
 about the 20th Gr. W. Coopland." 
 
 THE ESCAPE. 
 
 The day after my husband wrote this letter — the last he ever 
 wrote — the news came that Delhi had not been taken ; it was a 
 mistake in the telegram. What it cost us to bear this dreadful 
 reverse, and give up this last hope, I can not tell. We were 
 again plunged into uncertainty as to our fate ; for Ave felt that 
 the Sepoys would no longer keep quiet when they heard of 
 failure. Our last hope of escape was now cut off, as a tele- 
 gram arrived from Mr. Colvin, the Lieutenant-Governor at 
 Agra, to say that the ladies and children were not to be sent 
 into Agra till the mutiny really broke out at Gwalior. Before 
 this my husband had often wished to send me to Agra ; but 
 he would not desert his post, and I would not leave him. I 
 have often thought since that had I done so, he might have 
 escaped by riding off unimpeded by me, many unmarried 
 officers having escaped in this way. When the mutinies first 
 began, if all the ladies and children at the numerous small 
 stations had been instantly sent away to Calcutta, or some 
 place of safety, before the roads were obstructed, their hus- 
 bands and fathers would, probably, have had a better chance 
 of escape — instead of which, the lives of men, women, and 
 children were sacrificed through the efforts to avoid arousing 
 the suspicions of the troops. 
 
 Gwalior was one of the worst places in India to effect an 
 escape from. The houses were in rows, on each side of a long 
 road, a mile in length ; behind them, on one side, were the 
 lines of the cavalry and artillery, and branching off from them 
 were the lines of the infantry regiments. On the other side, 
 behind the houses, was the nullah.* The only people who 
 
 * Nullah, a river stream. 
 
144 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 escaped on tlie night of the 14tli lived on this side. On the first 
 alarm they instantly rushed across the Nullah. Had the guards 
 of their houses resisted their escape, nothing could have saved 
 them ; had soldiers been placed there to stop them, it would 
 have been useless to attempt it ; but for the first ten minutes 
 the nullah was left unguarded. Our house was some distance 
 from the nullah, and we had not been long enough in Grwalior 
 to know the locality exactly. Besides, almost immediately 
 after the alarm, the banks of the nullah were lined with Se- 
 poys, hunting for those who had already crossed. I believe 
 the Brigadier lay hidden under the bridge while they were pass- 
 ing over it and searching for him. 
 
 At one end of the long street was a small bazar, the natives 
 of which were instantly up in arms. Our house was near this 
 end of the street, and at the opposite end was a cemetery, a 
 parade-ground, and gaol. At the back of the houses and 
 lines were the cavalry-stacks, the course, the magazine, and a 
 small place where elephants were kept. 
 
 I got a lett'er from one of my cousins, saying that they had 
 all been obliged to escape by riding from Simla to Kussowlie ; 
 it was a long distance ; and my imcle, who had been very ill, 
 was greatly exhausted by riding so far in the sun. They were 
 also very much alarmed about their brother at Peshawur, the 
 Punjaub being in such an unsettled state. 
 
 I was much struck with the conduct of our servants — they 
 grew so impertinent. My ayah evidently looked on all my 
 property as her share of the plunder. When I opened my 
 dressing-case, she would ask me questions about the ornaments, 
 and inquire if the tops of the scent-bottles were real silver ; and 
 she always watched where I put my things. One evening, on 
 returning from our drive, we heard a tremendous quarreling 
 going on between the Sepoys of our guard and the ayah and 
 kitmutghar. They were evidently disputing about the spoil ; 
 and it afterward turned out that the Sepoys got quite masters. 
 
A LADY'S ESCAPE FROM GWALIOR. 145 
 
 and would not let the servants share any of the plunder, but 
 kept them prisoners, and starved and ill-treated them. They 
 had much better have remained faithful to us, and have helped 
 us to escape ; instead of which, at the first shot, they vanished, 
 and began to plunder what they could. My husband overheard 
 the punkah coolies outside talking about us, and saying that 
 these Feringhis* would soon have a different home, and they 
 would then be masters ; and that the Feringhis were quite 
 different in the cool weather, but were now such poor creatures 
 as to require to be punkahed and kept cool, I could not help 
 fancying they might have made us punkah and fan them, so 
 completely were we in their power. 
 
 During this week the bunian,f who supplied us with grain 
 for the cattle and other things, the church-bearer, and the school- 
 master, all came to be paid at once ; they said they were going 
 to take all their property to the Lushkur. This looked as if 
 mischief was brewing. 
 
 Letters came from home full of news about the Manchester 
 Exhilfition, tours in Scotland, and all sorts of pleasures. Of 
 course, our friends knew nothing then of the state of misery we 
 were in. 
 
 Our last consolation was now taken away, for the telegraph 
 between us and Agra was destroyed, and we were dependent 
 upon rumor for intelligence. We heard dreadful reports from 
 Jhansi, but could not ascertain the extent of the calamity there. 
 An order appeared for a regiment to hold itself in readiness for 
 marching, and the guard returned from the Residency, for the 
 Rajah gave Major Macpherson a guard. 
 
 Major Blake was constantly consulting with the Brigadier as 
 to what was to be done. We went to call on the Blakes, and 
 heard from Mrs. Raikes, who was staying there — her husband 
 
 * Feringhis, English — Europeans. 
 
 t Bunian, shopkeeper, trader in grain, etc. 
 
 13 
 
146 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 being at Agra — that their house had been burned down, at one 
 of the out-stations ; though it was thought not by the Sepoys. 
 
 On Friday and Saturday we heard nothing ; and we lived in 
 a state of dread uncertainty. My husband seldom undressed at 
 night, and I had a dress always ready to escape in. My hus- 
 band's riiie was kept loaded — I learned to load and fire it — as 
 we were determined not to die without a struggle. ! the 
 misery of those days ! None but the condemned criminal can 
 know what it is to wait death passively ; and even he is not 
 kept in suspense, and knows he will be put to a merciful end. 
 
 I well remember one Saturday night — the last night we spent 
 in our own house — we were kept awake by the ominous sound 
 of the maistree* making a coffin for a poor little child that was 
 to be buried early the following morning. My husband rose at 
 half-past four, as the funeral was at five. The ayah was par- 
 ticularly attentive in her manner to me, and began pitying the 
 poor "mem sahib," saying, "How she will grieve now her 
 baby is dead !" She stood at the window watching, and telling 
 me all that was going on. 
 
 When the buggy returned for me, I drove to church, and 
 found service had begun. I passed many Sepoys idling about 
 the road — as is usual on Sunday. They all saluted me ; but I 
 thought I observed a treacherous look on their faces. I won- 
 dered they did not attack us when we were in church, and heard 
 afterward that they were very sorry they did not. The church 
 was well attended, and we afterward received the holy com- 
 mimion. Singular that we should all meet for the last time at 
 such a solemn service ! 
 
 While walking in the garden, before going to church, when 
 my husband was at the funeral of Captain Murray's little baby, 
 I saw about a hundred sowars ride past the back of our house ; 
 they rode quietly in, all wrapped in long cloaks. I can not 
 
 * Maistree, carpenter. 
 
A lady's escape from gwaltor. 147 
 
 help thinking they were the mutinous sowars of Captain Alex- 
 ander's party, returned to join in the outbreak. 
 
 After breakfast we bathed and dressed, and while my hus- 
 band was resting, and I playing one of Mozart's "Masses," 
 we heard a tremendous noise in our garden. After waiting a 
 little time to see if it would cease, my husband went out, and 
 found one or two Sepoys again disputing with our servants. 
 He ordered them to be quiet ; but it was of no use ; they did not 
 now care even to keep up appearances. At last they settled the 
 dispute among themselves ; and for two hours we had perfect 
 silence — not a sound was heard ; it was a dread, foreboding 
 stillness. I read the lines, " While drooping sadness infolds 
 us here like mist," in the " Christian Year," and felt comforted. 
 I afterward recovered that very book. 
 
 My husband laid down, and tried to get a little sleep, he was 
 so worn-out. He had just before been telling me the particu- 
 lars of the Jhansi massacre, too frightful to be repeated ; and 
 we did not know how soon we might meet the same fate our- 
 selves. 
 
 I hope few will know how awful it is to wait quietly for 
 death. There was now no escape ; and we waited for our 
 death-stroke. The dread calm of apprehension was awful. 
 We indeed drank the cup of bitterness to the dregs. The 
 words " death in life, the days that are no more," kept re- 
 curring to my memory like a dirge. But God helps us in all 
 our woes ; otherwise we could not have borne the horrible 
 suspense. 
 
 Silence still reigned, and I was again reading home letters — 
 one from my sister on her wedding tour — when in rushed some 
 of the servants, calling out that the little bungalow where we 
 had formerly lived was on fire, and that the wind was blowing 
 the flames in our direction. Something must be done, as the 
 sparks were being blown all about : the "1st" N. I. were very 
 active in either putting out — or increasing — the flames. All 
 
148 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 the residents began to take the furniture out of their houses and 
 pour water on the roofs ; and my husband, at the head of our 
 servants, instantly took similar precautions with our house. 
 The heat was dreadful, the wind high, and the mess-house was 
 soon also a mass of flames. Every one who has seen a great 
 fire in a village may imagine what a sight it was. The road 
 was crowded, the air filled with smoke, and I heard the crack- 
 ling and roaring of the flames : it was a great contrast to the 
 dead calm that had reigned before ; but scarcely more awful. 
 While my husband was busily assisting the men, who were 
 running about with water, and using the fire-engine, to my 
 astonishment I found the ayah making bundles of my clothes, 
 which she had taken out of the wardrobes and spread over the 
 floor : she came to me for my keys, saying I had better have 
 my things packed up, and she would take care of them. I or- 
 dered her to replace them in the drawers and come and punkah 
 me, as it was fearfully hot ; I wished to keep her quiet, but she 
 was constantly running off. At last the wind fell, and the fire 
 was extinguished ; but not till the mess-house, the large bath- 
 house adjoining, and little bungalow were burnt to the ground: 
 my husband came in, greatly exhausted with his exertions. 
 
 After dinner the poor clerk, Collins, came in to know about 
 service : he was dreadfully agitated, and my husband had to 
 wait some time before he was sufficiently composed to speak. 
 He said he was quite sure the Sepoys intended to rise that night 
 and murder us all. Poor man ! I shall never forget his look 
 of distress : he was the first to be shot that night. My husband 
 advised me to put on a plain dark dress and jacket, and not to 
 wear any ornaments or hide any thing about me, that the Sepoys 
 might not kill me for the sake of my dress or trinkets ; we then 
 selected one or two trifles that we prized and some valuable 
 papers, which we made into small packets, and again sat down 
 in silent suspense. 
 
 Meanwhile my husband wrote to Captain Meade — the Brigade- 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 149 
 
 Major — to ask if we were to have service in tlie cliurcli that 
 evening, as the mess-honse was destroyed ; and also to inquire 
 what he thought of things. Captain Meade replied that under 
 present circumstances no one would be prepared to go to 
 church, and we must expect " such things " to happen in these 
 times. I then finished a letter for home ; which never went, as 
 it was burnt in our house. 
 
 After coffee we received a note from Major Sherriff, saying 
 he wished to see my husband ; at 5 o'clock he came, and they 
 had a long talk together. He said it was a hard thing that we 
 should stay to be butchered like sheep ; for now thei-e was no 
 doubt but that such would be our fate. He also told us Mrs. 
 Hawkins had come in from Sepree, to join her husband, and 
 that she had been confined on Saturday. "It is dreadful," he 
 added, " that women and children should be exposed to such 
 horrors : they will receive no mercy I fear." We wished him 
 to dine with us, but he was engaged to the Brigadier ; and after 
 walking some time in the garden he went away, having first 
 left some money which he had forgotten to give at the holy 
 communion that morning. A few hours after he was shot, 
 when at the lines of his regiment. 
 
 My husband now sent for all the servants and gave them 
 each handsome presents in money : to his bearer and my ayah 
 lie gave double ; he also rewarded the guard of six Sepoys, who 
 had come to guard our house when the fire broke out. We 
 then drove out. We saw scarcely any one about, every thing 
 looked as it had done for days past ; but as we were returning 
 we passed several parties of Sepoys, none of whom saluted us. 
 We met the Brigadier and Major Blake, who were just going to 
 pass a party of Sepoys, and I remember saying to my husband, 
 " If the Sepoys do n't salute the Brigadier the storm is nigh at 
 hand." They did not. The Brigadier and Major Blake turned 
 and looked at them. We found our guard still at our house, 
 but they also took no notice of us. We then had tea, and sat 
 
150 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 reading till gun-fire ; and at 9 we retired to rest, as my husband 
 was much exhausted. 
 
 I hope no one will think me unfeeling in writing what fol- 
 lows : it must he obvious to all that I can not do so without 
 great pain ; but I think that Englishmen ought to know what 
 their own coimtrywomen have endured at the hands of the 
 Sepoys ; and what we went through that night and the follow- 
 ing week, hundreds of ladies suffered all over India. Only a 
 few survived to tell the tale ; which can only be faithfully told 
 by one who has experienced the misery. 
 
 Some men may think that women are v/eak and only fitted 
 to do trivial things, and endure petty troubles : and there are 
 women who deserve no higher opinion ; such as faint at the 
 sight of blood, are terrified at a harmless cow, or make them- 
 selves miserable by imagining terrors and unreal sorrows ; but 
 there are many who can endure with fortitude and patience 
 what even soldiers shrink from. Men are fitted by education 
 and constitution to dare and to do ; yet they have been sur- 
 passed, in presence of mind and in the power of endurance, by 
 weak women. 
 
 My husband went into his dressing-room, and I, after un- 
 dressing and dismissing my ayah, arranged my dress for flight, 
 and lay down. A single lamp shed a ghostly glimmer in the 
 room. Soon afterward the gun fired — instantly the alarm 
 bugle rang out its shrill warning on the still night. Our guard 
 loaded their muskets, and I felt that our death-knell had 
 sounded when the huts went down with a muffled sound. 
 My husband opened his door and said, " All is over with 
 us ! dress immediately." The ayah and bearer rushed in, calling 
 out, " Fly ! the Sepoys have risen, and will kill you." The ayah 
 then quickly helped me to dress. I put on a morning wrapper, 
 cloth jacket, and bonnet, and snatched up a bottle of aromatic 
 vinegar and another of opium fi-om the dressing-table, but left 
 my watch and rings. My husband then came in, and we opened 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 151 
 
 my bath- room door, whicli led into the garden, and rushed 
 out. Fortunately it was very dark. I said, " Let us go to 
 the Stuarts, and see what they are doing." We soon reached 
 their house, and found Mrs. Stuart in great distress, as her hus- 
 band had just ridden off to the lines. Poor Mrs. Hawkins lay 
 in the next room, with a sergeant's wife attending to the little 
 baby, only a few hours old. Mrs. Hawkins's children and the 
 little Stuarts were crying, and the servants sobbing, thus add- 
 ing to the confusion. While my husband tried to soothe Mrs. 
 Stuart, I went in to talk to Mrs. Hawkins, whose husband had 
 also gone to the lines. 
 
 Suddenly a horse dashed into the compound, and Mrs. Stu- 
 art cried out, " 0, they have killed my husband !" I re- 
 turned to her, as my husband went out to speak to the syce.* 
 I held her hand, and never can I forget her agonized clasp ! 
 The syce told my husband that the Sepoys had shot Captain 
 Stuart; that he thought the Captain was not dead, but had been 
 taken to the artillery lines : he also brought a message from 
 Major Hawkins, directing his wife and children to go to the 
 lines. So Mrs. Hawkins was carried out on a bed, followed by 
 the nurse with the infant, and a large party of servants carrying 
 the other four children. They all went to the artillery lines, as 
 the artillery had promised to remain faithful. Mrs. Stuart also 
 set off in her carriage with her children ; my husband helped 
 her in, and tried to comfort her. Mrs. Stuart had before told 
 me that when she returned from her former flight to the Resi- 
 dency, a Sepoy had said to her, " Why did you leave your hus- 
 band, Mem -sahib ? That was not brave ; but you women are 
 so weak and faint-hearted, you take flight at nothing. See ! 
 the Sahib trusted us ; we will always be faithful, whatever 
 happens." 
 
 Our syce now appeared with the buggy, accompanied by our 
 
 Syce, groom. 
 
152 HEKOBS OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 kitmutgliar ; the latter appeared very much excited, and had a 
 tulwah* in each hand. He advised us to cross the bridge leading 
 to the Lushkur ; but the ^ce said it was guarded with guns and 
 sentries. At first we thought we would follow Mrs. Stuart and 
 Mrs. Hawkins to the artillery lines, as the artillery were thought 
 to be better inclined toward us ; it was the 4th we dreaded, for 
 they had often let fall suspicious and mutinous words. It is 
 believed that they committed that night and the following 
 morning, most of the murders at the station. 
 
 Just as were going to turn toward the artillery lines, a young 
 Sepoy came running from them toward us, weeping and sob- 
 bing. He called out, "They have shot the Sahib," and though 
 my husband spoke to him, he ran past without answering. All 
 this time we heard volleys of musketry, bugles, shots, and terri- 
 ble shrieks, and saw some of the houses burning. We drove to 
 the Blakes' bungalow, where we found Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Eaikes, 
 and Dr. and Mrs. Kirke ; none of them knowing what to do. 
 Major Blake had ridden off to the lines the instant the alarm 
 bugle had sounded ; and things were rather quieter here. 
 
 It was now 10 o'clock. Dr. Kirke said the guard had promised 
 to stay by us, and that now it was utterly impossible to escape, 
 as every road was guarded and planted with guns, and cavalry 
 were riding about. After a short time, passed in terrible sus- 
 pense, the guard of the house suggested that we had better hide 
 in the garden, as the Sepoys would soon be coming to " loot "f 
 the house, and would kill us. It was only postponing our 
 deaths, as we knew that escape was now hopeless ; but as life 
 is dear to all, we did what we could to save it. 
 
 I shall not attempt to describe my feelings ; but leave readers 
 to imagine them — if they can. I will only relate the simple 
 facts. 
 
 We followed the advice of the guard, and went into the 
 
 * Tulwah, sword, cimeter. f Loot, to rob, to plunder. 
 
A lady's escape fkom gwalior. 153 
 
 o-arden, where we remained for some time. Mrs. Raikes, with 
 her baby, was taken bj^ her servant to hide elsewhere, and the 
 Kirkes, with their little boy, went back to their own house. My 
 husband had his rifle, which was afterward lost. I was told 
 afterward by several natives that he killed two Sepoys with it : 
 I know not if he did. 
 
 Mrs. Blake's kitmutghar, Muza, who remained faithful, now 
 took us to a shady place in the garden, where we lay concealed 
 behind a bank, well covered with trees. He told us to lie down 
 and not to move, and then brought a large dark shawl for my 
 husband, who was in a white suit. It was now about eleven. 
 The guard — composed of men of the 1st — still remained faith- 
 ful ; though they took no active part in helping us. They kept 
 coming to us with reports that Mrs. Campbell was lying dead 
 in her compound ; that the Brigadier was shot on the bridge, 
 and Dr. Mackeller near one of the hospitals, and — worst of 
 all — that poor Major Blake was killed. This last report was 
 only too true. 
 
 At last about a hundred Sepoys came to attack Mrs. Camp- 
 bell's house, which was close to our hiding-place. We heard 
 them tearing down the doors and windows, and smashing the 
 glass and furniture ; they even brought carts into the garden to 
 carry off the plunder ; then they set fire to it, and the flames 
 shot up into the clear night air. They seemed to take pleasure 
 in their mad work, for their wild shouts of laughter mingled 
 with the crackling of the flames. The moon — which had now 
 risen — looked calmly down on our misery, and lighted the 
 heavens, which were flecked with myriads of stars, only occa- 
 sionally obscured by the smoke of the burning houses. the 
 sight of that moon ! how I longed that she would hide her 
 brightness behind some cloud, and not seem to look so serenely 
 down upon our misery ! 
 
 At last, when the mutineers had wreaked their vengeance on 
 Mrs. Campbell's house, and only a heap of smoldering and 
 
154 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 blackened ruins remained, they commenced their attack on the 
 Blakes' house. We heard them looking for us ; but not finding 
 their victims there, they came into the garden and made a dili- 
 gent search for us. I saw the moonlight glancing on their 
 bayonets, as they thrust aside the bushes, and they passed so 
 close by us that we might have touched them. But God baffled 
 their malice for a time ; though they sought us with a deadly 
 hatred, they were unsuccessful, and M'e were again left to wait a 
 little longer in bitter suspense. When they were burning the 
 Blakes' house, the flames and smoke swept over us. Gradually 
 the fury of the Sepoys died away, and they seemed to be gone 
 in search of fresh plunder, or other victims ; for we heard them 
 shouting and firing in the distance. 
 
 Our faithful Muza now crept to us, and said we were no 
 longer safe where we were, but that he might hide us in his 
 house, and perhaps get us some native dresses to disguise our- 
 selves in ; and gratefully we hurried after him during a lull in the 
 storm. His house was a low, small hut, close to the garden, 
 where the other houses of the Blakes' servants were ; and we 
 rushed past so quickly that, though we saw a number of Sepoys, 
 yet they, in the excitement, did not see us. Mrs. Blake, in her 
 hurry, fell, and hurt her head and shoulder. We crouched 
 doAvn in the hut, not daring to move, and scarcely to breathe. 
 I remember asking Mrs. Blake to take off her silk cape, as it 
 rustled, which she did. In the dark I fell backward over a 
 small bed and hurt myself. Muza then barred the door, and 
 fastened it with a chain. After half an hour the Sepoys re- 
 turned, more furious than before ; they evidently knew we were 
 somewhere about. We heard them disputing, and the clang of 
 their guns sounded as though they were loading them. 
 
 They entered the kitchen of the house, which was only sepa- 
 rated from the room we were in by a thin wooden partition. 
 Muza then went out ; we did not know what for. Had he de- 
 serted us ? The Sepoys talked and argued with him ; we heard 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 155 
 
 tliem count over the cooking-vessels and dishes, and distinctly 
 say, " do, tien, char, awr eck nai hai ?"* After dividing the 
 spoil, we heard them again ask Muza if we were in his house, 
 and say they must search ; but he replied that his mother was 
 ill, and that they might frighten her. They asked him, " Have 
 you no Feringhis concealed?" and he swore the most sacred 
 oath on the Koran, that there were none in his house : but this 
 did not appear to satisfy them, and we heard them coming in ; 
 they forced open the door with the huts of their muskets, the 
 chain fell with a clang, and as the door burst open, we saw the 
 moon glistening on their fixed bayonets. We thought they 
 were going to charge in upon us : but no ; the hut was so dark 
 that they could not see us. They called for a light ; but Muza 
 stopped them and said, " You see they are not here : come, and 
 I will show you where they are." He then shut and fastened 
 the door, and they again went away. 
 
 There was again a dead silence, followed by the dying shrieks 
 of a horse, as it rushed past our hiding-place ; so we supposed 
 they had gone to the stables. After a time Muza returned and 
 said : "They will be here again soon, and will kill me for con- 
 cealing you, when I swore you were not here ; so I will take 
 you to the bearer's hut : he will not betray you." He then 
 opened the door and we went out. Day was beginning to dawn, 
 and the air felt cool, after the close atmosphere of the house we 
 had been in for so many hours ; it was the bearer's hut we 
 were taken to ; one of a cluster of huts built of mud, and very 
 low and small. I again fell and hurt myself, as it was not 
 yet light, and we again lay on the ground, quite worn-out with 
 watching and terror ; our lips were parched, and we listened 
 intently to hear the least sound ; but a brooding silence pre- 
 vailed. We were soon joined by Mrs. Eaikes, with her baby 
 and ayah ; the poor baby crying and fretting. 
 
 * Two, three, four ; is there not another ? 
 
156 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 It was now nearly six o'clock, and grew gradually lighter, 
 when the Sepoys again returned, howling and raging like wild 
 beasts. They came round the hut, the baby cried, and we heard 
 them ask, " Whose child is that ?" One of the women re- 
 plied they did not know; they called, " Bring it out;" when 
 Mrs. Eaikes exclaimed in an agony of fear, " O, they will 
 kill my child !" When the woman carried it out, the Sepoys 
 yelled, " Feringhi, hi:* kill them!" and I saw through the 
 doorway a great number of them loading their muskets. They 
 then ordered the woman to bring out a large quantity of 
 plunder that lay on the floor of the hut, pictures, plate, etc. ; 
 she took them out slowly, one by one, and gave them to the 
 Sepoys. 
 
 We all stood up close together in a corner of the hut ; each 
 of us took up one of the logs of wood that lay on the ground, 
 as some means of defense. I did not know if my husband had 
 his gun, as it was too dark in the hut to see even our faces. 
 The Sepoys then began to pull off the roof; the cowardly 
 wretches dared not come in, as they thought we had weapons. 
 When they had unroofed the hut, they fired in upon us. At 
 the first shot, we droj^ped our pieces of wood, and my husband 
 said, " We will not die here ; let us go outside." We all 
 rushed out ; and Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Raikes, and I, clasped our 
 hands and cried, " Mut maro, mut maro " — do not kill us. 
 The Sepoys said, "We will not kill the mem-sahibs, only the 
 sahib." We were surrounded by a crowd of them, and as soon 
 as they distinguished my husband, they fired at him. Instantly 
 they dragged Mrs. Blake, Mrs. Raikes, and me back ; but not 
 into the bearer's hut ; the mehter'sf was good enough for us, 
 they said. I saw no more; but volley after volley soon told 
 me that all was over. 
 
 Here we again lay crouched on the ground ; and the stillness 
 
 * Feringhi, hi, there are English there. f Mehter, sweeper. 
 
A lady's escape prom gwalior. 157 
 
 was sucli, that a little mouse crept out and looked at us with 
 its bright eyes, aud was not afraid. Mrs. Campbell came rush- 
 ing in with her hair hanging about ; she wore a native's dress, 
 her own having been torn off her : she had been left alone the 
 whole night. Then poor Mrs. Kirke, with her little boy, 
 joined us : she had that instant seen her husband shot before 
 her eyes ; and on her crying "Kill me too!" they answered, 
 " No, we have killed you in killing him." Her arms were 
 bruised and swollen ; they had torn off her bracelets so roughly ; 
 even her wedding-ring was gone. They spared her little boy ; 
 saying, "Don't kill the butcha ;* it is a missie babix."j 
 Poor child ! his long curls and girlish face saved his life. He 
 was only four years of age. 
 
 T was very thankful to see Mrs. Campbell, after the frightful 
 teport we had heard ; for till then we had thought her to be safe 
 under Major Macpherson's protection. The Sepoys soon re- 
 turned, and crowded in to stare at us. They made the most in- 
 sulting remarks, and then said, " Let us carry them to our 
 lines ;" whereupon they seized our hands, and dragged us along 
 very fast. It was a beautiful morning, and the birds were sing- 
 ing. 0, how could the bright sun and clear blue sky look on 
 such a scene of cruelty ! It seemed as if God had forgotten us, 
 and that hell reigned on earth. No words can describe the hell- 
 ish looks of these human fiends, or picture their horrid appear- 
 ance ; they had rifled all the stores, and drank brandy and beer 
 to excess, besides being intoxicated with bhang.J They were 
 all armed, and dressed in their fatigue uniform. I noticed the 
 number on them ; it was the 4th — that dreaded regiment. 
 Some were evidently the prisoners who had been let out from 
 the gaol the night before ; and they were, if possible, more 
 furious than the rest. Several mounted sowars — the same, I 
 
 * Blitcha, little one, child. f Missie baba, little girl, 
 
 ■j: Bbang, an intoxicating liquor made of hemp. 
 
158 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 "believe, whom I had seen ride in the day before — were riding 
 ahout the roads and keeping guard, and wished to fire at us, 
 but the infantry would not let them. The road was crowded 
 with Sepoys laden with plunder, some of which I recognized 
 as our own. 
 
 After they had dragged us to their lines, they took us from 
 house to house, and at last placed us on a charpoy* under some 
 trees. Mrs. Gilbert and her child now arrived, and poor Mrs. 
 Proctor ; the latter in a dreadful state, having just seen her 
 husband killed. All our horses and carriages were drawn up in 
 a line under some trees, and I saw a beautiful Arab of Mrs. 
 Raikes's lying shot. Hundreds of Sepoys now came to stare at 
 us, and thronged round us so densely we could scarcely breathe . 
 They mocked and laughed at us, and reviled us with the most 
 bitter language, saying, " Why do n't you go home to your 
 houses ? Do n't you think it is very hot here ? Would you 
 like to see your sahibs now ?" We said we wished to go to 
 Agra ; they replied, " ! Agra is burnt to the ground, and all 
 the Feringhis are killed." They then struck the native gong. 
 I think it was about eight o'clock. 
 
 After keeping us for some time, as a spectacle on which to 
 wreak their contempt, when they had tired themselves with 
 using insulting language, they said we might go where we 
 liked ; but when we asked how ? they demurred at giving us 
 one of the carriages till some, more merciful than the rest, at 
 last said we might have one. They gave us Mrs. Blake's — a 
 large landau. The horses were very spirited and plunged a 
 good deal : the morning before, they had broken the traces. 
 How we all got in I can't say : there were Mrs. Blake, Mrs. 
 Raikes, her baby and ayah, Mrs. Kirke and her little boy, Mrs. 
 Campbell, and myself ; and some sergeants' wives clung to the 
 carriage ; how they hung on I do n't know. The Sepoys threw 
 
 * Charpoy, native bed. 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 159 
 
 into the carnage one or two bottles of beer, and a bottle of 
 camphor-water. The first thing the horses did was to run 
 down a bank and across a small nullah. 
 
 Muza drove ; and a syce went with us a little way, but soon 
 grew tired and fell back. When we got a little way from the 
 station, we came up with some more sergeants' wives and chil- 
 dren, some of them nearly naked and in great distress, having 
 seen their husbands shot and dragged about, and others not 
 knowing the fate of their husbands. Poor things ! their dis- 
 tress was very pitiable, their feelings being less under control 
 than ours. 
 
 I never can remember how it was we were separated from 
 Mrs. Proctor and Mrs. Gilbert, with her nurse and child ; but 
 think the Grenadiers carried them off to their lines, as they 
 afterward rejoined us. The horses now grew very restless, and 
 tried to run away, and Muza did not know how to manage 
 them. We came up to a chowki, or stage, and were afraid the 
 mutineers would stop us ; they did not, but they told us that 
 Mrs. Hennessy and Captain Murray had been killed in es- 
 caping. 
 
 We here debated where we should go, and at last agreed to 
 go to the Rajah and entreat him for protection. 
 
 The Lushkur was five or six miles from the MorS,, and we 
 reached it about noon. We passed crowds of natives, whom 
 we expected to stop us every instant. When we reached the 
 palace we asked to see the Rajah. 
 
 The palace was surrounded by a crowd of horsemen, sol- 
 diers, and natives, all most insolent in their manner to ns, 
 calling out, " Your raj* is over now." The Maharajah re- 
 fused to see us ; though we entreated some of the Rajah's serv- 
 ants to be allowed to speak to him, we were roughly refused. 
 Some say he was looking at us from a balcony all the time. 
 
 * Raj, rule. 
 
160 HEROES OF THE INDIAN EEBELLION. 
 
 Why were we so heartlessly treated by Mm, when he had been 
 so kind to Major Macpherson and his party, even lending them 
 carriages and a guard, and facilitating their escape in every 
 way ? Did he shelter Major Macpherson in his political ca- 
 pacity, and the brigadier as a man of importance ? Perhaps 
 bethought that helpless women could never be of any use to 
 him. This is a mystery that no one can explain to the Eajah's 
 credit. We felt it keenly, to be thus driven from his palace 
 gate with contempt. 
 
 We proceeded on our way, the people yelling and shouting 
 after us, and we expecting every instant to be stopped and 
 torn out of our carriage, and given up to be killed by them ; 
 for nothing could exceed their savage looks and language. At 
 the outskirts of the Lushkur we were obliged to stop, as the 
 horses kept breaking the traces as fast as we tied them together 
 again ; moreover, they were much exhausted, having been in 
 harness the whole night before for Mrs. Blake's escape. 
 
 A messenger of the Rajah's took the carriage from us, 
 and made us get out and wait by the roadside till he sent us 
 two or three native carts. They were miserable things, without 
 springs, had no covers to protect us from the sun, and were 
 drawn by wretchedly weak bullocks. We got in, and were 
 taken to a large brick house in a garden, where some great 
 bullocks were munching grain in a room ; and there we staid. 
 It was now about one o'clock, I think. We here found a 
 European, belonging to the telegraph, and his wife, with her 
 little baby. She was a half-caste, and they were disguised in 
 native dresses. The weak, childish conduct of this man was 
 sickening ; he almost cried, and kept saying, " 0, we shall all 
 be killed !" Instead of trying to help, he only proved a bur- 
 den to us. 
 
 We had now almost lost the power of thinking and acting, 
 for we had been from nine the preceding evening without food, 
 water, or rest ; and our minds were on the rack, tortxired by 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 161 
 
 grief and suspense. Here we were, about eight miserable 
 women, alone and unprotected, without food or proper cloth- 
 ing, exhausted by fatigue, and not knowing what to do ; some 
 had no shoes or covering for their heads. At last Muza said 
 we had better get into our carts and push on ; for the natives 
 of the Lushkur, hearing we were here, would follow and kill 
 us. The bullocks went very slowly, and we could not make 
 them move faster. The sensation of horror and helplessness 
 oppressed us like a night-mare ; for all this time we were only 
 a few miles from Gwalior, and could even hear the shouting 
 and crying there. 
 
 Mrs. Campbell having broken one of the bottles of beer, we 
 had each drank a little, which greatly refreshed us. 
 
 We toiled slowly onward the whole of that long, hot after- 
 noon — the dust rising in clouds, and the hot wind parching us. 
 The men who drove the bullocks could hardly make them 
 move. We mixed a few drops of the camphor-water with the 
 water Muza occasionally brought us from the wells we passed, 
 and found it support us a little. 
 
 The shades of evening were drawing on, and we were as yet 
 only a few miles on our weary way, when Muza said we were 
 pursued by some sowars, who were coming to Idll us, and he 
 feared he could not save us, as we were on a flat, sandy plain, 
 with no shelter. We reached, at last, a small chowki by the 
 roadside, where the horses for the mail and the dak gharries 
 were kept, and the syces who attended to them. There were some 
 wild, savage-looking men cooking food round a fire. Muza 
 spoke to them, and then told us to get out of our carts and 
 hide here. We all sat on the ground, and Muza said, " Only 
 pretend to go to sleep ; but I fear I can not save you, as they 
 are bent on killing you." We waited, with our carts drawn 
 up. It was nearly dark, and we heard the horsemen coming 
 quickly on. At last five sowars appeared, armed with match- 
 locks and tulwahs, and as soon as they saw the carts they 
 
 14 
 
162 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 stopped and dismounted. Muza went toward them, and began 
 talking to them. We heard him say, " See how tired they 
 are ; they have had no rest. Let them sleep to-night ; you can 
 kill them to-morrow ; only let them sleep now." This they 
 consented to do, and went a little way from us ; hut when it 
 grew darker they crept near us, and began loading their match- 
 locks and imsheathing their tulwahs. Muza came to us, and 
 said he feared they would not spare us. He then asked us for 
 all the ornaments we had. Mrs. Blake was the only one who 
 had any, Mrs. Camphell and Mrs. Kirke having been stripped 
 of theirs, and I had left mine behind. I instantly took off my 
 wedding ring and tied it round my waist, as I was determined 
 to save it if possible. Mrs. Blake had several valuable rings, 
 other ornaments, and money about her ; these she gave to 
 Muza, who handed them to the sowars. We heard them quar- 
 reling together, and I believe they held a loaded pistol to his 
 breast and made him swear that we had no more. Muza then 
 said we must speak to them, as they would not believe him. 
 So Mrs. Blake and Mrs. Campbell, who spoke Hindoostanee 
 fluently, spoke to them, and offered them £40 if they would 
 take a note to Captain Campbell, at Agra, asking for a guard. 
 At first they said they would, and went to one of the syces to 
 ask for paper, but presently returned, and said we meant to 
 betray them ; and again they threatened to kill us. Just then 
 we heard in the distance the tramp of a large body of horse 
 and the clang of arms ; this rather startled the sowars, and 
 gave us some hope. When the cavalry came nearer, we saw 
 that they were part of the Rajah's body-guard, returning from 
 escorting Major Macpherson and his party. They stopped, and 
 we all ran toward them ; and Mrs. Campbell, whose husband 
 had had the temporary command of them, entreated their na- 
 tive officer — who was dressed in an English officer's uniform — 
 to guard us, and let some of his men go with us. She offered 
 them a large sum of money if they would. The Maharajah 
 
A lady's escape pkom gwalior. 163 
 
 owed Captain Campbell long arrears of pay, and this also, I 
 believe, she offered them, but to no purpose. She then en- 
 treated for the protection of only one or two of his men. As 
 they had escorted Major Macpherson, why could they not 
 escort us ? The Eajah might have given orders for them to 
 protect any helpless refugees from Gwalior. They refused, 
 saying they had not the Maharajah's " hukum."* So we had 
 the bitter disappointment of watching them ride off. Whether 
 the sowars were frightened I know not ; but, so far as I re- 
 member, they did not again molest us. We then lay down, 
 and some of us went to sleep ; the poor children did, at least. 
 Very early next morning we again set out. Muza got us some 
 "gram" for food, like vetch, which the animals live on; it 
 was very dry, and this, with a little water mixed with the cam- 
 phor-watei-, was all we had to eat. About noon, on Tuesday, 
 we reached the second dak bungalow on. the way to Agra — 
 when we had before come to Gwalior, we had come by another 
 by-road, this not being then finished. Here we halted for an 
 hour or two, as we heard frightful reports about Major Mac- 
 pherson and his party ; we were told that as soon as they had 
 reached the Chumbul, the Rajah's body-guard had left them, 
 and that they had been attacked by the villagers, who had 
 killed them. They even told us the names of those who had 
 been killed, and so circumstantially that we could not doubt. 
 The Rajah of Dhalpore, they said, had taken possession of the 
 ford, and w.ould not allow any one to cross. We did not know 
 what to do, whether to go on, not crediting what they said, or, 
 believing them, stay where we were. The servants at the 
 bungalow pressed us to stay, saying we should all be killed if 
 we went on ; but we thought they wanted to entrap us, and 
 would only wait till they were joined by others, and then 
 kill us. 
 
 * Hukum, order, command. 
 
164 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 We sent for tlie dak-book, in whicli travelers write their 
 names, but only saw "Major Macpherson and party;" there 
 was no list of names. This we much regretted, as we were 
 anxious to see who had escaped ; and I most earnestly wished 
 to know if Mrs. Stuart, Mrs. Hawkins, Mrs. Hennessy, and 
 several others, had escaped, as we had heard such frightful re- 
 ports. Mrs. Campbell wrote all our names in the book that 
 others who might escape should see them. We then partook 
 of a little "dahl "* and rice, the first food we had tasted since 
 Sunday night, excepting the gram. The poor children were 
 very glad of it, but we could eat little, being so weak with ex- 
 posure to the sun ; afterward, however, the doctors told us, it 
 was well we had eaten so little, as our weak state alone saved 
 us from sun-strokes. On looking at my foot, which was very 
 painful and inflamed, I found that I had cut it, as my boots 
 were very thin ; so I tied my pocket-handkerchief round it. 
 We were all covered with "prickly heat," a very painful and 
 irritable eruption ; and we could not rest, as crowds of natives 
 would continue thronging in to stare at us ; even looking 
 through the windows of all the rooms. They all had fire-arms, 
 which they brandished, and they looked so ferocious that we 
 did not feel at all safe. Here we were joined by Mrs. Gilbert, 
 poor Mrs. Proctor, and Mrs. Quick, a sergeant's wife ; they had 
 been very ill-treated at Lushkur ; Mrs. Proctor had even had a 
 tulwah held to her throat. 
 
 In the evening we proceeded on oxir journey in the carts. 
 Our faithful Muza had procured us some chuddasf in which we 
 wrapped our heads, and disguised ourselves as well as we could, 
 so as to appear like a party of natives traveling. The oxen 
 slowly dragged their weary limbs along, hanging their heads 
 and stopping every instant. When we started we were sur- 
 rounded by natives ; but, strange to say, they let us depart, 
 
 *Dahl, pulse, split peas. fChuddas, large vails, sheets. 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 165 
 
 thinking, probably, that we should never reach Agra, and that 
 we should only die a lingering death on the way ; or that if 
 we did reach Agra, we should only find it in ruins. 
 
 AVe met five or six large carriages returning from conveying 
 Major Macpherson and his party to Agra. We stojDped them 
 and vainly entreated the drivers to take us only as far as the 
 Chumbul ; bixt this they scornfully refused to do, saying they 
 had not the Rajah's "hukum." O, how our hearts swelled 
 with indignation at this second refusal ! It was very hard to 
 see them drive past our miserable carts. Mrs. Quick was a 
 very large woman — for corpulency becomes a disease in India — 
 and her weight was such she had already broken down one cart, 
 a small frail one, and now, toiling slowly along on foot, she 
 implored us to take her in or she should die ; her expressions 
 and language were violent and dreadful, but we felt for her, and 
 she was at last taken into one of the carts. 
 
 At night we reached a large village, but met with no sym- 
 pathy : when we asked the natives for some water, they said 
 we might get it for ourselves. Muza got us some, at last. We 
 were then obliged to get out of the carts, and lie on the ground, 
 in the middle of a dusty road, huddled together, while the 
 villagers collected to stare at us : they even brought torches to 
 aid their scrutiny, as it was now getting dark. The drivers of 
 the carts made a fire and cooked some food they had got for 
 themselves. The natives were very insolent ; they looked at us 
 all in succession, and said, " Well, they are not worth a pice* 
 each ;" but to Mrs. Campbell they said, " You are worth an 
 anna ;"j they said she was — burra kubsoorut — very handsome. 
 She was a very beautiful woman, and had formerly been called 
 the " Rose of Gibraltar," when she was there with her father. 
 They pulled aside her chudda, with which she tried to conceal 
 
 * Pice, copper coin worth about one farthing, 
 ■j" Anna, copper coin worth three halfpence. 
 
166 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 her face, and said, " We will look at you." At last, worn out 
 with fatigue, we slept, and the next morning — Wednesday — 
 continued our journey. 
 
 We passed through the town of Dholepore, which is built on 
 each side of the Chumbul. The natives are a rude, fierce set, 
 and when we reached the ford they would not let us cross, and 
 said they would kill us. A large party of men well armed as- 
 sembled together on a bank, and seemed to watch us. Muza 
 advised us not to stir out of the carts, as they belonged to the 
 Rajah of Gwalior, and as long as they thought we were under 
 his protection they dared not touch us. He then left us, in 
 order to try if he could get a boat for us to cross in ; and 
 crowds of natives collected to gaze at us. It will be evident to 
 all, from the behavior of the villagers to us, that the disaffection 
 was not confined to Sepoys, as is sometimes asserted : indeed, 
 the villagers always flocked into the stations after the mutinies 
 to murder and loot. Of course there are some exceptions, like 
 Muza ; and some of the Sepoys even remained faithful, and 
 helped their officers to escape. 
 
 It was the afternoon, and oppressively hot, when Muza re- 
 turned, saying he had got a boat for us. We left our carts 
 and descended the hill to the ford, where we saw a sort of raft, 
 or rough native boat, at some distance from the shore ; we had 
 to wade the stream before we reached it, and then we scrambled 
 into it wet as we were. Just as the boat began to move, Muza 
 piloting, some natives dashed into the water, and, as if vexed 
 that they had let us depart, tore a piece of wood out of the side, 
 so that the water rushed in. The sergeants' wives and children 
 began shrieking out, " They are going to drown us ! they are 
 pulling the boat to pieces !" I do n't know whether this stopped 
 them : but they then gave over ; though some of them con- 
 tinued swimming after the boat. The river was very broad, 
 and the boat began to fill with water ; so as soon as we neared the 
 opposite shore, we jumped out, and again waded a short dis- 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 167 
 
 tance. The Chumbiil, like all Indian rivers, during the rains, 
 swells, and floods a large space beyond its banks, sweeping all 
 before it ; but during the dry season it shrinks up, leaving a 
 large margin of sand and debris : through this we had now to 
 drag ourselves, the sand sticking to our wet dresses. Having 
 left our carts on the other side, we entered a small chowki* near 
 the river bank, into which we were followed by at least twenty 
 horrid, savage-looking men, armed with rusty old matchlocks 
 and tulwahs. I shall never forget the expression of their faces ; 
 we could see well now, as it was light, and we were neither agi- 
 tated nor excited, many of us having almost lost all longing for 
 life. We sat here for more than an hour, surrounded by these 
 men, who every now and then drew out their tulwahs, and 
 slowly polished them with their fingers, seeming to whet and 
 sharpen them. They watched us closely : one man especially, 
 with only one eye, and that had a horrid basilisk expression in 
 it, watched me the whole time. They appeared to consult how 
 they should kill us, and I kept thinking what a dreadful death 
 they would put us to with their rusty weapons : a bullet would 
 have been a merciful death in comparison. They would occa- 
 sionally leave us, and then return, as if purposely keeping us 
 in suspense. 
 
 At last a camel sowar rode up, and gave Mrs. Campbell a 
 note. It was one written by Captain Campbell to the Maha- 
 rajah, requesting him to have all the bodies of the killed at 
 Gwalior buried, and particularly his own wife. This she her- 
 self read. The sowar said he would take her to Captain Camp- 
 bell, who had come a few miles out of Agra, and was at the 
 dak bimgalow at Munnia, not daring to come further, fearing 
 an ambush ; but Mrs. Campbell was unwilling to leave us, and, 
 moreover, she did not like to trust herself alone with the sowar, 
 who agreed, instead, to take a note to Captain Campbell. 
 
 * Chowki, stage for horses. 
 
168 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 Mrs. Campbell — I think — piicked with a pin on the back of 
 the note, " We are here, more than a dozen women and chil- 
 dren : send us help." The sowar departed, and Captain 
 Campbell actiially received the note. 
 
 Muza now said we had better walk on a little way, till he 
 could procure us some more carts ; so we walked on under the 
 burning sun, our wet clothes clinging to us. Some of the 
 women had no shoes or stockings ; and one tore off pieces of 
 her dress to wrap round her bleeding feet. Mrs. Kirke and Mrs. 
 Campbell, who had no bonnets, put part of their dresses over 
 their heads, to protect them from the burning rays of the sun. 
 Mrs. Gilbert could hardly walk ; but some of the women helped 
 her along, and others carried the children. At last Mrs. Quick 
 fell down in an apoplectic fit, and became black in the face ; 
 some of the ladies kindly staid with her, but in a quarter of 
 an hour she died. The natives crowded round, laughing at her 
 immense size, and mocked her. We asked them to bury her ; 
 but I do n't know whether they did, as we left her body lying 
 on the road. 
 
 We sat for a long time waiting for carts, in a lane with high 
 banks on each side, which sheltered us a little from the sun ; at 
 last, to our great delight, a native mounted policeman, riding 
 Captain Campbell's own "Blacky," came up and told us that 
 Captain Campbell was at the first dak bungalow from Agra ; 
 not daring to come any further, and tmcertain if we had escaped, 
 as Major Macpherson and all who had escaped knew nothing 
 about us. Captain Campbell had sent him with instructions 
 to us to rest at the next dak bungalow, where he would provide 
 us with food. The man then rode off to ask the Eajah of 
 Dholepore for some carts for us. It seemed strange to see this 
 man, and hear him speak so kindly to us. He alone remained 
 faithful when all the other mounted policemen afterward muti- 
 nied at Agra. 
 
 The horse, too, was an old friend which we had often driven, 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 169 
 
 and Mrs. Campbell was delighted to see it again. The man 
 soon returned ; and when the carts and an elephant, which the 
 Rajah allowed ns to have, came, we went to the bungalow. It 
 was the same at which I had rested on our way to Gwalior 
 nearly six months before; and I shall never forget the feeling 
 with which I now entered that house under such different cir- 
 . cumstances. 
 
 It was quite dark when we reached the bungalow, and our 
 kind messenger gave us some biscuits, bread, and beer, which 
 Captain Campbell had sent. Then we lay down — some on the 
 floor — and slept. In the morning — Thursday — at about 4 A. M. 
 we set out in our carts, which were very uncomfortable, though 
 drawn by fine, large bullocks. Some of the sergeants' wives 
 had tried the night before to sit on the elephant ; but as it had 
 ho howdah,* and they were too exhausted to hold on, we took 
 them into our carts. About noon we came in sight of the 
 bungalow at Munnia where Captain Campbell was ; he had 
 sent on his buggy for his wife, so she and Mrs. Gilbert pre- 
 ceded us in it. We soon arrived, and never shall I forget Cap- 
 tain Campbell's kindness : he was truly a good Samaritan ; he 
 bathed our heads, fanned us, and procured us fowls and rice ; 
 for we were by this time utterly worn out with fatigue and ex- 
 haustion. Here Mrs. Gilbert's baby was born, and we halted 
 till evening. Captain Campbell had a small charpoyf covered 
 with some carpet belonging to the bungalow, for Mrs. Gilbert 
 and the infant to be carried on. He had twenty horsemen with 
 him, but could not trust them. We started about 4 P. M., and 
 traveled all night, through by lanes ; and thus, it being dark, 
 we avoided an ambush, as the rebels were collecting to attack 
 us. Poor Sergeant Quick now joined us, and was told of the 
 death of his wife. 
 
 * Howdah, seat for four people on an elephant, 
 "j" Charpoy, a native bedstead. 
 
 15 
 
170 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 At 6 tlie next morning — Friday — we readied Agra. It seemed 
 so strange to see faces not haggard and sorrowful. We went 
 to the house of Captain Stevenson, Captain Campbell's cousin, 
 and were refreshed with tea ; afterward Mrs. Blake, accompa- 
 nied by her ever-faithful Muza, went to her friend Mrs. Griffin ; 
 Mrs. Kirke went to another kind friend, and Mrs. Eaikes to 
 her uncle, Mr. Eaikes ; I went to Major Macpherson and Mrs. 
 Innes, who were in a large house appointed for the Gwalior 
 refugees. Mrs. Gilbert now heard that her husband had either 
 arrived or was expected ; which must indeed have cheered her. 
 Captain Murray drove me to Major Macpherson's, where Mrs. 
 Innes met me very kindly ; she took me to a room, where, after 
 I had bathed, I laid down and fell asleep ; never awakening 
 till evening. Mrs. Innes arranged for us to sleep in the garden, 
 as in case of an alarm we might more easily escape to the bar- 
 racks. Major Macpherson and Dr. Mackeller were also to 
 sleep in the garden with their fire-arms ready. We could 
 now foresee danger, and plan how to avoid it, having been 
 taught by bitter experience. 
 
 I lay awake that night, gratefully enjoying the tranquillity 
 and comparative security : all was calm and still ; the air 
 gently stirred by a soft breeze, and the silence only broken by 
 the chirp of a cicala. These lines recurred to my memory — 
 
 *' Why are we weighed upon with heaviness 
 And utterly consumed with sharp distress 
 While all things else have rest from weariness ?" 
 
 AT THE rOKT. 
 
 Life was a blank to me for many days ; therefore I know 
 little of the events that happened between the time of our ar- 
 rival in Agra and our going into the fort about ten days after. 
 I lay all day in a room with a wet towel wrapped round my 
 head, utterly stunned : every thing seemed like a fearful dream. 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 171 
 
 I could not "believe that what had passed was real. My head 
 felt throbbing and painful : we must all have suffered from par- 
 tial cou'p de soldi — the exhaustion produced by want of proper 
 food and rest, and distress of mind, left me without the power 
 of doing any thing. The weather was oppressively hot, and 
 we had not the proper appliances to. mitigate the heat : there 
 was no one to pull the punkhas, as the servants no longer cared 
 to attend to us. I had nothing in the world but what I had 
 escaped in ; and though the Agra ladies sent us a few clothes, 
 there were so many for them to be divided among, that few fell 
 to my share. Mrs. Innes was very kind in getting some clothes 
 made for me ; but there was great difficulty in procuring any 
 materials, as the native shopkeepers and bazar people had 
 buried all their property, and no peddlers ventured to sell their 
 goods. 
 
 Our beds were placed under the veranda surrounding the 
 barracks. The Campbells, Stevensons, and several others slept 
 here. The crickets, frogs, and jackals kept up a dismal concert 
 all night, and cockroaches, two or three inches long, swarmed 
 all around us. We had a long drive every night ; often 
 through pouring rain — for the rainy season was just commenc- 
 ing — the nights were pitch dark, and we were occasionally 
 startled by seeing some native skulking about. We had to 
 pass several sentries, whose challenges Major Macpherson an- 
 swered ; but sometimes he forgot the pass-word, and we had to 
 wait till Mrs. Innes remembered it. The first night it was " Ox- 
 ford," and the next "Putney." The poor soldiers, many of 
 whom were very young, looked quite worn out with patrolling 
 and extra work. 
 
 One night the sentry close to us was fired at ; instantly all 
 the gentlemen were up, but it was not found out who had caused 
 the alarm. Several people were thus fired at during that week. 
 Every morning we returned from the barracks, and I again lay 
 in my room. Mrs. Innes borrowed a Bible for me, which 
 
172 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 afforded me much consolation. I had £10 given me from 
 Government, which was to last me three months, as I could not 
 get any money from Calcutta. 
 
 The weather became daily more oppressive, and affairs looked 
 more gloomy. Life really seemed a burden ; it was only one 
 long struggle to preserve it. No one dared look forward a sin- 
 gle day. Eumors were spread that a large force was collecting 
 in the vicinity of Agra, against which our small force could 
 do little good ; but the fort stood us in good stead, and our 
 deepest gratitude is due for its good service. We heard bad 
 news from the surrounding country of Lucknow and Cawnpore, 
 and no tidings of help coming from England then. 
 
 Major Macpherson, at my request, sent as trustworthy a 
 native as could then be found to Gwalior to find out all particu- 
 lars. Just afterward my kitmutghar came in from Gwalior on 
 the 24th, the first anniversary of my wedding-day, and from 
 him I learned all, and more than I wished to know; and thus 
 my last faint hope vanished. He told me that all the bodies 
 of the killed had been thrown into a dry nullah. He also said 
 that the day after the mutiny the Maharajah had come down to 
 cantonments, and been received by the mutinous troops as their 
 king, and had held a parade. I hardly believed this at the 
 time ; but I afterward remembered seeing in the paper that the 
 mutiny of the 34th N. I., at Barrackpore, was to have taken 
 place the very day the Rajah had fixed for his grand fete at 
 Calcutta. His sudden departure put a stop to it. Perhaps he 
 thought thus to avoid suspicion ; but who can find out the 
 motives of " a doubly-dyed traitorous Mahratta ?" Another 
 mysterious matter connected with the Maharajah, and which 
 many people have commented on is, that he in some way pre- 
 vented the women from being killed at Gwalior. It is said that 
 he knew of the mutiny, and extracted a promise from the Se- 
 poys to spare the women : else why, it is urged, did they not 
 kill us when we were so completely in their power, and they 
 
A LADY'S ESCAPE FKOM GWALIOR. 173 
 
 were drunk with bhang* and brandy ? Gwalior is the only 
 station where the women were not killed. If the Rajah could 
 so far protect us, and give a guard and carriages to take some 
 of the fugitives to Agra — thus showing the Sepoys he was not 
 wholly on their side — why did he not warn us, and send the 
 women and children to Agra ? We should all have gone on 
 Sunday, the instant the fires broke out. Why did he not, instead 
 of taking us to his palace, let us go to Agra, when we first 
 made our escape to the Residency, and the carriages were all 
 ready waiting, and only wanting a guard from him ? for then 
 we were not prohibited from going by Mr. Colvin's order. I 
 am afraid it is impossible to explain these mysterious circum- 
 stances. It is also said that the Sepoys at Gwalior were com- 
 municating long before the 14th of June — and that the Rajah 
 knew of it — with the regiments of the Contingent which had 
 left — the 1st Grenadiers and the Cavalry — and sending lists of 
 those they particularly wished to kill. 
 
 The kitmutghar pretended to be very sorry for what had hap- 
 pened, and "wept crocodile's tears." I found out, as I had 
 anticipated, that he had got our plate and £50 in rupees, left 
 in our house, for his share, and that the ayah had got my 
 dresses, etc. ; but he complained that the Sepoys had treated 
 them very badly, and made them give them up the plunder, and 
 that even the villagers, on his way to Agra, had robbed him of 
 the little he had left. The man looked dirty and forlorn ; very 
 different to his gay, clean appearance little more than a week 
 before. He, however, brought me my poor little puppy 
 "Jack." 
 
 Poor Mrs. Blake now heard of the murder of her brother, Mr. 
 Eicketts, at Shahjehanpore. The mutiny there had taken place 
 before the Gwalior mutiny, while the people were in church. 
 Sunday seems to have been the chosen day for the Sepoys' ris- 
 
 * Bhang, an intaxicating liquor made from hemp. 
 
174 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 ing : whether they had some idea connected with religion, or 
 whether they thought we were less on our guard on that day, 
 can only he conjectured. I refrain from giving any details of 
 the horrihle mxitinies, accounts of which daily poured in ; for the 
 papers have teemed with graphic accounts of every mutiny, and 
 the massacres of Cawnpore, Jhansi, Delhi, and Meerut are 
 seared on the hearts of many in burning characters. 
 
 I was very glad to hear from Mrs. Innes that many had es- 
 caped from Grwalior on Sunday night. During the first ten 
 minutes after the alarm bugle sounded, they had all crossed the 
 nullah, which in some places was very shallow, though in 
 others they were obliged to swim : they had then met at the 
 Lushkur, where the Maharajah very kindly received them, and, 
 as I have mentioned, gave them a guard and carriages. They 
 gave up for lost all those left behind. They accomplished their 
 journey to Agra in about two days without much difficulty, 
 excepting once, when they were nearly betrayed into an ambush 
 at Dholepore ; this it was which gave rise to the fearful reports 
 we had heard there. Captain Longville Clarke was wounded, 
 and Lieutenant Pierson rejoined his wife, whom the Sepoys 
 actually brought to him, and carried some miles in a horse- 
 cloth, slung between their muskets. It seems very strange that 
 the Sepoys should have treated him with such kindness, when 
 he had only arrived about six weeks before the mutiny broke 
 out : he was adjutant in the same regiment as poor Major 
 Blake. 
 
 Mrs. Hennessy lived in a large pucka-house, which, being 
 not so liable to take fire, Mrs. Christison and her child took 
 refuge in before the mutiny broke out. Mrs. Ferris, wife of a 
 commanding officer at one of the out-stations, and her children, 
 were also staying with her. As soon as the alarm bugle 
 sounded, Mrs. Hennessy's son, a youth of about seventeen, 
 urged them to fly : he helped them, and took care of these 
 ladies and children, and of his own little sister, and protected 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 175 
 
 them all the way to the Lushkur. Mrs. Ferris and Mrs. 
 Christison escaped without shoes or bonnets, as they were just 
 going to bed. There were at that time six ladies and eight 
 children at Gwalior, their husbands and fathers having left 
 with their regiments, with no one to protect them, or even to 
 be responsible for their safety. Lieutenant and Mrs. Proctor 
 staid all night with Mrs. Gilbert at her earnest entreaty ; she 
 could not ride, and her servants would not let her have her 
 carriage. Perhaps had Mr. Proctor ridden off with his wife, 
 as they had planned, he might have escaped ; but he would not 
 leave an unprotected woman. 
 
 The Meades' house was on the banks of the nullah. Mrs. 
 Murray, whose child had been buried that morning, had gone to 
 her sister, so they were all together. They were just retiring to 
 rest, I believe, when the alarm bugle sounded ; they instantly 
 snatched up their children, and with some servants, ran out 
 and crossed the nullah, which was fortunately shallow there. 
 They hid in a small guard-house for some time, till their hus- 
 bands joined them. The guard of their own house hid them, 
 and even advised them to go to the Rajah's ; so they walked as 
 fast as they could to his palace, where they found Major Mac- 
 pherson and Mrs. Innes, who had driven from the Residency to 
 the palace, in a great state of alarm about those left behind. 
 Seeing the Sepoys hunting about on .the banks of the nullah, 
 hearing the shouts and firing, and seeing the houses blazing, 
 they thought all was over with those left behind. All those 
 who escaped in this manner knew the surrounding country well, 
 and some had been born at Gwalior. 
 
 I still was very anxious to know the fate of poor Mrs. Stuart 
 and Mrs. Hawkins ; and at last heard that Mrs. Hawkins had 
 arrived at Agra with her remaining three children and little 
 Charlotte Stuart. She had seen her husband, her two chil- 
 dren, Mrs. Stuart, and her child, and her nurse, a European, all 
 killed ! She afterward described to me the horrid scene. On 
 
176 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 Monday morning the Sepoys rushed into the hut where they 
 were hiding, and fired at Captain Hawkins ; the same hullet 
 killed Mrs. Stuart, who was clinging to his arm ; they then 
 killed the nurse, and it was supposed the infant was killed by 
 falling with her. A blow with a tulwah killed Mrs. Stuart's 
 little boy, two years old, and Mrs. Hawkins's other child. It 
 seems very wonderful why they spared Mrs. Hawkins's three 
 remaining children ; for two of them were boys, and they had 
 sworn to kill all the sahibs : poor little Kirke was only spared 
 because they thought he was a girl. Mrs. Stuart's bearer re- 
 mained faithful to Mrs. Hawkins, and hid her three children 
 and Charlotte Stuart on the top of a hut. Mrs. Hawkins was 
 too weak to move, and the Sepoys would not let her have any 
 water ; at last she crept down to the nullah to get some water 
 for her children, when one, more merciful than the rest, gave her 
 some. She also got a note conveyed by some means to 
 Colonel Filose, who lived in the Lushkur. He and his brother 
 are descendants of the famous French officer who trained the 
 Mahratta troops in former days ; and ever since a descendant 
 of his has had the command of the Rajah's forces. Colonel 
 Filose lived in a handsome house in the Lushkur, and was 
 treated with great respect by the Rajah. He sent a cart for Mrs, 
 Hawkins and her children, to whom the Sepoys at last gave 
 some clothes, which she sadly needed, and let them go, ac- 
 companied by the faithful bearer. 
 
 Captain Stuart lay all Sunday night in a hut, wounded, but 
 not mortally. The faithful bearer attended to him and gave 
 him some milk and water. In the morning he asked after his 
 wife, and on hearing she was killed, said he no longer cared to 
 live. The Sepoys then took him to the place where the ele- 
 phants were kept, some distance off, and there shot him. Cap- 
 tain Stuart and his wife were both young ; but perhaps it was 
 better they should die together. Poor Mrs. Hawkins was very 
 ill for some time, and as soon as it was safe went up to her 
 
A lady's escape fkom gwalior. 177 
 
 brother in the hills. I shall never forget her patient endurance ; 
 though sorely tried, she never murmured. 
 
 Little Charlotte Stuart, who was about six years old, re- 
 mained in the fort under the care of some kind friends ; but the 
 poor little thing, from being the merriest child in Gwalior, 
 became quite grave and melancholy. The bearer never deserted 
 her. One day, on meeting Mrs. Blake in the fort, she asked her 
 if she had any pictures of Gwalior. 
 
 There was one other woman killed at Gwalior ; I forget her 
 name, but she was the widow of the conductor, who had some- 
 thing to do with the commissariat at Gwalior : he had risen from 
 the ranks, and had saved a great deal of money. He died a 
 shoi-t time before the mutiny, and his wife buried his boxes of 
 treasure, thinking they would be safe ; and on the Sepoys de- 
 manding the treasure, she refused to show them where it was 
 hid, whereupon they shot her. 
 
 Poor Mrs. Ferris, shortly after her arrival, heard of the death 
 of her husband. He was coming into Gwalior from one of the 
 out-stations, to join his wife, who had been sent there for safety, 
 when he and a young officer who was with him were stopped 
 and dragged out of their carriage by the villagers, tied to a tree, 
 and flogged. Major Ferris soon died ; but the young officer 
 survived the flogging : perhaps his youth and good constitution 
 sustained him : at all events, he came into Agra and brought 
 the report of Major Feiris's fate ; but he was ill for a long time 
 after. I must now return to the events of the fort. 
 
 It was now feared that the Gwalior Contingent, which had 
 all collected at Gwalior, on finding that Agra was not destroyed 
 and all the Feringhees killed, as they had said, would join the 
 Neemuch mutineers, who were collecting in our neighborhood, 
 and march on Agra ; but, strange to say, they did not, being 
 too much occupied in plundering and quarreling among them- 
 selves to care for further conquest. Had they marched on the 
 fort, they would certainly have taken it, and the same tragedy 
 
178 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 miglit have happened as at Cawnpore ; for they were well dis- 
 ciplined, and had a heavy siege-train. It was thought prudent 
 to issue an order that all the women and children should go into 
 the fort. 
 
 The gentlemen remained, and under Lieutenant Greathed 
 hecame enrolled as militia in defense of the city. Dr. Mack- 
 eller took Mrs. Innes and myself to the fort. Our furniture 
 consisted of two narrow soldier's cribs, with very hard mat- 
 tresses and but scanty bed-clothes, a small camp table, two or 
 three chairs, and boxes to contain our stores and meager ward- 
 robe ; and in one corner were the cooking vessels and earthen 
 pots for water. A lamp, a few cups and saucers, plates, knives 
 and forks, completed the menage. This "den" and its furni- 
 ture I shared with Mrs. Innes ; and it is a sample of all the 
 others. 
 
 In these "dens" we performed all the necessary acts of 
 life — cooking and eating, dressing and undressing, sleeping 
 and sitting up ; but occasionally we went into the marble hall. 
 
 Fresh and alarming reports now came into the fort. The 
 Gwalior Contingent was expected, and the Neemuch mutineers 
 were close at Agra ; and every man capable of bearing arms 
 was ordered on garrison duty. But few luxuries were allowed 
 inside the fort. 
 
 On the fourth of July the Notah Contingent mutinied. A 
 battle followed between the Europeans and the mutineers ; the 
 former were victorious, but could not follow up the victory. I 
 hardly remember any thing of the week following the battle, 
 every one was in such a state of excitement. The heat was 
 frightful, and, in consequence of our sei-vants' desertion, we 
 had to do every thing for ourselves ; this was particularly try- 
 ing to us, as the climate tends to enervate people, and make 
 them less active and energetic ; and the hosts of servants every 
 one keeps render people dependent on them. A lady's life in 
 India, however, though very luxurious, is not so useless and 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 179 
 
 frivolous as some imagine. We had to cook, wasli our 
 clothes, and clean out our " dens," and those who had chil- 
 dren had the douhle task of attending to them and keeping 
 them inside the "dens," as it was dangerous to let them he 
 outside on the stone-walk alone, the parapet was so low — little 
 Archie Murray did fall over into the court below, a distance of 
 twelve or fourteen feet, but happily escaped uninjured. 
 
 We had little food this week — pulse and rice, neither of 
 which were very good, composed our fare ; and if we had 
 been besieged, that was all the food we should have had to de- 
 pend on. 
 
 The first case of cholera in the fort was that of an officer. 
 On Sunday, the 12th of July, Captain Burlton, of the Gwa- 
 lior Contingent, was talking to us just after morning service, 
 discussing the sad events of the last few weeks, the hard life 
 we were leading, and the extra duty he had to perform, and 
 hoping his wife was safe, as he had not heard from her for 
 some time. (She afterward escaped from Goonah with the 
 rest of the fugitives.) After talking for some time, he said, 
 " I must try and get a little sleep ; I feel so worn-out with last 
 night's work." As he was wet through, one lady told him he 
 ought to change his clothes, and he replied, " I would, if I had 
 any to change." In the afternoon we heard that he was ill, 
 and later that he was seized with cholera. Several doctors 
 did all they could to save him, and as his quarters were very 
 damp — just beneath the marble hall — they tried to carry him 
 up a narrow flight of steps, but found it impossible. He died 
 shortly after midnight, and was buried the following evening 
 at gun-fire 
 
 I had now an additional source of care and anxiety in my 
 baby, though it was, of course, a great comfort. Owing to the 
 great difficulty in getting a wet-nurse for him, he suffered very 
 much ; and one doctor told me if I did not get a good nurse 
 for him, he would not live twenty-four hours, so Major Mac- 
 
180 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 pherson kindly allowed his chuprassis to go out and search in 
 the neighboring villages for one; for the Choudrini, or woman 
 who has the monopoly of hiring out nurses, had set her face 
 against their coming into the fort. 
 
 Every one had been very kind to me ; a room had been lent 
 me, quieter and more comfortable than my own ; Mrs. Longden 
 and Mrs. Fraser also gave me some baby-clothes, otherwise my 
 little boy would have been almost destitute, as few of the Kup- 
 pra Wallahs had ventured into the fort till after he was born. 
 Mrs. Innes was most kind to me, and Mrs. Campbell often 
 came from the palace garden to see me, bringing eau de 
 cologne and other little luxuries. A soldier's wife attended to 
 the baby ; she was a most kind-hearted Irish woman. Her 
 husband had gone with a party to Allyghurh. 
 
 My Irish nurse — Mrs. Cameron — was a cheery companion to 
 me ; she used to tell me long stories, and, as she could not 
 read, I read the newspapers to her, and gave her all my home 
 papers to send to her husband. One day, after I had been 
 reading some of the particulars of the Cawnpore massacre, 
 which related that the soldiers swore they would kill a Sepoy 
 for every hair of Miss Wheeler's head, she said, " I think 
 hell will be almost full now." I asked, "Why?" She re- 
 plied, " Because there has been such a lot of them brutes of 
 Sepoys sent there." This conversation took place after hear- 
 ing of Havelock's victory at Cawnpore, when he cajstured fif- 
 teen guns, and another engagement near Bithoor, making his 
 ninth victory. 
 
 Another soldier's wife said to a lady, who had remarked that 
 the Sepoys were like devils, " I think it is a bad compliment 
 to the devil to say the Sepoys are like him." The "Mofussil- 
 ite" was printed in the fort, the printing-press being now in 
 use, so we received detailed accounts of what was going on. 
 About this time I had given me the great luxury of a bath, in 
 the shape of half a beer barrel. 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 181 
 
 I used to amuse myself by watching the people going about 
 on the river in boats ; people being now permitted to go out of 
 the fort. These boats were like those formerly emploj'^ed for 
 coming up the river; they had each a "chopper" roof, and 
 were divided into two rooms. The Meades, Murrays, and some 
 others, took the small quantity of furniture that they had re- 
 covered, and lived in these boats for change of air. This mode 
 of life was thought by the doctors to be so healthy, that they 
 sent the wounded soldiers to live in boats anchored near the 
 shore. It was a pitiable sight to see the emaciated forms of 
 the poor men, carried in dhoolies down to the boats, then 
 placed on " charpoys," and carried back to the hospital at 
 night. I could also see the road winding toward the Taj, and 
 people driving and riding on it ; for now they could safely 
 leave the fort during the day ; though sometimes they were fired 
 at. I had also the amusement of watching the encampment of 
 horses and their syces ; the latter had their wives and families 
 in small huts, making quite a colony. The horses were pick- 
 eted in rows, and it was amusing to see the syces, who 
 were most of them tall, fine-looking men, grooming the horses 
 very carefully, and sometimes washing them. They were a 
 very savage set, however, not much incumbered with clothes, 
 having only a "cummerbund" round the waist; some had 
 not even turbans ; and they were always fighting and quar- 
 reling. 
 
 One day I saw a native woman beating her own infant, of 
 about a year old, in the most horrible manner, first with her 
 hands, then with a thick stick, till tired of this, she threw it on 
 the ground and kicked it ; the poor child, of course, screamed 
 terribly the whole time, and I felt miserable at being quite 
 powerless to prevent it. When it grew dark I could see no 
 more till the next morning, when I saw the child lying on a 
 charpoy, its father trying to force something down its throat, 
 and its cruel mother lying near asleep. The poor little creature 
 
182 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 gave one convulsive shudder and died ; its father then washed 
 it, went to the bazar to buy a piece of cloth, wrapped the 
 corpse in it, and then walked off with the still warm body, fol- 
 lowed by the other children ; then with a spade he dug a hole 
 and cast in the body of his child. The mother in the mean time 
 threw herself on the very charpoy from which her dead child 
 had just been carried, and finished her sleep. I told Captain 
 Campbell and Major Macpherson of the circumstance, but they 
 said nothing could be done, as we dare not now contradict or 
 thwart the natives. 
 
 The scene by moonlight had a strange effect ; the light shim- 
 mering on the ripples of the broad river, and glancing on the 
 groups of natives, rolled up in their white chuddas on the 
 ground ; and the horses standing like statues in rows, looked 
 specter-like, or as if turned into stone. On the opposite bank 
 of the river there always glowed a bright fire at night ; and I 
 afterward found out it was the natives burning their dead. 
 One of my nurses lost her husband and came crying to me for 
 money to buy wood with to burn her husband's body ; and at 
 night she showed me the fire, and said, " Look, mem-sahib, they 
 burn my husband there." 
 
 My mother had sent me out a box of clothes from home ; 
 but the country was in such a disturbed state, I could get neither 
 them nor my money from Calcutta. Letters from England, 
 however, came regularly now, and I received one addressed to 
 my husband, telling him of the death of his cousin in the 
 Austrian service, who died of consumption at Venice. This 
 brought to my mind the happy days that my husband and I 
 had spent with poor Captain Coopland only the year before at 
 Vienna. 
 
 "A sorrow's crown of sorrow is remembering happier things." 
 
 On the 9th of September Mr. Colvin died. He had been in 
 a bad state of health ever since his coming into the fort ; and 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 183 
 
 seemed utterly powerless to act in such a momentous crisis, 
 being both mentally and physically worn-out. After lingering 
 some days in an almost insensible state, he died, and was 
 buried in the Armory Square. I have before given the reasons 
 why he was buried within the fort walls. We watched his 
 funeral from the "Tower," as his quarters were in the palace 
 near the Dewan-i-khas. 
 
 Some time in the middle of September I went out for my first 
 drive ; till then, since June 29th, I had never been beyond 
 our square, and my only walk had been on "the tower." I 
 shall never forget my sensations : I felt like one in a dream. 
 Major Macpherson and Mrs. Innes had often been out driving, 
 but I had not been able till now. 
 
 This morning I was awoke by the welcome message, "Mrs. 
 Innes's * salaam ' and would I like a drive ?" I dressed quickly, 
 and leaving baby to the care of Mrs. Cameron — who was de- 
 lighted that I should have a change — got into the tonjon, and 
 was boi'ne along through the palace garden — where a number 
 of other people were preparing for walking or driving — down 
 the inclined plane, and out at the Delhi gate. The gateway 
 was crowded with natives carrying in things to sell, bheesties 
 with water, coolies with bags of sand for the fortifications, and 
 people hurrying out for their drives. At last I was fairly out- 
 side the gates, and the bearers setting the tonjon down at th^ 
 other side of the draw-bridge, politely assisted me into Major 
 Macpherson's carriage, which was standing with a lot of others, 
 waiting for their owners, the syces meanwhile driving off the 
 flies with whisks. When the coachman asked me which way I 
 should like to go, I chose the Taj road. 0, how delightfully 
 the fresh air blew on my face, when free from the walls of the 
 fort ! Quickly we wound by the side of the river, on which 
 was anchored quite a little fleet of boats, awaiting the rising of 
 the river to continue their journey to Allahabad ; and there 
 were large boats, gay with flags, and occupied by people wearied 
 
184 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 of fort life. We passed under a hill which the coolies were 
 digging away, and by some ruins they were preparing to 
 blast. 
 
 The country looked delightfully fresh and blooming after the 
 late rains, the breeze was cool and refreshing, and the air sweet 
 with delicious scents. At last I passed the Taj, its white marble 
 and golden-tipped minarets sparkling in the bi-ight sun against 
 the blue sky. It Avas a painful contrast on approaching the 
 cantonments, utterly destroyed and desolate ; and around their 
 blackened walls and ruined houses seemed yet to linger a sick- 
 ening smell of burning ; I passed the racket court, the mess- 
 house, and other public buildings all more or less ruined ; the 
 disgusting vultures, either sitting on the blackened walls, or 
 prowling about among the ruins, were not scared at the approach 
 of the carriage, and even the jackals stopped and looked at me^ 
 as if they had a right now to despise us. On my way back I 
 passed a bazar, the natives of which looked so maliciously at 
 me that I felt quite frightened ; for had they chosen to drag me 
 out of the can'iage, there was nothing to prevent them. This 
 rather took away from the pleasure of the drive, and I was very 
 thankful to return to the protection of the gloomy walls of the 
 fort. I passed many equestrians, some of them grotesquely 
 attired, and soldiers returning from their walk. 
 
 I was glad to find myself in my own little room again, and 
 baby all well. 
 
 So passed the days away. On the 10th of October the enemy 
 gave battle, and were beaten by our forces. 
 
 The Sikhs brought their prisoners into the fort most tri- 
 umphantly. One Sikh was dragging in a Sepoy, who was 
 struggling. " You won't struggle long," said the Sikh, "for 
 you will soon be hanged." The Sepoy replied, " I do n't care ; 
 for I have just killed two of your brothers." "Have you, you 
 pig ?" cried the Sikh, "then I will take you no further;" and 
 with that he cut off his head. Captain Meade told us he saw 
 
A lady's escape from gwalior. 185 
 
 the head the next morning lying near the Delhi gate, with a 
 ghastly gi'in of defiance on its face. 
 
 It was not till the 12th of September that our final exit from 
 Agi-a was made. Christmas was spent in Delhi — Mooltan 
 was reached eaily in February We took the steamer for Bom- 
 bay on the 16th, and landed in Bombay the 9th of March. 
 
 We sailed in the evening of the 18th for England, and the 
 moon, which had just risen, cast a soft flood of light over the 
 clear blue sea, and the white houses and green trees of Bombay 
 sloping down to the water. I had soon taken my last look of 
 India, and its myriads of people — most of whom are black at 
 heart — its burning sun, and all the scenes of horror I had 
 witnessed. 
 
 We had a prosperous voyage, but had to wait a week in 
 Egypt ; which, however, gave us the pleasure of seeing the 
 pyramids, the bazars, for which Cairo is celebrated, the petri- 
 fied forest, Heliopolis, and other relics of this interesting land, 
 which never can be surpassed or equaled in beauty, wonders, 
 and grandeur. 
 
 At Alexandria I parted with great regret from Mrs. Blake, 
 who had been my kind friend and fellow-sufferer since the 14th 
 of June, 1857. She was going via Marseilles to Paris. 
 
 On the 26th of April, 1858, the "Ripon" arrived at South- 
 ampton, where I was met by my father, and I again stood on 
 the shore of dear old England ; which, if I did not kiss, I 
 embraced in vaj heart. Ah ! thought I, you who dwell in this 
 land can never value enough the privilege of living in a country 
 where freedom reigns in deed as well as in word, where Chris- 
 tianity is universal, and which is ruled by a sovereign who sets 
 
 to all her siibjects a good and noble example. 
 
 16 
 
186 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 
 
 BY CAPTAIN MOWBRAY THOMPSON, ONE OF THE ONLY TWO STJRVIVORS 
 FROM THE CAWNPORE GARRISON. 
 
 CAWNPORE. 
 
 In December, 1856, my regiment, tlie 53d Native Infantry, 
 was ordered to Cawnpore. 
 
 The 53d Native Infantry was a fine regiment, about a 
 thousand strong, almost all of them Oude men, averaging five 
 feet, eight inches in hight ; their uniform the old Biitish red, 
 with yellow facings. By far the greater number of them being 
 high-caste men, they were regarded by the native populace as 
 very aristocratic and stylish gentlemen, and yet their pay would 
 sound to English ears as any thing but compatible with the 
 hight of gentility — namely, seven rupees a man per month — out 
 of which exorbitant sum they provided all their own food, and 
 a suit of summer clothing. Be astonished, ye beef-eating 
 Guardsmen ! The greater number of these swarthy Sepoys 
 were able to defray all the cost of their food with three rupees 
 each a month. Thoroughly disciplined and martial in appear- 
 ance, these native troops presented one memorable point of 
 contrast with European forces — drunkenness was altogether 
 unknown among them. 
 
 The city of Cawnpore, which has obtained such a painful noto- 
 riety in connection with the mutiny of 1857, is distant from Cal- 
 cutta 628 miles by land, 954 by water, and 266 miles south-east 
 from Delhi ; it is the principal town in the district of the Doab 
 formed by the Ganges and the Jumna, and is situated on the 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 187 
 
 rigtt "bank of the queen of the Indian rivers. At the period 
 of the dismemberment of the Mogul empire this district passed 
 into the hands of the Nawauh of Oude. 
 
 By the treaty of Fyzabad, in 1775, the East India Company 
 engaged to supply a brigade for the defense of the frontiers of 
 Oude, and Cawnpore was selected as the station for that force ; 
 a subsidy being paid by the protected country for the mainte- 
 nance of the troops. Subsequently, in 1801, Lord Wellesley 
 commuted this payment for the surrender of the district to the 
 Company's territory, and thus gained an important barrier 
 against the threatened invasion of the south, from Cabul and 
 Afghanistan. Cawnpore immediately rose into one of the 
 most important of the Company's garrisons. 
 
 The cantonments, which are quite distinct from the native 
 city, are spread over an extent of six miles, in a semicircular 
 form, along the bank of the river, and contain an area of ten 
 square miles. Hundreds of bungalows, the residences of the 
 officers, stand in the midst of gardens, and these interspersed 
 with forest trees, the barracks of the troops, with a separate 
 bazar for each regiment, and the canvas town of the tented 
 regiments, give to the tout ensemble a picturesque effect as seen 
 from the river. On the highest ground in the cantonments 
 stand the church and the assembly rooms ; in another part a 
 theater, in which amateur performances were occasionally given; 
 and a cafe supported by piablic subscription. In the officers' 
 gardens, which were among the best in India, most kinds of 
 European vegetables thrived, while peaches, melons, mangoes, 
 shaddocks, limes, oranges, plantains, guavas, and custard ap- 
 ples were abundant. Fish, flesh, and fowl are always plentiful, 
 and in the season for game, quails, snipes, and wild ducks can 
 be had cheap enough. The ortolan, which in Europe is the 
 gourmand's despair, during the hot winds, is seen in such dense 
 flights that fifty or sixty might be brought down at a shot. In 
 winter the temperature falls low enough to freeze water, which 
 
188 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 for this purpose is exposed in shallow earthen pans, and then 
 collected into capacious ice-houses, to furnish the exotic resi- 
 dents with the luxury so indispensable to their comfort during 
 the hot season, when this becomes one of the hottest .stations 
 in India. Besides all these indigenous supplies, the far travel- 
 ing spirit of commerce is not unmindful of the numerous per- 
 sonal wants which John Bull carries with him all the world 
 over. In the cold season, boating and horse-racing were the 
 diversions most patronized by the officers ; au teste, drill, pa- 
 rade, and regimental orders, varied by an occasional court mar- 
 tial upon some swarthy delinquent, mails home and mails from 
 home, morning calls, and evening dinners, formed the chief 
 avocations of all seasons. 
 
 The breadth of the Ganges at Cawnpore, in the dry season, is 
 about five hundred yards, but when the rains have filled up its 
 bed it becomes more than a mile across. Navigable for light 
 craft downward to the sea 1,000 miles, and up the country 
 300 miles, the scene which the river presents is full of life and 
 variety ; at the ghaut, or landing-place, a busy trade is con- 
 stantly plying. A bridge of boats constructed by the Govern- 
 ment, and for the passage of which a toll is charged, serves to 
 conduct a ceaseless throng over into Oude. Merchants, trav- 
 elers, fakirs, camels, bullocks, horses, go and come inces- 
 santly. Moored in-shore are multitudes of vessels, looking 
 with their thatched roofs like a floating village, while down the 
 stream the pinnace with her thin, light masts and tight rigging, 
 the clumsy-looking budgerow with its stern high above the 
 bows, and the country boats like drifting stacks, with their 
 crews rowing, singing, and smoking, give such a diversity to 
 the scene as no other river can boast. The great Trunk Eoad 
 which passes close by the city, brings up daily relays of trav- 
 elers and detachments of troops to the northward, all of whom 
 halt at Cawnpore, and the railroad, which is now complete 
 from Allahabad, will yet further enhance the busy traffic at this 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 189 
 
 station. The cantonments have not unfrequently contained as 
 many as 6,000 troops, and these increased by the crowd of 
 camp-followers, have made the population of the military ba- 
 zars 50,000 in number. 
 
 The native city is densely packed and closely built as all the 
 human hives of the east are, and it contained at the time of 
 the mutiny about 60,000 inhabitants. It has only one good 
 avenue, which may be called its Broadway, the Chandnee- 
 choke. This street is about three hundred yards long and 
 thirty-five yards in breadth, and is filled with the shops of sad- 
 dlers, silk merchants, and dealers in the fine fabrics and cunning 
 workmanship in gold and silver, that from time immemorial 
 have attracted western barbarians to the splendid commerce of 
 the east. The principal productions of the city are, however, 
 saddlery and shoes, the former of which is especially popular 
 throughout India for its excellence and cheapness ; a set of good 
 single-horse driving harness costs from twenty-five to fifty 
 shillings, and the equestrian can equip himself luxuriantly with 
 bridle, saddle, etc., for thirty shillings. Country horses, as 
 they are called, sell for about a hundred rupees, but Arabs 
 brought down the Persian Gulf and across from Bombay are 
 the chief favorites, and command a high price. 
 
 At the period wdth which this narrative commences, the fol- 
 lowing regiments constituted the force occupying the Cawnpore 
 garrison : the 1st, 53d, and 56th Native Infantry ; the 2d Cav- 
 alry, and a company of artillerymen — all of these being Sepoys, 
 and about 3,000 in number. 
 
 The European residents consisted of the officers attached to 
 the Sepoy regiments ; 60 men of the 84th Regiment ; 74 men 
 of the 32d Regiment, who were invalided ; 15 men of the 
 Madras Fusileers, and 59 men of the Company's Artillery — 
 about 300 combatants in all. In addition to these there were 
 the wives, children, and native servants of the officei's ; 300 
 half-caste children belonging to the Cawnpore school ; mer- 
 
190 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 chants — some Europeans and others Eurasians — shopkeepers, 
 railway officials, and their families. Some of the civilians at 
 the station were permanently located there, others had escaped 
 from disturbances in the surrounding districts ; the entire com- 
 pany included considerably more than a thousand Europeans. 
 
 General Sir Hugh Wheeler, K. C. B., was the commandant 
 of the division, and Mr. Hillersden the magistrate of the C awn- 
 pore district. 
 
 The iirst intimation that appeared of any disaffection in the 
 minds of the natives was the circulation of chupatties and lotus 
 leaves. Early in March it was reported that a chowkedar, or 
 village policeman, of Cawnpore, had run up to one of his com- 
 rades and had given him two chupatties. These are unleavened 
 cakes made of flour, water, and salt ; the mode of telegraphing 
 by their means was for the cakes to be eaten in the presence of 
 the giver, and fresh ones made by the newly-initiated one, who 
 in his turn distributed them to new candidates for participation 
 in the mystery. The chupatties were limited to civilians ; and 
 lotus leaves, the emblem of war, were in like manner handed 
 about among the soldiery. Various speculations were made by 
 Europeans as to the import of this extreme activity in the cir- 
 culation of these occult harbingers of the mutiny, but they sub- 
 sided into an impression that they formed some portion of the 
 native superstitions. And no one dreamed, like the man in 
 Gideon's camp, who saw the barley-cake overturn the tents of 
 Midian, that these farinaceous weapons were aimed at the over- 
 throw of the British rule in India. 
 
 Upon the 14th of May intelligence reached us of the revolt 
 at Meerut and the subsequent events at Delhi ; but no appre- 
 hension was felt of treachery on the part of our own troops. A 
 few Sepoys, who had been for instruction to the school of 
 musketry at Umballa, returned to their respective regiments, 
 and they were amicably received, and allowed to eat with their 
 own caste, although they had been using the Enfield rifle and 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 191 
 
 the suspected, cartridges. One of these men — ^IMhan Khan — a 
 Mussulman private of the 53d, brought with him specimens of 
 the cartridges, to assure his comrades that no animal fat had 
 heen employed in their construction. It may be as well to 
 state that the first installment of these notorious cartridges 
 which were sent out from England, and intended for the use 
 of the Queen's troops, were, without doubt, abundantly offens- 
 ive to the Feringhees as well as to the faithful, and from the 
 nauseous odor which accompanied them quite equal to breeding 
 a pestilence, if not adequate to the task which has been 
 attributed to them of causing the mutiny. 
 
 THE MUTINY. 
 
 Two or three days after the arrival of the tidings from Delhi 
 of the massacre which had been perpetrated in the old city of 
 the Moguls, Mrs. Fraser, the wife of an officer in the 27th Na- 
 tive Infantry, reached our cantonments, having traveled dak 
 from that scene of bloodshed and revolt. The native driver, 
 who had taken her up in the precincts of the city, brought 
 her faithfully to the end of her hazardous journey of two hun- 
 dred and sixty-six miles. The exposure which she had under- 
 gone was evident from a bullet that had pierced the carriage. 
 Her flight from Delhi was but the beginning of the sorrows of 
 this unfortunate lady, though she deserves rather to be com- 
 memorated for her virtues than her sufferings. During the 
 horrors of the siege she won the admiration of all our party 
 by her indefatigable attentions to the wounded. Neither dan- 
 ger nor fatigue seemed to have power to suspend her ministry 
 of mercy. Even on the fatal morning of embarkation, al- 
 though she had escaped to the boats with scarcely any clothing 
 upon her, in the thickest of the deadly volleys poured upon us 
 from the banks, she appeared alike indifferent to danger and to 
 her own scanty covering ; while, with perfect equanimity and 
 imperturbed fortitude, she was entirely occupied in the attempt 
 
192 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 to soothe and relieve the agonized sufferers around her, whose 
 wounds scarcely made their condition worse than her own. 
 Such rare heroism deserves a far higher tribute than this simple 
 record from my pen ; but I feel a mournful satisfaction in pub- 
 lishing a fact which a more experienced scribe would have 
 depicted in language more worthy of the subject, though not 
 with admiration or regret deeper or more sincere than that which 
 I feel. Mrs. Fraser was one of the party recaptured from the 
 boats, and is reported to have died from fever before the terrific 
 butchery that immediately preceded General Havelock's recap- 
 ture of C awn pore. 
 
 About the 20th of May intelligence came that all communi- 
 cations with Delhi were now entirely suspended. The road 
 northward was infested with dacoits and liberated convicts, 
 and all Europeans traveling in that direction were compelled to 
 tarry in our cantonments. Our parades still continued with 
 their accustomed regularity ; no suspicion was uttered, if en- 
 tertained, of the fidelity of our Sepoys, although serious appre- 
 hension began to be felt of the probability of an attack from 
 without, more especially as we were known to be in possession 
 of a considerable amount of Government treasure. 
 
 The Mohammedan festival of the Eede passed off quietly, 
 and the Mussulmans gave the salaam to their officers, and 
 assured us that, come what would, they would stand faithfully 
 to their leaders. A fire broke out in the lines of the 1st Na- 
 tive Infantry in the night of the 20th, which was supposed to 
 be the work of an incendiary, and the probable signal for re- 
 volt ; six guns were accordingly run down to a preconcerted 
 place of rendezvous, and the Sepoys were ordered to extinguish 
 the flames ; this was done promptly, and the cause of the fire 
 was found to have been accidental. Day after day news came 
 of the growth of the storm. Etawah and Allyghurh, both 
 towns between Delhi and Cawnpoi-e, were plundered, and the 
 insurgents were reported as en route for Cawnpore. The ser- 
 
THE STOKY OP CAWNPORE. 193 
 
 geant-major's wife of the 53d, an Eurasian by birth, went mar- 
 keting to the native bazar, when she was accosted by a Sepoy 
 out of regimental dress, " You will none of you come here 
 much oftener ; you will not be alive another week." She re- 
 ported her story at headquarters, but it was thought advisable 
 to discredit the tale. Several of us at this period endeavored 
 to persuade the ladies to leave the station and retreat to Cal- 
 cutta for safety ; but they unanimously declined to remove so 
 long as General Wheeler retained his family with him. 
 
 Determined, self-possessed, and fearless of danger, Sir Hugh 
 Wheeler now made arrangements for the protection of the 
 women and children. A mud wall, four feet high, was thrown 
 up round the old dragoon hospital. The buildings thus 
 intrenched were two brick structures, one thatched, the other 
 roofed with masonry. On the 21st of May the women and 
 children were all ordered into these barracks, the officers still 
 sleeping at the quarter-guards in the lines with their respective 
 corps. Around the intrenchments the guns were placed, three 
 on the north-east side commanding the lines, and three on the 
 south to range the plain which separates the cantonments from 
 the city. A small three-pounder, which had been rifled by 
 Lieutenant Fosbury a year or two before, was also brought into 
 use, and placed so as to command the new barracks which 
 were in course of erection ; this piece, however, could only be 
 used for grape, as there was no conical shot in store. A few 
 days afterward, Lieutenant Ashe, of the Bengal Artillery, ar- 
 rived from Lucknow with a half battery, consisting of two 
 nine-pounders and one twenty-four-potmder howitzer. 
 At length the much-dreaded explosion came. On the night of 
 the 6th of June the 2d Cavalry broke out. They first set fire 
 to the riding-master's bungalow, and then fled, carrying off 
 with them horses, arms, colors, and the regimental treasure- 
 chest. The old soubhadar-major of the regiment defended the 
 
 colors and treasure, which were in the quarter-guard, as long as 
 
 17 
 
194 HEROES OF THE INDIAN KEBELLION. 
 
 he could, and the poor old fellow was found in the morning 
 severely wounded, and lying in his blood at his post. This 
 was the only instance of any native belonging to that regi- 
 ment who retained his fidelity. The old man remained with 
 us, and was killed by a shell in the intrenchment. An hour or 
 two after the flight of the cavalry, the 1st Native Infantry also 
 bolted, leaving their officers untouched upon the parade-ground. 
 The 56th Native Infantry followed the next morning. The 
 53d remained, till, by some error of the General, they were 
 fired into. I am at an utter loss to account for this proceeding. 
 The men were peacefully occupied in their lines, cooking ; no 
 signs of mutiny had appeared amidst their ranks ; thej'- had 
 refused all the solicitations of the deserters to accompany them, 
 and seemed quite steadfast, when Ashe's battery opened upon 
 them by Sir Hugh Wheeler's command, and they were liter- 
 ally driven from us by nine-pounders. The only signal that 
 had preceded this step was the calling in to the intrenchments 
 of the native officers of the regiment. The whole of them 
 cast in their lot with us, besides a hundred and fifty privates, 
 most of them belonging to the Grenadier company. The de- 
 tachment of the 53d, posted at the treasury, held their ground 
 against the rebels about four hours. We could hear their mus- 
 ketry in the distance, but were not allowed to attempt their 
 relief. The faithful little band that had joined our desperate 
 fortunes was ordered to occupy the military hospital, about 
 six hundred yards to the east of our position, and they held it 
 for nine days, when, in consequence of its being set on fire, 
 they were compelled to evacuate. They applied for admission 
 to the intrenchments, but were told that we had not food suffi- 
 cient to allow of an increase to our number. Major Hillersden 
 gave them a few rupees each, together with a certificate of their 
 fidelity. Had it been possible to have received these men, they 
 would have constituted a powerful addition to our force, just 
 as the few gallant remnants of the native regiments at Luck- 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORB. 195 
 
 now did throughout the second edition of the Cawnpore siege, 
 as it was enacted in the Oude capital. 
 
 The name most familiarly associated with the events of the 
 mutiny is that home hy a man whose history is almost unknown 
 out of India. And as Nana Sahib will always be identified 
 with the sanguinary proceedings at Cawnpore, it will not he 
 out of place to give the reader some idea of the antecedents of 
 this notorious scoundrel. Seereek Dhoondoo Punth, or, as he 
 is now universally called, the Nana — that is, grandson — and by 
 the majority of newspaper readers Nana Sahib, is the adopted 
 son of the late Bajee Rao, who was Peishaw of Poonah, and 
 the last of the Mahratta kings. Driven by his faithlessness and 
 uncontrollable treachery to dethrone the old man, the British 
 Government assigned him a residence at Bithoor, twelve miles 
 from Cawnpore, where he dwelt till his death in 1851, at a 
 safe distance from all Mahratta associations, but, as to his own 
 personal condition, in most sumptuous and right regal splendor. 
 Bajee Rao was sonless, a deplorable condition in the estimation 
 of a Brahmin prince ; he, therefore, had recourse to adoption, 
 and Seereek Dhoondoo Punth was the favored individual of his 
 selection. Some say that the Nana is really the son of a corn- 
 dealer of Poonah ; others, that he is the offspring of a poor 
 Konkanee Brahmin, and that he first saw the light at Venn, a 
 miserable little village about thirty miles east of Bombay. 
 Shortly after the death of Bajee Rao, the Nana presented a 
 claim upon the East India Company for a continuance of the 
 pension allowed to the old Mahratta. As the allowance made 
 to the king was purely in the form of an annuity, the demand 
 of the heir to all his private property to enjoy a share of the 
 Indian revenue was most emphatically denied. Hence the 
 vigorous venom which he imparted to the enterprise of the 
 mutineers. It is always a matter of difficulty to decide upon 
 the exact age of an Asiatic, but I should consider the Nana to 
 be about thirty-six years old. With greater confidence I can 
 
196 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 add, that lie is extremely corpulent, of sallow complexion, of 
 middle hight, with thoroughly-marked features, and, like all 
 Mahrattas, clean shaven on both head and face. He does not 
 speak a word of English. 
 
 Bithoor palace, which he inherited from his benefactor, is a 
 well-situated town. It has several Hindoo temples, and ghauts, 
 which give access to the sacred stream. Brahma is specially 
 reverenced here. At the principal ghaut he is said to have 
 offered an aswamedha on completing the act of creation. The 
 pin of his slipper, left behind him on the occasion, is fastened 
 into one of the steps of the ghaut, and is the object of wor- 
 ship. There is an annual gathering to this spot at the full 
 moon of November, which attracts prodigious numbers of 
 devotees, and contributes quite as much to the prosperity of the 
 town as it does to the piety of the pilgrims. The palace was 
 spacious, and though not remarkable for any architectural 
 beauty, was exquisitely furnished in European style. All the 
 reception-rooms were decorated with immense mirrors and 
 massive chandeliers in variegated glass, and of the most recent 
 manufacture : the floor was covered with the finest productions 
 of the Indian looms, and all the appurtenances of eastern 
 splendor were strewed about in prodigious abundance. There 
 were saddles of silver for both horses and camels, guns of every 
 possible construction, shields inlaid with gold, carriages for 
 camel-driving, and the newest turn-outs from Long Acre ; 
 plate, gems, and curiosities in ivory and metal ; while without 
 in the compound might be seen the fleetest horses, the finest 
 dogs, and rare specimens of deer, antelopes, and other animals 
 from all parts of India. It would be quite impossible to lift 
 the vail that must rest on the private life of this man. There 
 were apartments in the Bithoor palace horribly unfit for any 
 human eye ; in which both European and native artists had 
 done their utmost to gratify the corrupt master, from whom 
 they could command any price. 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 197 
 
 It was frequently the custom of the Nana to entertain the* 
 officers of the Gawnpore garrison in the most sumptnous style; 
 although he would accept none of their hospitality in return, 
 because no salute was permitted in his honor. I have been a 
 guest in those halls when costly festivities were provided for the 
 very persons who were at length massacred by their quondam 
 host ; and I was there also when Havelock's Ironsides gave 
 their entertainment, shattering to powder all that was fragile, 
 in revenge for the atrocities lying uni'equited at those doors. 
 For downright looting commend me to the hirsute Sikh ; for 
 destructive aggression, battering, and but-ending, the palm 
 
 must be awarded to the privates of Her Britannic Majesty's 
 
 Regiment. " Look what I have found 1" said a too demon- 
 strative individual of the last-named corps, at the same time 
 holding up a bag-full of rupees for the gaze of his comrades, 
 when an expert Sikh with a blow of his tulwar cut the canvas 
 that held the treasure, and sent the glittering spoil flying 
 among the eager spectators. 
 
 A large portion of the Nana's plate was found in the wells 
 around the palace ; gold dishes, some of them as much as two 
 feet in diameter ; silver jugs ; spittoons of both gold and 
 silver, that had been used by the betel-eating Brahmin, were 
 fished up, and proved glorious prizes for somebody. Every 
 cranny in the house was explored, floors were removed, par- 
 titions pulled down, and every square foot on the surface of the 
 adjacent grounds pierced and dug in the search after spoil. 
 Brazier's Sikhs have the credit of carrying off Bajee Rao's 
 state sword, which, in consequence of its magnificent setting 
 in jewels, is said to have been worth at least thirty thousand 
 pounds. The most portable of his riches the Nana carried 
 with him in his flight. The natives say that immediately be- 
 fore the insurrection at Meerut he sold out seventy lacs of 
 government paper — £70,000. One ruby of great size and brill- 
 iancy he is alleged to have sold recently for ten thousand rupees 
 
198 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. , 
 
 it 
 
 to a native banker ; the tradition is, that he carried this gem con- 
 tinually about his person, intending, should he be driven to ex- 
 tremities, to destroy himself by swallowing it ; a curious mode of 
 suicide, the efficacy of which I am not prepared' either to dis- 
 pute or to defend ; my informant told me that the sharp edges 
 of the ruby would cut through the vitals, and speedily destroy 
 life. The Nana's dignity was enhanced by the presence of 
 a few hundred armed retainers, with whom he played the 
 rajah ; the pay of each of these men was four rupees a month 
 and a suit of clothes per annum, foraging performed on their 
 own accoimt. It would have been quite a work of supereroga- 
 tion for the Oude and Mahratta princes to have fed their troops, 
 as they always knew where to find copious supplies at a nomi- 
 nal price. Their perpetual rapine made them a curse to the 
 poor ryots, who were never safe from their extortions and 
 pillage. 
 
 The only Englishman resident at Bithoor was a Mr. Todd, 
 who had come out in the employment of the Grand Trunk 
 railroad, but for some reason had exchanged his situation for 
 that of teacher of English to the household of his Excellency 
 Seereek Dhoondoo Pimth. Mr. Todd was allowed to join us 
 in the intrenchment ; when the siege began he was appointed 
 to my picket, and was one of those who perished at the time 
 of embarkation. 
 
 The following little incident will serve to show the extreme 
 servility of the most exalted of Hindoo potentates to the des- 
 potic sway of their spiritual guides. Once upon a time Seereek 
 Dhondoo Punth had committed some peccadillo which had 
 awakened all the indignation and abhorrence of his pimdits and 
 priests. Now it so fell out that at the same time, or sufficiently 
 near about thereto for the object of their holinesses, the capricious 
 Ganges, having formed a sand-bank under the walls of Bithoor, 
 was diverted from its ancient course, so as to threaten the Res- 
 idency with a scarcity of water. The priests persuaded their 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 199 
 
 devotee that this was a visitation consequent npon his sin, and 
 implored him, as he valued his own life and that of his peasant- 
 ry, to propitiate the sacred stream. The offering proposed was 
 to be pecuniary ; the amount, one lac of rupees ; the mode of 
 presentation, casting them into the bed of the river ; the period, 
 an early date chosen by lot. These cautious and speculative 
 gentlemen forthwith proceeded to underlay the waters with some 
 good, stout sail-cloth ; at the appointed time they indicated the 
 precise spot at which only the offering could be efiacacious : this 
 also, no doubt, was chosen by lot. The Nana, in great state, 
 made his costly libation, and somebody removed the sail-cloth; 
 but, alas ! the Ganges did not return. 
 
 When Havelock's force paid their first visit to Bithoor, they 
 found the place deserted, but the guns in position and loaded. 
 This is said to have been done by Narrein Rao, the son of the 
 old Mahratta's Commander-in-chief. This man welcomed the 
 English troops on their arrival, and alleged that he had pointed 
 the guns as a feint to make the rebels believe that he was about 
 to attack General Havelock's advancing columns. Certain it is 
 that this man and the Nana had always been in hot water. 
 Narrein Rao very energetically sided with the General ; he found 
 supplies and horses for the police. It seems decidedly more 
 than probable that the lion's share of the Bithoor valuables 
 fell to Narrein, as he was conveniently on the spot when the 
 retreaters evacuated, and had the additional advantage of know- 
 ing better where to look for things than the inexperienced fresh 
 arrivals difl. I must not, however, speak to the disparagement 
 of this gentleman, because when I left Cawnpore for England, 
 he presented me with a fine pearl ring as a proof of the esteem 
 in which he is pleased to hold me ; some persons might think 
 its intrinsic value increased because it once adorned the Nana's 
 hand. 
 
 Less known in England by report, though better known by 
 virtue of personal acquaintance, and a far more remarkable 
 
200 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 individual than the Nana, is he who bears the name — Azimoolah 
 Khan. This man's adventures are of the kind, for their nu- 
 merous transitions and mysterious alternations, that belong 
 only to eastern story. I can easily imagine that the bare men- 
 tion of his name will have power sufficient to cause some trepi- 
 dation and alarm to a few of my fair readers ; but I will betray 
 no confidences. Read on, my lady, no names shall be divulged, 
 only should some unpleasant recollection of our hero's fascina- 
 tion be called to mind, let them serve as a warning against the 
 too confiding disposition which once betrayed you into a hasty 
 admiration of this swarthy adventurer. Azimoolah was orig- 
 inally a khitmutghar — waiter at table — in some Anglo-Indian 
 family ; profiting by the opportunity thus afforded him, he ac- 
 quired a thorough acquaintance with the English and P'rench 
 languages, so as to be able to read and converse fluently, and 
 write accurately in them both. He afterward became a pupil, 
 and subsequently a teacher, in the Cawnpore government 
 schools, and from the last-named position he was selected to 
 become the vakeel, or prime agent, of the Nana. On account 
 of his numerous qualifications he was deputed to visit England, 
 and press upon the authorities in Leadenhall-street the applica- 
 tion for the continuance of Bajee Rao's pension. Azimoolah 
 accordingly reached London in the season of 1854. Passing 
 himself off as an Indian prince, and being thoroughly furnished 
 with ways and means, and having withal a most presentable 
 contour, he obtained admission to distinguished society. In 
 addition to the political business which he had in hand, he was 
 at one time prosecuting a suit of his own of a more delicate 
 character ; but, happily for our fair countrywoman, who was 
 the object of his attentions, her friends interfered and saved her 
 from becoming an item in the harem of this Mohammedan 
 polygamist. Foiled in all his attempts to obtain the pension 
 for his employer, he returned to India via France ; and report 
 says that he there renewed his endeavors to form a European 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPOEE. 201 
 
 alliance for his own individual benefit. I believe that Azimoo- 
 lah took the way of Constantinople also on his homeward 
 route. Howbeit this was just at the time when prospects were 
 gloomy in the Crimea, and the opinion was actually promul- 
 gated throughout the continental nations that the struggle with 
 Russia had crippled the resources, and humbled the high crest 
 of England ; and by some it was thought she would henceforth 
 be scarcely able to hold her own against bolder and abler hands. 
 Doubtless the wish was father to the thought. It is matter of 
 notoriety that such vaticinations as these were at the period in 
 question current from Calais to Cairo, and it is not unlikely 
 that the poor comfort Azimoolah could give the Nana, in re- 
 porting on his unsuccessful journey, would be in some measure 
 compensated for, by the tidings that the Feringhees were ruined, 
 and that one decisive blow would destroy their yoke in the east. 
 I believe that the mutiny had its origin in the diffusion of such 
 statements at Delhi, Lucknow, and other teeming cities in 
 India. Subtile, intriguing, politic, unscrupulous, and blood- 
 thirsty, sleek and wary as a tiger, this man betrayed no ani- 
 mosity to us till the outburst of the mutiny, and then he became 
 the presiding genius in the assault on Cawnpore. I regret that 
 his name does not appeai% as it certainly ought to have done, 
 upon the list of outlaws published by the Governor-General ; 
 for this Azimoolah was the actual murderer of our sisters and 
 their babes. When Havelock's men cleared out Bithoor, they 
 found most expressive traces of the success he had obtained in 
 
 his ambitious pursuit of distinction in England, in the shape 
 
 of letters from titled ladies couched in the terms of most 
 
 courteous friendship. Little could they have suspected the true 
 
 character of their honored correspondent. 
 
 On one occasion, shortly after the report of the emeute at 
 
 Meerut had reached us, Azimoolah met Lieutenant M. G. 
 
 Daniell, of our garrison, and said to him, pointing toward 
 
 our intrenched barrack : 
 
202 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 " What do you call that place you are making out in the 
 plain ?" 
 
 "I am sure I don't know," was the reply. Azimoolah sug- 
 gested it should be named the fort of despair. 
 
 "No," said Daniell ; "we will call it the fort of victory." 
 
 "Aha! aha!" replied the wily eastern, with a silent sneer 
 that betrayed the lurking mischief. 
 
 Lieutenant Daniell had been a great favorite at Bithoor ; on 
 one occasion the Nana took off a valuable diamond ring from 
 his own hand, and gave it to him, as a present. Poor Daniell 
 survived the siege, but was wounded in my boat, during the 
 embarkation, by a musket-shot in the temple, but whether he 
 perished in the river> or was carried back to Cawnpore, I can 
 not say ; he was quite young, scarcely of age, but brave to ad- 
 miration, a fearless horseman, foremost in all field sports, and 
 universally beloved for his great amiability. On one occasion 
 during the siege, while we were making a sortie to clear the 
 adjacent barracks of some of our' assailants, Daniell and I 
 heard sounds of struggling in a room close at hand ; rushing 
 in together, we saw Captain Moore, our second in command, 
 lying on the ground under the grasp of a powerful native, who 
 was on the point of cutting the Captain's throat. A fall from 
 his horse a few days previously, resulting in a broken collar- 
 bone, had disabled Moore, and rendered him unequal to such 
 a rencounter ; he would certainly have been killed had not 
 Daniell's bayonet instantly transfixed the Sepoy. 
 
 Early on the morning of Sunday the 7th of June, all the offi- 
 cers were called into the intrenchments, in consequence of the 
 reception of a letter by Sir Hugh Wheeler from the Nana, in 
 which he declared his intention of at once attacking us. With 
 such expedition was the summons obeyed, that we were com- 
 pelled to leave all our goods and chattels to fall a prey to the 
 ravages of the Sepoys ; and after they had appropriated all 
 movables of value they set fire to the bungalows. While in 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 203 
 
 happy England the Sahhath hells were ringing, in the day of 
 peace and rest, we were in suspense peering over our mud wall 
 at the destructive flames that were consuming all our pos- 
 sessions, aud expecting the more dreaded fire that was to he 
 aimed at the persons of hundreds of women and children ahout 
 us. Very few of our numher had secured a single change of 
 raiment ; some, like myself, were only partially dressed, and 
 even in the heginning of our defense, we were like a band of 
 seafarers who had taken to a raft to escape their burning ship. 
 Upon my asking Brigadier Jack if I might run to the cafe for 
 some refreshment, he informed me that the General's order was 
 most peremptory that not a soul should be permitted to leave 
 our quarters, as the attack was momentarily expected. In the 
 course of a short time the whole of the men capable of bearing 
 arms were called together, and told off in batches under their 
 respective officers. A reference to the engraved plan of the 
 position, will enable the reader to understand the following de- 
 tails of the defense : 
 
 On the north, Major Vihart of the 2d Cavalry, assisted by 
 Captain Jenkins, held the Redan, which was an earth-work de- 
 fending the whole of the northern side. At the north-east 
 battery, Lieutenant Ashe, of the Oude Irregular Artillery, com- 
 manded one twenty-four-pounder howitzer and two nine-pound- 
 ers, assisted by Lieutenant Sotheby. Captain Kempland, 56th 
 Native Infantry, was posted on the south side. Lieutenant 
 Eckford, of the Artillery, had charge of the south-east battery 
 with three nine-pounders, assisted by Lieutenant Burney, also 
 of the Artillery, and Lieutenant Delafosse, of the 53d Native 
 Infantry. The main-guard, from south to west, was held by 
 Lieutenant Turnbull, 13th Native Infantry. On the west. 
 Lieutenant C. Dempster commanded three nine-pounders, as- 
 sisted by Lieutenant Martin. Flanking the west battery the 
 little rifled three-pounder was stationed, with a detachment 
 under the command of Major Prout, 56th Native Infantry ; and 
 
204 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 on the north-west Captain Whiting held the command. The 
 general command of the artillery was given to Colonel Larkins, 
 but in consequence of the shattered state of that officer's health, 
 he was able to take but a small part in the defense. At each of 
 the batteries, infantry were posted fifteen paces apart, under the 
 cover of the mud wall, four feet in bight ; this service was 
 shared by combatants and non-combatants alike, without any 
 relief ; each man had at least three loaded muskets by his side, 
 with bayonet fixed in case of assault ; but in most instances 
 our trained men had as many as seven, and even eight muskets 
 each. The batteries were none of them masked or fortified in 
 any way, and the gunners were in consequence exposed to a 
 most murderous fire. It will be seen in the plan of the siege 
 that a number of barracks running up from the Allahabad Road 
 commanded our intrenchments. On this account a detachment 
 of our limited force was placed in one of them. They consisted 
 chiefly of civil engineers who had been connected with the rail- 
 way works. The whole of these arrangements for the defense 
 were made by General Wheeler and Captain Moore, of Her 
 Majesty's 32d Foot. As soon as all these positions had been 
 occupied. Lieutenant Ashe, with about twenty or thirty volun- 
 teers, took his guns out to reconnoiter, as we heard the sound 
 of the approaching foe. After going out about five hundred 
 yards, they caught sight of the ene;ny, in possession of one of 
 the canal bridges, close by the lines of the 1st Native Infantry. 
 They came back at a trot into the intrenchment ; but Lieutenant 
 Ashburner, who was one of the number, was never seen or heard 
 of again. It was supposed that his horse bolted with him into 
 the Sepoy ranks, and that he was cut up by them instantly. Mr. 
 Murphy, who had been attached to the railway corps, went out 
 of the intrenchments and came back severely wounded by a 
 tnusket-ball ; he died the same day, and was the only one of 
 our slain buried in a coffin, one having been found in the 
 hospital. This gentleman, and Mrs. Wade, who died of fever. 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 205 
 
 were the only persons interred inside the intrenchment. Shortly- 
 after the return of Lieutenant Ashe, the first shot fired by the 
 mutineers came from a nine-pounder, on the north-west ; it 
 struck the crest of the mud wall and glided over into the 
 puckah-roofed barrack. This was about 10 o'clock, A. M. ; 
 a large party of ladies and children were outside the barrack ; 
 the consternation caused among them was indescribable ; the 
 bugle-call sent every man of us instantly to his post, many of 
 us carrying in our ears, for the first time, the peculiar whizzing 
 of round shot, with which we were to become so familiar. As 
 the day advanced the enemy's fire grew hotter and more dan- 
 gerous, in consequence of their getting the guns into position. 
 The first casualty occurred at the west battery ; M'Guire, a 
 gunner, being killed by a round shot ; the poor fellow was 
 covered with a blanket and left in the trench till nightfall. 
 Several of us saw the ball bounding toward us, and he also 
 evidently saw it, but, like many others whom I saw fall at 
 different times, he seemed fascinated to the spot. All through 
 this first weary day the shrieks of the women and children were 
 terrific ; as often as the balls struck the walls of the barracks 
 their wailings were heart-rending, but after the initiation of 
 that first day, they had learned silence, and never uttered a 
 sound except when groaning from the horrible mutilations they 
 had to endure. When night sheltered them, our cowardly as- 
 sailants closed in upon the intrenchments, and harassed us 
 with incessant volleys of musketry. Waiting the assault that 
 we supposed to be impending, not a man closed his eyes in 
 sleep, and throughout the whole siege, snatches of troubled 
 slumber under the cover of the wall, was all the relief the com- 
 batants could obtain. The ping-ping of rifle bullets would 
 break short dreams of home or of approaching relief, pleasant 
 visions made horrible by waking to the state of things around ; 
 and if it were so with men of mature years, sustained by the 
 fullness of physical strength, how much more terrific were the 
 
206 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 nights passed inside those barracks by our women and children ! 
 As often as the shout of our sentinels was heard, each half- 
 hour sounding the " All 's well," the spot from which the voice 
 proceeded became the center for hundreds of bullets. At dif- 
 ferent degrees of distance, from fifty to four hundred yards and 
 more, they hovered about during the hours of darkness, always 
 measuring the range by daylight, and then pouring in from 
 under the cover of adjacent buildings or ruins of buildings, the 
 fire of their artillery, or rather of our artillery turned against 
 us. The execution committed by the twenty-four-pounders 
 they had was terrific, though they were not always a match for 
 the devices we adopted to divert their aim. When we wanted 
 to create a diversion, we used to pile up some of the muskets 
 behind the mud wall, and mount them with hats and shakos, 
 and then allow the Sepoys to expend their powder on these 
 dummies, while we went elsewhere. 
 
 But if the intrenched position was one of peril, that of the 
 out-picket in barrack No. 4 was even more so. The railway 
 gentlemen held this post for three entire days, without any 
 military superintendence whatever, and they distinguished 
 themselves greatly by their skill and courage. I remember 
 particularly Messrs. Heberden, Latouche, and Miller, as promi- 
 nent in the midst of these undisciplined soldiers for their emi- 
 nently good service. Their sharp sight and accurate knowledge 
 of distances acquired in surveying, had made these gentlemen 
 invaluable as marksmen, while still higher moral qualities con- 
 stituted them an addition to our force not to be estimated by 
 their numbers. 
 
 INCIDENTS OF THE SIEGE. 
 
 Our scanty dietary was occasionally improved by the addition 
 of horse soup ; a Brahminee bull was shot, but the question 
 was how to get the carcass. Presently a volunteer party was 
 formed to take this bull by the horns — no trifle, since the distance 
 
THE STORY OP CAWNPORB. 207 
 
 from the wall was full three hundred yards, and the project in- 
 volved the certainty of encountering twice three hundred bullets. 
 But beef Avas scarce, and led on by Captain Moore, eight or ten 
 accordingly went out after the animal. They took with them a 
 strong rope, fastened it round the hind legs and between the 
 horns of the beast, and in the midst of the cheers from behind 
 the mud wall, a sharp fusilade from the rebels, diversified with 
 one or two roimd shots, they accomplished their object. Two 
 or three ugly wounds were not thought too high a price to pay 
 for this contribution to the commissariat. The costly bull was 
 soon made into soup, but none of it reached us in the outposts 
 more palpably than in its irritating odor. Sometimes, how- 
 ever, we in the outposts had meat when there was none at head- 
 quarters. We once saw the Sepoys bring up a nine-pounder to 
 barrack No. 6, and great expectations were entertained that the 
 half dozen artillery-bullocks employed in that piece of service 
 might by a little ingenuity, or at least some of them, be shortly 
 transformed into stew on our behalf. Not a few of my men 
 would have given a right arm for a good cut out of the sides, 
 and not a few of their officers would have bartered a letter of 
 credit on the army agents for the same privilege. But the pan- 
 dies artfully kept the horned treasure under cover. We watched 
 the ends of the distant walls in vain. Some of our famished 
 Esaus would have made for the cannon's mouth, and have sold 
 their lives, but it might not be ; and our hungry disgust had 
 well-nigh sunk into despair, when an old knacker came into 
 range, that had belonged to an Irregular Cavalry-man. He 
 was down by a shot like lightning, brought into the barrack, 
 and hewn up. We did not wait to skin the prey, nor waste 
 any time in consultation upon its anatomical arrangements ; no 
 scientific butchery was considered necessary in its subdivision. 
 Lump, thump, whack, went nondescript pieces of flesh into the 
 fire, and, notwithstanding its decided claims to veneration on 
 the score of antiquity, we thought it a more savory meal than 
 
208 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 any of the rechercM culinary curiosities of the lamented Soyer. 
 The two pickets, thirty-four in number, disposed of the horse 
 in two meals. The head, and some mysteries of the body, we 
 stewed into soup, and liberally sent to fair friends in the in- 
 trenchment, without designating its nature, or without being 
 required to satisfy any scruples upon that head. Though, alas ! 
 death, which marked every event in our career, sealed this also, 
 for Captain Halliday, who had come across to visit my neigh- 
 bor. Captain Jenkins, was carrying back some of the said soup 
 for his wife, when he was shot dead between the puckah-b arrack 
 and the main-guard. Further on in the history of the siege, 
 when our privation was even greater than on the last occasion, 
 a stray dog approached us. The cur had wandered from the 
 Sepoy barrack, and every possible blandishment was employed 
 by my men to tempt the canine adventurer into the soup-kettle. 
 Two or three minutes subsequently to my seeing him doubtfully 
 trotting across the open, I was offered some of his semi-roasted 
 fabric, but that, more scrupulous than others, I was obliged to 
 decline. 
 
 Our position behind these unroofed walls was one of intense 
 suffering, in consequence of the unmitigated heat of the sun by 
 day, and the almost perpetual surprises to which we were liable 
 by night. 
 
 My sixteen men consisted, in the first instance, of Ensign 
 Henderson, of the 56th Native Infantry, five or six of the Ma- 
 dras FiTsileers, two platelayers from the railway works, and 
 some men of the 84th Regiment. This first installment was 
 soon disabled. The Madras Fusileers were armed with the 
 Enfield rifle, and, consequently, they had to bear the brunt 
 of the attack ; they were all shot at their posts ; several 
 of the 84th also fell ; but, in consequence of the import- 
 ance of the position, as soon as a loss in my little corps 
 was reported. Captain Moore sent me over a reinforcement 
 from the intrenchment. Sometimes a civilian, sometimes a 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 209 
 
 soldier came. The orders given xis were not to surrender with 
 our lives, and we did our best to obey them, though it was only 
 by an amount of fatigue that in the retrospect now seems scarce- 
 ly possible to have been a fact, and by the perpetration of such 
 wholesale carnage that nothing could have justified in us but 
 the instinct of self-preservation, and I trust the equally-strong 
 determination to shelter the women and children to the latest 
 moment. There was one advantage in the out-picket station, 
 in the fact that we were somewhat removed from the sickening 
 spectacles continually occurring in the intrenchment. Some- 
 times, when relieved by a brother officer for a few moments, I 
 have run across to the main-guard for a chat with some old 
 chums, or to join in the task of attempting to cheer the spir- 
 its of the women ; but the sight there was always of a charac- 
 ter to make me return to the barrack, relieved by the compar- 
 ative quiet of its seclusion. We certainly had no diminished 
 share of the conflict in the barracks, but we had not the heaps 
 of wounded sufferers, nor the crowd of helpless ones whose 
 agonies nothing could relieve. 
 
 The well in the intrenchment was one of the greatest points 
 of danger, as the enemy invariably fired grape upon that spot 
 as soon as any person made his appearance there to draw water. 
 Even in the dead of night the darkness afforded but little pro- 
 tection, as they could hear the creaking of the tackle, and took 
 the well-known sound as a signal for instantly opening with 
 their artillery upon the suttlers. These were chiefly privates, 
 who were paid as much as eight or ten shillings per bucket. 
 Poor fellows ! their earnings were of little avail to them ; but 
 to their credit it must be said, that when money had lost its 
 value, by reason of the extremity of our danger, they were not 
 less willing to incur the risk of drawing for the women and the 
 children. The constant riddling of shot soon tore away the 
 wood and brickwork that surrounded the well, and the labor 
 
 of drawing became much more prolonged and perilous. The 
 
 18 
 
210 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 water was between sixty and seventy feet from the surface of 
 the ground, and with mere hand-over -hand labor it was weari- 
 some work. My friend, John M'Killop, of the Civil Service, 
 greatly distinguished himself here ; he became self- constituted 
 captain of the well. He jocosely said that he was no fighting 
 man, but would make himself useful where he could, and ac- 
 cordingly he took this post, drawing for the supply of the 
 women and the children as often as he could. It was less than 
 a week after he had undertaken this self-denying service, when 
 his numerous escapes were followed by a grape-shot wound in 
 the groin and speedy death. Disinterested even in death, his 
 last words were an earnest entreaty that somebody would go 
 and draw water for a lady to whom he had promised it. The 
 sufferings of the women and children from thirst were intense, 
 and the men could scarcely endure the ci-ies for drink, which 
 were almost perpetual from the poor little babes ; terribly un- 
 conscious they were, most of them, of the great, great cost at 
 which only it could be procured. I have seen the children of 
 my brother officers sucking the pieces of old water-bags, put- 
 ting scraps of canvas and leather straps into the mouth to try 
 and get a single drop of moisture upon their parched lips. 
 Not even a pint of water was to be had for washing from the 
 Commencement to the close of the siege ; and those only who 
 have lived in India can imagine the calamity of such a priva- 
 tion to delicate women, who had been accustomed to the most 
 frequent and copious ablutions as a necessary of existence. 
 Had the relieving force, which we all thought to have been on 
 its way from Calcutta, ever seen our beleaguered party, strange 
 indeed would the appearance presented by any of us after the 
 first week or ten days have seemed to them. 
 
 Tattered in clothing, begrimed with dirt, emaciated in coun- 
 tenance, were all without exception ; faces that had been beau- 
 tiful were now chiseled with deep furrows ; haggard despair 
 seated itself where there had been, a month before, only smiles. 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 211 
 
 Some were sinking into the settled vacancy of look which 
 marked insanity. The old, babbling with confirmed imbecil- 
 ity, and the young raving, in not a few cases, with wild mania ; 
 while only the strongest retained the calmness demanded by the 
 occasion. And yet, looking back upon the horrible straits to 
 which the women were driven, the maintenance of modesty 
 and delicate feeling by them to the last, is one of the greatest 
 marvels of the heart-rending memories of those twenty-one 
 days. 
 
 Besides the well within the intrenchment, to which reference 
 has been made, there was another close to barrack No. 3, upon 
 which we looked, and to which we often repaired with sorrow- 
 ing hearts. We drew no water there — it was our cemetery ; and 
 in three weeks we buried therein two hundred and fifty of our 
 number. 
 
 When General Havelock recovered Cawnpore, he gave orders 
 to fill up this vast grave, and the mound of earth which 
 
 MARKS that memorable SPOT WAITS FOR THE MONUMENT WHICH 
 WILL, I HOPE, BEFORE LONG RECORD THEIR SERVICES AND THEIR 
 
 SUFFERINGS WHO SLEEP BENEATH. The burial of Sir John 
 Moore, which has been taken to be the type of military fune- 
 rals performed under fire, was elaborate in comparison with our 
 task, who, with stealthy step, had under cover of the night to 
 consign our lost ones in the most hurried manner to the deep, 
 which at least secured their remains from depredation by car- 
 nivorous animals, and from the ignominious brutality of more 
 savage men. 
 
 As soon as the siege had commenced, both of the barracks 
 inside the intrenchment were set apart for the shelter of women 
 and children, the worst cases of the invalids of the 32d Eegi- 
 ment, together with some of our superior officers. The major- 
 ity of the male refugees who availed themselves of this shelter, 
 were those who were thoroughly incapacitated by age or disease 
 from enduring the toil and the heat of the trenches. I deeply 
 
212 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 regret, however, to have to record the fact that there was one 
 officer of high rank, and in the prime of life, who never showed 
 himself outside the walls of the barrack, nor took even the 
 slightest part in the military operations. This craven -hearted 
 man, whose name I withhold out of consideration for the feel- 
 ings of his surviving relatives, seemed not to possess a thought 
 beyond that of preserving his OAvn worthless life. Throughout 
 three weeks of skulking, while women and children were daily 
 dying around him, and the little band of combatants was being 
 constantly thinned by wounds and death, not even the perils 
 of his own wife could rouse this man to exertion ; and when 
 at length we had embarked at the close of the siege, while our 
 little craft was stuck upon a sand-bank, no expostulation could 
 make him quit the shelter of her bulwarks, though we were 
 adopting every possible expedient to lighten her burden. It 
 was positively a relief to us when we found that his cowardice 
 was unavailing ; and a bullet through the boat's side that dis- 
 patched him caused the only death that we i-egarded with com- 
 placency. 
 
 One of the two barracks in the intrenched position was a 
 strong building, and puckah-roofed — that is, covered in with 
 masonry. It had been originally the old dragoon hospital, and 
 consisted of one long central room, surrounded by others of 
 much smaller dimensions. After a day or two of the sharp 
 cannonading to which we were exposed, all the doors, windows, 
 and framework of this, the best of the two structures, were en- 
 tirely shot away. Not a few of its occupants were killed by 
 splinters, and a still greater number by the balls and bullets 
 which flew continually through the open spaces, which were 
 soon left without a panel or sash of wood to offer any resist- 
 ance. Others died from falling bricks, and pieces of timber 
 dislodged by shot. The second barrack had from the com- 
 mencement excited serious apprehension lest its thatched roof 
 should be set on fire. An imperfect attempt had been made to 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 213 
 
 cover the thatcli with tiles and bricks, and any materials at 
 hand that would preserve the roof from conflagration. But 
 after about a week the dreaded calamity came upon us. A car- 
 cass or shell filled with burning materials settled in the thatch, 
 and speedily the whole barrack was in a blaze. As a part of 
 this building had been used for a hospital, it was the object of 
 the greatest solicitude to remove the poor fellows who lay there 
 suffering from wounds and unable to move themselves. From 
 one portion of the barrack the women and the children were 
 running out — from another little parties laden with some heavy 
 burden of suffering brotherhood were seeking the adjacent build- 
 ing. As this fire broke out in the evening, the light of the 
 flames made us conspicuous marks for the guns of our brutal 
 assailants, and without regard to sex or age, or the painful and 
 protracted toil of getting out the sufferers, they did not cease 
 till long after midnight to pour upon ns incessant volleys of 
 musketry. By means of indomitable perseverance many a poor 
 agonizing private was rescued from the horrible death that 
 seemed inevitable, but though all was done that ingenuity could 
 suggest, or courage and determination accomplish, two artil- 
 lerymen unhappily perished in the flames. The livid blaze of 
 that burning barrack lighted up many a terrible picture of silent 
 anguish, while the yells of ,the advancing Sepoys and the noise 
 of their artillery filled the air with sounds that still echo in the 
 ears of the only two sui'vivors. 
 
 That was a night indeed to be long remembered. The enemy, 
 imagining that all our attention was directed to the burning 
 pile, took occasion to plan an assault. They advanced by hun- 
 dreds under the shelter of the darkness, and without a sound 
 from that side, with the intention of storming Ashe's battery, 
 and they were allowed to come within sixty or eighty yards of 
 the guns, before a piece was fired or a movement made to indi- 
 cate that they were observed. Just when it must have ap- 
 peared to them that their success was certain, our nine-pound- 
 
214 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 ers opened upon them with a most destrnctive charge of grape ; 
 the men shouldered successive guns which they had by their 
 sides ready loaded ; every available piece was discharged right 
 into their midst, and in half an hour they left a hundred 
 corpses in the open. 
 
 In the burnt barrack all our medical stores were consumed ; 
 not one of the surgical instruments was saved, and from that 
 time the agonies of the wounded became most intense, and, from 
 the utter impossibility of extracting bullets, or dressing mutila- 
 tions, casualties were increased in their fatality. It was heart- 
 breaking work to see the poor sufferers parched with thirst that 
 could be only most scantily relieved, and sinking from fever 
 and mortification that we had no appliances wherewith to 
 resist. 
 
 After the destruction of the thatched barrack, as that which 
 survived the fire would not accommodate the whole party, num- 
 bers of women and children were compelled to go out into the 
 trenches, and not less than two hundred of them passed tAvelve 
 days and nights upon the bare ground. Many of these were 
 wives and daughters of officers, who had never known privation 
 in its mildest form. Efforts were at first made to shelter them 
 from the heat by erecting canvas-stretchers overhead, but as 
 often as the paltry covering was put up, it was fired by the ene- 
 my's shells. But our heroic sistei's did not give all themselves up 
 to despair even yet ; they handed round the ammunition, encour- 
 aged the men to the utmost, and in their tender solicitude and 
 unremitting attention to the wounded, though all smeared with 
 powder and covered with dirt, they were more to be admired 
 then than they had often been in far different costume, when 
 arrayed for the glittering ball-room. 
 
 Mrs. White, a private's wife, was walking with her husband 
 under cover, as they thought, of the wall, her twin children 
 were one in each arm, when a single bullet passed through her 
 husband ; killing him, it passed also through both her arms, 
 
THE STOKY OF CAWNPORE. 215 
 
 breaking them, and close beside tbe breatbless husband and 
 father fell the widow and her babes ; one of the latter being 
 also severely wounded, I saw her afterward in the main-guard 
 lying upon her back, with the two children, twins, laid one at 
 each breast, while the mother's bosom refused not what her 
 arms had no power to administer. Assuredly no imagination 
 or invention ever devised such pictures as this most horrible 
 siege was constantly presenting to our view. 
 
 Mrs. Williams, the widow of Colonel Williams, after losing 
 her husband early in the siege, from apoplexy supervening upon 
 a wound, was herself shot in the face ; she lingered two days in 
 frightful suffering and disfigurement, all the time attended by 
 her intrepid daughter, who was herself suffering from a bullet- 
 wound right through the shoulder-blade. 
 
 An ayah, while nursing the infant child of Lieutenant J. 
 Harris, Bengal Engineers, lost both her legs by a round shot, 
 and the little innocent was picked off the ground suffused in 
 its nurse's blood, but completely free from injury. While we 
 were at Cuttack the mother of this infant had died, and Captain 
 and Mrs. Belson kindly undertook its charge ; in what manner 
 the poor little nursling's short but troubled life was terminated 
 I know not. 
 
 Miss Brightman, the sister of Mrs. Harris, died of fever con- 
 sequent upon the fatigue she had incurred in nursing Lieutenant 
 Martin, who was wounded in the lungs. Martin was quite 
 young ; he only reached Cawnpore a day or two before the out- 
 break. He said to me one day soon after his an-ival, "1 should 
 like to see some practice with these things," pointing to a heap 
 of shells. He soon saw far more of that practice than most 
 soldiers three times his age. 
 
 Mrs. Evans, the wife of Major Evans, Bombay Native Infant- 
 ry, was killed by falling bricks, displaced by round shot. My 
 friend. Major Evans, had to endure the most intense solicitude for 
 his beloved wife, while he was engaged in the defense of Lucknow. 
 
216 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 Mrs. tleynolds, tlie wife of Ccaptain Eeynolds, 53d Native In- 
 fantry, was wounded in the wrist by a musket-ball, and died of 
 fever in consequence of there being no instruments or materials 
 to alleviate her sufferings. Her husband had been previously 
 killed by a round shot, which took off his arm. A Eurasian 
 and her daughter, crouching behind an empty barrel, were both 
 instantly killed by one shot. 
 
 The children were a constant source of solicitude to the in- 
 trenched party. Sometimes the little things, not old enough to 
 have the instinct for liberty crushed by the presence of death, 
 would run away from their mothers and play about under the 
 barrack walls, and even on these the incarnate fiends would fire 
 their muskets, and not a few were slain and wounded thus. 
 
 One poor woman, a private's wife, ran out from the cover of 
 the barracks with a child in each hand, courting relief from her 
 prolonged anguish by death from the Sepoy guns, but a private 
 nobly went out and dragged them back to a sheltered position. 
 
 There were children born as well as dying in these terrible 
 times, and three or four mothers had to undergo the sufferings 
 of maternity in a crisis that left none of that hope and joy 
 which compensate the hour of agony. One of the most pain- 
 ful of these cases was that of Mrs. Darby, the wife of a surgeon 
 in the Company's service. Her husband had been ordered to 
 Lucknow immediately before the mutiny, and was killed there. 
 Mrs. Darby survived her accouchement, and was, I believe, one 
 of those who perished in the boats. 
 
 Besides such constantly-occurring and frightful spectacles as 
 these, deaths from sun-stroke and fever were frequently happen- 
 ing. Colonel Williams, 56th Native Infantry, Major Prout, 
 Sir George Parker, and several of the privates died thus. The 
 fatal symptoms were headache and drowsiness, followed by 
 vomiting and gradual insensibility, which terminated in death. 
 Privation, and the influence of the horrible sights which day 
 after day presented, drove some to insanity — such was the case 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORB. 217 
 
 with one of the missionaries of the Society for the Propagation 
 of the Gospel, the Rev. Mr. Haycock. He had heen accustomed 
 to bring out his aged mother every eA'ening into the veranda, 
 for a short relief from the fetid atmosphere within the barrack 
 walls ; the old lady was at length severely wounded, and her 
 acute sufferings overcame the son's reason, and he died a raving 
 maniac. There was also another clergyman connected with 
 the Propagation Society in the intrenchment, the Rev. Mr. 
 Cockey, though I am not aware of the manner in which he met 
 his death. The station chaplain, the Rev. Mr. Moncrieff, was 
 most indefatigable in the performance of his ministry of mercy 
 with the wounded and the dying. Public worship in any com- 
 bined form was quite out of the question, but this devoted cler- 
 gyman went from post to post reading prayers while we stood 
 to arms. Short and interrupted as these services were, they 
 proved an invaluable privilege, and there was a terrible reality 
 about them, since in each such solemnity one or more of the 
 little group gathered about the person of their instructor was 
 sure to be present for the last time. Mr. Moncrieff was held in 
 high estimation by the Avhole garrison before the mutiny, on 
 account of the zealous manner in which he discharged the duties 
 of his sacred office, but his self-denial and constancy in the 
 thickest of our perils made him yet more greatly beloved by us 
 all. The Romish priest was the only well-fed man in our party, 
 for the Irish privates used to contribute from their scanty ra- 
 tions for his support : he died about the middle of the siege 
 from sun-stroke or apoplexy. 
 
 The frequency of our casualties from wounds may be best 
 understood by the history of one short hour. Lieutenant Prole 
 had come to the main-guard to see Armstrong, the Adjutant of 
 the 53d Native Infantry, who was unwell. While engaged in 
 conversation with the invalid. Prole was struck by a musket- 
 ball in the thigh, and fell to the ground. I put his arm upon 
 my shoulder, and holding him round the waist, endeavored to 
 
 19 
 
218 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 hobble across tbe open to the barrack, in order that he might 
 obtain the attention of the surgeons there. While thus em- 
 ployed, a ball hit me under the right shoulder-blade, and we 
 fell to the ground together, and were picked up by some privates, 
 who dragged us both back to the main-guard. While I was 
 lying on the ground, woefully sick from the wound, Gilbert 
 Bax — 48th Native Infantry — came to condole with me, when a 
 bullet pierced his shoulder-blade, causing a wound from which 
 he died before the termination of the siege. 
 
 Ml". Hillersden, the collecting magistrate of Cawnpore, and 
 brother of Major Hillersden, who commanded the 53d Native 
 Infantry, was standing in the veranda of the puckah-roofed 
 barrack in conversation with his wife, who had only recently 
 recovered from her accouchement, when a round shot from the 
 mess-house of the 56th Native Infantry completely disem- 
 boweled him. His wife only survived him two or three days ; 
 she was killed by a number of falling bricks dislodged by a 
 shot and causing concussion of the brain. Mrs. Hillersden was 
 a most accomplished lady, and by reason of her cheerfulness, 
 amiability, and piety, universally a favorite at the station. 
 
 In the same barrack Lieutenant G. R. Wheeler, son and 
 aiddecamp of the General, was sitting upon a sofa, fainting 
 from a wound he had received in the trenches ; his sister was 
 fanning him, when a round shot entered the doorway, and left 
 him a headless trunk ; one sister at his feet, and father, mother, 
 and another sister, in different parts of the same room, were 
 witnesses of the appalling spectacle. Three officers, belonging 
 to the same regiment with Lieutenant Wheeler, the 1st Native 
 Infantry — namely. Lieutenants Smith and Eedman, and Ensign 
 Supple — had their heads taken off by round shots in the redan. 
 
 Lieutenant Dempster, who left a wife and four children, fell 
 mortally wounded between Whiting's battery and the puckah- 
 roofed barrack. 
 
 Lieutenant Jervis, of the Engineers, fell in the same locality. 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORB. 219 
 
 He always scorned to run, and while calmly walking across the 
 open, in the midst of a shower of bullets, some of us cried out 
 to him, " Run, Jervis ! run !" but he refused, and was killed 
 by a bullet through his heart. 
 
 Mr. Jack, brother of the Brigadier, who was on a visit from 
 Australia, was hit by a round shot, which carried away his left 
 leg. As this occurred before the destruction of the instruments, 
 he underwent amputation, but sank under the operation. 
 
 Colonel Ewart, a brave and clever man, was severely wounded 
 in the arm early in the proceedings, and was entirely disabled 
 from any participation in the defense. 
 
 Captain Kempland suffered so much from the heat, that, al- 
 though not wounded, he was also utterly prostrate and non- 
 combatant. His European man-servant made an attempt to 
 get down the river with his master's baggage, but was taken by 
 the Sepoys and murdered. 
 
 Lieutenant R. Quin died of fever. His brother, C. Quin, 
 survived the siege, and was left severely wounded in the boat at 
 Soorajpore. 
 
 Ensign Dowson suffered severely from sun-stroke, and Ensign 
 Foreman was wounded in the leg. Both of these youths 
 perished at the boats. 
 
 Major Lindsay was struck in the face by the splinters caused 
 by a round shot ; he lay for a few days in total blindness and 
 extreme pain, when death came to his relief. His disconsolate 
 widow followed him a day or two afterward, slain by grief. 
 
 Mr. Heberden, of the railway service, was handing one of 
 the ladies some water, when a charge of grape entered the bar- 
 rack, and a shot passed through both his hips, leaving an awful 
 wound. He lay for a whole v/eek upon his face, and was carried 
 upon a mattress down to the boats, where he died. The forti- 
 tude he had shown in active service did not forsake him during 
 his extraordinary sufferings, for not a murmur escaped his lips. 
 
 Lieutenant Eckford, while sitting in the veranda, was struck 
 
220 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 by a round shot in the heart, causing instant death. He was 
 an excellent artillery officer, and could ill be spared ; besides 
 his high military accomplishments this gentleman was an ad- 
 mirable linguist, and his death was a great loss to his country. 
 To our enfeebled community these bereavements were a de- 
 plorable calamity. 
 
 Such are some specimens of the horrors endured, but by no 
 means a summary of the long catalogue of lamentation and 
 woe. Many casualties occurred of which I never heard, some 
 probably which I have forgotten. Long and painful as this 
 narrative of suffering may prove to the reader, he will not 
 forget that all this was but on the surface ; the agony of mind, 
 the tortures of despair, the memories of home, the yearning 
 after the distant children or parents, the secret prayers, and all 
 the hidden heart-wounds contained in those barracks, were, and 
 must remain, known only to God. 
 
 It would be unjust to overlook the fact that a large num- 
 ber of the natives shared with us our sharp and bitter troubles. 
 There were not a few native servants who remained in the in- 
 trenchment with their masters. Three of them, in the service 
 of Lieutenant Bridges, were killed by one shell. One, belong- 
 ing to Lieutenant Goad, 56th Native Infantry, was crossing to 
 barrack No. 2, with some food in his hand, and was shot 
 through the head. Several outlived the siege, and died at the 
 time of embarkation ; some two or three escaped after the 
 capitulation, and from these persons the various and conflict- 
 ing statements of our history have come piecemeal into the 
 Indian and English newspapers. 
 
 Soon after the destruction of the hospital, it was determined 
 upon by Captain Moore to make a dash upon the enemy's 
 guns, in the hope of silencing some of these destructive weap- 
 ons, and thus lessening the severity of the attack. Accord- 
 ingly a party of fifty, headed by the Captain, sallied out at 
 midnight, toward the church compound, where they spiked two 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORB. 221 
 
 or three guns. Proceeding thence to the mess-house, they 
 killed several of the native gunners, asleep at their posts, hlew 
 up one of the twenty-four-pounders, and spiked another or 
 two ; but although it was a most brilliant, daring, and success- 
 ful exploit, it availed us little, as the next day they brought 
 fresh guns into position, and this piece of service cost us one 
 private killed and four wounded. 
 
 Day after day, throughout the whole period of our sufferings, 
 while our numbers were more than decimated by the enemy's 
 fire, and our supply of food was known to be running short, 
 we were buoyed up by expectations of relief. General Wheeler 
 had telegraphed for reinforcements before communication with 
 Calcutta was broken off, and it was reported that the Governor- 
 General had promised to send them up promptly, and we in- 
 dulged the hope that they must have been expedited for our 
 relief. We ministered all the comfort we could to the women, 
 by the assurance that our desperate condition must be known 
 at headquarters ; but so effectually had the Sepoys closed the 
 road all around us, that the tidings of our exact circumstances 
 did not even reach Lucknow, only fifty miles distant, till the 
 siege was nearly concluded. The southern road was entirely 
 shut up, and not a native was allowed to travel in the direc- 
 tion of Allahabad. Pickets of Sepoy infantry were posted 
 fifteen paces apart, so as to form a complete cordon aroimd the 
 position, and these were supported by cavalry pickets, forming 
 a second circle, and the whole were relieved every two hours. 
 
 All the while that our numbers were rapidly diminishing, 
 those of our antagonists were as constantly increasing. Re- 
 volters poured into the ranks from Delhi, Jhansi, Saugor, and 
 Lucknow, and, at last, there were said to be not fewer than 
 eight thousand of them in immediate proximity to us. 
 
 Often we imagined that we heard the sounds of distant can- 
 nonading. At all hours of the day and night my men have asked 
 me to listen. Their faces would gladden with the delusive 
 
222 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 hope of a relieving force close at hand, but only to sink hack 
 again presently into the old care-worn aspect. Weariness and 
 want had alike to be forgotten, and the energy of desperation 
 thrown into our unequal conflict. Occasionally moved by such 
 rumors as these into a momentary gleaming of hope, the coim- 
 tenances of the women, for the most part, assumed a stolid 
 apathy and a deadly stillness that nothing could move. Much 
 excitement was caused in our midst, at the expiration of the 
 first fortnight, by the arrival of a native spy, who came into 
 the intrenchment in the garb of a bheestie — a water-carrier. 
 This man declared himself favorable to our cause, and said 
 that he had brought good news, for there were two compa- 
 nies of European soldiers on the other side of the river, with 
 a couple of guns from Lucknow ; that they were making ar- 
 rangements to cross the Ganges, and might be expected in our 
 midst on the morrow. He came in again the next day, and 
 told us that our countrymen were prevented crossing the stream 
 by the rising of the waters, but that they were constructing 
 rafts, and we might look for them in a day or two at the 
 farthest. The tidings spread from man to man, and lighted 
 some flickering rays of hope even in the bosoms of those who 
 had abandoned themselves to despair. But days rolled on, 
 and more terrific nights ; and the delusion was dispelled like 
 the mirage. Our pretended friend was, in fact, one of the 
 Nana's spies, and the tidings which he conveyed back of our 
 abject condition must have greatly gratified his sanguinary 
 employer. I have no doubt that the fiction about approach- 
 ing help was the invention of the wily Azimoolah, and in- 
 tended to throw us off our guard, and, by the relaxation of 
 our vigilance, prepare the way for an assault. It had not that 
 effect, though it was too successful in bolstering up our vain 
 expectations. It will be remembered by my readers, that no 
 relief reached Cawnpore till three weeks after the capitulation, 
 when the invincible Havelock wrested the cantonments from 
 
THE STORY OP CAWNPORE. 223 
 
 the treacherous Nana. Would that his unparalleled feats of 
 valor had met with the reward which, in his large heart, he so 
 much coveted ! — the privilege of I'escuing some of his country- 
 women from the fangs of their brutal murderer. That was the 
 guerdon for which he fought, and it was more cherished by 
 him than all the honors of successful war ; but an inscrutable 
 Providence had otherwise ordained it. 
 
 The 23d of June, 1857, the centenary of the battle of Plassy, 
 was, no doubt, intended to have been the date of a simultane- 
 ous preconcerted effort to break off the British yoke from the 
 Himalayas to the Hoogly. Had not events at Meerut precipi- 
 tated the outburst in its riper form, it must have proved exceed- 
 ingly more successful than it actually became. 
 
 The Nana and his company evidently intended the celebra- 
 tion of this epoch after their own fashion. In the night of 
 the 22d we were threatened in our barrack No. 2 by a storming 
 party from barrack No. 1. We saw the pandies gathering to 
 this position from all parts, and, fearing that my little band 
 would be altogether overpowered by numbers, I sent to Cap- 
 tain Moore for more men. The answer was not altogether 
 unexpected : " Not one could be spared." Shortly afterward, 
 however, the gallant Captain came across to me, in company 
 with Lieutenant Delafosse, and he said to me : 
 
 " Thompson, I think I shall try a new dodge ; we are going 
 out into the open, and I shall give the word of command as 
 though our party were about to commence an attack." 
 
 Forthwith they sallied out ; Moore with a sword — Delafosse 
 with an empty musket. 
 
 The Captain vociferated to the winds, " Number one to the 
 front." And hundreds of ammunition-pouches rattled on the 
 bayonet-sheaths as our courageous foes vaulted out from the 
 cover afforded by heaps of rubbish, and rushed into the safer 
 quarters presented by the barrack walls. We followed them 
 with a vigorous salute, and as they did not show fight just then, 
 
224 HEKOBS OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 we had a liearty laugh, at the ingenuity which had devised, and 
 the courage which had execiited, this successful feint. The 
 whole of that night witnessed a series of surprises and false 
 charges upon our barracks, and not a man of us left his post 
 for an instant. Toward dawn, when they were a little more 
 quiet, Mr. Mainwaring, a cavaliy cadet, who was one of my 
 picket, kindly begged of me to lie down a little while, and he 
 would keep a sharp look-out. It was indeed a little while, for 
 I had scarcely closed my eyes when Mainwaring shouted, 
 "Here they come." They advanced close up to the door-way 
 of our barrack, which, in consequence of the floor not being 
 down, presented brick-work breast high, but had no door. 
 They had never before shown so much pluck. Mainwaring's 
 revolver dispatched two or three ; Stirling, with an Enfield 
 rifle, shot one and bayoneted another ; both charges of my 
 double-barreled gun were emptied, and not in vain. We were 
 seventeen of us inside that barrack, and they left eighteen 
 corpses lying outside the door-way. An attack on the intrench- 
 ment was simultaneous with that on both of our barracks. 
 They surrounded the walls on all sides, and in every style of 
 uniform, regular and irregular, both cavalry and infantry, 
 together with horse and bullock batteries of field artillery, sent 
 out as skirmishers. Their cavalry started upon the charge from 
 the riding-school, and in their impetuosity, or through the 
 ignorance of their leader, came all the way at a hand-gallop, 
 so that when they neared the intrenchment their horses were 
 winded, and a round from our guns threw their ranks into 
 hopeless confusion, and all who were not biting the dust, 
 wheeled round and retired. They had started with the inten- 
 tion of killing us all, or dying in the attempt, and oaths had 
 been administered to the principal men among them to insure 
 their fidelity to that purpose, as well as to stimulate their 
 courage and determination, but all the appliances employed 
 were of none effect, so soon as one of our batteries lodged a 
 
THE STOEY OF CAWNPOKE. 225 
 
 charge of grape in their midst. One very singular expedient 
 that they adopted upon this occasion to cover their sldrmishers 
 from our fire, was the following — they rolled hefore theui 
 great bales of cotton, and under the effectual security which it 
 seemed to present from being struck by our shots, they man- 
 aged to approach ominously near to out walls. The well- 
 directed fire from the batteries presently set light to some of 
 these novel defenses, and panic-struck the skirmishers retreated, 
 before their main had shown signs of advance. During the 
 following night we went out and brought in some of the cotton 
 that had escaped the flames, and it was useful for stopping 
 gaps made in the walls, and similar purposes. During the 
 course of these manifestations I had a memento of the 23d of 
 June, in the shape of a wound in the left thigh from a grape- 
 shot, which plowed up the flesh, but happily, though narrowly, 
 escaped the bone. On the evening of the 23d of June, a party 
 of Sepoys came out unarmed, and having salaamed to us, 
 obtained leave to take away the dead they had left outside our 
 walls. There can be no doubt that the failure of the attack 
 on this occasion was a grievous disappointment to the Nana 
 and his coadjutors. 
 
 Seventeen days and nights our little party had resisted all 
 the efforts made by the overwhelming numbers of the foe to 
 storm the position. There remained nothing now for them to 
 do but to starve us out ; henceforth they abandoned all attempts 
 to take us by assault. They resumed the whole work of 
 annoyance, by coming every day up the lines and threatening 
 us. Accordingly we had to resume the daily employment of 
 expelling them, lest their unchecked insolence should lead to 
 acts more decisive. After having made one of these charges 
 through the whole tier of buildings. Captain Jenkins and I 
 were returning from barrack to barrack to our pickets, survey- 
 ing the effects of the sortie we had just concluded. We had 
 sent on our men before us to resume their posts ; and while we 
 
226 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 were leisurely walking and chatting together between the 
 barracks numbered. 4 and 5, a wounded Sepoy, who had feigned 
 death while our men passed him, suddenly raised his musket 
 and shot Captain Jenkins through the jaw. I had the misera- 
 ble satisfaction of first dismissing the assailant, and then con- 
 ducted my suffering companion to his barrack. He lived two 
 or three days in excruciating agony, and then died from ex- 
 haustion, as it was quite iiupossible, without the aid of instru- 
 ments, to get even the wretched nutriment we possessed into 
 his throat. 
 
 In Captain Jenkins we lost one of the bravest and one of 
 the best of our party. Captain Moore took the post vacated by 
 this sad event for the remainder of the siege. 
 
 On the 24th of June, a private named Blenman, a Eurasian 
 by birth, but so dark in complexion as easily to have been 
 taken for a native, and who had gone out once or twice before 
 to the Nana's camp to report the state of affairs in that direc- 
 tion, was once more sent out with instructions, if possible, to 
 reach Allahabad, and make known our desperate condition. 
 He passed through my outpost disguised as a cook, with only 
 a pistol and fifteen rupees in his possession. He managed to 
 elude the observation of seven troopers who were posted as cav- 
 alry pickets, but he was discovered by the eighth, and when he 
 endeavored to pass himself off as a chumar, or leather dresser, 
 from the native city, whether they believed his story or not, 
 they stripped him of rupees and pistol, and told him to return 
 to the place he came from. Blenman was exceedingly cour- 
 ageous, and, when he chose, one of the best men we had, but he 
 was always fitful in temper, and at times difficult to manage. 
 Two or three attempts of the same kind were made to open 
 communications with the down country people, but they all 
 failed ; and, with the exception of Blenman, we never saw any 
 of our spies again after they had quitted our walls. One of 
 them, Mr. Shepherd, of the commissariat department, survives. 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORB. 227 
 
 and Tias piil)lished the account of his adventures^ from which it 
 appears that he volunteered his services to General Wheeler, in 
 the hope of being able to provide a retreat for his family in the 
 native city. He says, "With this view I applied to the Gen- 
 eral, on the 24th of June, for permission to go, at the same 
 time offering to bring all the correct information that I might 
 collect in the city, asking, as a condition, that on my return, 
 if I should wish it, my family might be allowed to leave the 
 intrenchment. This, my request, was granted, as the General 
 wished very much to get such information, and for which pur- 
 pose he had previously sent out two or three natives at different 
 times, imder promises of high reward, but who never returned. 
 He at the same time instructed me to try and negotiate with 
 certain influential parties in the city, so as to bring about a 
 rupture among the rebels, and cause them to leave off annoying 
 us, authorizing me to offer a lac of rupees as a reward, with 
 handsome pensions for life, to any person who would bring 
 about such a thing. This, I have every reason to believe, could 
 have been carried out successfully, had it pleased God to take 
 me out unmolested ; but it was not so ordained — it was merely 
 a means, under God's providence, to save me from sharing the 
 fate of the rest — for as I came out of the intrenchment, dis- 
 guised as a native cook, and passing through the new unfin- 
 ished barracks, had not gone very far when I was taken a 
 prisoner, and under custody of four Sepoys and a couple of 
 sowars, all well-armed, was escorted to the camp of the Nana, 
 and was ordered to be placed under a guard. Here several 
 questions were put to me concerning our intrenchment, not by 
 the Nana himself, but by some of his people, to all of which I 
 replied as I was previously instructed by our General ; for I 
 had taken the precaution of asking him what I should say in 
 case I was taken. My answers were not considei-ed satisfactory, 
 and I was confronted with two women-servants, who three days 
 previously had been caught in making their escape from the 
 
228 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 intrenchment, and who gave a version of their own, making it 
 appear that the English were starving, and not able to hold 
 out much longer, as their number was greatly reduced. I, 
 however, stood firm to what I had first mentioned, and they 
 did not know which party to believe. I was kept under cus- 
 tody till the 12th of July, on which date my trial took place, 
 and I was sentenced to three years' imprisonment, with hard 
 labor. They gave me only parched grain to eat daily, and 
 that in small quantities." 
 
 The arrival of General Havelock was the means of Mr. Shep- 
 herd's release after twenty -five days' captivity. In this gentle- 
 man's generally-truthful narrative of the siege, there is one 
 misstatement which requires correction, as it may have caused 
 in some quarters the belief that we could have held out a fort- 
 night longer than we did. Mr, Shepherd says that on the 24th 
 June " there were provisions yet left to keep the people alive 
 on half rations for the next fifteen or twenty days." This is 
 an error, as when the capitulation was projected, we had al- 
 ready been placed several days on half rations, and there were 
 then in stock only supplies sufficient for four more days at the 
 reduced rate. 
 
 Many attempts were made to introduce themselves into our 
 midst as spies by emissaries of the Nana, but with the ex- 
 ception of the man who brought us the story of the approach- 
 ing relief, they failed as conspicuously as our own efforts in 
 that direction. The natives are exceedingly adroit in this kind 
 of occupation ; they secrete their brief dispatches in quills most 
 mysteriously concealed about the person ; they keep ambush 
 with the most patient self-possession, and creep through the 
 jungles as stealthily as the jackal. Often when our sentries 
 were on the look-out over the wall, they have detected Sepoys 
 creeping on all-fours with their tulwars between the teeth in the 
 attempt to cut down a man without observation, but fortu- 
 nately none of our force were caught napping in that way. 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 229 
 
 THE CAPITULATION. 
 
 On the twenty-first day of the siege, the firing of my picket 
 having ceased for a short time, the look-out man up in the 
 crow's nest shouted, " There 's a woman coming across." She 
 was supposed to have heen a spy, and one of the picket would 
 have shot her, hut that I knocked down his arm and saved her 
 life. She had a child at her hreast, but was so imperfectly 
 clothed as to be without shoes and stockings. I lifted her over 
 the barricade in a fainting condition, when I recognized her as 
 Mrs. Greenway, a member of a wealthy family who had resided 
 at Cawnpore, and carried on their operations as merchants in 
 the cantonments. Upon the appearance of the mutiny thej'^ fled 
 to Nuzzuffghur, where they had a factory, in the belief that 
 their own villagers would be quite able to protect them from 
 any serious injury. These precautions were, however, utterly 
 useless, as they fell into the Nana's hands. 
 
 One of the members of this family paid the Nana three lacs 
 of rupees — £30,000 — to save the lives of the entire household. 
 The unprincipled monster took the ransom, but numbered all 
 the Greenways among the slain. As soon as she had recovered 
 herself after entering the barrack, Mrs. Greenway handed me a 
 letter with this superscription : 
 
 " to the subjects of her most gracious majesty, quebn 
 Victoria." 
 
 I took this document to Captain Moore, and he, together 
 with General Wheeler and Captain Whiting, deliberated over 
 its contents — they were as follows : 
 
 " All those who are in no way connected with the acts of 
 Lord Dalhousie, and are willing to lay down their arms, shall 
 receive a safe passage to Allahabad." 
 
 There was no signature to it, but the handwriting was that of 
 Azimoolah. Sir Hugh Wheeler, still hopeful of relief from Cal- 
 
230 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 ciitta, and suspicious of treachery on the part of the Nana, for 
 a long tinae most strenuously opposed the idea of making 
 tel'nl^s ; but upon the representation that there were only three 
 days' rations in store, and after the often-reiterated claims of 
 the women and children, and the most deplorable destitution in 
 which we were placed, he at last succumbed to Captain Moore's 
 expostulations, and consented to the preparation of a treaty of 
 capitulation. All of us who were juniors adopted the views of 
 the brave old General, but we well knew that it was only con- 
 sideration for the weak and the wounded, that turned the vote 
 against us. Ilad there been only men there, I am sure we 
 should have made a dash for Allahabad rather than have 
 thought of surrender ; and Captain Moore would have been the 
 first to lead the forlorn hope. A braver soul than he never 
 breathed. 
 
 It is easy enough, in the comfortable retirement of the club 
 dining-room, for Colonel Pipeclay to call in question the pro- 
 priety of the surrender ; and his cousin, Mr. Scribe, in glowing 
 trisyllables, can fluently enough discourse of military honor and 
 British heroism of olden times. Only let these gentlemen take 
 into consideration in their wine-and-walnut arguments, the 
 famished sucklings, the woe-worn women, who awaited the 
 issue of those deliberations, and perhaps even they will admit, 
 as all true soldiers and sensible citizens have done, that th^re 
 remained nothing better for our leaders to do than to hope the 
 best from an honorable capitulation. 
 
 The whole of that 26th of June the enemy ceased firing 
 upon us. While the deliberations were going on Mrs. Green- 
 way staid in my picket, though all the time eager to 
 return to her little children, whom her brutal captor had re- 
 tained as hostages. She was interrogated particularly as to the 
 treatment she had received, and gave distressing details of their 
 cruelty. They had fed her only on a most starving allowance 
 of chupatties and water ; stripped her of all her clothing but a 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 231 
 
 gown, and had pulled her earrings out through the flesh. She 
 cried most bitterly while enumerating her wrongs, though she 
 most explicitly affirmed that no indignities or abuse had mo- 
 lested her honor. She returned at night to the Nana's camp, 
 bearing the message, that the General, Sir Hugh Wheeler, was 
 in deliberation as to the answer that should be sent. Soon 
 after Mrs. Greenway had left, Captain Moore reached my picket 
 with the intelligence that we were about to treat with the en- 
 emy. I passed the word to the native officer stationed nearest to 
 us, and presently Azimoolah made his appearance : he was ac- 
 companied by Juwallah Pershaud, the brigadier of the Nana's 
 cavalry. These two came to within about two hundred yards 
 of my barrack, and Captains Moore and Whiting, and Mr. 
 Roche, postmaster of Cawnpore, went out to arrange the terms 
 of the capitulation. The conditions for ivhich our representa- 
 tives stipulated, were honorable surrender of our shattered 
 barracks and free exit under arms, with sixty rounds of ammu- 
 nition per man ; carriages to be provided for the conveyance of 
 the wounded, the women and the children ; boats furnished 
 with flour to be ready at the ghaut. Some of the native party 
 added to the remark about supplying us with flour, " We will 
 give you sheep and goats also." 
 
 Azimoolah engaged to take these written proposals to the 
 Nana, and the same afternoon they were sent back by a sowar, 
 with the verbal message that the Nana agreed to all the condi- 
 tions, and that the cantonments were to be evacuated the same 
 night. This was utterly impossible, and the treaty was imme- 
 diately returned with an intimation that our departure must be 
 delayed till the morrow. The sowar came back to us once 
 more, and Captain Whiting and I went out to meet him, when 
 he informed us that the Nana was inflexible in his determina- 
 tion that we should instantly evacuate, and that if we hesitated 
 his guns would open upon us again ; and moreover he bade us 
 remember that he was thoroughly acquainted with our impover- 
 
232 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 ished condition ; he knew that our guns were shattered, and if 
 he did renew the bomhardment, we must all certainly be killed. 
 To all this Whiting replied we should never be afraid of their 
 entering the intrenchment, as we had repelled their repeated at- 
 tempts to do this, and even if they should succeed in over- 
 powering us, we had men always ready at the magazines to 
 blow us all up together. The sowar returned to the Nana, and 
 by and by he came out to us again, with the verbal consent 
 that we should delay the embarkation till the morning. Mr. 
 Todd now volunteered to take the document across to the 
 Sevadah Kothi, the Nana's residence, and after about an ab- 
 sence of half an hour, he returned with the treaty of capitulation 
 signed by the Nana. Mr. Todd said that he was courteously 
 received, and that no hesitation was made in giving the signa- 
 ture, which, in point of fact, left the covenant as worthless as 
 it possibly could be. I narrate all these details, to exonerate 
 General Wheeler and Captain Moore from any suspicion of 
 having overlooked precautions that might be supposed to give 
 security to their proceedings. Three men were sent from the 
 hostile camp into our intrenchment to remain there the whole 
 night as hostages for the Nana's good faith. One of them was 
 the before-named Juwallah Pershaud ; there is little doubt that 
 this rogue was in possession of a perfect programme of the 
 projected plans for the morrow. He was one of the Bithoor 
 retainers, and had now become a very considerable personage, 
 having floated on the tide of mutiny to high military command 
 in the ranks of the rebel army. Juwallah condoled in most 
 eloquent language with Sir Hugh Wheeler upon the privations 
 he had undergone, and said that it was a sad affair at his time 
 of life for the General to suffer so much ; and that after he had 
 commanded Sepoy regiments for so many years, it was a 
 shocking thing they should turn their arms against him. He, 
 Juwallah, would take care that no harm should come to any of 
 us on the morrow ; and his companions used language of the 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 233 
 
 same kind both for its obsequiousness and falsity. Before sun- 
 set our shattered guns were formally made over to the Nana, 
 and a company' of his artillery stood at them the whole night : 
 some of them men who had been drilled at the same guns in 
 the service of the Honorable East India Company. A com- 
 mittee was next appointed, consisting of Captain Athill Turner 
 and Lieutenants Delafosse and Goad, to go down to the river 
 and see if the boats were in readiness for our reception. An 
 escort of native cavalry was sent to conduct them to the ghaut. 
 They found about forty boats moored and apparently ready for 
 departure, some of them roofed, and others undergoing that 
 process. These were the large up-country boats, so well known 
 to all Indians. The committee saw also the apparent victual- 
 ing of some of the boats, as in their presence a show of fur- 
 nishing them Avith supplies was made, though before the morn- 
 ing there was not left in any of them a sufficient meal for a rat. 
 Our delegates returned to us without the slightest molestation, 
 though I afterward gathered that Captain Turner was made 
 very uneasy by the repetition of the word kuttle — massacre — 
 which he overheard passing from man to man by some of the 
 56th Native Infantry, who were present on the bank of the 
 river. 
 
 During the night some sleepy sentry of theirs, in barrack 
 No. 1, dropped his musket, and so caused its discharge. I 
 suppose that at their headquarters this was taken to be firing 
 on our part, for they instantly opened with musketry and artil- 
 lery all around us, as rapidly as they could load repeating the 
 volley. We did not answer them with a single cartridge, but 
 stood at our posts prepared for an attack. Juwallah sent for 
 one of the Sepoys in barrack No. 1, and upon discovering the 
 cause of the commotion, dispatched a quieting communication 
 to his uneasy principals. Notwithstanding this interruption, 
 that night was by far the best we had had for a month. With 
 
 a pillow of brickbats, made comfortable by extreme fatigue and 
 
 20 
 
2^4 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 prolonged suspense, and witli a comfortable sense of having 
 done all that he could, or that his country could require, many 
 a poor fellow slept that night, only less soundly than he did on 
 the following one. The well had been besieged on the cessation 
 of the enemy's fire, and draught after draught was swallowed ; 
 and though the debris of mortar and bricks had made the water 
 cloudy, it was more delicious than nectar. It was not given 
 out by thimblefuls that night. Double rations of chupatties 
 and dhal were served around, though the degree of confidence 
 that was put in each other by the contracting parties will be 
 tolerably evident from the fact that no decent food was begged 
 or bought on our side, nor was it offered or given on the other. 
 There was a slightly-visible change for the better in the coun- 
 tenances of the women, though some of them gave expression 
 to their suspicions with such inquiries as these, " Do you think 
 it will be all right to-morrow ?" " Will they really let us go 
 down to Allahabad in safety ?" The majority assumed a tone 
 of cheerfulness, and comforted one another with the prospects 
 of rescue. Such, however, was the extreme depression of both 
 mind and body, that any alternative seemed preferable to the 
 prolonged murder of the siege. The children, at least, Avere 
 cheerful ; they had had the wants of the moment more liberally 
 supplied than for a long time past, and at midnight all was 
 silent ; men, women, and children, all slept. After such an 
 acclimation of the brain to incessant bombardment, the stillness 
 was actually painful. In that silence the angel of death brooded 
 over many a sleeper there. The jackal took the opportunity 
 offered to him to prowl among the animal remains around the 
 intrenchment, without alarm from the guns ; and daybreak 
 disclosed to view hosts of adjutant birds and vultures gloating 
 over their carnivorous breakfast. These are the only parties 
 who have any cause to thank the Sepoys for the rebellion of 
 1857. 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 235 
 
 THE DEPARTUKE. 
 
 It was a truly-strange spectacle which the opening morning 
 of the 27th of June brought within the- intrenchment. All 
 the activities of departure were manifest on every side. Men 
 and women were loading themselves with what each thought 
 most precious. Hurried words of sympathy were uttered to 
 the wounded, and many a hearty declaration given that, at all 
 hazards, they should not be left behind. Some had much that 
 they wished to carry away, some had nothing. The time for 
 deliberation was short, and the power to carry limited indeed. 
 Little relics of jewelry were secreted by some, in the tattered 
 fragments of their dress. A few were busily occupied in dig- 
 ging up boxes from the ruins of the building, the said boxes 
 containing plate and other valuables. Some cherished a Bible 
 or a prayer-book ; others bestowed all their care upon the 
 heir-looms which the dead had intrusted to their keeping, to be 
 transferred to survivors at home. The able-bodied men packed 
 themselves with all the ammunition which they could carry, 
 till they were walking-magazines. 
 
 Not a few looked down that well, and thought of the treas- 
 ures consigned to its keeping. Some would have fain been 
 among them even there. Here a party paced the outside of the 
 barrack-wall, and gazed at the brick-work, all honeycombed 
 with shot. There a little group lent kindly aid to bind up and 
 secure the clothing that could scarcely be made to hold to- 
 gether. Never, surely, was there such an emaciated, ghostly 
 party of human beings as we. There were women who had 
 been beautiful, now stripped of every personal charm, some 
 with, some without gowns ; fragments of finery were made 
 available no longer for decoration, but decorum ; officers in 
 tarnished uniforms, rent and wretched, and with nondescript 
 mixtures of apparel, more or less insufficient in all. There 
 were few shoes, fewer stockings, and scarcely any shirts ; these 
 
236 HEKOES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 had all gone for bandages to the wounded. After an hour or 
 two of this busy traffic, the elephants and palanquins made 
 their appearance at Ashe's, battery. Water was the only cor- 
 dial we could give to the wounded, but this they eagerly and 
 copiously drank. No rations were served out before starting, 
 nor was any ceremony or religious service of any kind ob- 
 served. Sixteen elephants and between seventy and eighty 
 palanquins composed the van of the mournful procession, and 
 more than two hundred sufferers had thus to be conveyed down 
 to the river. The advance-guard, consisting of some men of 
 the 32d Regiment, led by Captain Moore, had to return for a 
 second installment of those who were unable to walk the single 
 mile to the ghaut. Not a Sepoy accompanied us ; we loaded 
 and unloaded the burdens ourselves; and the most cautious 
 handling caused much agony to our disabled ones. They 
 would have been objects for intense pity, and subjects of 
 great pain, with all the relief that hospital science could have 
 devised for their attention, but our rude and unaided efforts 
 must have caused them greatly- aggravated torture. 
 
 The women and children were put on the elephants and 
 into the bullock-carts ; the able-bodied walked down indiscrim- 
 inately after the advance had gone. Immediately after the 
 exit of the first detachment the place was thronged with Se- 
 poys. One of them said to one of our men, " Give me that 
 musket !" placing his hand upon the weapon, as if about to 
 take it. " You shall have its contents, if you please, but not 
 the gun," was the reply ; the proposal not having been ac- 
 cepted, the insulted Briton walked off: it was the only sem- 
 blance of an interruption to our departure. 
 
 The Sepoys were loud in their expression of astonishment 
 that we had withstood them so long, and said that it was 
 utterly unaccountable to them. We told them that had it not 
 been for the failure of our food, Ave should have held the place 
 to the last man. I asked one of them, whom I recognized as 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 237 
 
 having belonged to my own regiment, how many they had 
 lost, and he told me from eight hundred to a thousand. I 
 believe this estimate to have been under rather than over the 
 mark. Inquiries were made by men after their old officers 
 whom they had missed, and they appeared much distressed at 
 hearing of their death. Such discrepancies of character will, 
 possibly, mystify the northern mind, but they are indigenous to 
 the east. I inquired of another Sepoy of the 53d, " Are we 
 to go to Allahabad without molestation ?" He affirmed that 
 such was his firm belief ; and I do not suppose that the con- 
 templated massacre had been divulged beyond the councils of 
 its brutal projectors. Poor old Sir Hugh Wheeler, his lady 
 and daughter, walked down to the boats. The rear was 
 brought up by Major Vibart, who was the last officer in the 
 intrenchment. Some of the rebels, who had served in this 
 officer's regiment, insisted on carrying out the property which 
 belonged to him. They loaded a bullock -cart with boxes, and 
 escorted the Major's wife and family down to the boats with 
 the most profuse demonstrations of respect. When we reached 
 the place of embarkation, all of us, men and women, as well 
 as the bearers of the wounded and children, had to wade knee- 
 deep through the water to get into the boats, as not a single 
 plank was provided to serve for a gangway. It was 9 o'clock, 
 A. M., when the last boat received her complement. And now 
 I have to attempt to portray one of the most brutal massacres 
 that the history of the human race has recorded, aggravated, as 
 it was, by the most reckless cruelty and monstrous cowardice. 
 The boats were about thirty feet long and twelve feet across 
 the thwarts, and overcrowded with their freight. They were 
 flat down on the sand-banks, with about two feet of water rip- 
 pling around them. We might and ought to have demanded 
 an embarkation in deeper water, but, in the hurry of our de- 
 parture, this had been overlooked. If the rainy season had 
 come on while we were intrenched, our mud walls would have 
 
238 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 been entirely washed away, and grievous epidemic sickness 
 must have been added to the long catalogue of our calamities. 
 While the siege lasted we were daily dreading the approach of 
 the rains — now, alas ! we mourned their absence ; for the Gan- 
 ges was at its lowest. Captain Moore had told us that no at- 
 tempt at any thing like order of progress would be made in 
 the departure ; but when all were aboard, we were to push off 
 as quickly as possible, and make for the other side of the river, 
 where orders would be given for our further direction. As 
 soon as Major Vibart had stepped into his boat, "Off!" was 
 the word ; but at a signal from the shore, the native boatmen, 
 who numbered eight and a coxswain to each boat, all jumped 
 over and waded to the shore. We fired into them immediately, 
 but the majority of them escaped, and are now plying their 
 old trade in the neighborhood of Cawnpore. Before they 
 quitted us, these men had contrived to secrete burning charcoal 
 in the thatch of most of the boats. Simultaneously with the 
 departure of the boatmen, the identical troopers who had 
 escorted Major Vibart to the ghaut opened upon us with their 
 carbines. As well as the confusion, caused by the burning of 
 the boats, would allow, we returned the fire of these horsemen, 
 who were about fifteen or sixteen in number, but they retired 
 immediately after the volley they had given us. 
 
 Those of us who were not disabled by wounds now jumped 
 out of the boats, and endeavored to push them afloat, but, alas ! 
 most of them were utterly immovable. Now, from ambush, 
 in which they were concealed all along the banks, it seemed 
 that thousands of men fired upon us ; besides four nine-pound- 
 ers, carefully masked and pointed to the boats, every bush was 
 filled with Sepoys. 
 
 There are two or three houses close down by the river in 
 this place, one of them formerly known as the Fusileer mess- 
 house, the second the residence of Captain Jenkins, and a 
 third now in the occupancy of the station chaplain. These 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 289 
 
 were filled with our murderers, and tlie last of tliem held 
 two of the guns. The scene which followed this manifestation 
 of the infernal treachery of our assassins is one that beggars 
 all description. Some of the boats presented a broadside to 
 the guns, others were raked from stem to stern by the shot. 
 Volumes of smoke from the thatch somewhat vailed the full 
 extent of the horrors of that morning. All who could move 
 were speedily expelled from the boats by the heat of the flames ! 
 Alas ! the wounded were burnt to death ; one mitigation 
 only there was to their horrible fate — the flames were terrific- 
 ally fierce, and their intense sufferings were not protracted. 
 Wretched multitudes of women and children crouched behind 
 the boats, or waded out into deep water and stood up to their 
 chins in the river to lessen the probability of being shot. 
 Meanwhile Major Vibart's boat, being of lighter draught than 
 some, had got off and was drifting down the stream, her thatched 
 roof unburnt. I threw into the Ganges my father's Chuznee 
 medal, and my mother's portrait, all the property I had left, de- 
 termined they should only have my life for a prey ; and with one 
 final shudder at the deviltry enacting upon that bank, and which 
 it was impossible to mitigate by remaining any longer in its 
 reach, I struck out, swimming for the retreating boat. There 
 were a dozen of us beating the water for life ; close by my side 
 there Avere two brothers. Ensign Henderson — 56th Native In- 
 fantry — and his brother, who had but recently come out to 
 India. They both swam well for some distance, when the 
 younger became weak, and although we encouraged him to the 
 utmost, he went down in our sight, though not within our 
 reach ; presently his survivor, J. W. Henderson, was struck 
 on the hand by a grape-shot. He put the disabled arm over 
 my shoulder, and with one arm each, we swam to the boat, 
 which by this time had stranded on a bank close to the Oude 
 side of the river. We were terribly exhausted when Captain 
 Whiting pulled us in ; and had it not been for the sand-bank, 
 
240 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 we mnst have perished. All of the other swimmers sank 
 through exhaustion, or were shot in the water, except Lieutenant 
 Harrison, of the 2d Light Cavalry, and private Murphy, 84th 
 regiment. Harrison had left one of the hoats in company 
 with a number of passengers, and by wading they reached a 
 small island, about two hundred yards from the shore. While 
 I was swimming past this islet, I saw three sowars of cavalry 
 who had also waded from the Cawnpore bank. One of them 
 cut down one of our women with his tulwar, and then made 
 off for Harrison, who received him with a charge from his re- 
 volver, and waited for the second man, whom he dispatched in 
 like manner, whereupon the third took to the water on the 
 shore-side of the ait, and Harrison, plunging in on the river- 
 side, swam to Vibart's boat. While I was swimming, a second 
 boat got away from the ghaut, and while drifting, was struck 
 by a round shot below the water-mark, and was rapidly filling, 
 when she came along side, and we took off the survivors of her 
 party. Now the crowded state of our poor ark left little room 
 for working her. Her rudder was shot away ; we had no oars, 
 for these had all been thrown overboard by the traitorous boat- 
 men, and the only implements that could be brought into use, 
 were a spar or two, and such pieces of wood as we could in safety 
 tear away from the sides. Grape and round shot flew about 
 us from either bank of the river, and shells burst constantly on 
 the sand-banks in our neighborhood. Alternately stranding 
 and drifting, we were often within a hundred yards of the guns 
 on the Oude side of the river, and saw them load, prime, and 
 fire into our midst. Shortly after midday we got out of range 
 of their great guns ; the sandy bed on the river bank had dis- 
 abled their artillery bullocks, but they chased us the whole day, 
 firing in volleys of musketry incessantly. 
 
 On the 27th of June we lost, after the escape of the boat, 
 Captain Moore, Lieutenants Ashe, Bolton, Burney, and Grlan- 
 ville, besides many others, whose names I did not know. 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 241 
 
 Captain Moore was killed while attempting to push off the 
 boat — a ball pierced him in the region of the heart ; Ashe and 
 Bolton died in the same manner. Burney and Glanville were 
 carried off by one round shot, which also shattered Lieutenant 
 Fagan's leg to such an extent, that from the knee downward it 
 was only held together by sinews. His sufferings were fright- 
 ful, but he behaved with wonderful patience. I had a great 
 regard for him, as he and I were griffs together at Benares. 
 Just after I had been pulled into the boat, Mrs. Swinton, who 
 was a relative of Lieutenant Jervis, of the Engineers, was 
 standing up in the stern, and, having been struck by a round 
 shot, fell overboard and sank immediately. Her poor little 
 boy, six years old, came up to me and said, " Mamma has 
 fallen overboard." I endeavored to comfort him, and told him 
 mamma would not suffer any more pain. The little babe cried 
 out, " 0, why are they firing upon us ? did not they promise 
 to leave off?" I never saw the child after that, and suspect 
 that he soon shared his mother's death. 
 
 The horrors of the lingering hours of that day seemed as if 
 they would never cease ; we had no food in the boat, and had 
 nothing before starting. The water of the Ganges was all 
 that passed our lips, save prayers, and shrieks, and groans 
 The wounded and the dead were often entangled together in 
 the bottom of the boat : to extricate the corpses was a work of 
 extreme difficulty, though imperatively necessary from the 
 di-eaded consequences of the intense heat, and the importance 
 of lightening the boat as much as possible. 
 
 In the afternoon of that day I saw a Sepoy from behind a 
 tree deliberately taking aim at me : the bullet struck the side 
 of my head, and I fell into the boat stunned by the wound. 
 " We were just going to throw you overboard," was the greet- 
 ing I had from some of the men when I revived. Six miles 
 was the entire distance that we accomplished in the whole day ; 
 
 at 5 P. M., we stranded, and as all our efforts to move the keel 
 
 21 
 
242 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 an incTi were in vain, we resolved to stay there at all hazards 
 till nightfall, in the hope that when darkness sheltered us we 
 might be able to get out the women and lighten the craft suffi- 
 ciently to push her off. They now sent a burning boat down 
 the stream, in the hope that she would fall foul of us — provi- 
 dentially the thing glided past us, though within a yard or two. 
 
 At night they let fly arrows with lighted charcoal fastened to 
 them, to ignite, if possible, the thatched roof, and this protec- 
 tion we were, in consequence, obliged to dislodge and throw 
 overboard. When we did succeed in getting adrift, the work 
 of pushing away from the sand-banks was incessant ; and we 
 spent as much of the night out, as we did in the boat. There 
 was no moon, however, and although they did not cease firing 
 at us till after midnight, they did us little damage. 
 
 When the morning broke upon us, we saw none of our 
 pursuers, and began to indulge the hope that they had given up 
 the chase. We had, however, only made four miles in the 
 entire night, and our prospects of escape can scarcely be said 
 to have improved. About 8 A. M. we saw some natives 
 bathing, and persuaded a native drummer, who was with us, 
 to go and talk with them, and try to induce them to get us 
 some food. The drummer took with him five rupees, and pro- 
 cured from one of the bathers a promise to obtain food, and 
 also, if possible, the assistance of some native boatmen. This 
 man left his lotah — a cooking-pot, which the natives carry 
 every-where with them — as a guarantee for his fidelity ; but we 
 saw no more of him, and he informed our messenger that or- 
 ders had been sent down to Nuzzuffghur, two miles further, to 
 seize us, and that Baboo Ram Buksh of Dhownriakera, a pow- 
 erful zemindar on the Oude side, had engaged that he would 
 not suffer one of us to escape his territory. Captain Whiting 
 now wrote with his pencil a brief statement of our utter aban- 
 donment of all hope, put the scrap of paper into a bottle, and 
 cast it into the river. At 2 P. M. we stranded off ]Sru<5zuffghur, 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORB. 243 
 
 and they opened on us with musketry. Major Vibart had been 
 shot through one arm on the previous day ; nevertheless he got 
 out, and while helping to push off the boat was shot through 
 the other arm. Captain Athill Turner had both his legs 
 smashed. Captain Whiting was killed. Lieutenant Quin was 
 shot through the arm ; Captain Seppings through the arm ; 
 and Mrs. Seppings through the thigh. Lieutenant Harrison 
 was shot dead. I took off his rings and gave them to Mrs. 
 Seppings, as I thought the women might perhaps excite some 
 commiseration, and that if any of our party escaped, it would 
 be some of them. Blenman, our bold spy, was shot here in 
 the groin, and implored some of us to terminate his sufferings 
 with a bullet, but it might not be done. At this place they 
 brought out a gun ; but while they were pointing it at us the 
 rain came down in such torrents that they were not able to dis- 
 charge it more than once. At sunset fifty or sixty natives 
 came down the stream in a boat from Cawnpore, thoroughly 
 armed, and deputed to board and destroy us. But they also 
 grounded on a sand-bank ; and instead of waiting for them to 
 attack us, eighteen -or twenty of us charged them, and few of 
 their number escaped to tell the story. Their boat was well 
 supplied with ammunition, and we appropriated it to our own 
 use ; b\it there was no food, and death was now staring us in 
 the face from that direction. That night we fell asleep, faint 
 and weary, and expecting never to see the morrow ; but a hur- 
 ricane came on in the night, and set us free again. Some of us 
 woke in the mid-darkness, and found the boat floating ; some 
 fresh hopes buoyed us up again ; but daylight returned to reveal 
 the painful fact that we had drifted out of the navigable channel 
 into a siding of the river opposite Soorajpore, Our pursuers 
 speedily discovered us, and again opened with musketry on the 
 boat, which was once more settled down deep in a sand- bank. 
 
 At 9 o'clock, A. M., Major Vibart directed me, with Lieu- 
 tenant Delafosse, Sergeant Grrady, and eleven privates of the 
 
244 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 84th. and 32d Regiments, to wade to the shore and drive off the 
 Sepoys, while they attempted to ease off the boat again. It 
 was a forlorn enterprise — that consigned to us — but it myste- 
 riously contributed, by God's goodness, to the escape of four 
 of our number. Maddened by desperation, we charged the 
 crowd of Sepoys and drove them back some distance, till we 
 were thoroughly surrounded by a mingled party of natives, 
 armed and unarmed. We cut our way through these, bearing 
 more wounds, but without the loss of a man ; and reached the 
 spot at which we had landed, but the boat was gone. Our first 
 thought was that they had got loose again, and were farther 
 down the stream ; and we followed in that direction, but never 
 saw either the boat or our doomed companions any more. Our 
 only hope of safety now was in flight ; and, with a burning 
 sun overhead, a rugged raviny ground, and no covering for the 
 feet, it was no easy task for our half-famished party to make 
 head ; but a rabble of ryots and Sepoys at our heels soon put 
 all deliberation upon the course to be pursued, as it did our- 
 selves, to flight. For about three miles we retreated, when I 
 saw a temple in the distance, and gave orders to make for that. 
 To render us less conspicuous as marks for the guns, we had 
 separated to the distance of about twenty paces apart ; from 
 time to time loading and firing as we best could upon the multi- 
 tude in our rear. As lie was entering the temple, Sergeant 
 Grady was shot through the head. I instantly set four of the 
 men crouching down in the doorway with bayonets fixed, and 
 their muskets so placed as to form a cheval-de-frise in the narrow 
 entrance. The mob came on helter-skelter in such maddening 
 haste that some of them fell or were pushed on to the bayonets, 
 and their transfixed bodies made the barrier impassable to the 
 rest, upon whom we, from behind our novel defense, poured 
 shot upon shot into the crowd. The situation was the more 
 favorable to us, in consequence of the temple having been built 
 upon a base of brick-work three feet from the ground, and 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 245 
 
 approached by steps on one side. The brother of Baboo Ram 
 Buksh, who was leading the mob, was slain here ; and his be- 
 reaved relation was pleased to send word to the Nana that the 
 English were thoroughly invincible. Foiled in their attempts 
 to enter our asylum, they next began to dig at its foundation ; 
 but the walls had been well laid, and were not so easily to be 
 moved as they expected. They now fetched fagots, and from 
 the circular construction of the building they were able to place 
 them right in front of the doorway with impunity, there being 
 no window or loop-hole in the place through which we could 
 attack them, nor any means of so doing, without exposing our- 
 selves to the whole mob at the entrance. In the center of the 
 temple there was an altar for the presentation of gifts to the 
 presiding deity ; his shrine, however, had not lately been en- 
 riched, or it had more recently been visited by his ministering 
 priests, for there were no gifts upon it. There was, however, 
 in a deep hole in the center of the stone which constituted the 
 altar, a hollow with a pint or two of water in it, which, al- 
 though long since putrid, we bailed out with our hands, and 
 sucked down with great avidity. When the pile of fagots 
 had reached the top of the dooi'way, or nearly so, they set them 
 on fire, expecting to suffocate us ; but a strong breeze kindly 
 sent the great body of the smoke away from the interior of the 
 temple. Fearing that the suffocating, sultry atmosphere Avould 
 be soon insupportable, I proposed to the men to sell their lives 
 as dearly as possible ; but we stood till the wood had sunk 
 down into a pile of embers, and we began to hope that we 
 might brave out their torture till night — apparently the only 
 friend left us — would let us get out for food and attempted es- 
 cape. But their next expedient compelled an evacuation ; for 
 they brought bags of gunpowder, and threw them upon the 
 red-hot ashes. Delay would have been certain suffocation — so 
 out we rushed. The burning wood terribly marred our bare 
 feet, but it was no time to think of trifles. Jumping the para- 
 
246 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 pet, we were in the thick of the rahble in an instant ; we fired 
 a volley, and ran a-muck with the bayonet. Seven of our 
 number succeeded in reaching the bank of the river, and we 
 first threw in our guns and then ourselves. The weight of 
 ammunition we had in the pouches carried us under the water ; 
 while we were thus submerged, we escaped the first volley that 
 they fired. We slipped off the belts, rose again, and sAvam ; 
 and by the time they had loaded a second time, there were only 
 heads for them to aim at. I turned around, and saw the banks 
 of the river thronged with the black multitude, yelling, howling, 
 and firing at us ; while others of their party rifled the bodies 
 of the six poor fellows we had left behind. Presently two more 
 were shot in the head ; and one private, Kyan, almost sinking 
 from exhaustion, swam into a sand-bank and was knocked on 
 the head by two or three ruffians waiting to receive him. These 
 villains had first promised Lieutenant Delafosse and pi-ivate 
 Murphy that if they would come to the shore they should be 
 protected, and have food given to them. They were so much 
 inclined to yield that they made toward the bank, but suddenly 
 and wisely altered their determination. Infuriated with disap- 
 pointment, one of them threw his club at Delafosse ; but in the 
 bight of his energy lost his balance and fell into deep water ; 
 the other aimed at Murphy, and struck him on the heel. For 
 two or three hours we continued swimming ; often changing our 
 position, and the current helping our progress. At length our 
 pursuers gave up the chase ; a sowar on horseback was the last 
 we saw of them. 
 
 It turned out that we had reached the territory of a rajah 
 who was faithful to Government — Dirigbijah Singh, of Moorar 
 Mhow, in Oude. When no longer pursued, we tiirned into the 
 shore to get rest, and saw two or three long-nosed alligators 
 basking on a sand-bank. The natives afterward said that it 
 was a miracle we had escaped their bottle-nosed brethren who 
 feed on men. 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 247 
 
 We were sitting down by the shore, Avith the water up to 
 our necks, still doubtful of our safety, when we heard voices 
 and approaching footsteps, and again plunged into the stream, 
 like terrified beasts of the wate:s. Our visitors proved to be 
 retainers of the Rajah Dii'igbijah Singh, though their armed 
 aspect, with swords, shields, and matchlocks, and our igno- 
 rance of the loyal sanctions under which they lived, made them 
 any thing but comforting in appearance to us. " Sahib ! Sa- 
 hib ! why swim away? we are friends!" they shouted. I 
 replied to them, " We have been deceived so often, that we are 
 not inclined to trust any body." They said if we wished it, 
 they would throw their arms into the river to convince us of 
 their sincerity. Partly from the exhaustion which was now 
 beginning to be utterly insupportable, and partly from the hope 
 that they were faithful, we swam to the shore, and when we 
 reached the shallow water, such was our complete prostration 
 that they were obliged to drag us out ; we could not walk, 
 our feet were burnt, and our frames famished. We had been 
 swimming, without a moment's intermission, a distance of six 
 miles since we left Soorajpore. They extricated me first ; and 
 having laid me down upon the bank, covered me with one of 
 their blankets. The others shortly followed, and, being equally 
 done up, were indulged, for a few minutes, in like manner. I 
 had on me no clothing but a flannel shirt. My coat and trow- 
 sers, such as they were, had been taken off in the river to facil- 
 itate progress. That flannel shirt I very greatly respect ; it 
 went into the siege a bright pink, just as it had come from the 
 hands of Messrs. Thresher and Glenny, who delight in such 
 gayeties ; but if these very respectable venders could see it now 
 they would never accredit it as from their establishment. Lieu- 
 tenant Delafosse had nothing in the shape of clothing but a 
 piece of sheeting round his loins ; and his shoulders were so 
 burnt by exposure to the sun, that the skin was raised in huge 
 blisters, as if he had just escaped death by burning. Sullivan 
 
248 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 and Murphy were altogetlier destitute of clothing of any kind, 
 and consequently suffered equally from the sun. Murphy had a 
 cap-pouch, full of rupees, tied round his right knee ; but our 
 generous preservers were not proof against the temptation, so 
 they eased him of this load, and also of a ring which he wore, 
 but when they found that this was made of English gold — 
 which, on account of its alloy, the natives greatly despise — 
 they gave it him back again. After we had rested a little, our 
 captors proposed that we should go to the adjacent village ; and, 
 supported by a native on each side of us, with his hands under 
 our arm-pits, we partly walked, and were partly carried a dis- 
 tance that seemed to us many miles, though not, in reality, 
 more than three or four furlongs. We were so enfeebled that, 
 in crossing a little current which had to be waded, they were 
 obliged to use great strength to prevent our being washed away. 
 As soon as we reached the village, they took us to the hut of 
 the zemindar, who received us most kindly, commiserated with 
 us upon our horrible condition, and gave us a hearty meal of 
 dhal, chupatties, and preserves. 
 
 THE ESCAPE. 
 
 It was the evening of the 29th of June when we reached 
 Moorar Mhow, and since the night of the 26th we had not 
 tasted solid food. We soon asked for some information about 
 the missing boat, and if it had passed down the river. They 
 told us that it had been seized by a party of the Nana's men, 
 and carried back to Cawnpore. While we were taking our 
 food, a great crowd of the villagers surrounded the hut, and 
 gazed with profound astonishment at us. They could scarcely 
 believe that we had eluded all the precautions taken to effect our 
 capture, although we were visibly before them. They said it 
 was " J^huda-ki-miraee" — the will of God — and, I suppose, 
 few will doubt that they were right. The meal being finished, 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 249 
 
 Delafosse and I lay down upon two charpo^'-s — native beds — 
 and the privates upon the floor, and we were soon fast asleep. 
 They woke us up between five and six o'clock, to say that a 
 retainer of their Rajah had come to conduct us to the fort of 
 Moorar Mhow. No clothing was furnished us, though Dela- 
 fosse borrowed a blanket from the zemindar to cover his na- 
 kedness. The walking was exquisite torture, from the condi- 
 tion of our feet, and our progress was dilatory indeed till about 
 half way, when guides met us with an elephant and pony. 
 Sullivan and Murphy were suffering so much from their 
 wounds that we gave them the elephant, and Delafosse and I 
 bestrode the pony. The relief afforded by the quiet all around 
 us, and by the returning sense of security, no words could de- 
 scribe. We passed through several villages, in which our 
 story had preceded us, and the ryots came out with milk and 
 sweetmeats, of which we thankfully partook. Buffalo's milk 
 and native sweets were truly delicious fare. 
 
 Night had set in when we reached the residence of Dirigbi- 
 jah Singh. The Rajah, a venerable old man, was sitting out 
 of doors, surrounded by his retainers ; his vS,keel was at his 
 right ; his two sons close at hand, and his body-guard, armed 
 with swords, shields, and matchlocks. The whole group formed 
 a most picturesque scene, as lighted up by the attendant torch- 
 bearers ; they were altogether a strictly oriental company of 
 about a hundred and fifty in number. The pony and elephant 
 having been brought into the center, we alighted and salaamed 
 to the Rajah. He had the whole tale of the siege narrated to 
 him by us, asked after our respective rank in the army, and, hav- 
 ing expressed great admiration at our doings, ordered us a sup- 
 per, with abundance of native wine, assured us of our safety, 
 promised hospitality, and had us shown to our apartment. All 
 the domestic arrangements were in strictly native order, so that 
 they had no beds to spare for us ; it must be remembered that 
 our touch would have defiled them forever ; they provided us 
 
250 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 with straw to lie upon, and gave us a sutringee eacli — a piece 
 of carpet — to cover our bodies. that night's rest ! Thank- 
 ful, but weary were we : amid many thoughts that chased each 
 other through my distracted brain, I remember one ludicrously 
 vivid ; it was this : how excellent an investment that guinea 
 had proved which I spent a year or two before at the baths 
 in Holborn, learning to swim ! And then the straw upon 
 which we lay, though only fit for a pauper's bed in the vagrant 
 ward of some English workhouse, it was to us welcome as the 
 choicest down. In the morning a hukeem — native doctor — 
 was sent to dress our wounds ; Sullivan and Murphy were 
 suffering greatly ; my back and thigh were comparatively well, 
 but the recent crack in the skull was acutely painful. Marvel- 
 ous to say, Delafosse had not received a single wound. The 
 doctor applied nim-leaf poultices, a very favorite recipe with 
 the native leeches, but I found them so desperately irritating 
 that I declined a second application of the kind. The native 
 tailor came, also, by the Rajah's directions, and furnished us 
 with trowsers and coat each of native cut ; and when Hindus- 
 tani shoes were added to our toilet, we felt quite respectable 
 again. Our host asked us how often we should like our meals. 
 And he kindly arranged for us to have breakfast, luncheon, 
 and a late dinner each day ; a great thing for a native house 
 to accomplish, as the Brahmins, to whose company our friend 
 belonged, only cook once a day, and all the feeding for the 
 twenty-four hours is done with them at midday. The supplies 
 they gave us were good, consisting of dhal, chupatties, rice, 
 and milk ; twice during the month we staid at this hospitable 
 residence they gave us kid's meat, the only animal food they 
 touch ; and when a Brahmin has performed a pilgrimage to 
 one of their shrines, he eats no animal food at all henceforth. 
 But sweeter than these repasts was the sleep ; day after day, 
 and week after week, we indulged in it, as if we had been fed 
 upon opiates. The only interruption we suffered was caused 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE, 251 
 
 by the immense number of flies, wbich, attracted by the 
 wounds, occasioned us considerable annoyance. 
 
 We were allowed to walk about any where within the fort, 
 but not beyond its sheltering walls, for the whole neighborhood 
 was swarming with rebels. They frequently came inside the 
 fort, and even into our room, armed to the teeth, but they did 
 not dare to molest us, as some of the Rajah's body-guard were 
 always in attendance upon us when we received company. 
 Many a conversation we had with Sepoys. Some men of the 
 56th Native Infantry, and others of the 53d Native Infantry, 
 my own regiment, visited us, and talked freely over the state of 
 affairs in general. The most frequent assertion made by them 
 was, that our raj was at an end. I used to tell them they were 
 talking nonsense, for in a short time reinforcements would ar- 
 rive ; seventy or eighty thousand British troops would land in 
 India and turn the tide the old way; "then the muskets you 
 have in your hands," I said, "with the Government mark upon 
 them, will change hands." 
 
 "No, no," they said ; "the Nana has sent a sowar on a 
 camel to Russia for assistance." 
 
 I roared with laughter at the suggestion of such an expe- 
 dition. 
 
 "What are you laughing at. Lord Sahib ?" 
 
 " 0, you are not very well up in your geography to talk in 
 that fashion ; a camel might as well be sent to England for 
 help." 
 
 " The Nana says he has done so." 
 
 " Suppose you gain the country, what shall you do with us ?" 
 
 " The Nana will send you all down to Calcutta and ship you 
 home, and when he has conquered India, he will embark for 
 England and conquer that country." 
 
 " Why, you Brahmins will not go to sea, will you ?" 
 
 " yes ; only we shall not cook upon the voyage." 
 
 With such canards as these the Bithoor man has imposed 
 
252 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 upon the imbecile hordes around him ; they believe that the 
 Russians are all Mohammedans, and that the armies of the Czar 
 are to liberate the faithful and their land from the yoke of the 
 Feringhees. Another of the Nana's fables is, that certain 
 water-mills which were erected by the Company for grinding 
 grain at a fixed charge for the villagers, were implements in the 
 great work of forcible conversion, and that in the said mills 
 pig-bone dust was mixed with the flour. 
 
 The annexation of Oude was always upon their tongues ; 
 they grew energetic in discussing this theme, and said that in 
 consequence of that one act the Company's r9j would cease. It 
 is very remarkable that the old prophecy of the Brahmin pun- 
 dits, current in India ever since the battle of Plassy, that the 
 Company's raj would last only one hundred years, has been 
 verified, though not in the manner nor in the sense predicted. 
 "What is the Company?" is a question often discussed in the 
 villages, and various and conflicting are the answers that have 
 been promulgated in reply ; the most prevalent opinion among 
 the poor, benighted, swarthy subjects of the far-reaching rule of 
 the potentates of Leadenhall-street, having been that the said 
 Company was a nondescript brute, that swayed their destinies 
 with a resistless scepter ; its species, genus, habitat, all un- 
 known, but only 
 
 " Monstrum liorrendiim, informe, ingens, cui lumen ademptum." 
 
 Three times, during our stay at Moorar Mhow, the Nana sent 
 down to our friendly protector, ordering him to surrender our 
 persons. A sowar of the 2d Cavalry, and some Sepoys of the 
 56th Native Infantry, brought the demand ; the last came into 
 our apartment, had a chat with us, and asked us how we man- 
 aged to escape. Our generous old host was deaf to all their 
 persuasions and threats, and sent back word that he was a 
 tributary to the King of Oude, and knew nothing of the Nana's 
 r§j. If Nana, Azimoolah & Co. had not had more important 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 253 
 
 business in hand, they would have certainly attacked our refuge, 
 rather than have allowed one relic of the Cawnpore garrison to 
 escape alive ; but there is this charm about thackoor hospi- 
 tality — once claimed, it is not to be dishonored by a trifle. 
 
 News from Lucknow occasionally reached us, though by no 
 means so reliable as the graphic communications of that prince 
 o-f correspondents, the worthy Mr. Eussell ; for instance, we 
 were told that the Muchee Bhowan had blown up with two hun- 
 dred Europeans in it. One day the Punjaub was lost ; another 
 day Madras and Bombay were gone into mutiny ; then a hun- 
 dred thousand Sikhs were said to be marching south to extermi- 
 nate the English. Our informants believed for themselves all 
 these rumors, and, in fact, it was by such fictions that their wily 
 leaders maintained the hold they had upon them. 
 
 Every day the Rajah came to pay us a visit and talk with us 
 klndljr, and he often told us that as soon as the adjacent coun- 
 try was quiet, he would forward us to Allahabad. 
 
 Much amusement was afforded us by seeing the daily per- 
 formance of the devotions of this rigid Brahmin. A little 
 temple detached from the residence was the sphere of operation. 
 The priest, Khangee Loll by name, used to go first and prepare the 
 offerings ; divesting himself of his shoes at the temple door, he 
 walked in, and arranged beautiful flowers which had been 
 plucked with the dew upon them, and deposited at the thresh- 
 old by attendant Brahmins. All round the offerings these floral 
 decorations were arranged with admirable effect in relation to 
 their various hues. 
 
 When the Rajah and his two sons made their entry, the 
 shasters were taken out : all four of the worshipers intoned 
 portions of these writings amid the tinkling of bells by the 
 priest. After this, water from the Ganges was poured upon the 
 flowers, and the daily service was complete. 
 
 The Ranee often inquired after us by means of messengers. 
 We never saw her ladyship, but the attendants told us, that the 
 
254 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 Venetians of her apartments were not impenetrably opaque 
 from within, and that the old lady had seen lis, and was con- 
 cerned for our welfare. Nothing that could contribute to our 
 comfort escaped the kind and minute thoughtfulness of Dirig- 
 bijah Singh. I wish he could read English, and peruse my 
 humble effort to express the gratitude I owe to him. 
 
 After we had been three weeks at Moorar Mhow, petted in 
 this way by its generous proprietor, the tidings came that a 
 steamer had gone up the Ganges. This was a vessel sent up 
 by General Havelock from Allahabad to explore in the Cawn- 
 pore region. In consequence of this, and because a native who 
 had been in the service of the railroad told him that if he did 
 not make arrangements to send us away, our stay might be in- 
 terpreted into a forcible detention, the Rajah had us conveyed 
 down to a little hamlet within his territory, on the banks of the 
 river. An elephant, escorted by a guard, conveyed us thither 
 at night ; the parting was quiet, in order that the attention of 
 the rebels in the neighborhood might not be excited. With 
 abundant expressions of thanks, and some regret, we said fare- 
 well to the old brick. I am enabled, with sincere gratification, 
 to add, that Dirigbijah Singh's claims upon the gratitude of the 
 Government of India have not been overlooked ; and his loy- 
 alty to the Company at a time when almost the whole of Oude 
 was in rebellion, and his generosity to us, poor, friendless 
 refugees, have met with the well-deserved recognition of a hand- 
 some pension. " May his shadow never be less !" 
 
 Our residence at the little hut on the bank of the river was 
 one of the strictest seclusion. Provisions were brought to us 
 twice a day, and a native guard was posted at the door. One 
 day the sentry told us that all kinds of European furniture and 
 papers were floating down the river, and, at my request, he 
 went to the ghaut to see if he could catch any thing, and pres- 
 ently returned with a volume bearing the well-known inscrip- 
 tion, " bSd Regiment, Native Infardry Book Club," This was 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 255 
 
 all he could get of the debris of houses, library, and offices, but 
 it was enough to indicate the extent of the destruction effected 
 by the rebels when the recapture of Cawnpore by General Have- 
 lock was impending. After remaining five or six days in our 
 retreat, the Rajah came to us, and said, as no more steamers 
 appeared to be going up the river, he had made arrangements 
 to convey us, on the morrow, to a friendly zemindar, who lived 
 in the neighborhood of Futtehpore, and who had engaged to 
 take measures for our safe conduct to the nearest European en- 
 campment. Accordingly, the next morning we were ferried 
 across the river, and escorted to our new host. When we ap- 
 proached the zemindar, he held out his hand with a rupee upon 
 the palm, the native intimation of fidelity to the state. We 
 touched the coin, and the covenant of hospitality was thus in 
 simple formality settled. The old Rajah of Moorah Mhow had 
 evidently provided for our safety and comfort, as nothing was 
 omitted in these new quarters that could conduce to either. On 
 the morning of the third day after crossing from Oude, a bul- 
 lock hackery was drawn up to the zemindar's hut, and, escorted 
 by four of his men, we were driven in the direction of Allaha- 
 bad. It was a cross-country road, and our vehicle was inno- 
 cent of all springs ; but we were at last on the way to our own 
 flag, and not by any means in a state of mind to indulge in 
 complaints or criticisms. After four or five miles of jolting, 
 the native driver, in great alarm, said there were guns planted 
 in the road ; we looked ahead, but for some time saw no 
 troops. In a short time an English sentry appeared in view, 
 and I walked up to him. Upon his giving the challenge, I 
 told him we wished to be taken to his commanding officer. 
 Our bronzed countenances, grim beards, huge turbans, and tout- 
 ensemhle caused them to take us for a party of Afghans. How- 
 ever, Murphy soon recognized some of his old comrades of 
 the 84th ; and they greeted us with a truly British cheer, though 
 for a long time dubious of our statement that we had escaped 
 
256 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 from the massacre of Cawnpore. We were speedily introduced 
 to the officers of the party, which proved to be a detachment, 
 consisting of part of the 84th Eegiment and half of Olphert's 
 battery, going up to Cawnpore. Lieutenant, now Captain 
 Woolhouse, of the 84th; Captain Young, of the 4th Native 
 Infantry ; and Lieutenant Smithett, of Olphert's battery, gave 
 us a hearty reception. The whole camp was impatient for our 
 story, and we equally impatient to partake of English fare. 
 Never was the beer of our country more welcome ; and that first 
 meal, interspersed with a fire of cross-questioning about the 
 siege and our subsequent history, inquiries after lost comrades 
 and relatives, and occasional hints at the masquerade style of 
 our accouterment, made a strangely-mingled scene of congrat- 
 ulation, humor, lamentation, and good-will. Our hunger ap- 
 peased, the best arrangements possible were made for our com- 
 fort. Captain Woolhouse gave me a share of his wagon ; 
 Captain Young contributed from his wardrobe ; Lieutenant 
 Smithett shared his creature comforts with Delafosse. Sullivan 
 and Murphy were dealt with in like manner by the non-com- 
 missioned officers and privates, and the exceeding kindness of 
 the whole company was brought to bear upon our forlorn and 
 indigent condition. Captain Woolhouse's servant shaved my 
 head all round the wound, and the surgeon's dresser of the 
 84th bound it up. 
 
 The detachment we had joined was in Havelock's rear, and 
 about thirty miles from Cawnpore, so that we were once more 
 on the road to the center of the war and the site of our old 
 calamities. As we passed along the way, we often saw the 
 bodies of natives hanging to the trees, sometimes two or three, 
 and in one instance seven hanging to one tree, in various stages 
 of destruction from jackals and vultures. These were criminals 
 who had been executed by the General's order ; one of them for 
 attempting to sell poisoned liquor to the troops, others in con- 
 sequence of having been identified as mutinous Sepoys. 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 257 
 
 The traces of tlie General's battles were strewn on all sides 
 of our route — pieces of gun carriages, remains of hastily-im- 
 provised intrenchments ; and in one village there were a couple 
 of the enemy's guns, which had been taken and left behind 
 spiked. While upon the march, letters were received by Cap- 
 tain Woolhouse from General Neill, warning him to keep a 
 good look-out, as the enemy's cavalry were reported to be close 
 to the road on the left side ; several alarms were given, but no 
 attack upon us was made. 
 
 In one of the villages some of the 84th men had strayed, 
 and while engaged in some expedition which involved their own 
 personal advantage, they caught sight of some horsemen, and 
 panic-stricken they returned, shouting, " The cavalry are 
 coming." The column was halted, further inquiries made, 
 and the formidable foe proved to be some syces on the Govern- 
 ment post-horses who had decamped, fearing that the foragers 
 would steal their cattle. In three days after joining Captain 
 Woolhouse, we reentered Cawnpore. When we came in 
 sight of the old intrenched position, I went off to survey each 
 well-remembered post of anxious observation. Where we had 
 left parched and sunburnt ground, covered with round shot, 
 fragments of shell and grape, the grass was now luxuriantly 
 thick. It seemed as though nature had been anxious to conceal 
 the earth's face, and shut out as far as possible the traces of 
 the sufferings caused by some, and endured by others of her 
 sons. It was early morning when I went alone and pondered 
 over that silent well, and its unutterable memories. Fragments 
 of Sepoy skeletons were kicked up by the feet here and there, 
 while the walls of the barracks were pitted and scored all over 
 with shot marks. There was not a square yard in either of 
 the buildings free from the scars of shot. I went in the same 
 solitude all round the principal posts of the enemy, the mess- 
 house, and the church, where a few weeks before I had seen 
 
 hundreds of natives swarming around us in the hope of com- 
 
 22 
 
258 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION". 
 
 passing tlie destruction of every European life there. Many 
 times afterward I paced the same position, but never with the 
 emotions of that first lonely retrospect. Coming up again 
 with the column, I entered with them the new intrenchment 
 which had been made by Lieutenant Russell, of the Engineers, 
 under General Neill. As soon as it got wind that we had 
 arrived. General Neill sent for Lieutenant Delafosse and myself, 
 heard the outlines of our story, and honored us with an invi- 
 tation to dine with him the same evening. The General ap- 
 pointed Delafosse to assist Major Bruce, whose manifold duties 
 of police presented a fair field for constant occupation, as they 
 involved secret service, executions, raising native police, and 
 the sale of plunder. I was appointed by General Havelock 
 assistant field engineer to his force under Colonel Crommelin, 
 in the superintendence of works to resist a second attack upon 
 Cawnpore. Captain Woolhouse, our generous benefactor and 
 friend, went with Havelock to Lucknow, and lost an arm there ; 
 he was the only officer who survived amputation in that campaign. 
 One of the earliest casualties after our arrival was the death of 
 Captain Young, who had served under Havelock in Persia, had 
 followed him to Cawnpore as a volunteer, and was now oc- 
 cupied in raising police at Futtehpore, a most hazardous service, 
 as he was alone in the midst of an excited multitude of natives. 
 He dined with General Neill, went to sleep in Colonel Olphert's 
 tent, and died of cholera the next morning. This officer was, 
 as well as a thorough soldier, a most accomplished linguist, 
 and was famous for that rare attainment among Europeans, 
 his most exquisite Persian writing. 
 
 My familiarity with the details of the siege introduced me to 
 many an expedition of parties of officers to the melancholy site. 
 I had the honor of pointing out to Generals Neill and Sir Hope 
 Grant, as well as to Captain Layard, of Nineveh celebrity, the 
 chief points of interest, besides accompanying thither brother offi- 
 cers who had lost friends and relatives on that carnage-ground. 
 
THE STORY OP CAWNPORE. 259 
 
 THE MASSACRE. 
 
 Mr. Sherer, the newly-appointed magistrate of Cawnpore, 
 who had come up with Havelock's force, exerted himself to 
 the utmost to obtain all possible information respecting the fate 
 of those who had not been shot at the time of embarkation, as 
 well as of the party taken back in Major Vibart's boat from 
 Soorajpore. He had prosecuted most extensive inq[uiries 
 throughout the native city, and the most reliable accounts 
 which he obtained were in pui'port as follows : 
 
 After the men, who had not escaped in the two boats, had all 
 been shot at the ghaut, the women and children were dragged 
 out of the water into the presence of the Nana, who ordered 
 them to be confined in one of the buildings opposite the As- 
 sembly rooms ; the Nana himself taking up his residence in 
 the hotel which was close at hand. When Major Vibart's boat 
 was brought back from Soorajpore, that party also was taken 
 into the Nana's presence, and he ordered the men and women 
 to be separated ; the former to be shot, and the remainder to 
 join the captives in the dwelling or dungeon beside the hotel. 
 Mrs. Boyes, the wife of Dr. Boyes, of the 2d Cavalry, refused 
 to be separated from her husband ; other ladies of the party 
 resisted, but were forcibly torn away, a work of not much dif- 
 ficulty when their wounded, famished state is considered. All 
 the efforts, however, of the Sepoys to sever Mrs. Boyes from 
 her husband were unavailing ; they were therefore all drawn up 
 in a line just in front of the Assembly rooms. Captain Sep- 
 pings asked to be allowed to read prayers ; this poor indulgence 
 was given ; they shook hands with one another, and the Sepoys 
 fired upon them. Those that were not killed by the volley they 
 dispatched with their tulwars. The spy who communicated 
 these facts could not tell what became of the corpses, but there 
 is little doubt they were thrown into the river, that being the 
 
260 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 native mode of disposing of them. Captain Seppings, Lieu- 
 tenant Quin, and Dr. Boyes were all the officers that I know 
 certainly to have been of that unhappy number. As I never 
 could gather that Major Vibart or Lieutenant Masters were 
 there, I suspect they died of their wounds while being taken 
 back. The wretched company of women and children now con- 
 sisted of 210 ; namely, 163 survivors from the Cawnpore garri- 
 son, and 47 refugees from Futtehghur, of whom that Bithoor 
 butcher had murdered all the males except three officers, whose 
 lives he spared for some purpose, but for what it is impossible 
 to say. The captives were fed with only one meal a day of 
 dhal and chupatties, and these of the meanest sort ; they had 
 to eat out of earthen pans, and the food was served by menials 
 of the lowest caste — mehter — which in itself was the greatest 
 indignity that easterns could cast upon them. They had no 
 furniture, no beds, not even straw to lie down upon, but only 
 coarse bamboo matting of the roughest make. The house in 
 which they were incarcerated had formerly been occupied as the 
 dwelling of a native clerk ; it comprised two principal rooms, 
 each about twenty feet long and ten broad, and besides these a 
 number of dark closets rather than rooms, which had been 
 originally intended for the use of native servants ; in addition 
 to these, a court-yard, about fifteen yards square, presented the 
 only accommodation for these two hundred most wretched 
 victims of a brutality in comparison with which hereafter the 
 black hole of Calcutta and its sharp but short agonies must 
 sink into insignificance. It is said that during the former part 
 of their captivity, several of them went to the Nana imploring 
 some commiseration with their wretched state, but in vain ; 
 and they desisted altogether from such applications in conse- 
 quence of one of their number having been cruelly ill-treated 
 by the brutal soldiery. Closely guarded by armed Sepoys, many 
 of them suffering from wounds, all of them emaciated with scanty 
 food, and deprived of all means of cleanliness, the deep, dark 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 261 
 
 horrors of the prisoners in that dungeon must remain to their 
 full extent unknown, and even unimagined. 
 
 The spies, all of them, however, persisted in the statement, 
 that no indignities were committed upon their virtue ; and as 
 far as the most penetrating investigation into their most horrible 
 fate has proceeded, there is reason to hope that one, and only- 
 one exception to the bitterest of anguish was allotted to them — 
 immunity from the brutal violence of their captors' worst pas- 
 sions. Fidelity requires that I should allege what appears to 
 me the only reason of their being thus spared. When the 
 siege had terminated, such was the loathsome condition into 
 which, from long destitution and exposure, the fairest and 
 youngest of our women had sunk, that not a Sepoy would have 
 polluted himself with their touch. 
 
 The advance of General Havelock, and his attempt to liberate 
 them, brought the crisis of their fate. Azimoolah persuaded 
 the Nana that the General was only marching upon Cawnpore 
 in the hope of rescuing the women and children, and that if 
 they were killed, the British forces would retire, and leave 
 India. 
 
 All accounts agree in the statement, that the feted, honored 
 guest of the London season of 1854, was the prime instigator 
 in the most foul and bloody massacre of 1857. 
 
 On the 13th of July Havelock encountered the Nana's troops 
 at Futtehpore, under Teekah Singh, a resildar of the 2d Cavalry. 
 The valorous chief and his little band totally routed the Sepoys, 
 captured all their guns, and scattered their survivors, in utter 
 confusion, back toward Cawnpore. The marvel of this victory 
 was not so much in success, as in success under such circum- 
 stances. Havelock's column had marched twenty-four miles 
 that day, and Major Eenaud's nineteen miles, under the heat of 
 a July sun. On the 15th of July the British forces were again 
 engaged, with like results, at Pandoo Nuddy : on that day the 
 Nana put all his captives to death. Havelock was then twenty- 
 
262 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 four miles from Cawnpore. On the 16th he fought another 
 action, defeating the Nana in person, after a battle of two 
 hours and a half. On the morning of the 17th General Have- 
 lock entered the city, from which the native populace had fled 
 in every direction to the villages adjacent. 
 
 Short, but frequent, were the dispatches that marked his 
 triumphant progress along the path of fire. The following is 
 that which he drew breath to pen on the 17th of July : 
 
 "By the blessing of God, I recaptured this place yesterday, 
 and totally defeated Nana Sahib in person, taking more than 
 six guns, four of siege caliber. The enemy were strongly 
 posted behind a succession of villages, and obstinately disputed, 
 for the one hundred and forty minutes, every inch of the 
 ground ; but I was enabled, by a flank movement to my right, 
 to turn his left, and this gave us the victory. Nana Sahib had 
 barbarously murdered all the captive women and children be- 
 fore the engagement. He has retired to Bithoor, and blew up 
 this morning, on his retreat, the Cawnpore magazine. He is 
 said to be strongly fortified. I have not yet been able to get in 
 the return of the killed and wounded, but estimate my loss at 
 about seventy, chiefly from the fire of grape." 
 
 The explosion of the magazine referred to in this dispatch, 
 we heard at Moorar Mhow, a distance of thirty miles, as dis- 
 tinctly as if it had been the firing of a gun in the Rajah's fort. 
 
 When Mr. Sherer entered the house of horrors, in which the 
 slaughter of the women had been perpetrated, the rooms were 
 covered with hximan gore ; articles of clothing that had be- 
 longed to women and children, collars, combs, shoes, caps, and 
 little round hats, were found steeped in blood ; the walls were 
 spattered with blood, the mats on the floor saturated, the plaster 
 sides of the place were scored with sword cuts, and pieces of 
 long hair were all about the room. No writing was upon the 
 walls ; and it is supposed that the inscriptions, which soon be- 
 came numerous, were put there by the troops, to infuriate each 
 
THE STORY OF CAWNPORE. 268 
 
 other in the work of revenging the atrocities that had been per- 
 petrated there. There is no doubt that the death of the un- 
 happy victims was accomplished by the sword, and that tiieir 
 bodies, stripped of all clothing, were thrown into an adjacent 
 well. 
 
 A Bible was found that had belonged to Miss Blair, in which 
 she had written : 
 
 " 27th June. Went to the boats. 
 
 29th . Taken out of boats. 
 
 30th . Taken to Sevadah Kothi, fatal day." 
 
 One officer who was present, wrote, " I picked up a mutilated 
 prayer-book ; it had lost the cover, but on the fly-leaf is written, 
 ' For dearest mamma, from her affectionate Louis, Jime, 1845.' 
 It appears to me to have been opened on page 36, in the Litany, 
 where I have but little doubt those poor dear creatures sought 
 and found consolation, in that beautiful supplication. It is 
 here sprinkled with blood. The book has lost some pages at 
 the end, and terminates with the 47th Psalm, in which David 
 thanks the Almighty for his signal victories over his enemies." 
 
 The only other authentic writings that wei-e left in that den 
 of death were two pieces of paper, bearing the following words. 
 The first was written by one of the Misses Lindsay. 
 
 "Mamma died, July 12th, (that is, Mrs. G. Lindsay.) 
 Alice died, July 9th, (daughter of above.) 
 George died, June 27th, (Ensign G. Lindsay, 10th N. I.) 
 Entered the barracks, May 21st. 
 Cavalry left, June 5th. 
 First shot fired, June 6th. 
 
 Uncle AVilly died, June 18th, (Major W. Lindsay.) 
 Aunt Lilly died, June 17th, (Mrs. W. Lindsay.) 
 Left barracks, June 27th." 
 
 The other, in an unknown hand, ran thus : 
 " We went into the barracks on the 21st of May. The 2d 
 Cavalry broke out at two o'clock in the morning of the 5th 
 
264 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 of June, and the other regiments went off during the day. 
 The next morning, while we were sitting out in front of the 
 barracks, a twenty-four-pounder came flying along and hit the 
 intrenchment, and from that day the firing went on till the 
 25th of June, when the enemy sent a treaty, which the General 
 agreed to, and on the 27th we all left the B [intrenched bar- 
 racks] to go down to A [Allahabad] in boats ; when we got to 
 the river, the enemy began firing on us, killed all the gentle- 
 men and some of the ladies ; set fire to the boats, some were 
 drowned, and we were taken prisoners and taken to a house, 
 put all in one room." 
 
 In a native doctor's house there was found a list of the cap- 
 tives, written in Hindee ; and from this it appears that a num- 
 ber of the sufferers died from their wounds and from cholera, 
 which broke out in their midst. 
 
 Captain Thompson was subsequently appointed to the com- 
 mand of native police in the Cawnpore district. On the 3d of 
 February, 1858, he was severely wounded in an engagement 
 with a body of rebels, on the road to Calpee, and was obliged 
 to submit to hospital life for three weeks, after which he re- 
 turned on furlough to England. 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 265 
 
 THE CHAPLAIN'S NARRATIVE 
 
 OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 
 THE OUTBREAK. 
 
 On the lOth of May, 1857, the first symptoms of the revolt 
 in India manifested themselves at Meerut. The 3d Regiment 
 of Bengal Light Cavalry was quartered at that station, and the 
 earliest intimation that was received of the seeds of mutiny 
 having been sown, was gathered from the fact of the men of 
 that corps refusing to receive the cartridge which they had previ- 
 ously been in the habit of using, on the ground that it was a 
 new cartridge, containing grease of some kind, which would 
 break their caste if they consented to receive it. This, how- 
 ever, was a mere pretext, used to serve an occasion. This re- 
 fusal, on the part of the men, was met with promptness by 
 the authorities. Eighty-five troopers wei-e placed under arrest, 
 brought to trial, and sentenced by a court-martial, composed 
 of native officers, to various terms of imprisonment ; in no 
 case, however, exceeding ten years. At sunrise, on Saturday, 
 May 9th, the whole of the troops stationed at Meerut, both 
 European and native, were paraded to hear the sentence passed, 
 and to witness its being carried into effect. The prisoners 
 were marched on to the parade-ground, and then made over to 
 the civil authorities, after the convict-irons had been fastened 
 on them. They were then incarcerated by the magistrate in 
 the common jail, as a preliminary step to their being trans- 
 ferred to some of the Government central prisons, such as Agra 
 
 or Bareilly. Unfortunately, however, the precaution of placing 
 
 23 
 
266 HEEOES or the Indian rebellion. 
 
 a European guard over the prisoners was overlooked, and the 
 prison was left to the protection of native soldiers. 
 
 No immediate signs of disaffection followed the committal 
 of the prisoners. The whole of Saturday passed off quietly, 
 and no disturbance was reported till late in the afternoon of 
 Sunday, the 10th of May. The first intimation that I received 
 of the outbreak was from a female servant, who came to my 
 wife, and said to her, with very anxious and troubled looks, 
 " 0, madam, do n't go to church this afternoon !" The car- 
 riage was then at the door, ready to take us to church, and the 
 service was appointed to commence in a quarter of an hour 
 from the time this speech was made. Hearing this singular 
 request addressed to my wife, I naturally enough inquired, 
 " Why should not madam go to church this evening ?" The 
 servant rejjlied, "Because there will be a fight." I asked, 
 "Who will fight?" The woman answered, "The Sepoys." 
 Of course, I could not give any credence to such a statement. 
 I had to preach in the evening, and had been in my study all 
 day long in course of preparation. There was nothing for me 
 now to do but to hasten to church ; and, to quiet my wife's 
 fears, I consented to both the children accompanying us in the 
 carriage, together with this faithful servant, who was to take 
 charge of them in the church compound, while divine service 
 was being solemnized. This was the only precaution I felt 
 it necessary to take, in connection with our servant's state- 
 ment ; as to weapons, fire-arms, or sword, or any thing more 
 effective than a walking-cane, the same I used at Cambridge, I 
 had none ; nor did I much fear that during my whole service 
 in India, I should ever want more, either for the protection of 
 myself or my family. I was soon convinced, however, that 
 there was some credit due to the servant's statement. The 
 sounds of musketry, and the pillars of smoke ascending into 
 the air, and proceeding from the burning bungalows, or houses, 
 in the native lines of cantonment, forced upon me the convic- 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 267 
 
 tion that miscliief had already commenced. By and by I heard 
 the Eifle bugles sound the alarm and assembly. The canton- 
 ment was now evidently in motion ; troops were assembling, 
 and people congregating ; the church parade dispersed, and was 
 converted into a general assembly of troops of the three arms. 
 Amid all this energy, there was one thing which apparently 
 impressed every one — the delay in leading the troops from the 
 grand parade-ground to the scene of mutiny and bloodshed. 
 The native soldiery, and the fellows of baser sort in the bazars, 
 had ample time to commit the greatest outrages in consequence 
 of this simple fact. 
 
 Some people affirm that the mutineers' original plan was to 
 have marched up in a large body, and to have first seized the 
 arms of the Rifles, who would have been in church, having 
 their side-arms only with them ; they were then to have sur- 
 rounded the church, and put every soul within its walls to 
 death. But, according to my informants, the church-bells 
 misled the rebels, and thus frustrated their plan ; and if there 
 be the least ground for this part of the account, we have an- 
 other instance of the wonder-working providence of God, who 
 brings about and accomplishes his great works of mercy 
 through the simplest accidents of human life. But, however 
 much truth there may be attaching to this story, one thing is 
 very certain, the outbreak at Meerut was premature. There 
 was a deep-laid scheme ; and a simultaneous and universal 
 outburst of popular vengeance was intended. A day was fixed 
 upon in the counsels of the mutineers for the massacre of 
 every European and Christian person in India ; some say from 
 Calcutta to Peshawur. That day was drawing near at hand. 
 The mutineers of Meerut simply anticipated it. It was this 
 act of anticipation which brought to light the hidden works 
 of darkness, and made manifest that which would not other- 
 wise have been revealed. 
 
 It was utterly impossible to pass any portion of the night 
 
268 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 of Sunday, the 10th of May, in sleep. My wife, with the 
 children, returned at a very late hour to our bungalow from the 
 quarter-guard of Her Majesty's 60th Rifles, where I had con- 
 signed them shortly after leaving our home for church ; but 
 while the unsuspecting little ones reposed in profound security 
 beneath the paternal roof, we continued wakeful, and watching 
 their peaceful slumbers with painful interest. The moon was 
 up and shining, and we sat all night beneath its pale and 
 uncertain light, thinking of the probable fate of friends in the 
 native lines, quite at the other extreme of the station, and 
 anticipating what would befall our Christian brethren in Delhi 
 on the coming morn, who, less happy than ourselves, had no 
 faithful and friendly European battalions to shield them from 
 the bloodthirsty rage of the Sepoys. 
 
 It was not till sunrise on Monday that any one knew, with 
 any thing like certainty, the extent of the atrocities committed 
 by the savages within the cantonment of Meerut:. What spec- 
 tacles of terror met the eye almost simultaneously with the 
 return of the day ! The lifeless and mutilated corpses of men, 
 women, and children were here and there to be seen, some of 
 them so frightfully disfigured, and so shamefully dishonored in 
 death, that the very recollection of such sights chills the blood, 
 and makes one rue the day that ever dawned upon such scenes 
 of merciless carnage. We can even now hardly realize the 
 past — so dreadful was the reality — as within the province of 
 stubborn and substantial fact. 
 
 Intelligence reached the Brigadier in command at Delhi, that 
 troopers of the Native Cavalry were on their way from Meerut, 
 murdering all the Europeans in their path. He at once ordered 
 out a regiment of native soldiers, considered loj'^al, and attacked 
 the rebels. The result was that the European officers were shot 
 down at once. The city was soon in flames in different quar- 
 ters, and the mutineers from Meerut entered the Palace gates. 
 They soon after, in the name of the King of Delhi, demanded 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 269 
 
 the magazine, which demand was treated with scorn. They 
 attempted to carry it by storm, and were evidently on the point 
 of succeeding, from the wholesale desertions within our camp, 
 when three heroic officers fired the train, and a tremendous ex- 
 plosion took place, killing hundreds of our assailants. 
 
 The officers and ladies were now gathered in the Flag-Staff 
 Tower. Every attempt to bring the men into order revealed 
 new defections ; whole regiments turned upon their officers and 
 shot them down. 
 
 The company at the Flag-Staff Tower now determined upon 
 falling back, if possible, some on Kurnaul and Umballa, and 
 others on Meerut. Carriages were seen wending their way in 
 the direction of the Kurnaul road. There was a general flight. 
 To remain longer was simply to court certain death. Among 
 those who thus fled, numbers, after the endurance of long ex- 
 posure, severe hardships, and many an imminent danger, event- 
 ually found a city of refuge in Kurnaul, or Meerut, or Umballa ; 
 others, again, cruelly perished on the road. 
 
 On the 27th of May a small detachment of troops set out 
 from Meerut to take the field, and on the 7th of June joined 
 the main army, under Major-General Barnard, at Aleepore. 
 
 The next day at one o'clock the tents were struck for our 
 march on Delhi. On the morning of the succeeding day the 
 enemy fired upon us, and the din of war commenced. The 
 enemy was driven back, and we captured many guns. 
 
 The enemy's policy soon peered out. It consisted in harass- 
 ing and wearing out our men by daily attacks, and constant 
 exposure to the sun. This policy was made manifest on the 
 very day after our camp was pitched on the site where it re- 
 mained from the night of the 8th of June till the end of Sep- 
 tember ; without exception, the very worst period of the year 
 for life in tents any where in the plains of India, but more par- 
 ticularly on the parade-ground of the Delhi cantonments, which 
 all past experiments of native regiments had proved to be 
 
270 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 the most unliealthy station for troops in the north-western 
 provinces. 
 
 The ground on which our camp was pitched is bounded in 
 the rear by the canal, which had the advantages of bridges on 
 either extreme, and which the enemy, previously to our ap- 
 proach, tried to destroy, but only partially succeeded in the ■ 
 effort. In the front it was defended by the hights or ridges 
 overlooking cantonments, and which we had taken from the 
 mutineers only the day before. On the extreme right of our 
 position was Subzi Mundi, or the vegetable market ; and nearer 
 to camp was what we designated the Mound, where we afterward 
 erected a battery of large guns, named the "Mound Battery;" 
 on the extreme left of the camp flowed the river Jumna. 
 
 We had batteries at the "Mosque," at Hindoo Rao's house, 
 and the " Observatory," and some light field-pieces at the Flag- 
 Stafif Tower, almost on the spot where Captain De Teissier 
 planted his two guns on the 11th of May, the day of the mutiny 
 at Delhi. These several batteries commanded the approaches 
 from the city. With the deficiency in numbers of our force 
 generally, it was utterly impossible to advance nearer to the 
 walls. The nearest battery must have been at a distance of 
 1,500 yards, or even upward. Breaching was literally impos- 
 sible under such circumstances, and with the ordnance we had. 
 The main picket was at Hindoo Rao's house, and was com- 
 manded from the very first by Major Reid, of the Sirmoor Bat- 
 talion, who, it is alleged, never left his post, even to come into 
 camp, from the time he assumed command of it till the 14th of 
 September, the day of the storming operations, when he was 
 severely wounded at Kissen Gunge. It would perhaps be im- 
 possible to single out a more devoted or gallant ofiicer than 
 Major Reid, or one more cool under the heaviest fire. His 
 picket was literally his home. 
 
 I think it was on the 9th of June that the " Guides Corps '* 
 came into camp. This was the first installment of the Punjaub 
 
NAKRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 271 
 
 reinforcements, which Sir John Lawrence, the " Chief Com- 
 missioner in the Punjaub," sent to us from time to time. 
 Without such a man, at such a crisis, or in any other place but 
 the one which he fortunately occupied, I dread to think what 
 might have happened to the British cause. Under God, it was 
 Sir John's controlling and master-mind which saved Upper 
 India. Again and again he robbed the province over which he 
 presides of its own legitimate and barely sufficient military 
 stays and supports, to feed the scanty numbers of the Delhi 
 Field Force, growing yet more scanty still, and that daily, from 
 constant engagement with the enemy, and from losses by disease. 
 
 Too much can not be said in praise of the " Guides Corps." 
 Of native regiments they are second to none. Their services 
 on the Peshawur frontier, and in various parts of the Punjaub, 
 has gained them a well-earned reputation in India. And it is 
 reported that, upon the occasion of their march toward Delhi, 
 they traveled the entire distance from Murdan, in Eusufzye, to 
 the camp — not much less than 600 British miles — in twenty- 
 two days ; a march which General Sir Harry Barnard believed 
 to have no parallel on record. Notwithstanding this fact, the 
 Guides were pronounced, at the end of the march, by the officer 
 commanding the "Field Force," to be in perfect order, and 
 fitted for immediate service in the field ; the correctness of 
 which opinion was put to an impartial test, and established be- 
 yond doubt, in a very short time after their arrival among us. 
 They went directly from the fatigues of a harassing march to 
 actual engagement with the enemy below the hights, bravely led 
 by their Commander-in-chief, Captain Daly. 
 
 A very dashing young officer, with whom I had a ministerial 
 interview, the night before he passed away, commanded the 
 cavalry portion of the Guides, that corps being composed of 
 both cavalry and infantry. As I have already said, the enemy 
 engaged us during the day. They attacked our main picket at 
 Hindoo Rao — the key of our position — and attempted to take 
 
272 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 our guns. The commandant of the Guides cavalry, young and 
 valiant, the pride of his men, of course, took part in the fight, 
 and was, alas ! mortally wounded. His career was hrief hut 
 full of glory ; indeed, it would he difficult to say which was 
 more glorious, his rising or his setting sun. His devotion to 
 his country shone very conspicuously and brilliantly even in 
 anticipation of death. He seems to have been fond of classic 
 quotation ; and perchance, from frequent familiarity with the 
 authors of Greece and Rome in his hoyhood and school-days, 
 he imbibed the first inspirations of that noble military spirit 
 which afterward so preeminently distinguished him. Upon 
 this sorrowful occasion, as he lay languishing from his wound, 
 in camp, he exclaimed — a smile playing at one and the same 
 time upon his handsome and manly countenance — " Dulce et 
 decorum pro patria mori." Thus died, on the 10th of June, 
 1857, rejoicing in the cause of his death, Quintin Battye, one 
 of the noblest of England's younger sons, a simple Lieutenant 
 in the 56th Regiment Bengal Native Infantry. 
 
 The first appearances of cholera in the camp showed them- 
 selves early on the morning of the 9th of June. There had 
 been a few cases along the line of march. Captain Howell, of 
 the 1st European Bengal Fusileers, died of this disease at Alee- 
 pore, on the 7th of June. Two of the doctors, the surgeon 
 and assistant-surgeon of Her Majesty's 75th Foot, were simul- 
 taneously attacked on the morning of the 9th. The two pa- 
 tients were striking contrasts. The one was a man of Herculean 
 build. His whole appearance indicated great strength ; he was 
 tall of stature, of robust and apparently muscular frame ; in- 
 deed, his physique reminded one forcibly of the giants of old, 
 of whom we read in sacred and profane lore. He was a lion 
 of a man. The other was the very reverse, and how different 
 the destiny of each ; for one there was life, for the other, death. 
 
 But the chief excellency of Surgeon Coghlan did not merely 
 consist in physical greatness ; he was as large in heart as in 
 
NAKKATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 273 
 
 person, and to this fact the testimony of the regiment was uni- 
 versal. It was in every one's mouth, from the colonel com- 
 manding, downward, " Never had regiment such a doctor." 
 It seems he had cholera only a few days before this last attack 
 to which I am referring, and battled successfully against it. 
 The moment, however, he was convalescent, he threw himself 
 heart and soul into his regimental charge. Report says of him, 
 that he was most careful of every one but himself. With his 
 own system he seemed to believe that he might take the greatest 
 liberties. And, alas for himself, his family, and the public 
 sei'vice ! he did so once too often. His strong frame could not 
 withstand this double attack, and about eleven o'clock on the 
 night of the same day on which he was seized with cholera, he 
 expired. 
 
 Nothing could exceed the pertinacity with which the enemy 
 continued their attacks. The earliest days of encampment be- 
 fore Delhi were, unquestionably, the most trying and harassing 
 to our troops. The poor fellows had no proper rest by night, 
 the smallness of the force requiring so many for the ordinary 
 pickets, and admitting scarcely of any relief for any length of 
 time together ; while those who were in camp often slept under 
 arms, not knowing the moment when their services might be 
 urgently required. At first, it was literally nothing but fighting 
 by day, and watching and expecting to renew the conflict by 
 night ; and in the discharge of both duties you could not fail, 
 from frequent visits to the pickets, to recognize the same hands 
 everlastingly employed in the same work. 
 
 We came to besiege Delhi, but we very soon learned that, in 
 reality, we were the besieged, and the mutineers the besiegers. 
 
 The 12th of Jime was nearly as important a day as any in 
 the annals of the siege. The enemy had evidently been re- 
 serving themselves for a vigorous effort, and the calm which 
 distinguished the 11th was only the prelude to the storm which 
 raged on the 12th. Though apparently idle and listless for 
 
274 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 twenty-four hours previously, or at least as long as the sun 
 illumined the heavens during the preceding day, the enemy were 
 up and acting under cover of the succeeding night, making a 
 sneaking advance along the whole front and both the flanks of 
 our position. Up to this date we had no picket further ad- 
 vanced on the left than the Flag- Staff Tower, and at this picket 
 it is imiversally admitted there was a partial surprise at sunrise, 
 or soon after. This surprise is attributed to some trifling over- 
 sight, in a somewhat premature removal of the sentries coming 
 off picket, before the arrangements of the ordinary reliefs of 
 the day — which were then in course of taking place — had been 
 completed. In consequence of this the enemy advanced a little 
 too near the guns without being observed ; or, perhaps, which 
 is equally likely, the policy of the officer in command was to 
 let them advance within close range of our musketry, and then 
 receive them with a tremendous volley. But which ever way it 
 was, the guns were as nearly as possible captured. The rebels 
 evinced more than ordinary daring, coming up in spite of the 
 steady resistance made against them by the picket ; and but for 
 the timely succor of two companies of the Rifles, who had to 
 ascend with all practicable speed the hill leading up from can- 
 tonments and camp to the Flag-Staff Tower, the extent of the 
 mischief that might have been committed by the enemy on the 
 camp is easier imagined than described. But the Enfield rifle 
 in the hands of such men as those of Her Majesty's 1st Bat- 
 talion of the 60th Rifles, cooled the courage of the assailants, 
 and caused them to retreat somewhat faster than they had ad- 
 vanced ; but not before they had inflicted some severe losses on 
 our side. 
 
 Upon this occasion Captain Knox, of Her Majesty's 75th 
 Foot, and several men of the same regiment, were killed. That 
 officer had only a moment before shot with his own hand one 
 of the enemy, when his eye caught sight of a Sepoy leveling 
 his musket at him ; " See," said he, to one of his men, "that 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 275 
 
 man pointing at me ; take him down." The words had hardly 
 escaped his lips when the fatal shot took efifect upon his person. 
 He was on one knee when singled out as a mark hy the muti- 
 neer, and, I am told, as soon as he received the shot, he rose 
 regularly to " attention," and then fell and expired without 
 word or groan. 
 
 This day we established the "Metcalfe Picket," so called, 
 because it occupied some part of the site — near or within the 
 stables — on which stood the family seat of Sir Theophilus 
 Metcalfe, Baronet ; a princely mansion, which, with all its 
 costly furniture and expensive fittings-up, was destroyed by fire 
 on the night of the 11th of May by the mutineers. The loss 
 sustained by this one family alone is very considerable. The 
 ruins show plainly enough the grandeur and magnificence 
 which must have characterized the house in its palmy days. 
 But Ichabod is now inscribed on every wall ; and the destruc- 
 tion being so overwhelming and complete, it is a question if 
 attempts at restoration would not result in a larger expenditure 
 of money than the erection of an entirely new building. The 
 present owner, however, escaped with his life, though himself 
 in the city at the time of the outbreak ; and proved himself, 
 from his local knowledge, and by the energy of his character, 
 one of the best political officers with the force : he was present 
 in the camp from the very commencement of operations against 
 Delhi ; and his services as such deserve the consideration of 
 Government. 
 
 On the night of this day I was sleeping outside my tent, 
 because it was more pleasant and refreshing to do so — indeed, 
 it was a custom with every one in camp, and at this season of 
 the year could be done without risk — when my slumbers were 
 disturbed about midnight ; why, I can not say ; it was not 
 certainly because I was in the secrets of the " council of war," 
 or anticipated that the enemy would attack us, or, still less, 
 that there was any intention on our part to assault them : 
 
276 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 though if I had anticipated the latter of these two things, I 
 should for once at least have proved a prophet. 
 
 The moon was shining, and, as I lay thinking, my thoughts 
 were interrupted hy a comparative stranger, a young engineer 
 officer, with some reputation in his profession, and still greater 
 influence with the Government of the North- West Provinces, 
 and who was not wanting either in influence within camp. He 
 was seeking the tent of the Colonel of the Rifles, to communi- 
 cate the General's instructions. It was this young officer, who, 
 if report spoke truly, drafted a plan of attack upon the city, 
 and urged the General very strongly to adopt it. Arrangements 
 had been accordingly made, and the attack determined upon ; 
 although this determination was kept profoundly secret, except 
 from a privileged few. The plan consisted of all the troops 
 turning out of camp under cover of night, advancing on the 
 city, blowing up one of the gates, £ind taking the enemy by 
 surprise ; even the pickets on the bights were to be withdrawn. 
 The camp was to protect itself the best way it could, with what 
 little remained in it, consisting chiefly of cavalry ; and as to 
 reserves and supports in case of a repulse, there were none 
 whatever : the whole affair was manifestly intended to be a 
 coup de main. The proposed assault did not, however, take 
 place ; although the Rifles advanced gallantly to within 300 
 yards of the wall, in execution of their instructions, and Avere 
 then recalled. The other troops had not, I believe, left camp, 
 but were awaiting definite orders. 
 
 On the 19th of June the enemy came out in overwhelming 
 numbers, with artillery, cavalry, and infantry. I can not tell 
 what intelligence had reached headquarters from the spies in 
 Delhi, concerning what was known there of the intentions of 
 the enemy against us to-day, but, if I remember rightly, we 
 did not see quite as clearly as usual what the enemy were about. 
 There was some confused idea of a simultaneous attack to be 
 made by them in force, both in front and rear. This would 
 
INARRAT.IVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 277 
 
 have been sound wisdom on their part ; at least, as far as our 
 judgment extends. We often wondered that such attacks were 
 never made by them, and made systematically and regularly : 
 their effect must have told upon us in the end, if not much 
 sooner than even we ourselves foresaw. 
 
 The alarm had no sooner sounded, than the Eifles were or- 
 dered to reinforce Hindoo Rao, on the right of our force. This 
 reinforcement shows what was expected there. Soon, however, 
 fears for Hindoo Rao passed away, and its defense was left in 
 the hands of the ordinary picket. The Rifles were recalled, and 
 went, by order, to the right of the General's Mound — the same 
 mound I spoke of as having a battery of heavy guns, called 
 the " Mound Battery." Here the regiment stood for half an 
 hour, then further orders moved them, -with, some of the 75th 
 and some cavalry, in support of the guns of Tombs's troop and 
 Scott's battery, across the canal, and in the direction of the 
 Ochterlony Gardens. The fire of cannon now opened in earnest. 
 The force extended and advanced, driving the enemy from one 
 spot to another. Presently a further advance was made, till we 
 got in i-ear of a large mound, at the other side of which the 
 enemy were said to be not less than 1,U00 strong. There we 
 remained fighting desperately, for more than an hour, under a 
 very severe and unpleasant fire ; the darkness of the night com- 
 ing on apace, and hampering our operations very materially. 
 
 It was near this spot that Captain Williams, second in com- 
 mand of the Rifles at this time, and Lieutenant Humphrys, 20th 
 N. I., doing duty with the same corps, were wounded ; the 
 former very severely, endangering for a considerable time the 
 loss of his leg, which loss was, however, eventually averted. 
 Lieutenant Humphrys was struck in the neck, and the wound 
 impeded very considerably the organs of speech : the ball 
 seemed to have traveled, and, in its course, wounded the lung. 
 The wound ultimately proved fatal : the poor young fellow 
 lingered through the greater portion of the night, and his suf- 
 
278 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 ferings were very great. I was a witness to them, and to the 
 exemplary patience with which he bore them. I knew little of 
 this young officer in cantonments, but I saw much of him in 
 camp, both before and after his receiving the wound. My 
 recollections of him, especially those which have reference to 
 his last moments, are very pleasant. His conduct had always 
 inspired me with respect, but now I felt a deeper sympathy. 
 
 Shortly after these sad accidents a hint was given that the 
 cavalry were upon us. The battery on the left advanced, taking 
 the enemy in flank, and continued blazing away till its ammu- 
 nition was exhausted ; the artillery then retired down the road, 
 where some infantry proceeded to join them. The enemy also 
 commenced retiring about the same time, and the force re- 
 turned to camp at nine, or even later. The losses, especially 
 in the Royal Rifles, were very severe. Among the killed, Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Yule, commanding Her Majesty's 9th Lancers, 
 must be mentioned. He was imfortunately left on the field all 
 night, and brought into camp some time next day, shamelessly 
 mutilated. Lieutenant Alexander, 3d Regiment Native In- 
 fantry, who accompanied the force in the capacity of a volun- 
 teer, not being posted to any corps at the time, lost his life 
 likewise. Scarcely any of the dead were collected till daylight. 
 Not only the darkness of the night, but the presence of some 
 of the enemy on the field during the whole of the night, ren- 
 dered the collection of them very dangerous, if not absolutely 
 impossible. One very serious accident arose upon the occasion 
 of this fight : owing to the increasing darkness, our own guns 
 fired into our own men. 
 
 The results of this engagement made a very melancholy im- 
 pression on most men's minds in camp ; not because our suc- 
 cess was questionable, though very dearly bought, but rather 
 because it was at first naturally enough regarded as the enemy's 
 significant mode of intimating to us the plan he intended to 
 pursue in future : that his eyes were open to the advantage 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OP DELHI. 279 
 
 he miglit gain over us, if he only harassed us in the rear. 
 The fact is, knowing our own weakness better than our oppo- 
 nent did, we were not without fears, which hickily, however, 
 proved groundless. I think, too, our modesty induced us to 
 give the enemy too much credit in this engagement, and our- 
 selves too little. It was said, I do n't know how truly, that 
 the General conceived misgivings as to the wisdom of the force 
 continuing before Delhi : he thought we would have to retire, 
 unless large reinforcements could be forthwith sent to us. Some 
 go so far as to say that a document was found, after his death, 
 which contained his apology to Government for raising the 
 siege till he should be reinforced in sufficient strength : this, 
 I believe, was entirely mythical, and I only mention the matter 
 to show how intricate, perplexing, and highly dangerous was 
 our position at this time. 
 
 I stated that some of the enemy continued in the rear all 
 night. On the morning of the 20th of June they seem to have 
 been reinforced in large numbers, and about half-past nine or 
 ten A. M., as I was sitting in the mess-tent of the 2d European 
 Bengal Fusileers, which was quite close to the General's tent, I 
 heard the report of a gun, and immediately after the clangous 
 noise of broken or bruised metal pots and earthenware plates and 
 dishes. It was the effect of round shot from the enemy in the 
 rear, which had made a nest for itself in the General's kitchen- 
 tent, causing sundry breakages in that department of his es- 
 tablishment, but doing no greater harm. Others, though not 
 very many in number, followed in rapid succession, and the 
 camp presented for the moment a somewhat lively appearance, 
 from the active helter-skelter movements of the camp-follow- 
 ers — I mean the camel-drivers and officers' servants, and such 
 like, than whom none are fleeter of foot when they please, or 
 when pressed by the presence of danger, or affrighted by the 
 loud, unmusical roar of cannon evidently nearer than is safe or 
 agreeable. I remember well the impression made on me by 
 
280 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 these sights of scampering natives, with faces never before look- 
 ing so earnest, though perhaps often equally demure, and have 
 laughed over them again and again : I have even gone so far 
 as to ask myself whether, in the subordinate design of Provi- 
 dence, playful, not destructive round shot, rolling into camp, 
 might not be sent, among other purposes, to stir up the dying 
 energy of human character in the east. It does do it most 
 effectually, whether with or without design, and so does good 
 for the time. I only wish the good were more permanent. 
 
 But the enemy having thrown down the gauntlet, there was no 
 choice but to take it up. A detachment of Her Majesty's 75th 
 Foot, and the whole of the 1st or 2d Europeans, with cavalry 
 and guns, marched out of camp for this very pm-pose. Un- 
 happily our force effected very little ; not because of any fault, 
 but simply in consequence of the enemy retiring immediately 
 on being attacked. Nevertheless we captured two guns and 
 three ammunition wagons ; on one of which latter were said 
 to be eight native wounded gunners, ready packed to be carried 
 off into Delhi, but whom we left dead in the field, as these 
 were no times either for giving or expecting quarter. As to 
 "prisoners of war," those we ever made, being comparatively 
 few, we subsequently tried and destroyed ; so that immediate 
 death on the battle-field must have been an infinitely -better 
 alternative. 
 
 I never visited the Ochterlony Gardens, the scene of the con- 
 flict, but those who did gave me an ample description of all they 
 saw there on the morning after the battle of the 19th. From 
 all accounts it was a sad sight. Here was to be seen a rampart 
 of slain camels, which the enemy had stolen from us, and made 
 this use of ; and there were horses and bodies of natives 
 innumerable, left unburied by their surviving brethren. This 
 havoc of war was the first intimation to us, and likewise most 
 conclusive proof, of the success which had attended our opera- 
 tions in the rear — a success which we were so slow to believe 
 
NAERATIVE OF THE SIEGE OP DELHI. 281 
 
 only the night before, and which nothing, I verily think, but 
 ocular demonstration would have induced us to realize at all. 
 
 Shortly after this engagement I renewed my acquaintance 
 with one of my old " Hindun" friends, Assistant-Surgeon 
 Alexander Groves Duff, who, with Assistant- Surgeon T. J. Bid- 
 die, of Her Majesty's service, shared a common tent with me on 
 the 30th and 31st May last. It was Mr. Biddle who killed, 
 with his own hand, the native that caused the explosion which 
 cost Captain F. Andrews his life. Dr. Duff had been sent to 
 Meerut from the "Hindun" in charge of sick and wounded, 
 among whom were Ensign Napier and poor Assistant-Surgeon 
 Moore, of the Carabineers. A finer-hearted and more generous 
 Irishman than the last-mentioned officer I never met. I have 
 a distinct and pleasing recollection of his exertions on the 
 night of the 30th of May, on behalf of the wounded of his 
 own regiment, and several of the camp-followers besides. I 
 never think of Moore without a deep sigh of regret. Little did 
 I imagine, when I saw him so full of life on the night of the 
 first battle of the Hindun, and so kind and considerate with 
 his patients, that the next day I should look upon him as a 
 severely-wounded man, who would only be sent from camp to 
 die at Meerut. 
 
 Shortly after I had welcomed Doctor Duff, he gave me an 
 
 account of his last adventures. It appears that early on the 
 
 morning of the 20th June, the Doctor and his party, consisting 
 
 of only two Europeans besides himself — namely, Mr. George 
 
 Campbell, C. S., and Lieutanant Mew, of the 74th N. I. — and 
 
 150 sowars, were encamped on the left bank of the Jumna ; a 
 
 site which had been selected to enable them to defend the bridge 
 
 of boats across the river. Between four and five o'clock the 
 
 slumbers of the party were disturbed by the announcement of 
 
 the startling fact that the Goojurs were upon them. In an 
 
 instant the small force turned out to receive the enemy and 
 
 watch his movements. There was, however, little time for 
 
 24 
 
282 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN EEBELLION. 
 
 reconnoitering, for within a few hundred yards they beheld 
 between four and five thousand Goojurs, headed by the Sepoys, 
 and marching in perfect order After the enemy had fired a few 
 shots, the Europeans, and their 150 sowars, retired upon the 
 bridge, and crossed it, intending to cut away two of the boats, 
 to prevent the rebels from following. Unfortunately, however, 
 no ax could be found, and thus the plan was defeated. The 
 small company then drew up in line on the right bank of the 
 river, close to the bridge, while the enemy followed their 
 example on the opposite side. A tolerably smart fire was kept 
 up for a short time, but, after about a dozen rounds, the sowars 
 attached to the Em-opean party declared that- their ammunition 
 was exhausted. Considering the superior strength of the enemy, 
 to beat a retreat was, under the circumstances, the only course to 
 pursue ; and, after some consultation, the camp before Delhi 
 was fixed upon as the point for which the party were to make. 
 In furtherance of this plan, the small force retired a short dis- 
 tance from the bridge, and the enemy crossed it ; whereupon 
 the sowars were ordered to chai-ge, but positively declined to do 
 so. This act of insubordination necessitated an immediate re- 
 treat, and the three European gentlemen setting off at a gallop, 
 never but once rested the legs of their steeds till they reached 
 camp. What became of the "brave" Irregulars, I can not 
 say, but in all probability they found a welcome within the 
 walls of the city of Delhi. 
 
 The 21st of June was our second Simday before the stone 
 walls of Delhi. Divine service was solemnized at half-past 
 five A. M., and a sermon preached by me in the ordinary place. 
 I had, besides the headquarters' service, one for the Rifles, 
 at eleven A. M., and another for the cavaliy brigade, at six 
 P. M. Sunday Avas always a very hard day with me, though 
 it would be very difficult to say on what day in the week my 
 labors were lightened ; for, if I had regular services for the 
 camp on Sundays, there were the daily services for the hospital, 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 283 
 
 which required an expenditure of mental and bodily sti-ength 
 equally great. Then, again, not a morning or evening passed 
 without burials, one of the most painful portions of the duties of 
 a chaplain in camp, and by no means an insignificant one either. 
 
 As early as five o'clock on Tuesday morning, the 23d of 
 June, the enemy tried to the number of six thousand to give us 
 battle. 
 
 Very early in the day, and almost immediately after the bugle 
 of alarm had sounded, a reinforcement of field-pieces was sent 
 up from camp. As soon as these appeared, a heavy cannon- 
 ading fire from Delhi ensued. The enemy came round in the 
 direction of Subzi Mundi, and to the rear of Hindoo Rao, and 
 were distinctly seen spreading themselves behind the low banks 
 and walls extending toward the right of the camp. The Rifles, 
 Guides, and Gorkhas were thrown out in skirmishing order for 
 several hours ; during all which time the contest raged with un- 
 mitigated fury. At about eleven in the forenoon some fresh 
 reinforcements reached iis from parts north of Delhi, consisting 
 of one hundred men of Her Majesty's 75th Foot, under Captain 
 Brookes, four companies of the 2d European Bengal Fusileers, 
 besides some six guns and Sikh troops ; and so fierce was the 
 struggle, that the newly-arrived force, without waiting for re- 
 freshments or even a moment's rest, had at once to join the fight. 
 
 At four in the afternoon the battle was still proceeding with 
 unabated vigor, when another course was taken : an order was 
 issued to the Rifles, Gorkhas, and Guides to carry the Subzi 
 Mundi, which they did in right gallant style, despite their eleven 
 hours of previous labor and exposure to the sun, and want of 
 refreshment. The enemy were driven by them from wall to 
 bank, and from bank to wall. Now, the Sepoys ascended the 
 tops of houses, of which there were many in the immediate 
 neighborhood, but their tenure of these only lasted for the few 
 moments which it took our brave troops to reach them ; num- 
 bers of the enemy began to fall, and several of our brave fellows 
 
284 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 beside them. A touching incident of the day was told me by a 
 young doctor. A rifleman had been mortally wounded ; the 
 surgeon ran to his assistance, and gave him his arm to help 
 him along. " Ah ! sir," said the wounded man, " I fancy this 
 is my last walk." It was indeed. He died : noble, good man 
 as he was. But through his brave exertions, in cooperation 
 with the rest of our troops, the day was first carried by the 
 British against very frightful odds. The mutineers retired 
 within the walls about six in the evening, finding to their 
 chagrin that their prophets were a living lie, and had woefully 
 deceived them ; for in the place of success, fully one-fourth of 
 their army, which had come out in the morning full of pride 
 and of hope, were left either dead or wounded on the field. 
 
 The victory of the 23d of June was a cause of great re- 
 joicing within camp. But our joy was not without alloy : our 
 losses were very great ; perhaps, relatively, equal to those of 
 the enemy. The Rifles lost twenty-seven men, and the 1st 
 Europeans thirty-one, the Grorkhas twenty-five, the 75th Foot 
 one sergeant and one private ; besides the losses in the Artillery, 
 Sikhs, Guides, and men of the 2d European Beiigal Fusileers ; 
 the statistics of whose casualties during this day I failed to se- 
 cure. The only officer killed in action was Lieutenant Steuart 
 Hare Jackson, of the 2d European Bengal Fusileers ; though 
 several were wounded, among whom I remember Colonel 
 Welchman, of the 1st European Bengal Fusileers and others 
 of the same regiment, and Captain Conyngham Jones, of the 
 60th Rifles. But as some compensation for this, we had gained 
 an important point ; the Subzi Mundi was not only taken, but 
 held henceforward by us, and constituted our extreme right picket. 
 
 On the 24th of June there was a slight attack on the right, 
 but not of much consequence, and resulting in little or no loss 
 to either party. An important arrival, however, occun-ed on 
 this day : Brigadier-General Chamberlain, the newly-appointed 
 Adjutant-General of the army, who was selected to succeed the 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 285 
 
 late Colonel Chester, reached camp. I had but little inter- 
 course with this officer ; he, however, struck me as being a man 
 of- purpose, one who thinks before he acts, and acts resolutely 
 when once his plans are formed. I should say, moreover, his 
 actions are guided by that sound and high principle which 
 draws the wide distinction between right and wrong, and detects 
 at once the difference between truth and error. 
 
 From the 25th to the 27th of June but little occurred worthy 
 of remark, and the only extra excitement in camp arose from a 
 report which was circulated, and very generaHy believed, that 
 the eneiuy had four field-pieces out, and meditated an attack on 
 the night of the 25th. The report, however, proved false, and 
 we were left unmolested. 
 
 On the 27th of June the enemy made a determined attack on 
 both flanks. It commenced about 6 o'clock, A. M., and lasted 
 till nearly two in the afternoon. There was evidently some fear 
 that from the right flank the rebels might work around to the 
 rear. Accordingly, two companies of the Rifles were marched 
 to the " rear battery," consisting of heavy guns, eighteen- 
 pounders, which had been erected as a protection to the camp, 
 in case of future attacks in that direction. This was a pruden- 
 tial measure, suggested by the sad results of the action of the 
 evening of the 19th June. The periodical rains set in on this 
 day. The fall was heavy, and the floods evidently cooperated 
 with us in driving the advancing and treacherous foe within his 
 lair. The camp was literally turned into a pool, and became 
 very ofiensive to the sense of smell, and obliged quartermasters 
 of regiments to busy themselves in the work of drainage. 
 
 THE SIEGE. 
 
 On the 1st of July we were reinforced by the arrival of four 
 hundred and fifty men of Her Majesty's 61st Foot. The enemy 
 was also strengthened by the arrival of the Bareilly brigade, 
 numbering three thousand men. 
 
286 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 The day after their arrival on the banks of the river, the 
 Bareilly Brigade was seen crossing and marching into the city. 
 An additional reinforcement soon after early dawn reached our 
 own camp, consisting of Coke's Rifles ; a regiment of Punjaub 
 Infantry bearing a high character, and possessing the advantage 
 of a very able commander. Major Coke. This regiment was a 
 real accession to the force, and did good and distinguished 
 service during the operations before Delhi. Thus strengthened 
 within the last few days, the General again seriously contem- 
 plated a second attempt at assault on the city. The intention 
 was kept profoundly secret, as on the previous occasion, but a 
 meeting of regimental field-officers was summoned for nine in 
 the evening, to meet the staff, study the plans, and receive in- 
 structions. The force was held in readiness to march out of 
 camp and proceed to the attack the moment warning should be 
 given ; but some intelligence reached headquarters which, de- 
 feated the purposes of the General, and the intention, so far as 
 I could learn, was then deferred sine die. 
 
 We had long suspected treachery within the camp ; not a 
 movement of ours, perhaps not a word, or even a look, but 
 was immediately reported in Delhi. For a long while we had 
 no one in particular upon whom we could fix our suspicion ; 
 however, on the 2d of July, a revelation was made, through 
 the fidelity of certain Sikhs, whose regiment had recently come 
 into camp. Unhappily, an entire company of this regiment 
 was composed of Poorbeas, while the main strength was Sikh. 
 The Poorbeas within the British camp had strong leanings and 
 earnest longings for Delhi. " Down with the British rule !" 
 was the secret wish of their treason-working hearts ; but before 
 they could openly avow their treachery, they had to perform, 
 by deception, an important mission, which the King of Delhi 
 had intrusted to their execution. This mission was to destroy 
 the loyalty of the Sikhs, if possible, by offers of large bribes, 
 and by a train of subtile reasoning, in which an appeal to the 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 287 
 
 Divine will formed a very prominent part. Accordingly some 
 leading men of the Poorbea Company of the Sikh Regiment 
 approached one of the leading men of the other companies, 
 and declared that " the will of Heaven was to take away the 
 raj from the English, and to give it over to the descendant of 
 the Great Mogul ; and that it could be no benefit to them to 
 continue any longer in the British service, as by so doing they 
 would only incur the displeasure of ' Shah Bahadoor Shah,' 
 which would rest upon the Sikhs and follow them from place 
 to place, till destruction completely overtook and overwhelmed 
 them. If, however, on the other hand, they made choice of 
 the winning side, the King would gladly enroll those of the 
 Sikhs who were officers among his colonels and generals, and 
 would give large pay to one and all." 
 
 The Sikh, having listened to the arguments of the mutinous 
 Poorbeas, gave, according to eastern custom, some evasive 
 reply. He then made direct for the tent of his commanding 
 officer, to whom he disclosed the conspiracy ; in consequence 
 the ringleaders, who were native officers, and, I think, three in 
 number, were arrested forthwith, brought to trial, and hung 
 shortly before nightfall. The remainder of the attainted com- 
 pany were paid up and sent out of camp, to the great satisfac- 
 tion alike of Englishmen and of Sikhs. 
 
 On the following day the movements of the enemy occa- 
 sioned no small anxiety. A force, supported by guns, left 
 Delhi, and proceeded in the direction of our rear ; whereupon 
 a large force was detached from camp for the purpose of coun- 
 teracting any designs which the rebels might have against us. 
 But it seems that, upon this occasion, our native allies, the 
 inhabitants of the village of Aleepore, were the object of their 
 attack. The enemy knew that from this village we drew 
 largely for supplies ; and that, from the first, the villagers had 
 displayed a very friendly feeling toward us, and manifested the 
 warmest sympathy for our cause ; hence they were the object 
 
•i»» HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 of implacable hate with the mutineers, and a decision was now 
 formed and put into execution to inflict summary punishment 
 on these natives for their want of loyalty to the Great Mogul. 
 We, however, were wholly ignorant of these designs, and our 
 force accordingly returned to camp without interfering with 
 the mutineers. The inhabitants of Aleepore were, of course, 
 unable to defend themselves against the attack of the rebels, 
 and the village was burnt during the night. A Sikh guard, 
 consisting of some fifty or sixty men, was slain, and the enemy, 
 having satisfied their vengeance, decamped with a large share 
 of plunder. 
 
 As soon, however, as we had learned something of the terrible 
 doings of the mutineers, another force was dispatched from the 
 camp to intercept their retreat in its return to Delhi. This 
 occurred on the 4th of July. Our party fell in twice with the 
 Bareilly Brigade during that day, and two successive attacks 
 were made upon them, which resulted in the slaughter of about 
 one hundred rebels, and the capture of two ammunition wag- 
 ons, filled, I believe, with ammunition. 
 
 Thus closed the fourth week of our eventful encampment 
 before Delhi ; and little did we suspect what the coming Sab- 
 bath was about to bring forth. I remember well the solemn 
 services of that day. I had performed the duties devolving 
 upon me for the Headquarters Camp at the usual hour, and 
 my text seemed, in a measure, prophetical. It was taken from 
 the Psalms of David, and the words are familiar to every 
 Christian mind: "So teach us to number our days, that we 
 may apply our hearts unto wisdom." I noticed the absence 
 of General Sir Harry Barnard, but was ignorant of the cause. 
 The fatigue of harassing camp duties had been pressing heav- 
 ily upon him and sapping his vital power ; and though the 
 decline had not altogether escaped the notice of his friends 
 and staff, no serious apprehensions were entertained : certainly, 
 no fatal result was anticipated. We fully hoped and believed. 
 
NAKRATIVE OP THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 2h9 
 
 and as earnestly desired, that a gracious Providence would 
 spare him to reap all the honors which a grateful country 
 might award for a successful termination of the siege. of Delhi. 
 But it was otherwise ordained ; and we were constrained to ex- 
 claim, " Even so, Father : for so it seemed good in thy sight." 
 Ahout nine o'clock in the forenoon of Sunday, July 5th, 
 malignant cholera seized General Sir Harry Barnard. Imme- 
 diately the medical skill of the camp was put in requisition. 
 Every effort was made, and every appliance resorted to, which 
 humanity could prompt or science suggest, and the results were 
 watched with anxious interest. The General's nurse was his 
 own excellent son. Captain Barnard, an officer of the Guards. 
 Nothing that filial affection could dictate was wanting to re- 
 lieve the sufferings of the gallant officer, and to soften his 
 dying hour ; hut, in spite of all that mortals could do, the 
 General languished during a short illness of six hours, and 
 then expired ahout three in the afternoon, to the inexpressihle 
 grief of every soldier and man in the camp. He did not, how- 
 ever, sink to rest till after he had given a solemn and parting 
 charge to Captain Barnard. "Tell them," he said, alluding to 
 his own family in England, " I die happy." And, indeed, 
 what was to hinder his dying happy ? He had a Savior to 
 lean upon, and a good conscience told him that he had man- 
 fully discharged his duty. To this every one was ready to set 
 the seal of his own testimony. The prevailing feeling in camp 
 was that the melancholy event had been brought about by the 
 extraordinary devotion of our leader to his country's cause. 
 In him we saw another victim to the mutiny prematurely 
 taken to the grave, and the country deprived of the services of 
 one of her most gallant commanders. His own family had 
 indeed lost a father and a friend, and one of whom a son could 
 speak in no fitter or more expressive terms than when, in a 
 voice broken by tears, he exclaimed, as he stood a mourner at 
 
 the side of the grave which had just received all that was mor- 
 
 25 
 
290 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 tal of his parent, " My loss is great indeed. I have lost the 
 very best of parents and the most intimate and endearing of 
 friends." 
 
 The eighth of July was one of almost unbroken quietude. 
 Nothing but occasional cannonading disturbed the prevailing 
 calm. Our artillery practice was, however, successful, and we 
 managed during the course of the day to disable a large gun 
 in the enemy's battery at the Lahore gate. This, and the 
 march of a party from camp, at two o'clock in the morning, 
 for the purpose of destroying a bridge over the canal, which 
 afforded the enemy a communication with our rear, and allowed 
 the possibility of their bringing ordnance with them, were the 
 only events of the day deserving a place in this record. 
 
 After a nine days' rest, the enemy once more thought that 
 the renewal of the conflict was absolutely necessary. The day 
 set in determinately with rain ; but in spite of that we were 
 obliged to fight. Between nine and ten in the forenoon I was 
 sitting writing, in company with a field-officer who was sharing 
 my tent, when the alarm sounded ; but that was so ordinary an 
 occurrence, that our ears had grown familiar and tired with the 
 constant repetition of the notes. As I was a non-combatant, 
 and my friend had been for some considerable time on the sick 
 list, we both hastened on with our work, fearful of losing the 
 post. Presently we heard the sounds of flying musketry shot, 
 which seemed to be taking the direction of our own tent, and 
 once or twice startled us both by their close proximity. We 
 thought it now high time to turn out and inquire the meaning 
 of all this ; the more so, as we could already distinguish that 
 the shot came from the neighborhood of the church-yard, which 
 was not more than 200 yards from our home. Our surprise 
 maybe imagined when we found that the enemy's cavalry were 
 actually in the camp, having been treacherously brought in by a 
 picket of our own, consisting of a portion of the 9th Irregulars. 
 This act of treachery gave the enemy great advantages, 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 291 
 
 because on their approaching camp, our guards and their officers 
 recognized our own men, and feared to fire lest they might de- 
 stroy them. The sudden and unaccountable increase in num- 
 bers to the British Native Cavalry picket suggested the first 
 thought of suspicion. The Field Artillery on the spot were 
 ordered to unlimber, and open upon the enemy ; but ere this 
 could be done the fellows were within the camp, and had ridden 
 over the guns : they were just on the point of billing an artil- 
 lery officer named Hills, a very gallant and distinguished Second 
 Lieutenant belonging to that corps, when Major Tom'bs, his 
 troop captain, came to the rescue, and shot the man who would 
 have otherwise cut down the young subaltern. The rebel's arm 
 was uplifted, ready to strike the blow, which would have cleft 
 the skull of our hero, when he met his own righteous doom 
 from the hand of one of the most gallant, most distinguished, 
 and most popular officers in camp. 
 
 So worthy were these actions of the English name and char- 
 acter, that I can not refrain from giving a detailed account of 
 this episode in our camp life. Second Lieutenant Hills, in 
 obedience to the orders which he had received, was straining 
 every effort to get his guns into action, but only succeeded in 
 having one unlimbered, when the enemy were upon him. The 
 thought now occurred to him that by charging the insurgents 
 single-handed he might occasion a commotion, and so give his 
 men time to load the gun. Simultaneously with the thought 
 he made a rush, with all the impetuosity of desperation, at the 
 enemy's front rank, cut down the first man he met with, and 
 had given a second a severe wound in the face, when two 
 sowars or native troopers charged him. At one and the same 
 moment their horses came in contact with young Hills's charger, 
 and the latter with its rider was sent flying. Such was the 
 force of the fall, that Hills escaped two cuts which were made at 
 him ; one of which laid open his jacket just below the left arm, 
 without injury, however, to his person. He lay for a moment. 
 
292 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 and the enemy passed on ; supposing, I presume, that he was 
 slain. Presently he rose and looked about for his sword, which 
 he discovered lying about ten yards from the place where he 
 had fallen. 
 
 Scarcely was the lost sword found and secured than three of 
 the enemy again returned to the attack ; two on horseback, 
 and the third on foot. The youthful soldier had again to 
 struggle for life ; the first man who approached him, he suc- 
 ceeded in wounding and dropping from his horse ; the second 
 charged him with a lance, which was cleverly turned aside, and 
 an awful gash in return inflicted on the face and head of the 
 assailant. Lieutenant Hills thought he had dispatched this op- 
 ponent, but, wounded as he was, the man came up for a second 
 time, but only to have his head completely broken. The third 
 and most formidable foe was yet to come : he was young and 
 active, and unwearied by previous effort ; whereas Lieutenant 
 Hills was weak with exertion and panting for breath, and 
 moreover, his cloak by some means, in these successive frays, 
 had fastened tightly round his throat, almost to suffocation. 
 Nothing daunted, he entered afresh upon the conflict, and made 
 a blow with his sword at the enemy — a blow which was unfor- 
 tunately turned. The rebel now seized the hilt of the artillery- 
 man's sword, and succeeded in twisting it out of the owner's 
 grasp. At this juncture it came to a hand-to-hand fight ; the 
 Englishman with his fists, punching the head of the native, 
 arid the native trying to wound his gallant foe with the sword, 
 but without success. Somehow young Hills fell ; and Major 
 Tombs came up just in time to succor his junior, by dispatch- 
 ing, as he thought, the mutineer with a pistol-shot. 
 
 Major Tombs and Lieutenant Hills then went in company to 
 the Mound, but after some time they returned to secure the un- 
 limbered gun, which had been left behind. To their surprise 
 they found the very man whom they both supposed to be " non 
 est," walkirg off with Mr. Hills's pistol, which in extremity 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 293 
 
 had been driven hj that officer at an opponent's head. After 
 some fencing on both sides, young Hills rushed at him with a 
 thrust, which he avoided by an adroit jump, cutting Hills at 
 the same time on the head, but without stunning him. Major 
 Tombs now followed him up, and Lieutenant Hills, taking the 
 opportunity of rising from the ground, succeeded in dealing the 
 fellow another blow, which almost severed the wrist from the 
 arm ; the whole business was concluded by Major Tombs, the 
 next moment, running the man through with his sword. Thus 
 ended a conflict which resulted in a recommendation of the offi- 
 cers engaged in it as worthy of the highest honor for distin- 
 guished bravery — an honor which, I trust, they may both live 
 to receive, and long live to enjoy. 
 
 The trespass in our camp committed by the enemy was soon 
 avenged, and they were quickly dislodged without much dam- 
 age. Nevertheless, they managed to do some mischief ere they 
 departed. They wounded some of the artillery, and a few of 
 the camp followers ; besides which, one or two of the rebels, 
 who were roguishly disposed, deliberately walked off, in one 
 case with an officer's charger, all equipped and ready for mount- 
 ing ; and, in another instance, they carried away an apothe- 
 cary's horse which was picketed beside the stud of Surgeon 
 Mackinnon, of the 1st Brigade of Horse Artillery, 
 
 The guns of the native troop of the 1st Brigade of Artillery 
 seem to have been the object which induced this visit to camp. 
 Immediately on arrival, the mutineers made straight to that 
 quarter of the encampment in which those guns were standing. 
 But the troop, to their credit, manfully refused to obey a single 
 order which was given, although every order was coupled with 
 the name, and — apparently to the men — under the authority of 
 Colonel Murray Mackenzie, commanding the Brigade. But, 
 because there was no absolute certainty, in spite of this refusal 
 on the part of the gunners of the troop, their guns were taken 
 from them, by order of the General, and placed in the park ; 
 
294 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 the men protesting in their innocence, and weeping like cMl- 
 dren, and their European officers, whose confidence remained 
 unshaken in them, notwithstanding the General's orders, deeply 
 sympathizing with their sorrow, and complaining as bitterly 
 of the act as the Golundauzes themselves. 
 
 No stirring event marked the day of the 21st July. Till one 
 in the afternoon no alarm was given, but about that hour the 
 alarm sounded, and aroused the camp to life and activity. 
 Troops were moving here and there, and reinforcements hurry- 
 ing off to their destined posts. But this activity quickly sub- 
 sided into the usual monotony of camp-life ; as the alarm 
 proved false, and the reserves and supports speedily returned. I 
 remember the rain in the afternoon made us all prisoners within 
 our tents ; and we retired to rest made wiser by the knowledge 
 of the fact, which was published in General Orders of the Com- 
 mander-in-chief, that Major-General Gowan, C. B., command- 
 ing in the Punjaub, as senior officer, had assumed command of 
 all the troops in the Upper Provinces from the 20th July, and 
 till further orders. 
 
 As early as three in the morning, and long before the sun 
 had risen, on the 22d of July, buglers sounded the alarm, caus- 
 ing the ordinary commotion in camp. Reports of brisk mus- 
 ketry fire and the cannonading of heavy guns were heard from 
 the right. These proceeded from the enemy, in consequence of 
 ©ur having blown up a serai at Subzi-Mundi, which gave shel- 
 ter to their troops in the various sorties in that neighborhood, 
 and was considered necessary to be destroyed. The noise of 
 the explosion excited the fears of the enemy, who probably be- 
 lieved that the English were approaching the city. This made 
 them open fire in order to assure us of their cognizance of our 
 movements. But nothing more was heard of them by us during 
 the day, except that an occasional round shot came rolling into 
 camp, and one of their shells struck a tent of the Light Com- 
 
NAKRATIVB OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 295 
 
 pany of the 75tli Foot, lodging in the side of Colonel Herbeit's 
 tent and breaking a box. 
 
 The 2od of July was one of our stormy days. The enemy 
 renewed the conflict in a very earnest and determined manner. 
 Their attack began about seven in the morning, and was mainly 
 directed against the picket in the neighborhood of Sir Theophi- 
 lus Metcalfe's house, which inclined to our left flank. I remem- 
 ber this day very Avell. I had my hospitals as usual to visit ; 
 but work had become a positive burden : I could not set about 
 it with any alacrity or good-Avill ; so after making one or two 
 ineffectual attempts to subdue my disinclination and put my 
 shoulder fairly to the wheel, I gave up the task in despair, and 
 promised myself, as far as I really could do so, a whole holiday. 
 The fact was, I had been overburdened with duty during the 
 past week, and, while my physical health was far from good, I 
 was also anxious in mind, on account of letters received from 
 Meerut. 
 
 Instead of working, I freely confess I went up that I might 
 see the battle. The point which I selected for observation was 
 the top of the Flag- Staff Tower. From this elevation I could 
 see every thing with complete satisfaction to myself, and yet 
 without personal danger. There I stood a very long while, now 
 depending upon one friend for a telescope to lengthen my sight, 
 and now under obligations to another for the loan of a binocu- 
 lar to make out the more distant operations of the engage- 
 ment. 
 
 Upon one occasion only, during my stay here, did the enemy 
 seem disposed to interfere with our sight-seeing. We were all 
 intent on what was passing before us, when the outlook ex- 
 claimed, " Look out." His eye had detected the enemy's in- 
 tended mischief. They fired a shell from a piece of ordnance 
 which commanded the Flag-Staff Tower. No sooner was the 
 exclamation heard, than every looker-on, the instructed and 
 uninstructed alike, instinctively crouched beneath the parapet 
 
296 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 upon which we had been a moment before leaning. The shell 
 fell far short of our position, and in bursting killed a camel 
 near the spot where it fell : this was all the mischief that shell 
 did. The enemy at that period rarely condescended to expend 
 ammunition on the picket at the Flag- Staff Tower, so that you 
 might generally watch from thence without fear of harm. 
 
 Upon that day the enemy had brought out with them six 
 guns. A column, under Brigadier Showers, was dispatched to 
 ^attack them, and his attack was completely successful. The 
 enemy were driven back ; but unhappily Brigadier Showers's 
 men advanced too far, and so got under fire of grape from the 
 walls, and that without succeeding in capturing the guns. In 
 consequence of this, and the heavy musketry fire in addition, 
 the casualties of the day were very great. Brevet-Captain W. 
 G. Law, of the 10th Bengal N. I., and attached to the 1st 
 Punjaub Infantry, was killed in the course of the action, and I 
 buried him the same evening. 
 
 We were much surprised at the only event worthy of record, 
 which occurred on the 19th August, before the walls of Delhi. 
 A Mrs. Collins, daughter of a Mrs. Leeson, late of this city, 
 was conducted into camp by an Afghan, who had concealed and 
 befriended her. It seems that she was living at Delhi when the 
 outbreak took place. I do not pretend to give the details of 
 the poor woman's trials and sufferings, because I never had the 
 time or opportunity of listening to them from her own lips ; 
 but I remember to have heard her say that one child was de- 
 stroyed outright in her presence, another was wounded by a 
 sword-cut, and died in a few hours afterward — I think in some 
 garden, among the trees, away from herself, but watched over 
 and nursed by some friendly native, whose heart was not so 
 steeled as to be devoid of all compassion. The babe in her 
 arms, and at her breast, was wounded, when the miscreants 
 fired at herself, with murderous intent. The infant died. She 
 was the only survivor among the small party ; and but for this 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OP DELHI. 297 
 
 man, and a kind Providence smiling on his efforts to save her, 
 she also would have been lost. 
 
 Numbers of her family, besides her own children, fell victims 
 to the unrelenting fury of the mutiny, and most, if not all, 
 perished in Delhi. I am not certain, but the impression made 
 on my mind is very strong, that Mr. Collins, her husband, in 
 consequence of his absence on duty, escaped. When Mrs. Col- 
 lins was brought in by her protector, she was kindly received 
 by Mrs. Tytler, the wife of a Captain in the 38th Bengal Native 
 Light Infantry, one of the corps at Delhi when the mutiny oc- 
 curred. Captain Tytler was in charge of the military treasure 
 chest, and his lady, like a heroine, when once allowed within 
 camp, could not be persuaded, either by official eloquence or 
 the arguments of her own husband, to desert his side. 
 
 It was now the 20th August, 1857. The enemy established 
 a battery on the other side of the river, and sent rockets and 
 round shot at the picket at Metcalfe's house. This battery com- 
 manded the site where Major Coke's men had encamped ; little 
 harm was, however, done by it. The orders of the Field Force 
 declared that Brigadier- General Wilson had been made a Major- 
 General for special service, and appointed, with the sanction of 
 the Supreme Government, to command the Delhi Field Force ; 
 the special service being, I presume, his achievements at Hin^ 
 dun, on the 30th and 31st of May last. 
 
 Symptoms of returning cholera appeared in camp ; but con- 
 fined chiefly to troops recently arrived. The disease was of a 
 very fatal type, and was aggravated by the heat of the weather, 
 which was intolerable between the showers, A force of all 
 arms went out during the night, or early in the morning, under 
 Brigadier-General Nicholson, in the direction of Eohtuck — 
 where Captain Hodson still continued — but was obliged to 
 return without doing any thing, on account of the im- 
 passable state of the roads, from the late heavy rains that had 
 fallen. 
 
298 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 Tlie usual routine of firing " long balls " at each, other, to 
 use a camp expression, continued. 
 
 News reached camp on the 21st August that the 10th Light 
 Cavalry had at last mutinied at Ferozepore. This regiment 
 had really done good service. When the 45th and 57th Regi- 
 ments, at the same station, fell from their allegiance, and tried 
 to seize our magazine, the 10th remained loyal. They declared 
 most solemnly, both then and subsequently, that they would 
 never desert the British cause. They broke faith, it would seem, 
 on the 19th of August, cruelly murdered Mr. Veterinary-Sur- 
 geon Vincent Nelson, and made a rush, happily, however, 
 without success, on Captain Woodcock's battery. The gun- 
 ners were at dinner when the affair happened, and evidently the 
 intention was to capture by surprise. One gunner was actually 
 killed, and others wounded ; several battery horses, and also 
 horses belonging to officers, were carried off, and the mutineers 
 escaped uninjured. The syce drivers refused, when bidden, to 
 drive their teams : the gunners mounted and supplied their 
 places ; but the pursuit could not be maintained any distance : 
 the country to be traversed being thoroughly impracticable for 
 guns. We feared the effect this mutiny might produce in the 
 Punjaub ; the more so, as the longer our delay in the capture 
 ©f Delhi, the more and the louder was proclaimed our own 
 weakness and the enemy's strength. It was matter for great 
 thankfulness that the land of the Five Rivers continued never- 
 theless in peace, and well affected toward the English rule. 
 
 The ravages of cholera daily increased ; the mortal sickness 
 falling mostly, but not exclusively, on Her Majesty's 52d Light 
 Infantry and the 61st Foot. 
 
 The spies of the city gave information that the rebels de- 
 signed an attack some time during the night of the 21st August. 
 But we learned that the plan was frustrated through the in- 
 vincible disinclination of some mutinous corps to engage us. 
 From certain indications on the morning of the 22d, many 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 299 
 
 believed there would be a struggle between the loyal and dis- 
 loyal armies during the day. A goodly company of horsemen, 
 footmen, and artillery was seen leaving the city gates ; but the 
 fire of our batteries caused them to retire, and we were spared 
 the endurance of more arduous work. 
 
 The reports were somewhat harassing concerning Greneral 
 Havelock. It was said, and there were very good grounds for 
 believing, that that officer had won a great victory on the 29th 
 of July. But, nevertheless, it was whispered that he could not 
 advance on Lucknow for want of sufficient force, and that the 
 monster Nana Sahib, who, at one time, was said to be dead, 
 was yet alive, and busily employed in raising a large army 
 sufficient to oppose any strength we might bring against him, 
 with some prospect of success. Poor Captain F. Gr. Willock, 
 of the 6th Bengal Light Cavalry, and a son of the director, 
 died on the 21st of August. He had lain for some time in 
 " the General Hospital of the Field Force," sick, I believe, of 
 typhoid fever, which eventually terminated fatally ; to the great 
 regret of his friends, who ministered to his wants with fraternal 
 affection. His brother officers. Lieutenants Cuppage and 
 Probyn, were apparently always at his bedside, whenever duty 
 allowed them to be so. The conduct of these two young men, 
 in this and other respects, was most exemplary, and affords 
 another striking proof of the unselfishness of genuine friendship. 
 
 The ordinary Sunday sermons were preached on the 23d of 
 August. The enemy maintained a troublesome, but by no means 
 an effective fire, from the battery on the other side of the river 
 Jumna. It was said in camp that the parallels and approaches 
 to the walls of the city had commenced, in anticipation of the 
 advent of the siege train. The fact is, we had heard of Sir 
 John Lawrence's visit to Jullundur, in order to inspect the 
 auxiliary force of Maharajah Rumbeer Singh of Cashmere, 
 which was on its way to Delhi ; and now the assault was 
 looked upon with certainty at no very distant period : every 
 
300 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 little thing done by the Engineer Department was interpreted 
 as direct preparation toward the final consummation. 
 
 The 24th of August was a day of tranquillity. Captain Hod- 
 son returned safe into camp, and our anxieties on account of 
 him ceased. At one time his position was very critical. He had 
 a very severe fight with the rebels, at a distance of some twenty 
 or thirty miles from camp, in the direction of Rohtuck. He 
 was victorious in the engagement ; but the enemy's overwhelming 
 numbers had succeeded in hemming him in. A messenger 
 hastened into camp, soliciting, on behalf of the little gallant 
 force of Guides and Irregulars — the latter a corps of Hodson's 
 own creation — immediate succor. It was given with the least 
 possible delay. A column marched with all expedition ; but 
 when half-way on the road, they received instructions to return : 
 their services had been anticipated and supplied by the Jheend 
 Rajah. Hodson had been extricated from his difficulty, and on 
 arrival in camp was warmly congratulated upon his safety and 
 his success. He seems to have slain some eighty of the muti- 
 neers, who were said, with the sanction of official authority, to 
 be principally furlough men. 
 
 Either very late on the evening of the 23d, or early in the 
 morning of the 24th of August, the enemy left the city in 
 force ; and rumor alleged that their intention was, if possible, 
 to intercept our siege train. Accordingly, before sunrise on the 
 25th of August, Brigadier Nicholson marched from camp with 
 a movable column, consisting of a squadron of Lancei-s, the 
 gallant 9th, under Captain Sarel ; the Guide Cavalry, under 
 Captain Sandford ; Her Majesty's 61st, under Colonel Rainey ; 
 the 1st European Bengal Fusileers, under Major Jacob ; the 2d 
 Punjaub Infantry and Coke's Rifles ; together with the 1st and 
 2d Troops of the 1st Brigade Horse Artillery, the Mooltanee 
 Horse, and a party of Sappers and Miners, under Lieutenant 
 Geneste, of the Engineer Corps. 
 
 The day was very wet, and the roads were well-nigh impassa- 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 301 
 
 ble ; the country for miles round was nothing more than a 
 marsh. The enterprising spirit of Nicholson was, however, 
 equal to cope with any amount of obstacles. Neither fatigue, 
 nor rain, nor swamps, nor enemy, nor all these in combination, 
 could deter him in his onward progress. The force marched 
 upon a village, nearly half-way to Nujjuffghur. Here a halt 
 was proclaimed, in order to collect information respecting the 
 enemy's probable location and intended movements. 
 
 Shortly after some rebel cavalry were discovered ahead. In- 
 formation was obtained from the village to the effect that the 
 enemy had crossed a bridge in the neighborhood, and immedi- 
 ately the column resumed its march. Some ten or twelve miles 
 more of road were traversed. It was a journey by water rather 
 than by land : ponds had to be forded to the depth of several 
 feet. At length a march of eighteen miles or more had been 
 fully accomplished, and the enemy's camp was at last in sight. 
 
 Nicholson's ardor could not resist the temptation of an im- 
 mediate attack. Not biit that he had consideration for his 
 troops ; he appreciated the hardships which they had already 
 passed through, and knew, from personal experience, that they 
 must be jaded ; but to dream of rest, even for a single hour, 
 was to give a cowardly enemy, in overwhelming numbers — esti- 
 mated at six thousand men — an opportunity of flight. More- 
 over, it was half-past five, and the sun would soon be down ; 
 every moment was, therefore, precious. The sooner a com- 
 mencement of proceedings was made, the greater the prospect 
 of doing what was to be done in a thoroughly-complete man- 
 ner, and not after the fashion of some, who love to accomplish 
 only by halves. Besides, our advance column had met with a 
 warm reception from the enemy, the rebels having opened upon 
 them with fire of musketry and cannon ; and the fire of their 
 artillery and infantry was said to have been both brisk and 
 severe. 
 
 However great may have been the disinclination on our side 
 
302 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 to fight, there was no longer help for it. The infantry fell into 
 line at the word of command, the artillery wheeled into posi- 
 tion on either flank, and, bounding forward with a dash, com- 
 menced the conflict. A serai was the first object of attack ; it 
 was full of the enemy, who had guns placed there. 
 
 The Brigadier knew the value of a few stirring words, spoken 
 from the heart to the heart ; there is power in that kind of elo- 
 quence, whether the speaker can ordinarily arrest public atten- 
 tion in a set speech or not. I do n't think that at this moment 
 Nicholson felt any ambition, that, in connection with his mem- 
 ory, the fact should be recorded that among his other excellen- 
 ces he excelled in oratory ; but, doubtless, he did wish that if, 
 in the designs of Providence, this was to be his last command, 
 and these, likewise, his last words, they might carry conviction 
 to the minds of his audience of the imperative necessity for the 
 caution he wished to suggest, and, at the same time, inflame 
 the hearts of his soldiery with ardor for victory, which no odds 
 or valor on the part of the enemy, and nothing, in fact, short 
 of death itself, should quench. " Remember, men," said the 
 commandant, " the experience which others have gained. Take 
 for your example the 93d, and other regiments in the Crimea, 
 who spurned to waste ammunition while at a distance from the 
 enemy. Reserve your fire for a close range, and victory must 
 be yours." 
 
 Her Majesty's 61st and the 1st Europeans heard to obey. 
 The next words were, " Line advance." The infantry moved 
 as steadily and cheerfully as if on a parade. Soon the war- 
 cry of the British soldier was heard — the manly cheer of Eng- 
 lishmen, which accompanied , the rush toward the serai. In 
 another moment the building, with its guns, was ours, and its 
 sable defenders partly in our power. Now the Sepoys tried the 
 efficacy of flight ; they made for the bridge, and there vainly- 
 endeavored to maintain a stand. It was worse than use- 
 less. The precision of our artillery fire was the admiration 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 303 
 
 of our own force, and the terror and destruction of the 
 enemy. 
 
 Upon this a company of infantry was ordered, as a covering 
 party, to hold the bridge till preparations had been completed 
 for blowing it up ; which was done both nobly and well, in 
 spite of the galling cannonade directed against the bridge and 
 its guardians from some guns which the rebels still possessed. 
 Maximilian Geneste, as dauntless in the discharge of duty 
 and as steady and cool under fire as any one present, made 
 ready for the explosion. The enemy, I presume, seeing what 
 was coming, would, if they could, have retaken the bridge. 
 They made the attempt, but were disappointed and defeated. 
 The engineer arrangements were not completed till long after 
 midnight, during all which time the troops were without refresh- 
 ment. Soon after this the train was fired, and the bridge was 
 destroyed, hardly so much as a vestige remaining. 
 
 Such was the victory gained by the little army under tbe 
 brave Nicholson, on the 25th day of August, 1857. It was as 
 brilliant as complete. The rebel camp, and camp equipage and 
 treasure, and thirteen guns, were all captured and brought 
 home by the victorious force. And this advantage was gained 
 at a small cost ; our losses including in all only seventy-one 
 killed and wounded. Lieutenant Lumsden, of Coke's Rifles, 
 without exception one of the very best soldiers in India, was 
 killed on the field. Lieutenant Gabbett, of Her Majesty's 61st 
 Foot, was mortally wounded, and eventually died. Ensign 
 Elkington, of the same regiment, after lingering for some days, 
 met with a similar fate. But Dr. Ireland, notwithstanding the 
 severity and nature of his wounds, recovered. 
 
 By the 11th of September we had ready three siege batte- 
 ries ; but if our advancing columns could not as yet storm and 
 take the ramparts of Delhi, our breaching batteries, with salvo 
 after salvo, astonished the besieged with their tremendous roar, 
 and beat down piecemeal those stone walls in whose strength 
 
304 HEROES OP THE INDIAN EEBELLION. 
 
 and impregnability the greatest reliance had been wont to be 
 placed by the rebel host. Nine twenty-four-pounders had in- 
 augurated the proceedings of the 11th ; and the fire, once com- 
 menced, was unceasingly maintained with mortars, guns, and 
 howitzers, from the period of its commencement till the 
 assault. 
 
 THE ASSAULT. 
 
 The din and the roar of cannon had been hitherto deafening, 
 but from Saturday till Monday morning — the morning when 
 we stormed and took the ramparts of Delhi — roll after roll 
 of ordnance-thunder, in a sxtccession almost momentary, fell 
 with electric effect upon the ear. Nothing can be grander, 
 nothing more fearfully imposing, than the circumstances at- 
 tendant on a bombardment. And yet, terrible and grand as 
 unquestionably they are, among them none is more so than 
 the sight of living shell traversing the air, with more than 
 the brilliancy of many falling meteors simultaneously, and in 
 brightness rivaling, at times, the tremendous glare occasioned 
 by continuous flashes of lightning during a stormy night. 
 
 A council of war was summoned, and met for the dispatch 
 of business, at the Major- General's tent, at 11 o'clock in the 
 forenoon of the 12th of September. The members present at 
 it were some of the staff and all the regimental commanding 
 officers. The plans of the siege were laid before them, and 
 each one was told what would be expected of him — what he 
 was to do, where he was to go, and how he was to act, in case 
 of unexpected emergency and danger, whenever the assault 
 should be determined on. 
 
 Of course every one present was anxious to know the day 
 and the hour when the deadly strife should commence, though 
 it is not very likely that any one ventured to put the question 
 to the President of the Council. He knew what was probably 
 the thought uppermost in every mind of the assembly over 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 305 
 
 wbich he sat presiding ; for one of the privileged number told 
 me that the General said, " Gentlemen, I do not myself know 
 the day nor the hour of the assault ; and if I did, I freely con- 
 fess I would not tell you, for fear, in some happy moment, or 
 at some social board, the secret might casually and unwittingly 
 escape." Thus he dismissed them, and the meeting ended. 
 
 Som-e little time after the departure of the members of the 
 council of war to their respective camps, I chanced to drop 
 into the tent of a friend, and found myself in the midst of a 
 knot of men seated and absorbed in conversation. Tlie sub- 
 ject of conversation was the meeting which had been assem- 
 bled at 11 o'clock, A. M., and all that was said at it which 
 might be told without a breach of confidence, was canvassed 
 freely. The thoughts first of one and then of another were 
 given. Every man present, except myself, was to take pai-t in 
 the assault ; many of them were maimed, and had wives and 
 children. Great, therefore, were the claims of affection upon 
 these. Perhaps, it may be asked, with the prospects before 
 them, what were the words of those men, and what the impres- 
 sion which their manner made upon you ? 
 
 These were questions concerning which I myself felt curiosity 
 and concern, as I sat in that tent more as a hearer than a 
 speaker, and rather as an observer than as one desirous of 
 attracting attention toward myself. These men seemed to real- 
 ize fully the solemnity of the coming struggle, which might 
 now engage them at any hour. Yet were they not downhearted 
 or melancholy ; still less were they light and trifling. A lively 
 sense of the country's expectation of them to do their duty, 
 and a determination on their part to do it without favor or par- 
 tiality to themselves, were the most conspicuous features of the 
 conversation and the company. There was here the absence 
 of all vaunting, and in the place of it was the sobriety of 
 reason and the inflexibility of Anglo-Saxon purpose and cour- 
 age. And from what I both saw and heard in that tent, taken 
 
 26 
 
806 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 in connection with the conviction, which spontaneously sprang 
 up in my own mind, that only the reality of their sentiments 
 had been expressed by the speakers, I went away impressed 
 with an increase of respect for human nature. I saw that, 
 with all its usual selfishness, it could be thoroughly unselfish, 
 and was so on the present occasion. 
 
 Not long after I had quitted this sphere of observation, the 
 painful intelligence reached me that Captain Fagan Avas no 
 more. Personally I knew but little of him : I had spoken to 
 him but once in my life ; but I was won by his pleasing man- 
 ners, so affable was he, and so very kind. But the slight degree 
 of my acquaintance with him was more than compensated for, 
 in a certain measure, by what I have heard of his military 
 character, and the esteem which, in consequence, I conceived 
 for him. 
 
 No name in camp was ever connected more intimately and 
 more frequently with heroism and valor than that of Robert 
 Charles Henry Baines Fagan, and no name was more worthy 
 of the honor paid to it. At the very instant that death snatched 
 him rudely from the midst of his admiring brethren-in-arms, 
 his praises were being rehearsed, in no doubtful or measiired 
 language, by the tongue of another spirit, of kindred tastes and 
 sympathies with himself. Only a second before, the eye of 
 Captain Sir Edward Campbell, Bart., of the Royal Rifles, had 
 been attracted by the valor which Captain Fagan was then 
 displaying, the fearlessness with which he was exposing himself, 
 and the extraordinary coolness which he was exhibiting, under 
 a most galling and destructive fire. Sir Edward Campbell had 
 turned aside from this noble display of self-sacrifice, in order to 
 give expression of his boundless admiration of such a man, 
 imder such circumstances. Hardly had he said the words in 
 the hearing of Major E. W. S. Scott, "How noble a sight to 
 see Fagan " when the noise occasioned by a fall inter- 
 rupted them both — the one from hearing, and the other from 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 307 
 
 speaking. They simultaneously looked for the cause of the 
 sound. Alas ! Fagan himself had fallen senseless to the earth. 
 He was not dead, but dying fast. Of all the losses inflicted on 
 the Bengal Artillery Regiment, the result of the mutiny and 
 the accidents of war, none will be more feelingly deplored — 
 excepting, perchance, that of Sir Henry Lawrence — than the 
 loss of Captain Fagan. 
 
 Such was one of the most melancholy events which befell 
 us on Saturday, September 12th. Nevertheless, it produced no 
 effect on the operations of that day, or of the succeeding night. 
 The breaching batteries continued their work as busily and as 
 noisily as before, unscrupulously trespassing on the rest of the 
 Sabbath ; during the whole of which a respite from fire, even 
 for a moment, was literally unknown. The camp knew no 
 such happy sound as the church-going bell ; but our usual 
 services, notwithstanding the want of it, were held, and many 
 more attended them than might have been supposed ; of course, 
 many a familiar face was missing, and its absence from the 
 solemn assemblies of camp accounted for by its presence in the 
 trenches. 
 
 In addition to the ordinary prayers, and the delivery of ser- 
 mons, I was requested by the officers of one of the most 
 gallant corps composing part of the force, to administer to them, 
 and as many of their brigade as would attend, the sacrament of 
 the Lord's supper. Of course I could not but comply, and 
 never was compliance with request more cordial, or accompanied 
 with intenser pleasure. It was a deeply-solemn and impressive 
 occasion. We assembled for the purpose in a tent, and there 
 eact of us, absorbed in the depth of his own thoughts — and I 
 trust looking up, at the same time, with the eye of simple faith, 
 and in a spirit of true repentance, toward Him who said, " Do 
 this in remembrance of me " — partook of the holy eucharist. 
 It is one of the Sundays of camp which, methinks, I never can 
 forget ; not simply or only, though principally, because of this 
 
308 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 devout act of commemoration of the Redeemer's dying love ; 
 but also because a presentiment universally prevailed through- 
 out the force, and which more than ordinarily solemnized the 
 mind, that the time was very near at hand when the word of 
 command would be " Advance columns to the attack." Such 
 were the impressions of the day of the 13th September. 
 
 Presently night stole on, under the cover of which the young 
 Engineers, four in number, Lieutenants Medley, Lang, Home, 
 and Greathed, proceeded to examine the trenches made at the 
 Cashmere and Water Bastions. The reports were satisfactory. 
 
 At three o'clock of the 14th of September, the five assault- 
 ing columns fell in — the total strength 1,000 bayonets. The 
 columns were commanded by General Nicholson, Brigadier 
 Jones, Colonel Campbell, Major Eeid, and Colonel Deacon. 
 The force paraded at half-past three on the morning of the 
 14th September ; the three columns destined to operate against 
 the city, together with the Rifles, and the reserve, moved out of 
 camp to the neighborhood of Ludlow Castle. There the whole 
 of the troops halted, and were told off to their respective desti- 
 nations ; their presence being dexterously concealed from the 
 sight of the enemy till the moment for action had fully arrived. 
 
 At length, when every thing was ready, the signal for com- 
 mencement of operations was given. The Royal Rifles inaugu- 
 rated the proceedings of the day by a loud and hearty English 
 cheer, simultaneously with which they advanced steadily to the 
 fore front, crossing a bridge and extending themselves as skir- 
 mishers in a line of divisions ; two divisions going to the right 
 and two to the left. Thus extended, they covered in magnifi- 
 cent style the heads of each of the advancing columns. 
 
 The siege guns up to this moment had been maintaining a 
 deafening and destructive fire, which the enemy were unable to 
 answer with even a single piece of ordnance. The Moree, Cash- 
 mere, and Water Bastions had long been still as death ; whereas 
 our batteries had been growing louder and louder, more and 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 309 
 
 more angry than before. Unexpectedly a hill ensued : the 
 raging storm of British artillery was suddenly hushed in silence. 
 In another moment the heads of the columns under Brigadier 
 Nicholson and Jones were distinguishable, peering out, as it 
 were, from their snug hiding-places in the neighborhood of the 
 Khoodsia Bagh. 
 
 No sooner were these columns seen by those within the city, 
 than a determined effort was made from the walls to drive back 
 the advancing force. But a British purpose, once formed, is 
 not so easily to be turned. Musketry fire miay, and doubtless 
 will make its impression ; and a musket in the hand, whether 
 of this man or of that, who knows how to use it, and has 
 been long practiced in the art, proves equally destructive. So 
 we found to our sorrow on the morning of the storm. Num- 
 bers had already fallen by the enemy's musketry, and numbers 
 also were continuing to fall, the nearer each of the columns 
 approached to the respective breaches which had been given 
 them to carry. But, with dauntless courage, they nevertheless 
 kept advancing. 
 
 Presently the ditch was gained. Our first real impediment 
 occurred there. It had something to do with the scaling-lad- 
 ders, and their adjustment, so as to enable the stormers to as- 
 cend the scarp. This delay, whether avoidable or unavoidable, 
 I can not say, involved us in serious losses ; but no amount of 
 discouragement, and nothing in the shape of impediment, could 
 cool the ardor of the troops. 
 
 No sooner was the descent into the ditch effected, than the 
 breaches were respectively carried, with a noble display of valor 
 on the part of all present; every man vieing with his neighbor 
 in a spirit of noble emulation. Carried away entirely with the 
 excitement of the occasion, the Rifles, whose duty it was to 
 cover, and who discharged that duty to the admiration of every 
 beholder, could not withstand the temptation which now met 
 them. 
 
310 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 Forgetting that, being light infantry, they were as such essen- 
 tially skirmishers, they were among the very foremost to mount 
 the walls of the city. Theirs were the first caps waved in token 
 of victory ; and theirs among the first human voices proudly 
 raised to proclaim what we had gained and the enemy 
 had lost. 
 
 The assaulting columns had now gained a firm foothold 
 within the city, Nicholson and Jones leading up to the Cash- 
 mere Gate. Barrier after barrier yielded before their resolution. 
 They first seized a tower and a battery, situated along the line 
 of space intervening between the Cashmere and Moree Gates. 
 Presently they gained the Moree Bastion itself, with the Cabul 
 Gate also. They then made several determined attempts to 
 wrest from the enemy's possession the Burun Bastion and the 
 Lahore Gate. But no amount of courage, or of strategy, will 
 ahoays compensate for overwhelming numbers ; especially when 
 backed by the desperation of men who fight with halters round 
 their necks. 
 
 If any man could have succeeded in these attempts, that man 
 was, doubtless, Brigadier-General Nicholson. But the enemy 
 had so concentrated themselves in this neighborhood, that 
 though the design was Avorthy of the immortal Nicholson and 
 his brave men, the weakness of his forces obliged him to fall 
 back upon, and be content with, the maintenance of his former 
 position at the Cashmere Gate. 
 
 It was in the vain attempt to carry the Lahore Gate that 
 Nicholson, the pride of the whole army of India, was smitten, 
 while actively engaged in encouraging his men to make yet oiie 
 effort more to drive the enemy from his stronghold there. 
 
 The third column, under Colonel George Campbell, of Her 
 Majesty's 52d Light Infantry, after reforming at the main 
 guard of the Cashmere Gate, first provided a small party to 
 expel some of the enemy remaining within the Water Bastion. 
 This seems to have been done very effectually, and at the point 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OP DELHI. 311 
 
 0. tlie bayonet. Next they proceeded to clear the compound 
 ot the Cutcherry, which was adjoining, with the houses in- the 
 immediate neighborhood, besides the station church of St. 
 James, and the "Delhi Gazette" compound. Thus the column 
 kept steadily advancing, nothing apparently, as yet, being able 
 to arrest its progress onward. 
 
 The line of advance which had been laid down for this column 
 in the plan of assault was closely followed. This led them 
 through the Bazar, in the neighborhood of the Cashmere Gate. 
 A gun which was placed in position there so as to sweep the 
 street was gallantly taken by a party who followed Lieutenant 
 Bradshaw ; a very young soldier, whose valor on this occasion 
 cost him his life. The column now took the direction of the 
 Begum's Bagh, through which it secured a tolerably-unmolested 
 passage ; but, on reaching the gate of that Bagh, or garden, 
 which opens directly on the Chandee Chouk, it was found to be 
 closed. Presently it was opened by a friendly native chu- 
 prassie. Through it the column passed, under fire from the 
 tops of the houses, to the Jumma Musjid, the great place of 
 Mohammedan worship ; the side arches of which were found to 
 be bricked up, and the gate also closed. 
 
 A difficulty now aiose ; there were neither powder-bags nor 
 guns to force it open. The enemy were also lining the houses, 
 and maintaining a very heavy musketry fire. In spite of these 
 untoward circumstances, the column held its own, momentarily 
 expecting aid to arrive. But it came not. Our failure at the 
 Lahore Gate prevented this ; and thus, without help for it, the 
 column was obliged to fall back on the Begum's gardens, and 
 join the reserve. 
 
 The fourth column did its work bravely and well, but inef- 
 fectually, and were obliged to fall back on their original 
 position. 
 
 It must not ^8 supposed that I was an eye-witness of the op- 
 erations described. I would have given not a little if my duties 
 
312 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 had excused me from attention to matters moi-e important ; but 
 they did not. The doctors with the chaplains, from simrise to 
 sunset, passed their hours within the walls of the field hospital, 
 distant from the walls of the city about half a mile. The house 
 in which the hospital was held was painted with ocher. It 
 stood on the town side of the Racket-court, nearly opposite to 
 the Assembly rooms, and a little above the estate of Sir The- 
 ophilus Metcalfe. 
 
 Such a scene as that hospital presented all day long, I never 
 witnessed in all my life before. By this time, as may be sup- 
 posed, I had grown tolerably familiar with sights which, on 
 first acquaintance, harrow the feelings and chill the blood. But 
 all that I had seen antecedently to this, had failed to steel my 
 heart or deaden the sensibilities of my nature. Soon after the 
 assault commenced, the dhoolies, freighted with European and 
 native wounded and dead, kept hastening along the various 
 avenues from the city toward the hospital. No sooner were 
 one set of dhoolies emptied of their contents and discharged for 
 fresh patients, than the same sad duty had to be repeated again 
 and again, moment after moment and hour after hour, in long 
 succession. 
 
 Many a purdah have I lifted, to see who was within some 
 particular dhoolie to which it was attached, and as many a sor- 
 rowful and pain-giving sight have I been constrained to wit- 
 ness, in consequence of such curiosity ; not by any means either 
 impertinent or intrusive, but altogether necessarj^ and equally 
 kind. Now, for instance, I chanced to light upon a dhoolie in 
 which lay extended the stalwart frame of some brave Anglo- 
 Saxon motionless in death. The vital spark had seemingly 
 escaped without observation of mortal eye, while the patient 
 had been hastened on in search of medical succor and skill. 
 Now again I introduced myself to another heir of sorrow, 
 breathing, indeed, but whose injuries wei'e evidently mortal — a 
 low pulse, a quick heaving of the chest, and a deep, unearthly 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 313 
 
 moan, with ejes half open and nnnatui-ally uplifted, proclaim- 
 ing that death had irrevocably claimed him for his own. Others 
 there unquestionably were of whom better hopes could be 
 reasonably conceived ; whose wounds were fresh with the blood 
 of life, and whose pains in many cases were hard to bear. 
 
 A small building, the walls of which were of mud and the 
 roof tiled, stood in one corner of the compound : it served as a 
 dead-house ; and there the mortal remains of many a hero, dis- 
 figured with ugly but honorable wounds, found shelter awhile, 
 till arrangements could be made to commit them to their mother 
 earth. All this is descriptive of that which was without the 
 walls, and in the immediate neighborhood, of the hospital. 
 Now let us take a glance at that which may be seen ivithin. 
 
 Every apartment is crowded with charpoys — common native 
 bedsteads — and every charpoy is occupied ; some have been not 
 only twice, but a score of times, even before the sun had reached 
 the meridian. Indeed, the wounded were so many, that a little 
 straw strewn on the ground served many a brave English and 
 native soldier for a bed. We could not give them more. 
 
 In the verandas around the house,- here and there were to be 
 seen tables of wood roughly put together, and lying prostrate 
 thereon, with head slightly raised, now a wounded officer, and 
 now a common soldier. Around them were assembled sur- 
 geons and apothecaries, all busily engaged in operating. Al- 
 most every kind of amputation was performed : legs and arms, 
 and even fingers, bloodless and shriveled, no longer members 
 of their respective bodies, laid carelessly on the ground, were 
 common sights of horror. 
 
 It was within this building I, for the first time, spoke to the 
 greater and the lesser Nicholson brothers ; and it was here I 
 renewed an old acquaintance with the gallant Salkeld, whom 
 some few years ago I met at Meerut. 
 
 It M'as here also I read, seated beside Sergeant Eichard 
 M'Keowin, of Her Majesty's 52d Light Infantry. And never 
 
 27 
 
314 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 was my heart more stirred within me than when I watched the 
 last moments of this humble disciple of the once crucified but 
 now exalted Redeemer. I had known the good man since 1855, 
 when first his regiment came to Meerut : he was then a corporal 
 in the regiment. His countenance was manly and handsome, 
 and when lighted up with that sweet smile which was peculiarly 
 his own, a more heavenly face I never saw. You could almost 
 tell thereby, that the peace of God, which passeth all under- 
 standing, kept this man's heart and mind in the knowledge and 
 love of God, and of his Son Jesus Christ our Lord. M'Keowin 
 was a Churchman, possessing great largeness of heart. I love 
 Church of England piety, when it is real. There is nothing 
 like it for humility, docility, and love : at least I never met with 
 the like. 
 
 It appears he had been wounded in the advance through the 
 city, when his regiment was making for the Jumma Musjid, but 
 the exact spot in the town where he fell I can not say. I knew 
 nothing about it till Mr. Apothecary Tibbits, himself a most ex- 
 cellent and superior man, of his own regiment, came to me and 
 said, "You know Sergeant M'Keowin, sir ?" I replied afiirma- 
 tively. " He is just brought to the hospital," said Mr. Tibbits, 
 " mortally wounded, and is calling for you." 
 
 I hurried to the dhoolie, and sure enough there he was, with 
 a countenance peaceful, but somewhat sad. He extended his 
 hand to me ; I took it and pressed it gently, and asked, " Ser- 
 geant, what ails you?" He answered slowly and faintly, "I 
 shall soon be with my dear Savior." When I said in reply, 
 " We can ill afford to spare you. Sergeant : I hope our pros- 
 pect of losing you is not so sure as you anticipate," all he an- 
 swered was, "My pain, sir, is intolerable. I desire to bear it in 
 meek resignation to my heavenly Father's will. I hope I shall 
 not murmur and complain." I said no more for the present, 
 but got him out of the dhoolie, and laid him on some straw on 
 the ground. What would I not then have given to have been 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 315 
 
 privileged to offer him the best bed in my possession ! But I 
 could not. 
 
 I sat beside this dying saint and distinguished soldier, and 
 read verse by verse of the 23d Psalm, stopping awhile to listen 
 to his passing comments. The teacher in his turn was now 
 literally willing to be taught. I never heard words which sank 
 deeper, or made more impression on myself. When the Psalm 
 was ended, and the patient had done speaking, I ventured to 
 say, " Sergeant, shall I pray ?" This question I repeated more 
 than once, as he seemed suddenly to be dull of hearing, and his 
 eyes had been some time closed. At length I gained something 
 approaching to an answer, but it amounted only to " Sir ?" 
 Then I first detected his failing consciousness. During the in- 
 terval of another minute Sergeant M'Keowin, to use his own 
 dying words, " was with his dear Savior." Some time after 
 this I laid hiim in the grave ; which, for the love and respect 
 that I bore him, I have marked with a plain stone, and an 
 equally simple inscription. It was but little to do ; but I could 
 do no more : had he been living, and were it possible for him 
 to recognize the act and intention of a friend, I am sure, from 
 my intimate knowledge of his character, he would have magni- 
 fied this mole-hill into a mountain of kindness. 
 
 One word more respecting the field hospital. The ecclesias- 
 tical staff present during this day was sadly deficient in num- 
 bers : in fact, this was really the case from the beginning of 
 military operations ; the necessary consequence of which was, 
 that while, perhaps, every brave dying man had some consola- 
 tion and exhortation addressed to him, in his moments of 
 suffering, the majority could not receive any thing like the at- 
 tention which the urgency of their cases imperatively demanded. 
 But for this the chaplains of the force were not to blame in the 
 least ; they strove very hard to supply the deficiency occasioned 
 by the want of numbers. One of them, the Eev. F. W. Ellis, 
 worked this day from sunrise till he was overtaken by fever, 
 
316 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 which he had contracted early in the commencement of his 
 camp life, and which had been brought on by overwork and 
 constant exposure to miasmatic influence. On account of this 
 fever, he was urged by medical advisers, again and again, to 
 leave camp ; but he would not : his labors Avere instant in 
 season and out of season. 
 
 From the commencement of his illness, till the close of his 
 career before Delhi, he never gave himself time to rally or 
 regain strength. How could he ? He was responsible, when 
 sharing the hardships of the army, for an amount of clerical 
 duty which, previously to the mutiny, had been divided among 
 no less than five chaplains. The whole of this, in an accumu- 
 lated form, was heaped without consideiation, possibly with- 
 out help, upon one man. The result has been that after two 
 months' service with the Delhi Field Force, that man has been 
 driven home in search of health. The Roman Catholic chap- 
 lain who joined, with equally-laudable intentions, and about 
 the same time as Mr. Ellis, whose name has escaped my recol- 
 lection, left camp also, disabled by sickness. 
 
 Faint and weary with the toil of the previous day, I was glad 
 to retire when night had fully come, and thus banish awhile the 
 painful impressions which had been made during the last twelve 
 hours. About midnight my slumbers which were profound, 
 and promised also to be long, were suddenly broken by my 
 sirdar bearer, who came up to my bedside and said, " Sir, 
 Colonel Thompson, the Commissary-General, has sent you a 
 letter, which is immediate ; some fifteen or twenty coolies, daily 
 laborers, await your instructions." The darkness abroad was 
 very dense. The note I found to contain a request, which I com- 
 plied with, to repair at once to the burial-ground, and select one 
 large spot as a last resting-place for those, who, while bravely 
 engaged in the actual operations of the storm, had been over- 
 taken with the deep and unbroken sleep of death. 
 
 To make this selection was very difficult, inasmuch as the 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 317 
 
 graveyard was, at this date, thickly studded with graves. For- 
 tunately there was one spot, as broad as it was long, yet left 
 unoccupied, near the entrance of the camp cemetery I availed 
 myself of it with melancholy satisfaction, because I felt there 
 was no longer the existence of a stern necessity — which I had 
 feared on ray way thither — of separating friend from friend in 
 death, who in life had been animated with a common hope, and 
 had proposed to themselves a common object ; in the prose- 
 cution of which some had been compelled to lay down their 
 arms before others, and all at various periods during our en- 
 campment before Delhi. 
 
 Early on the morning of Tuesday, the 15th of September, 
 soon after the clocks had told four, I proceeded again to the 
 burial-ground, where I found all the fallen brave awaiting me ; 
 and there, also, I must have been detained two full hours and 
 more, employed in the mournful work of supervising the burial. 
 My thoughts, all this while, may be easier imagined than de- 
 scribed. Among the multitude and sadness of my musings I 
 could not but realize my own personal obligations, and the na- 
 tional debt of gratitude due to these departed men, for all their 
 self-sacrifice and noble devotion in the cause of England's mar- 
 tyred innocents. Now again I thought of war's cruel severance 
 of ties, and of the hearts at a distance, which must be presently 
 broken thereby. And now also I found difficulty in silencing 
 my inclination to intrude into places and things unseen, and in 
 restraining the vain attempt to solve a question, with direct 
 application to the dead lying before me, asking, " Where are 
 they ?" Such were some of my mental occupations, as long as 
 my presence was required within the cemetery. But seeing that 
 our losses from wounds were necessarily severer than those 
 from death, it was indeed a relief to me, as soon as I well 
 could, to exchange the graveyard, first for my tent-house, and 
 afterward for the wards of the several hospitals of my own 
 charge. 
 
318 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 As tlie day wore on, I instituted inc[uiries respecting our prog- 
 ress within the walls, and found we were just where we were 
 the previous day; holding the line from the Delhi College to 
 the Cabul Gate : the magazine, which was close to the College, 
 was still in the possession of the enemy. The heavy guns and 
 mortars had been brought in some time during the 14th, or early 
 on the morning of the 15th, and a battery erected within the 
 College compound, with the design of breaching the magazine ; 
 the walls of which, toward evening, exhibited symptoms of 
 destruction. 
 
 Mortars also were placed in position so as to shell the Palace. 
 But all that day we added nothing to our possessions : the en- 
 emy were still occupants of Kissen Gunge. Our camp re- 
 mained almost as defenseless as on the day of the storm ; for 
 not a single infantry soldier could be spared from the city to 
 protect it. But the hands of its original defenders, consisting 
 chiefly of the convalescent patients of hospitals, were strength- 
 ened by the return of some of the cavalry and light field-pieces 
 of the Horse Artillery. 
 
 Further advances were made during the 17th of Septemberj 
 by the troops placed under the able and judicious command of 
 Colonel John Jones, of Her Majesty's 60th Royal Rifles ; to 
 whom the greatest obligations are due for his management 
 of operations within walls since the 15th. 
 
 The mischievous gun to which I have already alluded as 
 causing so much annoyance, met with a repulse so complete 
 that we assumed a position considerably in advance of what we 
 held before. The Delhi Bank-house, looking on the Chandee 
 Chouk, a perfect ruin standing in a large garden full of trees, 
 and, therefore, full of cover for men with small arms, fell into 
 our hands, and we held it from that day. One or two other 
 houses were also taken, but on account of being commanded 
 by certain hostile guns from the opposite side of the street, our 
 tenure of them had to be relinquished for a time. 
 
NAKRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 319 
 
 We succeeded in getting mortars into the Bank-house, hy 
 means of which we kept up a bombardment directed against 
 the Palace. During the operations of the day we incurred the 
 loss of that brave and energetic officer, who had taken the 
 Water Bastion. I refer to Ensign Phillips, formerly of the 
 11th Bengal Native Infantry, who was transferred by the Horse 
 Guards — at the joint request of Colonel Jones and himself, and 
 with the hearty good-will of the whole regiment — to the 1st 
 Battalion of the 60th Rifles, from the day after the death of 
 Ensign Napier. 
 
 During the afternoon he was busily engaged in front of the 
 enemy's guns, superintending the erection of breastworks, and, 
 while thus employed, he was marked out and slain by the rebels. 
 His death was almost instantaneous, and elicited many an un- 
 feigned expression of deep sorrow from his brother officers 
 and the soldiers of the regiment. I was present at his burial, 
 which took place at sunset of the same day as his death ; 
 Father Bertrand, the Roman Catholic priest, for the first and 
 the last time since the commencement of operations, officiating 
 at a commissioned officer's funeral ; this being only the second 
 Roman Catholic officer lost to the force. 
 
 The 18th of September found us rejoicing over the double 
 fact that an uninterrupted communication now existed between 
 our right and left divisions, and that our rear was free from an- 
 noyance by the enemy, and the ground absolutely our own. 
 Moreover, the mortars were unceasingly throwing shell into the 
 Palace, and at a comparatively close range. 
 
 Every day brought with it more and more opening pros- 
 pects. Nevertheless, the mutineers still claimed with us shares 
 in imperial Delhi, a subject about which we were continuing to 
 dispute with them somewhat unceremoniously. Providence, 
 seemingly, was inclining toward us in the decision between the 
 contending parties. 
 
 We took possession of two houses, known as Major Ah- 
 
320 HEEOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 bott's and Khan Mahomed's, on the right side of the road, just 
 below the Palace. These we held in spite of the enemy, and 
 they gave us complete command of the guns at the Palace 
 Gate. Colonel Jones, of the Rifles, now threw up breastworks 
 across the road, and his operations were very nearly brought 
 to a successful and glorious determination. Two guns and four 
 mortars were still keeping up a continuous fire against the 
 Palace, and ourMinie rifles were busily employed by marksmen 
 whose experience and skill in the use of them kept increasing 
 day by day. 
 
 The riflemen were to be seen very cozily perched on the tops 
 of houses, which their own valor had wrested from the muti- 
 neers ; and from their exalted position every now and then you 
 heard a report one moment, and the next you saw the effect of 
 the shot on the person of some rebel. 
 
 But the operations were not exclusively, though mainly con- 
 fined to the men of Colonel Jones's advanced posts. The 
 troops to the right of this force, and in the direction of the 
 Cabul Gate, sallied forth from thence, and surprised and cap- 
 tured the " Burun Bastion." This was a very important acqui- 
 sition. We now only wanted, on this side of the town, the 
 Lahore Gate, and on the opposite side, the Palace and Selim 
 Ghur, and all would be ours. The enemy were evidently fast 
 retreating, and the possession of the Lahore Gate and its 
 neighboring bastions enabled them to cover their retreat. 
 
 Is it not true how closely the sorrows and the joys of life are 
 blended together ? This is an experience early gained by every 
 inheritor of frail humanity. The successes of the day made 
 many a heart bound with joy ; but there were, notwithstanding, 
 some — and these some brethren, according to the flesh — who 
 were present with the force, and whose faces unmistakably be- 
 tokened unmitigated grief. Cholera was yet clinging to the 
 camp. Soon after early morn it selected for a victim one of 
 the ruddiest and most robust of men. Even a long Indian 
 
NARRATIVE OP THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 321 
 
 residence had not managed to steal from him those rosy tints, 
 the sight of which in any profusion naturally carry back the 
 thoughts to those sea-girt shores which Britons, during their 
 expatriation to this land of continuous sunshine, know by the 
 name of " home." 
 
 The agent to the Hon. the Lieutenant-Governor of the 
 North- Western Provinces most unexpectedly sickened of this 
 intractable disease, and, before midnight, Hervey Harris Great- 
 hed, of the Bengal Civil Service, a remarkably-healthy man, 
 ceased to breathe. The event took us all by surprise, and 
 occasioned very much sorrow. The force sustained in him a 
 very severe loss. Indoctrinated with the principles of the 
 school of his own particular class in the public service, he had 
 strong sympathies with the army. Without being a man of 
 shining talents, he possessed strong good sense, and considera- 
 ble tact ; and his name and his memory yet live in the army 
 and will continue to do so. 
 
 The loss of Mr. Greathed, on the 19th of September, was 
 not the only one sustained by us during that day. A very gal- 
 lant and most promising young officer — Gambler, by name — 
 Adjutant of the 38th Bengal Light Infantry, which mutinied at 
 Delhi, preceded the agent of the Lieutenant-Governor of the 
 North- West Provinces, only by a very few hours, into the world 
 of spirits. He died of his wounds, and was among the very 
 last of those buried in the Cantonment burial-ground. Mr. 
 Greathed was the first who found a resting-place in Ludlow 
 Castle graveyard ; which, with its undulating grounds, its hil- 
 locks, and small valleys lying just beneath, its ecclesiastical 
 head-stones and foot-stones — the designs of many of which are 
 among those most approved of by the Cambridge Camden So- 
 ciety, in whose welfare the late chaplain of Delhi took the 
 liveliest interest — is, without exception, the prettiest of ceme- 
 teries which it has ever been my good fortune to see in India. 
 A church or chapel, like those you meet with in England, the 
 
822 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 weeping-willow, tlie cypress, or the yew, are the only things 
 which it wants to give it the completeness and perfection of 
 some of those country church- yards, amid the monumental 
 stones of which I loved to wander in boyhood, reading the in- 
 scriptions as I went along. The recollections of those days, so 
 susceptible of holy impressions, invariably bring with them 
 something of pleasure, and also something of pain ; perhaps 
 more of the latter than of the former. 
 
 The 20th of September was the last of the Sundays in camp. 
 I had promised the Artillery a service in the College of Delhi, 
 and was as good as my word. Before, however, I could dis- 
 charge this duty, I learned that the Lahore Gate had, at length, 
 fallen into the hands of the army. A camp skirting the 
 "Delhi Grate," as it is called, by the way of distinction, had 
 also been discovered by our cavalry to have been abandoned by 
 the rebels. Lieutenant Hod son was not long in securing pos- 
 session of it ; ridding himself first of some of the enemy's 
 deserted hospital patients. The flight of the occupants of this 
 camp had been evidently very precipitate ; for they had not 
 even given themselves time to relieve it of a great deal which 
 we call, in language of war, booty. 
 
 The next thing we heard of was the possession of the Mo- 
 hammedan temple, dedicated in honor of the false prophet, the 
 place of worship of those who believe and trust in him for sal- 
 vation. The Jumma Musjid, which resisted an assault on the 
 memorable 14th of September, and from which we had to re- 
 tire, now fell an easy prey before our victorious arms. Colonel 
 Jones, with his party, had ,taken the last of the houses which 
 occupied a site directly facing the Imperial Palace. 
 
 This capture was followed, first by that of the enemy's guns 
 guarding the road leading to the royal dwelling-place ; and 
 very soon after, reconnoitering through a small opening of the 
 gate of the Palace, and sending for reinforcements, the Engi- 
 neers, by the help of their powder-bags, made an opening. A 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 323 
 
 rush immediately succeeded, but there was no opposition offered. 
 The Palace was well-nigh deserted : the few men found within 
 were indiscriminately slain ; and from the durbar throne of the 
 renowned, treacherous, and blood-stained house of Timour, 
 Colonel Jones — his good services fully entitling him to assume 
 that honorable position — was the first to propose and drink 
 Her Most Gracious Majesty's health ; after which rounds of 
 cheers, in rapid succession, both loud and long, rent the air. 
 
 When Colonel Jones wrote to Major-Greneral Wilson, an- 
 nouncing the capture of the Palace, in his own matter-of fact 
 style, in these few and simple words, " Blown open the gate 
 and got possession of the Palace," the General replied in terms 
 most complimentary to the Commandant of the Royal Rifles, 
 and in recognition of this most important and valuable serv- 
 ice, appointed him forthwith "Commandant of the Palace," 
 an office Avhich, while it involved much responsibility, and 
 not a little labor, proved, in the end, only honorary. 
 
 Just before the creation of this appointment, and immedi- 
 ately upon getting a firm footing in the city, and establishing 
 his own quarters there, the General, to the great satisfaction of 
 every body, distingxiished the Rifles and the Sirmoor Battalion 
 by giving to each of these regiments the exclusive right and 
 privilege of finding his own body-guard. This he did because 
 of their preeminent gallantry throughout the operations, and in 
 honorable recognition of their distinguished and most valuable 
 services. 
 
 An uninterrupted course of success and glory, unsullied by a 
 single spot, had attended the Rifles, from the moment it left Mee- 
 rut to its return to quarters in its old and favorite cantonment ; 
 an event which only occurred as late as the 1st of February, 
 1858. It marched out on the morning of that day, before the 
 sun had risen ; and as the men passed out of the Palace, the 
 little Gorkhas of the Sirmoor Battalion — with whom they had 
 been brigaded under the distinguished Major Reid, supported by 
 
824 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION, 
 
 the presence of his European and native commissioned officers — 
 lined either side of the way, presented arms, and cheered till they 
 grew hoarse. This was a spontaneous tribute of respect on the 
 part of a single and a native regiment. But as the Rifles ad- 
 vanced to the gateway leading out of the Palace, Her Majesty's 
 61st and the 2d Bengal Fusileers — the only European remnants 
 in Delhi of the Delhi field-force, excepting the Artillery — met 
 them with fresh manifestations of parting pleasure, and vied 
 with each other in trying which should do them most honor ; 
 now the hand of this regiment, and now the band of that, play- 
 ing them out of the city, even beyond the Bridge of Boats across 
 the river Jumna. 
 
 At length the 21st of September dawned upon us. A royal 
 salute at sunrise proclaimed that Delhi was once more a de- 
 pendency of the British crown. The headquarters of General 
 Wilson were established in the Dewan Khas of the Palace. 
 During the day Captain Hodson went out, accompanied by a 
 native, who knew the royal family, and took the person of his 
 Imperial Majesty, Shah Bahadoor Shah, somewhere near the 
 Khootub, and brought him in a prisoner to the Palace. 
 
 On the following day Captain Hodson again went forth in 
 search of the royal family, and his mission was attended with 
 success. The two sons, Mirza Moghul, Commander-in-chief of 
 the rebel army, Mirza Kheyo Sultan, with the grandson, the 
 son of the Mirza Moghul, by name Mirza Aboo Bukker, were 
 all taken on the 22d. They suffered death by the hand of 
 Captain Hodson himself, on the spot near which they had been 
 taken. All three had been known to be deeply implicated in the 
 mutiny and bloodshed of the English. And at the Kotwalle, 
 Avhere our men, women, and children had been ignominiously 
 and cruelly slain, the bodies of the Shahzadas, or Princes, lay 
 exposed, as spectacles of righteous indignation and scorn. 
 
 The slight hopes of recovery which the doctors gave, after a 
 very careful examination of the wound of Brigadier-General 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 325 
 
 Nicholson, completely failed ns. On the morning of the 23d 
 of September this great and valiant man expired, in the 35th 
 year of his age, to the inexpressible regret of the whole force. 
 I remember well the day of his death, and the impression which 
 it made. In him we all felt we had lost a tower of strength. 
 None that ever saw him, and that but once in life, could question 
 appearances, which in him were not deceptive but real ; or 
 deny that those appearances irresistibly conveyed to the mind a 
 conviction, which nothing afterward could disturb, namely, 
 " This man was made for command." It was evident enough 
 that, by the constitution of nature, as well as from the adventi- 
 tious circumstance of his having assumed, with no common de- 
 votion, the profession of arms, Nicholson was essentially a 
 soldier, and a soldier not unworthy of comparison with the great- 
 est military captains of by-gone days. Some say also he was a 
 diplomatist of the first class. Very likely ; but, without de- 
 termining this point, manifestly he was the man, above and 
 beyond every other man in the ranks of the army north of 
 Cawnpore : certainly, his superior could not be found in the 
 army. ' However much those senior to him may envy his great- 
 ness — for envy is a weakness common to us all — or complain 
 of his exaltation over them by what may seem the exercise of 
 a despotic authority, it was impossible for any one to say with 
 truth that Nicholson's was not genuine greatness. With him 
 greatness did not consist in a name merely gained — as many 
 names are — by doing little or next to nothing. No ; the ster- 
 ling qualities of a soldier were the qualities of Nicholson : the 
 more his difficulties multiplied, the brighter his gifts and his 
 graces shone. 
 
 Soon after sunrise of the morning of the 24th of September, 
 the painful duty of consigning the mortal remains of this great 
 soldier to the tomb devolved upon me. It was a solemn serv- 
 ice, and perhaps the simplicity which characterized the arrange- 
 ments of the funeral added considerably to the solemnity of 
 
326 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 the occasion ; particularly when you realized and contrasted 
 with this simplicity the acknowledged greatness of the deceased. 
 
 The funeral cortege was comparatively small ; very few be- 
 sides personal friends composed the mournful train. Most 
 prominent, and most distinguished of all those who best loved 
 and best valued Nicholson, was Chamberlain. He had soothed 
 the dying moments of the departed hero, and having ministered 
 to his comforts while living, now that he was dead and con- 
 cealed from his sight, he stood as long as he well could beside 
 the coffin as chief mourner. The corpse was brought from the 
 General's own tent, on a gun carriage ; whether covered with a 
 pall or otherwise I can not say. But no roar of cannon an- 
 nounced the departure of the procession from camp ; no volleys 
 of musketry disturbed the silence which prevailed at his grave ; 
 no martial music was heard. Thus, without pomp or show, 
 we buried him. He was the second of those commanders who, 
 since the capture of Delhi, was laid beneath the sods of Ludlow 
 Castle graveyard. And over his remains, subsequently to this 
 date, sincere friendship has erected a durable memorial, consist- 
 ing of a large slab of marble, taken from the King's Garden 
 attached to the imperial Palace. Few and simple are the words 
 inscribed thereon, but all-sufficient, nevertheless, to perpetuate 
 the indissoluble connection of Nicholson with Delhi. 
 
 Besides Nicholson, we also buried on that day a young officer 
 named Cairnes, of the 1st Eui-opeau Bengal Fusileers, who 
 died of cholera. 
 
 The camp showed, on the 25th of September, evidences of 
 steady and gradual diminution. Now one corps and now 
 another was to be seen striking their tents, and removing them 
 to positions proximate to and even within Delhi. The cavalry 
 were the last to desert the old post. 
 
 On sanitary grounds alone a removal was necessary. The 
 putrefying carcasses of dead camels and bullocks were lying on 
 every side of us, and there had been no means of removing 
 
NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI. 327 
 
 them to a distance since the army had entered the city. A con- 
 tinuance of this evil a few days longer, and the consequences 
 on the health of the troops might have been very serious. 
 
 The 26th day of September was a Saturday, and I was busily 
 engaged all day long in my tent, preparing for Sunday. A 
 day or two previously I had received a note from Greneral Wil- 
 son, suggesting that our successes should be celebrated on Sun- 
 day, September 27th, in a public manner, by a general thanks- 
 giving. This suggestion gave me great pleasure, and says 
 much for the piety of Greneral Wilson ; than whom, from all I 
 have ever heard, no man saw more clearly the hand of God in 
 the means that enabled him and his force to defeat the insur- 
 gents, and possess himself of the stronghold of the mutiny. 
 
 My colleague arranged with me some slight alterations, neces- 
 sary in the ordinary morning service; which, as simple minis- 
 ters without episcopal functions, we did not wish to alter more 
 than was essential. The venerable bishop could not be con- 
 sulted, or we should have done so without fail. 
 
 The alterations we agreed to were the following ; Sentences 
 before exhortation, Daniel ix, 9, 10 ; Lamentations iii, 22. 
 
 Instead of the psalms for the day we took the psalm, or hymn 
 of praise and thanksgiving after victory ; to be found quite 
 toward the end of the forms of prayers to be used at sea. 
 
 Instead of the usual lessons for the day, and as the troops 
 had to stand, we selected for the first lesson, Isaiah xii, and 
 for the 2d, Luke xvii, from verse 11 to 19 inclusive ; and for 
 the collect for the day we substituted the last collect in the 
 forms of prayer to be used at sea. 
 
 Immediately before the General Thanksgiving, we read the 
 particular "Thanksgiving for peace and deliverance from our 
 enemies." In the General Thanksgiving we inserted, in the 
 proper place there denoted, the following words, " Particularly 
 to us who desire now to offer up our praises and thanksgivings 
 for thy late mercies vouchsafed unto us, in our wonderful pres- 
 
328 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 ervation, as well from the exposure to weather during the re- 
 cent season of the year, as for the regulation of that season in 
 such extraordinary manner as to favor thy servants composing 
 the army, which stood for so many months before the walls of 
 Delhi ; likewise, for restraining the further spread of disease 
 within the camp ; also, for every triumph upon every occasion, 
 And in every engagement against the mutineers since we took 
 the field ; hut especially for the signal success which, in the 
 gracious arrangements of divine Providence, attended the latest 
 operations of the army, and eventually led to our occupation 
 ■of the fort and city of Delhi, the stronghold of the Tiiutiny." 
 In every other respect the Rubrics and Calendars were religiously 
 observed. 
 
 Accordingly, as early as 7 in the morning of Sunday the 
 27th, the troops which could be spared and were off duty, as- 
 sembled within the "Dewan Khas," the council-chamber of the 
 ex-King, in obedience to the Field Force Orders given over 
 night. The building was tolerably crowded. Almost every 
 corps had some one present to represent it ; even those corps 
 who had left Delhi as a part of the movable column ; of those 
 remaining within the city there were very many. 
 
 Perhaps it would hardly be possible to conceive any thing 
 more impressive than this assembly — a small but victorious 
 force, assembled within the Imperial Palace of the ancient Mos- 
 lem capital of Hindustan, lining the four sides of that marble 
 hall wherein the King and his advisers had not long before 
 been convened, plotting and determining evil against the Brit- 
 ish cause. And now that the councils of evil men had been 
 brought to naught, and every foul purpose of theirs completely 
 frustrated, the triumphant army — the means which God had 
 been pleased to employ in order to bring about these gracious 
 ends — stood devoutly in the Divine presence — for where is not 
 God ? — ascribing unto him praise, and saying glory and honor, 
 power and dominion are thine. Never before did I realize so 
 
NARRATIVE OP THE SIEGE OP DELHI. 329 
 
 fully and so vividly the character of some of those assemblies 
 of Israel occasionally spoken of in the Old Testament : as, for 
 instance, when Israel commemorated the nation's deliverance 
 out of Egypt, and their safe passage through the Red Sea. 
 
 My excellent colleague, the Eev. F. W. Ellis, who had en- 
 deared himself to me by many an act of kindness since our first 
 acquaintance and connection together in camp, read morning 
 prayer, and I preached from those striking and instructive 
 words written in the 12th verse of the 116th Psalm — " What 
 shall 1 render unto the Lord, for all the benefits which he has 
 done unto me ?" We should have liked to have celebrated the 
 holy communion when the sermon had ended, but the recent 
 harass of the troops denied us this privilege. 
 
 On the evening of the following day, Monday the 28th of 
 September, with permission of General Wilson, I started for 
 Meerut, on a week's leave, to see my wife and children, after an 
 absence of four as critical months as any ever passed by tho 
 English in India. 
 
 And now my story is ended ; though my connection with the 
 " Delhi Field Force," as a field force, did not cease till the 15th 
 January, 1858, when, by a resolution of the Commander-in- 
 chief, it changed its name, and assumed the humbler style and 
 designation of a garrison. Of this garrison I continue as yet 
 chaplain, unable to return to my station and congregation at 
 Meerut, because I continue unrelieved. 
 
 28 
 
330 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWAEDS 
 
 IN ROHILCUND, FUTTEHGHUR, AND OUDE. 
 
 Shortly after the outbreak at Meerut the spirit of disorder 
 hegan to show itself in the Budaon district of Rohiloimd over 
 which I was magistrate and collector. Becoming alarmed for 
 the safety of my wife and child, I dispatched them to a place of 
 security — the station of Nynee Tal. This was in May — it is 
 now almost August and I have heard nothing from them. 
 
 As soon as the troubles commenced I doubled the police force 
 of the district, containing a million inhabitants, and I the sole 
 European officer in it. 
 
 On the 25th of May I received notice that the Mohammedans 
 of the town of Budaon were to rise and plunder the place. I 
 at once summoned the most influential inhabitants of that per- 
 suasion to meet me at my house. They immediately came, 
 many of them very fierce and insolent, and all in a most ex- 
 cited state. Soon after they were seated and I had commenced 
 talking with them, I saw Wuzeer Singh, a Sikh peon, and one 
 of my personal guards, come up quietly behind me, with my 
 revolver in his belt and my gun in his hand, and station him- 
 self immediately behind my chair. In the tumult and excite- 
 ment, and where all were armed, his entrance was unnoticed, 
 but his quiet and determined demeanor made me for the first 
 time feel that he was a man I could depend on in any difficulty 
 or danger. By degrees my visitors calmed down, and by lead- 
 ing them into conversation, and reasoning with them, and, 
 above all, playing off one party against another — knowing as I 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 331 
 
 did that a bitter animosity existed between several of them — I 
 managed to occupy their attention till the time fixed for the 
 rising had passed. 
 
 On the 27th, to my great joy, my cousin, Alfred Phillips, 
 magistrate of Etah, drew up, escorted by a dozen horsemen. 
 He gave a deplorable account of the state of things in his dis- 
 trict. Matters grew daily worse. On the 1st of June I heard 
 that mutiny had broken out at Bareilly, and that the road up to 
 within eight miles of Budaon was full of convicts. I awoke 
 Phillips and gave him the news. He called for his horse and 
 followers, and in ten minutes after dashed off at full gallop, in 
 order to get to the ghauts across the Ganges before the convicts 
 or mutineers could reach it and prevent his return to the scene 
 of his duty, I most bitterly regret that I did not follow his 
 example, and thus make my escape from Budaon, where I could 
 do no good, and endeavor to reach the hills, which I then might 
 have succeeded in doing. 
 
 About 10 o'clock, A. M., I was joined by Mr. Donald and 
 son, indigo planters in the district ; who, having had their lives 
 threatened at their residence in Ooghannee, had come into the 
 station for protection. Mr. Gibson, a patrol in the Customs 
 Department — temporarily on duty in the interior of the district — 
 also sought safety in my house ; as did Mr. Stewart, one of my 
 clerks, with his wife and family. 
 
 At noon I collected all my guests in the drawing-room, and 
 we joined in hearty prayers to God for his mercy and protection 
 in our desperate circumstances. I advised my friends to sepa- 
 rate and fly — as for me, I must remain at my post as long as 
 the semblance of order could be maintained. My entreaties 
 were in vain. 
 
 About 4 o'clock, P. M., the native officer of the Sepoy guard 
 over the treasury, composed of one hundred men of the 68th 
 Native Infantry, which corps had mutinied at Bareilly the pre- 
 vious day, came to report all right. I took him aside, and 
 
332 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 inquired the real state of affairs. He denied, witli the most 
 solemn oaths any person of his persuasion could take, all 
 knowledge of the Bareilly mutiny ; a,sserting that no intimation 
 had come to the guard from their comrades at Bareilly, and 
 that, as long as Colonel Troup lived, he was confident the regi- 
 ment would remain loyal. He then informed me that the guard 
 were much alarmed in consequence of the excited state of the 
 town, fearing they might be attacked by overwhelming numbers 
 of budmashes, who would then sack the treasury, and he begged 
 me earnestly to come down and join the guard, who would 
 thereby be quite reassured. The man's earnest and respectful 
 manner quite deceived me : I thought, if ever any one spoke 
 truth it is this person. I at once, therefore, expressed my 
 Avillingness to go, and told him to start, and I woidd follow 
 presently. I then ordered my buggy, and was about stepping 
 into it to drive off, when Wuzeer Singh came and implored me 
 not to go, saying he knew these fellows well, and that they 
 meant mischief. I took his advice, and sent off my buggy. 
 
 I regard this incident with deep thankfulness, as one of the 
 many marked interpositions of Almighty care in preserving my 
 life, which have occurred within the past two months. Had I 
 placed myself in the hands of the guard, they would at once 
 have murdered me ; for I subsequently ascertained that a mes- 
 senger from the regiment at Bareilly had reached the guard 
 about four in the morning, to inform them of what had occurred 
 there, and prepare them for the advance of a body of mutineers 
 to Budaon in the evening. The guard waited for my expected 
 arrival at the kutcherry for above an hour and a half, and then, 
 finding that 1 was not coriiing, they would be restrained no 
 longer, but broke out into open mutiny. A party of theni 
 might easily have been sent to my house to seize and destroy 
 me, but not a man would consent to leave the immediate neigh- 
 borhood of the treasury, lest the plundering should commence 
 in their absence, and they should lose their share of the spoil. 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 333 
 
 Their first act was to break open the gaol, distant about one 
 hundred yards from the treasury, and release some three hun- 
 dred prisoners who were confined within. A tumultuous noise 
 and shouting about 6 o'clock, P. M., announced to me that the 
 work of destruction had begun ; at the same moment informa- 
 tion was brought me that the mutineers from Bareilly were en- 
 tering the station, and that all my police had thrown away their 
 badges and joined them. The released prisoners then came 
 shouting and yelling close up to my house. I felt my work 
 was then over ; that the ship had sunk under me, and that it 
 was now time to try and provide for my own safety. My horse, 
 a small gray Cabul galloway belonging to my wife and con- 
 stantly ridden by her, on whose speed and endurance I knew I 
 could depend, had been standing all day saddled ; I at once 
 mounted him, and rode slowly away from the house, followed 
 by the Messrs. Donald and Gibson. 
 
 The town, then full of mutineers, lay between us and the 
 road to Moradabad, by which I had hoped to escape to the 
 hills ; I was, therefore, anxious to give the mutineers time to 
 get to the treasury, which I knew would be their first point, 
 and then endeavor to make a circuit round, and thus fall into 
 the Moradabad road. "When I had gone some hundred yards 
 from the house I was met by the chief of Shikooporah, a Mo- 
 hammedan gentleman of family and influence, who used fre- 
 quently to visit me. He dissuaded me from attempting to get 
 round the town, as the roads were crowded with Sepoys and 
 released convicts. He begged me to come and take refuge in 
 his house, about three miles off, and in a different direction 
 from that I had intended taking. This I readily consented to 
 do, as I hoped that I could remain concealed with him till the 
 mutineers had abandoned the station, when I would have re- 
 turned, and endeavored to resume my duties and restore some 
 degree of order. The sheikh, at the same time, said he would 
 grant an asylum to me alone, but not to the others of my 
 
334 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 party. I, however, thought I might be able to induce him to 
 abandon this resolution, and retain us all, and I therefore took 
 no notice at the time. We then turned and accompanied the 
 sheikh. We had to return past my house, and, though scarcely 
 ten minutes had elapsed since leaving it, I found the work of 
 plundering it had already commenced, and that my own chu- 
 prassees were busily employed appropriating my property. 
 The first man I saw was one of my own orderlies, and who 
 had been a favorite of mine, with my dress-sword on him. 
 Of course I was in no position to resent his conduct, or even 
 notice it. 
 
 I was now obliged to leave poor Mr. Stewart, my clerk, and 
 his family. They were in sad distress ; for they had neglected 
 my warning in the morning to effect their escape while it was 
 possible, and now it was apparently too late : their only con- 
 veyance being a buggy, which could proceed only by regular 
 roads, and these were all blocked up by the mutineers and reb- 
 els. There was nothing for them but to hide in the fields ; and 
 all I could do for them, in my own desperate circumstances, 
 was to consign them to the care of an influential man in the 
 city, who had just come up to see how it fared with me. He 
 promised to look after them, and I hope has done so ; what has 
 become of them, however, I know not, but as they were East 
 Indians, and nearly as dark as the natives, I trust they man- 
 aged to escape and are now alive. 
 
 My heart was indeed heavy in finally leaving that peaceful, 
 happy home, where, for the past eighteen months, we had en- 
 joyed much rational happiness and blessed tranquillity. When 
 I look back to that time in my present circumstances of peril, 
 it appears like the days of heaven upon the earth. One of my 
 private servants, an Afghan, named Sooltan Mohammed Khan, 
 accompanied me, and also Wuzeer Singh, who alone, of all 
 the public establishment at Budaon, remained faithful to his 
 salt. I had with me one change of clothes, which I intrusted 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 335 
 
 to my groom ; but he disappeared immediately, and I never 
 saw him again, so I was reduced to those on my back. I took 
 with me, also, a little Testament, and darling May's piirse, in- 
 tended for my birthday presents, and which had just reached 
 me from home ; these, and my watch and revolver, and one 
 hundred and fifty rupees divided between Sooltan Mohammed 
 and Wuzeer Singh, who carried them round their waist, Avere 
 all the worldly goods I possessed ; and with them I went forth 
 for the first time in my life, without a home or a roof to cover 
 me, and, like the patriarch, not knowing whither I went. 
 
 We waded the Yar Wuffadar river, which ran just below my 
 house ; and, after about an hour's riding, reached Shikooporah, 
 without Hotice or molestation. Scarcely had we dismounted 
 from our horses, and entered the walled court, than one of the 
 sheikh's brothers came up to me, and respectfully stated that it 
 would be impossible for us to remain with safety there, as our 
 numbers would certainly attract attention, and bring down 
 upon us the mutineers ; we must, therefore, at once leave, and 
 go on to a village of his, about eighteen miles distant, on the 
 left bank of the Ganges. I was deeply mortified at this, 
 and the consequent frustration of my hope of being able to lie 
 close till the mutineers should decamp, and then return to the 
 station. I, therefore, remonstrated strongly with the chief on 
 his want of hospitality ; but he remained quite firm, assuring 
 me that while he was quite ready to shelter me alone, he would 
 not grant an asylum to my companions. As they would not 
 leave me, and I would not desert them, there was nothing for 
 it but to comply with the sheikh's wishes, and start for the vil- 
 lage further on. Fortunately it was for me that I did so. 
 
 I humbly regard this as another marked interposition of a 
 merciful God to save my life ; for shortly after we left Shikoo- 
 porah, a body of Irregular Horse, who had accompanied the 
 infantry portion of the mutineers from Bareilly — an event 
 wholly unexpected by me, as the corps to which they belonged 
 
336 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 was considered stanch and loyal — beat up my temporary 
 hiding-place, and would have assuredly murdered me had they 
 found me there, as they expected. 
 
 KirssoKAH, 28th July. 
 
 I resume my writing, but with a lighter heart ; for this morn- 
 ing, blessed be God ! I have received tidings on which I can 
 depend — the first since tbe 25th of May — of the safety of my 
 beloved wife and child at Nynee Tal. Information was 
 brought to me in the morning, by some of the people in this 
 village — in which we are now living, under the protection of 
 Hurdeo Buksh, an influential zemindar of Oude — that a stran- 
 ger had arrived in the night, and was making inquiries for me* 
 He was suspected to be a spy from the rebels at Futtehghur, or 
 elsewhere, and his movements were being closely watched. I 
 told my informant that I thought no harm could come of this 
 man being brought before me. He was accordingly summoned, 
 and turned out to be. a common Kahar, or palkee-bearer. I 
 was in native dress, and he did not seem at first to recognize 
 me ; but at last said, "You are the sahib I have often seen in 
 kutcherry, at Budaon. I am a servant of Missur Byjenath's, 
 the Bareilly banker, and he has sent me to ascertain if the re- 
 port which had reached him that you were alive, and in hiding, 
 is true, and to inform you — if I could find you — that the 'mem- 
 sahib ' and the child are both well at Nynee Tal, and quite 
 safe, and want for nothing, as my master has taken care to 
 have them supplied with necessary funds." 0, what a load 
 was lifted off my heart by the tidings ! 
 
 This is the first messenger who has reached us from the outer 
 world since the 13th of June. He informs me that poor Mr. 
 Stewart, my clerk, and his family, are as yet safe, and in 
 hiding near Budaon ; that Khan Bahadhur Khan is in power 
 at Bareilly, and has assumed the Government of Rohilcund ; 
 that poor Hay, Robertson, and Raikes were among those mas- 
 sacred at Bareilly on the 31st of May, and_that he had himself 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 337 
 
 seen their dead bodies dragged through the city ; hut that sev- 
 eral Europeans had escaped to Nynee Tal, among them the 
 Commissioner Alexander, and Colonel Troup. 
 
 The messenger, whose name was Khan Singh, had been ten 
 days coming from Bareilly, owing to the immdations, the rains 
 being peculiarly heavy — a most fortunate thing for us, as it 
 prevents bands of mutineers and rebels wandering about the 
 country. He informs ns that our troops are at Delhi, and all is 
 going on well there ; that there is daily fighting, and that Agra 
 and Meerut are still safe. Khan Singh wished at once to return 
 to his master with the news respecting me, and I gave him a 
 little letter, inclosed in a quill, for my wife, which he promised 
 to convey safely to Nynee Tal. I have great hopes that he will 
 be able to do so, as the piece of quill is not an inch long, and 
 can be easily hidden in the mouth in case of challenge. He 
 left us on his return in the evening. 
 
 I must now resume the narrative of my proceedings on the 
 night of 1st of June, after leaving Shikooporah. We were 
 accompanied by one of the sheikhs, and traveled through by- 
 ways and fields, leaving the high-road at some distance to our 
 left, in case of pursuit. We passed through a number of vil- 
 lages, literally swarming with men armed with swords, and 
 iron-bound lathees. They were silent and not disrespectful, 
 seeing us accompanied by the sheikh, whose tenantry they all 
 were. He was, however, obliged to take the precaution to send 
 men ahead to each village as we approached it, to prepare the 
 people for our coming, and prevent any attack upon us. As 
 we traveled on I looked back and saw a bright gleam of light 
 in the sky, which I knew full well was from the burning bun- 
 galows in poor Budaon ; all the property I possessed adding to 
 the blaze. 
 
 We reached our destination about 12 o'clock, P. M. It was 
 
 a miserable village called Kukorah, but containing one better 
 
 sort of house, in which the sheikh resided when he visited the 
 
 29 
 
338 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 place on business. We were sent up to the roof of this house, 
 to pass the night ; and there commenced my sleeping in the 
 open air, which, with one or two exceptions, I have been forced 
 to do ever since. Before going to rest we all joined in prayer, 
 thanking God for having so mercifully preserved us hitherto, 
 and commending ourselves to his merciful protection for the 
 future. Although weary and worn-out with the events of the past 
 twenty-four hours, I scarcely closed an eye. About 4 o'clock, 
 A. M., we were awoke by order of the sheikh, who recommended, 
 indeed insisted, on our at once crossing the Ganges, to a place 
 called Kadirchonk in the Etah district, where we would be, he 
 declared, quite safe ; which we could not hope to be muck 
 longer in his village, as the Irregular Cavalry would soon be 
 on our track. I consented, thinking that by joining Phillips and 
 Bramley at Puttealee, I might get aid from them,, and return to 
 Budaon, to attempt to restore order. I was, however, doomed 
 to bitter disappointment, as the sequel will show. 
 
 We took leave of the sheikh about 5 o'clock, A. M., and rode 
 to the bank of the Ganges, where we found a boat and crossed 
 to the opposite side. The right bank was lined with a large 
 concourse of people, assembled to attack and plunder some 
 neighboring village. The crowd hailed us, and fired two or 
 three shots at the boat, as we went down the center of the stream ; 
 but the balls never came near us, and did no harm. We landed 
 unmolested about a mile below this mob, and rode on to Kadir 
 Chouk, a ruinous old fort, about two miles inland. The owner, 
 a Mohammedan gentleman of some influence, received us very 
 kindly, and assigned us a room, where we were sheltered from 
 the heat, by this time become intense. His retainers, fully 
 armed, were all assembled about the premises for the protection 
 of the place, as a large body of marauders were assembled in 
 the neighborhood — others than these we saw on the river 
 bank — and threatening an attack. At this time, as far as I 
 could judge, this man was very well affected toward our Gov- 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 339 
 
 ernment, and was in high, spirits ; information having just 
 reached him, that Phillips, who was at Puttealee, only eight 
 miles oif, had been joined hj Bramley, with a large body of 
 horse, and that they would at once commence restoring order in 
 the district. This was most cheering news for me. I sent off 
 a messenger at once to Phillips, informing him of the Budaon 
 disaster, and saying we would join him in the evening. About 
 5 o'clock, P. M., a reply was brought, and disheartening enough 
 it was ; saying that Bramley had only brought a few horsemen 
 with him, and recommending me to join them immediately, as 
 it was their intention to make at once for Agra. We thought 
 it as well not to communicate this news to our host, and we 
 left him immediately ; reaching Puttealee about seven. 
 
 STAKTING OFF. 
 
 I found Bramley and Phillips in low spirits — no wonder, for 
 they had just heard of mutiny among the troops sent from 
 Lucknow to their aid. We remained for two or three days very 
 anxious, with these fellows all about us. On the evening of 
 the 5th Phillips got a note saying that the mutineers, to the 
 number of 200, would attack us the next morning. As soon 
 as the moon rose — at 10 o'clock, P. M. — we started for Agra. 
 Before starting I dispatched a note to my wife. Marched all 
 night without interruption ; in the forenoon came near a mu- 
 tinous body of troops, and changed our course to avoid them. 
 Marched all day, and were at night exhausted by the toil, dust, 
 and terrific heat. 
 
 An old soldier, a pensioner of our Government, who had 
 served in Afghanistan, greatly commiserated our position, and 
 in answer to our request for water, brought us milk and chu- 
 patties, which were most acceptable in our fainting state. We 
 rested here for an horn*, and on going away I offered the old ■ 
 man a little money in return for his hospitality. He flatly re- 
 fused to receive it, saying, with apparently real sorrow, "You 
 
340 HEROES OE THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 are in far greater need than I am now, who have a home, 
 whereas you are wanderers in the jungles ; hut if ever your raj 
 is restored, rememher me, and the little service I have been able 
 to render you." 
 
 Got to Puttealee at night. Bramley and Phillips determined 
 to halt a day and try to reach Agra next day. I determined to 
 go back to Budaon, and push my way to the hills through that 
 district. The two Donalds and Mr. Gibson were of my party. 
 
 We reached Kadir Gunge at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of 
 next day, and were received very coldly. Here we heard that 
 mutineers were thick around us, and our host declared that we 
 must leave. 
 
 There was no help for it, so we mounted and rode off; but 
 on reaching the Ganges we found that the boat provided for us 
 was too small to contain any one of our horses, and that we, 
 therefore, could not cross. We in vain endeavored to get an- 
 other ; and much depressed, were at last forced to betake our- 
 selves again to the zemindar. He was very rude on our arrival, 
 but was at length pacified. He strongly urged us to abandon all 
 thoughts of crossing the river into Budaon, and to go on to 
 Furruckabad ; which place was sixty miles off, the road pretty 
 clear, and the station still safe. He told us the reason why he 
 felt certain that no mutiny had occurred there as yet was, that 
 several of his people were prisoners in the gaol at that place, 
 and had it been broken open, they would surely have come 
 back to their homes in this village ere that time. 
 
 We were perfectly helpless, and determined to follow his 
 advice. Doing so has brought me indeed to this place of 
 misery ; but had I crossed into Budaon what might not have 
 been my fate ? The zemindar gave us two foot-men for guides. 
 At midnight the guide in front of us made a sign to us to halt. 
 We did so, and he pointed out to us some 300 men lying on 
 the ground as if asleep. All at once they rose up as one man 
 and came toward us. It was no use attempting to fly, for we 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 341 
 
 slioulcl then have lost our guides, as we were mounted and they 
 were on foot ; so we stood fast. I told the guide to go for- 
 ward to meet them, and explain who we were. He was a sharp 
 fellow, for I heard him immediately saying we were " Sahibs," 
 going to meet and bring back some troops who were coming up 
 from Furruckabad to restore order. The villagers seemed quite 
 satisfied with this information, and let us pass. They were 
 lying out about a mile from their village, as an advanced picket, 
 in expectation of an attack, by one of those " Pukars " I have 
 already spoken of, with which they were threatened. They 
 were much pleased to hear that there was a prospect of order 
 being restored by troops, and it was not for us to undeceive 
 them. After leaving them we passed through the village, which 
 was full of men ; but they never noticed or stopped us, as we 
 had been allowed to pass through their pickets. 
 
 About 2 o'clock, A.M., the guides left us, having put us in 
 the straight road to Futtehghur, and we traveled on by our- 
 selves. Just as the morning dawned, we were much surprised 
 to see an encampment about a mile to the right of the road ; 
 apparently of a considerable body of men, from the number of 
 tents, and their being disposed in regular lines. There were, 
 however, no sentries, nor any signs of life, and we passed un- 
 challenged. After traveling the entii-e night, with only one halt 
 of ten minutes to water the horses, we arrived about 8 A. M. at 
 a considerable Puthan village called Kaim Gunj, where there 
 was a government tehseeldaree. 
 
 We rode into the inclosure and summoned the tehseeldar, 
 who appeared after a considerable delay ; he was a frail old 
 man, but, as we afterward discovered, with a noble heart ; for, 
 under Providence, he was the chief instrument in saving our 
 lives at this place. By the time he came a considerable crowd 
 had assembled round us, and the tehseeldar seemed anxious to 
 get us to leave the tehseeldaree and go with him to the residence 
 of Yar Nawab "Ahmed Zur Khan," a native gentleman of 
 
342 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 influence, and the chief proprietor in the place ; who, he said, 
 would be happy to receive us, and who could protect us, as his 
 house was situated within a walled garden. We accordingly 
 removed to this place, distant about a mile from the tehseeldaree, 
 and were at once led into the garden, and told to remain there 
 till the Nawab could himself receive us. We sat down under 
 the shade of the trees ; for the heat was by this time intense. 
 Presently the Nawab's brother, attended by three followers, all 
 armed with double-barreled guns, came to look at us. He was 
 quite intoxicated with opium, and very insolent and excited in 
 his manner. He questioned us as to who we were, and on my 
 telling him that I was the collector of Budaon, and that the 
 others were indigo planters and a Customs patrol, he turned to 
 me and said, "You I know, and will protect you, as you are a 
 Government officer ; as for these fellows, I know nothing of 
 them, and will have nothing to do with them." I thought it 
 highly probable, that, infuriated as he was with drugs, he might 
 shoot down my companions at once, and they themselves quite 
 expected he would fire on them. Fortunately, however, at this 
 juncture the Nawab himself appeared, and the brother was at 
 once taken away. 
 
 The Nawab was kind and polite in his demeanor, but seemed 
 most reluctant to allow us to enter his house. After much 
 demur he admitted us, on my representing that we were greatly 
 fatigued, and suffering much from the heat of the sun, as the 
 trees afforded us no sufficient shelter. I told him we had no 
 wish to remain with him, but were most desirous to press on 
 to Futtehghui', and hoped he would get us a boat to take our- 
 selves and horses down the river to that place. He professed 
 his readiness to help us, and sent off a messenger to the Nawab 
 Doollah, a relation of his — living at a place about eight miles 
 oif near the Ganges, called Shumshabad — who we were assured 
 Avould order a boat to be in readiness for us by the afternoon. 
 We were then conducted to the top of the house, and some food 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 343 
 
 given to us. My two servants were not allowed to accompany 
 us, but remained with the horses in the conrt-yard below. 
 
 As we were eating our breakfast, a messenger came in 
 and whispered something to the Nawab, who was sitting with 
 us. The communication produced an immediate change in his 
 demeanor ; he rose, saying we must at once start for Shum- 
 shabad, where the Nawab Doollah would receive us, and that 
 he would himself furnish us with an escort of five horsemen, 
 under the orders of one of his relatives, by name Multan Khan ; 
 a fine, powerful Pathan between forty and fifty years of age, 
 who was also sitting with us. Before taking leave of him, the 
 Nawab required me to give him a certificate that he had treated 
 us well and given us an escort. This demand is almost in- 
 variably a prelude to treachery, as persons to whom such docu- 
 ments are granted always consider their possession must clear 
 them from all blame, whatever may happen to the granters. 
 I was of course forced to give the certificate. As we rode out 
 of the gateway, Multan Khan whispered to me, "It is as well 
 for us to go across the fields, and avoid all villages :" and he at 
 once struck off at a rapid gallop. 
 
 After riding for about four miles, we halted, to allow the 
 riding camels, on which Mr. Gibson and Wuzeer Singh were 
 mounted, to come up ; they, with Mr. Donald, senior, who was 
 on horseback, having fallen considerably behind. On riding 
 up, Mr. Donald said to me, " I have heard something which 
 will make your blood curdle. Wuzeer Singh informs me he 
 overheard the Nawab's people and our escort, before leaving 
 Kaieem Gunge, say that we were all to be killed as soon as we 
 embarked on the boat." I rode up to Mr. Gibson's camel, and 
 questioned Wuzeer Singh, who assured me that he believed, 
 from what he had heard, it was their deliberate intention to 
 murder us all. Of course I was much shocked ; but what 
 could we do ? I merely said, in reply to Mr, Donald, that we 
 were helpless, and must now go on with our escort, showing 
 
344 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 no doubt of their fidelity, and trust in God to protect us. 
 After halting about ten minutes, we again set off at a gallop, 
 Multan Khan leading, and shortly after arrived at the Nawab 
 Doollah's. There we were received with great civility by the 
 Nawab's head man, a Hindoo, who was sitting transacting 
 business in an ojpen veranda, surrounded by a number of 
 people. 
 
 Several messages immediately passed between the Nawab 
 and this official, who at last went to speak to his master, in 
 the interior of the house. I took the opportunity to send him 
 my compliments, hoping that he was well, and would see and 
 assist us in j)rocuring a boat to take us to Fettehghur. The 
 man soon returned, saying the Nawab would not see us — which 
 I thought a very bad sign — but that we should have a boat as 
 soon as it could be prepared. He then recommended my send- 
 ing intimation of our coming to the kotwal of Futtehghur, and 
 he wrote a purwannah, or order, for me to sign, and I pulled off 
 my signet ring to seal it. Some of the party asked to be al- 
 lowed to look at the ring, which was handed round the cir- 
 cle, duly inspected, and civilly returned to me. It required a 
 great effort to maintain a composed and cheerful demeanor all 
 this time ; but we contrived to do so, and to converse with 
 those present. After sitting about an hour, we were invited 
 to adjourn to a bungalow of the Nawab's, built and furnished 
 in the European style, to have some refreshment before starting 
 in the boat. The Hindoo Kardar, Multan Khan, and our es- 
 cort, accompanied us to this bungalow, and sat down with us. 
 I ate, fortunately for me, some hard eggs, which sustained me 
 well during the next eighteen hours. 
 
 I was about to lie down, and try to get some rest, for I was 
 sorely fatigued, when my suspicions were aroused by Multan 
 Khan coming up and saying, "I pity you from my heart." I 
 asked him why. He was explaining that no boat had been 
 prepared for us, and that we could never hope to reach Futteh- 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWAEDS. 345 
 
 ghnr alive, from the state of the villages and roads ; when Mr. 
 Donald, junior, who was standing at the window, called out to 
 me, in mirch alarm, that there was a crowd of armed men col- 
 lecting round the house, and pouring into the compound. 
 The Kardar, almost at the same moment, came up to me, say- 
 ing, " You must all leave this place at once ; you will be all 
 killed if you remain any longer. Return whence you came, 
 and stick to the sowars who accompanied you from Kaieem 
 Gunj." Oxir horses were immediately ordered, and we 
 mounted. As I rode out of the inclosure, I looked round 
 for my two servants, hut the crowd was by this time so great 
 that I could not see them. My second horse, ridden up to this 
 time by my Afghan servant, was standing at the door, and we 
 begged Mr. Gibson to mount him ; but he, being an indifferent 
 horseman, declined, and then got on his camel. Up to this 
 time the crowd did not meddle with us, and opened a way for 
 us to pass through. 
 
 Mr. Donald, junior, and I were riding in front, accompanied 
 by Multan Khan, and had advanced about two hundred yards 
 from the house, Avhen we observed a body of horsemen drawn 
 up across the road, in a grove immediatel}'- in our front, and 
 waiting for us. Multan Khan pulled up his horse, and bade us 
 at once return to the house as the only chance of saving our 
 lives ; for he said that neither himself nor any of his men 
 would advance with us another yard. It was out of the ques- 
 tion to attempt to get through this body by our four selves, and 
 so we turned back to the house. 
 
 I was some way in fi-ont, and riding along by the wall of 
 the inclosure in which the house was situated, and not far from 
 the gate, when the mob opened fire upon us, with savage shouts 
 and yells. How I escaped I know not, for the bullets were 
 rapping into the wall all about me ; but my horse, becoming 
 very restive under the fire, plunged so much that they could 
 neither hit him nor myself. Turning round to see what was 
 
346 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 going on behind me, I saw Mr. Donald, senior, wittont his 
 hat, trying to get out of the crowd, and a number of men 
 rushing in upon Mr. Gibson, and striking at him with swords 
 and sticks. 
 
 I now noticed Multan Khan and our escort galloping off, 
 leaving us to our fate. My only chance was to attempt to 
 rejoin them ; so I called out to Mr. Donald, senior, to follow 
 me, and, drawing my revolver, put my horse right at the crowd 
 as hard as I could go. They opened for me right and left, and 
 I passed close to poor Mr. Gibson ; I shall never forget his 
 look of agony, as he was ineffectually trying to defend himself 
 from the ruffians who were swarming around him. I could 
 render him no aid, and was only enabled to save myself 
 through the activity and strength of my horse. Once or twice 
 I was on the point of shooting some of the fellows, but re- 
 frained, thinking that threatening them with my pistol was 
 more likely to deter them, as when once a barrel was discharged 
 they might close in upon me, fancying that I could no longer 
 hurt them. 
 
 I soon got clear of the mob, and joined Multan Khan and 
 the escort, who had by this time halted, Mr. Donald, senior, 
 followed me almost immediately ; his horse was severely 
 wounded by a matchlock-ball in the near hind leg, but he was 
 himself untouched. His son also rode up soon after : he had 
 escaped unwounded, by riding through the town, and jumping 
 his horse over a ravine, where the fellows could not follow him. 
 A man also joined us mounted on my second horse, a difficult 
 animal to manage ; he threw his rider almost immediately, then 
 bolted, and was, as I imagined, lost. 
 
 Multan Khan and the others seemed by no means pleased 
 that we had escaped, and were very threatening in their de- 
 meanor. I rode up to the former, and putting my hand on his 
 shoulder, said to him, "Have you a family and little chil- 
 dren?" He answered bv a nod. "And are they not 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 347 
 
 dependent on you for their bread ?" I asked. He replied, " Yes." 
 "Well," I said, "so liave I, and I am confident yon are not 
 the man to take my life and destroy their means of support." 
 He looked at me for a moment, and then said, " I will save 
 your life if I can ; follow me." He immediately turned and 
 set off at a gallop, and we followed him. 
 
 One of the sowars, a scoundrel belonging to the Mehidpore 
 Contingent, and mounted on a poor horse, rode along side of 
 me, and said, " Give me your horse ; mine is good enough for 
 you." I put him off by some civil answer ; but he was much 
 enraged at my refusal, and remonstrated with Multan Khan for 
 not at once murdering us. Finding he could not persuade him 
 or the other sowars to attack us, he struck off to a village 
 through which we were to pass, in order to raise the villagers 
 to intercept and murder us. This caused Multan Khan to take 
 a long circuit through the fields to avoid the village. 
 
 We reached Kaieem Gunj about 4 P. M., and were at once 
 told to ascend to the roof of the house and show ourselves to no 
 one. We were almost immediately informed that poor Mr. 
 Gibson, who had been with us a few hours before, had been cut 
 in pieces by the mob. The Nawab visited us soon after our 
 arrival, and seemed heartily sorry for what had occurred ; at- 
 tributing the attack make upon us, and very justly, to the 
 treachery of the Nawab " Doollah " of Shumshabad. He then 
 plainly told us, that he could afford us no protection ; that the 
 people believed that we were covered with rings and jewels, and 
 that the very children would tear us in pieces, if they saw us, 
 to plunder us. I told him that we had nothing with us. But 
 he said the story that I had produced my signet ring to seal the 
 purwannah at Shumshabad had got about, and they believed 
 we were covered with jewels, and that nothing would persuade 
 them to the contrary. He said he could only consent to keep 
 us in his house till nightfall, when we must quit it. I told him 
 I would try and return by the way I had come, to my own dis- 
 
348 HEROES OF THE INDIAN" REBELLION. 
 
 trict, where I thought friends would protect me. The IS^awab 
 said this Avas imjDOSsible, as I shouki he cut to pieces within the 
 first mile. 
 
 I then said that we would try and make for Futtehghur. The 
 Naw^ah allowed this was our best plan, hut he at the same time 
 declared his inability to get a guide to conduct us ; alleging as 
 the reason, that news had been received of the total destruction 
 of our army before Delhi, and the death of the Commander-in- 
 chief, who had poisoned himself, though Ave gave out that he 
 had died of cholera. I represented that without a guide we 
 must perish by the way; but he was immovable, saying he 
 could not help us, for no one would consent to aid or conduct 
 us. Mr. Donald, senior's, horse was reported quite unable to 
 move, from his wound, and it was quite necessary to supply 
 his place. After much trouble, the Nawab procured for him in 
 the bazar, for fifty rupees, a miserable pony, quite unsuitable 
 for so heavy a man to travel with at any pace. 
 
 After the Nawab left us we all three joined in prayer, thank- 
 ing God for our preservation in the midst of such great danger, 
 and entreating him mercifully to open a door of escape for us, 
 or, if not, to prepare us for himself. I then sent for the old 
 tehseeldar, who had befriended us in the morning, and, on his 
 coming, pointed out to him the hopelessness of our ever reach- 
 ing Futtehghur if we had to keep t-o the main road and pass 
 through the villages, and that, therefore, we must have a guide 
 to lead us through by-paths and fields. I begged him earnestly 
 to go to the Nawab and try and induce him to give us at least 
 one horseman as a guide. He consented to go, but expressed 
 himself very hopeless of a favorable result ; saying, if he suc- 
 ceeded he Avould come back again, but if he failed he Avould not 
 return, as it would be only painful for him to part from us 
 again. I then took off my watch and ring, as I had little or 
 no hope of surviving, and made them over to him, to give to 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 349 
 
 the first European officer he might meet, for conveyance to my 
 family ; he then left me. 
 
 My two poor companions had heen fast asleep during this 
 conference, and I now lay down myself, and fell into a light 
 slumber, in which I continued for about an hour ; when I was 
 awoke by the voice of the Nawab, saying, " He is asleep ; do n't 
 let us rouse him: he is in need of rest." With inexpressible 
 delight, I then heard the old lame tehseeldar shuffling up and 
 saying, " It is never too soon to waken up a man if you have 
 good news for him." I started up and called them both in, 
 when the Nawab told me he had prevailed on two trusty men, 
 connections of his own, to convey us safely to Futtehghur, and 
 that we must start in two hours thereafter. He also gave me 
 the satisfactory intelligence that my second horse had been re- 
 covered, and was in the stable, and of course available for Mr. 
 Donald, senior. 
 
 He and the tehseeldar then left me, enjoining me to lie down 
 and sleep, and promising to come back soon, with native 
 clothes in which to disguise us. They returned at the appointed 
 time, accompanied by our friend Multan Khan. I then roiised 
 up my companions, and we were dressed in the Nawab's clothes ; 
 every article of our own dress, down to our boots, being burnt 
 in our presence, to destroy all traces of us in the house. I only 
 contrived to save my Testament and my darling May's purse ; 
 from which, however, I had to cut off the silver rings and tas- 
 sels, lest they should attract notice. I put these, with my ring 
 and watch, which the old tehseeldar returned to me, in my 
 waist-belt. The Testament I have still with me, and it has 
 been my solace in many an hour of anguish and peril ; but 
 alas ! the purse I dropped on the road and never saw again. I 
 weep now when I think of that loss, and am not ashamed to 
 say so ; for sorrow and anxiety, such as ours, make the heart 
 very ready to overflow at any remembrance of those we love, 
 and whom it is probable we may never again meet in this life. 
 
350 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 When all were ready, and our turbans, the most difficult 
 part of our costume to arrange, put on, we descended to the 
 court- yard and there found our horses and the two guides ready. 
 I mounted, but found to my dismay that my own saddle — an 
 excellent Wilkinson and Kidd — had been removed, and re- 
 placed by a miserable article without any stuffing, which I 
 feared might seriously injure my horse's back and render him 
 unserviceable. A glance at one of the guides, a fine, tall man, 
 mounted on a good-looking bay mare, showed me that he had 
 appropriated it ; but it was no time for remark, far less re- 
 monstrance. The Nawab dismissed us very kindly, saying to 
 me, " You make a very good Pathan in this dress ; but mind, 
 never venture to speak, or you will be at once discovered ; the 
 other two may speak, for they are country born, and have the 
 native accent." 
 
 We rode slowly, and in profound silence, through the town 
 of Kaieem Grunj, in which no one was stirring. Immediately 
 on getting beyond it, the guide on the bay mare set off at a 
 gallop, and led us through fields and through by-lanes for sev- 
 eral miles without a halt. We had not proceeded very far 
 when my little horse, who, notwithstanding my having scarcely 
 been off his back for the past week, was pulling hard, ran me 
 under the branch of a tree, and knocked off the turban which 
 had been arranged with so much care. I was hopeless of being 
 able to put it on again, as none but a native can do this, and 
 that only after the education of years ; but happily I caught 
 one end of it as it fell to the ground, and, tying a knot in 
 my curb rein and taking it in my teeth, managed to 
 guide my horse, while I contrived to replace my turban ; 
 though not in a way to escape detection, had we been stopped 
 and examined. 
 
 After going about eight miles we halted to breathe our horses, 
 and I took the opportunity of having some talk with our guide. 
 He turned out to be a trooper of Cox's troop of Horse Artil- 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 851 
 
 leiy, on leave at his home in Kaieem Gunj. He assured me 
 that six thousand rupees would not have induced him to guide 
 us, or give us any aid, had it not been for the earnest solicita- 
 tions of his near relation the Nawab, to which he at last yielded. 
 He was a splendid horseman, and had many a fight with the 
 mare, a most vicious brute ; Avhich I watched with intense and 
 breathless interest, as on the result my safety mainly depended. 
 For the first few miles she went on without a check, but after- 
 ward, and when it was highly important for us to go at speed, 
 the brute would suddenly stop, rear and plunge, and do every 
 thing to get rid of her rider ; but it was of no use. He stuck 
 to the saddle as if he was glued to it, and at last he would 
 force her on. 
 
 After riding about two hours, we approached two villages 
 close to each other, and between which we had to pass. The 
 one on the right was in flames, and surrounded by a band of 
 marauders, who were busily engaged in plundering it. As we 
 came on at full iSpeed, the fellows caught sight of us, when 
 within about a mile of the village. They raised a tremendous 
 shout, and commenced rushing to a point where they hoped to 
 be able to cut us off. Then we did ride for our lives ; our guide 
 leading us with admirable decision and sagacity. It was a 
 most exciting race for about fifteen minutes. The shouts and 
 yells of these miscreants, and the noise of the flaming villages, 
 excited our horses to such a degree that they needed no urging 
 to do their best. Both mine behaved nobly ; Jan Bay carry- 
 ing his fourteen-stone rider as if he was a feather, and my own 
 little Cabulee tearing along and clearing every obstacle as if he 
 enjoyed the fun. 
 
 The excitement was so great that I quite forgot the danger 
 for the moment, although for some time it was doubtful whether- 
 we could clear the mob or not : we just succeeded in doing so, . 
 with about two hundred yards to spare ; and I shall never forget 
 the yell of rage the fellows raised when they saw they had missed 
 
352 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 their prey. Happily they had no firearms, and we were there- 
 fore quite safe from them, after we had once got beyond them. 
 Had Donald been mounted on the miserable pony he purchased, 
 instead of my horse, we must all have perished ; as he never 
 could have gone the pace, and we, of course, could not have 
 deserted him : we must all have been cut to pieces. The re- 
 covery of my horse, and his being available for Donald to 
 mount, when I thought him lost forever, was but one of 
 the many instances of God's merciful interference on our 
 behalf to preserve our lives which I have thankfully to ac- 
 knowledge. 
 
 About 4 o'clock, A. M., as the morning dawned, we neared 
 Furrukabad, having ridden about twenty-four miles. Our guide 
 pulled up at a Fakir's hut for a drink of water, asking at the 
 same time the news. In the gray morning light the Fakir 
 did not recognize us as Europeans, and told our conductor that 
 all was as yet quiet in Furrukabad, the regiment still stand- 
 ing ; that the station had been deserted by the Europeans, but 
 the collector. Sahib Probyn, was still at his post ; and that the 
 previous day a portion of the regiment had put down a serious 
 mutiny in the gaol, killing many prisoners' who were trying to 
 make their escape. We were much comforted by this intelli- 
 gence, and rode on with our guard to the public serai, in the 
 town, where we dismounted without attracting any notice, and 
 walked our own horses about, native fashion, to cool them. 
 Our guide then left us, and went to the kotwallee for news, 
 but soon returned, bringing a chuprassee with him to conduct 
 us to the Collector's house. We remounted, our guides con- 
 tinuing with us for a short way : suddenly they left us, and I 
 have never seen or heard of them since. Right well did they do 
 their duty to us ; and I will do my best to requite them, if my 
 life is spared through these troubles. 
 
 We reached Probyn's house about 8 o'clock, A. M., and as 
 we entered, and received his hearty welcome, none of us could 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 353 
 
 speak, from emotion ; it took us some minutes ere we could ex- 
 plain to him where we had come, and what had occurred to us 
 hy the way. 
 
 AT FUTTEHGHUR. 
 
 The condition of things at Futtehghur was not cheering. 
 One regiment of the garrison had mutinied, but had temporarily 
 returned to its duty. The European residents, excepting the 
 officers, had left. Probyn's wife and children were at a fort in 
 Oude belonging to a zemindar who had offered to protect them. 
 The name of the place was Dhurumpore — the man's,. Hurdeo 
 Buksh. The next day we joined the company at this place, in 
 such uncomfortable circumstances that they determined to re- 
 turn to Futtehghur. Probyn remonstrated, and his family and 
 myself remained. 
 
 Soon the troops at Futtehghur mutinied, but the Europeans 
 escaped a massacre. Our host wished us to leave his fort and 
 take up quarters with a relative of his in a little hamlet three 
 miles off. The chief gave us his word to protect us, and we 
 left him. 
 
 The news from Futtehghur was bad. The Europeans were in 
 imminent danger of death, and clung, like drowning men, to 
 straws. 
 
 It is impossible to describe the state of mind we were in. 
 Suddenly we were aroused from a kind of silent stupor, into 
 which we had fallen, by the renewed and quick and irregular 
 firing of heavy guns ; the sound coming from another quarter 
 than hitherto, and further down the river than Futtehghur. We 
 were listening attentively to every shot, pacing up and down 
 the narrow space allotted to us, and not daring to exchange a 
 word with each other, when a messenger came in from Hurdeo 
 Buksh. 
 
 This man had been sent to the bank of the Ganges as soon 
 
 as the firing ceased, in the early morning, to ascertain the 
 
 30 
 
354 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 cause, and having delivered the intelligence he had gathered to 
 his master, had been sent on to tell ns the news. Disastroiis 
 enough it was : during the night the Europeans had evacuated 
 the fort and betaken themselves to three boats, which had been 
 secured before the siege and anchored under the river in face of 
 the fort, ready for embarkation if required. They had, of 
 course, hoped to be able to float down the stream unnoticed, 
 and to be, before the morning broke, beyond the reach of the 
 Sepoys' fire. Much time, however, had been lost in getting the 
 women and children into these boats, together with the baggage, 
 ammunition, and stores ; so that they had only got a short way 
 down the river when day dawned, and they were observed. As 
 soon as they saw they were perceived and the alarm given, the 
 boats made for our side of the river, and were dropping down 
 the stream when the heaviest laden grounded about three miles 
 below Futtehghur, and remained immovably fixed, notwith- 
 standing all the efforts of the male portion of those on board, 
 who got into the stream, to lighten and shove her off. It then 
 became necessary to abandon this boat, and to summon back 
 the nearest ; which was obliged to work up stream, in order to 
 take the passengers on board. 
 
 It was while engaged in transferring the unhappy people from 
 the one to the other, that the Sepoys, having dragged four heavy 
 guns along the river bank opposite the boats, had opened on 
 them. This was the fire which was now going on ; and, as we 
 feared, with inevitable fatal effect to all. 
 
 The messenger had left as the firing was being continued, 
 and while the second boat, having taken on board its passen- 
 gers, was endeavoring to drop down the stream. The only 
 consolation he gave us was, that the boats were out of grape 
 range, and that the firing being high, many of the balls had 
 passed over the fugitives, and buried themselves in the sand on 
 this bank of the river. We begged of him to go oiF for more 
 tidings ; which we awaited with anxiety far too deep and terri- 
 
ADVENTUKES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 355 
 
 ble to be described. Men were every now and then rushing in 
 with vague reports. At one time the boats were said to have 
 sunk ; at another, they were reported floating down the stream 
 unharmed, and beyond the range of the Sepoys* guns. This, 
 we hoped, was true, as the firing had gradually slackened, and 
 then ceased for several hours. 
 
 About four o'clock in the afternoon, however, we were again 
 aroused by the firing of heavy guns, apparently from a good 
 way down the river, which lasted for about an hour. We re- 
 mained in a state of the most painful suspense ; but only the 
 most conflicting rumors reached us, till late at night, when a 
 hoi'seman, dispatched to the river by Hurdeo Buksh, returned 
 with the awful intelligence that of the two boats which had 
 succeeded in escaping from Futtehghur, cue had grounded near 
 the village of Singerampore, and remained immovable, not- 
 withstanding every effort to float her ; the Sepoys, who had 
 been watching her movements from the bank, had dragged 
 down two guns opposite this boat and opened fire upon her. 
 Two boats full of Sepoys came also down the stream, and as 
 soon as they were within range opened a heavy fire of musketiy 
 on the unfortunate party ; and when they had approached close 
 enough, commenced boarding, under the cover of this fire. 
 
 There was no help left. Of those in the boat, the greater 
 number jumped into the Ganges, and escaped a worse fate by 
 being either shot down or drowned ; some were massacred on 
 board, and three or four ladies were taken prisoners and con- 
 veyed on shore. The other boat, which was considerably in 
 advance, although attacked at Singerampore, had contrived to 
 escape, and was reported to have got safely away. It is said 
 to have contained the Lowises and Thornhills. May God grant 
 that the rumors which now reach us of its having safely reached 
 Allahabad may be true ! 
 
 This intelligence was too terrible for us to believe ; and yet it 
 was impossible entirely to discredit it. We trusted that in the 
 
356 HEROES OP THE INDIAN EBBELLION. 
 
 morning better news might reach us. In the mean time we 
 passed a miserable night, silent and dejected ; alternately sitting 
 down, and rising up and pacing to and fro the small space of 
 the inclosure. Earnestly and repeatedly did we three join in 
 prayer, that God, in his infinite mercy, would shield and pro- 
 tect his poor people, "who were called by his name," and save 
 them out of the hands of the enemy, and conduct them to some 
 haven of safety. 
 
 The next morning the tidings of the previous day were con- 
 firmed. Of those who were in the last boat, none had escaped, 
 
 except three of the ladies — Mrs. Fitzgerald, Miss , and Mrs. 
 
 Jones, with her little daughter of eight or nine years old — who 
 had all been taken to Furrukabad, and made over to the 
 Nawab : also one man, described to us as a sergeant, who had 
 come ashore, desperately wounded, close to one of Hurdeo 
 Buksh's villages, and had been immediately sheltered and cared 
 for by his orders. This person we afterward discovered was 
 Major Robertson. All was now silent : the work of slaughter 
 was over, and no more firing was heard. We were, therefore, 
 left to brood over our own position, which now became one of 
 extreme peril. 
 
 The Sepoys of the 41st, the " Dubyes," as they were called, 
 were now disengaged ; and the Nawab, acting on information 
 as to our place of hiding, was reported to be about sending over 
 a detachment to seize us. He sent messengers across to Hurdeo 
 Buksh, informing him that the English rule was at an end ; that 
 he had killed all belonging to that nation, who had been sta- 
 tioned in Futtehghur, and demanded from him an advance of a 
 lac of rupees — £10,000 — as his contribution toward the ex- 
 penses of the new raj. The Nawab, however, intimated at the 
 same time to Hurdeo Buksh, that he was prepared to waive this 
 demand, provided he would send him in by the evening the 
 two Collectors' heads — Probyn's and my own. The intelli- 
 gence of this demand having been made was soon conveyed to 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 357 
 
 lis, and we were told that Hurdeo Buksb had thought it best to 
 temporize. He had, therefore, replied to the Nawab that he 
 would think about the matter, and send an answer afterward. 
 We felt pretty confident that Hurdeo Buksh would not give us 
 up ; but we thought it best to do what we could for our own 
 safety, and to encourage him to oppose the Nawab. We, 
 therefore, begged of him to pay us a visit, as we were pro- 
 hibited from going to see him at Dhurumpore. 
 
 After several days' delay, during which we were tortured by 
 frequent reports of detachments of troops from Futtehghur 
 being in full march on Kussowrah to seize us — which they 
 might easily have done, had they been at all enterprising — 
 Hurdeo Buksh visited us late at night. He was evidently in 
 much anxiety, about the safety of himself and his family, which 
 was seriously compromised in consequence of his having har- 
 bored us. He told us, that besides the communication already 
 alluded to, he had received sundry other messages from the 
 Nawab and the two subahdars in command of the mutineers, 
 threatening, if he did not give us up, to take very complete re- 
 venge upon himself and his people. 
 
 He gave us at the same time a very deplorable account of 
 affairs around us, saying that Nana Sahib had assumed com- 
 mand of the mutineers at Cawnpore, where the English had 
 been so completely destroyed that not a dog remained in the 
 cantonment ; that Agra was besieged ; that our troops at Delhi 
 had been beaten back, and were in a state of siege on the top of 
 a hill near thei-e ; that the troops in Oude had also mutinied, 
 and Lucknow was closely invested. 
 
 He, however, assured ns that he would never give us up to 
 the Nawab ; but, with his people, do his best to oppose any 
 force which might be sent against Dhixrumpore from Furruka- 
 bad, for the purpose of seizing us ; at the same time he said he 
 thought his wisest course was to temporize. He had, therefore, 
 sent a confidential agent to the Nawab to say that " he was 
 
358 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 witli him, but as he had always, till the annexation of Oude, 
 been immediately under that government, he did not like to 
 act without previous communication with Lucknow ; to which 
 place he had sent a messenger, informing the new authorities 
 there that he had two Collector sahibs with him, and asking 
 what he should do with them. If they did not otherwise in- 
 struct him, he would then make us over to the Nawab ; but it 
 was quite imperative on him, before doing any thing, to await 
 the return of his messenger, who might be expected in ten or 
 twelve days." The Nawab and the subahdars had, Hurdeo 
 Buksh informed us, expressed themselves satisfied with this 
 explanation. 
 
 In this way he hoped to gain time, till the rains, now close 
 at hand, fell, when the Ramgunga and Ganges would rise in 
 flood, and the whole country be inundated, so that Dhurumpore 
 and Kussowrah would become islands surrounded with water 
 for miles ; he might then defy the Sepoys, as it would be im- 
 possible for them to bring guns against him, and they would 
 not dare to move without artillery. 
 
 It was nearly morning when Hurdeo Buksh left us, not much 
 encouraged by his visit, and in a state of great doubt and per- 
 plexity. The tone of the people had, since the fall of Futteh- 
 ghur, much changed toward us : they had become insolent, 
 overbearing, and threatening ; clearly giving us to know that 
 they wished us no good, and that it was only the fear of the 
 "Konwur," as they termed Hurdeo Buksh, that prevented 
 their getting rid of us. A day or two after this we were visited 
 by a connection of Hurdeo Buksh called the " Collector Sahib," 
 accompanied by another relation, who we knew bore the bitter- 
 est animosity toward us. We felt that their coming boded us 
 no good, and it was with much anxiety that we received them 
 and awaited their communication. They told us that it was 
 quite impossible for Hurdeo Buksh to protect us any longer ; he 
 had already risked enough for us ; we must now. therefore, leave 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 359 
 
 his protection and shift for ourselves. He had, they told us, 
 sent them to tell us to prepare to start in a boat down the Rana- 
 gunga for Cawnpore ; which place they asserted had not yet 
 fallen, and which we might easily reach. We remonstrated 
 against this arrangement, telling them it was quite contrary to 
 Hurdeo Buksh's own sentiments so lately expressed to us by 
 himself. They, howevei-, would listen to no expostulations, 
 and ordered us to be ready to start by next evening, by which 
 time the boat would be prepared for us. The two old Thakoors 
 of the village, who ever since our arrival had been uniformly 
 kind and civil to us, as well as Seeta Ram, a poor Brahmin 
 who had shown us much kindness and sympathy, depriving his 
 own family of milk to give it to Probyn's children, entreated 
 us not to proceed in the boat ; assuring us that if we did so the 
 villagers on the banks would murder us before we had gone five 
 miles down the stream. We tried to communicate with Hurdeo 
 Buksh ; but our messengers were not permitted to cross the 
 Ramgunga, which lay between us and Dhurumpore : we were 
 therefore quite helpless, and could only do as we were ordered, 
 and prepare ourselves to go to what we felt assured was certain 
 death. So convinced were the natives that the expedition 
 would be fatal to us, that Probyn's three servants, hitherto 
 faithful, refused to accompany him, 
 
 I then determined not to take Wuzeer Singh with me, but to 
 send him to Nynee Tal with a farewell note and my little Testa- 
 ment to my wife, to tell her what had become of me. I sum- 
 moned him for this purpose, and told him that he must now 
 leave me, as I was going on a journey which would, in all prob- 
 ability, be fatal to us ; that I could not allow him to perish 
 on my account, which he would do if he accompanied us, and 
 that he must try and reach my wife and tell her all that had 
 befallen me. He expressed the greatest reluctance to leave me, 
 and only consented to do so at ray earnest and repeated solicit- 
 ations. We then joined in prayer together, as I surely thought 
 
360 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 for the last time on earth. I implored him never to desert his 
 faith or revert to idolatry ; but, whatever happened, to cling to 
 the Savior he had once acknowledged. He wept much, and we 
 parted ; but, as it happened, only for a short time. In little 
 more than an hour he came back into my room, and, throwing 
 down the little parcel on the bed, said he conld not go : he 
 entreated that I might allow him to accompany me, saying, 
 almost in the words of Ruth to Naomi, " Where you go I will 
 go, and where you die I will die also." So determined was he 
 to share my fate, that I was forced to consent to his accompany- 
 ing me. 
 
 We had got our little baggage ready, and were prepared to 
 start, almost resigned to our fate, when God, in his infinite 
 mercy, and in answer to our prayers, interposed to prevent our 
 going. When the messenger appeared, about 8 P. M., as we 
 thought to summon us to start, he informed us that the boat was 
 not quite ready, and that we could not move that night. Thus 
 were we reprieved, for the time as it were, from certain destruc- 
 tion ; for none of us expected to see the morning light. After 
 this we were allowed to remain for a day or two unmolested. 
 
 The Ramgunga having in the mean time considerably risen, 
 we were then informed that the voyage was in consequence 
 quite safe, and that, as the boat was ready, we must be prepared 
 to depart in the evening. Again did the Thakoors and Seeta 
 Ram implore us to refuse to leave the village ; we were, how- 
 ever, quite helpless, and could only obey. 
 
 About 8 o'clock in the evening, I forget the precise date, we 
 started from the village to embark ; Wuzeer Singh and two of 
 Probyn's servants, who had on this occasion volunteered to ac- 
 company him, carrying our little baggage, and what necessaries 
 for the boat we could collect ; Mr. and Mrs. Probyn each carry- 
 ing a child, and I taking the baby, the only one of the children 
 who would come to me. The old Thakoor Kussuree came with 
 us to the end of the village, but declined going any further ; 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 361 
 
 saying, he could not be a party to conducting us to what lie 
 knew was intended for our destruction. 
 
 The road leading to the Ramgunga from the village was one 
 mass of mud and water ; poor Mrs. Probyn was scarcely able 
 to wade through it, and we could afford her but little assistance. 
 We had proceeded about half a mile in the direction of the 
 boat, when a breathless messenger met us from Dhurumpore, 
 telling us to turn back at once, and proceed to a village beyond 
 Kussowrah instead of to the boat ; as the Sepoys were in full 
 march from Futtehghur to attack Dhurumpore, and that Hurdeo 
 Buksh had gone out to meet them with his people. We turned 
 back in accordance with these orders ; every moment expecting 
 to hear the firing commence. 
 
 We had gone about three miles in the direction of the village 
 indicated, when we were overtaken by a second messenger from 
 Dhurumpore, ordering us back to the boat, as the Sepoys, who 
 had advanced some way towai'd Dhurumpore, had retreated, 
 and were reported to be recrossing the Ganges. Accordingly 
 we again retraced our steps, and stopped half an hour in Kus- 
 sowrah to rest ; as Mrs. Probyn, who had on this, as on every 
 other occasion, shown the most patient fortitude, was very 
 much exhausted, and her clothes saturated with wet and mud. 
 We were not allowed to remain long, but were ordered off, as 
 we thought finally, to embark in the boat. G-od mercifully, 
 however, ordered it otherwise. 
 
 When about half-way between Kussowrah and the river, we 
 held a consultation together ; it was determined, as a last re- 
 source, that Probyn should go on ahead of us, try to get across 
 the river to Dhurumpore, and procure an interview with Herdeo 
 Buksh, as we thought that, by so doing, he might prevail on 
 him not to expose us to a cruel death by sending us down the 
 river without a guard, and with boatmen who would certainly 
 desert us. He started ; and Mrs. Probyn, the children, Wuzeer 
 
 Singh, and I followed, and, after much fatigue, reached the 
 
 31 
 
362 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 bank of the Eamgunga, We were dismayed at finding the 
 stream, instead of being in flood as we expected, a mere thread ; 
 so that the villagers on either bank could, without much diffi- 
 culty, reach the boat with their matchlocks, as it passed down, 
 and destroy us. No boat, however, was on the bank, which 
 was one mass of thick mud. A log of wood furnished a seat 
 for Mrs. Probyn, who was by this time much exhausted ; and 
 a cloth was spread for the children on the dryest spot we could 
 find, where they slept, in their innocence, as soundly and se- 
 curely as if they had been in their beds. 
 
 In this position we remained for about an hour, and were 
 expressing our surprise that Probyn, who had crossed the river 
 at the ferry, was so long of rejoining us, when we were hailed 
 by a man who we saw, by the moonlight, was approaching us 
 from some distance down the stream. He proved to be the 
 cX)nnection of Hurdeo Buksh Avho had visited us with the 
 *' Collector" some days previously, and we argued no good 
 from his appearance. On this occasion, however, he agreeably 
 disappointed our forebodings ; for he gave us the Avelcome 
 order to go back to Kussowrah, and there await further in- 
 structions. We accordingly set out ; I took one of the chil- 
 dren — Leslie — on my back, and carried in my arms my poor 
 little friend, the baby — now "poor" no longer ; for he is "be- 
 fore the throne of God," who has called him to himself. We 
 met one of the Thakoors, who lent his arm to Mrs. Probyn, 
 she being too much fatigued to proceed without his help. We 
 reached our old quarters about 3 o'clock, A. M., soaking wet, 
 and thoroughly worn out, as we had been moving almost con- 
 tinuously from 6 o'clock, P. M. In about an hour after our 
 arrival Probyn joined us. He had been fortunate enough to 
 see Hurdeo Buksh, who was at first displeased at his unex- 
 pected appearance ; but after Probyn had explained, was very 
 gracious, and assured him that for the present he would aban- 
 don all intention of sending us down the river. We then 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 363 
 
 joined in prayer and thanksgiving to Grod for his gracious 
 interference in our behalf, in thus delivering us in so remarka- 
 ble a manner from this imminent danger ; entreating, at the 
 same time, his guidance and protection for the future. 
 
 After this several days passed without much incident, except 
 that Wuzeer Singh, on one occasion, came in to report that 
 when strolling beyond the village, he had met several men 
 whom he at once recognized as Sepoys, almost naked, and in 
 a very miserable plight. He had learned from them that they 
 were deserters from the mutineers at Delhi, and, when going 
 home with their plunder, had been attacked and stripped by the 
 villagers near Mynpoorie. They told him things were not 
 prospering with the mutineers at Delhi ; that they had suffered 
 most severely, and were heartily sick of it. This intelligence 
 was, for the time, cheering ; but we were soon depressed by the 
 news, brought to us almost simultaneously from Dhurumpore, 
 that the Nawab and subahdars were becoming more urgent 
 with Hurdeo Buksh to deliver us up, and had repeatedly for- 
 warded purwannahs ordering him to destroy us, and send in 
 our heads. They had even gone so far as to send him a fir- 
 man, purporting to be from the Emperor of Delhi, conveying 
 the Imperial order for our destruction. 
 
 Hurdeo Buksh sent his brother-in-law, one of his most con- 
 fidential people, to us to explain how hardly he was pushed, 
 and how much difficulty he had in protecting us. He had, 
 therefore, come to the conclusion that our safest plan was to 
 start for Lucknow, and was accordingly making arrangements 
 for our journey there, and for securing protection for us by the 
 way, through certain influential talookdars, friends of his. 
 Hurdeo Buksh was led to recommend our going to Lucknow in 
 consequence of the intelligence he had lately received, that the 
 attack on the Residency had been signally repulsed, and the 
 mutineeers withdrawn from the town ; and, as the place was 
 well provisioned, and contained plenty of ammunition, there 
 
364 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 was no fear of the garrison being unable to hold out ; more es- 
 pecially as none of the rajwarrahs, as the chief talookdars are 
 called, had as yet joined in the rebellion, but, on the contrary, 
 had stood quite aloof from the Sepoys. 
 
 We expressed to the brother-in-law our willingness, and, in- 
 deed, eagerness to proceed at once to Lucknow, as recom- 
 mended by Hurdeo Buksh. We were ourselves much pleased 
 at the prospect of quitting Kussowrah, and finding ourselves 
 once more among friends and countrymen. It was accordingly 
 arranged that we should start on a certain night, as soon as it 
 was dark, for Lucknow, by Sandee, which we were to reach in 
 four marches. Our horses, which we had not seen since the 
 9th of June, were, on the night appointed, sent up from Dhur- 
 umpore after dark, for the conveyance of Probyn and myself, 
 and a palanquin was prepared for Mrs. Probyn and the chil- 
 dren. To avoid observation as much as possible, Probyn dyed 
 his face, neck, hands, and feet a dark brown. This was con- 
 sidered unnecessary for me, exposure to the sun having already 
 made me almost as dark as a native, so I escaped a very disa- 
 greeable process. 
 
 We were sitting all ready to move, and, for the first time in 
 many weeks, were in something approaching to cheerful spir- 
 its, when rain came on ; and, to our bitter disappointment, we 
 were told that we could not, in consequence, start that night. 
 The next day we were informed we must not move till Hurdeo 
 Buksh came to see us again, and that the time of his doing so 
 depended on the return of a messenger he had sent to make 
 some arrangements for us on the road. We had to wait four 
 nights in this manner, feeling much chagrined by the delay, 
 and accusing Hurdeo Buksh of supineness. On the fifth night 
 he came about midnight, and was more dej)ressed than we had 
 ever before seen him ; he informed us that the lull at Lucknow 
 had been only temporary ; that the mutineers, having been re- 
 inforced, had again attacked the Eesidency, and that fighting 
 
ADVETSITURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 365 
 
 was going on, without intermission, clay and night. He told 
 US that just as we were going to start for Lucknow, on 
 the night first fixed for our departure, a rumor had reached 
 him of the renewal of hostilities. He had accordingly seized 
 the pretext of the rain falling to prevent our starting, and 
 had continued to detain us, till he could ascertain the real 
 state of affairs, hy sending a messenger to the spot. This 
 messenger had only now returned, and confirmed the previous 
 intelligence, leaving little hope that the garrison could long 
 hold out against the multitudes attacking it. Our plan of 
 going to Lucknow was thus fi'ustrated. Had we started as at 
 first intended, we must have fallen into the hands of the mu- 
 tineers and been massacred. Again, therefore, had we to praise 
 God for having delivered us from the imminent danger into 
 which we were blindly rushing. 
 
 Hurdeo Buksh then gave us the pleasing intelligence, that the 
 younger Mr. Jones and Mr. Churcher, two of the Futtehghur 
 party, had escaped out of the boat which had been boarded near 
 Singerampore by the Sepoys, and were then concealed in one 
 of his villages. They had been kept so strictly hidden by the 
 herdsmen among whom they were, that the fact had only a few 
 days before come to his knowledge ; and he had given orders 
 that they should be provided with both food and clothing. 
 
 The most appalling news, he, however, informed us, had 
 reached him from all quarters. There was no doubt whatever 
 of the fall of Cawnpore, where every European had been de- 
 stroyed. The party who had gone down the river by the first 
 boats from Futtehghur, the American missionaries, the Monc- 
 tons, Brierly, etc., had, he heard, been attacked and massacred 
 near Bithoor. Agra was reported to have fallen, and the Eu- 
 ropeans destroyed there, while attempting to make their way in 
 boats down the Jumna. The Bombay army had revolted ; and, 
 to crown all, there were no signs of aid coming, nor troops 
 arriving from any quarter. Under these circumstances; he 
 
366 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 thought our only chance of safety was to remove secretly from 
 Kussowrah — where the Nawah and Sepoys, from the informa- 
 tion given them by some bankers, knew we were living under 
 his protection, and where we were never safe from attack — and 
 go into hiding in one of his villages, situated about twenty 
 miles distant. 
 
 The Probyns were to take one servant with them, and I was 
 to go with Wuzeer Singh. Thakoor Kussuree met us outside 
 and agreed to become responsible for our safety. 
 
 Kussuree and the other Thakoor, Paorun, came early next 
 morning to explain to me alone the plans they had formed for 
 our future concealment and safety. These were rather startling. 
 First, they insisted that it was quite hopeless to expect that our 
 movements could be kept secret, or our position concealed, so 
 long as we were accompanied by four children. It was there- 
 fore quite imperative that the Probyns should leave these behind 
 in the village, where every possible care would be taken of 
 them. If, as was very probable, the enemy came to Kussowrah 
 and instituted a search for us, they could contrive to hide the 
 children ; and, if they were discovered, it was not probable that 
 the Sepoys, finding we were gone, would injure them. If they 
 did kill them, there was, of course, no help for it ; but it was 
 their opinion that the chances of safety for the children were far 
 greater separated from their parents than remaining with them. 
 For ourselves it was arranged that we should be hidden in the 
 jungles all day, moving about from place to place as occasion 
 might require, and returning, if we could, at nightfall to the 
 little hamlet, which had been prepared for us to sleep in. 
 
 Upon consultation we determined not to separate, and the 
 Thakoors relinquished their plan. We determined to start in a 
 body for a village in the jungle. 
 
 At 3 o'clock, A. M., the Thakoors woke us up, and we started. 
 An elephant had been procured for Mrs. Probyn, her ayah, and 
 the children. Probyn and one servant — the other had absconded 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUD<5E EDWARDS. 367 
 
 the nigM before — and. I and Wuzeer Singh walked. When we 
 were starting I missed old Kussuree, and as I had great confi- 
 dence in him, and remembered his own repeated advice never to 
 go any where if he did not accompany us, I waited for him ; he, 
 at last, and after sending many messages, joined ns, bxit evi- 
 dently with much reluctance. No sooner had we started than 
 the rain came down in torrents, wetting us through, as also our 
 little bedding. About a mile in advance of Kussowrah, we 
 came on a stream of water so deep that the elephant could not 
 wade across, and was therefore dismissed. We had to be ferried 
 over in a little boat, and then to proceed on our feet, each of us 
 carrying a child. The path lay over ground thick with thorny 
 bushes, which made our progress slow and painful. About a 
 mile and a half from the stream we came to a large piece of 
 water, which we had to wade across. Probyn carried his wife 
 over, but with much difficulty, as it was deep and the bottom 
 full of thick, slippery mud. 
 
 PLACE OF CONCEALMENT. 
 
 At last, just as the day was dawning, the rain all the while 
 pouring in torrents, we reached our destination ; a wretched, 
 solitary hamlet of four or five houses in the middle of the 
 waste, and inhabited by only a few herdsmen and their cattle. 
 The scene was desolate beyond description. As we came up, no 
 one was moving in the village, all being yet asleep. One of 
 the Thakoors roused up the chief man, a wild-looking Aheer, 
 who pointed out to us a wretched hovel, which he said was for 
 the Probyns. It was full of cattle, and very filthy : the mud 
 and dirt were over our ankles, and the effluvia stifling. 
 
 My heart sank within me, as I looked round on this desolate, 
 hopeless scene. I laid down the poor baby on a charpoy in a 
 little hut, the door of which was open, and on which a child of 
 one of the herdsmen was fast asleep. Poor Mrs. Probyn, for 
 the first time since our troubles commenced, fairly broke down. 
 
368 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 and wept at the miserable prospect for her children and herself. 
 Probyn was much roused, and remonstrated with the Thakoors, 
 saying, " If there is no better place for us than this, you had 
 better kill us at once, for the children can not live here more than 
 a few hours : they must perish." In the meantime, I had looked 
 round to see if any arrangement could possibly be made for 
 sheltering them, and, observing a little place on the roof of one 
 of the huts, pointed it out to Wuzeer Singh ; he immediately 
 scrambled up, and having examined it, called out that it was 
 empty, clean, and dry, and a palace compared with the place 
 below. I mounted up with his assistance, and was overjoyed 
 to find a little room, clean and sweet, and with apparently a 
 water-tight roof. 
 
 I called out to the Probyns below, and Wuzeer and I helped 
 up Mrs. Probyn, and then the children ; Probyn followed, and 
 we, eight persons in all, established ourselves in this little space, 
 most thankful to have it to shelter us, small as it was. The 
 Thakoors made no objection to our appropriating the room, 
 provided we kept strictly within it and never showed ourselves 
 outside ; as they feared we might be seen from the roof, and our 
 hiding-place discovered. We could only be contained in this 
 room by lying down on the mud floor, in places fixed for each. 
 One little corner was assigned to me, neither so broad nor so 
 long as the smallest berth in a ship's cabin ; where I deposited 
 my blanket and the little bundle which served me as a pillow 
 and contained all my worldly goods : merely a single change 
 of native clothing, but quite sufficient ; and really I do n't know 
 that any one, in the best of circumstances, requires more. 
 Soon after we got into this place the Thakoors took leave, 
 promising often to visit us ; they made over the charge of us to 
 the Aheers, enjoining them to let no strangers enter or stop in 
 the village on any account, and to maintain perfect secrecy re- 
 specting us. All which they professed their readiness to do ; 
 asserting that they would die for us rather than betray us. 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 369 
 
 The rain, which had come down heavily all the morning, 
 now ceased, and for several days there were only occasional 
 showers. The heat was intense, as we were so closely packed 
 together in this little room. We could only get out at night ; 
 and during the day the only relief we had was to turn on our 
 hacks, or from one side to the other, or sit up : standing or 
 moving ahout was quite impossihle. The poor children were 
 in sad misery ; they could not he allowed to leave the room, and 
 there was no space in it for them to crawl or move about. 
 They were much more patient than we could have expected, and 
 happily slept much. We were also now a good deal pressed 
 for food ; all we could get being a little milk and chupatties : 
 and not the former on Sundays, as the Aheers will on no ac- 
 count part with the milk of their cattle on that day, but appro- 
 priate it for themselves. Notwithstanding our miserable cir- 
 cumstances, we lived with much harmony and in comparative 
 peace. Thanks be to the Almighty ! whose blessing and pro- 
 tection we duly implored together morning and evening ; find- 
 ing him, as he will be found by all who seek him, " a very 
 present help in time of trouble." 
 
 Suddenly the rains came down with tremendous force, and 
 neither Probyn nor I could sleep, as we had hitherto done, on 
 the roof of the house just outside the door of our room, emerg- 
 ing therefrom at nights, when it fell dark. The space inside 
 had become much circumscribed in consequence of leakage, one 
 or two places in it having become untenable ; I was, therefore, 
 forced to try and secure some shelter for myself elsewhere. 
 Wuzeer Singh succeeded in renting a cow-house for me for 
 two rupees — 4s. — a month: a small, miserable hovel in which 
 two cows had hitherto been stalled. It was, as usual, without 
 any door, and haviiig probably not been cleaned out for years, 
 was filthy beyond description. I was, however, thankful for 
 this shelter, and Wuzeer Singh having cleaned it out, and con- 
 trived to hire a charpoy — native bed — for me, I was, as the 
 
370 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 roof did not leak, made comparatively comfortable. Many an 
 hour of intense agony of mind, when I thoiight of all those 
 dear to me, whom I was probably never to see again, and some 
 also of blessed peace, have I spent in that little room. 
 
 The men of the hamlet used to come and visit and talk with 
 me now and then. I had no means of keeping them out, even 
 if I desired it, so they went and came just as they pleased. 
 One day a relative of the chief man of the village, and residing 
 at another not far off, arrived on a visit, and, of course, came 
 to my room to have a look at me. He sat down, and we en- 
 tered into conversation. I was surprised to find him much 
 more quick and intelligent than the generality of the villagers, 
 who were rude in the extreme ; and found on inquiring that he 
 had been a traveler, and had been, Avith his four-bullock cart, 
 attached to our commissariat during the first Sutlege campaign, 
 when he went as far as Lahore. I inquired if he had been reg- 
 ularly paid for the duty : he assured me fully and liberally, and 
 commenced praising the justness and liberality of our Govern- 
 ment ; under which, as he expressed it, " the lamb and the lion 
 could drink at the same stream." It immediately struck me 
 that I could perhaps induce this man to convey a letter to my 
 wife at Nynee Tal ; of whom on that date, the 17th July, I had 
 heard nothing later than of the 26th May, and concerning whose 
 safety and that of my child I was in constant and terrible sus- 
 pense : for could I be sure that Nynee Tal had not fallen as 
 well as Bareilly and Futtehghur, and the dwellers there, as at 
 the other places, fearfully massacred ? 
 
 I told the man — whose name was Rohna — the misery I was 
 enduring about the " Mem - sahib" and the "Baba ;" that if I 
 knew they were safe I could bear any thing ; and entreated him 
 to take pity upon me, and carry a note from me to my wife 
 telling her of my safety, and to bring me back tidings of her. 
 I told him I had scarcely any money, and could only give him 
 eight rupees ; but, if he once reached my wife, I assured him 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 371 
 
 she would reward him handsomely. To my great delight, he 
 said he felt deeply for me, and would certainly do his best to 
 convey the letter to Nynee Tal, and bring me back an answer : 
 that he would set out the same evening for his home, arrange 
 his affairs there, and start from thence in the morning, going 
 through Bareilly ; he had been there before and knew the way. 
 He then retired, saying he would be back in an hour to take 
 my letter. I sent Wuzeer Singh, who had been present at the 
 interview, after him, to endeavor to find out whether the man 
 was in earnest, or merely deceiving me to get the advance of 
 money I had offered. He soon came back, saying he thought 
 from the man's manner he could be depended on, and would 
 certainly undertake the journey. 
 
 I determined to write two notes, one to my wife and another 
 to Missur Byjenath at Bareilly, entreating him to aid my mes- 
 senger in reaching Nynee Tal. I had but a small scrap of pa- 
 per — half the fly-leaf of Bridges on the 119th Psalm, which hap- 
 pily we had with us — on which to write both notes. Pen or 
 ink I had none, and only the stump of a lead pencil, of which 
 the lead was so nearly exhausted that only a little atom remained 
 quite loose. I at once commenced my writing : in the middle, 
 the little atom of lead fell out, and I was in despair. At last, 
 after much searching in the dust of the mud floor, I found it, 
 and contrived to refix it in its place sufficiently to enable me to 
 finish two very brief notes, about one inch square ; which was 
 all the man could conceal about his person, or would consent 
 to take, as it was reported that the rebels were in the habit of 
 searching all travelers for letters or papers, and had already 
 killed several who were discovered with English letters on 
 them. 
 
 When the notes were ready I got a little milk and steeped 
 them in it, to make the writing indelible, and then put them 
 out to dry in the sun on a wall just outside my room. In an 
 instant a crow pounced on one and carried it off": it was that 
 
372 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 for my wife. I, of course, thought it was gone forever, and 
 felt heart-broken with vexation ; as I had no more paper, nor 
 any means or hope of getting any, on which to write another 
 note. Wuzeer Singh had, unknown to me, seen the crow, fol- 
 lowed it with one of the herdsmen, and after a long chase of 
 about an hour, saw the bird drop it, and recovering it brought 
 it back to me uninjured. I then dispatched my messenger with 
 both notes, and many injunctions to be deterred by no difficul- 
 ties, but push his way through to Bareilly, where Byjenath 
 would, I was certain, aid him in going on to Nynee Tal : up to 
 this date I know not whether he has succeeded in his mission, 
 but I think from the look of the man that he is likely to do so. 
 
 On the 24th we got terrible news from Futtehghur. The Eu- 
 ropeans were killed by the infuriated Nana. Our own position 
 was wretched in the extreme, and on the 26th Mrs. Probyn's 
 child expired. The next day my messenger returned in a mis- 
 erable plight. He had been arrested, and his letters taken 
 from him. 
 
 On the 4th of August another messenger arrived with joyful 
 news — he had tidings from my wife and child. Both were well, 
 and the messenger had seen them. The next three weeks passed 
 away slowly and anxiously. Sometimes darkened with fear, 
 again elated with hope, and yet all the time in actual, pres- 
 ent want and suffering. We resume the journal: 
 
 Monday, 24if/i. — Sinister rumors are rife to-day in the village, 
 and of course are duly communicated to us, that the insurgents 
 are again reassembling in the neighborhood of Cawnpore, and 
 have attacked and expelled the police from the reestablished 
 stations. It is also reported that Ranee Chunda Koonwur, 
 mother of Dhuleep Singh, has effected her escape fi-om Nepaul, 
 and has arrived at Futtehghur, en route to the Punjaub. If 
 this be true, and she succeeds in reaching her destination, the 
 consequences may be most troublesome, if not disastrous. 
 
 Finished to-day, for the second time, that excellent work 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 373 
 
 Bridges on 119th Psalm ; the sole book in my hands, except 
 the Bible, for the past two months : and fortunate have I been 
 to have had these sources of consolation. I found great com- 
 fort and encouragement to-day in reading his remarks on faith, 
 in his commentary on the 116th verse ; which contains, I think, 
 the real Scriptural doctrine. However our own frames may 
 change, or our power of comprehension vary, He remains the 
 same, yesterday, to-day, and forever : we can neither add to 
 nor detract any thing from the completeness of His finished 
 work. 
 
 Just as we were falling off asleep last night we were roused 
 by the arrival of a messenger from General Havelock. We 
 jumped up, eager to get his expected communication ; but, to 
 our bitter disappointment, found that he had only brought a 
 letter from the General to Hurdeo Buksh, commending him for 
 his humanity and loyalty in having protected us hitherto, and 
 assuring him of high rewards if he would send us safe into the 
 British camp, as soon as it reached Futtehghur. 
 
 The messenger quite raised our spirits by informing us that 
 below Cawnpore all was tranquil — daks running and telegraph 
 communication with Calcutta open, just as before the mutiny, 
 and that Lucknow was quite safe ; so miich so that the army 
 was to move on Futtehghur before making any fresh attempt 
 for its relief. The messenger, however, strongly urged us not 
 to attempt to escape down the Ganges, as we should certainly 
 be seized and killed by the rebels along the banks ; but to re- 
 main quietly where we were till Havelock's army advanced and 
 captured Futtehghur. 
 
 Tuesday, 2bth. — My messenger, Rohna, arrived to-day from 
 Nynee Tal with a welcome letter from my wife, giving good 
 accounts of herself and Gracey. They, with the other ladies, 
 had been removed as a matter of precaution to Almorah, as 
 Khan Bahadur Khan's troops were threatening Nynee Tal. 
 Rohna brought me also a little note from Ramsay, entreating 
 
374 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 me not to attempt to reach tlie hills by Pillibheet, as the coun- 
 try is much disturbed and full of rebels ; so that this route is 
 quite impracticable. These letters gave us a good account of 
 affairs generally. Reinforcements had reached Delhi ; which, it 
 was hoped, might fall by the end of the month, and twenty- 
 thousand men are announced on their way from England. It 
 appears that communication is open between Nynee Tal, 
 Mussoorie, and other parts, as accounts up to the 18th June 
 have reached my wife of all the dear ones at home, who 
 were quite well, and in happy ignorance of our desperate 
 situation. 
 
 Late in the evening, one of Hurdeo Buksh's people came 
 from Dhurumpore to tell us that a messenger, sent by his mas- 
 ter to ascertain the state of the river, had returned and reported 
 all clear and safe as far as Cawnpore. As it is now pretty cer- 
 tain that we shall make the attempt ere many days elapse, we 
 deemed it right to intimate our intention to Major Robertson 
 and Mr. Churcher, in order that they might accompany us. 
 Probyn accordingly sent a note to Robertson to warn him, but 
 enjoining him to maintain entire secrecy, as upon this mainly 
 depends our safety and the success of our enterprise. 
 
 Wednesday, August 2Qth. — General Havelock's messenger 
 again advised us strongly against attempting the river route ; 
 maintaining that at several points on the banks on both sides, 
 to his certain knowledge, the enemy were posted in force with 
 guns, which, of course, we could never pass. We sent Wuzeer 
 Singh to tell Hurdeo Buksh what the hurkarah had told us. 
 On his return he said that information to the same effect had 
 also reached Hurdeo Buksh, who had in consequence sent off 
 fresh messengers to procure accurate intelligence, as to the state 
 of the river and the position of the rebels between us and 
 Cawnpore. We are not to start till they return. All this is 
 very depressing : we seem to be surrounded by a circle of fire, 
 which it is impossible to pass through. All that we can do is. 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 375 
 
 like Ezra, with earnest prayer to seek of our God " a right way 
 for us and the little ones." 
 
 A messenger arrived to-day bringing a letter from Delhi, 
 which was, as usual, concealed in the sole of his shoe. On 
 opening it, we found, to o^lr great disappointment, that it was 
 not addressed to either of us ; but was from Yule — of the 9th . 
 Lancers, we suppose — to an officer of the name of Beatson at 
 Cawnpore. The messenger said he left Delhi on the 18th, when 
 all was going on well. On the 12th an outwork was carried by 
 our troops without much loss, the enemy losing five hundred 
 killed : they daily sally out and attack our siege operations, 
 but do little mischief, and cause us no loss. Reinforcements 
 from Bombay, the messenger said, had arrived, and a siege 
 train from Ferozepore was close at hand, which it was hoped 
 would at once settle the business. 
 
 Thursday, 21th August. — Nothing new settled about our 
 plans, and we are much harassed. Heavy guns firing in Fur- 
 rukabad to-day, we know not from what cause ; but they re- 
 minded us painfully of our fearful proximity to that place 
 where are so many thirsting for our lives. Amidst it all, to- 
 day's Psalms most consoling, and wonderfully suited to our 
 case, especially the 121st. 
 
 A Brahmin in the employ of Mr. Churcher, and said to be 
 much in his confidence, came to us to-day bringing a letter from 
 Major Robertson, telling us that although so weak that he faints 
 whenever he is moved in order to have his wound dressed, he 
 thought it his duty to avail himself of this opportunity, which 
 God has put in his way, to try to escape from these awful 
 dangers which threaten us on every side. Although he consid- 
 ers our chance of escape very slender, and the attempt a despe- 
 rate one, he will hold himself in readiness to start to join our 
 boat whenever he receives instructions of the time fixed for de- 
 parture. The Brahmin did his best to dissuade us from the at- 
 tempt ; assuring us it must end in our destruction, unless 
 
376 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 Hurdeo Buksli would send down with us at least four hundred 
 matchlockiiien in separate boats. Mr. Churcher, he told us, 
 would certainly not run the risk, but preferred remaining where 
 he was, in hiding with the Aheers. We dismissed the messen- 
 ger, telling him to inform his master that we are quite determ- 
 ined to start as soon as the boat is ready. 
 
 Saturday, ^^th August. — Late last night, after we were all in 
 bed, but none of us asleep, and while pondering over our 
 gloomy circumstances, Jones, who has a very fine voice, sud- 
 denly commenced singing the " Old Folks at Home." I never 
 felt more deeply affected in my life ; and indeed this was the 
 case with all of us while listening to the song. 
 
 Seetah Ram soon after arrived, bringing a note to me from 
 G-eneral Havelock, and another to Hurdeo Buksh's address ; 
 both inclosed in quills, and, of course, very brief. The General 
 strongly recommended us to remain where we were and watch 
 events ; as the rebels infested all the roads and rendered travel- 
 ing most dangerous — almost impossible. We were much cast 
 down, and consulted together whether to follow the General's 
 advice and remain where we were, or risk the river journey. It 
 was, after all, but a choice of dangers : to remain where we 
 were much longer was almost certain destruction ; to go, al- 
 though hazardous in the extreme, offered at least a chance of 
 safety and escape, so we all three determined to try the river. 
 There was no time to lose, as Seetah Ram reported that the 
 rebels were again collecting, but as yet there were no bodies of 
 men and no guns on the river banks. 
 
 We all thought it best that Probyn should go at once to 
 Hurdeo Buksh, deliver to him General Havelock's letter, and 
 intimate that we are ready to start as soon as he pleased. He 
 accordingly set off, and returned in about two hours, stating 
 that Hurdeo Buksh has determined to send us off by boat to- 
 morrow morning. May God in his infinite mercy go forth with 
 us, and protect us, and bring us to our desired haven ! We 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 377 
 
 sent off a messenger to Robertson to inform him and Churclier, 
 and also bearers to convey the former, as he could not walk to 
 the boat to-morrow morning. 
 
 THE ESCAPE. 
 
 Tuesday, Septemher 1st. — On Sunday, August 30th, I awoke 
 very early, and roused up the others. The morning was dull 
 and rainy, just fit for our expedition. We all in that little shed 
 joined for the last time, in earnest prayer together for a blessing 
 on our undertaking, and in thanksgiving for the many mercies 
 we had received, and for our wonderful preservation hitherto in 
 this place. At 7 A. M., Hurdeo Buksh came himself to con- 
 duct us to the boat. The Thakoors, and other leading men of 
 the village, who had been in the habit of coming and sitting 
 with us and giving us the news during the past weary weeks, 
 accompanied us to the boats ; which we found moored on the 
 Ramgunga, opposite Dhurumpore, and all ready for us. 
 
 Our party consisted of eleven matchlockmen, as a guard, 
 eight rowers, all under the command of Hurdeo Buksh's brother- 
 in-law Thakoor Pirthee Pal. Seeta Ram also accompanied us, 
 as he knew where our troops were located at Cawnpore, and 
 might be useful to us en route ; and also Rohna, who was to 
 return at once if we reached Cawnpore in safety, with a note to 
 Hurdeo Buksh, and one for my wife, to take on to Nynee Tal. 
 One of the Kussowrah Thakoors, of Poorun, also went with us. 
 
 We remained for moi-e than two hours at the boat, waiting 
 for Major Robertson and Mr. Churcher, and at the imminent 
 peril of our own lives ; our safety mainly depending on expe- 
 dition and secrecy. If intelligence of our projected attempt 
 reached the Nawab and subahdars in Futtehghur nothing was 
 easier than for them to detach some Sepoys down the Ganges, 
 to the point where the Ramgunga falls into it, and intercept us 
 there. They could reach that point in less than two hours with 
 
 ease from the time of starting ; whereas it would occupy nearly 
 
 32 
 
378 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 from morn till evening, owing to the winding course of the 
 Ramgunga, before we could hope to enter the Granges. 
 
 Hurdeo Buksh had happily taken the precaution, the night 
 before, of seizing all the boats at the ferries on both rivers, 
 within the limits of his domain, thus cutting off all communi- 
 cation with Furrukabad. Any lengthened interruption of the 
 passages across the Ganges would not fail, however, to attract 
 notice and excite suspicion ; and it was in his opinion very 
 essential for our safety that we should embark and start without 
 further loss of time. We were in a most painful position. We 
 could not bear the idea of leaving our poor countrymen behind, 
 and yet if we delayed any longer, we might lose our own lives 
 without benefiting them. At last, just as our patience was 
 exhausted, a messenger arrived from Major Robertson to say 
 that neither he nor Mr. Churcher would risk the attempt. They 
 were doubtless dissuaded by the Brahmin servant of Mr. 
 Churcher, who had used his best arguments to deter us from 
 the journey. 
 
 There was nothing now to detain us, so about eleven, as far 
 as we could jndge, we started. Hurdeo Buksh rode with us for 
 some miles along the banks of the stream and then left us ; 
 enjoining us to be careful to remain under the covered part of the 
 boat, and on no account to show ourselves, as that would lead 
 to our discovery, and in such an event to our destruction. To 
 secure the fidelity of the boatmen, he had, he informed us, 
 seized their families, and would only be released on the news 
 reaching him of our safe arrival at Cawnpore. The matchlock- 
 men were his own immediate retainers, and fully trustworthy. 
 I, however, doubted them much more than the boatmen, for 
 whose fidelity we have a substantial guarantee ; for I believed 
 they would take to the river, in which they can swim like fish, 
 on the very first approach of danger. 
 
 The boat was nominally conveying the female portion of the 
 family of a relative of Hurdeo Buksh, on a visit to their 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 379 
 
 relations at a lonely place on the Oude side of the Ganges called 
 Tirrovvah Pulleeah, belonging to a talookdar named Dhunna 
 Singh. This man is a great friend of Hurdeo Bnksh, and 
 possessed of considerable influence on both sides of the river, 
 as far as Cawnpore. If he considered the road safe, he was to 
 accompany us to that place ; if he did not, he was to give us 
 shelter and protect us for the time being, and till something 
 was determined upon for our disposal. 
 
 For the first twenty miles of our course down the Ramgunga, 
 we ran little risk, as Hurdeo Buksh's influence sufficed to pro- 
 tect us. For the last thirty, till the river joins the Ganges, the 
 danger was great. Messengers, howevei-, met us at different 
 points along the bank to warn us whether we might safely proceed 
 or not. At one point we were in considerable danger of being 
 wrecked. The boatmen tried a new channel and came upon a 
 rapid, with an abrupt fall of, I should think, nearly four feet. 
 The stream was running with great rapidity ; but, from its 
 shallowness, the boat stuck in the middle, and for ten minutes 
 could not be extricated. We dared not show ourselves outside, 
 and it was most trying to sit still, crowded as we were in the 
 close covered space allotted to us, Avhile the boat hung as it 
 were on an inclined plane, the water roaring and surging round 
 us. At last they managed to get her clear, and we floated down 
 without further interruption, till we reached within two or three 
 miles of the mouth of the Ramgunga. 
 
 The river had so materially changed its channel this yeai", 
 that for several reaches we found ourselves directly opposite 
 the village of Kassim Kore, situated on the right bank of the 
 Ganges, and which we supposed lay some four miles higher up 
 the stream. This village bore the worst character ; its inhabit- 
 ants had, we were aware, taken an active part in the massacre 
 of the Futtehghur fugitives and the plunder of their boat ; that 
 fearful tragedy having occurred in its immediate neighborhood. 
 
 It was with breathless anxiety, therefore, that we watched 
 
380 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 this village. From the great hight of the bank on which it 
 was placed the people must have seen us, as we came winding 
 down the stream and rounded the reaches ; and the unusual 
 sight of a boat could not, we feared, fail to attract attention^ 
 and lead parties of them to come off in boats to intercept us. 
 The sun was setting as we floated out into the Ganges, here 
 about a mile broad, and only about a quarter of a mile below 
 Kassim Kore. It was with a sickening sort of anxiety we con- 
 tinued to watch this place ; but it was like a village of the 
 dead : not a human being could we discern moving about, and 
 deeply thankful did we feel when we found that we were pass- 
 ing unnoticed. But we scarcely ventured to consider ourselves 
 secure till we lost sight of the hateful spot in the distance. 
 
 The Ganges was still in flood, and we floated down yqtj 
 rapidly, keeping, as far as it was possible, the middle of the 
 stream. At one point where the stream narrowed considerably, 
 there was a ferry close to a large village, with several boats 
 close to the bank, and a number of people collected and about 
 to cross. Except the boat at these and other ferries, there was 
 nothing floating on the Ganges. Instead of the fleets which 
 for the last fifty years had been passing up and down without 
 intermission, not a single boat had been seen on its waters since 
 that one which had escaped from Puttehghur, and of whose fate 
 we were in the utmost ignorance. The unusual sight of a boat 
 rowed rapidly down stream, with a number of armed men on 
 the roof and deck, attracted immediate attention, and we hardly 
 dared to hope that we could safely pass this ferry. As we ap- 
 proached the place, our guards got their cartridge-boxes handy, 
 and their powder-horns by them, all ready if required. 
 
 We were, as we expected, challenged and asked who we were, 
 and told to stop and pull in shore. The Thakoor replied that 
 he was taking his family down to Tirrowah Pulleeah, and could 
 not stop. A voice called out, " You have Feringhees [English] 
 concealed in that boat ; come ashore at once." " Feringhees on 
 
ADVENTURES OE JUDGE EDWARDS. 381 
 
 board," was the ready answer of the Thakoor, Pirthee Pal, "I 
 wish we had, and we should soon dispose of them and get their 
 plunder." " Stop and come ashore," was repeated ; but by 
 this time, owing to the rapidity of the stream, we had 
 floated past. 
 
 The river widened, and we bore out into the center of the 
 stream ; the distance thus put between us, and the sight of the 
 guard all ready with their matchlocks, no doubt deterred any of 
 those on shore from putting off and following us. After this 
 we passed on without challenge till nightfall, when the boat 
 was stopped ; we anchored at a most solitary, desolate place, 
 covered with long grass, and left half dry by the receding 
 waters of the river. This place, we heard, was only a mile and 
 a half from Tirrowah Pulleeah, Dhunna Singh's stronghold. 
 Our crew and guards immediately went on shore, and com- 
 menced cooking. 
 
 It was of course essential for us to communicate with Dhunna 
 Singh, as he was to accompany us on, and it would be hopeless 
 for us to attempt to proceed without him. Only one of our 
 party, a boatman, knew the way to his fort, which lay directly 
 across the waste, along side of which we were anchored, with, 
 as he told ns, a deep creek intervening, and he declared he 
 would not go alone at this time of night. Some of the guard 
 and boatmen were in vain ordered to accompany this man ; not 
 one would leave his cooking. At last the Thakoor seized one 
 of the boatmen, gave him a sound thrashing, and frightened 
 him into accompanying them. 
 
 They followed a small path, and were soon lost in the long 
 grass. Probyn and I got out of the boat and walked up and 
 down the bank, anxiously discussing the probability of the 
 messengers failing us, or, in event even of their reaching the 
 place, of Dhunna Singh's answering our summons or not. It 
 was the wildest and most dismal scene I have ever witnessed ; 
 the boatmen and guard even seemed depressed, and sat cooking 
 
382 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 in silence ; not a sound was heard but the croaking of innu- 
 merable frogs in the pools, and crabs in the swamp. Nearly 
 two hours passed away without any sign of our messengers : 
 not a soul came near us. At last Probyn determined that we 
 had better go on at all hazards, as the night was slipping away ; 
 and as the most dangerous part of the river was before us, it 
 was necessary to pass it under cover of the darkness. Desolate 
 as the place was, it would not do to remain there for the inight ; 
 as the herdsmen grazing their cattle would no doubt discover 
 us as soon as it was light, and most likely give information to 
 the villagers, who would come down and destroy us. My 
 opinion was strongly against starting without Dhunna Singh. 
 It had been part of Hurdeo Buksh's arrangement that he should 
 accompany us, and if once we deviated from it, in so important 
 a point, the crew might not consider themselves any longer re- 
 sponsible for our safety, and might desert us. Probyn agreed 
 to remain for another half-hour : one of terrible anxiety and 
 suspense it was. 
 
 I was pacing np and down, and almost in despair, when I 
 heard the sound of voices approaching, and Dhunna Singh al- 
 most immediately came up, with our messengers and a few 
 followers ; he was an old man, with a white head, but very wiry 
 and athletic, and from his frank and self-possessed manner I 
 saw at once that he was the right sort of a man for this kind 
 of work. He said we must go on at once, and lamented that 
 so much time had already been lost ; as it was most desirable 
 to be beyond a part of the river near Sheorajpore by the morn- 
 ing. The only thing suspicious about Dhimna Singh was his 
 desiring to accompany us in a small boat to be towed astern, 
 instead of on board ours. I told him we expected him to come 
 into our boat ; and this he did, after some hesitation. 
 
 We started about ten o'clock, so far as we could judge, and 
 floated rapidly down the river, keeping as much as we could in 
 the center of the stream. We were challenged repeatedly from 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 383 
 
 either bank, and ordered to stop and come ashore ; but on start- 
 ing, Dhunna Singh had instructed two of his men, whom he 
 had brought on board with him, to reply in answer to any 
 challenge, that the boat belonged to Dhunna Singh, of Tirowah 
 Pulleeah, who was taking his family down to bathe at a cele- 
 brated bathing ghaut near Cawnpore. If this explanation 
 failed to satisfy, the men in repeating it were instructed to say 
 that Dhunna Singh was himself on board ; and if even this 
 did not suffice, he would himself come forward and answer the 
 challenge. 
 
 On several occasions he had to do this ; for the explanation 
 of the men being not believed, a second and more peremptory 
 summons was given to stop and pull ashore. Dhunna Singh's 
 own powerful and peculiarly harsh voice, however, never failed 
 to satisfy inquirers ; who, on hearing his explanation, either 
 remained silent, or said, *' Go on, go on !" At one village, 
 however, much embarrassment was caused by the party chal- 
 lenging being intimate with Dhunna Singh, expressing great 
 satisfaction at his arrival, and begging him to come ashore and 
 take them on board. Dhunna Singh showed great readiness 
 and presence of mind in this difficulty. He answered their hail 
 with great apparent cordiality, and telling the rowers to stop 
 pulling, began asking questions about different persons and 
 places ; he thus held the party in conversation till we had floated 
 well past the village, when he called out that he could not stop 
 just then, as he wanted his family to be at the ghaut in time to 
 bathe before the morning ; but that on his return, in two or 
 three days, he would make a point of stopping in the village. 
 On saying this he ordered the men to give way as fast as possi- 
 ble, which they did ; and as the river was running like a sluice, 
 we passed down so rapidly that any attempt to have pursued us 
 by a boat from the village would have been quite vain. 
 
 About one in the morning we approached Mendee Ghaut, 
 the chief ferry between Oude and the Futtehghur side of the 
 
384 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 river, and a great place of resort for mutineers or rebels. 
 Dhunna Singh expressed great anxiety to pass this place in 
 safety ; assuring ns that the risk of detection was very great. 
 Most providentially, as we approached within a mile of the 
 place, a large bank of clouds came over the moon and it became 
 partially dark. The rowers were told to ship their oars, and 
 the whole party to keep profound silence. In this way we 
 glided down the stream very rapidly, and silent as the grave ; 
 owing to the darkness and perfect stillness we passed this crit- 
 ical point altogether unnoticed and unchallenged. About an 
 hour after this we grounded twice : the first time, the boat was 
 got off without much trouble ; but on the second occasion she 
 struck several times very heavily, and then nearly capsized. 
 She, however, soon righted a little, but remained for more than 
 an hour stuck fast on the sand-bank. I thought then it surely 
 was all up with us ; that we could not float her, and that we 
 should be deserted by those on board and left to the mercy of 
 the villagers, who could not fail to notice and come down on us 
 as soon as it was light. 
 
 Nearly the whole of the guard, as well as the rowers, at our 
 earnest entreaty, got into the water ; and, by thus lightening 
 the boat, succeeded, after heavy labor, in getting her afloat. 
 The delay caused by this mishap was very serious ; for day 
 broke just as we were nearing a place on the right bank where 
 a body of the enemy with guns were said to be posted, and 
 which we had calculated upon passing during the night. 
 
 As we approached this point Dhunna Singh, as well as our- 
 selves, felt most anxious. Great, however, was our relief, and 
 deep our thankfulness, when, upon rounding a reach of the 
 river, we found this place silent and deserted. Had the enemy 
 been here we must have fallen into their hands ; for escape 
 would have been impossible. Dhnnna Singh now told us that 
 if we could only succeed in reaching Bithoor, some ten miles 
 farther down, which he supposed was occupied by our troops, 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 385 
 
 we should be safe ; but till we arrived there, as it was now day- 
 light, the risk of being stopped was great. 
 
 On we went Avithout interruption for some miles, when the 
 stream carrying us close in shore on the right bank, we came, 
 on rounding a point suddenly, on a considerable body of peo- 
 ple, some bathing and some sitting on the bank. On Dhunna 
 Singh replying in the usual manner to their challenge, what 
 Avas our delight and surprise to hear the party, who were com- 
 pletely deceived about us, earnestly Avarn Dhunna Singh not to 
 proceed much further down the river, as he would in that case 
 inevitably fall into the hands of the Gora log — Europeans — who 
 were in force in Bithoor, and Avould kill all in the boat. 
 
 Dhunna Singh, Avith his usual presence of mind, affected 
 great alarm at this intelligence, and winking coolly at me as I 
 lay inside the covering, eagerly inquired of those ashore Avhere 
 our troops were posted, and how far we could proceed down 
 the stream Avith safety. He was told the exact spot, and then, 
 saying he Avould avoid that point, and cross to the Oude side 
 of the stream, told the roAvers to give Avay. We shot rapidly 
 away, and thus escaped a most imminent danger. So near 
 were Ave to the party on shore, that Probyn and I each caught 
 up one of the children and kept our hands on their mouths, lest 
 they might speak or cry out ; which Avould have betrayed us at 
 once, and Ave must ha\'e been lost. 
 
 We met with no incident for the next few miles, and about 
 11 o'clock Ave reached Bithoor. We were noAV beginning to 
 congratulate ourselves that at last we were in safety, and 
 Dhunna Singh, as we approached the place, remoA^ed the cur- 
 tain hanging in front of where Ave lay, and called out to us, 
 " You are noAv in your own territory ; come out and look 
 about, for there is no more need of hiding." Jones was just 
 on the point of availing himself of this permission, and going 
 out from under cover, where he had been cramped up all night, 
 
 into the open air, when, as he Avas stepping over me, I caught 
 
 33 
 
386 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 his leg, and by some involuntary impulse begged of bim to 
 stop, and not to sbow bimself for a little. He bad scarcely 
 done so, and tbe words bad bardly left my lips, wben tbe cur- 
 tain was bastily replaced, and we were bailed by a man on tbe 
 bank. Dbunna Singb inquired wbo be was ; be replied that 
 be was a Sepoy of Jussa Singh's son, and bad come across 
 from Futtebpore Chowrassee with some of the Nana's people, 
 to convey away some of tbe Nana's property which be bad been 
 forced to leave behind bim, when be fled from our troops ou 
 their capture of the place. 
 
 Dbunna Singb completely deceived this man by his ready re- 
 plies to all his questions, and so prevented bis suspecting tbe 
 real character of tbe boat, or giving tbe alarm. Dbunna Singb 
 expressed great satisfaction on hearing that Bitboor was evacu- 
 ated by our troops, and reoccupied by some of the Nana's, and 
 of his ally, Jussa Singh's son. Jussa Singh himself, wbo was 
 tbe Nana's confederate in the Cawnpore tragedy, bad about a 
 fortnight previously died of his wounds, and been succeeded by 
 his son ; with whom the Nana was at this moment in hiding a 
 few miles from us, at Futtebpore Chowrassee. 
 
 Soon after passing this Sepoy, and while floating past some 
 high buildings, several shots were fired in rapid succession ; and 
 we saw several hundred armed men, congregated in and around 
 tbe buildings. We, however, heard no whiz of bullets, and 
 supposed that the firing was in honor of tbe great Mohammedan 
 festival of the Mohurrum, which is now being celebrated. It 
 was truly miraculous bow we escaped being observed by this 
 large body of men, all armed, and in tbe service of our deadliest 
 enemies. We were the sole boat which bad appeared for nearly 
 two months on the river, and the unusual sight could not fail 
 to have drawn their attention to us, and yet no one molested us, 
 or tried to stop us. 
 
 An hour of most intense anxiety passed in getting clear of 
 this dreadful place, Bitboor. When we had left it about two 
 
ADVENTURES OP JUDGE EDWARDS. 387 
 
 miles behind, Dhunna Singh, who as well as myself had not 
 closed an eye all night, came in and lay down under the cover 
 of the boat, and, assuring lis that we were now all right, said 
 he could take a sleep. Soon after we had the great joy of see- 
 ing Cawnpore in the distance. 
 
 Owing to the frequent turns of the river, and a high contrary 
 wind which had sprung up, we were a weary long time in ap- 
 proaching the station. 
 
 Just as our hopes of safety appeared on the verge of accom- 
 plishment, they suddenly seemed about to be entirely defeated ; 
 for the wind caught our boat, and in spite of the efforts of the 
 rowers, who were by this time thoroughly worn-out, drove us 
 half across to the Oude side of the river. We then, for the first 
 time, became aware that this bank was occupied by a body of 
 the enemy watching the Cawnpore force. Their tents became 
 distinctly visible ; and, as we were being driven across, we 
 heard their drums and bugles sounding the alarm ; as they, I 
 fancy, took us for a reconnoitering party. We expected that 
 they would fire at us ; but fortunately they did not, and the 
 wind falling we were enabled, after much labor, to get back 
 again to our own side. 
 
 Soon after we came upon a picket of Sikhs posted near the 
 old Magazine. This was the most joyful sight our eyes had 
 seen for many a weary day and night. The party, not imag- 
 ining that, by any possibility, the boat could contain friends, 
 came down to oppose us, and were capping their muskets to 
 fire, when Wuzeer Singh hailed them in their own dialect, in- 
 forming them who we were. The native officer in command, 
 and all the men, then came forward to congratulate us on our 
 escape, at which they seemed as heartily rejoiced as if they had 
 been our own countrymen. They told us to drop down the 
 stream till we came to the camp where our troops were in- 
 trenched, which we should know by a steamer being moored 
 below. We left them, and in about half an hour reached the 
 
388 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 landing. After some troiiLle, owing to the violence of the 
 wind and strength of the current, we succeeded in making our 
 hoat fast to another along side the steamer. Then, indeed, with 
 grateful and overflowing hearts, we stepped on shore, feeling 
 that at last we were saved and among our own countrymen. 
 
 We landed about two o'clock, P. M., of the 31st of August, 
 just twenty-seven hours after we started, during which time we 
 had run the gauntlet for more than one hundred and fifty miles 
 of river way, through the midst of the enemy's country. A 
 picket of Her Majesty's 84th Regiment was on duty at the 
 ghaut. The men congregated round us, and even our own 
 flesh and blood could not have more repeatedly or warmly 
 congratulated us on our safety than they did ; they were very 
 tender of poor Mrs. Probyn, and insisted on carrying the chil- 
 dren and our little baggage to wherever we wished to go. On 
 learning that the magistrate's tent was a few yards ojBf, at the 
 top of the bank, I immediately went there, and found Sherer, 
 of our service. On announcing myself — for being in native 
 dress he could not recognize me — he was as much surprised as 
 if he had seen an apparition ; for I had long been reported 
 among the killed at Futtehghur. I can never forget his hearty 
 welcome. 
 
 I was just able to tell him that the Probyns and their chil- 
 dren were down at the boat, and beg of him to go and bring 
 them, when, as he rushed off for that purpose, every thing 
 seemed to swim around me, and I fell on the ground from ex- 
 citement and exhaustion. Sherer soon after returned with the 
 Probyns, and by that time I had recovered myself. When we 
 had all collected in the tent, our first question was as to the 
 fate of the party who had left Futtehghur, and of whom we 
 hoped that some had escaped. Then, for the first time, we 
 heard the truth, that they had I'eally all been murdered ; that 
 not one had survived. We also heard of the awful massacre 
 at Cawnpore, of which only vague rumors had hitherto reached 
 
ADVENTURES OF JUDGE EDWARDS. 389 
 
 US, too terrible to admit of credence. We could scarcely be- 
 lieve tbat we four persons and the two children are the sole sur- 
 vivors of that large body of our country people, men, women, 
 and children, 
 
 Sherer got rooms prepared for us in a house fitted up as a 
 hotel, close to his tents, and just beyond the intronchment occii- 
 pied by our troops. To get to this place we were obliged to 
 pass the house in which the slaughter had been perpetrated, and 
 the well where so many of those dear friends lie, whom we 
 had so lately parted with in full strength and vigor. 
 
 When we found ourselves in a house again, for the first time 
 for three months, and in a position of comparative security, 
 we felt c[uite awe-struck ; and, with hearts overflowing with 
 thankfulness, we kneeled down together to bless our God, who 
 had so wonderfully "delivered us from the hand of the enemy, 
 and from those who lay in wait for us by the way." 
 
390 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 SIR HENRY LAWRENCE 
 
 AND THE DEFENSE OF LUC KNOW. 
 
 On the proud roll of Indian hero-martyrs, one of the first 
 places belongs, of right, to the name of Henry Lawrence. The 
 full worth of his career is, perhaps, not so well known as it 
 should be ; but in India, by common consent, Henry Lawrence 
 had been the foremost man of the public service since Lord 
 Dalhousie's happy choice made him ruler of the Punjaub. Sir 
 Henry Lawrence is, indeed, the glory of the late Indian history, 
 as Clive is of the earlier — the dift'erence between the characters 
 of the two men illustrating the change which a hundred years 
 have made in the spirit of Indian statesmanship. The rude, 
 rough age of battle and conquest found its apt representative in 
 the daring and reckless genius of the older hero ; while in the 
 later is typified all that purer and kindlier spirit in which we 
 interpret our present duties toward the subject people of India. 
 And it is the highest merit of Sir Henry Lawrence that he was 
 the first to comprehend and to carry out that milder and more 
 genial policy in the conquered provinces, which is henceforth 
 the basis of all solid government in India. For such a duty 
 never was man more happily fitted. To deep wisdom and rare 
 sagacity he united that sweetness of nature which is the inva- 
 riable attribute of the true hero. A man never breathed of a 
 purer soul and loftier purpose. Earnest, simple, and tender, 
 withal manly and self-contained, his fine nature was admirably 
 calculated to win love and trust, to arouse the enthusiasm of 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 391 
 
 every generous and noble heart, and to overcome even those 
 wild spirits intrusted to his dominion. 
 
 Called, almost by acclamation, to the administration of 
 the Punjaub, when yet a simple Captain of Artillery, notably 
 did Henry Lawrence justify an appointment, so irregular, ac- 
 cording to all official precedent ; and in estimating the extraor- 
 dinary results of that administration, let us remember what 
 kind of poople it was over whom he was set as absolute Gov- 
 ernor. A more arduous governorship was never undertaken. 
 
 In proportion to the difficulty of the work must be our admi- 
 ration for the manner in which Sir Henry Lawrence dealt with 
 this rugged people, and, like another Odysseus, 
 
 " Through soft degrees, 
 Subdued them to the peaceful and the good." 
 
 The only other parallel instance of administrative genius is 
 that of Sir Charles Napier, in Scinde. The career of either 
 hero is a striking example of what may be done by the mere 
 force of individual character in the government of a barbarous 
 people. Of the two perhaps Lawrence was the more success- 
 ful ruler, by virtue of his gentler and more self-sustained tem- 
 perament. Certainly, among the marvels achieved by English- 
 men in India, there is nothing equal to the pacification of the 
 Punjaub. The genius of England for dominion was never 
 more strikingly demonstrated. All this is due to Henry Law- 
 rence. It was his genius which conceived and carried through 
 that system to Avhich she owes the preservation of India. The 
 work which he undertook in the Punjaub was nothing short of 
 an absolute reconstruction of the state. In five short years he 
 had done it. He had brought order out of chaos, law out of 
 anarchy, peace out of war ; he had broken up the feudal sys- 
 tem and established a direct relation between the government 
 and people ; he had dissolved the power of the great sirdars ; 
 he had disbanded a vast Prastorian army and disarmed a whole 
 
392 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 population ; he had made Lahore as safe to the Englishman as 
 Calcutta. And all this he had done without any recourse to 
 violence, and with scarcely a murmur on the part of the con- 
 quered people. Even the chiefs,, who saw themselves deprived 
 of almost sovereign power, accepted quietly, almost without ex- 
 ception, the new condition of things. As for the mass of the 
 people, they had abundant reason to be satisfied with a change 
 which, for the first time, gave them security for life and prop- 
 erty, and all that immense practical good which, let the critics 
 of English dominion in India say what they will, invariably 
 attends the presence of the British constable in any part of the 
 world. 
 
 The effect of Sir Henry Lawrence's policy — in which he was 
 ably seconded by his colleagues, his equally-famous brother, 
 and Mr. Mansel — has been a thorough revolution in the social 
 state of the Punjaub. The old soldiers of the Runjeet Singh 
 have either taken service with the English, or have been ab- 
 sorbed in the body of the peaceful population. The majority 
 af them have returned to agriculture. " The stanch foot-sol- 
 dier," says the Second Punjaub Report, "has become the steady 
 cultivator, and the brave officer is now the sturdy village elder. 
 The great chiefs, if deprived of the principal portion of their 
 authority, have been confirmed in all their just possessions, and 
 their younger scions display a great ambition for civil employ- 
 ment under the British Government, for which, by an excellent 
 educational system, they are being rapidly qualified." 
 
 In regard to the tenure of the land, the most important, per- 
 haps, of all the questions between sovereign and people in 
 India, the measures adopted by Sir Henry Lawrence are a 
 model for all future Indian government, and admirably illus- 
 trate his rare sagacity and judgment. The transfer of the 
 lands usurped by the great sirdars was so made as scarcely to 
 draw a complaint even from the dispossessed holders. The re- 
 sumption of estates was made to bear as lightly as possible on 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 393 
 
 the existing proprietors. Every respect was paid to old-estab- 
 lished rights and local customs. The pi'ivate Jagheerdars — an 
 exceptional class who hold by special tenure for eminent mili- 
 tary service — were left in full possession ; and fresh grants 
 liberally made to those who had done similar service for us. 
 Life pensions were granted to others whom the rigorous justice 
 of the British could not recognize. The land-tax was reduced 
 by one-fourth, yet in the second year of annexation the total 
 amount of revenue had reached the fullest amount ever realized 
 under Eunjeet Singh. 
 
 The latter days of the hero's life were worthy of his Punjaub 
 career. Perhaps none of the English officers were so perilously 
 situated at the commencement of the mutiny. Appointed too 
 late to the administration of Oude, when already suffering from 
 a mortal complaint, the fruit of his past devotion to the public 
 service, he had barely assumed the reins of power ere the revolt 
 had burst out. The mischief had already been done, and it 
 was too late to arrest the progress of events. The task before 
 Sir Henry Lawrence was hopeless from the beginning, yet he 
 did not shrink from it. The time had gone by for reconciling 
 the nobility of Oude to our sway. The summary and ill-judged 
 policy of Lawrence's predecessor in the settlement of the lands, 
 had alienated all the great talooJcdars, and inspired general dis- 
 content and misgiving. Sir Henry Lawrence had always pro- 
 tested against the absolute dispossession of the great landholders, 
 whom custom and long tenure, if not right, had given a sort 
 of title ; and there can be no doubt now that to the adoption 
 of a policy contrary to the Punjaub precedent, rather than to 
 any national feeling on the score of the annexation, is to be 
 attributed the present rebellion in Oude — from the beginning 
 something more than a military revolt. And in estimating the 
 danger of Sir Henry Lawrence's position, it is to be remembered 
 that he alone, of all the British officials, had to contend with a 
 disaffected people as well as a mutinous soldiery. To do this, 
 
394 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 he had a total European force of nine linndred men ! Upon his 
 success or failure there hinged the vital interests of the empire. 
 The province of Oude is the heart of India. Had it been lost 
 as completely as was Rohilcund or Delhi, there would have been 
 no safety for the Europeans outside the walls of Fort William. 
 The whole rebel horde would have poured into our home 
 provinces, overpowered the feeble garrisons on the way, and 
 annihilated the small British bands under Havelock and Neill. 
 That such were not the results is due to the vigor and foresight 
 with which Sir Henry Lawrence met the revolt at its birth, and 
 to the heroic endurance of the Lucknow garrison, of which he 
 was the head and soul. From the first overt act of mutiny on 
 the 3d of May, 1857, to the time of his death, there was nothing 
 left undone by Sir Henry Lawrence which it was in the power 
 of mortal man to do, to stem the tide of revolt and to maintain 
 the British authority. 
 
 In the pages of the Diary of the Defense of Lucknow, which 
 follow, the heroism of Sir Henry will be illustrated, as well as 
 that of other men. 
 
 THE DIAKT, 
 
 Ten days before the outbreak it was expected, and Sir Henry 
 Lawrence ordered all kinds of stores to be purchased. 
 
 On the evening of the 30th of May, a Sepoy, of the 13th 
 Native Infantry, who had received a reward from Sir Henry for 
 having assisted in the capture of a spy, came to Captain Wil- 
 son, of the 13th Native Infantry, and said he could not help 
 reporting that there would be a rising among the Sepoy regi- 
 ments, to be commenced in the lines of the 71st Native Infantry 
 that evening at about 8 or 9 o'clock, P. M. ; but he was not 
 certain at what hour. His manner in giving this information 
 was earnest and impressive. 
 
 On that evening every thing went on as usual ; all remained 
 quiet in the cantonments, where Sir Henry Lawrence was resid- 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 395 
 
 ing. Some days previously the ladies and children had heen 
 removed to the Residency in the city, which place had already 
 been occupied by a party of the 32d Foot and two guns. The 
 9 o'clock, P. M., gun was fired, and was evidently the precon- 
 certed signal for the mutiny ; for a few minutes after, while Sir 
 Henry Lawrence and his staff were at dinner at the Residency, 
 a Sepoy came running in and reported a disturbance in the 
 •lines. Two shots were heard in the 71st lines. The horses of 
 the staff were at once ordered, and they proceeded to the lines. 
 On the way, more dropping shots were heard from the left of 
 the 71st lines. The party arrived in the camp, where about 
 three hundred men were posted, and found them all on the 
 alert. These were posted in a position on the extreme right of 
 the 71st lines — the whole front of which they swept — and they 
 were also contiguous to the road leading from cantonments to 
 the city. 
 
 Sir Henry Lawrence immediately took two guns and a com- 
 pany of the 32d with him on the road leading to the town, and 
 there took post ; thereby blocking up the road, and effectually 
 cutting off all access to the city. He sent back soon after for 
 reinforcements of the Europeans and for two more guns. In 
 the mean time the officers of the several regiments had pro- 
 ceeded at once to their respective lines. Bands of insurgents 
 had meanwhile made their way among the officers' bungalows, 
 keeping up as they went a desultory fire, which prevented many 
 from passing the roads toward the lines. One of the first of 
 these parties made straight for the mess- house of the 71st Native 
 Infantry, whence the officers had escaped but a few minutes be- 
 fore. They exhibited great bloodthirstiness, making every 
 search for the officers, and ending by firing the house. On 
 several shots being fired from the 71st lines on the 32d Foot 
 and guns, the order was given to open with grape ; on which a 
 rush was made by the Sepoys to the rear ; when they passed the 
 infantry picket, which is situate in the center of cantonments. 
 
396 HEROES OF THE INDIAN EEBELLION. 
 
 The picket was under the command of Lieutenant Grant, of the 
 71st Native Infantry. His men remained with him till the 
 mutineers were close upon him. They then broke ; but the sub- 
 adar of the guard, and some men of the 13th and 48th Regi- 
 ments, composing the guard, tried to save him by placing him 
 under a bed. A man of the 71st Native Infantry, who was on 
 guard with him, however, discovered the place of his conceal- 
 ment to the mutineers, and he was there brutally murdered — 
 receiving no less than fifteen bayonet wounds, besides some 
 from musket balls. 
 
 From the first. Lieutenant Hardinge, taking with him some 
 few sowars of his Irregular Cavalry, patrolled up and down the 
 main street of the cantonments, and went to the officers' messes 
 on the chance of saving any lives. In the compound of the 
 71st mess he was fired at by a mutineer, who then rushed upon 
 him with his bayonet, which pierced his arm. More than once 
 the cantonments were thus patrolled by Lieutenant Hardinge 
 under a smart fire, with the same humane intentions ; but not 
 in sufficient force to prevent the burning and plundering of the 
 officers' bungalows, and of the bazars. The excitement in the 
 lines continued ; while the 32d remained quietly in position, 
 awaiting the advent of the remnants of the regiments who had 
 remained true to their colors. A remnant of the 13th Native 
 Infantry, about two hundred men, with colors and treasure, 
 came up ; and, according to previous arrangement, joined and 
 fell in on the right of the 32d. A small portion of the 71st, 
 without being able to save their colors or their treasure — through 
 the disaffection of the native officer on duty — also came up and 
 took post next the 32d Foot. Of the 48th nothing was heard 
 till 10 o'clock, A. M., next day. About 10 o'clock, P. M., 
 many of the mutineers had made their way up to some empty 
 artillery lines, outside the 71st Native Infantry lines, whence 
 they commenced firing. Brigadier Handscomb, who had come 
 up from the rear of the 71st lines, was killed by a stray shot 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 397 
 
 from this place : just as lie had readied the left flank of the 
 32d, he fell dead off his horse. The bungalows throughout the 
 cantonments were most of them on fire. No attempt was 
 subsequently made to attack the position. To secure the Res- 
 idency bungalow, and that portion of the cantonment next the 
 city road, four guns and a company and a half were taken up 
 to the cantonment Residency, and the guns placed at each gate. 
 All was now quiet, and the remainder of the night passed away 
 without any further event. Nothing had been seen or heard of 
 the 48th Native Infantry. Many officers had most wonderful 
 escapes from death. Lieutenant and Adjutant Chambers, of the 
 IStli Native Infantry, was severely wounded in the leg, while 
 effecting his escape from the magazine where he had taken a 
 guard of his regiment. 
 
 May Slst. — At daylight the foi'ce, consisting of some com- 
 panies of Her Majesty's 32d Foot, and the remnants of the 
 native regiments, about one hundred men 71st, and two hun- 
 dred and twenty men 13th Native Infantry, with part of the 7tli 
 Cavalry, and four guns, advanced down the parade in front of 
 the lines of the several regiments. From the lines of the 13th 
 Native Infantry about fifty men came, and said they had saved 
 the magazine of that regiment. Hearing that the body of the 
 rebels had retired toward the race-course, where they had plun- 
 dered the lines of the 7th Cavalry, and murdered Cornet Ra- 
 leigh of that regiment — who had been left there sick — the whole 
 force of cavalry and infantry, with four guns, proceeded thither, 
 leaving Colonel Case with a portion of the 32d in position in 
 cantonments. On arriving in the open plain, a body of about 
 one thousand, two hundred men were seen in line in the dis- 
 tance, drawn up to the race-course. Many of the cavalry gal- 
 loped over at once to the insurgents. The guns then opened 
 with round shot, which dispersed them, and they made the best 
 of their way across country, followed immediately by the 
 cavalry and guns, and, at a greater distance, by the infantry. 
 
398 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 No opportunity offered for the guns to again open, owing to the 
 celerity of their flight ; but the cavalry hovered round and took 
 about sixty prisoners, who were brought into cantonments. 
 The pursuit continued in the same order till the guns were 
 stopped by a nullah, over which they could not cross. The 
 cavalry, however, continued their pursuit, and kept it up for 
 some ten miles. By 10 o'clock, A. M., the force had returned 
 to cantonments, as the heat was excessive. 
 
 As most of the bungalows were burned — the officers having 
 lost every thing — the troops were moved into camp. The usual 
 guards were kept by the native regiments, and the cantonments 
 regularly occupied. Owing to this, the neighboring country 
 seemed to be reassured. Supplies came in regularly, and in 
 plenty. The exertions of all were redoubled to complete the 
 defenses, and collect stores and supplies in Muchee Bhawun and 
 the city Residency. The former post, originally occupied by 
 the dependents of the late king, had been selected by Sir Henry 
 Lawrence as a fitting place of security and retreat, in case mat- 
 ters took an unfavorable turn. On the 16th of May, immedi- 
 ately on the receipt of intelligence from Meerut of the com- 
 mencement of the outbreak, this stronghold, then in a very 
 dilapidated condition, was occupied by the light company of the 
 13th and some guns, and measures were taken for its thorough 
 cleansing. Supplies continued to be brought in and stored. 
 
 On the evening of the day on which the troops returned from 
 the pursuit of the rebels, an insurrection took place in the city 
 toward Hosainabad ; the standard of the prophet was raised, 
 and other means of religious persuasion used to excite the popu- 
 lace. The police of the city, under the energetic superintend- 
 ence of Captain Carnegie, behaved well, and the movement was 
 at once quelled, and the standard taken. News of the emeute 
 at this place had by this time reached the district, and the rising, 
 of the neighboring stations was to be looked for. 
 
 On the afternoon of the 4th June, parties of ladies and 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE, 399 
 
 officers of the 41st Native Infantry, escorted by about twenty- 
 five men of the regiment, who had remained faithful, came in, 
 bringing the news of the mutiny at Seetapore, and of the deaths 
 of Lieutenant-Colonel Bireh, commanding the regiment there, 
 of Mr. Christian, and of other civilians and ladies. On the 
 5th news came of the mutiny at Cawnpore, but no particu- 
 lars. Reports of all kinds were rife among the bazars ; but no 
 authentic intelligence could be procured, as the telegraph wire 
 was cut. From Benares the news came in of the 37th Native 
 Infantry having mutinied, and of their having been overpowered 
 by the rest of the force there. 
 
 June 10th. — The defenses at the city Residency, as well as the 
 Muchee Bhawun, were increased, and houses and buildings 
 around them began at once to be demolished. Large stacks 
 of firewood were made, and houses and tents set apart for the 
 occupation of the European refugees, who were arriving from 
 the districts daily. Provisions of all sorts continued to be 
 stored, including one hundred and ten hogsheads of beer just 
 arrived from Cawnpore, 
 
 Besides the two important posts noted above, the range of 
 buildings toward the Hosainabad quarter of the town were oc- 
 cupied by two thousand police under the direction of Captain 
 Carnegie ; a thoiisand more were ordered to be raised, and 
 officers of the 41st were put in command of each of the police 
 battalions. This day we heard, by native report, that General 
 Wheeler was defending himself in the intrenchments at Cawn- 
 pore ; but no lett* was received. 
 
 June lltk. — Early this morning a false alarm was brought in 
 from the Cawnpore road that the enemy was upon us. Cap- 
 tain Evans, who had been sent out to gain information, re- 
 turned with the above report, which created, for a short period, 
 some needless alarm. We continued hard at work getting in 
 supplies and adding to our defenses. Many vague I'eports of 
 disturbances were in circulation to-day. 
 
400 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 Jane \1tli. — On this day an instance of disaffection from 
 within the camp occurred. The regiment of military police, 
 commanded by Captain Orr, mutinied in a body, rushed to 
 their lines, seized their arms, and then set off in the direction 
 of Cawnpore, giving themselves no time to inflict any damage 
 in their quarter of the city. So great was their haste that they 
 failed to empty their own barracks, and left behind them their 
 clothes and baggage. Information of this was given to head- 
 quarters, on which two guns of Major Kaye's battery, two com- 
 panies of Her Majesty's 32d, and some seventy Sikhs of the 
 1st Oude Irregular Cavalry, the whole under the command of 
 Colonel Inglis, were dispatched after them. They were pur- 
 sued for some eight miles before they were come up with, and 
 it was only by pushing on the cavalry and guns, Avithout wait- 
 ing for the slower movements of the infantry, that they were 
 overtaken at all. 
 
 The guns opened fire as soon as practicable ; they had come 
 up well over some difficult ground, but their horses were, in 
 consequence, so done up that there was some difficulty in 
 taking up the most desirable position. Once the cavalry 
 charged well, but neither the result of their charge, nor of the 
 practice of the artillery, was such as might have been expected. 
 The enemy's loss was not exactly ascertained, but it was sup- 
 posed that they had some twenty killed, and ten prisoners were 
 brought in. Of Captain Forbes's men two Pathans were 
 killed on the spot, and some others, including a gallant old 
 native officer, wounded. Mr. Thornhill, of the civil service, 
 charging with them, was also wounded. All this time the in- 
 fantry were far behind, unable to get up. A village lay to the 
 front, in which many of the insurgents had taken refuge. 
 Colonel Inglis forbade its bombardment, as it would have 
 entailed much injury to innocent villagers ; and the evening 
 was by that time so far advanced that the measure would prob- 
 ably not have sufficed to dislodge the mutineers. 
 
,1 .iPn'i "ill 1 1 'ir llii '\ g^j 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 401 
 
 About an hour remained to sunset ; the guns and cavalry 
 were a long way from the infantry and many miles further 
 from home. A return movement was, therefore, ordered and 
 accomplished successfully ; the whole force returned about 
 eight o'clock, having gone over some sixteen or eighteen miles 
 of ground. 
 
 The Europeans had marched well to the front. It was a 
 hard day's work for them, and two men were lost from apo- 
 plexy, for the heat was dreadful. 
 
 June \Zth. — Shot and shell both brought' down to the garri- 
 son from Muchee Bhawun — about three-quarters of a mile. 
 Unabated exertions to add to the defenses of the garrison. 
 
 The 13th Eegiment of Native Infantry, one hundred and 
 seventy rank and file, came down from cantonments and en- 
 camped in the Residency compound. Ineffectual efforts to 
 blow down the Furrahd JBuksh Gateway. Three or four cases 
 of cholera occurred at Fort Muchee Bhawun. Officers' serv- 
 ants began to desert. Intelligence was received from Fyzabad 
 of the mutiny of all the troops there. Heat beyond endurance. 
 
 June 14:th. — Several cases of cholera and small-pox. 
 
 June Ibth. — All officers of the cantonments ordered down to 
 the garrison. 
 
 June 16th. — This morning twenty-two conspirators, emissa- 
 ries from Benares and elsewhere, wlio had been sent to coi-rupt 
 the troops at this place, were captured in a house in the center 
 of the city. Information having been given to Captain 
 Hughes, commanding the 4th Irregular Infantry, he directed 
 two stanch native officers to put themselves on the watch, and 
 to pretend participation in the disaffection. This they did, 
 and by this means, with Captain Carnegie's assistance, Cap- 
 tain Hughes was enabled to effect the capture of these inciters 
 to mutiny. They were forthwith brought to a drum-head court- 
 martial, and the whole of them condemned to death. 
 
 June 22d. — Sir Henry Lawrence made an excursion as far as 
 
 34 
 
402 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 the Hosainabad Kolwallee, garrisoned by nearly three thousand 
 police and others, and inspected them and the defenses of that 
 place. He also visited the Dowlut Khana, an old magazine, 
 and, on his return, went over the Muchee BhaAvun defenses. 
 All our available spare carts, hackeries, and wagons were 
 to-day employed in bringing in the guns found yesterday. 
 Many of them were of large size. The unroofing and clearing 
 away of houses continued without intermission, and every exer- 
 tion was made to remove any thing which might afford cover 
 in the immediate vicinity of our defenses. 
 
 June 1\th. — Heavy clouds and every appearance of rain 
 throughout the day, but none fell ; heat excessive. Sir Henry 
 Lawrence proceeded at daybreak as usual, attended by his staff 
 and two orderlies from the volunteer cavalry, and inspected the 
 Dowlut Khana, Seesh Muhal, Imaumbarah Kolwallee, and Mu- 
 chee Bhawun ; and in the evening he proceeded five miles on the 
 Fyzabad road, to ascertain if there was a good position we 
 could take up, in case of an advance of the rebels in that di- 
 rection. 
 
 Native reports describe the force at Cawnpore as being hard 
 pressed ; native reports from Allahabad were good. Much 
 progress made in knocking down and unroofing the houses in 
 the immediate vicinity of the Muchee Bhawun and Residency. 
 The Racket Court was now filled with bhoosa for the cattle and 
 thatched in. We were supposed to have nearly three months' 
 supply of provisions now stored. The mutineers were reported 
 to have arrived at Nawabgunge — eighteen miles distant — and 
 were said to have with them some sixteen guns. 
 
 June Ihth. — The tower at the Muchee Bhawun was carried on 
 this day with great ardor. Crowds of coolies were employed 
 under the direction of Lieutenant Innes, of the Engineers. This 
 defense was to command the stone bridge, the Imaumbara, and 
 a number of high mosques facing that side of the Muchee Bha- 
 wun. Elephants were yoked to one of the heaviest guns ; 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 403 
 
 luckily there was some gear for the purpose, and the experi- 
 ment turned out successful. 
 
 A native rumor reported the arrival of a strong force of mu- 
 tineers at Nawahgunge, where it was said they were to remain 
 till they had consolidated their force. Good news came in to- 
 day from Allahabad in a letter from the officer commanding the 
 1st Madras Fusileers, dated the 18th of June, in answer to one 
 dispatched from this place on the 15th instant. Colonel Neil's 
 letter gave little or no detail, beyond stating that he assumed 
 command of the fort on the 11th instant; that there had been 
 much fighting, but all the mutineers were entirely broke and 
 dispersed, and the cantonments reoccupied. Cholera broke out 
 on the 18th among the Fusileers, who in two days had had 
 among them one hundred cases, forty of which had proved 
 fatal. Every effort was being made to push on troops to Cawn- 
 pore, but the road was not open, and carriage was difficult to 
 procure ; also that Her Majesty's 84th were close at hand, and 
 that the telegraphic communication had been reestablished be- 
 tween Calcutta and Allahabad. No authentic intelligence from 
 Cawnpore, and much anxiety was felt regarding the force 
 there. 
 
 All appearance of rain had gone off, and the heat was almost 
 insupportable. The river had risen about a foot and a half, and 
 was no longer fordable. A letter was received from Mrs. Dorin, 
 stating that she was residing in a hut close to Seetapore, solicit- 
 ing money and assistance, and reporting the murder' of her 
 husband. Numbers of gun-barrels and locks were brought in 
 from the old magazine, where a great quantity of crow's-feet 
 were found, and ordered to be brought in to-morrow. Behind 
 Mr. Ommanney's house, a very large battery was commenced 
 by Lieutenant Hutchinson. Quantities of grass and stores 
 were brought in. 
 
 June 1'oth. — This morning Sir Henry Lawrence, accompanied 
 by his staff, as usual inspected the principal buildings in the 
 
404 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. • 
 
 vicinity of the Muchee Bhawun and the new round tower, at 
 which great progress had been made, and in which not less than 
 three hundred coolies were at work. Proceeding thence he in- 
 spected the newly-completed defenses opposite the Kolwallee. 
 On his return, Sir H. Lawrence received a letter from Major 
 Raikes, at Mynpoorie, giving intelligence of the capture of the 
 city of Delhi on the 13th instant — this afterward turned out to 
 be a false report. A royal salute was ordered to be fired from 
 the Residency, Muchee Bhawun, and cantonments, and afeu-de- 
 joie was fired by the Irregulars, who were quartered in the 
 Dowlut Khana, under the command of Brigadier Gray. Many 
 useful stores, consisting of unwrought materials, rope, and 
 platforms, were brought in from the old magazine. Consider- 
 able progress was made in a new battery for heavy guns, which 
 had been commenced in the rear of Mr. Ommanney's house. 
 
 In the afternoon a letter, dated June 23d, was received from 
 Colonel Neil, commanding at Allahabad, reporting all well 
 there ; that seven hundred and fifty Europeans had arrived, and 
 that one thousand more would be with him on the next day ; 
 that every effort was being made to dispatch four hundred Eu- 
 ropeans, two guns, and three hundred Sikhs to Cawnpore, but 
 that much difficulty was experienced in procuring carriage. 
 
 Also, at sunset, a letter was received from Sir H. M. Wheel- 
 er, K. C.B., dated the 24th instant, detailing his losses, and 
 giving an account of the outbreak, and stating that he had sup- 
 plies for only eight or ten days at the farthest. His letter was 
 replied to at once, and he was informed by Sir Henry Law- 
 rence of the news received from Allahabad, and also that in 
 ten days at th^e farthest he would receive aid from Allahabad, 
 and that he must husband his resources as much as possible ; 
 that the force at Lucknow was threatened by an attack from 
 eight or ten regiments, three or four of which were within 
 twenty miles. 
 
 A reward of one lac of rupees was offered this day for the 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 405 
 
 capture, within a week, dead or alive, of the Nana, at Cawn- 
 pore, and means were taken to have the proclamation widely 
 disseminated. With the larger battery commenced to the south, 
 behind Mr. Ommanney's house, we had three large batteries in 
 progress, and were also busily employed in destroying, as far 
 as possible, any buildings that might give cover in the vicinity. 
 Five or six elephants were in course of training to drag heavy 
 guns, so as to enable us to move out without delay, should cir- 
 cumstances require a heavy gun to be taken out. 
 
 June '"Hth. — This morning a letter from Lieutenant Burnes 
 was received. It gave an account of the mutiny at Seetapore, 
 and of the escape of himself. Sir M. Jackson, Bart., and sis- 
 ters — one of whom had been carried off for some days by the 
 Sepoys and brought back — and some others, to a place called 
 Mitowlee, where they claimed and received the protection — 
 charily given — of a rajah ; they were then all in the jungles, 
 suflFering the greatest hardships. It also mentioned the safety 
 of another party with Captain Hearsey ; who, however, were 
 also in the jungles. Many of these seem to have had the most 
 hair-breadth escapes. No rain had yet fallen, and the heat was 
 most oppressive. The cholera had abated during the past few 
 days, but several cases of small-pox had, however, occurred. 
 The river was reported to have fallen a foot since yesterday. 
 
 A report was in circulation early in the day, that General 
 Wheeler had made tei-ms with "the Nana " at Cawnpore ; but 
 few believed it, and in the evening it was reported incorrect, as 
 heavy firing had been heard yesterday at Cawnpore from Bun- 
 nee. Three boxes of crow's-feet and a great number of musket- 
 barrels and unwrought stores were brought in from the old 
 magazine at the Dowlut Khana ; also a very large quantity of 
 gun-carriage wheels. The force at Nawabgunge was said to be 
 increasing, but very undecided as to what to do. A great force 
 of coolies were at work, and much progress was made in the 
 defenses at Muchee Bhawun and the Residency. 
 
406 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 June 2&th. — This morning at about 3 o'clock, A. M., we had 
 a heavy fall of rain, which continued with slight intervals till 
 7 o'clock, A. M. Sir Henry Lawrence proceeded to Hosaina- 
 bad and examined the defensive preparations made there ; re- 
 turning by the Muchee Bhawun, he found that the buildings 
 occupied by the 32d had hardly leaked at all. 
 
 It having been reported that there were many jewels and 
 valuables in the king's palace, which might fall into the hands 
 of the mutineers, a party under Major Banks were sent out to 
 fetch them in ; which they did about 6 o'clock, P. M., and re- 
 ported that they had discovered a large gun. 
 
 About 7 o'clock, P. M., three different natives brought in the 
 very sad and distressing news that the Cawnpore force, having 
 no more ammunition left, had entered into a treaty with their 
 enemies, after which they had all been treacherously murdered, 
 as they embarked in boats to proceed down the river to Alla- 
 habad. 
 
 Mrs. Dorin, wife of Lieutenant Dorin, who lately commanded 
 the 10th Regiment Oude L'regular Forces, arrived this evening 
 in a country cart, disguised as a native, and accompanied by 
 some clerks. She was for very many days secreted in a village 
 close to Seetapore, and her escape is wonderful. The Sergeant- 
 Major's wife of the 9th Regiment Oude L-regular Infantry also 
 arrived in a dhoolie, severely wounded. From 8 to 10 o'clock 
 P. M., it rained heavily. A letter, dated the 21st June, re- 
 ceived from Benares from Mr. Gubbins, giving an account of 
 the number of Europeans coming up the country, and de- 
 scribing the state of Benares and Allahabad ; reporting also an 
 action at Delhi on the 8th instant, when the British troops 
 captured twenty-six guns. 
 
 June 2^th. — This morning a brass gun, a twenty-one-pounder, 
 which had been accidentally discovered yesterday by the party 
 who had been dispatched under Major Banks, to bring in valua- 
 bles from the palace, was brought in, carriage and wagon all 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 407 
 
 completely ready for immediate service. Some grape-shot and 
 powder, chiefly damaged, was also found in an adjacent house. 
 
 The people in charge of the palace, without giving a thought 
 to resistance as it was at fii-st expected they might do, neverthe- 
 less showed an evident reluctance to give information where the 
 arms, etc., Avere stored. However, it came out at last, that 
 there were more arms within the palace, and a party was dis- 
 patched to secure them. Seven cart-loads were hrought in ; 
 chiefly flint muskets, with a few spears, etc. ; four small guns 
 were also discovered and brought in. 
 
 A small party of volunteers, cavaliy — twelve men, including 
 officers — were sent along the Cawnpore road to bring in infor- 
 mation. After going some twelve miles, they returned, having 
 learned that there were some two or three regiments not far off 
 them. Captain Forbes, with the Sikh Cavalry, was sent oflf 
 at sunrise to patrol the Nawabgunge road. Six men were also 
 sent on the Sultanpore road to gain information. Both the 
 parties returned at sunset. Captain Forbes bringing intelligence 
 that the enemy were at Chinat, nine miles off. 
 
 Our defenses progressed, but labor was not so easy to procure 
 as it had been some days before. 
 ** **** ** 
 
 The enemy being in strength so near, it was deemed advisa- 
 ble to withdraw the troops from cantonments, which was 
 quietly done at sunset ; and it being expected that the enemy 
 would march on Lucknow, Sir Henry Lawrence thought it 
 advisable to move out with a strong force, hoping to meet 
 and oppose them before they entered the suburbs of the city. 
 In order to prevent any notice reaching the enemy of the in- 
 tended movement, the orders were not given out publicly till 3 
 o'clock on the following morning, and at the same hour twenty 
 Sikhs under Lieutenant Birch were to be sent to the Iron 
 Bridge, in order to prevent any one crossing over with intelli- 
 gence of the movement to the enemy. 
 
m 
 408 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 June %^tli. — Pursuant to orders, a force, comprising one hun- 
 dred and fifty of the 32d from the Muchee Bhawun, one hundred 
 and thirty of the 13th Native Infantry, forty Sikhs of the 13th 
 Native Infantry, the 48th, numbering fifty bayonets, the Eu- 
 ropean cavalry thirty-six strong, the Oude Irregular Cavalry, 
 about ninety men, four of the guns of Kaye's batteiy — Eu- 
 ropeans — two of Alexander's guns — natives — two of Bryce's 
 guns — natives — and an eight-inch howitzer, found in the town 
 a few days ago, and which was drawn by two elephants, as- 
 sembled at the Iron Bridge at 5.45 A. M. The advance guard 
 was composed of twenty-five Sikh Cavalry, and fifteen Eu- 
 ropean Cavalry ; twenty Sikh Infantry, and twenty of the 32d 
 Regiment ; the whole under the command of Captain Stevens, 
 of the 32d Foot. 
 
 The eight-inch howitzer, two guns of Alexander's battery, 
 two of Kaye's battery, the 13th Native Infantry, two of Bryce's 
 guns, and the detachment of the 32d Foot, formed the main 
 body, and marched in the above order. The rear guard was 
 composed of the 48th Native Infantry, under Colonel Palmer ; 
 the whole force being under the personal command of Sir Henry 
 Lawrence. It was the Brigadier-General's original intention 
 only to proceed to the end of the Pucka road, to the village of 
 Kocaralee ; and on their arrival there, our force was halted, 
 and the Brigadier-General, with the advanced guard, proceeded 
 about a mile to the front, whence no one was to be seen. The 
 force was on the point of being ordered to return, when it was 
 decided to make a further reconnoissance ; and soon after the 
 en nny were fallen in with, in overwhelming numbers, and the 
 force was compelled to retire with the loss of the eight-inch 
 howitzer, and three nine-pounders. 
 
 The enemy came boldly on, and invested us on all sides, 
 firing from all the houses round, which they rapidly loop-holed ; 
 they also erected a hasty battery for the eight-inch howitzer 
 across the river, from which they threw several well-directed 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 409 
 
 shells ; and they began to collect boats for a bridge across the 
 river, the Iron Bridge being under fire from the Redan. 
 
 July \st. — The enemy threw in a very heavy fire of musketry 
 all day and night. Early in the morning they advanced to 
 attack, hut were repulsed on all sides with considerable loss 
 from our shells, guns, and musketry. Mr. M'Eae, of the Civil 
 Engineers Department, and Lieutenant Dashwood, 48th Native 
 Infantry, were wounded, while assisting in working an eighteen- 
 pounder in the Post-Office Battery. 
 
 During the day attempts were made to get messengers to 
 cross over to the Muchee Bhawun fort ; two or three men 
 started, but as their success was very doubtful, it was determ- 
 ined to work the telegraph on the top of the Residency. This 
 had been previously arranged by the engineer in concert with 
 one on the Muchee Bhawun ; it simply consisted of one post 
 with a bar at the top, from which were suspended in one row 
 black stuffed bags, each having its own pulley to w^ork it. 
 After having attracted the attention of the Muchee Bhawun 
 garrison, the greatest difficulty was found in working the tele- 
 graph, from various causes ; the chief of which was the tre- 
 mendous fire which the enemy opened on the spot directly they 
 saw our people on the flat open roof of the Residency. It 
 rained rifle balls, principally from the top of the jail, and 
 some few of the ropes of the bags were actually cut by them ; 
 then the pulleys went wrong, and twice the Avhole machine had 
 to be taken down, and after readjustment put up again. After 
 three hours' hard work under a broiling sun and a heavy fire, 
 the transfer of messages was at last completed. 
 
 The message was simply an order to blow up the place and 
 come to the Residency at 12 P. M., bringing the treasure and 
 guns, and destroying as much as possible all spare ammunition. 
 The night was anxiously looked for, as the retreat of the re- 
 tiring force might be intercepted, and the enemy had the advan- 
 tage of position. To help the movement, the Brigadier-Gene- 
 
 35 
 
410 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 ral gave orders that shortly before 12 P. M., the diflferent 
 mortars and guns from our batteries should open fire, in order 
 to distract the attention of the enemy. This was carried out ; 
 especially toward the Iron Bridge, by which the force must pass. 
 
 The movement was most successfully performed ; and so 
 quick and noiseless was the march, that at 12.15 the head of 
 the column was at the Lower Water Gate. Here there was 
 some little delay, as the force not being so quickly expected, 
 the gates had not been opened. A very serious accident had 
 nearly happened in consequence of this, for the leading men, 
 finding the gates closed, shouted out, " Open the gates," and 
 the artillerymen at the guns above, which, loaded with grape, 
 covered the entrance, mistook the words for " Open with 
 grape," and were already at the guns, when an officer put 
 them right. The whole force came in without a shot being 
 fired. 
 
 The explosion had not yet taken place ; but soon, a shake of 
 the earth, a volume of fire, a terrific report, and an immense 
 mass of black smoke shooting far up into the air, announced 
 to Lucknow, that two hundred and forty barrels of gunpowder, 
 and five hundred and ninety-four thousand rounds of ball and 
 gun ammunition, had completed the destruction of Muchee 
 Bhawun, which we had with so much labor provisioned and 
 fortified. 
 
 July Id. — Arrangements were made for posting and station- 
 ing the Muchee Bhawun force which came in last night, and 
 placing the field-pieces in position ; all of which Sir H. Law- 
 rence himself personally sujjerintended. About 8 A. M. Sir 
 Henry returned to the Eesidency, and, being much fatigued, 
 lay down on his bed. Soon after an eight-inch shell from the 
 eight-inch howitzer of the enemy entered the room at the win- 
 dow, and exploding, a fragment struck the Brigadier-General 
 on the upper part of the right thigh near the hip, inflicting a 
 fearful wound. Captain Wilson, who was standing along side 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 411 
 
 tte bed witli one knee on it at the time, reading a memorandum 
 to Sir Henry, was knocked down by falling bricks, and slightly 
 wounded in the back by a piece of shell. Sir H. Lawrence's 
 nephew, Mr. Lawrence, had an equally-narrow escape, being on 
 another bed close by : he was not hurt ; the fourth individual 
 in the room was a native servant, who lost one of his feet by a 
 fragment of the shell. It was at once pronounced that Sir 
 Henry Lawrence's wound was mortal, and his sufferings were 
 great. He immediately sent for Major Banks, and appointed 
 him to succeed him as Chief Commissioner, and appointed 
 Colonel Inglis to command the troops. He was then removed 
 to Dr. Fayrer's house, which was somewhat less under fire. 
 About noon this day a round shot came into a room on the 
 lower story of the Eesidenc)^ and shattered the thigh of Miss 
 Palmer — daughter of Colonel Palmer, 48th Regiment Native 
 Infantry — so dreadfully, that instant amputation was obliged to 
 be resorted to. All the garrison were greatly grieved, and the 
 natives much dispirited at our severe loss, in that popular and 
 very distinguished officer. Sir Henry Lawrence. 
 
 A perfect hurricane of jinjal, round shot, and musketry all day 
 and all night. Probably not less than 10,000 men fired into 
 our position from the surrounding houses ; the balls fell in 
 showers, and hardly any place was safe from them. Many of 
 the garrison were hit in places Avhich, before the siege, it was 
 considered would be perfectly safe ; but the enemy fired some 
 of them from a great distance out of the town, from the tops 
 of high houses, and the balls fell every-where. 
 
 July 3f?. — It is difficult to chronicle the proceedings of these 
 few days, for every-where confusion reigned supreme. That un- 
 fortunate day of Chin&t precipitated every thing, inasmuch as 
 we were closely shut up several days before any thing of the 
 kind was anticipated. People had made no arrangements for 
 provisioning themselves : many, indeed, never dreamed of such 
 a necessity ; and the few that had were generally too late. 
 
412 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 Again, many servants were sliut out the first day, and all at- 
 tempts to approacli ns were met by a never-ceasing fusilade. 
 But though they could not get in, they succeeded in getting 
 out ; and after a few days, those who could boast of servants 
 or attendants of any kind formed a very small and envied 
 minority. The servants in many instances eased their masters 
 of any superfluous article of value, easy of carriage. In fact, 
 the confusion can be better imagined than described. 
 
 The head of the Commissariat had, most unfortunately for 
 the garrison, received a severe wound at Chinat, which effectually 
 deprived them of his valuable aid. His office was all broken 
 up : his goomastahs and baboos were not with us, and the 
 officers appointed to assist him were all new hands. Besides 
 all this, the first stores open were approachable only by one of 
 the most exposed roads, and very many of the oamp-followers 
 preferred going without food to the chance of being shot. 
 Some did not know where to apply, so that for three or four 
 days many went without rations ; and this in no small degree 
 added to the number of desertions. Owing to these desertions, 
 the commissariat and battery bullocks had no attendants to 
 look after them, and Avent wandering all over the place looking 
 for food ; they tumbled into wells, were shot down in numbers 
 by the enemy, and added greatly to the labor which fell on 
 the garrison, as fatigue parties of civilians and officers, after 
 being in the defenses all day repelling the enemy's attack, were 
 often employed six and seven hours burying cattle killed during 
 the day, and which from the excessive heat became offensive in a 
 few hours. The artillery and other horses were every-where to 
 be seen loose, fighting and tearing at one another, driven mad 
 for want of food and water ; the garrison being too busily em- 
 ployed in the trenches to be able to secure them. 
 
 Poor Sir H. Lawrence suffered somewhat less to-day, but was 
 sinking fast, and at times his mind wandered. A. tremendous 
 fire all day, more particularly on the Baillie Guard and Dr. 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 413 
 
 Favrer's house where Six- Henry was lying. We thus early in 
 the siege learned that all our proceedings inside were known — 
 through some party or other — to our enemies. Miss Palmer 
 died to-da}^, and Mr. Ommanney, of the Civil Service, was 
 dangerously wounded under the ear by a grape-shot, while in 
 the Redan battery. 
 
 July A.tk. — A tremendous fire all night ; but no effort was 
 made to storm our position. To the great grief of our garrison. 
 Sir Henry Lawrence died this morning about 8 o'clock, from 
 the effects of his woimd. Shortly before his death, Mr. G. H. 
 Lawrence, while standing in the front veranda of Dr. Fayrer's 
 house, was wounded by a musket-ball through his right shoulder. 
 
 At night there was a great uproar in the city, which 
 evidently underwent a thorough plundering. Notwithstanding 
 this, the same heavy fire was kept up throughout the night. 
 Every one at work trying to throw up some shelter for himself. 
 In the course of the day, a nine-pounder, brought by the in- 
 surgents and placed behind a small mosque close to our furthest 
 water-gate, was spiked by a private of the 32d and four others 
 from Innes's post, who shot four of the enemy. The enemy 
 were taken by .surprise while at their dinner. 
 
 July bth. — From 2 till 6 o'clock, A. M., heavy rain ; and 
 extremely-heavy firing all day. Several casualties among our 
 garrison. A soldier of the 32d was said to have killed five 
 men in ten shots from the Cawnpore battery, which was sub- 
 jected to a very severe musketry fire. Continued efforts were 
 made to collect all the horses and secure them, but it was im- 
 possible to do any thing during the day. The fire was so heavy, 
 and the night was so dark, it was difficult to get hold of the 
 animals, who were half mad ; added to which four or five 
 horses were killed daily, which had to be buried at night by 
 parties of officers, who, after being exposed to a fearful sim in 
 the trenches all day, were often out in the rain till 12 and 1 
 o'clock in the morning, engaged in burying horses and bullocks, 
 
414 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 in ordei" to prevent the dreadful stench which would otherwise 
 have been increased, and which had already become almost 
 insupportable. 
 
 July Qtfi. — The usual amount of musketry and cannon-fire all 
 the morning ; about two o'clock in the afternoon it became 
 very severe, especially toward the Baillie Guard, which seemed 
 the favorite point to-day for the heaviest fire. A heavy can- 
 nonade heard about three miles off for about half an hour. 
 About four o'clock, P. M., the flashes of the guns were dis- 
 tinctly seen. The cause was unknown. The enemy digging 
 trenches in all directions. The carriage of one of our nine- 
 pounders was disabled by the enemy. 
 
 July 1th. — A heavy fire all the morning. 
 
 A sortie was made by fifty of the 32d and twenty Sikhs, led 
 by Captain Lawrence, Captain Mansfield, Ensign Green, 13th 
 Native Infantry, and Ensign Studdy ; the latter led. The 
 storming took place at noon. The object was to examine M. 
 Johannes's house, and discover if the enemy were driving 
 mines ; it was perfectly successful, and fifteen or twenty of the 
 enemy were killed. Our loss was one Sikh and one 32d 
 slightly, and one 32d severely wounded. 
 
 This afternoon a very sad event occurred. Major Francis, 
 13th Native Infantry, who had commanded at the Muchee Bha- 
 wun, and who was in the command of the brigade mess square, 
 was struck in the legs by a round shot, which completely frac- 
 tured both legs, rendering amputation of one immediate, and 
 great fears wei'e entertained for the other. He was a brave, 
 good officer, and much respected by all, and one in whom Sir 
 Henry Lawrence had much confidence. The calm manner in 
 which he bore his misfortune gained him the sympathies of 
 all. Not a murmur escaped him, his only anxiety being a 
 hope that the authorities would bear testimony that he had 
 performed his duty. The Rev. Mr. Polehampton, military 
 chaplain, was severely wounded in the side this day by a rifle- 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 415 
 
 ball, while injiospital. One of the walls of the Racket Court, 
 now used as a hhoosa gadown, fell in, and a quantity of the 
 bhoosa became exposed in consequence. All spare tarpaulins 
 were immediately supplied to cover it, and officers and men 
 worked hard, for two hours, in a deluge of rain. The rains, 
 so long expected, seem now fairly set in. It commenced raining 
 heavily at two o'clock, P. M., and continued pouring down the 
 whole night. 
 
 July Wi. — All very much as usual, and very heavy rain fell, 
 which somewhat abated the enemy's fire. Every effort was 
 made to put the place in some kind of order and to feed the 
 bullocks. 
 
 Poor Major Francis insensible and sinking ; he died at seven 
 o'clock, P. M., and was buried by a party of officers close to 
 Mr. Ommanney's grave. Every effort was made to curtail the 
 expenditure of provision, and officers were placed on half ra- 
 tions every third day. Very few servants remained, and most 
 of the officers had none. All were on duty thirteen and twenty 
 hours a day, and constant alarms took place at night, rendering 
 it necessary for all to stand to their arms. Fears were enter- 
 tained of the bhoosa stack taking fire, as the outer wall of 
 the Racket Court had fallen down and left it exposed. All 
 available officers and men worked hard, in heavy rain, to get it 
 covered in again with tarpaulins. Twelve Sikhs of the 13th 
 Native Infantry deserted last night. All the Hindoos and 
 Mussulmans of the 13th, 48th, and 71st behaved nobly. 
 
 July dth. — Much rain fell during the morning. About four 
 o'clock, A. M., the enemy made an attack on the Baillie Guard 
 Gate, and about three hundred showed themselves, shouting 
 and sounding the " Advance " on the bugle ; but being received 
 with a few rounds of grape, and a steady fire from the 13th, 
 they speedily disappeared. Very much the same thing occurred 
 soon after at the Cawnpore battery. Continued fire all day. 
 
 This was now the tenth day of the siege, and the heavy 
 
416 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 musketry fire on every side had never for an instant ceased, 
 night or day, and at times the fire was terrific. Many casual- 
 ties occurred, and our want of protection at the different cross- 
 ings over from one side of the Residency compound to the 
 other was very much felt. To-day an excellent soldier, and a 
 man greatly respected — Mr, Bryson — formerly Sergeant-Major 
 of the 16th Lancers, was shot through the head while endeav- 
 oring to strengthen his post. The enemy appeared to have had 
 some excellent marksmen. The commissariat began to work 
 well, and all were well supplied. The officers were placed, 
 however, on half rations every third day as a precautionary 
 measure. Lieutenant Dashwood, of the 48th Native Infantry, 
 died of cholera after a few hours' illness. 
 
 July 10/A. — This morning the enemy's fire was continued 
 much as usual. A Sepoy, of the 13th, was killed early in the 
 morning, and later in the day a private of the 32d Foot and an 
 artilleryman were wounded. The horses of the cavalry and the 
 artillery, which, during the first days of the siege, were loose, 
 and driven nearly mad from hunger and thirst, galloping about 
 and creating the greatest confusion, had now been nearly all 
 turned out, though not without much trouble ; and fifty of the 
 best were retained and secured in the Sikh square. All the 
 bullocks were now also secured, and arrangements made for 
 feeding and watering them ; but numbers of horses and bul- 
 locks died, and their burial at night by working parties, in ad- 
 dition to nightly fatigue parties, for the purpose of burying the 
 dead, carrying up supplies from exposed positions, repairing 
 intrenchments, draining, and altering the position of guns, in 
 addition to attending on the wounded, caused excessive fatigue 
 to the thin garrison, who had but little rest night or day : there 
 were few officers with more than one servant, and one-third 
 certainly had none. In all duties the officers equally shared the 
 labors with the men, carrying loads and digging pits for putrid 
 animals, at night, in heavy rain. All exerted themselves to the 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 41 T 
 
 utmost, alternately exposed to a burning snn and heavy rain. 
 Toward the middle of the day the enemy fired less than they 
 had previously done on any occasion since the siege com- 
 menced. 
 
 We received no news from any quarter, hut sent off many 
 letters. Every exertion was made to grind up the wheat in 
 store by hand-mills, and this day thirteen maunds and two seers 
 were ground. 
 
 July lltk. — The whole force called to arms in consequence of 
 a false alarm. 
 
 JuIt/ l^th. — Heat dreadful ; several officers shot. 
 
 July 14:ih. — The enemy fired all night as well as day, and 
 particularly on Mr. Guhbins's post. 
 
 July 2Qth. — For several days the heat has been intense. The 
 firing has continued without interruption. From midnight of 
 yesterday the enemy remained unusually quiet, and at daylight 
 all seemed much as usual. About half-past eight o'clock, A. 
 M., it was reported that a very large body of men could be seen 
 marching about in different directions within a few hundred 
 yards of our position. A sharp look-out was kept, and the 
 garrison stood to their arms. At a quarter-past ten o'clock 
 the enemy sprung a mine inside the water-gate, and about 
 twenty- five yards from our inner defenses ; the explosion was 
 great, and was evidently intended to have blown up our Redan 
 battery and also to act as a signal ; for immediately the dust 
 and smoke subsided, a very heavy fire of I'ound shot was com- 
 menced from every gun that the enemy possessed, followed im- 
 mediately, almost, by a terrific fire of musketry, under which 
 the enemy made an attempt to storm the Redan and Innes's 
 house. The garrison were ready, and every one at his post, 
 and the attack was coolly met and repulsed ; however, the 
 enemy advanced boldly, and came up within twenty-five yards 
 of the battery in immense force, but were unable to withstand 
 the fire of our men. 
 
418 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 They made a similar attempt on Innes's house, but were simi- 
 larly repulsed by the garrison, consisting of twelve men of the 
 32d, twelve of the 13th Native Infantry, and a few uncove- 
 nanted gentlemen, under Ensign Loughnan — who distinguished 
 himself greatly : a very great loss was inflicted on the enemy, 
 who repeatedly tried to advance, but were driven back each 
 time with much slaughter. Finding their efforts useless, the 
 enemy fell back, and contented themselves with throwing in a 
 terrific storm of musketry ; from which we shielded our men 
 as much as possible, by keeping them laid under our defenses. 
 Almost at the same time an attack was made on the Cawnpore 
 Battery, but the enemy's standard-bearer — who advanced 
 bravely — being shot in the ditch of the battery, the rest fell 
 back. The enemy now moved toward Lieutenant Anderson's 
 house and Captain Germon's post, with scaling-ladders, but 
 were well received and fell back with much loss. The attack 
 was now over, though for the rest of the day, till 4 o'clock, 
 P. M., the enemy threw in a heavy fire ; when it gradually 
 subsided : the attack was mostly confined to the points above 
 noted. 
 
 In the afternoon they succeeded in making a lodgment in 
 some pucka cook-houses inside our abattis, and began to use a 
 crowbar, which was distinctly heard. We made a hole through 
 to them from above, through which they fired, injuring no one ; 
 but on our throwing down some hand-grenades, they fled across 
 the road, two being shot by the officers who were watching from 
 above. The 13th, 71st, and 48th Sepoys all behaved well, and 
 the manner in which the outposts were held was beyond all 
 praise. The imcoven anted distinguished themselves greatly. 
 We had fortunately only four men killed, and some twelve 
 wounded : Captain Forbes, Lieutenant Grant, Lieutenant Ed- 
 monstone, and Mr. Hely were wounded. All were under arms 
 from eight in the morning till eight at night, and greatly 
 fatigued and worn-out. 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 419 
 
 July 1\st. — All very quiet during the night. The enemy 
 were probably fatigued with their exertions yesterday, for 
 throughout the night only a few round shot were thrown in. 
 About 10 o'clock, A. M., the enemy lodged themselves in some 
 force in the low buildings between the Sikh court-yard and Mr. 
 Gubbins's* post, but were driven out by a few shells, and were 
 fired on by the officers of the brigade mess, as they ran across a 
 small lane : they did not attempt to reoccupy the position 
 during the day. About 12 o'clock Major Banks was killed by 
 a musket-shot through the head, as he was reconnoitering from 
 the top of an out-house. Mr. Gubbins's garrison was fired on 
 smartly during the morning, and many round shot were sent 
 into Mr. Gubbins's house ; the garrison of which had many 
 alarms during the day. Painful boils were prevalent. A 
 dreadful stench pervaded the place in consequence of the num- 
 ber of dead horses and bullocks, which, lying direct under the 
 fire of the enemy, we were unable to remove. Excessive heat, 
 and several cases of cholera. Great fatigue ; no news. Poor 
 Dr. Brydon severely wounded in Mr. Gubbins's house. Two Eu- 
 ropeans killed and two wounded ; also one of the 13th Sepoys. 
 
 July 22d. — Very heavy rain began to fall at 1 o'clock, A. M., 
 and continued till 8 o'clock, A. M., when it cleared off. During 
 the heavy rain the enemy only fired slightly. After 8 o'clock, 
 A. M., it became more brisk, and they fired several round shot, 
 but were not very active during the forenoon. Cholera still 
 prevalent. Our numerical strength much diminished, as we 
 had had one hundred and fifty-one casualties in the 32d Regi- 
 ment alone. The enemy moved the eight-inch howitzer from 
 its old position, and brought it across the river by elephants, 
 with a tumbril behind it. Up to this date, we had no intelli- 
 gence of any kind from any quarter, and, indeed, we had re- 
 ceived none since the 27th ultimo. 
 
 * Magistrate of Cawnpore. 
 
420 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 July 21th. — From midnight all quiet, save the usual mus- 
 ketry fire. Cloudy, sultry weather. About 7 o'clock, A. M., 
 two planks were observed laid across the road in front of Jo- 
 hannes's house. They were not seen the night before, and being 
 carefully watched, a man's hand was seen coming up from 
 below ; and soon after some eight feet of earth fell in, showing 
 the direction of a mine of the enemy right across the road, and 
 pointing direct for our stockade, within six feet of which it had 
 apparently reached. This was a most fortunate discovery for 
 us : they had evidently kept this mine too near the surface, and 
 the heavy rain had broken it in. Our mine continued to be 
 pushed on as rapidly as possible, and our sharp-shooters from 
 the top of the brigade mess kept up so hot a fire on the enemy's 
 sap from above, that they could make no attempt to repair the 
 mischief. Much fever prevalent, consequent on being constantly 
 wet day and night. 
 
 Toward the afternoon the enemy again covered their trench 
 with boards ; but we got a mortar under our wall, and after one 
 or two failures, a shell fell right into the hole and blew all the 
 planks away, leaving the remains of the trench exposed to 
 view, giving us no further anxiety. Fine weather in the after- 
 noon. Enemy heard mining toward the brigadier mess ; on 
 which a shaft was commenced by the officers, and the enemy 
 ceased working. Late in the evening the enemy were very dis- 
 tinctly heard mining toward the Sikh lines ; on which the 
 Sikhs, under Lieutenant Hardinge, commenced and sunk an 
 eight-feet shaft ; hearing us, the enemy seemed to stop working. 
 All quiet, with the exception of the usual amount of firing. 
 Fever, diarrhea, dysentery, and painful boils, from constant 
 wet and exposure, still prevalent among the garrison. Mrs. 
 Grant — wife of Lieutenant Grant — died of cholera. Captain 
 Boileau, 7th Cavalry, was wounded to-day. 
 
 July 28^A. — Much shouting and bugling among the enemy 
 during the early part of the morning : heavy rain at daylight. 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 421 
 
 Made repairs to the Redan battery ; also made a small field-work 
 for a nine-pounder. Sickness mucli increased, and for many 
 days past only one engineer officer was available for duty : bard 
 work, privation, and exposure day and night to wet and heat, 
 few could long stand against. 
 
 The enemy threw in several shells, also a number of stink- 
 pots, which were a very curious composition of large pieces of 
 our exploded iron shell sewn up in canvas, and surrounded by 
 flax and resin, with dry powder in the center : these, from the 
 commencement of the siege, had been thrown in daily from a 
 howitzer ; they made a fearful hissing noise and great stench, 
 and finally exploded. They were not very dangerous, unless 
 they exploded very close to a person. We also had a few 
 rockets thrown in, but not many ; and lately a number of 
 shrapnel shells, fired apparently from a howitzer with a very 
 great elevation. The enemy's miners could now be distinctly 
 heard working close to the Sikh Square sap. 
 
 The room in the Residency containing the jewelry and valua- 
 bles belonging to the late King of Oude, was broken into last 
 night by some of the garrison, and most of them stolen. 
 Enemy tolerably quiet in the afternoon. About 5 o'clock, 
 P. M., our sap in the Sikh Square, which had been going on 
 as fast as we could push it in the direction of the enemy's, met 
 theirs, which they continued to work to the last moment. On 
 our crowbar, however, going through into their gallery, they 
 instantly fled out of it, and commenced to fill in their shaft. 
 We immediately made use of their gallery, and blew the whole 
 up with one hundred pounds of powder, which brought down 
 all the adjacent houses, etc. After this the enemy tolerably 
 quiet. Good progress made in our Cawnpore sap. 
 
 June 2^th. — A fine moonlight night. Enemy fired many 
 round shot about daylight, and also musketry from the houses 
 across the road ; they also threw in many carcasses, which nearly 
 all fell in the vicinity of the Cawnpore battery. No intelli- 
 
422 HEKOES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 gence. All were anxious for tlie relieving force, whicli we 
 thought could not be far off. Our Cawnpore sap loaded with 
 two hundred pounds of powder, ready to explode whenever it 
 might be thought most advisable. Colonel Halford, 71st Eegi- 
 ment Native Infantry, who had been long ill, died this morning. 
 
 A few convalescents joined the ranks, giving more room in 
 the hospital, which was greatly overcrowded in consequence of 
 all the patients being obliged to be kept on the ground-floor, as 
 also the state prisoners and their servants ; the round shot 
 passing so frequently through the upper story as to make it im- 
 possible to make use of it. Rumor stated that the enemy had 
 gone out in force to meet our coming army, and had left two or 
 three regiments of infantry, and a body of military police, to 
 keep us in ; but it was most difficult to tell what force we had 
 opposed to us, as the enemy seldom or never showed in any 
 number, but kept in the houses under cover, occasionally yelling, 
 bugling, and throwing in a heavy fire, then subsiding into the 
 usual steady fire which went on night and day. 
 
 Firing of cannon heard in the direction of Cawnpore. We 
 hoped it was our friends. All anxious, but all conjecture. 
 Enemy recommenced mining toward our mine in the Cawnpore 
 battery. About 6 P. M. a heavy firing was heard for about 
 five minutes in the road from Cawnpore, and in about half an 
 hour several guns were heard in the direction of cantonments ; 
 this made us think it was a salute fired by the enemy for some 
 reason or other ; probably to reassure themselves. However, 
 all is conjecture ; but it threw our garrison into a great state of 
 excitement, and many, indeed most, stoutly maintained it was 
 our force. About three or four hundred Sepoys were seen at 
 the same time running across the Iron Bridge toward canton- 
 ments in great haste. We fired two shots at them with an 
 eighteen -pounder. 
 
 The excitement gradually cooled down ; the enemy keeping 
 up their usual fire. Another mine was discovered this evening, 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 423 
 
 hj a portion of it falling in : it was running in the direction of 
 Sago's house. Lieutenant Grant, of the Bombay army, whose 
 wife and child died a few days ago of cholera, died in hospital 
 this night, from the effects of his wound : his right hand had 
 been blown off by a hand-grenade. A fine moonlight night. 
 
 July mth.—Fwm 2 A. M. till daylight heavy rain. Enemy 
 got in close under the wall of the Sikh lines, and began some 
 kind of operations against it ; they were so close that no musket 
 could be fired, being under a projecting piece of the wall ; they 
 were, however, dislodged by a few pistol shots, and ran off. 
 No further incident occurred during the night, beyond that 
 there was the usual amount of firing into our position, and 
 bugling on the part of the enemy. After daylight enemy fired 
 slackly. Terrible stench in many parts of the garrison from 
 half-buried corpses and animals, which we had no time- or 
 means to bury properly. Several cases of fever, cholera, and 
 small-pox. 
 
 About 9 A. M. a number of Sepoys and matchlockmen were 
 seen coming along the Cawnpore road, and for about an hour 
 and a half a continuous stream of men came in in detached 
 parties of twenty and thirty : some Sepoys were among them. 
 Slack firing during the forenoon, only a few shells and mus- 
 ketry. In the afternoon, heavy rain for an hour. Unable to 
 discover what the enemy were about. Considerable progress 
 made in a sap, which we had sunk in an out-house close to the 
 corner of the brigade mess-house, where most of the children 
 and ladies were located. At first the enemy were heard mining 
 toward us, but since yesterday we had not heard them. We 
 continued, however, to steadily push our sap, hoping either to 
 come across that of the enemy or succeed in getting under 
 Johannes's house ; from which they fired all day long on any 
 one who showed himself. Yesterday an artillery sergeant, who 
 incautiously crossed the road commanded from Johannes's 
 house, was shot through both legs. The enemy had many 
 
424 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 riflemen, and some of them were most expert stots, firing 
 through our loop-holes. 
 
 About 8 P. M., as Captain Wilson, Lieutenant Barwell, 
 Lieutenant James, and Mr. Lawrence were sitting on the 
 chubootra of the Begum Kotee, a shell came in and exploded 
 as it struck the parapet of the wall under which they sat, 
 bringing it down. Lieutenant James, who was lying wounded 
 on his bed, had a most wonderful escape. A large piece of 
 masonry, weighing upward of a hundred weight, fell on his 
 bed, breaking it to pieces, and bringing him down on the 
 ground ; but he was uninjured. Mr. Lawrence received a 
 severe contusion on the back and head from falling masonry ; 
 and this was the extent of the damage. Mrs. Clarke, wife of 
 Lieutenant Clarke of the 21st Native Infantry, died this even- 
 ing : bad food, privation, confinement, and smells of all kinds, 
 worked their effects. 
 
 July Z\st. — A fine night, and the usual firing. At daylight 
 the enemy commenced firing heavily on the Church and Resi- 
 dency, from a twenty-four-pounder planted in the neighborhood 
 of the Iron Bridge. They also threw in many shells, and fired 
 their guns from the Clock Tower Gate. Our eighteen-pounders 
 and mortars were employed till 10 A. M. in silencing the ene- 
 my's fire. Our sap from the brigade mess made good progress 
 across the road, toward the out-houses occupied by the enemy. 
 Several children have lately died : privation the chief cause. 
 We had received no information whatever since the 26th in- 
 stant, the date on which we received the only letter we had yet 
 received since the 27th of June. Our reinforcements were due 
 to-day, and their non-arrival led us to suppose that the enemy 
 had succeeded in breaking down the bridge at Bunnee, and ar- 
 resting the progress of our friends. The flies dreadful — pre- 
 venting all rest during the day, and disputing our food with us. 
 The enemy cont'nued to throw in shells all the forenoon, till 2 
 P. M., when we had a heavy shower : after that the firing con- 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. • 425 
 
 tinued as before. In the evening we repaired our defenses as 
 far as we could, as, owing to the heavy rain, the earth had set- 
 tled very considerably. A fine moonlight night, and all quiet, 
 save the usual amount of round shot and musketry. 
 
 August 1st. — Still no intelligence of any kind, which caused 
 much anxiety, more particularly as some of our supplies for 
 natives were likely to be at an end in twenty days' time. 
 Weather very hot and sultry ; small, painful boils, covering 
 nearly the whole body, very prevalent. Many deaths among 
 the children, and sickness on the increase. Great inconveni- 
 ence felt in the hospital for want of space ; the sick and wounded 
 sadly crowded, and the building very badly ventilated, as the 
 lower story was hardly safe from shots. Enemy threw in many 
 shells this morning, and fired unusually sharp with their heavy 
 guns, till about 10 A. M., keeping our guns and mortars fully 
 employed in keeping down their fire. Heat very great ; fire 
 gradually slackened off toward noon, but recommenced sharply 
 again about 5 P. M. Many round shot, shell, and carcasses 
 came in. One of the latter fell into the court-yard of the Be- 
 gum Kotee, within a few feet of the table at which the staff and 
 commissariat officers were at dinner ; but no one was hurt. 
 Several cases of cholera occurred to-day. Efforts made to im- 
 prove and strengthen our defenses during the moonlight nights ; 
 but the engineer officers were all sick, and little was done. Our 
 sap in the brigade mess was pushed steadily on, and had at- 
 tained thirty-eight feet from the shaft this evening. 
 
 August 2c?. — Fine moonlight night. Sharp firing during 
 
 some portion of it. Many rockets were thrown in early in the 
 
 morning. Mr. Hely, of the 7th Cavalry, died this day of the 
 
 wound he received on the 20th ult. An artillery sergeant was 
 
 mortally wounded this morning in the Redan. Enemy fired a 
 
 salute of some forty guns about 11 A. M. A Sikh sowar of 
 
 the 3d Irregular Cavalry deserted to the enemy this morning. 
 
 The Bhoosa stack fell down to-day, burying ten or twelve bul- 
 
 3G 
 
426 HEROES OE THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 locks ; whicli, after much labor, were got out. Seven of them 
 were unfortunately dead ; thus entailing more labor, as at night 
 we had to bury them : no slight task in such weather, with our 
 jaded and harassed garrison. Toward the evening a heavy 
 cannonade was kept up on both sides. About 5.30 P. M. an 
 eight-inch shell from the enemy struck the Begum Kotee, and, 
 breaking right through the outside wall, exploded in the room 
 in which Lieutenant James, of the Commissariat, and Mr. Law- 
 rence, of the Civil Service, were lying on their beds woiinded, 
 with one or two servants in the room ; providentially all 
 escaped, though the room was set on fire. Heavy firing till 
 midnight. 
 
 August Sd. — Smart firing till daylight. Every possible ef- 
 fort was made to strengthen our position and raise the hight of 
 our defenses. A soldier of the 32d Foot was shot dead this 
 morning in the center room of the hospital ; showing how little 
 safety any where existed against the enemy's fire. 
 
 August \^th. — Large force of the enemy seen on the Cawn- 
 pore road. The enemy's mines were sprung, and two attacks 
 upon us were made. The attacks were repulsed. 
 
 August 12>th. — Dreadfully hot night. At 10 o'clock, A. M., 
 engineers reported our countermine ready. It was fired with 
 happy results. 
 
 August 18tk. — At daylight the enemy exploded a large mine 
 under one of our principal posts in the outer square, occupied 
 by the Sikhs ; the three officers and three sentries on the top 
 of the house were blown up into the air and fell among the 
 debris. The giiard below were all, however, buried in the ruins, 
 and lost their lives : they were two bandsmen of the 41st, two 
 of the 13th, and a Sepoy of the 48th Native Infantry. The 
 officers, though much stunned, on recovering themselves, ran 
 away, and all three escaped unhurt. 
 
 When the smoke had blown away, we discovered that a clear 
 breach had been made into our defenses, to the extent of thirty 
 
SIE HENRY LAWRENCE. 427 
 
 feet in breadth. One of the enemy's leaders sprung on the 
 top of the breach, brandishing his sword and calling on others 
 to follow ; but he fell dead instantly from the flank fire of the 
 officers on the top of the brigade mess. Another instantly fol- 
 lowed and shared the same fate, when the rest of the force 
 declined making a home rush. On the first springing of the 
 mine, our garrison was at once under arms, and the reserve of 
 the 84th Foot — eighteen men — were immediately sent down and 
 placed in a position which commanded the breach from the 
 right ; while boxes, doors, planks, tents, etc., were rapidly car- 
 ried doAvn to make as much cover as possible to protect pur 
 men against musketry : also a house was pulled down and a 
 road made for a gun ; and, after incredible exertions, a nine- 
 pounder was got into a position which commanded all the 
 breach, and was loaded with a double charge of grape. The 
 enemy, by means of some barricaded lanes, contrived to creep 
 up and get possession of the right flank wall of the Sikh 
 square ; but our mortar and a twenty-four-pounder howitzer 
 drove the main body off, and a sudden rush at noon cleared 
 away the rest. We reoccupied all the ground we had lost in 
 the morning, and also took possession of the houses previously 
 held by the enemy, and which were situated between the Sikh 
 square and Mr. Gubbins's house. No time was lost in destroy- 
 ing them, and by sunset four hundred pounds of gunpowder had 
 cleared away many of the houses from which the enemy had 
 most annoyed us. By this time the breach was securely barri- 
 caded against any sudden rush, and at night a working party 
 completed it. In addition to the eight men lost in the explo- 
 sion, we had this day one of the 32d killed, and a volunteer — 
 M. De Prat — and three of the 32d wounded. Nothing could 
 exceed the zeal with which all the natives worked to secure the 
 breach, and make a road for a gun. The heat was fearful, and 
 this was one of the most harassing days we had, all ranks being 
 hard at work from daylight till dark, under a dreadful sun. 
 
428 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 Lieutenant Fletcher, 48tli Regiment Native Infantry, on look- 
 out duty at the top of the Residency, Mms shot through the arm, 
 and had his telescope shivered by a rifie-ball, while reconnoi- 
 tering. Lieutenant Graham was also hit on the chest with a 
 spent ball. 
 
 August 19/A. — The enemy rather lively with their large guns 
 this morning. Firing more particularly at the guard-rooms on 
 the top of the brigade mess, which were by this time well-rid- 
 dled. About 2 o'clock, P. M., the engineers, Messrs. Fulton, 
 Hutchinson, and Anderson, with a small party, went out on the 
 prepaises which we yesterday seized, for the purpose of blowing 
 up some more houses and buildings. This party was supported 
 by some Europeans and Sikhs, kept inside the square. The 
 enemy showed no where, and save for a few dropping shots, 
 their presence would not have been known. 
 
 It is worthy of notice, that even through the pucka buildings 
 the enemy dug communicating trenches, probably to escape the 
 effects of our shells ; which, however, they had not always been 
 successful in doing, as several pools of blood showed us. In 
 the afternoon we experienced a smart cannonade, and about 
 dusk had a heav)'- shower which staid it for a while, and after 
 8 o'clock, P. M., it subsided nearly entirely into a musketry 
 fire. 
 
 August 20(fA. — A heavy fire of musketry toward daylight, 
 when the enemy began the heaviest cannonade we had yet had ; 
 particularly on the Cawnpore battery, in front of which they 
 had put another gun in position. For three hours they fired 
 continually, and a great portion of Mons. De Prat's house 
 fell in. Their round shot came in through the Thug Jail, and 
 enfiladed it ; foitunately it struck high, and no casualty oc- 
 curred : they also threw some shrapnel, as yesterday. Our guard- 
 rooms on the top of the brigade mess were now entirely 
 demolished by round shot, which came through them almost 
 unceasingly. An eight-inch shell went into the Residency, and 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 429 
 
 exploded on the staircase. A soldier of the 32d Foot was 
 killed in the eighteen-pounder battery, at Dr. Fayrer's, by a 
 musket-ball which strack him in the head. We were bnsy all 
 night at our mine, which was now completed, and we hope to 
 be able to load it and have it ready to fire by dajdight to-mor- 
 row morning. Many men were seen in the early part of the 
 day, moving about in the bazar — most of them Sepoys. It 
 was difficult to say what they were about, as they were moving 
 both ways. Lieutenant Cunliffe, of the Artillery, was slightly 
 wounded this morning in the knee by a musket-ball. Great 
 mortality among the children in the garrison, and a great deal 
 of sickness prevailed, particularly fever. All the tea and sugar 
 for the Europeans had been for some time expended, save a 
 small supply which had been reserved for the use of the sick 
 and wounded. The enemy again commenced to undermine the 
 lane running from the Cawnpore battery behind the brigade 
 mess, and were also engaged in some other work to the right of 
 Johannes's house. Much firing during the evening. Captain 
 Lowe, of the 32d Foot, had a very narrow escape ; an eight- 
 inch shell burst close to him in the trenches, and slightly 
 wounded him in the hand, and cut off the arm of a soldier 
 along side. him. The enemy made an attempt to burn doAvn 
 the gates at the Baillie Guard, by eluding the vigilance of the 
 sentries, and piling up logs of wood and combustibles outside 
 the gate. It burnt fiercely, but was soon extinguished by the 
 water-carriers of the 13th, without damage to the gates : the 
 fire was the signal for a heavy fusilade, which lasted nearly 
 half an hour. 
 
 August 21s;f. — At daybreak all was prepared and ready for 
 the blowing-up of our mine, and the simultaneous sortie of fifty 
 Europeans under Captain M'Cabe and Lieutenant Browne — di- 
 vided into two parties — for the purpose of spiking the enemy's 
 guns which fired into the mess-house, and in order to hold 
 Johannes's house while the engineer officers blew it up. Pre- 
 
430 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 cisely at 5 o'clock, P. M., the mine, containing four hundred 
 pounds of powder, was sprung, and as soon as the dust and 
 smoke had in a measure subsided, the party ran out, drove the 
 enemy — who were taken by surprise, and made but a slight 
 show of resistance — from their guns — two — and spiked them 
 both, and retained possession of Johannes's house, while the 
 engineers made arrangements for blowing it up. These were 
 soon completed, and the party withdrawn. A slow match was 
 applied, and the house laid in ruins. Our losses were one of 
 the 84th killed, one sergeant — 84th — mortally wounded, one of 
 the 32d dangerously wounded, one slightly wounded, and a 
 sergeant of the artillery killed. The operation was entirely 
 successful, and rid us of a house from which the enemy had, 
 from the commencement of the siege, annoyed us greatly. 
 Captain Barlow, of the 50th Native Infantry, died somewhat 
 suddenly in hospital this morning. The grass and jungle all 
 round had grown to a very great hight, and would have given 
 cover to a number of men to approach close up to our position 
 unobserved. In the afternoon a boy, about twelve years of 
 age, was seen close to the Baillie Guard Gate, picking up bullets 
 that had been fired. A Sepoy of the 13th on sentry duty saw 
 him, covered him with his musket, and compelled him to come 
 in. An eight-inch shell fell on the top of the Eesidency about 
 9 o'clock, P. M., and exploded, fortunately without injuring 
 any one. 
 
 August 24:th. — ^Enemy opened a very heavy fire upon us. 
 The women and children greatly endangered, and obliged to be 
 moved from spot to spot. 
 
 August 'i&th. — News from General Havelock. No hope of 
 assistance for twenty-five days. Mr. Gubbins's house no longer 
 safe, and the ladies removed from it. 
 
 August 30^A. — Lieutenant Bowlam was killed by a musket-ball. 
 
 September Id. — About 9 A. M. this morning a mine 
 of the enemy was discovered within thirty feet of Captain 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 431 
 
 Saunders's post ; they came up to a well, and, not knowing 
 what it was, made a hole in the surface ; when the smoke from 
 their lamp became apparent. A countermine was immediately 
 commenced and run out sixteen feet, and within two feet of the 
 enemy ; it was quickly loaded and tamped for about fourteen 
 feet, and the head of their gallery was blown in. Their miners 
 were heard at work when the hose of our mine was ignited ; and 
 it was believed they must have sustained some loss. Another 
 of the enemy's mines was also discovered this morning, coming 
 for the center of the brigade mess-house ; but we had a shaft 
 and gallery ready to frustrate their efforts. One of the Sepoys 
 of the loth Regiment of Native Infantry was severely wounded 
 this morning while standing sentry. We had a heavy cannon- 
 ade from the enemy in the afternoon, and some alteration was 
 made in the position of some of their guns on the Cawnpore 
 side of, our position. The advance of a month's pay, which 
 had been offered to all natives, was declined by the 13th, 48th, 
 and 71st, and pensioners, and only four rupees each was re- 
 ceived by the Sikh Cavalry, as all preferred to receive it 
 in arrears hereafter. This spoke volumes for their faithful- 
 ness. 
 
 This evening a very sad event occurred. Lieutenant Birch, 
 of the 59th Regiment Native Infantry, attached to the Engineer 
 department, went out at dusk, accompanied by four other 
 officers, to explore some old ruins quite close to the north side 
 of our position, in order to see if there were any traces of 
 mining. The work had been most satisfactorily performed, 
 and the party were returning, when a sentry of the 32d Regi- 
 ment, who, unfortunately, had not received the caution that a 
 party was going out and to be careful not to fire, seeing objects 
 moving in the dark outside our limits, fired his musket ; la- 
 mentable to relate, it took efiect, and the bullet passed through 
 the lower part of the belly of Lieutenant Birch, who died two 
 hours after. He was a gallant and efficient officer, and had 
 
432 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 only been married six months. His loss was greatly deplored 
 by the garrison. Our miners were all bard at work all day, 
 countermining the enemy, who still persevered in tbeir efforts to 
 blow us up. 
 
 September 2>d. — About 2 A, M. a very heavy cannonade 
 from the enemy till 9 A. M. Unbarricaded a door leading 
 out of our position, and turned loose during the night sixteen 
 horses and a mule, which had been wounded, and were unfit for 
 use. Further efforts made to limit the supply of flour, and 
 issue wheat in lieu thereof. Advances of pay made to officers, 
 ladies, the civil and uncovenanted service, and a few natives 
 who desired it. 
 
 The sun particularly powerful, and as during the nights a 
 heavy dew fell, and occasionally the mornings were very cool, 
 great fears were entertained for the health of our men ; especially 
 as nearly all had to sleep in the trenches. Consequently search 
 was every-where made for tents to shelter them ; but the ma- 
 jority of these had been used as barricades and other defenses, 
 and were now, from exposure to the rain, etc., completely rotten 
 and useless. 
 
 The enemy commenced mining at Sago's garrison, and a 
 shaft and gallery were made to meet them. In the evening 
 there was a heavy cannonade on Mr. Gubbins's post. A soldier 
 of the 32d was dangerously woimded at Innes's house by an 
 eighteen -pounder shot, and another slightly wounded by grape 
 shot. Much heavy firing from the enemy. Very severe work 
 at mining, as our people were employed at four different points. 
 After 10 P. M. an exceedingly-heavy cannonade accompanied 
 by musketry. The enemy were distinctly heard repairing their 
 batteries, and moving a heavy gun with elephants, in the 
 direction of the Cawnpore battery. 
 
 September Ath. — The usual cannon and musketry throughout 
 the night, which greatly increased after daylight, but gradually 
 subsided after 9 A. M. into a few solitary discharges of can- 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 433 
 
 non. The outer wall of the mess-house was greatly injured by 
 the constant firing from the enemy's guns, although it was of 
 great solidity. Between 9 and 10 A. M. an unusual commo- 
 tion was observable in the town, and the streets were much 
 crowded, for which we were unable to account ; whatever it 
 was, the crowd gradually dispersed, and by 11 A.M. all was 
 tranquil, and the enemy's guards were relieved as usual at that 
 hour. 
 
 Toward the middle of the day there was very little firing 
 from the enemy : they could be distinctly heard in three of our 
 listening gallei-ies, sapping steadily toward us, A 32d soldier 
 was severely contused to-day by a round shot, while on duty 
 in the Cawnpore battery, and another wounded by a musket- 
 ball. About 4.30 P. M. Major Bruere, commanding the 13th 
 Regiment Native Infantry, went on the top of the brigade mess 
 to endeavor to pick off some of the enemy's gunners. Un- 
 fortunately, in his anxiety to get a shot at some riflemen, he 
 somewhat unnecessarily exposed himself, and was hit by a rifle- 
 ball through the chest, which almost immediately proved fatal. 
 His death was very greatly lamented by the Sepoys of the 
 13th, with whom he was very popular : they insisted on carry- 
 ing his rerriains to the grave, and his funeral was attended by 
 all the men of the 13th who could be permitted to leave their 
 trenches. The eighteen-ponnder battery made by the Sepoys 
 of the 13th was now nearly completed, and was sixteen feet 
 thick, besides the wall in front ; the eighteen-pounder intended 
 for it was got down, and put in position. The enemy were 
 evidently aware of what we wej-e about, as two shells fell 
 quite close ; one just inside, and the other outside the new 
 battery. 
 
 The outer wall and buildings on the top of the mess-house 
 fell in this evening, with a great crash, consequent on the outer 
 wall having been completely breached ; fortunately no one was 
 hurt, and several ladies and child; en stil! citing to the inner 
 
 37 
 
434 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 rooms for shelter, preferring the chance of a round shot or 
 musket-ball to the fetid, close atmosphere of an already over- 
 crowded hovel in the interior of our position ; which, after 
 all, was, perhaps, hardly any safer from the fire of the enemy. 
 
 September 'bth. — A fine moonlight morning. Soon after 
 daylight, the enemy commenced the severest cannonade we 
 have yet had. About 8,000 infantry and about 500 horse were 
 by sunrise seen moving about round our position, and evidently 
 preparing for an attack. The garrison were soon — every man — 
 on the alert, and remained patiently under a tremendous fire 
 of cannon, aAvaiting the enemy's onset. They soon opened 
 fire from a new battery of two guns across the river ; and about 
 10 A. M. exploded two mines — one, a large one, close to the 
 eighteen-pounder battery, and the other, a smaller one, at the 
 brigade mess, which we had countermined and were about to 
 blow up, Providentially, the enemy had miscalculated their 
 distance in both instances, and were just short of our defenses, 
 and neither explosion did us any harm. As soon as the cloud 
 of dust and smoke had cleared away, they advanced under 
 cover of a tremendous fire on several points — particularly at 
 Mr. Gubbins'spost — where they came on resolutely, and planted 
 an enormous ladder against the bastion to mount it. Several 
 reached the top, but were so steadily received with musketry 
 and hand-grenades, that none could gain a footing : and after 
 several leaders had fallen, the rest fell back to the cover of the 
 neighboring houses, where they kept up a tremendous fire. 
 Their loss was very heavy, as they showed themselves well ; 
 particularly in the garden close to the brigade mess and Sikh 
 Square, where they fell rapidly to our rifles and muskets. Long 
 after the action they could be seen carrying away their killed 
 and wounded over the bridges. 
 
 During the attack we only had one havildar of pensioners 
 and two Sepoys of the 13th killed, and one soldier of the 32d 
 wounded — loss of hand — from round shot. Eight Sepoys of 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 435 
 
 the 13tli Native Infantry, assisted by three artillerymen, loaded 
 and worked the eighteen-pounder in the 13th battery, and after 
 three or four rounds, succeeded in silencing the eighteen-pounder 
 opposed to them. The Sepoys were very proud of this battery, 
 which was entirely under their charge, and constructed solely 
 by them, under the superintendence of the Engineers. A fear- 
 fully hot day, and a broiling sun, to which all were exposed for 
 nearly the entire day. During last night another shaft, eight 
 feet deep, was sunk by the officers of the brigade mess as a 
 listening gallery, in case the enemy should run a sap in that 
 direction. 
 
 In the evening the enemy seemed disgusted with their want 
 of success in the morning, and confined themselves to a few 
 shots, now and then, from their batteries. An eighteen- 
 pounder came right through the hospital, from their new 
 work across the river, and passed through the whole length of 
 the building, which was crowded with patients, and very 
 slightly wounded Lieutenant Charlton and a soldier of the 
 32d, both of whom were lying there wounded. Passing, as it 
 did, through the entire length of such a crowded space, it was 
 perfectly extraordinary that this ball did not do more harm. 
 
 After all attacks, the enemy were most determined in their 
 efforts to carry off their dead, and generally contrived to do so 
 at night. To-day, as usual, the leading men were most of 
 them knocked over, which greatly discouraged their followers. 
 
 September 8th. — Captain Simmonds died of his wounds to- 
 day. 
 
 Sejitemhe^- 9tk. — During the night a shell exploded in a room 
 occxipied by a lady and some children, and, though almost 
 every article in the room was destroyed, yet all providentially 
 escaped. 
 
 Finding this morning that the enemy were rapidly mining 
 toward the Cawnpore battery, it was deemed advisable that 
 our mine, containing two hundred pounds of powder, which 
 
436 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 had been ready and charged for upward of a month, should be 
 exploded; and, accordingly, at ten o'clock, A. M., it was 
 spi'ung. The effect was tremendous, and it evidently aston- 
 ished the enemy, whose miners must have been destroyed. 
 
 Septemher 12th. — A tremendous row and noise in the city all 
 night. A shaft sunk in the center of the brigade mess, in view 
 to running a sap out across the road into the garden in front 
 of the enemy's battery. Rather less firing all day than usual. 
 Very large bodies of matchlockmen were seen moving about, 
 but a smaller proportion of Sepoys. A soldier of the 32d and 
 an uncovenanted man were wounded — the former in the head, 
 the latter through the hand. During the past few days no 
 case of cholera occurred. In the evening, after dark, the 71st 
 Sepoys were employed, under Lieutenant Langmore, in biing- 
 ing in some tents which were piled up in the Residency garden. 
 While so employed, one of the enemy came up, evidently hav- 
 ing mistaken our party for one of his own ; he was imme- 
 diately seized by two Sepoys and brought in. A European 
 sentry was killed to-day through a small loop-hole in the 
 Redan, out of which he was looking, and another in the same 
 battery was wounded during the night. 
 
 Se2:>te77iber ISth. — A smart cannonade at daylight. Consid- 
 erable progress was made in our new mines out of the Cawn- 
 pore battery and brigade mess. Captain Mansfield was seized 
 with cholera early this morning, and died a few hours after. 
 A great number of matchlockmen seen moving about in the 
 bazar. Enormous prices offered in the gairison for all kinds 
 of supplies. A small fowl was to-day purchased by a gen- 
 tleman for his sick wife for twenty rupees — £2. A bottle of 
 cm-acoa sold at auction, a day or two ago, for sixteen rupees, 
 and the same price was freely offered for two pounds of sugar. 
 Divine service performed at the brigade mess, and at Dr. Pay- 
 rer's, to all who were able to attend. A man came in about 
 eight o'clock, P. M., from the city ; he could not or would not 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 437 
 
 give any information, was looked upon as a spy, ironed and 
 placed in the main -guard. A tolerably quiet evening. 
 
 September lAlh. — A good many matchlockmen were seen 
 coming into the town during the day, both over the stone 
 bridge and the bridge of boats. For the last two days the 
 bugles of the enemy had not been heard, which led us to con- 
 clude that the headquarters of regiments had probably left the 
 city. A few dhoolies were seen passing down the Cawnpore 
 road, and a man — apparently of some consequence — was ob- 
 served haranguing a mob in the city. There was the usual 
 amount of firing and sharp- shooting all day. 
 
 A grievous occurrence took place in the afternoon. Captain 
 Fulton, of the Engineers, while reconnoitering from a battery 
 in Mr. Gubbins's post, was killed by a round shot, which 
 struck him on the head. He had conducted all the engineering 
 operations of the siege for a considerable time previous to the 
 death of his chief — Major Anderson. He was a highly-gifted, 
 cool, brave, and chivalrous officer, fertile in resources, and a 
 favorite with both officers and men. His loss was acutely felt. 
 
 September Ibth. — The eighteen -pounder battery beyond In- 
 nes's house fired heavily and reduced Innes's house to almost a 
 heap of ruins ; the shot came right across the entire open space 
 round the Residency, and one soldier of the 32d was mortally 
 and the other slightly wounded. The breach in the Sikh Square 
 made by the enemy, was now tolerably retrenched. The inner 
 square was well loop-holed and barricaded, so that even if the 
 enemy had made their way in they would have been unable to 
 make a lodgment. The vicinity of the houses to our defenses 
 in the outer square rendered mining easy, and we took and 
 blew up three of the enemy's mines at this point alone. Lien- 
 tenant Fullerton, of the 16th Regiment Native Infantry, died 
 in hospital this morning. 
 
 To-day the veranda of the Residency fell in with a great 
 crash, from the effects of the battering it had received from 
 
438 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 the enemy's eighteen-pound shot. This afternoon a mortar, 
 equipped as a howitzer — on Lieutenant Bonham's principle — 
 was put in position against the eighteen-pounder battery oppo- 
 site Innes's house, and fired several shots, which kept the en- 
 emy's gun in check ; and one shell, having blown away most 
 of their parapet, they did not fire again from it during the 
 evening. Under the direction of the garrison engineer, a shaft 
 was commenced in the Baillie Guard Gate by the Sepoys of 
 13th Eegiment of Native Infantry, in order to run a sap out 
 in the direction of the Lutkim Durwaza : eight feet and a half 
 were this evening accomplished. It is intended as a safeguard 
 to cut off any mine that the enemy may be running toward the 
 gateway. 
 
 Sexjtemher \^th. — A very sharp cannonade from daylight for 
 three hours. An eight-inch shell fell in the rear of the 13th 
 battery — for the second time since the commencement of hos- 
 tilities — and mortally wounded a Sepoy and slightly wounded 
 a subadar. Enemy were very busy erecting — apparently — a 
 new battery, to the right of our Cawnpore battery ; but it was 
 difficult at the time to say what it was intended for ; the people 
 working at it were greatly annoyed by our shells, and it made 
 but little progress except during the night. They were, also, 
 very hard at work in front of the Redan battery, where they 
 had made deep trenches in all directions. 
 
 Ungud, pensioner and spy, was sent out at about 10 o'clock, 
 P. M., with a letter, done up in a piece of quill, to take to 
 General Havelock at Cawnpore, and was promised a large re- 
 ward if he brought a reply. Preparations made for getting the 
 mortar-howitzer into the court-yard in I'ear of the brigade 
 mess, by cutting a road through the intermediate walls. The 
 mine out of the brigade-mess building, and that out of the 
 Cawnpore battery, were worked all night, and considerable 
 progress was made in both. The rains seemed quite over, the 
 sun was very powerful, and much fever prevailed. Not so much 
 
SIR HENRY LAAYRENCE. 439 
 
 firing as usual in the evening, and only one shell came in. 
 Much bugling among the enemy during the night. 
 
 September YIth. — All very much as usual, with rather less 
 firing. Many vague rumors were abroad in the garrison, all 
 without foundation. The mortar-howitzer was got into posi- 
 tion behind the brigade mess ; the second shell thrown from it 
 severely wounded two of our servants, in consequence of the 
 shell having exploded before it cleared our defenses. After the 
 range was, however, once got, the practice was good, and several 
 shells exploded in the embrasure of the enemy's battery. The 
 mine out of the brigade mess and that out of the Cawnpore 
 battery, damaged during the day by round shot, was also re- 
 paired by a working-party of Sepoys from the 48th Regiment 
 Native Infantry. The sentry of the 32d Foot, on duty at the 
 church, had his head carried off by a round shot. Exactly at 
 midnight the enemy made a demonstration on Saunders's post, 
 and fired heavy volleys of musketry, but made no attempt to 
 advance ; in about half an hour, after a few shells had been 
 thrown among them, they retired. 
 
 Many cases of fever and dysentery. Two Sepoys of the 13th 
 died in the hospital of their wounds. The Sikh cavalry sowars, 
 under Lieutenant Hardinge, worked at the barricade across the 
 breach in the third Sikh Square, and still further strength- 
 ened it. 
 
 September \^th. — Nothing new to record. Each day passed 
 away much like its predecessor, with the same amount of can- 
 nonading and musketry fire. 
 
 Throughout the siege a regular system of look-out was or- 
 ganized from the top of the tower in the Residency, which 
 commanded a view of the river, the three bridges, and the open 
 country beyond ; and also from the roof of the Post- Office, 
 from which a great part of the city and the road to Cawnpore 
 could be observed. At the former post the officers were relieved 
 every two hours, and at the latter hourly. At each post a book 
 
440 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 was kept, in which whatever had been observed was noted down, 
 and if any thing unusual, or any new work of the enemy was 
 seen, a report of it was instantly forwarded for Brigadier In- 
 glis's information. A new truck was constructed to enable us 
 to fit out another mortar as a howitzer, for it would be impos- 
 sible to say how greatly we felt throughout the siege the want 
 of a couple of eight-inch howitzers. To-day the enemy threw 
 in — evidently from a thirteen-inch mortar — a piece of wood of 
 very great weight, which measured twelve inches in diameter 
 and eighteen in length ! It made a prodigious noise as it passed 
 through the air. 
 
 In consequence of the very small stock of rum left in store, 
 all the Europeans were reduced to one dram each per day. This 
 was perhaps the quietest day of the siege up to this date, as we 
 had nothing but a few stray cannon shots and a slight mus- 
 ketry fire throughout the twenty-four hours. About II o'clock, 
 P, M., a very considerable noise was heard in the town, to- 
 gether with much bugling and shouting. 
 
 September Vdtk. — This morning, almost before daylight, we 
 commenced a heavy cannonade from the Post-Ofifice on the 
 battery in the square house opposite. During the morning the 
 enemy kept up also a heavy fire all around ; particularly on 
 the Residency, which now wore a most desolate, tumble-down, 
 and dilapidated appearance, from the effect of round shot which 
 had been steadily poured into it daily from the commencement 
 of the siege. About 10.30 A. M. the enemy's battery in 
 the square house, opposite the Post-Office, was set on fire by our 
 shot, and a pretty sharp fusilade and cannonade was kept up 
 by us to prevent the enemy from extinguishing it ; the fire 
 however soon died out. An auction was held this day in the 
 Residency of the property — clothes, etc. — of deceased officers, 
 and the prices that all useful articles fetched was enormous : for 
 instance, a new flannel shirt was knocked down for forty ru- 
 pees, while five old ones were sold for one hundred and twelve 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 441 
 
 rupees, and a bottle of brandy brought twenty rupees. A man 
 of the 84th was shot dead at Sago's post early this morning. 
 During the day the enemy threw into our position, probably 
 from an enormous mortar, six pieces of wood about the size 
 and shape of a large oyster barrel ; they were thrown up in the 
 air to an enormous hight, and came down with almost in- 
 credible force. 
 
 September 20M.. — At 1 o'clock, A. M., a smart musketry fire 
 and cannonade took place, which lasted for about half an hour. 
 At daylight discovered two new batteries, which the enemy had 
 very nearly completed, and one of which contained a thirty- 
 two pounder. We opened on them with a howitzer and an 
 eighteen-pounder, but did them little mischief ; the batteries 
 having been made excessively strong, with enormous beams of 
 wood and earth. We, however, entirely prevented them from 
 working at either battery during the ensuing night. The Cawn- 
 pore battery was repaired, and the center mine from the brigade 
 mess was connected with the one we had previously run out 
 from the left. The guard-room at Anderson's house was low- 
 ered by digging out the floor, so as to keep the guard clear of 
 the round shot which passed through it ; the 13th mine was 
 also worked eighteen feet further. A very considerable noise 
 was heard in the city for some hours after dark. During the 
 day nearly as many men as usual seen moving about. A 
 private of Her Majesty's 32d at Innes's post was killed by a 
 round shot. 
 
 September ^Ist. — Between 12 and 1 o'clock, A. M., the 
 enemy suddenly began a very smart musketry fire all along the 
 city side of our position, and opened from their guns. We 
 threw a few shells among them, and their fire soon subsided 
 into the usual steady fire which had gone on every night of the 
 siege. 
 
 About 4 o'clock, A. M., we had very heavy rain, which lasted 
 till about 11 o'clock, A. M. The heavy rain seemed to keep 
 
442 HEROES OE THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 the enemy quiet, and there was little firing on either side till 
 1 o'clock, P. M., when one of our eighteen-pounders at the 
 Post- Office opened on the enemy's new thirty -two pounder bat- 
 tery, and knocked their parapet about, leaving the gun greatly 
 exposed ; which enabled Captain Saunders's garrison to pick 
 ofif two of the enemy's gunners at the gun, and keep it silent 
 for the rest of the day. In the afternoon the enemy battered 
 down a great portion of the wall inclosing the building occu- 
 pied by the Martiniere school-boys, and killed a water-carrier 
 who was drawing water at the time, and who was knocked dead 
 into the well ; which Avas a great misfortune, as none of the 
 natives would again use it. The body was got up soon after. 
 Not many armed men were seen in the morning beyond the 
 enemy's regular relief of guards and pickets. At 10 o'clock, 
 P. M., heavy rain came on. About 11 o'clock, P. M., the 
 enemy were reported to be in unusual strength near the Sikh 
 Square, on which all were kept well on the alert. A shell was 
 thrown among them, but nothing further took place. 
 
 September 22d. — Continued heavy rain, which fell without 
 cessation till about 3 o'clock, P. M. The garrison were in a 
 great state of discomfort, as little shelter was to be had any 
 where ; the roofs of all the buildings were so injured from 
 eighty-four days' constant cannonading that but few could 
 boast of a water-proof residence. Lieutenant CunlifFe, of the 
 Artillery, died early this morning from fever ; he had previously 
 been wounded. A Sikh Sepoy, of the 13th, a native artillery- 
 man, two private servants, and three grass-cutters deserted 
 during the night ; and in the course of the morning four cook 
 boys contrived to desert during the heavy rain. The rain did 
 considerable damage to various parts of our defenses, washing 
 down many of the fascines in the batteries, and causing several 
 parts of the defenses at Mr. Gubbins's and Innes's post to fall 
 down. A great part of the outside wall of the brigade mess 
 also fell from the same cause. Toward evening the enemy 
 
SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. 443 
 
 opened their guns, and we dismounted one of their nine- 
 pounders by a shell, which fell on the top of one of them and 
 killed two gunners. About 11 o'clock, P. M., Ungud, pen- 
 sioner, returned, bringing us a letter containing the glad tidings 
 that our relieving force, under General Outram, had crossed the 
 Ganges, and would arrive in a few days. His arrival, and the 
 cheering news he brought of speedy aid, was well-timed ; for 
 neither our fast-diminishing stores, the vague and uncertain ru- 
 mors of the advent of reinforcements, nor the daily sights and 
 sounds by which we were surrounded, were calculated to inspire 
 confidence and check desertion among the servants and camp- 
 followers. All the garrison were greatly elated with the news, 
 and on many of the sick and wounded the speedy prospect of 
 a change of air and security exercised a most beneficial effect. 
 Heavy rain fell about 11 o'clock, P. M. 
 
 September 23(f. — About 3 o'clock, A. M., the rain cleared off, 
 and at 11 o'clock, A. M., the sun came out and the clouds 
 dispersed, and gave promise of fair weather. A smart can- 
 nonade was heard in the direction of Cawnpore ; several 
 imagined they also heard musketry, and the sound was listened 
 to with the most intense and even painful anxiety by the gar- 
 rison, who felt assured it must be their friends advancing to 
 their assistance. But it was hardly expected that our force 
 could have advanced so far, owing to the heavy rain which had 
 fallen, and the state in consequence that the roads and country 
 were in ; howevei', at 5 o'clock, P. M., another distant cannonade 
 was heard, which lasted for half an hour, and which appeared 
 much nearer than before : this elicited many and divers opinions, 
 and created the greatest possible excitement. 
 
 Throughout the day large bodies of troops with guns and 
 ammunition wagons were seen moving about in the city, in the 
 early part of the day to the right, and later, in large bodies to 
 the left. In the afternoon the enemy placed a gun in position 
 facing down the Kass Bazar street, with what object it was 
 
444 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 impossible to say. We threw many shells into the city during 
 the day among the parties of the enemy seen moving about. 
 At 9 o'clock, P. M., heavy rain began and fell for two hours. 
 
 September 24:ih. — Every thing most uniisually quiet through- 
 out the night, and only one or two cannon shot were fired early 
 in the morning. A considerable body of cavalry were seen 
 moving to the right through the city, and about 8.30 o'clock, 
 A. M., a distant cannonade was heard, which continued nearly 
 all day. 
 
 We had no news of any kind, and the anxiety of the gar- 
 rison was very great. During the morning large bodies of the 
 enemy were seen moving through the city to the right and left. 
 Ensign Hewitt, of the 41st Eegiment Native Infantry, was 
 slightly contused on the head by bricks struck out of a wall by 
 a round shot. At 8 o'clock, P. M., the enemy made a false 
 attack on the Cawnpore battery, keeping up a heavy cannonade 
 and musketry fire, which lasted for about half an hour, after 
 which all became moderately quiet. During the night guns 
 were heard in the direction of the Cawnpore road, and the flash 
 of them could be very distinctly seen ; they were supposed to 
 be about seven miles distant. 
 
 September 2btk. — A very unquiet night. Two alarms, one at 
 1.30 o'clock, A. M., and another at 4 o'clock, A. M. The 
 whole garrison were under arms nearly the whole night. A 
 very great disturbance in the city, in the direction of Mr. Gub- 
 bins's post especially. To the very great regret of the garrison. 
 Captain RadcliiFe, of the 7th Light Cavalry, was dangerously 
 w'ounded while in command of the Cawnpore battery. About 10 
 o'clock, A. M., a messenger came in bringing in a letter of the 
 16th instant from General Outram, dated Cawnpore, announ- 
 cing his being about to cross over to this side of the Ganges, 
 and march on to Lucknow. The messenger could give no ac- 
 count of our force, beyond its having reached the outskirts of 
 the city. 
 
SIR HENUY LAWRENCE. 445 
 
 About 11 o'clock, A. M., nearly all sound of firing had ceased, 
 but increased agitation was visible among the people in the 
 town, in which two large fires were seen. An hour later the 
 sound of musketry and the smoke of guns was distinctly per- 
 ceived within the limits of the city. All the garrison was on 
 the alert, and the excitement among many of the oiiicers and 
 soldiers was quite painful to witness. At 1.30 o'clock, P. M., 
 many of the people of the city commenced leaving, with bun- 
 dles of clothes, etc., on their heads, and took the direction of 
 cantonments across the different bridges. At 2 o'clock, P.M., 
 armed men and Sepoys commenced to follow them, accom- 
 panied by large bodies of Irregular Cavalry. Every gun and 
 mortar that could be brought to bear on the evidently retreating 
 enemy, was fired as fast as possible, for at least an hour and a 
 half. The enemy's bridge of boats had evidently been destroyed 
 and broken away, for many were seen swimming across the 
 river, most of them cavalry, with their horses' bridles in their 
 hands. Strange to relate, during all this apparent panic, the 
 guns of the enemy in position all round us kept up a heavy 
 cannonade, and the matchlockmen or riflemen never ceased firing 
 from their respective loop-holes. 
 
 At 4 o'clock, P. M., report was made that some officers 
 dressed in shooting coats and solah caps, a regiment of Eu- 
 ropeans in blue pantaloons and shirts, and a bullock battery 
 were seen near Mr. Martin's house and theMootee Mahul. At 5 
 o^clock, P. M., volleys of musketry, rapidly growing louder, 
 were heard in the city. But soon the firing of a Minie ball 
 over our heads gave notice of the still nearer approach of our 
 friends ; of whom as yet little or nothing had been seen, 
 though the enemy were to be seen firing heavily on them from 
 many of the roofs of the houses. Five minutes later and our 
 troops were seen fighting their way through one of the principal 
 streets ; and though men fell at almost every step, yet nothing 
 could withstand the headlong gallantry of our reinforcements. 
 
446 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 Once fairly seen, all our doubts and fears regarding them were 
 ended ; and then the garrison's long pent-up feelings of anxiety 
 and suspense hurst forth in a succession of deafening cheers ; 
 from every pit, trench, and battery — from behind the sand-bags 
 piled on shattered houses — from every post still held by a few 
 gallant spirits, rose cheer on cheer — even from the hospital ! 
 Many of the wounded crawled forth to join in that glad shout 
 of welcome to those who had so bravely come to our assistance. 
 It was a moment never to be forgotten. 
 
 Soon all the rear-guard and heavy guns were inside our posi- 
 tion ; and then ensued a scene which baffles description. For 
 eighty-seven days the Lucknow garrison had lived in utter ig- 
 norance of all that had taken place outside. Wives who had 
 long mourned their husbands as dead, were again restored to 
 them ; others, fondly looking forward to glad meetings with 
 those near and dear to them, now for the first time learned that 
 they were alone. On all sides eager inquiries for relations and 
 friends were made. Alas ! in too many instances the answer 
 was a painful one. 
 
 The force under the command of General Sir James Outram, 
 G. C. B., came to our assistance at a heavy sacrifice to them- 
 selves. Of two thousand, six hundred who left Cawnpore, 
 nearly one-third was either killed or wounded in forcing their 
 way through the city ; indeed the losses were so heavy that they 
 could effect nothing toward our relief ; as the enemy were in 
 overpowering force, and the position having been extended, in 
 order to accommodate as far as possible our great increase in 
 numbers, and the guns that were in our vicinity having been 
 captured at considerable loss to ourselves, we remained on three- 
 quarter-rations, as closely besieged as before, till the 22d No- 
 vember ; when the garrison were finally relieved by the army 
 under the Commander-in-chief. 
 
6REATHED AND CAMPBELL. 447 
 
 GREATHED AND CAMPBELL 
 
 AFTER THE FALL OF DELHI. 
 
 In such a work as this it is, of course, impossible to give a 
 history of the Indian rebellion, or to notice all those engaged 
 in putting it down. A few words, however, are due to the 
 valiant deeds of Colonel Greathed and Sir Colin Campbell 
 after the fall of Delhi. It must not be supposed that the result 
 af that important event was the submission of the mutineers. 
 They moved at once in great masses down the country, in the 
 hope of overwhelming the feeble garrison at Fort Agra ; but 
 the avenger closely followed them. 
 
 On the 24th of September Colonel Greathed, of Her Maj- 
 esty's 84th, was dispatched in pursuit of the retreating enemy 
 with a force of one thousand, six hundred infantry, five hun- 
 dred cavalry, three troops of horse artillery, and eighteen guns. 
 At Secunderabad the house of the head-man, being found to 
 contain a quantity of plundered property, including ladies' 
 dresses, bonnets, lace, etc., the village was burnt to the ground, 
 though it was by no means certain that the villagers were any 
 further to blame than in having retained the spoils abandoned 
 by the Sepoys in their flight. On reaching Bolundshuhur the 
 enemy was discovered strongly posted at the junction of two 
 roads. Their guns, being light field-pieces, were speedily 
 silenced by the heavy and well-directed fire of the British artil- 
 lery. The cavalry, both European and native, then dashed into 
 the town and drove the rebels before them, but not without 
 sustaining some loss while charging between the rows of 
 
448 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 houses. That same evening the advanced guard pushed on 
 to the fort of Malaghur, which had already heen deserted. 
 The place is described as " a mud fort, with high ramparts, 
 and mud bastions at each angle, also another bastion between 
 each of the angles, making, in all, eight bastions." The walls 
 of the rampart were loop-holed, the ditch was wide and steep, 
 and an outwoi-k had been constructed in front of an otherwise 
 unprotected portion of the curtain. Seven or eight small guns 
 of wrought iron were mounted on the walls ; but the shot was 
 hammered, the grape consisted of bits of telegraph wire tied up 
 in leather bags, and the port-fires were made of pieces of sul- 
 phur. Quantities of European articles were found in the fort, 
 such as canaries, known to have belonged to a lady at Bolund- 
 shuhur, crockery of all kinds, and large boxes of loaf-sugar 
 from Shahjehanpore. It was, accordingly, resolved to destroy 
 the fortifications ; but in carrying out this wise determination, 
 Lieutenant Home, who had so signally distinguished himself 
 in blowing open the Cashmere Grate of Delhi, was accidentally 
 killed by the premature explosion of a mine. Sending back 
 his sick and wounded to Meerut, Brigadier Greathed resumed 
 his onward march on the 2d of October, and came up with a 
 body of the insurgents at Allyghur. Above three hundred of 
 them were killed in the action that ensued, and early on the 
 morning of the 10th the column marched into Agra, and en- 
 camped amid the ruins of the old cantonments. Just as the 
 wearied soldiers had finished a hasty breakfast, and while they 
 were yet busied in pitching their tents, a battery of guns behind 
 the burial-ground opened upon their right flank, and, at the 
 same time, a numerous body of horse galloped into the midst, 
 sabering every one they encountered. Never was there a more 
 complete surprise or one more rapidly counteracted. Before 
 the sixth round was fired the horse artillery had already begun 
 to reply, and a handful of the 9th Lancers and Sikhs, leaping 
 into the saddle, charged the enemy without waiting for orders. 
 
GREATHED AND CAMPBELL. 449 
 
 Nine of the Lancers, led on by Lieutenants French and Jones, 
 recovered a gun that had been taken by five times their number 
 of horsemen ; Lieutenant French, however, losing his life in 
 the performance of this gallant exploit, and his brother officer 
 being severely wounded. In an incredibly short space of time 
 horse, foot, and artillery turned out and attacked the insolent 
 foe, who in vain sought safety in flight. As soon as the firing 
 was heard in the fort, the 3d Bengal Fusileers hastened out to 
 the assistance of their comrades, and eagerly joined in the pur- 
 suit, which was kept up for ten miles. The rebels lost fourteen 
 guns, upward of one thousand men, and treasure to the value 
 of £16,000 in this dashing afi'air, and were, moreover, entirely 
 disorganized and dispersed. The loss on the side of the Brit- 
 ish was comparatively insignificant : one officer, four Eu- 
 ropeans, and six Sikhs killed ; four officers, twenty-two Eu- 
 ropeans, and twenty-eight Sikhs wounded. It was afterward 
 ascertained that the surprise was mutual. The enemy, who 
 were the mutineers from Mhow and Indore, were not aware of 
 the arrival of Greathed's column, and expected that they would 
 only have had to do with the garrison of the fort. The fugi- 
 tives fled, in scattered parties, to Bhurtpore, Muttra, and Myn- 
 pooree, but were repulsed by the inhabitants. They were 
 joined, however, by the rajah of the last-named place, who 
 abandoned his fort on the approach of the British. From 
 Mynpooree the movable column, now under the command of 
 Brigadier Hope Grrant — as senior to the gallant Greathed — ■ 
 proceeded toward Cawnpore, and at the ancient city of Ca- 
 nouj overtook a band of Sepoys, from Delhi, whom they 
 routed with considerable slaughter and the loss of five guns. 
 On the 28th Brigadier Grant reached Cawnpore, and two days 
 afterward crossed the Ganges and entered the province of Oude. 
 By the 8th of November he had made his way to Alum Bagh, 
 where he awaited the arrival of reinforcements under Sir Colin 
 
 Campbell in person. This Alum Bagh was a summer residence 
 
 38 
 
450 HEROES OP THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 of tte dowager queen of Oude, situated about three miles from 
 Lucknow, on the Cawnpore side. It was simply a large man- 
 sion in the midst of a garden, or small park, inclosed within 
 four walls, with a sort of bastion at each angle. Within this 
 in closure General Havelock had left his sick and wounded 
 men, under the protection of Her Majesty's 64th Kegiment and 
 some heavy guns. Between Alum Bagh and the city extended 
 an open plain, intersected by a canal. This intervening space 
 was occupied by the rebels in great force — it is said to the 
 number of fifty thousand — and thus all communication was 
 broken off between this post and the Kesidency on the other 
 side of Lucknow. 
 
 While these transactions were taking place within or near 
 the boundaries of Oude, a movable column, under Brigadier 
 Showers, had been actively employed in tranquilizing the 
 district around Delhi. The imperial city itself remained 
 desolate and abandoned. Its former inhabitants feared to 
 return and confront the insolence of the justly-incensed con- 
 querors ; for little could they imagine that a spurious philan- 
 thropy was already engaged in devising excuses for guilt. 
 Several inferior members, indeed, of the royal family were 
 convicted and put to death, but in most cases justice was 
 evaded, and almost any pretext was accepted as an extenuating 
 circumstance. 
 
 The state of Rajpootana was also far from satisfactory. 
 On several occasions detached parties of mutineers were 
 roughly handled ; but when driven from one point they sprung 
 up in another, preserving their organization and cohering to 
 a remarkable extent. In central India, likewise, considerable 
 agitation existed long after the fall of Delhi, and it was only 
 the presence of a column of Madras troops that prevented the 
 smoldering embers from bursting forth into a fierce and all- 
 devouring conflagration. 
 
 By the middle of October considerable reinforcements from 
 
GREATHED AND CAMPBELL. 451 
 
 England began to arrive at the three presidencies, and especially 
 at Calcutta. Sir Colin Campbell consequently determined to 
 hasten with all speed to Cawnpore, and assume the command 
 of the field forces. During his journey up country, however, 
 he narrowly escaped being cut oif by a detachment of the 32d 
 Eegiment, which had recently mutinied at Deoghur, and were 
 then crossing the Grand Trunk Road a few hundred yards in 
 advance. The British Commander-in-chief, traveling without 
 an escort, had no alternative but to retreat to a dak bungalow, 
 where a party of European soldiers happened to be resting 
 themselves after a long march. A few hours afterward Sir 
 Colin pushed forward to Benares, which he reached on the 31st 
 October, an^ thence proceeded with the same fiery speed to Al- 
 lahabad and Cawnpore. On the 11th November he crossed the 
 Ganges, and lost no time in making his way to Alum Bagh. 
 Here he found himself at the head of seven to eight thousand 
 men, eager to meet the treacherous foe, and to avenge their 
 murdered countrymen. 
 
 On the evening of the 12th the Commander-in-chief arrived 
 at Alum Bagh, after a sharp skirmish with a body of two thou- 
 sand rebels, supported by two guns, these being captured by a 
 brilliant charge of the Irregular Horse, under Lieutenant Gough. 
 Leaving Her Majesty's 75th in garrison at Alum Bagh, Sir Co- 
 lin resumed his march on the 14th, and, as he approached the 
 pleasure-grounds of Dilkoosha — literally. "Heart's Delight" — 
 was received by a long line of musketry-fire. A running 
 fight ensued for about two hours, during which the enemy was 
 driven down the hill to the Martini^re College — so named after 
 its founder. General Claude Martine, a French adventurer in the 
 service of Saadut Ali — across the garden and park of the Mar- 
 tini^re, and some distance beyond the canal that intersects the 
 plain. While arrangements were being made for securing the ad- 
 vanced position so gallantly attained, the rebels again took 
 heart, and renewed the action. Their discomfiture, however. 
 
452 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 was rapid and complete, thongli not without some loss on the 
 part of the British, Captain Wheatcroft, of the Carbineers, and 
 Lieutenant Mayne, B. H. A., being among the slain. The en- 
 tire baggage of the relieving force having been left at Dilkoosha, 
 under charge of Her Majesty's 8th Foot, Sir Colin advanced 
 against Sik«nderBagh — "Alexander's Garden" — a walled in- 
 closure, one hundred and twenty yards square, carefully loop- 
 holed all round. About one hundred yards distant is a small 
 village, the houses of which were also loop-holed, and held in 
 great force. Skirmishers having been thrown out in front, the 
 guns were pushed forward, and opened fire within musket-range. 
 As the leading brigade of infantry, under Brigadier the Hon. 
 Adrian Hope, neared the village, it was suddenly abandoned, 
 and thus the British General was enabled to concentrate his fire 
 on the Sikunder Bagh. In little more than an hour and a half 
 a narrow breach was effected, through which poured like a tor- 
 rent the 93d Highlanders, the 53d, and the 4th Punjaub Light 
 Infantry. A terrible slaughter was here inflicted on the enemy, 
 no fewer than two thousand corpses being afterward carried 
 out. Captain Peel's naval siege-train then went to the front, 
 and advanced within a few yards of the loop-holed wall inclosing 
 the Shah Nujeef. In the words of the Commander-in-chief, 
 " the withering fire of the Highlanders effectually covered the 
 naval brigade from great loss, but it was an action almost un- 
 exampled in war. Captain Peel behaved very much as if he 
 had been laying the Shannon along-side an enemy's frigate." 
 After a heavy cannonade of three hours this position likewise 
 was carried by storm, and then the wearied troops lay down to 
 rest. On the following day the mess-house was battered by the 
 heavy guns till it was no longer tenable, when it was taken 
 with a rush. The troops then burst into the inclosure round 
 the Mootee Mahul — "Pearl Palace" — where the enemy made a 
 last despairing stand, and a communication was opened with 
 the Residency. That same afternoon Sir James Outram and 
 
GREATHED AND CAMPBELL. 453 
 
 Sir Henry Havelock came out to welcome their deliverer, and 
 to exchange hearty greetings. It was, indeed, a proud moment 
 for all, for there was not a man there present who had not nobly 
 done his duty. But it was no time for congratulations and 
 compliments. A numerous and desperate enemy swarmed 
 around on all sides, except on that by which the relieving force 
 had hewed its way. Sir Colin's first care, therefore, was to re- 
 move the toil-worn garrison to a place of safety, for he at 
 once recognized the impossibility of holding Lucknow in the 
 presence of the overwhelming masses of the insurgents. Ac- 
 cordingly, on the 20th, he covered his real intentions by opening 
 a tremendous fire on the Kaiser Bagh, which was breached, in 
 three places. While the rebels were preparing to sustain the 
 anticipated assault, the garrison withdrew, at midnight of the 
 22d, through the lines of pickets. 
 
 The relieving army had purposely taken up such positions as 
 would enable the illustrious heroes of Lucknow to evacuate the 
 post they had so long maintained, without being exposed to the 
 chance of even a stray musket-shot. All ranks eagerly co- 
 operated with their chivalrous leader to effect this object, and 
 formed themselves, as it were, into a guard of honor. The 
 women and children, the sick and wounded, and the state pris- 
 oners, had previously been removed, together with all the serv- 
 iceable guns and treasure belonging to the ex-king, to the 
 value of nearly a quarter of a million sterling. " The move- 
 ment of retreat," says Sir Colin, "was admirably executed, and 
 was a perfect lesson in such combinations. Each exterior line 
 came gradually retiring through its supports, till at length 
 nothing remained but the last line of infantry and guns, with 
 which I was myself to crush the enemy, if he had dared to fol- 
 low up the pickets. The only line of retreat lay through a long 
 and tortuous lane, and all these precautions were absolutely 
 necessary to insure the safety of the force." The rebels, how- 
 ever, were altogether at fault as to the true nature of the 
 
454 HEROES OF THE INDIAN REBELLION. 
 
 maneuvers that were being so skillfully executed, and made no 
 attempt whatever to disturb them. Colonel Greathed, again 
 worthily appointed to the command of a brigade, brought up 
 the rear-guard, and at four o'clock, in the morning of the 23d 
 the British army was once more encamped in the grounds of 
 the Dilkoosha. On the previous day the enemy had made a 
 fruitless attempt to turn the rear by attacking Alum Bagh, but 
 were easily repulsed by Brigadier Little. Toward the afternoon 
 of the 24th, Sir Colin proceeded to escort his invaluable convoy 
 to Alum Bagh, where he was joined the following day by the 
 rear-guard, under Sir James Outram, Leaving that able Gen- 
 eral with a strong division to hold the enemy in check, the 
 Commander-in-chief hastened on to Cawnpore, and achieved a 
 forced march of forty-three miles in thirty-one hours — for he 
 had heard the report of a heavy cannonading from afar, and 
 knew that imminent danger threatened that important station. 
 The excitement must have been so far acceptable, that it diverted 
 his thoughts from one of the most grievous calamities which 
 had yet befallen the British army since the commencement of 
 the mutiny. General Havelock was no more. Worn out with 
 fatigue and anxiety, that truly-great man sunk under an attack 
 of dysentery, and died at Alum Bagh on the 25th November. 
 Since the death of Nelson, no man has enjoyed so large a share 
 of the sympathies of the nation. Others may have been even 
 more applauded as conquerors, but not one has achieved such 
 universal popularity, in the highest sense of the word, or so 
 completely fascinated what may be termed the private feel- 
 ings of the British people. He had become an object of al- 
 most tender interest, and the announcement of his death threw 
 a gloom over all classes of society. Every one felt as if he had 
 lost a dear friend ; and cold and phlegmatic must he have been 
 who could that morning indulge in hilarity. A humble tribute 
 to Havelock's services as a soldier, and his virtues as a Christian 
 man, will be found in another place ; for the moment, we are 
 
JSmEATHED AND CAMPBELL. 455 
 
 constrained to resume the thread of this strangely-checkered 
 narrative. 
 
 The Gwalior Contingent, after moving about with apparently 
 no settled purpose, had finally made up their minds to move 
 upon Cawnpore. Fortunately, they had deferred this resolution 
 till after the relief of Lucknow was effected ; otherwise. Sir 
 Colin Campbell might have been sorely perplexed as to the 
 proper course to pursue. It was thus the 26th of November 
 when their advanced guard arrived at the Pandoo Nuddee — the 
 scene of one of Havelock's early victories, and only a few 
 miles from Cawnpore. General Windham, the " hero of the 
 Eedan," apparently underrated his enemy, and accordingly 
 moved out with 2,000 Europeans, belonging to the 64th, 82d, 
 and 88th Regiments, and gave them battle. At first he was 
 partially successful, and inflicted some loss. In the course of 
 that night, however, the two other divisions of the Contingent 
 joined their comrades, and thus formed an army of 14,000 men, 
 with a numerous cavalry, and 40 pieces of artillery. Early on 
 the following morning, this formidable force suddenly threw 
 themselves upon the feeble detachment before them, made them 
 give ground, and burnt their tents. The British troops then 
 retired within their intrenchments, where they were fiercely 
 assailed on two sides. The Eifles making a desperate sortie, 
 captured two eighteen -pounders, and drove back their assailants ; 
 but on the extreme right, the 64th and 88th were terribly cut up. 
 Of the former corps, four officers were killed, and two taken 
 prisoners, of whom one was hanged, and the other beaten to 
 death with shoes ; Colonel Wilson was among the slain. The 
 mutineers then desisted from the assault, and contented them- 
 selves with occupying the native town. Their triumph, how- 
 ever, was short-lived. Alarmed by the long-continued cannon- 
 ade. Sir Colin Campbell hastened with all speed to the relief 
 of his beleaguered comrades. Leaving his convoy and baggage 
 on the Oude side of the river, he crossed the Ganges, and swept 
 
456 HEROES OF THE INIflAN REBEl^LION. 
 
 the enemy from before the intrencliments, and took sixteen of 
 their guns. He then brought over the women and the wounded, 
 and sent them on under safe escort to Allahabad, which they 
 reached in due course of time, and were thence forwarded to 
 Calcutta. Freed at length from all anxiety on this head, the 
 Commander-in-chief turned his undivided attention to the 
 insolent enemy who still remained in his presence. At eleven 
 o'clock in the forenoon of the 6th of December, he began the 
 attack by shelling them out of the town, and then fell on them 
 with his infantry. They waited not to come to close quarters, 
 but fled in hot haste toward. Calpee, closely pursued by the 
 cavalry under Brigadier Hope Grant. So rapid was their flight, 
 that they were not overtaken till they had reached the Serai- 
 ghaut. Plunging into the river, they vzaded or swam to the 
 other side, abandoning fifteen guns and all their ammunition, 
 stores, and baggage. Never was rout more complete, or more 
 easily accomplished. Deprived of their artillery, the Gwalior 
 Contingent ceased to be an object of apprehension, and by their 
 flight into Oude, liberated a large force that must otherwise 
 have been detailed to watch their movements. It now became 
 possible to institute a grand hattue against the mutineers — to 
 draw them together as in a net, and to crush them. With this 
 object in view. Colonel Franks, a very distinguished officer, was 
 instructed to collect the reinforcements, as they marched up 
 country, at Benares, and to block the south-eastern frontier of 
 Oude. Toward the north-east all escape was impossible, from 
 the arrival at Goruckpore of 9,000 Ghoorkas, under the im- 
 mediate command of Jung Bahadooi', the ruling minister of 
 Nepaul. On the west, a movable column from Delhi, after 
 pacifying the surrounding district, was prepared to reoccupy 
 Bohilcund, recover Bareilly, and give the hand to the avenging 
 army of Sir Colin Campbell. The final suppression of the 
 mutiny was the work of more than one campaign. 
 
 /,