\ I . ,,"■ A. "jj-foe^,^^ RECOLLECTIONS OP HENRY WATKINS ALLEN BRIGADIER-GENERAL CONFEDERATE STATES ARBOT EX-GOVERNOR OF LOUISIANA, T BY SARAH A. DORSET. NEW YORK: PUBLISHED BY M. DOOLADY, 448 BROOME STREET. NEW ORLEANS: JAMES A. GRESHAM, 92 Cajsip Street. €^'-- Entered according to Act of (Congress, in Iho year ISCfl, By M. DOOLADT In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Soutb»ra District of New York. /M^24 // /I DEDICATED TO THE PEOPLE OF LOUISIANA, WHOM HE LOVED SO DEAKLY, SERVED SO TRULY, AND FOR WHOSE SAKE HE DIED AN EXILE, BY FILIA. *' A man that fortune's buffets and rewards hast ta'en with equal thanks ! And bless'd are those "Whose blood and judgment are so well commingled, That they are not a pipe for fortune's finger, to sound what stop she please." Hamlet, Act iii., scene 2. " And you ought to take very great ca.s, when you are about to praise or blame any man, that you speak correctly.''' Plato— The Minos. " But such acts as no poet has yet thrown round them a renown suited to their worth, and lohich are still in remembrance, all these it seems I ought, by praising, to call to mind, and by introducing them to others, make them a sub- ject for songs and other kinds of poetry, according to the actors." Plato — The Menexenus. " For the main point in biography is, to present tJie man in all his relations to his time, and to show to what extent it may have opposed or prospered his development. What view of mankind and the world he has shaped from it, and how far he himself may be an external reflection of its spirit." Goethe— Wahrheit und Dichtung. CONTENTS Tb.1S.VA0Z g BOOK I. Birth. — Ancestry. -- Childhood. — Youth. — Manhood. — Teaching School.— Texas.— Marriage.— Death of Salome 17 BOOK II. Planting.— Cooper's Wells.— Colonel N.— Baton Kouge.— Allendale.— Lake St. Joseph.— The Swans.-College.— European Tour.— State-House Grounds.— ^ Love of Flowers.-Masic— Poetry. 87 BOOK III. Virginia.— Visit to his Mother's Grave.— In Havana.— Confederate War.— Ship Island.- Duels.- Code of Honor.— Fort Berwick Chene.— Jackson 58 BOOK IV. " Holding tho Eiver."— Beauregard.— Lovell.— Polk.— Shiloh 68 BOOK V. " Holding the Elver."— New Orleans 88 BOOK YI. "HoldingthcRiver."—Vick3burg.— First Bombardment.— The Arkansas.. 117 8 CONTENTS. BOOK VII. "Holding the PJver." —Battle of Baton Eouge. — The Arkausaa. — Allen wounded 127 BOOK VIII. " Holding the Kiver."— Taylor's Gunboat Expedition 153 BOOK IX. Elver lost.— Grant's March.— Fall of Vicksburg 159 BOOK X. Gubernatorial Life.— Banks' Kaid.— Incidents of Surrender 288 BOOK XI. Journey. — Life in Mexico. — Editor of the "Mexican Times." — Illness.— Death. — Correspondence about bringing back Eemains. — End 807 APPENDIX. Message to Legislature.— Governor Allen and Missouri. — Letter of Instruction to Colonel . — Ladies of New Orleans to Allen. — Correspondence. — Bon- necage and Farragut.— Demand for State Papers by Herron.— The Mexican Times. — Tribute to Allen. — Leaves from Journal of Allen's Friend near Grand Gulf. 877 PREFACE. Many friends of the late " Confederate" Governor of Loui- siana, cognizant of the close friendship and intimacy which existed between us, instigated by an affectionate curiosity, awakened naturally by the unusual circumstances in which, as a people, we find ourselves placed at this epoch of time, — desirous to know all that can be made public of the private life of one so justly beloved, who expiated in exile the " crime" of having fought for us and served us, — these still grateful friends have requested me to write a sketch of his life and give it to the public. It is very essential, for the sake of Southern honor, and the position which may be accorded us in the future pages of impartial histor^^, that we, Southern people, should also put on record on the files of Time, so far as we can, our version of the terrific struggle in which we have been so recently engaged, and from which we have emerged — after four years of unparalleled suffering, gallant resistance, and stern endurance of, all the fiercest vicissitudes of any war ever waged by any peoples — broken in fortunes, defeated in battle, crushed, bleeding, and subjugated I Yet, amidst the misery and ruin that surround us, we feel sadness, but no confusion of face ; regret, but no humiliation. We did put lives and wealth in the balance of fortune, risking, and willing to risk all for what we considered more valuable than they. We believed our rights invaded, our liberties attacked, and we fought to defend them as well as we could. 10 preface; " That for wliicli man offers up his blood or his property mast be more valuable than they. In short, only for the nobility within us, only for virtue, -will man open his veins, and offer up his spirit. But this nobility, this virtue, presents different phases: with the Christian martyr it is faith ; with the savage it is honor ; with the republican it is liberty. "Jean Paul F. Richter." In the thought of the Southern people in 1861, all three sentiments were combined — faith, honor, love of libert^^ They conscientiously believed all these to be attached. I am, by no means, asserting here that it was so, — that the Republican party of the Northern States was, and had been for years, preaching with all the fervor and enthusiasm of Peter the Hermit, a crusade against Southern institutions, and outraging the Southern heart in its keenest and most vital susceptibil- ities ! That question must be decided in the mind of each individual, for him or her self. I only say, the Southern people thought so ! and acted under the force of that impression. The justice or injustice of their cause must be decided by a higher and more impartial Judge than I. According to human judgment, success is the measure of righteousness in any cause. In that aspect, the South has been judged already. She fought — she was weak, she is de- feated ! She, however — and on this point we must insist — she fought this war from beginning to end, believing' conscien- tiously sbe was doI..g only hnr natural duty. The " Confederate cross," we were persuaded, was raised in honor, and when it sunk below the world's horizon, crimson with the blood of Southern men, shed so freely and so vainly, we felt it went down behind the purple sea of war without dishonor. Frankly and courageously, we, as a noble, true people should do, have accepted the issue from the red hand of Mars. It remains to be seen, whether those fraternal adver- saries, who forced us into peace, overpowering us by superior numbers — whether they who have been the victors in this Titf^nic contest, are as great in the intoxication of success as we, the conquered, show ourselves to be, in submission. Our PREFACE. 11 faults as a People are doubtless many, but deceit and hypocrisy are not among- them. There will probably be as much instruction for us in the study and close examination of the men who have been prom- inent among us in our recent contest ; as many lessons for us to learn of what is admirable and what is weak in the Southern organization, as, perhaps, pages of interest or pas- time for the world beyond, in learning what sort of men they met in the shock of battle — what kind of Greeks they have overpowered ! To some extent the very fame of our recent adversaries is concerned in this matter. They should remember it height- ened the glory of Achilles to have a Hector as an opponent I Some Homer, some Thuc^^dides, may hereafter arise for us both ! I do not, therefore, apologize for the spirit or expression of feeling, the tone of this work. It is only what would natu- rally be looked for in a Southern woman. I have some hope for my country, that it may yet live, even if " brokenly on," if President Johnson's policy can be sustained ; and would be loth to say or write one word which could frustrate his noble efforts. But regarding the War as being the full fruitage of the tree of Radicalism ; knowing that my people believed themselves fighting, not against the true version of the Con- stitution of the United States, but to sustain the fundamental principles of Republican liberty ; thinking that New England taught us the doctrine of Secession, which we were very desirous to apply peaceably, and were not permitted to do, — I do not hesitate to say openly what we thought, felt, and did, during the war. I write of what was^ not what is. I have nothing ta gain. I have nothing to fear. AYhy should T not write truth, for the sake of my dead friend, and my almosi: dead country I I believe in the continued though transformed existence of my friend. I have hopes in the resurrection of his body. I have some glimmering trust, some faint hopes, in the resurrection of my native land. Allah, Akbar I 12 PEEFACE. We are grateful to the men who fought, bled, died, are in prison, or exile for our sakes I We ought not ! we must not I we cannot ! we will not, forget them 1 Hymns and paeans of praise ; essays in prose and verse ; orations, ovations, and triumphs, decreed to the heroes of the successful army, swell from the lips of poets and orators and writers in the North, and are wafted' to our ears on the wings of every breeze. Can we be expected to ignore, so soon, all that made our hearts burn and glow twelve little months ago ? Because we are unfortunate, because we have no sympathy in all this wide world, no royal coronations of wreaths or " golden crowns,^^ no clapping of hands to stir our souls, but are alone in our sorrow, must we forget deeds as brave and hearts as true as any the world has ever produced ? Memory and gratitude are all that is left us. Our hopes are laid in the deep, deep graves scattered through our once fertile valleys. Are buried under the mounds, rising like beacons on our hillsides. Be silent then, and let us weep ! We are not mourning over a desolated land I The soil is quick and prolific. It will bloom again, even under the hands of the Invaders. We are not raising the sad lament over burnt homesteads or hearthstones dyed in blood I They can be rebuilt. We do not groan over riches that have flown away in smoke on the pinions of fire ; or that lie heaped in ashes at our feet ! We weep only for our Bead, our slain in battle, fallen in vain. We are weeping silently tears of blood in our seemingly quiet hearts, over that Man, the embodiment of our Cause, the faithful servant of our will, shut up so long in the dreary prison-walls of Fortress Monroe — for those be- loved ones who have felt themselves di^iven by necessity away, " to lay their mutilated limbs in stranger soil." Day after day we number over the leaden hours and think of that man in that weary, weary prison ; the marks of the chains still on those noble limbs, that the generosity . and the strength of a great and victorious people ought never to have permitted to be fettered. We are not indifferent to all these things. We PREFACE, 13 would be more or less than human if we were I But we are very patient, and are a very sad people I What is tliere to fear from us now — from sick, worn, feeble, wounded men, broken down by care, anxiet}^, personal privation, and national distress — from a people sitting in sackcloth among the ruins of their homes ! On the sad day, June 1th, 1865, when my friend turned away from the door of our temporary home in Texas, and set his face pilgrimwise towards the West, — still dark, under the faint rays of the early morning, while we stood grouped around him, with aching hearts and eyes too full of tears even to see clearly the slender, worn, maimed form, the face so pale from fatigue and emotion, for whose dear sake we kept the tear undropped, and forced back the words of grief that would else have sprung bitterly from our lips, — as he pressed my hand for the last time, he said : ''I have been asked to give notes for my biography — I have not yet done it — but if you survive me, will you write it, if it should be asked for again ?" This request he often repeated in his letters — in the last one I ever received from him he makes it again. The promise then given I now attempt to fulfil. I do not, therefore, in undertaking this task of friendship, waste the time, or exhaust the patience of readers with vain and useless apologies for unskilfulness and deficiency on my part. It is enough for me to know that my friend considered it wise to intrust the rendering of his life's history to my feeble hand, although I feel it to be a task better fitted to fingers used rather to handle the sword than the distaif. It is an ambitious venture for a woman, with her feminine mind, which, though often acute, subtle, penetrating, and analytic, is too entirely subjective, to attempt in any way the writing of history. It was a mistake in the wise Greeks to make the Deity presiding over History, a woman. It needs the broad, objective grasp of the masculine soul to do justice to general History ; but women may perhaps write Biogra- phies, just as they paint best, flowers, animals, subjects of still 14 PREFACE. • life, that require close, refined, loving scrutin}-, in which affec- tion and patience may be useful in giving accuracy and penetration to the eye, and which require fine, dainty touches of the pencil, and minute, careful elaboration. I know of no instance in any Literature where a woman has written general History in a manrer at all satisfactory. From Anna Commena to the still living Greek Princess Doria d'Istria, whose History of Roumania has some local celebrity ; Mrs. Strickland, Mrs. Pardee, etc., etc., have all merely written Biographies. But Annalists and anomalies must precede Livys and Tacituses. Women make very good storj'-tellers. So then, it is with no vain or audacious thought of attempting to enter the Arena occupied — if occupied by any woman, by the two Imperial Greeks, " born in the Purple of genius," as well as of temporal empire — that I take up my pen and relate in plain and simple style, the only way I know how to v.-rite, the story of the life and fortunes of one Confederate Soldier, whoso career involved grave questions of public history and interest. It can readii}" be perceived how difficult it will be to write fully and unreservedly any man's inner life, and yet observe the reverence and decorum due to all other persons necessarily connected and mingled with that single existence ! I beg, therefore, that all those persons who may be incidentally mentioned in the course of this narrative, will do me the justice to believe that I shall try to say honestly what I have to say, endeavoring to free m.y mind from partialities and prejudices, regarding them as a painter does his subordinate figures, using them only to give light and shadow to his central group, and disposing them as well as he can to give vitality, distinctness, and prominence to the one portrait it is his aim to present to the world. This is only one difficulty I have to contend against in this pleasing task. Humboldt says, that in gazing at any star, each man sees it differently, owing to the diversity of the receptive power in the visual organs, common to all humanity. He saw eight rays of light proceeding from a single star, while other astronomers saw PREFACE. 15 but four, or six, and some but two. So is it with mental vision. It is not your idea, My Reader, it is not anybodj^'s but my own, of the man whose life I attempt to sketch in the following pages, that I must place before you — it is what I saw, I must describe. And here arises another source of dis- satisfaction between us. You may consider the drawing I make exaggerated, because I see eight rays where you saw but four ; or imperfect, because I see but two where 3'ou saw six. Coldly, a portrait of my wounded, exiled, dead friend, could scarcely be drawn by my pencil — too warmly, perhaps, you may think it. Should this attempt be favorably received, I may be en- couraged to progress still further in this, my labor of love ; like Old Mortality, freshening the epitaphs, which are already yielding to the corroding tooth of Time, on the gravestones of Southern heroes. I may be able to lay a branch of Yew, on jomy grave in Augusta, oh I beloved, Spiritual Father, who sealed with your precious blood your pure devotion to your flock, unless it should be done by abler hands than mine. " Sicut Parvula [nam exemplo est] magni formica laboris. Ore trabit quod cunque potest atque adit acervo, Quern struit haud ignora, ac non incauta futuri I"* Most of this work, where it touches upon the story of the War, is merely a compilation of caref il selections from official documents and contemporary journals. I ofier no apology for the literal and free use I have made of such papers, feeling assured the authors will justify such needful plagiarisms. I beg to acknowledge special obligations to Generals Beaure- * " Thus the little ant (for she may serve for an example) of great industry, carries with her mouth whatever she is able, and adds to her heap, which she piles up, by no means ignorant of and not improvident of the future." — Horace 16 PEEFACE. • gard, Mansfield Lovell, S. B. Buckner, and Pemberton. To Colonels Thomas H. Hunt, J. M. Sandidge, Henry Denis, Major E. Sinjet, of Taylor's staff; Captain Eglin, of Polignac's staff ; Captain James McCloskey, Mr. Halsey, Dr. Amzi Martin, Ex-Governor Ligon, of Maryland, Hon. F. Watkins, of Vir- ginia, Dr. Lindsay, of IN'ew Orleans, and all the other friends of Ex-Governor Allen, who have aided me in procuring data for this Memorial. " FiLIA." Lake St. Joseph, Tensas Parish, Louisiana, July 16th, 1866. RECOLLECTIONS OF HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. BOOK I Birth.— Ancestry.— Childhood. — Youth.— Manhood.— Texas.— Marriage. — Death of Salome. Henry Watkins Allen was born in the county of Prince Edward, near Farmville, State of Virginia, on the 29th day of April, 1820. His father. Dr. Thomas Allen, a graduate of Hampden Sydney College, was of Scotch extraction. Dr. Allen was a medical practitioner of some distinction; a man of sterling integrity and uprightness — indomitable in the vicissi- tudes of fortune — but who seems to have been somewhat stern and inflexible in his family relations. The mother of H. W. Allen — Ann Watkins — was descended from a Welsh family, who doubtless transmitted with the Cymric blood, its heredi- ' tary virtues of daring, valor, constancy, and impulsive tender- ness, as well as its faults of impetuosity, sudden passion, and hastiness of revenge — for sometimes even imaginary insults or griefs. In the mother, however, as is often the case in women belonging to such fiery races, only the gentlest and softest characteristics were developed. The ancient British blood in her veins was truly " gentle." She was universally beloved, and only distinguished among her own ijoz by pre- 18 RECOLLECTIONS OF • senting in her character all feminine virtues in their loveliest and most attractive form. The first mention of a Watkins in the history of Virginia, was of one " James Watkins," a companion of " Captain John Smith," in his expeditions in 160*1 and '8. Another of the family, Thomas Watkins, of Chickahominy, died in 1783. This ancestor seemed to think his children would succeed better in the battle of life, unencumbered with the burden of money. So he added a codicil to his will de- vising- large bequests of real and personal estate to persons " not members of his family." There was no proof of the ex- ecution of the writing purporting to be a codicil to the will, and it never went to record. By operation of the then exist- ing law, the old man died intestate as to the property men- tioned in the codicil; the real estate, therefore, descended to the eldest son, Henry Watkins, and the personal assets, by virtue of the will, went to the brothers and sisters. The sons and daughters, however, appear to have been anxious to carry out the old gentleman's wishes, though it deprived them of interests of value. There being some infants, minors inter- ested in the succession, there seems to have been some diflScul- ties in fulfilling the intentions of the testator. But these were overcome, and the children not only relinquished to the in- tended Beneficiaries their right and title to the property in question, but also made liberal contributions to the intended Devisees. Instances of integrity and virtue such as this, are rare in any age. Henry and Thomas seem to have con- tinued to be family names amongst these worthy people throughout their generations — names now borne honorably by the subject of this sketch, Henry Watkins Allen, and Thomas Watkins Ligon, his cousin, ex-governor of Maryland. The Watkinses are related to many of the best Virginia families — the Fiuchards, Carringtons, Venables, etc., etc., etc. Thomas Watkins, grandson of Thomas of Chickahominy, deserves most honorable mention. His father resolved to give him the best advantages of education (these people always prized HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 10 learning and cultivation, it socms), afforded b}^ the schools of the period of his youth, and although the Revolutionary War prevented the full execution of this purpose, Thomas received far more cultivation than was usually bestowed upon the sons of Planters. In 1^80, Thomas Watkins made an earnest appeal to the patriotism of his neighbors and youthful com- panions, to give him their aid in attempting to achieve the liberties of the country. By his efforts a troop of Horse was organized in Prince Edward County, and he was elected Captain of it. He offered his company of Cavalry to " Colonel Lee," and desired to be enrolled in his " Legion." Watkins' troop presenting a rather plain and unattractive appearance, his application was rejected ; subsequent events proved to Colonel Lee that he had acted unwisely, but when the Colonel, after the battle of Guilford, expressed a desire that the Prince Edward troop should join him. Captain Watkins indig- nantly refused to do it — he preferred serving under General Greene. This Troop has continued its organization to this day. The "Watkins troop" fought in the recent war. At the battle of Guilford Courthouse, March, 1Y81, Captain Thomas Watkins was distinguished for his gallantry: in single combat he won laurels. " Colonel George Washington" wrote a letter to Captain Watkins, after the action at Guilford, in which the bravery and skill of the Prince Edward troop and their com- mander is highly extolled and commended. Thomas Watkins died in ITQt. On his death-bed he revealed a secret, "that had pressed heavily on his soul, and caused him great unhap- piness," he said, "from the time of its occurrence until the end of his life." In a personal rencontre with a British Officer, at the battle of Guilford, he gave, in his impetuosity, a mortal blow, with his sword, to his gallant adversar}", before he per- ceived that the Officer had asked for " quarter," and was sur- rendering his weapon. He said he Lad never forgiven himself this hasty act, but had mourned it in silence. Doctor Thomas Allen had seven children born to him in his marriage with Ann Watkins. Mary, the eldest daughter, 20 KECOLLECTIONS OF married the Hon. P. L. Edwards, of Missouri, now of Califor- nia ; Elizabeth, the second, became the wife of Ephraim B. Ewing, Judge of the Supreme Court of Missouri. Both of these daughters are living. The eldest son, Nathaniel, was killed in the battle of San Jacinto, Texas ; the second son, William, served a campaign in Florida, removed to Missouri, died in Kay County ; the third son, Charles, a very promising young man, died also in Kay County, immediately after graduating at the University of Missouri ; the youngest son, Richard, at the age of fifteen years, joined General Price's command, and went through his Mexican campaign. Returning home, he remained but a short time in Missouri, then went to California, where he resides at present. Henry Watkins was the fourth son of Dr. Allen. It would be easy for an Ethnologist and Psychologist to trace back the sources from whence he has derived those personal character- istics which have given him some fame in the history of the South. The Scotch blood, with its proud independence and its determinate resistance to the ruggedness of fortune ; the Cymric, with its fire, its impetuosity, its soft-he arte dness ; and the American principles — the Revolutionary pride, instilled into him at his mother's knee — the models of military skill and burning Virginian patriotism amongst his ancestors held up, as examples and stimulants, before his youthful mind — all these influences could scarcely fail to produce a proud, ro- mantic, chivalric nature, in which we find so much to admire, — perhaps something to condemn — a courageous rashness, an impulse to strike at a word, which oftentimes leads, indeed, sometimes did lead, to sorrow and regret in our hero, for a hasty speech or angry stroke; as the same qualities produced in his grandfather, at the battle of Guilford, an act which caused life- long self-reproach. But there never was any malice or nursing of wrath in this nature ; — rash, but true ; quick, but not malignant ; flashing with sudden ire, but sweet and sound in temper ; with nothing hidden, nothing mean, heartfelt warmth, earnest affection, HEI^TRY WATKINS ALLEN. 21 constancy, generosity, no revenge, with a softness and tender- ness of soul almost feminine. Behold here the qualities which have made the name and memory of Henry W. Allen a sound of love and pleasant recollections in the ears of Louisianians, and which forced them to turn away with poignant regret from the thought that he should have been compelled to divide his fate from that of the Land of his birth, and to lay the limbs, mutilated for her sake, in the sad grave of an Exile. In 1833, Doctor Allen removed to Kay County, Missouri, with his motherless children, leaving the remains of his gentle Wife, the sweet, tender mother, to rest under the daisies that spring so abundantly all over the green sods of Virginia. Doctor Allen's natural sternness was perhaps increased by the very great grief he experienced in the loss of his incomparably lovely Wife. He mourned her always, but in silence, shutting up his sorrow in his own heart. He was a devout man, ac- cording to the rigid tenets of Scotch Presbyterianism, in which denomination he was conspicuous, being what is called " an Elder" in their organization. His faith was firm, his aspira- tions lofty, his integrity undoubted ; strong, able, compressed in nature, reserved in speech, immutable in will, immaculate in character, not unloving, but never demonstrative ; a man who would be felt as a power, an influence in any position or Society. While en route fi-om Virginia to Missouri, a little incident occurred which exhibits the fugose temperament of the child Henry. His father reproved him for some petty misdemeanor, harshly, in words that so wounded the sensitive heart of the child, that they turned all his natural sweetness of temper into gall, and made him gloomy, furious, and miserable — so miser- able he desired to die. The transit of the family was made overland — there being few facilities of water-carriage in the West at that period. Whilst Henry was in the midst of his tempest of passion against his father, himself, and the whole World, the family caravan arrived at a narrow bridge, over a very deep stream. As the wagon crossed this bridge, Henry 22 RECOLLECTIONS OF observed that it shook and swayed fearfully under the heavy weight. The father drove very carefully and slowly, seeing the tremulous vibration of this Western Al Sirat ; but the ang-ry, dauntless child was seized with a sudden desire to put an end to his own wretchedness, and to revenge himself on the whole party. Springing from the wagon, when it reached the middle of the rocking bridge, he deliberately set himself to leaping up and down upon it, frantically hoping to make it give way from its already trembling supports. Of course he was instantly seized by his alarmed friends, and his impotent childish rage being appeased, exhausted itself in floods of penitent tears. He never could be governed by brute force ; but gentleness and persuasion were irresistible powers over his quick sensibility. Henry had attended school in Virginia, from the house of his uncle Henry Watkins — for whom he was named — and for whom all the contemporary members of the family appear to have had the deepest reverence and the high- est estimation. The School he went to was a mixed neighbor- hood school, such as are common in the South in rural districts, " Where," writes a schoolfellow of his, *' Henry was distin- guished for his aptness to learn, for his high-toned honor and politeness, especially towards the little girls, whose champion he w^as always ready to be, as well as of the younger and weaker boys. He had always a blow prepared for any sort of an Oppressor; though he was quite obedient to rule, never was contumacious nor unforgiving." Even as a child, he had found the fairy secret of winning love from those about him. A secret he had either inherited or learned on the soft bosom of his mother — " Love begets love I" He retained it through life, being, even to the day of his death, simple, frank, eager, grateful, demonstrative — some might have thought to excess. But in spite of Mr. Locke, and the profound Reasoners of his school, every-day experiences teach us, that nature, like murder, " will out," to a greater or less extent. Proclivities may be restrained, they can rarely be eradicated, and so Henry was always more like his warm, loving, Welsh mother, than his HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 23 reserved, colder, Scotch father. Henry was sent to school for awhile in Missouri. Dr. Allen now decided to make a merchant of this son. So he was taken from school, which he quitted most reluctantly, and put in the store of S. B. Stramacke, in the little town of Lexington, Missouri. He acted here in the capacity of store Boy, at first — later, as an under Clerk. He remained here twelve months, but his tastes were not for trade, the life and its occupations were insupportable to him. He longed to go back to school to pursue his studies, so rudely broken off in the midst of his ambitious application to them. Books were always his delight. To become a lawyer, or better still, a soldier — his earnest, eager, boyish dream of glory and distinction I'^ Dr. Allen, growing slowly conscious of his son's great unhappiness in the career his paternal prudence had marked out for him, seeing Henry's unconquerable distaste to mercantile life, yielded at last to his son's importunities, and removing him from Mr. Stramacke's establishment, permitted him to enroll himself among the students of Marion College, Missouri. AVe will see later in the history of our hero, that the knowledge of trade, and the laws which govern it, that Henry learned at Mr. Stramacke's, during what he then_ re- garded as lost and misapplied time, proved of immense value to him and to thousands of human beings under the exigencies of his gubernatorial responsibilities. But he was now very glad to get away from counters and book-keeping. He re- mained at Marion College only two years ; his College friends speak of him with great affection. Amongst these were Slaybrock, Page, the Bentons, and Brant of Missouri ; Poller of Texas ; and Charles Singleton of Now Orleans. While at College he heard accidentally that his father had been insulted by an officer of the State militia. Just at that hour, Henry was not altogether pleased with his father. Lov- ing each other profoundly, yet there was no affinity between the reserved father, cold and rigid as Brutus, and the impulsive, impassioned son. As Henry advanced in years, he learned to value his upright Father, to understand and reverence the fine, 2.4 EECOLLECTIONS OF strong nature ; but during his childhood and youth, it was only his Mother, and his Mother's memory that he worshipped, with a lavi'^"' idolatry, that neither time, absence, nor death itself was ever strong enough to lessen. Even to the day of his death, in speaking of her, his voice trembled and took a softer tone. But he would not allow his old Father to be in- sulted, so he sat down immediately, wrote to the Officer, de- manding either an ample apology to his Father, or a hostile meeting without delay. The apology came. His companions of this period declare him to have been aflectionate, generous, and just, but impatient of ridicule, and sensitive to a fault, in what he esteemed "jnatters of honor," of which, even at that early age, he had formed his oiun code ! He had a merry, light heart, an April temperament, full of sunshine, yet clouded in an instant with sorrow. Alwaj^s ready for fun or frolic ; a lithe, active frame, thrilling with nervous energy. Stung by some fancied wrong at the hands of his Father, Henry resolved to leave College and be "independent." "Honor, independ- ence," those two words, and the qualities they represent, were the master-keys in the intricate wards of his impetuous, often suffering heart, through life. One other passionate desire, the love of being loved, the love of approbation, was as strong in him then, as Dr. Brown says, " it should be," in all human souls ; as strong as it was in the exquisite soul of Mozart, who wept when his friends hesitated in responding to the naive question of the wonderful Musician — " Il^aimez-vous Men .^" It is a beautiful chord in a human soul, especially when it is the dominant — that of honor, self-reliance, and love! It was beautiful in this boy's heart. Henry ran away from College at the age of seventeen, came down the Mississippi Kiver to the little village of Grand Gulf — which during the recent war has acquired historic fame. It was a thriving place at that time. He did not know a human being here, and was without a dollar in his pocket ; but he had capital in his youth, energy, health, and a fair English education. HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 25 It was Sunday morning, a group of three Gentlemen stood talking together, when a steamboat landed, and , a plank was liastily thrown out. A lithe, active, fair-haired /'"y of seven- teen, walked briskly off the Boat to the shore, — beardless, neatly dressed, a small carpet-bag in his hand. Stepping up to the gentlemen, he accosted them frankly and trustfully — " Gentlemen, can you tell me whether there is a probability of m}^ getting a place as a teacher anywhere here ? — my money is out, and I want work." . Attracted by the candor and youthful confidence of the lad, one of the group replied " Yes," and taking the youth by the arm, led him to a gentleman just issuing from the church door. " This gentleman wants a teacher for his sons : Mr. M' Alpine, this is Mr. ," looking at the youth to supply the hiatus in the introduction. " Allen," replied the boy promptly. The preliminaries were soon settled, and Allen was installed as pedagogue in Mr. W. R. M'Alpine's family — a wealthy planter, who lived a few miles back of Grand Gulf. He taught for two years in this estimable family, who have ever since been num- bered among his warmest friends. The two boys he educated here, now fill Soldiers' graves, on the battle-fields of the Con- federacy. They grew to be noble youths, developing in man- hood the lessons of high feeling and principle instilled into them by their young Preceptor. They were always devoted in their attachment to him. His influence over them only ceased with the bright young lives that they offered so bravely on the altar of the country. lieuYy now decided to remove to Grand Gulf and open a school on a large scale. He had begun to study law in his leisure hours, that profession which gives the open sesame to ambition in the United States, which, like all Republics, is governed principally by Oratory. Masses of people, who have elective privileges, are always under the magical influence of eloquence. It was so in ancient Greece I It was so in repub- lican Rome ! It is so in America ! Henry studied law at night, while he continued to teach school during the day. 2 26 EECOLLECTIONS OF After a while lie devoted himself altog"ether to his law-books, in the office of Torrey & Brenham. He was licensed to prac- tise b}^ the late Judge Coalter. He was doing ver}^ w^ell in his favorite profession, was quite successfnl as a young law^^er, when a bombshell fell in the midst of his pacific pursuits, and scattered all his ideas of devotion to Themis. In 1842, Presi- dent Houston issued a proclamation calling for assistance against Mexico — for volunteers to fight for the freedom of Texas. Here was an appeal to all the weaknesses (?) of our hero in one loud call. An oppressed and outnumbered people, begging for aid, and also an opportunity for attaining military experience, and perhaps diditiction f Of course the grand- sons of old Thomas Watkins, of Guilford C. H., could not re- sist that temptation. It was not in their nature to do it. So, as we already know, Nathaniel in Missouri, and Henry in Mis- sissippi, without consultation, volunteered, a pi'incijyis, to go to Texas. Henry immediately raised a company and went over. On his arrival at Galveston his services were gladly accepted by President Houston. The battle of San Jacinto was fought — Nathaniel Allen fell. The brother's heart was mourning ; though he was content with the recompense bought by the sacrifice of that, to him, most precious life. Texas was now free. Nathaniel fell in the hour of victory, and slept with honor on the flower-embroidered prairie of the enfranchised republic. It is a pleasant resting-place, one of those Texan prairies — they are bo thick with bloom and verdure. In that dry at- mosphere, the wild-flowers seem peculiarly fragrant. Bulbs abound — hibiscus, glowing crimson ; narcissi, a sort of blue narcissus with a golden centre ; ornithigalliums of fine- rayed corollas double as daisies, white with calices of tender lilac bordered with green, so delicate they droop in the pluck- ing ; crimson poppy-mallows, hanging their heads heavily, as Clyte did hers in the Greek Sculptor's thought, on their long, Blender, hairy footstalks ; purple Iris, small, T^a'iandyed, HEKRY WATKINS ALLEN. 27 flecked with white and gold dots ; hxrkspurs, pink, and white, and blue ; pale, flesh-colored prairie-pinks ; long, full racemes of straw-colored cassias ; great bunches of white papiliona- ceous blossoms, set in ovate leaves of light olive-green ; starry heleniums ; coreopsis too, yellow, eight-cleft, darkening into brown-red disk florets ; foxgloves, white and violet-spotted ; pink and purple campanulas, cymes of golden bloom, like English wallflowers ; panicles of downj'-, azure, four-petalled blossoms, like Swiss forget-me-nots ; bull-nettles, with prickly runcinate leaf, guarding a tender, snow-white, soft bloom, which rivals the Indian jasmine in its exquisite fragrance and graceful beauty. All sorts of salvias, verbenas, mints, and wild balms, grow profascly on those prairies, mingled with the delicate, fine-leaved, close-creeping vines of the lemon-colored and pink-blossomed, vanilla-scented sensitive plants (mimo- sas), and the rich green of the musquite and gamma-grasses, making a lovely covering even over graves. And above all this blossoming earth, stretches out a vast dome of clear blue sky, vast as the horizon on the wide open sea 1 Being mustered into the service for six months, Captain Allen and his company were shipped to Corpus Christi, thence to San Patricio, where they guarded the frontier and fought the Mexicans during the Summer. On the termination of his engagement, his command was ordered to rendezvous at Egypt, on the Colorado, where they were honorably discharged. Most of them returned to their homes in the United States. It was here, while only twenty-two years of ago, that Allen exhibited the qualities essential to military command — the whole re- sponsibility of conducting the expeditionary forces, from the frontier to the Colorado, devolviiig on him. He made his re- port to Secretary Hockey, the head of the War-oftice of the Kepublic of Texas, received the thanks and praises of the President and Secretary of War, and then resolved to return to his home on the banks of his beloved Mississippi — that stream, which, though unattractive and devoid of beauty to the eyes of strangers, exercises a magic power of attraction to 28 RECOLLECTIONS OF all who have lived on its banks, until they come to think a draught of its brown water a drink of the Gods, and long- for a view of its dark, rapid, hurrying current, with the same yearn- ing that the German feels for his father Rhine, or the Swiss for his snowy Alps. We do not say our land is more fair than any other — our rivers as limpid — our skies bluer. We only say — ^just as it is — ive love it ! That we find beauty in those vast, level, prolific lowlands ; in the tangled swamps, filled with precious cypress-trees ; in the luxuriant vegetation ; in the stately oaks ; in the long, gray, sweeping, Spanish-moss ; in the wild prodigality of wreathing, garlanding, climbing, clasping, crushing vines, in which our forests are almost smothered ; in our lovely lakes — glimmering opals in the de- clining light of such glorious, deeply-hued sunset clouds, as colder and clearer climes can give no idea of ; in all the peace- ful charms of a purely agricultural life ; in all the associations of the hospitable homes of a cheerful, simple, refined people, whose ancestors once bowed in the stately presence of Louis XIV., did homage to the haughty Spanish king", or rode witii Sir Walter Raleigh in the tourneys held in honor of the virgin Queen. We have heard Captain Allen relate with gusto, one or two incidents that occurred at Houston on this youthful expedition, which we incorporate here as illustrative of life in Texas at that early period. On his arrival at Houston, 1842, he re- ported to President Sam Houston, who occupied as the Execu- tive ofiice a small brick building on the Buffalo Bayou. The President received him very kindly. After the ordinary civil- ities had been exchanged between them, Captain Allen told him lie " had brought a company of volunteers from Mississippi to join the army of TexasP Houston's eyes twinkled. He said, with mock gravity : " Captain Allen, I did not know there loas any army of Texas." [Those familiar with the history of Texas, and Houston's almost despairing efforts to gather an army, will not wonder at such words from his lips at that time.] HENEY WATKINS ALLEN. 29 Allen looked surprised. " Mr. President, is not General Burleson with the army at San Antonio V' '' Yes," was the caustic reply, " the thief is there.''' " What I is your vice-president a thief f" " Yes, sir ! he is I and I intend to have him shot P' Allen became uneasy, and grew anxious to get out of the presence of the chief magistrate of Texas, who was going to have the vice-president shot ! But General Houston soon got over his pettishne&s, and re- laxing into a bright, fascinating smile, said with great amia- bility— " Allen, Burleson is a good-natured sort of a fellow : how do you suppose he spells whig V Allen responded respectfully, he could imagine but one way to spell that very simple word. Houston laughed ; turning to his private secretary he said dryly : " Mr. Mills, be good enough to show Captain Allen the letter just received from General Burleson !" Allen took the letter, and was amused to discover that the vice-president had made terrible havoc amongst vowels and consonants all through the epistle, and that he spelled '* whig^' " ichighP Allen returned the letter with the thought that Burleson was partial to what Greek scholars call '' rough breathings." But if the vice-president of Texas could not spell correctly, he knew how to make " his mark'' with his sword. And he did make it, so that his memory is deeply revered in Texas, which owes him a large debt of gratitude. The other incident we take from a private letter, giving it in Allen's own words. " When I was in Houston, in 1842, I saw a large crowd at the Courthouse ; being a lawyer, as you know, I was naturally attracted by the concourse flowing into the place of justi%. I found a criminal trial in progress there — a man was being tried for murder in the first degree. He was defended by Esquire T , who was considered the greatest criminal 30 RECOLLECTIONS OF lawyer in Houston. The prosecuting" attorney closed his case, and informed Esquire T , in legal parlance, ''that he rested." The counsel for the murderer informed the prosecuting attorney, without proffering a single additional word, that he also rested the case, having no witnesses to produce. " To the surprise of the court, jury, bystanders, and even of the criminal himself, who looked visibly uneasy, the case was thus submitted to the jury without any evidence what- ever on the part of the defendant. The prosecuting attorney read the indictment, cited the law, summed up the facts, and gave way to his brother of the law to reply, in evident con- sciousness of entire success. " Esquire T rose up and said very calmly : ' May it please the court, I deny that there has been anybody killed in this case. Much has been said about shooting, and stabbing, and all that, but sir, my learned brother, the prosecuting attorney, has failed to prove the " corpus delicti." No witness has yet proved that there was a dead body ! I therefore c?e- mand of your honor, to instruct this jury to return a verdict of not guilty 1^ The judge smiled, the prosecuting attorney looked confounded. It was true ! A most atrocious murder had been committed 1 The victim, a respectable citizen, had been killed in the streets in presence of numbers of people, but the attorney had neglected to prove the man was dead. The jury were obliged to return a verdict of ' not guilty.' Esquire T was radiant with triumphant exultation." Captain Allen quitted the court-room highly edified with the Texan mode of managing criminal cases. At Galveston, Allen had a rencontre in a bowling-alley with a Captain E , an Alabamian, who made a remark in regard to the repudia- tion of the State of Mississippi, which gave offence to our sensitive hero. Allen struck him. E retaliated. They had a fight, a rough-and-tumble affair. The combatants were soon separated, but not until they both had bloody faces and HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 31 torn clothes. They were immediately reconciled, and con- tinued good friends ever after, though they religiously re- frained from all discussion of the merits of their respective States. Allen returned now to Grand Gulf and resumed the practice of the law. Now began his real experiences of life. He met, in social intercourse, a beautiful girl — Salome Ann Crane — daughter of a well-known planter near Rodney, Mississippi. Salome was only eighteen ; very bright, gay, somewhat coquettish, much admired by the gallant youths of the neighborhood, especially by the college students of Oakland, who were set wild by her brilliant, sparkling, brunette beauty, her wit, playfulness, and wilful girlish caprices. It was a Romeo and Juliet affair with these two. Captain Allen had nothing but his honor and his profession to depend on. This was enough for Salome, but parents are properly prudent about the future of beautiful daughters, and so the course of this true love did not run any more smooth than that did in the old days of Verona. Alter exercising what they regarded extreme patience for a reason- able period, the young people took matters in their own hands, eloped together one bright moonlight night, and were married at Grand Gulf, on the 4th day of July, 1844. Four days after his marriage, taking up the quarrel of his friend, the Rev, Dr. Hunt, a Presbyterian minister, who had been severely criticised by ttie Vicksburg Sentinel, Allen challenged and fought a duel with Dr. M , a physician of Grand Gulf. They fought with large pistols loaded with buckshot, at the distance of three paces (ten feet). Both fell badly wounded. In abdominis partibus inferioribus vulneratus fuit Allen ; ictu transcidente et lacerante prorsus membra vitalia. In 1846 Allen was elected to the legislature of Mississippi. As a young debater Allen took a prominent position in the councils of the State. His ambitions were now being grati- 32 RECOLLECTIONS OF fied ; his heart rested satisfied in the ties of home. This was the happiest period of his checqiiered life. But a cloud began to gather slowly over his horizon, nov/ so flattering in its bright promise, — -a cloud from whose bosom would be launched the thunderbolt that would strike his heart to its centre, and render the rest of his life cold and solitary. As time elapsed, the parents of his Salome, missing her bright face in their family circle, had made the best of what couldn't be helped, forgave the disobedience of the young lovers, and Mr. Crane aided in establishing them in their own house, on a plantation in Claiborne County, Mississippi. They were very happy together, those two. They suited each other exactly. Allen found in his wife a piquancy, a spirit of humor, frolic, and independence, which gave variety and interest to the usual monotony of conjugal relations. She had a good mind, quick intellect, but she had been the spoiled child of wealthy parents, and though pure, innocent, and good at heart, she was sometimes rebellious and ''naughty," in her pretty petulance and graceful minanderies towards her friends. To society and its conventionalities she bade defiance whenever she chose to do so. She liked truth and frankness, and nobility of soul. Hated sham and ostentation, and when she met with it, was as unsparing in ridicule and denuncia- tion of it as Mr. Carlyle is. She was perfectly fearless of consequence in what she thought right. Her friends used to say, " Salome would never be mated, there was not a man in existence to suit her." But after her marriage they agreed unanimously — she had stumbled on her true life's companion. " They suited marvellously well." Salome, so tameless and so proud to all others, yielded an entire obedience, a complete homage of her whole nature to her husband. The unity of heart, will, and instinct, was a never-ceasing subject of re- mark and surprise to the admiring friends of the spirited beauty, whose prototypes must be sought in the Marphisas, HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 33 Belisas, tlie Clorindas, the Britoraarts of an elder age I They had a simple cottage home, which love and Salome made paradisaical enough for Allen, — Love, which like the lamp in the hands of the Ferryman in Goethe's fairy tale, turns every thing into gold it shines upon,* But Salome — the bright Hebe- like Salome, the laughing picture of youth, and health, and beauty, the rose of his life's garden — began to droop, to look delicate, and to grow weak. She was stricken with consump- tion, and her adoring husband had the agony to see her fade, wither, and die ; to watch how, day by day, her light bound- ing step grew feebler and slower, till at last he had to bear her from her couch into the sunlight, cradled in his arms like a frail infant. He devoted himself to her, struggling passion- ately, with love strong as life, against the cruel hand of death, that hovered over his darling. And she, poor child ! she tried to live for his sake I she loved him so much ! She was so 3^oung, so fair ; her life on earth was full of sweetness. But God had called her ! Allen was almost weakly indulgent to his wife. Salome's mercurial temperament was greatly oppressed by disease. It made her nervous, exacting, irritable, jealous of attention. She clung with desperate hands to the beautiful life of earthly love that was fast sinking away from her. Allen petted her to excess ; he soothed her waywardness, met all her exactions with unvarying tenderness and perfect patience, upholding with his manly strength the tottering steps of this weak, young, loving creature, as she was forced to tread the dark valley of the shadow of death ! These hours of mortal * ** Every passage througli -wliich tlie old man bent liis course, became immediately filled witli gold : for tlie lamp which he carried possessed the wonderful property of converting stones into gold, wood into silver, and dead things into jewels. But in order to produce this effect, it was necessary that no other light should he near. In the presence of another light, the lamp merely emitted a soft illumination, which, however, gave joy to every thing." — De Marchen. 2* 34 EECOLLECTIONS OF anguish are almost too sacred for any hand to dare to touch, or to attempt to lift the veil which hangs so low before this Holy of Holies — a man's domestic sorrows ! These g'riefs, broad and deep as humanity itself, touch us all too nearl3\ We shrink like sensitive mimosa at a careless grasp of these tensely-drawn heartstrings of the deep tetra chord of human passion, in the hand of sphinx-like Fate. A remark of this young child-wife, so touching, so naive in its tenderness, was repeated to me bj^ a dear friend of hers, that I venture to write it here, although it is almost too piteous in its strength of innocent love, for any ears but those of the friends to whom her remembrance is sacred. One day, this friend, who loved her, remonstrated about some wayward words Salome had uttered in hasty, childish vexation. " Salome, Captain Allen would not like you to say that 1'^ Turning quickly, her black eyes flashing, her red lips pout- ing saucily, Salome said : " I know very loell he wouldn't !'' Then in a softer tone she added : " I know you think I deserve he should slap me sometimes I Well I I would not care if he did ! — if he were to strike me to the ground, so he would only pick me up and kiss me afterwards .^" One of Salome's chief charms was her magnificent dark hair, which was remarkable for its length, beauty, and abun- dance. Her favorite position, in the nervousness produced by delicate health, was on a cushion on the floor, at her husband's feet, while her head, weighed down by its heavy tresses, rested on his knee ; and she would make him smooth by the hour the glossy locks which fell around her, a dark shining veil, down to the very floor. Nestled so, she would prattle and gossip like a true woman, in happy forgetfulness of all the world but him. But the brief, bright dream was soon over. Let us hasten over this period of anguish for these clinging hearts doomed to part. Salome faded out of the passionate clasp of her husband's arms, trying to smile to the very last HENEY WATKINS ALLEN. 35 on him she loved so unutterably. She died in 1850. They had been married six years. She left no children. " Quasi un dolce dorroir ne' suoi begli occhi, Essendo '1 spirto gia da lei diviso — •56- * * •je- « Morte bella parea nel suo bel viso."* * Like a sweet sleep upon her beautiful eyes. The soul already parted from them — Death itself seems fair upon her lovely face." — Petrarcho. BOOK II Planting in Tensas. — Cooper's Wells. — Colonel N. — Baton Eouge.— Allen- dale. — Lake St. Joseph. — The Swans. — College. — European Tour.— State- House grounds. — Love of Flowers. — Music and Poetry. Allen removed his negroes to a plantation in Tensas Parish, Louisiana, trying to find distraction from his sorrows in the labor of a pioneer's life ; but his health now began to fail him. " Mens est quce diros sentiat ictus."* Suffering terribly in body and mind, he repaired to the famous Cooper's Wells in Mississippi. He soon experienced the healing effects of those excellent waters. These finite affections of ours, so complex and so mysterious, have a won- derful vitality. All organizations which are healthy, free from morbidities, possess a great power of reaction, a marvellous tenacity of Life that seems almost Zoophytic I Allen had this power in a very remarkable degree ; wherever he was thrown, in any position of life, however adverse, he assimilated him- self to the altered condition of things, and sent out green and vigorous shoots of fresh growth and interest, taking new hold of the new earth about him. As soon as he became con- vinced that any event in the chain of existence was inevitable, he yielded instantaneously, without repining, witliout bitter- ness. He thus " accepted his fate," as Mr. Carlyle expresses it, and set himself to work sedulously to see what could be * " It is the mind, they say, which felt the wound." — OviD. 3S RECOLLECTIONS OF done with it. Accordin<^ to Plato, tliis is true fortitude, true heroism. Hence, while Allen was romantic, he was not senti- mental ; Bayard-ish, Quixote-ish, perhaps, sometimes, but not Byron-ish. He never sat down and mourned " like a slave," " By any sad sea wave," which swept off, in the tempest of an hour, the fruit of the careful labors and hard toil of a lifetime. " Ultra pergere" was his motto, unconscicnisly , as it was Mr. Pitts' determin- ately. And yet, Do Quincy says, " there is no such thing as forgetting possible to the mind." We do not think Allen an exception to this rule. We do not think he ever knew Indif- ference, " Coeceeque oblivia mentis !"* What he lost on Earth of Love and Hope, he seemed to lay up with childlike trust in the hands of the Divine All-Father I He had the most unquestioning faith in the received doctrines of Christianity. He believed in God, in Christ, in the Resti- tution of all things, in the Immortality of the Soul, and the Resurrection of the body. He did not like to hear these vital questions of religion attacked, or even discussed philosophi- cally — he became restless, uneasy, impatient, under such argu- ments. His own soul was so permeated with simplest faith, that he had neither pity, patience, nor sympathy with doubt- ino-s or infidelity in any form. This is a very rare and beauti- ful trait among men ; especially was it so in Allen, who had never taken time, nor had interest enough in doubt, to study closely the vast perplexing questions of Theology, which, after all, generall}^ prove to be a Daedalian Labyrinth to all those who enter its winding paths, and which almost deserves to have inscribed above its doorway the doleful inscription — " Lasciate ogni speranza voi clii entrate ;" a Labyrinth where is seldom found an Ariadne with a golden clue, or still fairer Beatrice, to guide one upward into lovelier * " Oblivion of the blind mind."— OviD. IIENKY WATKINS ALLEN. 39 resplendent regions of everlasting light ! Allen knew no more of religion than what his Mother had taught him; neither was he an adherent of any church or sect. His life had prob- ably been controlled by as pure principles as that of most men. Mistakes he made, errors he was guilty of, but his faults were of such a quality, as only made his friends smile and love him better than before. And his enemies, if he had any, could never accuse him of any thing premeditated, calculated, malig- nant, or bitter. And the eyes of the Great Impartial Judge has probably made sufficient allowance for impetuosities of temper and fire of organization in one of His creatures who never claimed to be all-perfect ! A fermenting nature he had : rapid, rushing as a mountain torrent — hurrying along the narrow rocky channel of life — eager, restless, ambitious, dashing itself clear and pure against obstructions, until at last it lay calm in its crystal transparence, and was a still mirror to reflect the soft moonlight and steady radiance of the stars of Eternal Truth and Divine Beauty. It must ever be so, where faith in God, in man, and in one's self, make the substratum of a nature I Integrity, love, and truth, have preservative and clarifying properties — like alum and charcoal in muddiest waters — or like the innate refining qualities in pure grape- juice. They perhaps increase the fermentation for a while, but leave the true wine of life clear and sparkling upon the lees at last. Allen's love for his Mother was always one of the strongest forces in his nature: says the wise author of the Soirees de St. Petersburg, ''That which one calls man — that is to say, the moral man — is formed perhaps at ten years of age ; and if a man has not thus been /or??ie^ upon his mother'' s knees, he will feel it a heavy misfortune throughout his life. Nothing can stand in the place of such an education. If the mother has made it a duty to grave deeply the Divine character on the forehead of her son, we may be almost sure that the hand of vice will never be able to efiace it." — Vol. i., p. 215. He was fortunate too in his incorruptible and stern Fatlier. 40 RECOLLECTIONS OF The heathen moralists considered the power of a Father's influence and example all-important — ** By whom each vice and folly of their own Is handed down, and by their children shown." Surely, Christians cannot rate this influence less than Pagans did! While at Cooper's Wells, Allen became acquainted with Colonel N , an aged planter of W^est Baton Rouge. Col- onel N was very sick : Allen, always tender-hearted, and now much more so, suffering as he was under his recent be- reavement, was exceedingly kind to the sick old man. When Colonel N left the Wells, he had become so much at- tached to Captain Allen that he insisted on his accompanying him to Baton Rouge, where he was certain the young lawyer would find a larger circle of practice than in Grand Gulf. Allen, who had neither desire nor heart to return to the deso- late place, which was nothing but a tomb of buried hopes, shadowed bj^ sorrowful remembrances of the happiness he had lost, eagerly accepted the idea of change. Colonel N continued his friendly attachment, associated the young lawyer in the management of his estates, and at his death, having no children, he sold to Allen, in connection with his nephew, a large estate at a very low price, on a long time — thus almost presenting him with an immense fortune. About this time there was considerable turmoil in the Public mind, in Claiborne County, Mississippi, where Allen had lived. A well-known Presbyterian minister was most wantonly killed, and the affair assumed a political phase. Allen, according to his ideas of chivalry, ever ready to break a lance for a friend for right, or to defend the weak, especially women or preachers, stept for- ward as the champion of the ministerial order. A very re- markable instance of disinterested knighthood — very Bayard- ish, rather Quixote-ish, and entirely Allen-ish ! In all the diffi- culties and affaires-cVhonneur that this man was concerned in, it is very extraordinary that he never fought a single duel on HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 4:1 his own account, but had himself shot to pieces for other people and — his country ! We do not forget that this Hero of ours, with his high and most delicate sense of honor, all his refinement of feeling, all his tender emotions, could and did sometimes rave and storm, and discharge blistering anath- emas like a full battery of Parrott guns. For instance, he published two articles, one against Mr. A , and another, at a later period, in regard to , which could only be con- sidered fair specimens of Billingsgate, and would be unworthy of mention here, except to give an opportunity to declare, as publicly as they are known, that Allen ever regretted them, and entertained afterwards a high regard for the men he once so violently and rudely assailed. He was ever ready to ac- knowledge and to repair an error. Emerson says : " Errors are our best Teachers P^ Allen was engaged to be married, for a short time, to a lady still living ; but He was not destined to be fortunate in les affaires du cocur — circumstances were unpropitious, the en- gagement was broken off, and the lady married another person. Allen never again attempted to renew his domestic ties. In 1852, Allen removed to his estate of "Allendale," in West Baton Rouge. He was nominated for the Senate, and was defeated by General S , who got a small majority of votes. The next year he was unanimously elected to the Legislature from his Parish. It was in 1853 that I first met Captain Allen ; he had long since, whilst he was residing in Grand Gulf, become intimate with my relatives, who were planters on the banks of Lake St. Joseph, immediately oppo- site Grand Gulf. The R family were numerous, gay, and hospitable ; fond of good living, and of having their friends about them, to aid in the enjoyment of well-stocked cellars ; abundant tables, billiard-rooms, libraries, and fast horses. As Captain Allen liked all these things, and was pleased with the society of these frank, warm-hearted people, he was much among them. It was very gay in the winter on Lake St, Joseph. Every house was filled with guests ; for boats on the 42 RECOLLECTIONS OF lake, forests full of game, camp hunts, fishing expeditions, for gentlemen, and every social amusement that could be thought of to wile away time, for ladies, drew guests from the cities to our country houses in small crowds. Mr. J. R 's Christ- mas Banquet always united the greater portion of the R family around his splendid Board at that Holy Season of the Year. To this grand family reunion, where we mustered nearly a hundred strong, Mr. R would ordinarily add an "outside" friend or so. These invitations were always es- teemed a special honor by the favored guests, as, with these limited exceptions, birthright alone gave the entree to the brilliant festival. Captain Allen was frequently a guest here, and at the even- ing dancing-parties. We all liked him. He was joyous, gay, light-hearted, and threw himself into any social amusement with entire abandon. We used to laugh at his vehement dancing. He would insist on making " all the steps,^' which, however actively and skilfully performed, was somewhat startling and amusing, when it was the fashion to glide through a Quadrille with as little perceptible motion of the feet as was possible. But He did not mind our laughing — He wouldnH walk — He danced, according to rule, in an altogether wonderful way. He was especially fond of Polkas, reels, and all sorts of round dances. In after years, when I would con- gratulate him upon the increased interest, grace, and dignity, he had acquired by being lame in both legs, from his wounds received at Baton Rouge, assuring him it was so much more becoming and attractive than the ancient "ballet style,^' he w^ould accept my friendly gratulations with a very wry face, declaring he infinitely preferred the youthful mode of progres- sion, in Lake St. Joseph days. From his bright gray eyes, in those days, there certainly looked forth a winged soul, and in beholding his marvellous pirouettes, I used to think, like Mercury, he also had ivingedfeet I Very soon after my marriage he came over to dine with me. I had several distinguished guests that day, one or two among HENEY WATKINS ALLEN. 4:3 them inclined to classicality. As was usual in our rural menage, we kept a huntsman, who supplied my Larder with game from the Forests and fish from the Lake. In my rides I had noticed with great admiration a group of seven beautiful white swans, who had found comfortable winter-quarters in the reeds which bordered the calm waters of the Lake. I was never weary of watching the graceful, stately birds, and felt a most loving interest in their welfare. But my huntsman, unfortunately, had no sease of To KaAov, so he had shot at the " big- wild geese" and killed a lovely, tender, cygnet. My exclamations of surprise and regret, when he proudly emptied his bag of the " biggest goose he ever saw," filled him with dismay. However, the cygnet was dead, lamentations would not restore its life. I resolved to try how this antique luxury would suit the taste of my classical friends, without letting them know what dish they were served with. After all the usual courses of meats and entremets had been removed, my cyojnet was brought in state and placed on the table. There was a general exclamation at the size of the bird — it looked like the hugest of huge geese — and I had departed from Apicius so far, that it was not stuffed with onions and assa- foetida, but simply with mashed apples and celery sauce. Everybody was helped in silence. They all seemed to enjoy the dish greatly — it tasted very well. After the feast was concluded, I asked if they knew what bird they had been fed upon ? They declared it to be the tenderest goose, but the largest, they had ever eaten. I laughed, and turning to Captain Allen, said : " Yes, it was the Moeonian goose." In an instant he seized the idea, and exclaimed : *' It was a swan I" " Et quae Moeonias celebrarant carmine ripas, Fluminse volucres medio caluere Caystro." " Yes, it was a cygnet I" and like the guilty Procne I pro- duced the swan's head. They unanimously declared that cyg- nets were very good food; though afterwards, and particularly 44 RECOLLECTIONS OF on one occasion, when I remonstrated with Captain Allen about his eating " Robins," on account of a sentimental infantine sym- pathy I had retained for the ancestors, who were so good to the poor little babes in the woods, he reproached me vehe- mently for having been guilty of the barbarity of feeding him on the Bird of Apollo. My beautiful Swans forsook the Lake after the murder of the cygnet, and never returned again. Allen w^as five feet ten inches high, very erect, slight, mus- cular in make ; had high cheek-bones, denoting his Scotch extraction, bright gray eyes, fair hair and moustache ; his mouth was large, mobile, and expressive, his chin square and firm. He was exceedingly neat in his person, and careful in dress. Like an antique knight, he appreciated " bravery" in externals as much as " bravery" in spirit. He was very ob- servant of such matters, especially of delicacy of taste and daintiness of apparel and person in women. I have seen him notice, with critical eye, the delicacy of embroidery on a lady's pocket-handkerchief, the fineness of her lace, the fit of her gloves, the glossiness of her hair, and the beauty of her slip- pers. His rapid glance would take in all these petty details, and he usually formed some idea of her character by the gen- eral effect of her dress. He was closely observant, but so quick that very few discovered this trait that did not know him well. Whatever was refined, spirituelle, dainty, in woman- hood, he liked and instantly appreciated. He ''worshipped i?iteUect" he would very often say. His house was very large at Baton Rouge, and he was generous in his use of it. The young people in his neighborhood were fond of him. He was always ready to further their plans for amusement. He al- lowed them to keep their dancing-schools* in his large apart- * Since the death of Ex-Governor Allen, I received a visit from the Dancing-Master wlio conducted this school. He is quite an original, — an Italian, a native of Rome, who has not yet lost his foreign accent in speaking the rough English. He is a man well known and universally respected : a musician of very considerable ability, both as a violinist and vocalist. All who know this excellent man esteem and value liim. HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 45 ments, and to use his Bachelor establishment pretty much as they pleased. However, his popularity was not without its cares — all popularity gives some trouble to the fortunate or unfortunate possessor. He became unfortunately involved in the domestic dissensions of one of his neighbors, whose wife wished to marry him to her daughter. He acted rather im- prudently in the affair. It produced dissatisfaction, and a quarrel which ended in a divorce, between the Parents. It made some noise at the time, but very justly died away, leav- ing our Hero somewhat mortified in vanity, sobered in enthu- siasm, and doubtless benefited by his experiences. In the spring of 1854, Allen took the romantic notion into his head to return to college and complete his course, which we remember was unfinished at Marion College. Perhaps Plu- tarch, who studied Latin " so late in life," and Cato, the censor, who learned Greek when he was an old man, would not have corrsidered this act unworthy of a wise man ; but we, in the nineteenth century, regard such conduct as eccentric, to say the least. Hov/ever, Allen quitted his fine estate in Louisiana, went to Cambridge University, Mass., and matriculated as a student of law. He remained tliere some time, reviewing his studies and attending the lectures of Agassiz. At this time lie formed valuable acquaintance witli Parsons, Loring, Worces- ter, the lexicographer, Edward Everett, and Green of the '' Boston Post," and other lions among the Bostonians. In 1859 he went to Europe, attracted by the Italian War. He got there too late to take personal part in the struggle, as he had intended to do. He spent several months in travel, and then returned home. He was a most industrious traveller, dis- playing as much energy in sight-seeing as he so characteristi- cally did in any thing he undertook, obeying literally the In the course of conversation the death of Governor Allen was spoken of. Signor G turned to me with deep feeling and said : " H' Allen was a good, good man. Everybody loved HAllen. I am sorry he is dead." The strong aspirate prefixed, could not mar the depth of tender emotion with which he enunciated the name of my departed friend. 46 RECOLLECTIONS OF apostolic precept, to do with all his might whatever his hands found to do. It was our good fortune to be with him during a portion of this tour. We were often amused at his eager and vivacious activity. He knew very little French, but he bought himself a grammar, a phrase-book, a guide-book, and provided himself with a master, the day after his arrival in Paris. He then methodically devoted part of the earliest morning hours to stud}^, and the rest of the day to the most indefatigable sight- seeing. We venture to say he saw more of Paris in three weeks than ordinary travellers do in as many months. It was absolutely fatiguing to listen to his accounts of what he did see every day I He learned a good deal of French, too, though he had no talent, no facility for acquiring languages ; which was always a trouble and a matter of regret to him. He overrated this mechanical gift of memory when he met with it in others. It was wonderful to him — the readiness with which some per- sons could learn a language ! It was very hard work for him. But then, perhaps, he thought more wisely in his own, than some people, who, as Mr. Pitt says, " knew how to say foolish things in seven tongues." He w^as always eager " to learn." In one of the last letters I received from him, just before the sudden illness which snatched him from his arduous labors to the rest of eternal life, he regrets that he has not been able to devote as much time " to Spanish^' as he desired, — the con- stant work for his newspaper, which the necessities of life forced him to undergo, not permitting him any hours of relax- ation in lighter tasks. He liked, while in Paris, to ride in the Bois de Boulogne in the cool evenings, accompanied by a very beautiful Louisianaise friend of his. I do not know that he ever invited her j)lainer companions to go on these expeditions. It was pleasant to have the Frenchmen stare at the gold ring- lets and blue eyes of this unusually fair American ; and the others would probably have not excited a sensation, as she did! Like a true knight, Allen had a great deal of what Jean Paul calls " general love" for all women — particularly pretty ones I HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 47 He was extremely sick, for several weeks, on bis return to London, in the fall of 1859. He received during" this danger- ous illness the most devoted attention from two English gentle- men, whose acquaintance he had formed whilst travelling in Italy. He was very grateful for the affectionate services ren- dered him in this hour of need by these gentlemen, and often spoke of it. He was happy in the possession of the " divine power which moved him like that in the stone which Euripides called Magnesian and the common people Heraclean,"* which attached all things to itself and held them there, as he did friendship and affection wherever he went. He wrote a num- ber of letters to a journal in Baton Rouge during this tour, which were afterwards gathered up into a book, and made quite a readable volume, entitled " Travels of a Sugar Planter." His criticisms on art are original, and often amusing if not valuable. Among statues, he liked Dannecker's Ariadne be"t- ter than any thing he saw. He thought the head of the Venus de Medici '' too small" and her " toes too short," " the arms placed very ungracefully," etc., etc. The Fornarina, he preferred to all tlie Madonnas of Raphael. He said '' it was the most beautiful thing on canvas ; — no angelic face, no spiritual conception of ideal fancy, but a sure- enough beautiful woman, of blood and flesh, capable of loving and being beloved, and of continuing to love with passionate devotion even beyond the grave." His ideal of beauty, it can be seen, like that of most fair men, was brunette. This book of his can be obtained, and therefore I do not make extracts from it. It is of no value, except as a bright pleasant diary and journal of travel for his friends. Contrary to my earnest entreaty at the time, Allen persisted in going Jirst into Switzerland, then coming down the Rhine, '* which reversed the usual order of receiving impressions, as well as changed the approaches to the exquisite views on the most beautiful river." So he did not " see the Rhine" to advan- tage, therefore writes ill-humoredly about it. At Shreveport, * Plato: Ion. 4:8 RECOLLECTIONS OF just previous to his departure for Mexico, he laughingly acknowledged his mistake in this matter, and regretted the obstinate haste which made him rush into Switzerland, among the sublime mountains, instead of accompanying us to the milder beauties of Germany. He wrote with ease, in a somewhat dashing style, rather poetic and ardent, with considerable shrewdness ; was thor- oughly American in his observations and proud of his own country. He had a most passionate love of his own country. His addresses, either written or spoken, always told on the masses of people, or the soldiers, who were devoted in their love to him. He was so frank and true, so peculiar, so swayed himself by those lofty abstract romantic principles which are recognized by and responded to by all humanity, that he made himself always thoroughly understood by men in masses, even where he might have failed to influence them as individuals by cold reason. During his absence he was re-elected to the Legislature. He took a prominent position in this body. His talents qualified him for leadership ; his acts are upon record, they can speak for themselves. He was quick and ready as a Debater, spoke with sharpness and energy ; his utterance was rapid and dis- tinct ; his enunciation clear and defined ; always enthusiastic, he was sometimes violent, but he had the good fortune to have generally his political adversaries his personal friends. In his politics he was Whig, until the election of Mr. Buchanan, when he became Democratic, with nearly all the South. Allen took great interest in the improvement of the State- House grounds at Baton Rouge. He made trips to Cuba for the purpose of procuring plants, seeds, and exotic trees for its ornamentation ; it was a delightsome task for him. He sent for Afleck, the horticulturist, to aid him in laying out these grounds, where he spent many busy, pleasant hours afterwards, in perfecting the plans they devised together. Lord Bacon says, " God Almighty first planted a garden ; and, indeed, it is the purest of human pleasures ; it is the greatest refreshment HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 49 to the spirit of man ; without which, buildings and palaces are but gross handiworks : and a man shall ever see that when ages grow to civility and elegancy, men come to build stately sooner than to garden finely ; as if gardening were the greater perfection." The Greeks would have considered it a great defi- ciency in any of their heroes not to love flowers, music, and poetry. Allen loved them all. I have frequently received in my letters from him a rare or peculiar wild-flower, gathered by the wayside in his walks or rides, some plucked on the prairiea and deserts between Texas and Mexico, as he travelled along in his ambulance on that last sad journey of exile. In a letter from Monterey he says : " In passing through the deserts of Mexico to this place, I often stopped my ambulance and gath- ered the beautiful flowers and thought of those I loved, and who, though so far away, I know loved me so much. I have seen twenty different species of cacti, all beautiful. I wish I could send you a specimen of each one to put in your garden at home, as you are so very fond of flowers." Again, the next day, he writes : " MoNTEEEY, Mexico, July 7tli, 1865. " My Dear Friend : "I wrote you on yesterday, and as Major L leaves to-day I wiU write again. He will tell you all — how we travelled tlirougli the desert, etc., etc. I have only time to write you a few words in pencil, as I leave within an hour for the City of Mexico. Write me immediately, and direct your letters ***** " Good-by, my dear, dear friend. May God bless you forever. I send you a lovely flower I gathered in this desert for you. Oh^ I wish you co?^M 566 these flowers! You would like to paint them!" * * * Again, from Monterey, he writes : " In this place there is every thing but butter and buttermilk. These luxuries have never been seen by the oldest inhabitant ! This is quite a city ; 40,000 inhabitants, with many fine buildings, and much wealth. The French are in power here. They are rapidly conquering the country, and in a few months all will be quiet in Mexico. I dined, or rather breakfast- ed, yesterday, with Col. Van Negros, the commandant; sixteen courses! Every thing in elegant style ! I have been treated with great cousidera- 3 50 RECOLLECTIONS OF tion and kindness everywhere, by everybody. I never expect to be able to return to the United States, although it is my sincere desire to do so/ It is my intention to leave this place in a few days for the City of Mexico, and there make my permanent residence. Do write immediately — do write often. Think of me often, poor exile that I am ! Many Confeder- ates here, all in destitute circumstances. A good many distingucs among them. Generals, judges — all seeking a resting-place — all out of money. I think of you daily, I might say hourly, in the midst of these lovely, lovely flowers, you like so much ; I wish I could send you some." In one of the last letters I had from him he writes, after visiting Carlotta ; "April 7th, 1866. " You ask about the flowers of Mexico, and the Flower of Paradise. It is our Passion-flower. The Roses are the same as with you in La. ; the Camelias I don't think are as pretty as I have seen in New Orleans. But the Flora of Mexico is most exuberant, and excessively lovely in the " TieiTa Caliente." Around Cordova and on the road to Vera Cruz the woods are filled with the finest specimens of exotics I ever saw. Each large tree and every shrub is covered with blossoms of the rarest and richest colors. I know none of their names. One species, especially, at- tracted my attention. It is a large tree without a single leaf. The ends of the limbs or branches have great scarlet flowers. I would call it a species of mimosa. The mango (a fruit-tree) has a most beautiful and delicious blossom. It grows very large and gives a magnificent shade. General Price has a fine grove of these trees, near his shanty in the vil- lage of Carlotta." I could add a number of such extracts from his letters, show- ing how fond he was of music, poetry, and flowers ; no beauty of nature, no charm of a landscape escaped his quick obser- vation — from a little blue gentian at the foot of a glacier, to the effect of the sunset clouds on the crown of a snow-covered Alp ; from a tiny cactus on the sands of Mexico, to the fierce dashing of the waves around the Fortress of San Juan d^Ulloa. He had naturally a good voice, and sang with taste and ex- pression. He was very fond of the ballad of Annie Laurie, and of the tenor song in the Trovatore — " Ah che la morte ognora." HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 51 He made me write for him some " Confederate^^ words, to be sung to the tune of Annie Laurie, which he was fond of sing- ing. He says of this: " Your welcome letter, with the verses set to 'Annie Laurie,' has just reached me from .* Thank you a thousand times for your kindness in gratifying my whim. I do like tliat air so much, and you know I like every thing you write. This poetry is really beautiful, and exceedingly patri- otic, as is every thing from your wonderful pen !'' He wrote verses himself, sometimes ; but rhymes good enough for a Troubadour or a Soldier to sing, should not be submitted to cold criticism as poems. He was especially fond of Moore and of Lyrical poetry. Melody in any form he liked. He had not much sense of harmony, though as he grew older, and had deeper experiences of life, his appreciation of combi- nation of tones, and the mysterious and infinite in Music, deepened, as well as his tastes in poetry and in character of man. But he was born several centuries too late. In all respects he would have suited better with the age of Tancred and Rinaldo, of Bayard and Gaston de Foix, than he ever did with this. He was essentially a Troubadour, singing his bright melodies under sunny skies, in gardens of blossoming roses of Provence, with little sympathy for the Bards, who learned depths of strange harmonies from the sough of the wind around the Hills of Morven, from the sad murmur of the bending Pine Forests, the lament of the Fir Trees in the snow blasts of Norway, or the djnng echoes of sea-waves in the fluted basaltic Caves of Fingal. He never liked Ossian nor the Lake Poets. He read aloud admirably. There are por- tions of Shakspeare's plays and some of Moore's Songs that I have heard him read, that are now inseparably associated with his memory in my mind. He was not particularly fond of Byron — he had no sympathy with misanthropy or gloomy * If I could recall tlie verses I would insert tliem here, as lie liked them so much ; but they were dashed oflf in a moment, and not even copied before I sent them to him. 62 RECOLLECTIONS. views of life in any shape. He was usually cheerful, full of bonhommie and impetuous warmth of outflowing feeling. He had a good memor^^, and it was stuffed with odds and ends of poetry, which he was very apt to introduce as he spoke or thought it. I once heard his perplexed Secretary exclaim re- proachfully, when the Governor was dictating a State paper, and involuntarily quoted some lines that happened to come into his head at the moment : " Good Heavens ! Governor, I believe if you were saying the Multiplication Table you would introduce a distich between twice one and twice tw^o." Allen laughed, submitted with perfect good-humor to the rebuke, and omitted the verses. Again, after he became the Editor of the Mexican Times, he began to write and publish in his paper several pieces of poetry, which he sent me for criticism. I wrote him frankly, remonstrating with him about publishing his rhymes, which, though interesting and valuable to those w^io loved him, were not woiihy of publication, and 1 felt sen- sitive about it. He took my reproof wdth beautiful humility, and said : '' Your advice, my dear friend, is always good, and so far from being offended at it, I shall profit by it. I know that I ought not to try to write poetry — it is so trivial. But you must remember that Sir Philip Sydney, and John Quincy Adams, and Eichard Henry Wilde, and Lord Derbj^ and Mr. Gladstone, all have written poetry. You must therefore ex- cuse this little recreation in a poor Exile, who gets lonely, and sick, and tired, and completely disgusted with all the ivorld ! But your advice shall be followed, because it is good" After all, it is not necessary " Verbi seqiii fidibus modulanda Latinis Sed verse numerosque, modosque ediscere vitae."* * To scan words to be set to music for the Roman liarps, but rather to be perfectly an adept in the numbers and proportions of real life. BOOK III, Virginia. — Visit to his Mother's Grave. — In Havana. — Confederate "War.-— Joins Fourth Louisiana. — Ship Island.— Duels. — Fort Berwick Chene. In 1861 Allen visited Virginia, and spent a short time with his relatives at his Birthplace in Prince Edward. Whilst there he went to the family Cemetery, where the Watkins' had been interred since Virginia had been colonized, to see his Mother's grave. "Never," says the Cousin* who accompanied him, '* never did I witness such uncontrollable emotion as seized him when he approached that hallowed spot. I said to him, * Henry, there is your Mother's grave !' The firm, bold man was melted, and bowed to the earth. He knelt down by the grave, overwhelmed with a burst of grief, not surpassed, I am sure, by those who witnessed her dying hour, when she calmly and beautifully passed into her home in Heaven." He could never speak of his Mother without showing strong emotion ; nor of his wife, we might add here, nor of any love that had once been his, that had passed away from earth. He was so grateful for love, and prized it above all things. Mr. Watkins goes on to say : *' When Henry was here, he gave me unlimited authority to improve and beautify this spot." He had a horroi^ of being forgotten — of having a neglected grave ! Frequently spoke to me of how he would like his own to be visited, and adorned with fragrance and bloom, as * The Hon. F. N. Watkins, of Virginia. 64 RECOLLECTIOXS OF we saw them in Germany and Switzerland. In this cemetery rested old Colonel Thomas Watkins, who, '' Peter Francisco" (so well known in Virginia) said, " was the best soldier in the Southern army in Kevolutionary days ;" and also his Maternal great-grandfather, Nathaniel Venable, member of the House of Burgesses, in lT6t, whose descendants still show with pride, as evidence of his patriotism and self-sacrificing desire to sustain the Government of the United States, many thousand dollars of Continental money, which Nathaniel Venable "received for his dues, after it ivas proclaimed throughr out the country to be worthless /" On his return, Allen went to Havana, and remained there till May. His health had never been strong since his first duel with Dr. M , of Grand Gulf. The sword of the spirit fretted the scabbard of the flesh, with him, too, very much at times ! He had no pity on himself, always exacting from his wearied frame, work that robust men would have hesitated to undertake. I may as well mention here, en passant, that he was entirely reconciled with his former adversary, Dr. M . He met him at Nacogdoches as ho was en route for Mexico, and the former enemies, who had borne for twenty years the marks of each other's bullets, parted with friendliest feelings and mutual respect. When he returned home, the Confederate War had begun. He immediately joined the Delta Rifles as a volunteer. We have the old muster-roll, with Henry W. Allen, the first " high private," upon it. Regiments were formed upon the rendez- vous of the troops, Allen being elected Lieutenant-Colonel of the Fourth Louisiana infantry, Robert J. Barrow being Colonel, and S. E. Hunter, Major. The Fourth Louisiana was sent to the sea-coast of Mississippi, Headquarters at Pass Christian. Allen, with four companies, was ordered to Ship Island. This is a low sandy island, about seven miles long, with a group of pine-trees at one end, — remarkable only for being entirely barren, and for having been the spot where the French at- ' tempted to make one of their first Colonial settlements in HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 65 Louisiana. But it was so sterile and unpromising" that they were forced to abandon it. Later in the war, it was used by the Federals as a depot and a prison for Confederate civilians. It is situated about midway between New Orleans and Mobile. Allen remained here with his small force for several months. He kept his men amused and healthy by making them build sand-bag batteries — warm work under a tropical sun ! The labor was hard (though essential) : one company (not of the Fourth Louisiana) mutinied about it, and refused to work. Allen promptly ordered the guns turned on the mutineers, marched the whole force, with loaded muskets, upon them, and quelled the mutiny without shedding a drop of blood. The soldiers liked him none the less for his resolute discipline. The Confederate Army, being composed, in the beginning of the war, principally of Volunteers from the highest circles of social life in the South, was a peculiar body of men. They proved themselves to possess in the greatest degree the qudities of gallant soldiers in the hour of strife. They rather liked to fight! But handling spades and digging ditches went hard with men who had worn kid gloves all their lives, and never held any thing more disagreeable than "the ribands" of their "teams," the sword or the pistol in a duel, or a rifle and fowling-piece in hunting over their plantations in winter. "Noblesse oblige" however,- and gallantly did they devote themselves to the dullest, most arduous, and to them most disgusting labors, for the sake of their beloved Country. We don't think the Southern men deserve so much credit for fight- ing well — that was to be expected of such a race as ours — but to submit for years, so cheerfull}^, so unmurmuringly as they did, to every species of personal privation, ivas heroic. The Spartans never did any better ! All-en was the right sort of a commander for such men — strict and rigid in discipline. Off duty he was the companion and genial friend of his men, whom he knew to be as well-born and as educated as himself. He never forgot his was an army of gentlemen — some of our officers did 1 56 RECOLLECTIONS OF Whilst on Ship Island there occurred an incident, that is really so outre that it is scarcely credible to modern thought ; at least would be incredible of anybody but our Hero, who must not be judged by modern standards. The man was unique, and belonged to an older age than this. Taking offence at an expression in the official report of the Federal officer in command opposed to him — regarding the observation as indi- vidually insulting, independent of the public quarrel — Allen sent him a cartel. The officer refused it. The Fe.ieral did not understand Sir Lancelot, redivimis ! Allen fou^-ht duels. He thought it right. I know, from his own lips, that he al- ways said his praj^ers as piously before going out to fight a duel as when he went into battle. In a letter on this subject he says : "Although my services as a duellist have been very often sought after, thank God, I always succeeded in compro- mising the affair honorably to both sides. I know you approve of this, and I am proud of it." There was a period in the life of the world, when God was nearer in the belief and hearts of men than He is now, when man intrusted entirely the resolution of a doubtful question of justice to single combat, to a diecAsioiihy sories virgilianoe.ov io lot — the ancient classic and pagan belief, in the direct inter- position of the Gods, in behalf of the just sword, prevailing over the mind of all peoples. This Pagan superstition was grafted by popular custom upon Christianity, and gave the laws to knight-errantr}^ From the customs of chivalry the duel has descended to us. There is, however, a deeper view of the meaning of the Code of Honor. I insert here the ver- sion of this peculiar law, as held by Allen and such men as he, taking the w^ords literally from the letter of a mutual friend sent to me : ** I do not take the same view of duelling that you do. " The very flower of civilization is a refined and delicate sense of honor. Savages know nothing of this sense. Savage men, in a civilized community, know nothing of it. The rab- ble in all lands are wholly ignorant of its existence. The low HENRY WATKIKS ALLEN. 57 may repeat its words, they never comprehend, never under- stand, never appreciate its spirit, its high commands, its rigid rules. Noblesse oblige is the motto only of 7ioblesse — it is Greek to the vulgar. " Pretentious fellows, endowed always with audacity and often not deficient in physical courage, attempt to assume the attribute of true nobility, because they have the physical cour- age to maintain their claim at the risk of limb and life ; they are bold men — yet they may not be gentlemen. They are brave, but they have not been educated in the school of honor. " The law rights many wrongly — but there are wrongs of a verj^ grievous nature, of which the law cannot take cogni- zance. " If men and women were all one in grade and social posi- tion, laws might be passed to protect them in their respective rights, and to punish aggressions on those rights. Pre- cisely as a man or woman is endowed with an extremely delicate (and therefore extremely /i^s^) sense of honor and pro- priety, just in so much is he or she liable to wrong, insult, or injury by acts and words that contravene this high sense, yet which do not violate the letter of any written lav/ whatsoever. Do you not know that men and women may be wronged — may be most grossly outraged, may be empoisoned, blasted, mildewed, blighted, and overwhelmed by words and acts that the law does not reach, or only punishes by some paltry, miser- able, filthy sum of money ? What would you have men and women do when thus injured ? Men of honor and the bro- thers of women of honor have in all times had but one answer to this question. At all costs, at any risk, at every hazard they have taken upon themselves the responsibility of rectify- ing the wrongs thej^ have suffered. Though the law forbids a challenge and a meeting, they do not hesitate to incur the penalties of the law rather than undergo the pangs of wounded honor. In cases of injury derogating from his honor, the gen- tleman ignores all risks, all perils, all consequences, all suits of law, and all prosecution. True honor is an inestimable 58 RECOLLECTIONS OF jewel ; the desire to preserve it overcomes the love of life. The love of law and order are very worthy and becoming to all men, but the love of a fair and spotless fame is an immeas- urably higher feeling. He who gave life and the love of life to all, has given this high pride of character, and this keen sense of lienor to some ; and to these it is a stronger feeling than the love of life. Will you hold them guilty in the sight of Him, when they risk and sacrifice life for honor ? " How far beyond all price is reputation ! How futile are the fines and penalties of the lawmaker against the crime which would rob men and their sisters of this invaluable pos- session ! How pitiful, how mean, how despicable does it seem in the eyes of a gentleman to seek a compensation in vile coin for the wrong of the calumniator ! What mountain of gold can pay for tarnished honor ? What shall be weighed in satisfaction to him who has lost the one priceless jewel ? " The duel is but an incident to the Code of Honor. When one gentleman suffers a grievance at the hands of another, the Code gives him a remedy more or less complete as the spirit of the Code may be more or less completely carried out. The party aggrieved calls for amends, and submits his case to hon- orable dispassionate friends, in whose hands he is willing to intrust his reputation and honor. The injuring party does the same. The principals are, more or less, under the influence of excitement ; their respective friends are calm, unbiased, cool, deliberate. These friends assume absolute control of the matter at issue. They form a Court of Honor. They at once go to the bottom of the difficulty. They trace back the griev- ance, by severe investigation, to its cause and origin. They ascertain precisely who is at fault and the extent of the in- jury done. Their main object is to settle the difficulty ivithout a hostile meeting. If, without such a meeting, they can save the honor of their respective friends, it is their duty to do so. All are supposed to be averse to wanton bloodshed. None wish any thing else than a fair and equitable settlement. If, in their careful and solemn investigations, they find the griev- HENRY WATKIXS ALLEN. 69 *^ aiice complained of real, it is their duty to compel the wrong- doer to make immediate and ample apology and reparation ; bnt if they find the grievance imaginary or trivial, it is equally their duty to compel the party wrongly supposing hinlself in- jured to withdraw his demand for satisfaction. Wlien sensible gentlemen are thus formed into a Court of Honor, self-respect and their regard for the friends they respectively represent forbid a meeting on any trifling or puerile cause of complaint. Impetuous principals sometimes control their friends, and ig- norant and thoughtless seconds sometimes miss very obvious methods of preventing a meeting. These are perversions of the Code, and are both silly and brutal. The Court of Honor has no place for bullyism, and its rules can only work their legitimate results when administered by men of honest pur- poses and cool judgment. The strict rule is, that the princi- pal places his honor entirely in the hands of his friends, and promises to do any thing which they, in their cool deliberation, may command him to do. This should be made an invariable condition by every one acting for a friend ; and the Code re- quires it should be made. '' The hostile meeting is that which gives sanction and vital- ity to these efforts of friends to arrange difficulties. Without such sanction the efforts would be rarely made, and when made, very rarely succeed. This necessary consequence of failure is the strongest stimulant to earnest effort at adjust- ment. The consequence is, that, in a very large proportion of cases, where bloody personal rencontres would otherwise have occurred, leaving the parties, if surviving, their relatives and friends more at enmity than ever, the difficulties are amicably, completely, and finally settled without a meeting. Four-fifths of otherwise deadly difficulties are thus settled ; nine-tenths would be, if the seconds had the requisite judgment and resolu- tion. Be it understood, that what is occasionally done in wan- tonness and passion, by half-crazed or inebriate young men, is not to be charged to the Court and Code, whose adherents are in no manner responsible for the criminal follies of those who 60 RECOLLECTIONS OF do not know or abide b}'- its behests. I speak of the Code as it IS known and administered among men of character and sound sense, and not as abused by thoughtless and impulsive youths, or by riotous and swaggering fellows who seek the fame of personal courage, and who are but too ready to convert a bar- room dispute into a formal deadly meeting. What they seek and covet is precisely what the truly honorable and humane believer in the Code tries most diligently to shun. " If, after this careful arbitration of friends, formed into a Court of Honor, the grievance in question cannot be other- wise adjusted, a meeting must result ; but it is the right and duty of seconds to secure equality in weapons and conditions, and to bring the meeting to a close with the least possible damage. It is not necessary to repeat the rules prescribed, either for the guidance of seconds in their efforts to adjust difficulties, or in their attempts to conduct an inevitable meet- ing in the fairest possible manner. I have only sought to give the spirit in which the Code is construed by men of highly cultivated sense of honor, joined with humanity of disposition and sound sense. Nor have I done this with the view of ad- vocating and justifying this method of settling troubles be- tween gentlemen. I had much rather the law could, if pos- sible, be made so perfect as to reach all offences against right, reputation, and honor. I had much rather see men, so just, so kind, and so courteous, as to preclude the possibility of insult or injury. I would much prefer a state of society where chivalric and most kind-hearted Christian gentlemen would never feel called upon to defend their names and rights with deadly weapons, on the field of honor. While I grant there is something semi-barbarous in the duel, I only wish to show that in its theory and practice it is not, in the hands of thorough gentlemen, altogether an unmitigated evil, especially when we consider that for every actual hostile meeting, under the rules and sanctions of the Code, there would probably have been half a dozen street-fights, each of which would have been the fruitful source of others. I can certify from personal HENRY WATKIXS ALLEK. 61 experience that a far more respectful and courteous demeanor marks the intercourse of men in a country where the Code is recognized, than in those where it is wholly ig-nored. It were to be wished that all men should become so considerate in their conduct as to entirely avoid offence ; duels and lawsuits would then cease among individuals, and wars among nations. In that Millennium of ploughshares and pruning-hooks, perfect men, obeying a perfect law, will need neither pistols, rifles, nor swords. I do not defend this Code — but this much was needful to be said — in order to relieve Allen and his countrymen, who live 4/ under this Code of Honor, from the accusation brought against them of bullying, and " fire-eating," because they fight duels on principle. The reasonings may be sophistical in the belief of the Man of God, w^ho sees written on the Table of Stone, by the finger of the Deity, the simple words, " Thou shalt not kill !" But this Code governs the whole South, and all men, except they may be clergymen, are considered to be bound by it ; by the adamantine fetters of opinion, caste, and custom. We have seen how ready Allen was to assume the champion- ship of such persons. Whenever he found the weak or defence- less attacked, he regarded it his duty as a gentleman to defend them. He must be judged by the thought of his people. In many respects he was a Representative Man — his virtues and his faults were entirely Southern. It makes a very curious argument for metaphysicians, this common instinct of a whole people, rating the immaterial life higher than the material, the irvevfia above the IXr] — a strong confession of the immortality of the soul, in this preference of it over the body. No man had deeper faith in man's immor- ' tality than Allen always felt and avowed. By the urgent appeal of the gallant Colonel Barrow, backed by the Engineers, Allen was removed from Ship Island and sent by Lovell to take charge of the important post of Fort Berwick Chene, at the mouth of the Atchafalaya. In the month of March following, the Fourth Louisiana was ordered 62 RECOLLECTIONS. to Jackson, Tennessee, to report to Beauregard, Colonel Barrow was forced to resign his command by reason of ill- health, and Allen was elected Colonel of the Fourth Louisiana. He was now appointed Military Governor of Jackson, by Beauregard, and considerable rcvsponsibility and much power given into his hands. Plutarch says : " It is an observation no less just than com- mon, that nothing makes so thorough a trial of a man's dispo- sition as power and authority, for they awake every passion and discover every latent vice." In natures who rise to meet responsibilities — who are instinctively gifted with qualities of fortitude, truth, justice, and freedom from covetousness — power only develops and enobles, as it always did with Allen. " For though he had such an insatiable avidity for honor, he was never unwilling that others should have their share — for he was entirely free from envy !''* * Plutarch : Life of Cicero, book: IV " Holding the Rivev." — Beauregard. — Lovell. — Polk. — Shiloli. To retain possession of the Mississippi River 1 That was the problem which occupied the thoughts of the Confederate Leaders in the West. Above all, Beauregard felt and urged the vital necessity of the control of the River to the success of the Southern Cause. He had disapproved the removal of the Confederate Government from Montgomery to Richmond. It was contrary to the usual rules of defensive war, to put the Capital of a country, with all its cumbrous appendages of governmental workshops and offices upon the borders of that country. However, this first step, which cost so much in the sequel, was made partly from an idea of political expediency — principally to gratify the pride of Virginia, noble Virginia, who bared her bosom, like a true mother of States, to receive the blows aimed at her ofl'spring I But this removal was probably a mistake ! It was once said of a political measure, " A mistake is worse than a fault P^ We, Southern People — our Leaders, both civil and military — our Politicians and our Press — made a good many mistakes in the course of the war, and we, alas ! were not strong enough to be able to endure or amend a single one. From the very beginning of the conflict, in our desperate circumstances, opposed as we were by superior numbers, an organized government of superior wealth, un- limited credit, and a people of wonderful perseverance and 64: RECOLLECTIOXS OF marvellous ingenuity, as well as by the morale of the world, any, the slighest mistake, on our part, was almost necessarily mortal. Napier says wisely : " Error is common in an art which at best is but a choice of difficulties." " He who wars, walks in a mist through which the keenest eyes cannot always discern the right path." " So vast and so complicated are the combinations of war, so easily and by such slight causes are they affected, that the best Generals do but grope in the dark, and they acknowledge the humiliating truth. By the number and extent of their fine dispositions, then, and not by their errors, the merit of Commanders is to be measured." Turenne says : " Speak to me of a General who has made no mistakes, and 3^ou speak to me of one who has seldom made war." Beauregard had been stationed for years in New Orleans, employed in building the Custom House, and in strengthening the coast-defences, especially those at the entrance of the Mis- sissippi River. He was therefore thoroughly informed on these points. He was a son of Louisiana, and of course vitally interested in her defence. All his personal and private interests were concentrated here ; but he was ordered to "Western Tennessee, where he remained until after the retreat from Corinth, when he was sent to take charge of Charleston and Fort Sumter. He quitted the valley of the Mississippi with reluctance, but was too good a soldier to hesitate to obey any order, or to take any position assigned by his superiors in office, if not in wisdom. His w^hole heart was absorbed in the Southern cause. . He gave repeated evidence, throughout the war, of his readiness to assume any, even subordinate com- mands, when it was deemed essential to the welfare of the Confederacy. He is probably one of the most thoroughly trained and scientific (seciindem artem) of the Southern Gen- erals. He fights and plans boldly, but always according to HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 65 the best rules of the Art of War, which he modifies, as he can, according to circumstances, by inexhaustible ingenuity and prompt invention. " Mere professional skill and enterprise do not constitute a great General," but, " sagacity as to the general course of the war, and promptness in taking advantage of particular oppor- tunities, are the distinguishing characteristics of real geniusJ^ Gustave Pierre Toutant Beauregard, is a descendant, on the Maternal side, of the Ducal family of the Reggies of Genoa. Beautiful Genoa ! who has sat a crowned Queen, on the side of her mountains, so many, many centuries, with the blue Mediterranean kissing her feet, and tossing in homage before her all the treasures of commerce of the world, its spices and pearls, its silks, its jewels, gems of art and perennial beauty, bearing riches to her — to her — throned on the everlasting hills, on the crests of its sapphire waves — those azure waves, on which once sailed the mimic fleet of chips and straws, made by the child Columbus in his merry play, before the dream of the undiscovered world ever rose before his spirit. It is but a step from the home of Columbus to the former palace of the Reggios, and just below, close down by the sea, stands yet the ancient mansion of Andrea Doria, who, " singly" — " of the Corsair," " With his own forces, purged the briny flood. So that we see, each Continent and Isle, Shake at his name from Calpe to the Nile ; But on Ms country, not himself, that fee Shall he bestow, which is his labor's pay, And beg Iter freedom, where himself perchance Another would to sovereign rule advance. The pious love he tears his native land, Honors him more than any Battle's gain."* Lineage tells, the Southern people think I The Paternal ancestor of Beauregard, a French emigre of distinction,f came * Ariosto. t Of the family of Montaigne. QQ RECOLLECTIONS OF to Louisiana by way of Canada, as did the Ibervilles and Bienvilles. Beauregard is therefore a true Creole — French is his native tongue — and he exhibits, both in physical and mental traits, the characteristics of his ancestry. The enthu- siasm, the clear, rapid, analytic thought of the French temper- ament is his, combined with the tenderness, lofty impulse, im- passioned constancy, profound religious reverence, a deep piety (according to the faith of the Church of Rome), and fixedness of purpose, the ingenuity and subtle cleverness of the Italian nature. There is in his conversation a calm, logical, concise sequence of idea, a clearness of conception and definiteness of utterance, that is surprising to those who do not know that the brilliant, dashing, enthusiastic soldier is also a profound and reasoning student, who has burned the midnight lamp many an hour, when the rest of the world was sleeping. He seizes an idea and pursues it through the intri- cacies of thought and the episodes of conversation like a sleuth-hound, and piles his arguments in different heaps, as easily as the Fairy assorted, with the touch of her wand, the seven barrels of mingled feathers, whose separation was given as a task to the Amiable Princess we all remember to have sympathized with so warmly in our earlier days. Beauregard spoke freely to President Davis in regard to strengthening the Forts at the mouths of the Mississippi River, of the great importance of putting larger guns in posi- tion at the Forts, and of placing obstructions in the River itself. This latter point he insisted upon as a matter of supreme ne- cessity. Mr. Davis agreed that the Forts ought to be strength ened— he doubted the absolute need of the obstructions in the River. He thought the Federal ships could never pass the Forts if they were properly defended. Beauregard reiterated his warning to General Mansfield Lovell, who visited him at Fairfax Courthouse, Virginia, for the purpose of consulting him, before he (Lovell) 'came out to take command of the de- fences at New Orleans. Lovell heartily concurred in Beaure- gard's opinions about the obstructions to be placed in the HENRY WATKINS ALLEN". 67 channel of the River. The question now was, what were they to consist of, and how to place them ? Beauregard gave the plan of a double swinging-boom raft. One raft to be firmly fastened to the shore, and held by anchors at the other end, was to extend more than half way across the river, diagonal to the current : the other raft, fastened by one end to the opposite shore, was to swing loose towards the centre of the River. This latter end, fastened by a chain which crossed the river to the shore. Tliis chain was to be loosened or tightened by the working of a steam-engine, so the raft could be opened at will, to allow the drift-wood to pass on to the sea. Beauregard, born on the banks of the river, knew how the huge masses of drift could be collected, in a little time, by this giant in its Titanic play of rushing waters, and therefore he was careful to provide it with an outlet, a door of egress to the Gulf, else he knew the " Stream God" would rise in his might, laugh at man's feeble attempts to restrain his free course, and hurl the puny fetters from his fierce, roaring bosom with contempt. These long rafts were to be constructed of timbers laid in a peculiar manner, so as to be perpetually acted on by the strong pressure of the current, and thus be forced up stream and kept in position, except when the chain should be loosened and the raft allowed to swing around to let the drift-wood pass out. I am thus particular in describing tin's design of the favorite son of Louisiana, because, as the reader will see later, it was the accumulation of drift, the breaking away of the raft, caused by the vast weight of matter collected against it, that opened the river and permitted the enemy's fleet to enter the stream, which brought about the fall of New Orleans, the loss of the river, and aided greatly to overthrow the Southern Confederacy. Torpedoes, and all the usual instruments of marine warfare, should have been used abundantly about this work, and the shore ends should have been protected by forts. We will see later why Mansfield Lovell did not, and could not, make such obstructions as he desired. " It can never be too 68 RECOLLECTIONS OF often repeated, that war, however adorned by splendid strokes of skill, is commonly a series of errors and accidents." General Lovell assumed command of the Department of Louisiana on the 18th of October, 1861. Before quitting Vir- ginia he had an interview with the President at Richmond. In the course of conversation Lovell spoke of the " obstruc- tions" for the River. Davis smiled, " Ah, you have been talk- ing with Beauregard ?" Lovell acknowledged that he had seen Beauregard, and that he shared his opinion on this point. It must be remembered that both Beauregard and Lovell were officers and artillerists of high consideration in the old army of the United States. Beauregard's defence of Charleston, Savannah, Drewry's Bluff, have, of course, given hwi immortal fame. He also instructed Capt. Harris, of the Engineers, as to the defences of Vicksburg. But Lovell has not had justice done him ; neither his abilities nor his patriotism have been duly acknowledged by the peo- ple of the South. Let us be unjust no longer ! Mansfield Lovell came — on the maternal side — from a Geor- gian family.* He was born in the District of Columbia — all his antecedents were Southern. He was educated at West Point. He remained always Southern in his sympathies. He was, as a young officer, a special pet and cherished friend of General Jolm A. Quitman, under whom Lovell fought during the war with Mexico. It was at the house of General Quitman, whilst Lovell was still suffering from a wound in the arm, re- ceived at Chapultepec, that the writer of these pages first met him, and had an opportunit}^ to witness the high appreciation of the military ability, as well as warm affection for the man, lavished by the indomitable champion of Southern rights upon his gallant young guest. Lovell had retired from the army of the United States, was living in New York city as a civilian when the war broke out. He immediately abandoned a situ- *His father, an officer in the old United States army, was a New Yorker by birth. He was always a Democrat in political principles, and a slave- owner all his life. HENEY WATKIXS ALLEN. 69 ation, where the einohiments were v(;ry hirg'e, to come South and cast in his lot with the fortunes of his own people. Two of his brothers had become sons-in-law of Quitman. The peo- ple of New Orleans, and the Department generally, were dis- satisfied with the appointment of Lovell to this command. They murmured loudly. They did not know him. They did him great injustice — for they mistrusted him. They would have preferred Bragg to Lovell — and, of course, Beauregard to either. Lovell had, consequently, forced upon him immense responsibilities ; no sympathy and little aid from either Gov- ernment or people to meet those responsibilities. " The great mass of men in all nations are only endowed with moderate capacities and spirit, and, as their thoughts are in- tent on the preservation of their families and property, they must bend to circumstances ; thus fear and suspicion, igno- rance, baseness, and good feeling all combine to urge, and in troubled times, to put on the mask of enthusiasm, for the most powerful, while selfish knaves ever shout with the loudest. Let the scene change, and the multitude will turn with the facility of the weathercock." General Leonidas Polk, the beloved Bishop of Louisiana, now acting as an officer in the Southern army of " Patriots,'^ finding that the Southern territory was about to be invaded through Kentucky, and appreciating the necessity of " holding the Biver" seized upon Columbus, on the 4th of September, 186L It was a valuable strategic point of the external line of Southern defence, which, passing through Bowling Green, Forts Henry, and Donelson, protected Nashville and the rail- roads. The Federals were already occupying Paducah, at the mouth of the Tennessee River, and Cairo, at the mouth of the Ohio. The Battle of Belmont, one of the most glorious of the war, was fought and won by Polk on the Vth of November. The Battle of Mill Spring, in which the Confederates were de- feated and compelled to retreaf, after experiencing the severe loss of Zollicoflfer, was fought on the 19th of January. After this reverse Beauregard was sent out to consult with General 70 KECOLLECTIONS OF Albert Sydney Johnston, who was in a situation of extreme peril at Bowling Green, and who seemed to be abandoned — a prey to the enemy — by both people and Government, without any effort being made to assist him on the part of either. The suffering so cruelly inflicted on this noble man, which eventu- ated in producing the recklessness by which he exposed and sacrificed his most valuable life, will be an eternal stain on the escutcheon of the Southern people, Press, and Government. We can only mourn in bitterness of spirit that we appreciated him too late. In speaking of him, in a private letter, Beau- regard says : " Albert Sydney Johnston possessed all the quali- ties of a good general. He was intelligent, brave, and patri- otic. Truly, his was a noble heart." Beauregard consulted with Polk about the defence of the River. He approved of the seizure of Columbus and the ex- terior line of defence north of Nashville, '' as a temporary meas- ureP He feared the distances were too great between the detached works at Columbus, for the line to be held for any length of time. He recommended the immediate fortification of an inner and more southern line, beginning at Fort Pillow and extending towards the Tennessee River ; an advice, the wisdom of which was very soon made apparent by the surren- der of Forts Henry, Donelson, and of Nashville, and the forced retreat of the Confederate troops from Columbus and Bowling Green. Some remarks have been repeated to me, which occurred in the conversation between Polk and Beauregard, that are very characteristic of the two men. Polk was a grand man : a colossal nature, both in physique and morale. He thought largely, he acted nobly — his instincts were all right and true. He had invention, imagination, policy, skill, and valor of a high degree — but no sense of economics — no frugality. To travestie a homel}^ proverb, if he " had a coat to cut, he must have plenty of cloth ;" he would cut a good coat, but not a full one, out of scant measure. His was a broad, lavish hand ! He had recognized. Instinctively, the HENEY WATKINS ALLEN. 71 right points of defence. He seized them, unhesitatingly. He never shrunk from responsibility. He fortified Columbus with- out orders ; but Beauregard went to see him. Polk explained his views in his firm, earnest, seignorial manner. " All right, my dear General Polk ! but how many men do you require to man these well-designed but very extended works ?" " About fourteen thousand ! not more V^ " Fourteen thousand V with an uplifting of the eyelids and French shrug of the shoulders ; ''fourteen thousand ! My dear General, that will never do ; you can't spare so many ; you must make fourteen hundred do !" and, seizing his pencil, Beauregard showed Polk how the works could be contracted and yet be equally strong. The fortifications were made at Island No. Ten, and at Fort Pillow. General Buckner's heroism could not save Fort Donelson. After a terrible siege he surrendered with his men, whom he would not desert, but shared their fate, and became a prisoner of war ! Island No. Ten fell — the second line of defence was broken. The Confed- erate possession of the River was growing narrower and more strictly defined. The third line of defence was formed. Beau- regard had ordered Vicksburg to be fortified, and concentrated his forces near Corinth. This is a village situated about ninety- two miles east of Memphis, at the junction of the Memphis and Charleston, the Mobile and Ohio railroads. General Johnston joined Beauregard on the 1st of April. Several regi- ments had come from Louisiana, sent by Lovell at Beaure- gard's call. Two divisions under Polk from Columbus, and a corps of troops from Pensacola and Mobile, had also united with Johnston. It was one of the largest armies ever assem- bled by the Confederates ; but composed principally of new levies, raw and undisciplined ; most of them volunteers ; some of them regiments of ninety-days men, who had thrown down their pacific avocations and rushed to the field enthusiasti- cally at the peal of Beauregard's slogan-cry. They were op- posed by General Grant, who held a position at Pittsburg, in 72 RECOLLECTIONS OF the direction of Savannah. He was only waiting to be re-en- forced by Biiell, who was now advancing by forced marches from Nashville by way of Columbia, Tenn. To prevent this junction of the enemy's forces, and to check their onward movement, Beauregard resolved to attack Grant without de- lay. He had to seize the favorable instant; a day would en- tirely change the aspect of things. He felt assured he could crush Grant before Buell could re-enforce him. At Beauregard's suggestion General Johnston moved his men as rapidly as he could, in hopes to attain this end. Corinth was the strategic point — that was not to be abandoned; but Grant was to be whip- ped ; the fruits of victory, in his well-supplied commissariat, gathered up ; then the Confederates were to fall back to Corinth if necessary, or to cross into Middle Tennessee. Johnston began his march on Thursday, the 3d. A fall of rain made the roads heavy, and the army could not be got into position before Saturday evening, the 5th. Had Johnston been able to have fought, according to Beauregard's plans, on Saturday, he would have gained a complete victory, instead of being only partially successful. As it happened, by this un- fortunate rain, one precious day was lost. It is a very trite, but nevertheless a very true proverb, that history always repeats it- self in the cycle of time; therefore I do not hesitate to transcribe frequently, in the course of these pages, observations which strike me as being as justly applicable to us as they were when ap- plied to the Patriots of Spain, by the wonderful historian of the Peninsular War. Our state, our faults, our virtues, and our weaknesses were very similar to those exhibited by the Span- iards in their struggle for national existence, — a struggle which would probably have ended as disastrously to them as ours has done to us, had they not been so efficiently aided by England. We had the same kind of troops, but better Gene- rals than they had, among their own people. Napier says : " When Sylla, after all his victories, styled himself a happy rather than a great general, he discovered his profound know- ledge of the military art. Experience had taught him that the HENRY WATKIXS ALLEN". T3 speed of one legion, the inactivity of anotlier, the obstinacy, the ignorance, the treachery of a subordinate officer was suffi- cient to mar the best-concerted plan — nay, that the intervention of a shower of rain, an unexpected ditch, or any apparent tri- vial accident might determine the fate of a whole army. It taught him that the vicissitudes of war are so many, that dis- appointment will attend the wisest combinations ; that a ruin- ous defeat, the work of chance, often closes the career of ttie wisest and most sagacious of generals, and that to judge of a commander's conduct by the event alone, is equally unjust and unphilosophical, a refuge for vanity and ignorance." The morning of the 6th of April dawned before Johnston got his lines ready for battle. Twenty-four hours had been lost through the rain and tlie difficulty of moving rapidly his undisciplined levies over the heavy roads. The enemy were encamped along a broken country, a succession of hills and valle3^s — filled with woods, interspersed with an occasional open field. Their principal camp was near a log-cabin used as a meeting-house, called " Shiloh." Their line stretched away on the road leading from Pittsburg Landing to Corinth, — their camps generally located in the small open fields, scattered at intervals throughout the forest. The Battle was, therefore, necessarily fought in fractions ; giving opportunities for exhi- bitions of personal courage and deeds of heroic daring, always eagerly welcomed by Southern men. Johnston and Beaure- gard had formed the army in three parallel lines of battle — the first under Hardee, the second under Bragg, the last under Polk and Breckinridge ; each line had its centre and two flanks, protected by artillery and cavalry. Johnston was with the second line under Bragg, and Beauregard was with the third line under Polk and Breckinridge. This resutne of events was needful in order to make the reader understand why the Battle of Shiloh was fought, — the first field on which Henry W. Allen was engaged and was wounded in the service of the Countr3^ He connnanded his beloved Fourth Louisiana, in the line of Bragg. He was overflowing with military ardor and 4 74 RECOLLECTION'S OF eager patriotism, and communicated magnetically his excited interest to iiis regiment. Tiie Fourth Louisiana, as well as its Colonel, was ready for any thing. The night previous, talk- ing with some of my relatives, in their tent — discussing the probabilities of the morrow — Allen said, very gravely, "A man ought always to expect to be killed in battle, and should be will- ing and prepared for death always before he goes into it;" then he repeated the beautiful invocation to death, from Hallcck's " Marco Bozzaris." On the morning of the Gth he was ordered by Bragg to charge a battery of the enemy, stationed in a thicket; it was a strong position on an eminence, and llie guns were very troublesome. The aid-de-camp, who took the order to Allen, says, " I found him near a small copse or bosquet of woods. He received the order in silence; then turning his head around, he called bis servant, Hyppolyte, who was stand- ing near by. ' Hyppolyte,' he said in his rapid way, ' we are going to charge ; stand here in a safe place, but watch that flag,' pointing to the regimental colors. ' I shall either be before it or by it. If I fall, search for me, and take me to the roar if wounded ; if dead — bnry me decently ; and now, God bless you, you have been a faithful servant,' wringing the hand of his now w^eeping slave. Allen led his regiment." Twice he charged on the battery : his men were fearfully cut up, but they heard the rallying voice of their beloved Colonel, clear and distinct through the noise of battle, and they follov/ed him through the storm of shot and shell unhesitatingly, never faltering an instant. Allen's heart bled to see his men drop- ping around him — wounded — dying. After the second charge he sent to tell General Bragg that his regiment was suffering fearfully, and to ask if he must make another charg-e with them. " Tell Colonel Allen I want no faltering now," was the stern reply. Allen was startled and stung at the unjust insinuation of lack of courage. He 7iever forgot nor forgave it. Eising ni his stirrups, without a word of reply, he waved his sword to his men to follow, and charged the guns once more. The men rolled from their saddles like leaves about him. This last HENKY WxiTKINS ALLEN. 75 charge was as useless and ineffectual as the other two. The enemy's position was too strong*. A Minnie ball struck Allen in the mouth, as he cheered his men on this fruitless ride to death — for so many of them. The ball passed out through the cheek. Catching up a handful of cotton lint, Allen stuck it on the wound — which, though painful, w^as not serious ; tied his handkerchief around his jaws with sangfroid, in the midst of the rain of bullets and shells. His clothes, cloak, and cap were riddled with shot-holes ; but he remained in his saddle all day, never quitting the field, but doing his utmost to the last lingering hours of daylight before he sought medical re- lief or repose. The day declined on a glorious victory for the Confederates. Grant was cowering near the River, under the protection of his gunboats, when Beauregard, careful of the lives of his men, finding them much wearied and exhausted from the day's work and want of food, discovering, too, that there was some difficulty in manoeuvring with his raw, un- drilled troops, ordered the pursuit to be checked, the lines re- formed, and the attack to be continued at daybreak on tlic following day. Grant was still strong behind his batteries along the River and under the cover of his gunboats. It is questioned whether Beauregard was right or wrong in check- ing this pursuit. But there are several points to be considered in viewing Beauregard's conduct at Shiloh. In the first place, his plans — owing to circumstances that he could not control — were only tardily carried into effect. " Rapidity in war depends as much on the experience of the troops as on the energy of the chief." Beauregard was always careful of the lives of his soldiers. Though an Engineer, he would abandon any, the most cher- ished fortifications, to save his army. And also — " It is too common with soldiers, first, to break up the ar- rangements of their Generals by want of discipline, and then complain of the misery those arrangements were designed to obviate." So it proved liere. Our undisciplined forces became much demoralized by the 76 RECOLLECTIONS OF sight of the rich booty they found spread before their victori- ous eyes, in the captured tents of the Federal encampments. The costly viands, the splendid accoutrements, were so many golden apples of Atlanta, to our poor, hungry, thirsty, weary boys. In vain the Commanders stormed and raged, the gal- lant army, " who had rushed," Beauregard said, " like an Alpine avalanche" on the enemy, on the morning of that event- ful day, at nightfall were mostly a dissolved, disorganized rabble of soldiers. The 7th of April broke upon Grant, re-enforced by Buell. The Confederates had been gathered in some order by their indomitable Leaders. Grant attacked them, now strong in hia re-enforcements. On the centre and right he was steadily re- pulsed — he could make no impression there. The left he at- tacked obliquely, pouring line after line of fresli, vigorous troops on it, who were as continually repelled by the Confed- erate phalanx. But, opposed to an enemy wlio were con- stantly re-enforced, the Confederate ranks were growing thin. A gentleman on Beauregard's staff, narrated, with humor, to the writer, how he came unexpectedly on Colonel Allen, with his face still tied up in its improvised dressing of the previous da}^ trying to rally his broken troops, who were nearly deci- mated by the hard fighting he had led them into. He said : " There was Allen, his face tied up in a bloody handkerchief, with a bit of raw cotton sticking on his cheek — which cer- tainly did not improve his beauty — one minute entreating, praying, weeping, tears streaming as he implored the men to stand ; the next moment, swearing, raging at them, abusing- them, berating them, giving them every angry epithet he could think of ; then addressing them in the most affectionate words. But he succeeded in gathering together, not only his own men but a number of stragglers from other regiments, whom he coaxed or abused back into the ranks. The last I saw of him he was off with them like a whirlwind into the thick of the battle. It made me both laugh and cry to watch him. He was a regular Murat — but instead of the ' ichite plume, ^ it was HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 77 tlie white speck of cotton, and head tied up in the white hand- kerchief, that was alwaj^s in the van." According to General Beauregard, the number of Confederate troops engaged on the 6th, at the Battle of Shiloh, was about 33,000 — lost one third. Grant had 55,000. On the Tth, the Confederate force did not exceed n,000. The Federals had — Buell 22,000, Lewis Wallace 8,000, Grant 10,000 or 15,000, making nearly 45,000 in all. The battle-ground extended about two miles and a half or three miles. The Federal loss in the two days' fights was nearly 20,000, killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. On the first day of the battle, while the Confederates were press- ing Grant down on his Gunboats, the firing was very heavy on the part of the boats' batteries, in order to cover Grant's retreat. The great conical shells were rather alarming to our verdant, unused troops. They would strike and cut down large trees, with a neatness and dispatch that startled tyros in the art of war. We were all somewhat timid, at that time, about bombardments from mortars and howitzers, a timidity that we soon got rid of, as the war progressed, especially all of us living on the water-courses, where we were exposed to being shelled every day — we got used to it. However, these marine batteries did considerable damage to our troops at Shiloh, killing and wounding the men frightfully, until they got inside the range of the boats' guns. Allen was leading his men in the fight when one of these huge messengers of death demolished a tree in front of him, and lodged in the earth at his horse's feet. Seeing the extremity of danger to his men, Allen spurred his horse, leaped the cavity formed by the unexploded shell, waving his sword and calling to his men to follow him. They obeyed instantaneously, and were all safe be3''ond when the shell exploded. By his presence of mind and coolness, he thus preserved his men and his own life. In the melee, Major Aaron Vertner, a nephew and aid of Van Dorn, was killed accidentally by his own troops. He had captured a Federal Flag by a dashing charge ; tearing the 78 RECOLLECTIONS OF veil from the staff, he carelessly wrapped it round his body* His clothiDg", unfortunately, was bluer than the usual blue" gray of Confederate uniform (if, in the poverty of our people, our army could be said to have had any uniform : — our men wore any clothes they could get, of any material or color). Major Vertner, thus accoutred, rode up at full speed to give an order for a sortie to his regiment ; just as he approached, waving his sword, cheering to the troops to " come on," a volley was sent from the muskets of his friends, and the brave Confederate fell dead from his saddle. He was recognized almost immediately, and his inanimate body sadly borne from the field by the hands of his comrades. A brave and gallant officer. Major Edward Ingraham, was basely murdered by a party of Federal troops in ambuscade, near Farmington, in a skirmish succeeding the battle. Major Ingraham, who was much attached to Van Dorn, commanded a battalion of cavalry. He happened to be near Van Dorn, who was desirous to send a message to General Price, in a distant part of the field. Major Ingraham volunteered to go ; while skirting a small piece of woods he was struck in the arm by a ball from the foe, who were concealed among the bushes. Feeling himself wounded, and about to faint, Ingraham threw up his arm and called aloud, " I surrender.'' He was instantly surrounded by the enemy. Three times he called aloud for quarter, three times he was shot, and assailed with oaths and imprecations as he lay helpless upon the ground. A number of Confeder- ates coming up at a gallop, made tliis cowardly troop of the enemy take to their horses, and put them to flight. The griev- ing friends lifted the still breathing man from the earth, and tenderly transported him to the rear. Major Ingraham lived twenty-four hours, long enough to press the hands of his weep- ing commander. Van Dorn, who was most deeply attached to this gallant young ofiicer, and to tell him of the cruel manner in which he had been killed, contrary to the rules of civilized war. Major Ingraham was universally beloved, and most v,ndely lamented, both in the army and in social life. His HENRY WATKINS ALLE^T. 79 brotlier fell at Chancellorsville. They were nephews of General Thomas Meade, U. S. A. Tlieso young" men came from the neighborhood of Port Gibson, in which Allen formerly resided. I have heard him speak with much feeling of their early deaths. After eighteen hours' hard fighting-, Beauregard thought it best to withdraw his wearied troops to his camp at Corinth. General Breckinridge covered with his command the gradual withdrawal of the Confederate army. This retreat is regarded as a remarkable one. It was managed so quietl}^, so rapidly, so steadily, so skilfully, the enemy were completely deceived. Breckinridge presented a bold, resolute front to the last hour, while Beauregard drew back his lines without confusion, and concentrated them again at Corinth. Sydney Johnston had been killed : the news of his death, and his mode of meeting it, sent a pang of regret and bitter remorse through every Southern heart. We recognized, too late, the great spirit of the man we had driven to reckless desperation. Colonel Allen had retired at last, his wound growing painful from the tv/enty-four hours neglect to have it properly dressed by a surgeon. While under the surgeon's hands, he heard the cry of retreat, raised by the wagon-drivers. Jumping up, ho rushed among them, mounted on his horse, and aided greatly in restoring order among this portion of the army. After- wards, when he got time, the dressing of the wound was com- pleted. His careless treatment of this wound in the face, which he regarded so slightly at this time, caused him much unnecessary pain from it ever after. Bragg made the amende honorable to Allen by a very flat- tering and handsome mention of him and his beloved Fourth Louisiana, in the official report of the Battle of Shiloh ; but Allen never entirely forgot the implied censure of the rigid Commander — never heartily forgave it ! Allen was now ordered to Vicksburg, which was being fortified by Major M. L. Smith, by General Lovell's orders, ac- cording to Beauregard's plans. This city was the strategic 80 RECOLLECTIONS OF point of the third and last, north line of defence of the Missis- sippi River. Here both people and army had resolved to make a stand, and to fight to the last for their homes and liberties. We all fully appreciated the importance of Vicks- burg, perhaps we over-edimated its value, as Pemberton cer- tainly did, when he declined to evacuate the city, thus allow- ing himself to be caged with his army, like rats in a trap. " In matters of great moment, and in war especially, it is not the actual importance, bnt the comparative importance of the operations which should determine the choice of measures ; and when all are very important, this choice demands judg- ment of the highest kind !" In a private letter, Beauregard says : **The reason why Helena or Napoleon, Yicksburg and Port Hudson, were not fortified sooner, was, that we had no heavy guns to spare for those places. It was not until Lovell informed me (shortly before the fall of New Orleans) that he would let me have a few guns, to which Bragg added a few more from Mobile, that I gave detailed instructions to Captain (afterwards Colonel) Harris, of the Engineers, to commence at once the construc- tion of Batteries at Vicksburg. The time was then so short, New Orleans having fallen, that the Governor of Mississippi telegraphed me to know if it would not be best to remove the guns into the interior. I replied, ' No, by all means, but to put the guns in position first, then to build the parapets of the Batteries around them after,'' which was done with some of the guns." Allen was singularly earnest in nature. His intellect was very quick and bright. If a jest or an amusing* anecdote was repeated to him, he would seize the point instantly, and his merry laugh would ring out with all the enjoj^ment of a child. But he had himself no innate sense of humor, no appreciation of what Mr. Puskin calls " the grotesque." The simplicity of his nature, on this point, was amusing, and produced, some- times, in those who loved him most, a sort of tender, wonder- ing, smiling pity ; because, from the lack of this inherent HEKRY WATKIKS ALLEN. 81 consciousness of the ludicrous, be was sometimes betrayed into tbe assumption of positions that in other men would have been ridiculous. The incongruity, however, never striking him, he would do and say peculiar things, that would make people smile, with such entire bonhommie, such singleness of purpose, honesty of heart, and open warmth of expression, as Sir William Hamilton expresses it, "such OM^nes.s" of truth, and goodness, such high ideal perception of romantic senti- ment, and so much clever, shrewd, practical, intellectual ability, shining through every thing, that while he was often peculiar, frequently amusing, he never was absurd or frivolous ! Though sometimes he seemed vain, he was never affected. He was honest even in his foibles. If he had had any sense of humor he would not have seemed vain. People that are gifted witli a quick perception of wit and humor, instinctively avoid placing themselves in what they fancy might be " a ridicidoiLS position. ^^ Their vanit}'' is deep, perhaps, but it is hidden. It is a sensi- tive nerve, that warns them, and preserves them from peculi- arity. Tliey are sensitive to ridicule, and fear being " laughed at." Allen never had that fear ; he never for an instant sup- posed anybody would laugh at him. He liked the badinage and railleries of a friend, they amused him, even at his own expense. Allen never saw any thing amusing in his making a desperate charge at Shiloh, with his head bound up in white cotton ! He considered it all en regie. It was the best to be done under the circumstances ! 4* BOOK V " Holding the River." — New Orleans. This City of " Bienville'a^' heart ; — this peculiar, half foreign, half American, Crescent City — low and flat aa a town of Hol- land — built below the level of the magnificent river, that pours down upon it all the wealth of the vast valley between the Alleghany and the Rocky Mountains, and that threatens it annually with a flood of waters, as it chafes and rages against the Levees, which repel the swift current with their immense, immovable breasts ; — this Babel of languages, and peoples, and manners, and customs, and trades, and commerce, so rich in historic associations, so gay with its French population, so fragrant with its gardens, where the roses and oleanders bloom, and the mocking-bird sings all the winter long ; where the night-air is heavy and faint with the perfume of the orange- flowers ; v/here the beautiful lemons glow like Hesperidean apples, and the tall bananas flaunt their great leaves, split into fringes by the Gulf breezes ; where the Date sends up its feathery plume-like head, and the earth and the air seem redolent with the sweet blue \iolets, that the quaintly- turbaned French '' marchandes" carry about for sale in the streets, heaped up in their wicker-baskets ; — this strange city, with its exuberant life, its teeming', bright, pleasure- loving people, its terrible epidemics — touching thus the dramatic extremes of botli joy and sorrow — is situated in 84 EECOLLECTIONS OF an alluvial delta, on the left or northern bank of the river, about one hundred railes from its mouth. From below New Orleans to Donaldsonville, a distance of about ninety miles, the river runs in an east course, nearly parallel with the Gulf coast. Bounding' the city limits, on the north, lies Lake Ponchartrain, which is forty miles long- by twenty-five broad. Between the river and the lake lies the strip of land upon which New Orleans is built, through the end of* which runs the New Orleans, Jackson, and Great Northern Kailroad, the only line of land communication the city has with the Interior. It is virtually built on an island. The river divides above the city, and makes its way to the sea by various chan- nels, forming a true delta. Lake Ponchartrain is in immediate communication with the Gulf of Mexico. Lake Borgne, also connected with the Gulf, gives water approach close to the river, at a point not far below the city. This was the route chosen by the English in 1815, Tlie coast line of the Depart- ment was penetrated by passes and streams navigable in high- water season, at no less than twelve or fifteen different points, many of which required, in the beginning of the war, imme- diate fortification, as the Federals had command of the sea. Starting at Pascagoula, on the east, the coast could be entered by water at Biloxi, Bay St. Louis, and Pearl River, which latter empties itself by two mouths into the Gulf of Mexico, outside the entrance into Lake Ponchartrain, on which Fort Pike Avas located. A short distance up the Pearl River, a baj^ou con- nected the river and the lake, giving entrance into and avoid- ing the guns of Fort Pike, beside which a fair road led west to the Mississippi River, leading to the Jackson Railroad, as well as the whole north shore of Lake Ponchartrain. The lake was connected with the Gulf by two outlets, the Rigolets and Chef Menteur Pass, on the former of which was located Fort Pike, on the latter, Fort Macomb. From the shore of Lake Borgne, four baj^ous put into the land, through which access could be had by water to points near to and convenient for attack on the citv. Two of these HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 85 had small works on them — Bienvcniie and Phillippon ; and two, Gentilly and OSillets, were unguarded. Proceeding west, three large streams gave access directly from the ocean to firm ground, near the River Mississippi, more than forty miles above Forts Jackson and St. Philip — viz., Bayou La Loutre, Terre aux Boeuf, and Aux Chenes. The enemy were now oc- cupying Isle Breton with land forces, directly off the mouths of these bayous. The next main point of entrance is the Mississippi River, which enters the Gulf by five ''passes" Forts Jackson and St. Philip are located on opposite sides of the river, about twenty-five miles above the head of the passes, and seventy-five below New Orleans. Further west is Barra- taria Bay, at the entrance of which is an island, on the west end of which Fort Livingston is situated. The pass at the east end was not defended. From Barrataria Bay there is direct water communication with the river, just above New Orleans, via Bayou Barrataria, Bayou Families, and a short canal. The next principal inlets are Bayou La Fourche and the Grand Caillon, the former of which is one of the mouths of the Mississippi River, from which it offsets at Donaldson- ville, and crosses the Opelousas Railroad at Thibodeaux. The other heads near that railroad. Atchafalaya Bay and River affords the next important water approach. This river also connects with the Mississippi through Baj'ou Plaquemine, above Donaldsonville, and besides gives access, via Bayou Teche and other streams, to a rich and important section of country, as well as to the terminus of the Ope- lousas Railroad at Brashear City. West of this are Bayous Sale and Dead Cypress, and Cal- casieu Bay, — the latter of which gives entrance to a large grazing country, full of cattle. Besides these important points, there are numerous smaller creeks and bayous, through which an enterprising enemy could penetrate and obtain access to approaclies above the defences. West of Lake Ponchartrain, and between it and the Missis- sippi River, is situated Lake Maurepas, connected with Pon- 86 RECOLLECTIONS OF chartraiii by the Xorth and South Manscliac Passes, which were separated by an island, and with the river by Baj'Oii Manschac, in former years " leveed" so as to destroy the river connection. The Xew Orleans, Jackson, and Great Northern Railroad runs through the narrow strip of land between Lake Ponchartrain and the river, skirting the southern and western shore of the lake, and passing between it and Maurepas, across the North and South Manschac Passes, going northward into the interior. The New Orleans and Opelousas Railroad starts from Algiers, opposite New Orleans, and runs westward, crossing Bnyous Lafourche, Des Allemandes, and others, terminating at Brashear City, on the Atchafalaya, about eighty miles in length, whence the great road led into Texas. This road was the principal means of transportation for beef-cattle, and silp lies, from Texas, for New Orleans and the East, and its security was a matter of great importance. The Mexican Gulf Railroad connected the city with Proctors- ville, on Lake Borgne, distant twenty-eight miles. There were also two short railroads from the compact part of the city to Lake Ponchartrain, besides a water connection with the lake by the new canal and the Bayou St. John, both of which led into the heart of the city. Through the latter, the Con- federate States steamers Bienville and Carondelet were taken from their place of building to the lake. There were two good roads from the city to Lake Ponchartrain, one along the Bayou St. John and the other on the Metairie Ridge. Also a road following Gentilly Ridge to Fort Macomb, near which road heads Bayou Gentilly, emptying into Lake Borgne, by which route the Forts would be avoided. The city could also be approached by the enemy's fleet from the LTpper Mississippi, descending the river. It can readily be seen from this simple enumeration of the inlets to the coast, which commanded the city of New Orleans, that it was a costly and troublesome task to undertake its defence, and yet it had to be done. The Mississippi River was IlKNllY WATKIXS ALLEN. 87 the Trachea of the Confederate body. Lovell took command on the 18th of October, ]861. General Twiggs, his predeces- sor in the Department, welcomed his arrival with joy. Twiggs was old and infirm, and felt himself utterly unable to cope with the immense responsibilities of this onerous charge. In his rough way (he was very profane in his language), he told Lovell '' he was d d glad he had come ; that he was too feeble himself to make personal inspection of the various points of the Department ; that it was almost entirely de- fenceless ; that he had no guns of proper calibre, no ammuni- tion, no any thing ; that he had been unable to get any thing done, and that at many points we could not make an hour's fightP Lovell's first act was to make personal inspections and critical examinations throughout the whole extent of the De- partm.ent. This occupied him day and night for more than two weeks. He found matters in a woful condition. The troops (three regiments) on the Mississippi coast were badly armed and had very little ammunition — one of the regiments not more than five rounds per man. The entrances into Pearl River were entirely unobstructed, as indeed were all the other inlets and approaches into the country. In addition to the works hereafter to be named, there was an open Battery of ten twentj^-four-pounders on Bayou Bienvenue, and one of five on Phillippon ; and two small earthworks, intended for five guns each, had been thrown up, guarding the entrance to Ber* wick's Bay, but had not been completed. The forts in the Department — viz., Pike, Macomb, St. Philip, Jackson, and Livingston — were originally small earthworks of a very inferior class, built of brick and earth, and having been unoccupied for many years, had become much dilapitated, and in places they were crumbling with their own weight. These were armed principally with smooth-bore twenty-four and thirty-two pounders — there not being in the whole Department more than nine guns mounted of a greater calibre than a thirty-two- pounder and but thirty-six of these mounted. Seven or eight 88 RECOLLECTIONS OF of the thirty-twos had been rifled, but there was neither shot nor shell for them. The guu-carriag-es were generally old and defective, from long exposure to the weather, — many so de- cayed that a penknife could be inserted with ease into the wood. There was likewise a very great deficiency in all the implements and equipments necessary for the service of heavy guns, etc., etc. The ammunition did not average more than twenty rounds per gun. There were no guns or works at Pass Manschac, Bayou La- fourche, Grand Caillou, or on the approaches, or Barrataria Bay, to the river near the city. No measures had been taken for obstructing any of the rivers or passes, either by felling timber, driving piles, or making rafts, except that materials had been collected in part for making a raft to be placed in the Mississippi River, at the Forts ; and work on it had been commenced. A line of intrenchments around the city itself had been planned and begun by Major M. L, Smith, but it was entirely unfinished, not a gun mounted, nor magazine built, nor platform laid. The length of this line was more than eight miles. General Twiggs had received from the Norfolk Navy Yard one hundred old navy-guns, many of which had been long in use, and the vents so worn as to be unfit for friction tubes. Many of these guns had been cast more thau forty years. There were none above a forty-two-pounder, and a number were thirty-two-pounder carronades, a gun entirely useless except for firing grape and canister at short distances. No carriages, chassies, or implements came wnth these guns, and none of them were mounted when Lovell took command. There was a vast amount of engineer and ordnance w^ork to be done, and both of these important branches were imposed upon Major Smith, who found it impossible to do justice to both. On the water, there were two small vessels, the McRae and the Joy, and the ram " Manasses," with one gun. Two river steamboats were being strengthened and ironed for service, the keels of two iron-clad ships, the " Louisiana" and " Alississippi," had been lately laid, and two smaller gunboats, HENEY WATKINS ALLEX. 89 for service on Lake Ponchartrain, were on the stocks in tlie Bayou St. John. Several new regiments were in process of organization at Camp Moore, seventy-eight miles north of the cit}^, but these were only partially armed and equipped. There were in all five new regiments, unfit to take the field. Anticipating an attack in the January of 18G2, Lovell set himself diligently to work, with all the available means at his disposal, to supply the deficiencies of his defenceless Depart- ment. He found himself materially delayed by the want of a sufiScient number of competent officers, of experience and de- tailed knowledge. This deficiencj'' was made known to the War Department and relief asked on several occasions, with- out success. We may as well observe here, in the beginning, that the apparent negligence and indifference of the authori- ties at Richmond, in regard to New Orleans, was most cul- pable and most inexplicable. Their whole attention seemed to be absorbed by the war in the East. They never realized the importance of the River, or the West of the Confederac}^ ! Even Mr. Benjamin, whose interests were nearly all in Louis- iana, seemed to ignore her necessities ; but he never believed New Orleans w^ould be, attacked. When such representations were made to him, he laughed at the anxiety of Lovell, Beau- regard, Conrad, and turning to them, in his careless, insouci- ant way, said gayly : " Bah I the truth is, you «re all scared to death, dovm at home r Mr. Mallory's inattention was gross and inexcusable. God forbid that I should ever write one word against the noble, immaculate man, whom we placed at the head of our Government. But he was, though one of the purest and grandest of men, still but a man — whose humanity limited his earnest desires ; who was forced to delegate powers to subordinates, who often abused his confidence and betrayed his trust; and many terrible mistakes were made for which he, perhaps, is not responsible. Let the world say what it will of the late President of the Confederate States, we. Southern people, have only towards him, pride in his patriotism, in his purity, in his beautiful intellect ; reverence for his moralitv, 90 RECOLLECTIOXS OF fur his fortitude ; gratitude for his love, his patience ; tears for the scars made on the feeble emaciated limbs, by the manacles worn for our sakes ; pity and grief for his suffer- ings, and silence for his faults or his mistakes ! We had no abler, no better man among us ! Lovell telegraphed to Colonel Gorgas, Chief of Ordnance at Richmond, for mortars or columbiads. He replied, " he had none to spare." Then Lovell telegraphed General Bragg, at Pensacola, for at least some ten-inch guns and mortars. Bragg answered : " Not a gun to spare." Then, knowing there was no hope of finding any in the Confederacy, Lovell resolved to try and have some made. He arranged with Leeds & Co., Burnett & Larges, and S. Wolf & Co., to put up reverberatoiy furnaces, and made arrangements for casting eight and ten inch columbiads, and ten-inch sea-coast mortars. He procured all the large chains and anchors that could be had from Pensacola, Savannah, and other places, for the pur- pose of constructing rafts and booms, to place in the various water-approaches, giving particular attention to that in the Mississippi River. He contracted for building and sinking an obstruction in Pearl River ; had Salt Bayou, as also Gentilly and Aletche Bayous, filled with rows of piles driven across the channels ; and La Loutre, Terre aux Boeufs, and Aux Chenes, obstructed by felling timber on the banks ; and eventually, with the assistance of the Safety Committee of New Orleans, had two rows of piles, each more than a thousand yards long, and braced at the top, driven in the channel, under the guns of Fort Pike, w^iere the water was nearly fifty feet deep. The channel leading into the Atchafalaya Bay was also filled up by sinking green live-oak trees, forming an obstruction forty feet wide at the base, and eight at the top ; and a raft was placed on the river just below Fort Berwick. He had his guns rifled. He replaced the twenty-four- pounders — en barbette — bearing on the water, at Forts Jack- son, St. Philip, Pike, Macomb, with the forty-two and thirty- HENRY WATKINS ALLEX. 91 two-poiinders received from Norfolk. He strengthened the various garrisons. He built a water-battery at Fort Jackson. He gathered up saltpetre and sulphur wherever he could find them, and began to manufacture powder — the little that was sent him was worthless, and had to be remanufactured in New Orleans. He arranged with the foundries to cast shot and shell. He established an arsenal for the repair of small-arms. He made cartridges, supplying not only his own needs, but sent more than a millioii rounds to the Army of Tennessee. He gave the Navy twenty-five thousand pounds of powder, sent seventeen thousand pounds to other departments, and twelve thousand pounds to Richmond, besides furnishing all the ammunition to the troops sent to General A. S. Johnston in Tennessee, and giving the River defence fleet what they needed. Earthwork forts were commenced on the Grand Caillou and on Bayou Lafourche; also on Baj^ou Barrataria, at the Manschac Passes, at Proctorsville, and two forts on Ber- wick's Bay. On the Mississippi River, works were put up above the city and on the southern and western shores of Lake Ponchartrain. The general plan adopted was to have two lines of works, an exterior line passing through the forts, and earthworks erected to defend the various water-approaches, and an in- terior line, embracing New Orleans and Algiers, which was intended principally to repel an attack by land. The total length of the intrenchments on this line was more than eight miles, and when completed, it, in connection with the swamp, put New Orleans in an impregnable position, so far as re- garded any attack by land. It mounted more than sixty guns of various calibres, and was surrounded by wide and deep ditches. One regiment of troops was taken from the Mississippi coast and stationed at Berwick's Bay, '^ a point of vital importance, ^^ where was also located a battery of field- artillery, and a company of cavalry. Colonel H. W. Allen was put in command here, being withdrawn from Ship Island. Lovell now organized the twenty independent companies of ^2 RECOLLECTIONS OF infantry, raised by Twiggs, into regiments, and placed them as garrisons in the various works of the exterior line. The infantry at Camp Moore, under General Ruggles, were organ- ized into a brigade, and well armed and equipped out of Lovell's workshops. He laid a railway track in the city between the Ponchartrain and Mexican Gulf roads, so as to transfer troops as rapidly as possible from point to point, and established telegraph lines to Proctorsville and Brashear City, on Berwick's Bay. He made every effort to accumulate a ►supply of flour and meat sufficient for sixty days, for the whole city, to enable the inhabitants to stand a siege ; but from causes beyond his control the effort failed, and this want of provisions for more than one hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants, was an important element in determining the evacuation of the city in April. In obedience to the orders of the Secretary of War, about the 15th of January, 1862, he seized fourteen steamers, then at New Orleans, and proceeded to strengthen and protect them with cotton-bales, arming and equipping them. For this purpose one million of dollars was placed to Lovell's credit, and although not favorably impressed with the plan, he labored diligently to carry out the views of the Department. Montgomery and Townsend were sent from Richmond, and twelve other captains were selected by them to take charge of this fleet — the matter being placed in their hands by the Secretary of War. Eight of these vessels were sent up, by the 1st of April, to Fort Pillow, and the others retained by Lovell. Immense requisitions of all kinds were constantly made on this Department, — provisions, clothing, camp and garrison equipage, powder, and munitions of war of various kinds, were sent to different parts of the Confederac^^ lie had twelve launches fitted up and armed with one good gun each, for service on the small bayous and canals with which the Department is intersected. These were to act as an Internal Police. In December, 1861, Lovell was ordered, from Richmond, to HEJS'RY WATKINS ALLEN. 93 send out of the Department twenty-two heavy guns, to Ten- nessee and Charleston, S. C, and to provide one gun each for the fourteen vessels of the " River fleet." He also turned over to the Navy ten forty-two-pounders, for arming the steamers Bienville and Carondelet, for service in Lake Pouchartrain and Mississippi Sound, He also sent two regiments of troops to Columbus, Kentucky, at the urgent request of Polk. In Feb- ruar}^, Lovell was ordered by the War Department to send live thousand men to Columbus, which took away all his avail- able force in New Orleans, leaving him without a single armed regiment of Confederate troops in the city. Every vessel of war ready for service was also ordered up to the same point, and the Department thus left without troops or men, except the garrisons of the works on the exterior lines. On the 25th of February, Lovell made requisitions on Governor Moore for ten thousand militia for the defence of the city; but the Adjutant-General of the State reported, that in November, 1861, he had only about six thousand armed militia, and that since that time three thousand of these had been sent to Gen- eral Beauregard. This left for the defence of New Orleans less than three thousand militia, of which twelve hundred had muskets, and the remainder ver}^ indiflerent shot-guns. Thesy troops were commanded by their own State officers, and a part of them, when ordered to the support of Fort Jackson, muti- nied, refused to go, and had to be forced on board the trans- ports by other regiments. Lovell reported to the War De- partment the manner in which his district had been stripped of men, and guns, and ships, and objected to it. But Mr. Mallory thought the place to defend New Orleans was '' above" So LovelPs complaints met with little favor. The strength of the land defences was great. Lovell had ob- structed and fortified all the water-approaches, and relied upon the Navy to have such iron-clads and other gunboats as would enable him to compete with the enemy by water. The naval defences were entirely independent of Lovell, under the command of Commodore Ilollins, and afterwards Connnander 94 RECOLLECTIONS OF Whittle. These gentlemen complained constantly of the in- adequacy of the means placed at their command — they were often without money to pay their workmen. The " Louisiana" and " Mississippi" were never completed, and yet it v/as very well known the safety of the city rested on these two vessels. Beauregard's obstructions were never built. They would cost *' one hundred thousand dollars," and so, with a " penny-wise" policy, they were rejected. Lovell now had built the best raft {cheap) he could make, which he anchored as firmly as he could with all the anchors and chains he could possibly pro- cure. The depth of the river, one hundred and fifty feet, with a bottom of shifting sand, made this a difncult task. The swift current, swollen to an unprecedented height, piled up the drift against the raft. Lovell kept steamboats and skiffs constantly at w^ork to remove this accumulation, but the raft began to sag — at last it parted, in the early days of March. The river w^as opened. Lovell now sent down to make another raft, from the debris, with chains and schooners; which he did. Tliis second raft was broken by the collision of the fire-rafts and tenders, at the time of the siege of the Forts. LovelPs only hope about the rafts was, that he could probably keep them there in position until the iron-clads, the Louisiana and Mississippi, were finished, when they (the iron-clads) would answer for '' the keeping of the River .'" He had had made a long horizontal boom, but he could not get large chains to secure it with. He asked General Polk for some he had at Columbus, but received no reply. The chains were afterwards abandoned at Columbus. The building of the iron-clads pro- gressed slowly. Everybody became impatient about them. The " Safety Committee" offered unlimited means and carte blanche to the builders, urging that the work should be pushed on by day and night. It was vital to the city. Application was made to Richmond to hasten it. It availed but little. The dreadful apathy about this Department could not be shaken off. General Lovell and the Safety Committee Avere the only people awake in it ! Lovell was doing his utmost (and he is a HENEY WATKINS ALLEN. 95 man of great activity, both mental and physical). He was aided by the State and Governor Moore, as far as possible. Some members of the Safety Committee, however, did not like Lovell. The people had no confidence in him. They were very prejudiced and unjust. On one occasion he asked for two hundred thousand dollars from the Safety Committee. They declined giving it to him unless he told them the use he meant to put it to. Of course he did not satisfy their curi- osity, or their suspicion, so derogatory to him in every wa}^, as an officer, a patriot, and a gentleman. Lovell prepared and sent down forty or fifty fire-rafts, loaded with light w^ood, mixed with cotton, rosin, and tar-oil, which w^ere placed above and below the second " obstruction." He tried to place torpedoes in the river, but the great depth (more than one hundred and fifty feet), and the powerful current, baffled this effort. He had a Drummond-light made and put on Fort Jackson, but the enemy's shells destroyed this. At LovelPs request, Governor Moore took two steamers lying in the river, had them strengthened with cotton-bales, and pro- vided with officers and crews, which he placed under LovelPs orders. These two boats, the General Quitman, under Grant, and the Governor Moore, under Kennon, were armed with two heavy guns each, and sent to Fort Jackson. This was all of the icaler defence that Lovell could command absolutely, — the " River fleet," and the '' iron-clads," the one under Montgomery, the other under Whittle, being responsible to the Secretary of the Navy alone. Lovell urged upon Commodore Whittle the completion of the " iron-clads," but he replied that they were not under his control, the contractors being made independent of his order, by the Secretary of the Navy. Lovell, and Whittle, and the Safety Committee, and the indignation and impatience of the people, could not move the contractors. They said they were doing all they could. " Festina lente" is not a good proverb, with a powerful enemy thundering with mortars and bombshells at one's door, but it seems to have been Mr. Mallory's and the Tifts'. The people, witli the usual 96 RECOLLECTIONS OF inconsistency of popular prejudice, poured all the vials of their wrath on LovelPs head. Lovell found great difficulties in casting heavy guns. The pits for casting could not be used on account of the water, which, in that low, flat country, rapidly filled them. It became necessary to make casings in the pits to exclude the water. Learning by accident, in the earl}' part of March, that Pensacola was to be abandoned, Lovell renewed his application for some of the columbiads and mortars, of which there was a large number there. He tele- graphed to Mr. Benjamin, on the 7th of March, 1862 : " In case of evacuation of points now fortified, please order ten- inch guns and mortars here." To this telegram he received no reply. On the 15th of March he telegraphed to Major- General S. Jones, commanding at Mobile, to send him ten-inch mortars, and also wrote on the 21st. Eeceiviiig no answer, he telegraphed the Secretary of War again, requesting him to order General Jones to send the columbiads and mortars promptly. To which he replied, ''that he had ordered them to be sent as requested." On the 29th, Lovell telegraphed the Secretary of War — now Mr. Randolph — that the enemy were in force at the mouth of the river, and to " please send the guns immediately." General Randolph sent a telegram " to know what guns Lovell meant, wdiether guns in battery or guns on the way to him." Lovell replied : " A part of the ten- inch columbiads and sea-coast mortars w^iich were at Pensa- cola — that New Orleans had only one of the former and none of the latter." On the 4th of April the Secretary of War telegraphed Lovell that he had endeavored " to get from Pensacola colum- biads and sea-coast mortars, but found that all had been sent to Mobile that could be spared." Finding he could not obtain guns by authorit}^ Lovell sent Major Duncan (son-in-law to General Quitman), since dead, an energetic officer, to get as many guns of that calibre as he could, and to bring them through, unless stopped by a superior officer. Major Duncan reported that General Jones would HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 97 let Lovell have the guns if he were in command, but that ho had been ordered away. Major Duncan telegraphed General Bragg, who replied, " that the commanding officer was author- ized to give the guns if he thought ipvoiper, but that they re- garded the points above Memjyhis as best for the defence of New Orleans r The commanding officer at Mobile refused to give the guns. Duncan now went to Pensacola and took three guns, which he brought to New Orleans. Lovell telegraphed and wrote to Beauregard to request General Bragg " to order''^ him these guns — Beauregard knew he needed them. He had said to Lovell, before he took charge of the Department, " Put large- guns at the Fortsr Lovell now borrowed some of the guns of the Louisiana, from Commodore Whittle. Lovell now sent a regiment of troops, under Colonel Schymansky, to Quarantine, to prevent an approach to the river-bank above Fort St. Philip by the enemy. He also organized sharpshooters for service on the banks of the River below the Forts. The unprecedented high .water dislodged these troops, who were removed to the west bank, where they remained until captured by the enemy's fleet. General Duncan was put in command of all the works of the exterior lines, and he made his headquarters at Fort Jackson. Lovell sent to Beauregard for the ram Manassas, which he sent down the river as soon as he could. Commodore Hollins came down in April with the McRae. Lovell had held a consultation with Whittle and Hollins, which ended in his telegraphing to the Secretary of the Navy for permission to Hollins to take the River fleet, and his own, with the Manassas, to attempt a demonstration against Farragut. Hollins said *' he felt satisfied he could cut Farragut up. He would fight him to the greatest advantage. Farragut's ships would have been exposed bow foremost to his broadsides, and the sides of his vessels to the fire of the Forts. If he should have ex- posed the sterns of his vessels to the fire of the Forts, they would have been sunk in a short time." But the Secretary of the Navy rejected the plan, replying, that the main attach 5 08 eecollectiojS's of upon New Orleans was to he from above, not below." Hollins, in his reply to the " Court of Inquiry," says : " Had my squadron been at the mouth of the river, I could hare kept the enemy from crossing' the bar ; their heav^ier ships had to be lightened very greatly, their armament, etc., taken out, before they could be put over, I could then have whipped their smaller craft with n^y squadron, and have prevented their larger vessels from getting over, if it had not been in my power to have destroyed them. Subsequently, when the enemy^s fleet w'as in the river, if I had been permitted, I could have taken my squadron and have driven him back at the time he passed the Forts. Tiie refusal of the Secretary of the Navy to allow these measures to be carried out, is the cause, in my judgment, of the fliU of New Orleans." On the 20th of April, Commodore Whittle decided to take the Louisiana, although not entirely ready with her motive- power, down at once to the Forts, but he could get no powder for the guns, except three thousand pounds Lovell had already given him. As she was an iron-clad ship, mounting sixteen guns, many of which were rifled, of tlie heaviest calibre and longest range, Lovell determined to give her fifty rounds from his battery of smooth-bore thirty-twos, on the lower line, which gave the Louisiana five thousand pounds additional, but left the Battery with only twenty rounds. He thought the powder would do better service on the Louisiana than on the inner line, with his light guns and new recruits. He issued no am- munition to the militia at the camp near the interior line, because they were utterly useless against ships ; no land attack was anticipated. And, above all, they had in some regiments mani- fested such an insubordinate disposition, that Lovell felt unwil- ling to put ammunition in their hands. The best fighting material was gone from the city. Lovell had, however, six hundred thousand rounds of shot-gun cartridges, made up for the use of this line, and deposited in the arsenal, to be issued when the proper time should arrive. Lovell now employed two steamers, and sent them to General Duncan for towing the fire-rafts in HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. " 99 position for setting them adrift. Several other steamers were also provided to carry down sand-bags, already filled, for pro- tection to the magazines, &c., &c., of the Forts. Captain J. K. Mitchell was put in charge of the fire-rafts, the steamers for towing them, and all other floating defences at the Forts. Steevenson, in command of" the River fleet," informed Mitchell, Lovell, and Hollins, " that all the officers and crews of the vessels under his command had entered the service with the distinct understanding, or condition, that they were not to be placed under the orders of naval officers ; and, therefore, while willing to co-operate with the other forces, he could receive no orders from any one himself, nor allow any vessel of his com- mand to do so ; that he reserved to himself the right of obey- ing or not, any orders issued." This was very embarrassing in the face of an enemy. Steevenson now undertook " to co-operate," by taking charge of the " fire-rafts ;" but he cut them adrift too soon, so that they drifted against the banks at the Forts, firing the wharves, and lighting up the Forts, while they ob- scured the position of the enemy. One fire-raft was taken down successfully, by the little tug Mosher, which created much perturbation among the enemy. On the 9th of April, the enemy made his first reconnoissance — gradually his larger boats were worked over the bar, and the bombardment began. Hollins was not allowed to go down and fight him at the bar ; the River fleet did what they pleased. The Naval force was represented by the unfinished " Louisiana" and the ram Ma- nassas. Commodore Steevenson's fire-rafts had collided with the raft, and helped to break it away. The men in the Forts fought nobly. From the 9th to the 28th of April the siege continued. The river-water was eighteen inches deep in the Forts : the men had to work day and night to keep the maga- zines dry, Mitchell did not keep the river lighted with fire- rafts. Under cover of the darkness, on the 20th of April one of the enemy's gunboats came up and attempted to cut the chains of the raft and drag ofl" a schooner. A heavy fire was 100 • RECOLLECTIONS OF opened on her, but not until she had p arti ah y accomplished her purpose, could she be forced to retire. The mortar-fire of the enemy was accurate and terrible, many of the shot falling everywhere within the forts, and disabling the best guns. None of the boats acted as a Guardboat at night below the raft, though any of " the River fleet" were well fitted for this most important duty. Steevenson did not choose to send them. Perpetual failures in the fire-barges continued. Tlie enemy sent up two launches to examine the character of the obstruc- tions in the river. The men in the forts acted magnificently. So it went on till the 24th of April. Lovell and Duncan find- ing the obstructions gone, entreated Whittle to put the Lou- isiana, which was an iron-clad invulnerable floating-battery, in a certain position near Fort St. Philip. Whittle replied he could not, it would sacrifice the vessel, which had no motive- power of her own — being yet unfinished. Duncan said she would be under the guns of both forts, and entirely out of the bombardment, and that it would require a change in the position of the mortar-fleet to enable them to strike the vessel with shell, if she would have been struck at all. All these facts were explained to Whittle, and he was urged to place the vessel there, even if she was lost, as the maintaining the j^osi- tion of the troops in the forts, since the destruction of the raft, was only a question of time. Whittle told Mitchell " to strain a point to put the Louisiana in the requisite position." Mitch- ell would not do it ; he said " she would be ready for service on the 24th." Duncan told him that would be " too late for J^eio Orleans.^'' By the most criminal neglect, the river re- mained in total darkness, all the night of the 23d of April. The bombardment continued all night, and grew furious towards morning. On the 24tli of April, at half past three a. m., the larger vessels of the enemy were observed to be in motion. *' The Louisiana" was still in her old position above Fort St. Philip, surrounded by her tenders, on board of which was the majority of her cannoneers and crew ; and the other boats of the fleet were generally at anchor above her, excepting the HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 101 Jackson, Captain Renshaw, C. S. N., commanding, which had been sent, at Duncan's suggestion, the day previous, to prevent the landing of forces through the canals above. The'McRae lay near and above the Louisiana, and the steam-ram Ma- nassas with her tender lay in her constant position above Fort Jackson, both with steam up and ready for immediate action. "The enemy," says Duncan, "evidently anticipated a strong demonstration to be made against him with fire-barges. Find- ing, upon his approach, however, that no such demonstration was made, and that the only resistance offered to his passage was the expected fire of the forts — the broken and scattered raft being then no obstacle — I am satisfied he was suddenly in- spired, for the first time, to run the gauntlet at all hazards, al- though not a part of the original design. Be this as it may, a rapid rush was made by him in columns of twos in echelon, so as not to interfere with each other's broadsides. The mortar- fire was furiously increased upon Fort Jackson, and in dashing by, each of the vessels delivered broadside after broadside, of shot, shell, grape, canister, and spherical case, to drive the men from our guns. Both ofiicers and men stood up manfully under this galling and fearful hail, and the batteries of both forts were promptly opened at their longest range, with shot, shell, hot shot, and a little grape, and most gallantly and rapidly fought, until the enemy succeeded in getting above and be- yond our range. The absence of light on the river, together with the smoke of the guns, made the obscurity so dense that scarcely a vessel was visible, and in consequence, the gunners were obliged to govern their firing entirely by the flashes of the enemy's guns. I am fully satisfied that the enemy's dash was successful, mainly, owing to the cover of darkness, as a Frigate and several Gunboats were forced to retire as day was breaking. Similar results had attended every previous attempt to pass or to reconnoitre, made by the enemy when we had sufficient light to fire with accuracy and efi'ecf. "The passage was of short duration, having been accomplished between half- past three and daylight, under a rapid and very heavy head of 102 BECOLLECTIONS OF steam." It must be remembered that it is very difficult to sink any vessel with shot, in smooth water. She does not roll, so a hole could not be put in her between wind and water, and all other perforations are readily plugged with shot-plugs, or other filling. "The River fleet" now ran away ignobly, adopt- ing Falstaff's catechism, or the wise thought of Hudibras, as its creed for the moment. The McRae was gallantly and heroi- cally handled, and fought by Captain Huger. The Governor Moore, under Captain Beverly Kennon, fought and sunk " The Varuna." The Manassas was riddled with shot, as if it had been made of brown paper. She was now abandoned and fired, and set adrift down the river. Lovell had come down to try to persuade Mitchell to place the Louisiana in the position he regarded so important. He tried in vain to check the shameful flight of the River fleet. He remained on liis steamboat until "the Varuna" was sunk by Captain Kennon, then returned to the city, where he knew his presence was now necessary. Lovell found the people in a very agitated state : the rumor of the passage of the enemy's fleet into the River had pre- ceded him. He addressed the people, and tried vainly to allay the excitement. The feeling against him was very much exasperated. The populace were ready to believe that the city had been sold. It was intimated to him that the citizens were willing to sacrifice the city, like another Numantia, and that there could be found one thousand desperate men, who would man steamboats and attack the fleet — devoting themselves thus for the country. He had advertisements put in the difi*erent newspapers — oftered to lead this " forlorn hope," or, as he was fully cognizant of the prejudice against him, to put it in the hands of Major S. L. James. There were one hundred and fifty volunteers only, and the matter dropped. As a matter of history — and of personal pride — it would be valuable to get the list of the names of these one hundred and fifty Decii, if possible, to put on record on the golden roll of honor ! Lovell now turned his attention to the removal of the Gov- ernment stores from the city, to a more secure position. By HENRY WATKINS ALLEIT. 103 the most arduous labor and Herculean elFort, nearly the whole of the valuable stores, machinery of the workshops, etc., were gotten out and sent off to Camp Moore, and Vicksburg, which was now being rapidly fortified under Captain Harris. Lovell resolved to evacuate the city, unless tlie citizens were willing to sacrifice it — for several reasons, which will suggest themselves to any one conversant with military movements. In the first place, the city was filled with non-combatants, women and children, almost destitute of provisions — utterly unprovided for a siege. In the second, New Orleans being an Island, except for the narrow isthmus which connected it with the mainland, through which ran the New Orleans and Jackson Railroad, a single ship of the enemy, laid to command this Railroad at Kenner, would effectually bar all further escape on the part either of the troops or people. There were but few boats in the River above. It would be an impossibility to remove by water one hundred and fifty thousand people, under almost any, the most propitious circumstances. All, then, that was kft for Lovell — after, by the incompetency of the watei' defence^ the city was virtually surrendered. — to do, was to save his troops^ if possible, and the Government Stores, so as to attem.pt the renewal of his effort "to hold the River" in another position ; which he unhesitatingly did, unheeding the popular clamor, the ignorant vociferations of i\\e multitude, whose best interests he was consulting. As a soldier, and a man of humanity and patriotism, Lovell's evacuation of New Orleans was right, noble, and patriotic. Lovell advised the oflicer in command of the Gunboats, " to take the boats on tlie Lake to Mobile;" but the officer chose to destroy them in preference. "The Mississippi" might have been towed up the River and completed, when she alone would have enabled us to have " kei)t th« River," but she was burnt by order of the naval officers, who alone had control of her. Lovell took his troops to Camp Moore on the 25th of April, thus converting New Orleans into a defenceless city, and leaving the enemy no ground for bombarding it. The River was so high that the lOi EECOLLECTIONS OF ships lay at least nine feet higher than the level of the city, and the guns would therefore be able to sweep the streets in every direction. Duncan, at the Forts, still continued to hold them. He now requested Mitchell to place " the Louisiana'' in the bight above Fort Jackson, where she would be more efficient as a battery, and her guns could protect the rear of the Forts, and sweep the long reach of river above, towards the Quarantine. This was the more important, as all the heavy guns at the Forts had been mounted to bear upon the lower approaches, and not on those above. Mitchell promised to do it " on the next day" — but he never did it. The position of the Louisiana remained unchanged — the Louisiana had received broadside after broad- side from the enemy, within the closest range, uninjured, show- ing she was bomb-proof; but she had no motive-power of her own, and no tender able to move her — owing to the fact of the men. on the tender being intoxicated, one tender also being crippled, and the ^''Defiance''' refusing positively to aid in mov- ing her. On the 2Gth Captain Mitchell communicated with the city above and learned it had been surrendered, and that the " Mississippi" had been burned by the authorities. On the 2'7th, Commander David M. Porter, U.S. IST., commanding the raortar-fieet, demanded the surrender of the forts. Duncan refused to surrender. " So far, throughout the entire bombard- ment and final action, the spirit of the troops was cheerful, confident, and courageous. They were mostly foreign enlist- ments, without any great interests at stake in the ultimate suc- cess of the Kevolution. A reaction set in among them, during the lull of the 25th, 26th, and 27th, when there was no other excitement than the fatigue-duty of repairing damages, and when the rumor was current that the city had surrendered, and was in the hands of the enemy. No reply had been received from the city to Duncan's dispatches, by which he could reassure them. They were still obedient, but not buoy- ant nor cheerful — they had v/orked gayly in the almost sub- merged Fort, endured all privations and fatigues with great HENRY AV ATKINS ALLEN. 105 and admirable courage — but tliey now lost hope, and fortitude failed them. Every thing, however, remained quiet until raid- night, when the garrison at Fort Jackson revolted en masse^ seized upon the guards and the posterns — reversed the field- pieces commanding the gates, and spiked the guns, wliile many of tlie men commenced leaving the Forts under arms. The men were drawn up underarms, and positively refused to fight any longer, and endeavored to force the St. Mary's cannoneers, who remained true, to join in the mutiny. The mutineers stated that the ofiicers intended to hold out as long as possible, or while the provisions lasted, and that then they would blow up the Forts with every thing in them ; tliat the city had sur- rendered, and there vras no further use in fighting ; that the enemy were about to attack by land and water on three sides at once, and that a longer defence would only be a butchery. Every endeavor was made by the ofiicers to repress the revolt, but without avail. Ofiicers upon the ramparts were fired upon by the mutineers, in attempting to stop the spiking of the guns. Tlie revolt being so general among the men, the ofiicers were powerless to act. In this woful condition, there was but one course left for the ofiicers to pursue — to let those men go v,-ho desired it, in order to see the number left, and to ascer- tain what reliance could be placed on them. About one half of the garrison left immediately, including volunteers, regulars, non-commissioned ofiicers and privates, and among them many of the very men who had stood, last and best, at their guns throughout the whole bombardment and during the action of the 24:th. The St. Mary's cannoneers stood firm, but it was evident that there was no figiit in the men remaining — they were completely demoralized. Mitchell came over to the Fort and discussed the whole question ; after which he left, remark- ing he wovdd "now put 'the Louisiana' in position and attack the enemy at Quarantine." It icas too late! Had he been wiUing to sacrifice the Louisiana — which now had to go — a few days earlier, it might have saved the city, the Forts, and we might still have "kept the River." It was now decided best 106 RECOLLECTIONS OF to surrender the two Forts, as the men at St. Philip, though not in open revolt, were greatly discouraged. Duncan now sent a flag of truce to the fleet. While the negotiations were pending, the Louisiana, with her guns protruded, and slie on fire, drifted down the River towards the Fleet. Fler guns were discharged at random, as she floated down, and she finally blew up, near Fort St. Philip, scattering fragments everywhere within and around the F'ort — killing one of our men and wounding three or four others — among them Captain Mcintosh, C. S. N"., who had been severely wounded in the discharge of his duty on the night of the passage of the Forts. He was lying in a tent near the Fort. The Louisiana was fired prior to the time of the arrival of the enemy's boats with white flags, at the Forts. Duncan now returned to the city. He found the enemy's vessels lying off the town — and no flags flying in it, except the flag of the State of Louisiana — which was floating from the City Hall. Farragut ordered the State flag removed, and the United States flag hoisted in its stead, upon the penalty of shelling the city within forty-eight hours, if the demand was not complied with — ordering the women and children out of the city within the specified time. Lovell was in the city, having returned from Cam]? Moore to reiterate to the Mayor, Mr. Monroe, his willingness to bring his troops back if the people desired to fight still — but his profier was rejected. The Flag was taken down, now, by some of Far- ragut's men, and the United States flag placed there in its stead, — the people looking on in silence, and weeping, hope- lessly. Lovell now quitted the city and returned to Camp Moore. Many of his guns were placed in the fortifications at Vicksburg and Jackson, and he had saved machinery and stores of great value, as well as his little army, which after- wards did good service. Lovell fought afterwards gallantly at Corinth and Cofifeeville ; and it was Lovell who fortified Columbia. He now resigned his rank as Commander of the Department, and was relieved by General Yan Dorn, a native of Port Gibson, Miss. The HENRY WATKINS ALLEN". 107 clamor of the people still followed Lovell ; but, perliaps, when the true history of the Confederate war is written, it will be discovered that Mansfield Lovell Vv'as neither unfaithful nor inefficient in the discharge of his duties while lie acted as a soldier in the Southern army. So fell the first line South of defence of the River. The Battle of Baton Rouge eventuated in the forming another line, beginning at Port Hudson. Lovell had, by ingenuity, activity, and ceaseless industry, not only supplied his own defences, prepared all the land fortifications admirably, so as to resist almost any attack by land — at all the passes as well as the city — but also furnished supplies and aid of every kind to other parts of the Confederacy, as well as the Naval forces at New Orleans, Avhich he aided to his full extent of ability ; but though he thus met, and warded off, the indif- ference of the Secretary of War, he had no means, nor was he allowed to attempt to fill up tlve slackness of energy and neg- ligence of the Secretary of the Navy, on whom must rest the whole responsibility of the fall of New Orleans. Lovell was censured by the Court of Inquiry for not notifying Major M. L.Smith of the surrender of tlie city. The facts are, that Lovell was at the Interior line (Cbalmette) on the 24th, after the first ships passed the Forts, and gave orders — not knowing the niimher which would- succeed in passing, or the fact of the destruction of the River and Naval forces^-to have the lines held against small vessels, if possible. He knew very well two small rifled 32-pounders, and works manned entirely with smooth-bores of the same calibre, could do nothinoraorainst ships of size. The interior works were intended to be held against land attacks, and the few guns put at the River were to protect the rear of the works against small or single ships which might get up through the shallower passes of the Missis- sippi. Smith, as soon as he perceived the fleet within range, opened fire with his "^;o/>^i/?i5,"* and shot away all his am- munition in a few moments. The stately vessels " opened their * Smith's owu worcls 108 RECOLLECTIOKS OF ports" on him, and in a few minutes he evacuated the lines with his men — being as ivell posted as Lovell himself about the passage of the fleet, and necessary sequence of the surrender of the city. Smith now made his way across the country and joined Lovell at Camp Moore. The guns were lost on the interior line. After being spiked, they wxre abandoned. They were not of mu*ch value. An eye-witness described to me the grand picturesque "effect" of the bombardment of the Forts, as the vessels dashed by. I give it in his own words : " I was standing on the stern of the little steamboat, who had her head up stream. The launch was just being lowered for General Lovell to go down to the Louisiana, to try to prevail on Mitchell to put her in a position to blockade the river. It was pitch-dark. Look- ing up, I saw what I supposed a shooting star rush over our heads and fade instantaneously. I observed to a sailor near me, ' What a beautiful star !' " ' Yes,' he replied, ' and it bodes no good to the enemy, for it falls our way.' "I smiled at his superstition and turned away. Just at that moment another of the stars shot over us; then came the boom of a gun from the lower fort. " ' Those are rockets, not stars,' I exclaimed ; ' the Yankees are showing a head round the corner. Listen to the gun !' It w^as so dark Ave could see nothing ; but as the second rocket faded, in one instant the whole scene was brilliantly illuminated as if by magic. Every gun opened in the Forts. The vessels poured broadside after broadside as they rushed past. The mortars filled the air. It was so bright with the glare of the guns' rapid firing, that we could see every yard, every sail, every rope, every man in the rigging, every man at the guns in the Forts, dark against the red sulphurous light. The men working the little howitzers in the rigging of the Hartford looked like black imps or devils clinging and climbing about her ropes. It was the most supei-b sight I ever witnessed — so flashing, so bewildering, so magnificent, so brief!" HENRY WATKIXS ALLEN. 109 Flag-Officer D. G. Farragut took possession of the city and ordered all flags — State as well as Confederate — to be removed from the public buildings, and the United States fing substi- tuted. The following correspondence may be of value to some future historian. I therefore introduce it here as explanatory of the heinousness of the murder of William B. Mumford — who was afterwards hung by order of General B. F. Butler on the 7th of June. This extract is taken from a newspaper of the day : We give the Mayor's reply to the communication from Flag-Officer Farragut, received on Monday, as follows : City Hall, April 28, 1862. To Flag-Officer D. G. Farragut, IT. 8. Flag-SMp Hartford : Your communication of this morning is the first intimation I ever had that it was by your strict orders that the United States flag was at- tempted to bo hoisted upon certain of our public edifices, by officers sent on shore to communicate witli the authorities. The officers who ap- proached me in your name disclosed no such orders, and intimated nor such design on your part, nor would I have for a moment entertained the remotest suspicion that they could have been invested with power to enter on such an errand, while the negotiations for a surrender between you and the city authorities were still pending. The interference of any force under your command, as long as those negotiations were not brought to a close, could not be viewed by us otherwise than as a flagrant viola- tion of those courtesies, if not of the absolute rights, which prevail between belligerents under such circumstances. My views and senti- ments with reference to such conduct remain unchanged. You now renew the demands made in your former communication, and you insist on their being complied with unconditionally, under a threat of bombardment within forty-eight hours ; and you notify me to remove the women and children from the city, that they may be protected from your shells. Sir, you cannot but know that there is no possible exit from this city for a population which still exceeds in number one hundred and forty thousand, and you must, therefore, be aware of the utter insanity of such a notification. Our women and children cannot escape from your shells, if it be your pleasure to murder them on a question of mere etiquette. But if they could, there are but few among them who would consent to desert their families and their homes, and the graves of their relatives, 110 RECOLLECTIONS OF in so awful a moment. Tliey would bravely stand the sight of your shellfc, tearing up the graves of those who are so dear to them, and would deem that they died not ingloriously by the side of the tombs erected by their piety to the memory of departed relatives. You are not satisfied with the peaceable possession of an undefended city, opposing no resistance to your guns, because of its bearing its hard fate with something of manliness and dignity, and you wish to humble and disgrace us, by the performance of an act against which our natures rebel. This satisfaction you cannot expect to obtain at our hands. We will stand your bombardment, unarmed and undefended as we are. The civilized world will consign to indelible infamy the heart that will conceive the deed and the hand that will dare to consummate it. Eespectfuliy, John T. Monroe, Mayor of the City of New Orleans. About half-past seven o'clock on the morning of the 29th, two naval officers from the Federal fleet in the river, presented themselves at the City Hall, bearing the following communication : U. S. Flag-Ship IIartfoed, ) At anchor off the City of New Orleans, > Apiil 29, 1883. ) To His Honor the Mayor of the City of 2^ew Orleans : Sir — The Forts St. Philip and Jackson having surrendered, and all the military defences of the City being either captured or abandoned, you are required, as the sole representative of any supposed authority in the city, to haul down and suppress every ensign and symbol of Government, whether State or Confederate, except that of the United States. I am now about to raise the flag of the United States upon the Custom-House, and you will see that it is respected with all the civil power of the city. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, D. G. Farragut, Flag-OlTicer Western Gulf Blockading Squadron. About ten o'clock the City Council met, and after some consultation adjourned, it being understood that the members would individually do all in their power to suppress any violence or disorder during the visit of the Federal force to perform the acts of authority contemplated. Subsequently the Mayor iss .led the following proclamation : HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. Ill Mayoralty op New Orleans,) City Hall, April 29, 1862. i It is requested that all citizens retire to tlicir liomes during tlie per- formance by the United States forces of those acts of authority which it would be folly to resist. Any violence or disorder would be productive of the most serious disasters, and entail danger and suffering on the un- resisting population of the city. Fellow citizens, the honor and dignity of New Orleans have been main- tained. The flag of Louisiana is not to be removed from this building by any act of your authorities, but by those who have the power and the will to exercise it. You are enjoined to preserve order, and that silence, more eloquent than words, which befits so solemn an occasion. John T. Monroe, Mayor. Having heard that the Federals were preparing to land, we went down io the levee and saw some eight or more boats, filled with armed men, lying out in the river, a short distance from the levee, apparently wait- ing for orders, and a very large number of persons evidently watchijjg with intense interest every movement afloat. Returning into the city, we, not long afterwards, heard that the armed force of the ships had landed and proceeded to the Custom-House, to hoist the Federal flag on that building. On going in that direction, as we turned into Canal- street, we witnessed the hoisting of the flag. This was at half-past eleven o'clock. There was a large crowd in Canal»street, especially around the Federal force, drawn up in line alongside the Custom-House. There was no disturbance, and we did not hear any insulting expressions towards the men engaged in doing their duty. The act in which they were par- ticipating was one calculated to mortify and excite the thousands of spec- tators, but, suppressing the painful emotions the scene aroused, the great mass of persons present displayed a calm dignity that was highly credit- able to them and to the city. In very many cases, those who witnessed the painful spectacle, preserved " that silence more eloquent than words," while in others, the muttered exclamation betokened a volume of sup- pressed passion and hatred of the oppressor which boded no good to those who have overpowered us, but was indicative of a patriotism that cannot be extinguished. The same proceedings were had as to the City Hall — the Federals, armed with muskets and bayonets, and sailors with two brass cannon, proceeded to their work. All was quiet among the populace until the Federals were about leaving for their boats, when there were long, loud, and deafening cheers given for their departure. 112 RECOLLECTIONS OF From Sunday Delta, of the 8th of Jime, 1863. Headquahteks, Department of the Gulf, ) New Orleans, 5th June, 1862. ) Special Order No. 70. William B. Mumford, a citizen of New Orleans, having been convicted, before the Military Conamission, of Treason, and an overt act thereof, in tearing down a United States flag from a public building of the United States, for the purpose of inciting other evil-minded persons to further resistance to the laws and arms of the United States, after said flag was placed there by Commodore Farragut of the U. S. Navy — It is ordered that he be executed according to the sentence of the said Military Commission, on Saturday, June 7th inst., between the hours of 8 A. M. and 12 m., under the direction of the Provost Marshal of the District of New Orleans ; and for so doing, this shall be his suJGBcient warrant. By command of (Signed) MAJOR-GENERAii Butler, General Commanding. This extract is taken from a newspaper of the day. It was known among us that Mumford was not guilty of this " crime''' (?), of taking down the United States flag, which was done before the City was surrendered, and not done by him. General Butler's Court of Military Commission found him guilty. It must have been on circumstantial, if any evidence, because the flag was removed by a young lad of sixteen, " Adolphe Harper," who was hurried out of the City by his alarmed friends imme- diately after the commission of the daring act, before Harper Avas aware of Mumford's capture. Harper was sent up the River near Natchez. Learning afterwards of Mumford's sum- mary execution, young Harper, in an agony of distress, tried to get back to New Orleans, in order to surrender himself to the United States Authorities, in a vain thought of expiation to the niartyred Mumford. But liis friends about Natchez prevented this mad, boyish act — prompted by the lad's sense of honor — and at last succeeded in convincing him that it would be a use- less sacrilic>e of another life, which could be made valuable to HENRY WATKINS ALLEN 113 the South. Harper then joined Bradford's scouts, and was killed in a skirmish about ten miles from Natchez. He is buried in Fayette. Harper's friends say he was always " unde?^ a cloud^^^ after Mumford's death. He was very hand- some, and a very brave, reckless soldier. I hesitated as to the expediency of writing this fact of history; but I have cast expediency aside in the presence of truth, and I write it. Note. — Most of tliis account of tlie Fall of New Orleans is draTvn from official sources, and tlie proceedings of the Court of Inquiry, held at General Lovell's repeated requests. From this I extract also the follow- ing portions : — EXAMINATION OF GENERAL BEAUREGAHD. " The Forts commanding the river having been passed, New Orleans lay necessarily at the mercy of the enemy's heavy guns afloat, which, owing to the high sta^e of the River, commanded the banks on both sides to the swamps, skirting the River at a distance varying from a half to a mile. An army of fifty thousand men, or more, could not have saved the City from destruction. Whether the latter was desirable at the time, before New Orleans had experienced Butler's iron rule, could only have been determined by the State or Confederate Authorities, who should have considered whether the destruction of so large a city would have done more injury to the enemy than to ourselves. It is evident that to him (the enemy) Baton Rouge is a better strategic point than New Orleans, and the destruction of the latter would have relieved him of the necessity of keeping a garrison of five or six thousand men there to guard it ; this act would have been mere empty bravado — a wanton destruction of an immense amount of private and pul)lic property, which would have shaken, at tlie time, the Confederacy to its very foundations, and thrown upon the (iovernment a helpless population of about one hundred and sixty thousand non-combatants (men, women, and children) to feed and provide for, when already overburdened to supply the wants of the armies in the field. " As I have already stated, the Mississippi River being extremely high, the streets of New Orleans could have been swept from one extremity to the other by the heavy guns of the enemy's fleet. Or, had Commodore Farragut preferred reducing the place to submission without using his guns, it would have been only necessary to have cut the Icvec above and 114 RECOLLECTIONS OF below tlie city, and the whole population would liave been utterly de- fenceless and in a starving condition in a few days. Without the com- mand of the Mississippi River, New Orleans is not worth holding as a military or strategic position. " I am decidedly of opinion that Forts Jackson and St. Philip could not have prevented a certain number of steamers out of a fleet, from passing up the River in a dark night or a foggy day. A boom construction is, in my opinion, the only kind that could have answered the pui-pose of pre- venting the enemy's steamers from passing those Forts ; but the x)roblem of constructing those booms so as to enable them to resist the pressure of the drift-wood, is a difficult one, wliich would require very thorough ex- amination and study to solve it satisfactorily. Knowing the importance of a boom for the defence of New Orleans, when the State seceded, I had made the drawing and estimates of a boom, to be put across the River, between those Forts. When, in February, 1861, 1 left New Orleans for Montgomery, at the call of the Confederate States Government, I placed the dra-vvings and plates referred to in the hands of Colonel Paul Herbert, for the use of the State Military Board, calling their attention to the urgent necessity of having the boom constructed and put in position at the earliest moment practicable ; but I am informed it was never done, on account of its cost (less than $100,000), and the time required for ita construction, probably three months." EXAMIXATION OF LIEUTENAKT A. F. WAELY, C. S. N. Question. " Why was not the Louisiana placed in the position desired by Generals Lovell and Duncan ? Answer. " The vessel was not put in that position, desired by Generals Lovell and Duncan, because the vessel had no propelling power of her own, and to have taken that position she would have been under the fire of the mortar-boats of the enemy, while she would not have been able to have reached them ; her port-holes were so constructed that her guns could not have had sufficient elevation to bring their fire within range. In my opinion, she would have been sunk in that position in a half-hour, without effecting a particle of good. In that opinion the Senior Officers of the Council concurred without a dissenting voice. One shell falling perpen- dicularly on the upper deck of the Louisiana would have been sufficient to have sunk her. The upper deck was flat, and only covered with very thin plates of iron. She was built to fight against vessels throwing broad.^ides at close range. We hoped to be able in three or four days to propel her at the rate of three knots an hour, which would have enabled her to have destroved everv thing in the River." HENRY WATKINS ALLEX 115 Question. " What measures not adopted miglit have been taken that would have been effective for liolding the Mississippi River against the Federal fleet? Answer. " If the River-defence fleet and the Governor Moore and the General Quitman had co-operated with the Manassas, as rams, they might have prevented the passage of the Forts. One of the River-fleet, the Defiance, never left the bank, and all the other- boats, except the McRae, steamed np the River without firing a gun, or taking any part in the fight. The next morning, the Stonewall Jackson and the Governor Moore came down to the Quarantine, ran into a Yankee Gunboat and Bunk her. Had they acted in the same manner the night before, making their power available, they could have kept the enemy's fleet under the fire of the Forts, and the city would liaye been saved. If the fleet could have teen held fifteen minutes under the fire of the Forts, I believe we might have sunk every vessel they had. Had there been proper use of the fire-rafts, it would have conduced greatly to tlie safety of the city. I know of but one fire-raft carried down to the fleet, which came near destroying the Hartford, the Flag-ship of the enemy ; this was taken dov/n by the Mosher, commanded by Captain Sherman, who was wounded, and had his vessel sunk. There was a large number of these rafts, thirty or forty of them (prepared by Lovell), wliich were not used, and which, even if not set on fire, would have been useful in blockading the channel, had they been sent down. Steevenson, generally called Commodore Steeven- son, of the Montgomery fleet, in attempting to carry down some fire-rafts on the other side of the obstructions, permitted them to drift upon the obstructions, which caused them to be broken in the centre, so that the middle of the River was a free and open channel." Confederate States of America, ) Department of State, >• Richmond, January 19th, 18G3. ) Major-General Mansfield Lovell, present : Sir — I state at your request, that while I was Secretary of War, in giving you orders to take charge of the defence of the Department of Louisiana, you requested authority to control the operations of the oiRcers of the Navy within the Department, and to order such dispositions of naval force as you might deem best to aid in the defence. I answered you that your request could not be granted ; that the Department of War could assume no control over naval operations, which were confided by law to a distinct Department, and that you must rely (for securing the aid of naval forces) on endeavoring to establish concert of action through 116 RECOLLECTIONS. mutual understanding between yourself and the naval officer highest in rank in your Department. Your obedient servant, J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of State. HeadquabterSj Richmond, Va., ) May 24th, 1862. ) Major-General M. Lovell, Commanding, etc., Camp Moore: General — I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 11th instant. My reply to your former communication will have made known to you the opinion I entertain of your course in evacuating New Orleans. That opinion is confirmed by the additional particulars contained in your letter just received. After the enemy succeeded in passing the Forts, it seems there was nothing left for you to do but to withdraic the troops. I think you may confidently rely upon the judgment of intelligent and reflecting men, for the justification of your course, as soon as the facts, as they actually existed, shall be known. The city being lost, I approve of your purpose to confine the State from his ravages. The means with which you propose to accomplish this, seem to be the best you can now employ, and I must urge you to put them in operation without delay, soliciting bold and judicious partisans, who can raise proper corps, and Vv'hose appointment, when recommended by you, will be subject to the approval of the President. In the mean time set them vigorously to work. The want of arms is much felt every^vhere, and no exertions should be spared to procure all of serviceable kind. I hope to be able to send you one thousand rifles from a cargo lately arrived, should it em- brace arms for the Confederacy. I am. General, very respectfully, your obedient servant, R. E. Lee, General. Fort Jackson, La., 3^ o'clock, a.m., ) April 24th, 1862. i Captain, J. K. Mitchell, Commanding Naval Forces Loicer Mississippi River : Captain — As I anticipated, and informed you yesterday, the enemy are taking up their position, at the present moment, with their large ships on the Fort St. Philip shore, to operate against Fort Jackson. They are placing themselves boldly, with lights at their mast-heads. You are assuming a fearful responsibility if you do not come at once to our as- sistance with the Louisiana and the fleet. I can say no more. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. K. DUNCAIT. BOOK VI. "Holding the Kiver."— Vickhburg.— The Arkansas. Colonel Henry W. Allen had been removed from fortify- ing Fort Berwick Chene and sent to join Beauregard in Ten- nessee. Shiloli had been fought. Brigadier-General M. L. Smith assumed command of the defences of Yicksburg on the 12th of May, 1862, in obedience to orders fi'om Major-General Lovell. He proceeded immedi- ately to pi-epare for the enemy, who had passed Baton Rouge with a formidable fleet, having in view the opening of the River to Memphis and Fort Pillow, which were then held by the Confederates. New Orleans had fallen. When Smith arrived at Vicksburg, often batteries that had been in use, three only were completed and a fourth begun. We remember Beauregard had ordered " the guns to be placed in position now, parapets to be built after." He was obeyed. Colonel J. L'Antry was in command at this time, and pushed the works vigorously forward, under his Chief Engineer, Capt. D. B. Harris. The work was prosecuted with all possible vigor, the men working night and day from the 12th to the 18th instant. On the 18th the First Division of the Federal fleet hove in sight. Six batteries were complete in the devoted city. The cannon- (' Tv; \yi^,y(^ at their posts, fairly drilled. The surrender of Vicks- 118 BECOLLECTIONS OF burg and its defences was demanded by the advance Division in the following terms : U. S. Steamer Oneida, \ Near Vicksburg. May 18, 1862. \ To the Authorities of Vicksburg : The undersigned, witli orders from Flag-OflBcer Farragut and Major- General Butler, respectfully demand, in advance of tlie approaching fleet, the surrender of Vicksburg and its defences to the lawful authorities of the United States, under which private property and personal rights will be respected. Very respectfully yours, (Signed) J. Phillips Lee, U. S. N., Commanding Advance Naval Division. P. Williams, Brigadier-General. This reply was returned by the Confederates : Headquakters, Vicksburg, ^ May 18, 1862. \ Sir — Your communication of this date, addressed to the Authorities of Vicksburg, demanding the surrender of the city and its defences, has been received. In regard to " the Defences'' I have to reply, that having been ordered here to hold these " Defences," my intention is to do so as long as it is in my power. (Signed) M. L. Smith, Brigadier-General Commanding. The citizens of Vicksburg had also unanimously resolved that its possession ought to be maintained at all hazards, even if the town had to be totally demolished. Persons of all ages and conditions, and both sexes, concurred enthusiastically in this determination. Tlius encouraged by the feeling of the peojDle, openly expressed by the mouth of their Mayor, Smith liurried on his preparations for defence. Numbers of the citi- zens cheerfully abandoned their homes and withdrew into the interior of the country, at Smith's suggestion ; but some still remained throughout the entire siege, and gave most memora- ble illustration of their devotion to the Southern cause. The people of this Saragossa never failed, they did all they could, they endured all they could, they never asked for pity, never asked for quarter, were not consulted by General Pcmberton at HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 119 the time of the surrender, were bitterly opposed to it, and have never forgiven him for it. Smith's force, on the 18th, consisted of the remnant of the 8th Louisiana Battalion, Lieutenant-Colonel Pinckney, and the 27th Louisiana Volunteers, Colonel Marke. This force was increased by the 20th and 28th Louisiana Vokmteers, number- ing for duty, five hundred each ; by five companies of Starke's Cavalry and four companies 6th Mississippi Battalion, Lieu- tenant-Colonel Balfour. All these were fresh troops, just mus- tered into service and indiflferently armed. These were thrown forward on the south side of Yicksburg, towards Warrenton, and ordered to dispute the approach by land — inch by inch. This force was subsequently increased by the 4th and 5th Lou- isiana, under Colonel H. W. Allen. Allen's wound had par- tially healed. He threw himself eagerly into the new work set before him, at the head of his dear Regiment. This was a most critical period in the history of the Defence of Yicks- burg. The Batteries were incomplete, guns not mounted (the heavy guns Lovell had sent from New Orleans) ; troops were few ; ofiicers and men raw, undisciplined, new to service, and not a single regular ofiicer to assist in organizing and com- manding. But the Volunteers set to work with a will. The enemy opened fire on the afternoon of the 25th of May, 1862. Orders had been given the Confederates not to return their fire at extreme range, and even at ordinary range to return it only at " considerable intervals." The Confederates had no ammu7iUio7i to waste ; but little had been received as yet — Lovell's powder-mills had been lost with New Orleans. By this policy, as the earth-works could not be injured by direct firing, the men were kept fresh night and day, to meet close and serious attacks, such as were made before the termination of the bombardment. Six Batteries were completed by the brave Defenders of Vicksburg under the eyes and fire of the enemy. Allen was given one of these to construct. He went to work characteristically, and soon had five or six guns in position. The enemy discovering him, poured their fire on the 120 RECOLLECTIOKS OF spot where his work stood. Just as he had placed his last gun, a nine-inch Dahlgren, aiding with his own hands in setting it, the shells fell about rather fast. Allen's men, unused to what our Indian allies called "the Fire-pots and Kettles^'' began to dodge from their work. Seeing this, their intrepid Colonel sprang upon the most exposed gun, and shouted to his com- mand, " Soldiers, you came here to fight : you are ordered to build this Battery," and, drawing his revolver, " and d — u me, if I don't shoot down the first of you that dodges from this work; by G — d, no soldier of mine shall dodge from his duty!" This had an electric effect. He remained standing erect on his gun. The men rushed around him, saying, " We won't dodge — get off that gun — we'll die by you." Setting rapidly to work again, they soon had their dangerous task completed, to his, and— ^ satisfaction ! The Confederate Government had ordered a Ram built in the Yazoo River, for the purpose of aiding in the Defence of Vicksburg. This boat, the now world-famous *' Arkansas," was in an unfinished condition, when the Federal Fleet took up its station before Vicksburg. Being aware of this, there were several efforts made on the part of the enemy to get into the Yazoo and destroy the Ram ; but they did not succeed in passing the obstructions placed by the Confederates at the mouth of the River. The completion of the Ram was assigned to Captain J. IST. Brown, w^ho undertook it with energy. He succeeded, with difiiculty, in raising up the iron plates for cov- ering her, which had been sunk in the River previous to his undertaking the work, when it was the intention to abandon it from fear of the Federal capture. Captain Brown worked with \'im. In a short time she was ready to run the race for Vicksburg — where her internal w^orks were to be completed. The lower fleet had been augmented, and there was now, since the fall of Memphis, the expectation of an attack on Vicks- burg by combined land and naval forces. There were nineteen vessels in position on the 20th, pouring in a shower of bomb- shells in a way that tried the nerve and courage of the officers HENKY W ATKINS ALLEN. 121 and men. But they repaired the damages to the Batteries as soon as breaches were made, and the men held their places at the guns undauntedly. On the 28th, the enemy bombarded from thirty-five ships — firing as rapidly as possible, the mortars filling the air with shells, and the sloops of war and gunboats delivering broadside after broadside of shot, shell, and grape, according to their distance. The Confederate Batteries replied in full force, as soon as the vessels were in range. " The roar of cannon was continuous and deafening — loud concussions shook the city to its foundations — shot and shell went hissing and tearing through trees, walls, houses, scattering fragments fur and near in their terrific flight. Men, women, and chil- dren rushed into the streets, and amid the crash of falling houses, commenced a hasty flight into the country for safety. Not a single gun, however, was disabled or dismounted in the batteries under this bombardment. This was a great en- couragement to the heroic defenders of the city. They be- lieved now that they could hold their position against any attack by water ; but the peculiar situation of Vicksburg, located on the convex side of a deep curve or bend in the river, its proximity to the mouth of the Yazoo, by which its rear might be attacked, necessitated a heavy line of pickets, extend- ing along a distance of twenty miles. It taxed the energies of tlie small force under Smith's command to keep up this line and to sustain a heavy attack at the same time. General Breckinridge joined Smith, now, with a reserve corps. Lovell resigned, and the general command of the Department was given to Major-General Earl Van Dorn, a native of Port Gib- son, MississijDpi, an old friend of Allen's. The picket front was allotted into five divisions, the two ex- treme ones guarded closely by the Third Louisiana ; the remaining three by detachments from Brigadier-Generals Pres- ton, Helms, and Colonel Statham's brigades, re-enforced by Light Batteries from Colonel Withers' Artillery. The nearer picket duty was most efliciently performed by the 26th, 27th, and 28th Louisiana Volunteers, under Colonels Declouet, 6 122 EECOLLECTIOKS OF i Marks, and Allen Thomas; the 4th and iTtli Louisiana, under ; Colonel 11. W. Allen and Colonel Richardson ; and by the 3d • Regiment and Gth Battalion, Mississippi Volunteers, under \ Colonel Mellen and Lieutenant-Colonel Balfour, The picket : duty was ti-ying and ceaseless. The enemy were unintermit- ting- in their attempts to break through it. The Fleet from : Memphis made its appearance before the city on the 28th of | June. It numbered in all, forty gunboats, mortar-boats, rams, j and transports. ; On the morning of the 15th of July a thrill ran through the ; hearts of tlie Defenders of Vicksburg — the keepers of the ; River — as the " Arkansas" suddenly steamed out of the mouth j of the Yazoo River. Three of the Federal vessels — the Caron- ' delet, Tyler, and Queen of the West — were watching the mouth of the Yazoo. They steamed np to attack her. The \ ram fought them ; they fled. She halted for a minute, as if to take breath, then dashed out for a run through the Federal ■ fleet — a pathway of fire. Several of the vessels rushed upon j her like vultures. She wheeled around like a hawk, striking right and left, showing her terrible iron beak, and scattered them. The fleet poured shot and shell on her. They tried to ' grapple hei- — she slipped from them. She fought them fiercely. She ran like a thing formed of lightning ! ; After a breathless, hazardous race, the prolonged shouts of j the anxious Confederates on the hills ofYicksburg announced ) that the Arkansas found herself safe at last, moored under the \ Batteries. That shout of thanksgiving echoed, was renewed ] and prolonged, a canon of joy in the valley of the Mississippi. When the swift wires told the story, we thanked God and took i courage. The Confederates lost ten killed and thirteen \ wounded, V)y a shot through the smoke-stack, which exploded \ as it fell inside their vessel. Captain Brown was slightly ■ wounded in the head. ; From the loth to the 18th, the enemy were mainly occupied ; in trying to sink the "Arkansas" with their mortars. j The Essex ran up to her one night, and grappled her with i HENEY W ATKINS ALLEN. 123 l^owerful irons. The "Arkansas" fought so hard, the Essex was glad to let her go. Then the little hawk took the offensive ; she rushed at the enemy and sunk one of her gunboats — then quietly moored herself again under the frowning Batteries, What days of excitement those were to live in ! The enemy were in front of Vicksburg sixty-seven days, during vvhich the combined efforts of two fleets were foiled and a land force of five thousand held at bay. Allen was in the midst of it all ; and we listened with anxious hearts to every gun fired on the devoted city, and the cry, " God! save Vicksburg ! Let us keep the River^'' was never off our lips. To us, " the hold- ing of the River" was life and wealth \ its loss, destruction. We have realized it fully ! We were not mistaken ! So it has eventuated for us! The Federals now despaired of taking Vicksburg by water, and began to dig the famous " canal,'^ through a point of land opposite the city, on the Louisiana side. This, they thought, would enable them to pass around it. But the Mississippi was as rebellious as the denizens of its valley. It woulchiH make the Canal! It caved off* the sides all the time, and filled up the bottom as fast as it was dug. There is a peculiar stratum of quicksand in our soil, which prevents our digging very deep drains. We can't do as we please with our River. It is very wilful. Perhaps such a canal, where the river does not choose to cut through, might be made by means of masonry, but scarcely otherwise. We laughed a little at the Federals, who had taken all of our negro men to help to dig " the Canal." After wasting a great deal of time and money, the Federals abandoned that plan. Now tliere was a lull in the siege, it settled down into a slow, irregular bombardment. At any hour of the day or night the shot and shell were poured into Vicksburg from the fleet. The firing did not harm anybody very much ! The people in the beleaguered city scarcely noticed the occasional shells that fell among them ; and we planters continued working our corn crops. We planted no cotton that year ; we had been request- ed not to do it, by the Government. One lady — a Mrs. Gam- 124 RECOLLECTIONS OF ble — was killed by a shell. The casualties were few. We began to think Vicksburg secure. Being one day near Raymond, during this lull in the siege, on business connected with his command, Colonel Allen found himself stopj^ed on the banks of a creek, which, swollen by a recent rain, was pouring a wild frothing torrent down its usually gently-rippling channel. As he was in haste, he plunged in, not without some misgivings, and swam across on horse- back — " Ford there was none." He had scarcely an-ived on the opposite bank, when a carriage drove rapidly up on the other side of the stream, that Allen had just quitted. The carriage contained a young lady and her still younger brother. Their countenances expressed blank dismay, when they dis- covered the state of the creek. The gallant Colonel paused to see what could be done to aid the distressed damsel, who was nearly weeping with vexation and disappointment. She was en route to a wedding that was expected to come olT that night. She was in despair over the impossibihty of crossing the stream in her carriage. The old negro coachman shook his head over the prospect, more decidedly than the boatman of Lord Ullin's daughter. Allen surveyed the group — the half-weeping girl — the swollen water ; examined his saddle girths, then shouted aloud, offering to swim back and "bring the young lady over, if she was not afraid." Her youthful face brightened immediately ; she was a brave girl — the wedding was very attractive. She resolved to ven- ture with the courteous stranger, in spite of the remonstrances of her black mentor, who shook his old gray head more vehe- mently than ever ; but to the great delight of the young brother, she signalled her acceptance of the proffer. Allen spurred his horse once more into the stream, svv^am back, took her before him, and re-swimming the rushing water, landed the grateful girl on the wedding side of the creek. Tlie brother followed after with the carriage-horses, bringing the bridal para- phernalia. Allen arranged a pad for the young lady to ride on, and all parties went their several ways rejoicing, — the HENRY WATKINS ALLEN". 123 Colonel particularly delighted at the unexpected opportunity of exercising his knight-errantry. The " creek" was " Baker'' s^^'' a name now burnt, in letters of blood and fire, darkly on the page of Southern history. Allen was oftentimes accused of egotism and vanity by his temporary enemies. But it was an egotism that his friends smiled at, but never found fault with. It was so fresh, so gay, so entirely childlike, in its eager trustful candor — he was so Bure, so earnestly confident, that what he said of himself inter- ested his auditors — that his harmless egotism grew to be almost a charm. There was no arrogance in the man, but much cheerful grat- itude. In talking of himself, it was always of his bright for- tunes, that he would speak ; he never " 'ic/dned" nor sought pympathy, nor bored people Avith his 7nisfortu7ies. Though he did not lack penetration, he was easily flattered ; especially — like most men who are plain in appearance — he was readily pleased by attention from women, and was covetous of their applause. He knew very Avell, however, how to distinguish brilliants from paste ; and although momentarily gratified by attention from almost any woman, yet his judgment was good, his instincts fine. There were some women from whom a word or glance of approval was precious as the balm of Gilead to his sensitive, susceptible soul, and he would bend before their feet in grateful homage. He believed in woman's goodness and puri- ty — he remembered his own wife, his mother, his friends ; he thought rererently of ic omen, and yielded as instantly to such " sweet influences" as the solar system does to those of the Pleiades, in the " mecanique celeste.'' This made Allen very attractive to women who venerate their own sex. It gave one trust in liim. He was very much beloved by his coiintry- women in J-jOuislana Breckinridge now picked his troops to make an attack on Baton Rouge, and among them he selected Allen and his Fourth Louisiana. BOOK VII " Holding th« Riv«r." — Baton Rouge. — Tiie Arkansas. — Allen wouaded. Baton Rouge, the capital of tlie State of Louisiana, was now in possession of the Federals, This town is situated on the east bank of the Mississippi River, about one hundred and thirty miles above New Orleans. It is built on ground wliich rises gently from the margin of ttfe River, tlien runs back for a con- siderable distance, almost level, though slightly broken with ra- vines and gulleys, interspersed with thick woods and some open, cultivated, and some abandoned li<3lds. The earth grows more rugged, more hiliy, and more deeply plouglied by rain channels, as it recedes from the town. The " Weald" which forms this portion of the State of Louisiana, is very much filled M'ith siheious particles — gravel, shells, and mica — which ren- ders it soft and friable, and makes it subject to washing into large ravines by the attrition of rain. These deep gulleys are dry except during rain-storms, wdien tliey pour a flood of rod, muddy water into the Mississippi or its small tributaries. These bayous, a sort of glen, are often sixty or a hundred feet deep, and as much as eighty wide; they are ugly places for an army to mancsuvre about, especially at night. The soil crum- bles off, near the edges, almost at the weight of a foot-step, like the Alpine land-slides. They are permanent traps for unwary cows or careless horses, which are tempted to graze r.ear the brink. The treacherous earth gives way, and fre- 128 RECOLLECTIONS OF quently precipitates the unfortunate animals, with a sound like thunder, into the abyss beneath, breaking their necks, and strewing the bottom of the bayou with their bleached bones, where they have decayed ! But though their sides, for the most part, are thus always kept jagged and red, bare and frightful, where they perpetually break off, yet these unprom- ising ravines often present attractive spots, picturesque with stately trees, that have caved off, slid down majestically, and formed little islands in the dry channel of these yawning gulfs. These islands, in the spring of the year, are "spots of greenerie" carpeted with sofs velvet mosses, tufted grasses, starred with tiny four-cleft, tubular -petalled flowers, blue, white, and pink, embowered with blossoming Dogwood and Tulip trees, all wrapped, and garlanded, festooned and crowned with wild vines, such as Clematis, scarlet Tecomas and Trumpet-creepers, Monkey-cap, with its feathery lilac bloom. Jasmines, perfuming the air with their golden aromatic bells, red woodbines, broad- leaved grapevines. Muscadines, wreathing and entangling their clasping tendrils till they form a canopy, impei-vious to the sun's rays, over the head of the little Southern child, who climbs down the precipitous sides of the deep chasm, clinging with small, tense, nervous fingers to the tufts of cane, or the projecting, denuded roots of trees, swinging itself carefully, not unconscious of danger, down, down, into this fairy-land of its youthful dreams, in search of ferns, mosses, anemones, crim- son spigelia, yellow myrtles, and the great pyramidal bloom of the white Hydrangea, all of which grow so abundantly here. Or stooping down in the little coves in the dry channel, it picks out of the conglomeration of pebbles and sand, left hurled up in heaps by the temporary stream, wonderful snail- shells, or strange cork-screw fossils, of the age of the Trilobites, or finds queer balls of clay, which, on being broken open by the busy Httle hands, show to the delighted infant eye treasures of bright " Indian paint," red, yellow, and white earths, hidden so mysteriously by the ever-working hand of Xature. Nor does the little adventurer lack viands for the dainty HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 129 feast it spreads on the short, emerald turf, that serves as a board for the pigmy epicure ; exquisite in his tastes, as the humming-bird that flits above him, so busy about the honey, and the insects, in the long-necked bells of the Bignonia. For there are luscious dewberries, and purple mulberries, in the early spring ; and later comes the fragrant, yellow May-apple, and the fruit of the wild passion-flower ; and in the Fall, the cloyingly sweet drupe of the black haw, the delicate apple of the red haw, bunches of astringent black-jack berries, rich, ripe, sugary persimmons, black fox-grapes, chicken-grapes, and delicious wild plums, brown chinquepins, triangular beech- nuts, hickorj'-, and walnuts^ — all to be had for the gathering — often joyfully piled up in acorn cups, or set out on broad plantain leaves, and so heartily enjoyed by the daring child, who surveys his solitary realm with trembling excitement, and the enthusiasm of a Lilliputian Robinson Crusoe, or an inno- cent Alexander, who has conquered a new unexplored world. With birds and lovely butterflies for companions in play, the little Southern child learns to lore these deep, frightful ravines, though a careless stranger shudders at their aspect. Wher- ever open ground is abandoned, in this almost tropical climate, there quickly springs up a luxuriant crop of blackberry bushes, brambles, honejMocusts, and prickly green-brier vines. So thickets are very readily made, painful and difficult to jvcnetrate. The forests here are principally composed of dif- ferent sorts of oaks, hickor}^ gum-trees, and of the Queen of the Laurel family, the magnificent Magnolia Grandiflora. The magnolia woods, immediately about the cit}^ had but little undergrowth. The shade of the Magnolia is too dense to encourage the springing up of smaller bushes, but a little out from the town, the oak forests were thick with j^oung trees and shrubs, and furnished excellent shelter for the hidden troops of the enemy. The town is long and narrow, built along the river-bank, down almost to the water's edge. On the south side, not far from the margin, rises the handsome State-House — a pile of well-designed Norman architecture, 130 - RECOLLECTIONS OF once the pride of the little city, now a melancholy but charm- ingly picturesque group of ruins — still beautiful in the midst of the desolated gardens, once the delight of Allen's leisure hours. On the extreme end of the city, towards the north, stands the arsenal, barracks, and the house so long the resi- dence of General Zachary Taylor, when he commanded the United States troops at this garrison. Not far from this is the Protestant Cemetery, which lay surrounded with magnolia groves. Baton Rouge had been garrisoned by the Federals since the 28th of May, 1862, when the defenceless town was bombarded by Admiral Farragut.* The forces here consisted of about 3,500 men, in conjunction with five gunboats and some transports. The Red River poured its Hood into the Mississippi seventy miles above. Three ver}^ powerful reasons . influenced Van Dorn, inducing him to order an attack on Baton Rouge. In the first place, the enemy's gunboats, as- cending from Baton Rouge, blockaded the mouth of the Red River at will. We had no boats with which to fight him back. This was most disadvantageous to the Confederates, who pos- sessed vast supplies for their Commissariat, as yet almost un- touched, in the Trans-Mississippi Department. The corn, sugar, and molasses of Louisiana- — the cattle and bacon of Texas — its large crops of grain, its wool and hides, were all closed up from the use of the Confederate arm}^ by these troublesome gunboats at the mouth of the Red River. The Mississippi River had to be free between the Red River and Yicksburg, to be of any advantage to us. Then strong mili- tary reasons required the dislodgment of the enemy from Baton Rouge, in order to facilitate the recapture of New Orleans — a thought never out of the Soutliern mind, after the fall of the Crescent City, until the surrender of General Lee. Besides, Van Dorn was informed that the enemy was threaten- ing an attack upon Camp Moore, where General Ruggles, who had succeeded General Lovell, was now holding the enemy in check with the small force under his command. * See correspondence between Bonnecage and Farragut, in Appendix. UENRY WATKIKS ALLEN. 131 This rumor of tlie advance of tlie enemy proved to be un- founded; but Van Dorn hurried the troops under Breckinridge down by rail to Camp Moore, in anticipation of such an attack. There were few cars on this road now. They wei-e all needed for the transportation of the troops, so that nothijig could be carried with the men, except their arms and ammunition. The 8oldiei^ were without comforts, or even necessaries of any kind. Moving- rapidly under the burniiig rays of the July sun in that latitude, many wei'e made sick. Breckinridge started on his cx})edition on the 2 7th of July, with a force of iive thousand men, picked out of the troops at Vicksburg. On the morning of the 4th of August he Imd but three thousand effective men with whom to carry out Van Dorn's plans. More than two thousand of his troops lay sick at Camp Moore and on the Comite River. The men had suffered vei-y severely from the effects of exposure, at Vicksburg, to heavy rains without shel- ter, and were now prostrated by tlie extreme heat and bad water. There is no good water in this portion of the State, except cistern water and Mississippi water. All the water of the petty streams and bayous is warm and unwholesome at this season of the year. Breckinridge, finding liis force thus enfeebled, resolved not to risk an attack on Baton Rouge, un- less he could have the assistance of the "Arkansas," now lying under cover of the batteries at Vicksburg, As we have seen before, tlie little ram was not only unlinished, but she had also re- ceived some slight injury or derangemeiit about her machinery in her fieice tussle with the big Essex. The carpenters and smiths were at work upon her. Captain Brown, who had brought the "Arkansas" out of the Yazoo, and made with her the glorious run through the Federal fleet, was reluctant to have her go out again in her incomplete state. He positively refused to take her out. Van Dorn was anxious to dislodge the enemy from his position. It was growing more and more important every day for us to control the Red River. Lieu- tenant Steevens volunteered to command the Arkansas "/d^si! as she was:'' Breckinridge declared he would not fiixht unless 132 RECOLLECTIONS OF the attention of the gunboats was engaged by her. Van Dorn ordered her to be sent. She was externally complete, and was therefore deemed to be as formidable as when she defied the fleet of foi ty vessels of war, many of them iron-clads. Van Dorn now telegraphed to Breckinridge that the Arkansas would be ready to co-operate with him at daylight on Tuesday, 5th of August. The ram ran down the River like a thing of life, under a full head of steam, carpenters still at work on her. ^Ve could hear the ring of their hammers as shejxissed hij. Ah ! what anxious prayers ascended from the hearts of the dwellers on the river-banks, as they watched, with clasped hands and streaming eyes, the Confederate flag floating out behind, borne at lightning speed on the staff at the stern of the Arkansas, knowing how important it was she should get to Baton Rouge in time to aid Breckinridge ! How we cal- culated the hours and very minutes, and compared her speed I She had not a minute to spare! We knew that ! but w^e dared not permit the thought, the fear, to come, which rested un- spoken in our minds — that she might be too late ! We loved that little boat ! We w^ere vain of her I On the afternoon of Monday, the 4th of August, Breckinridge removed his com- mand from Camp Moore to the Comite River, ten miles back of Baton Rouge. Here he learned by an express messenger that the Arkansas had passed Bayou Sara, in time to arrive at the proper moment to participate in the expected engagement. He made instant preparation to advance that night. The sickness among his men continued to increase — dysentery, that scourge of armies, had set in among them. Deducting those that were taken ill during the day, and those that fell out from the column of troops on the night-march, from weak- ness and inability to proceed, Breckinridge found himself at the head of only twenty-six hundred men when he went into action. There were some two hundred partisan rangers who had performed efficient service in picketing- the roads, but who were rendered useless as cavalry from tlie broken nature of the ground, consequently they took no part in the action ; HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 133 and there were about the same immher of militia volunteers, hastily collected by Colonel Hardee, in the neighborhood of Clinton, who, though striving to do so, did not succeed in reaching the command in time for the Battle of Baton Rouge. A section of Semmes' Confederate States Artiller}^ under command of T. K. Fauntleroy, two companies of infantry, and one company of partisan rangers, the whole numbering about one hundred and fifty rank and file, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Shields, were ordered to take a posi- tion, at four and a half p. m., on the Clinton plankroad, there to engage the enemy, who were supposed to be posted with a bat- tery of artillery at the junction of this road and the Bayou Sara road. This body was ordered to make an attack at a given signal, " the firing of small-arms by the main body on their left." Exactly at the dawn of day, on the oth inst., the sound of musketry being distinctly audible, Colonel Shields ordered the advance of his command at double-quick, — he had previously dismounted the partisan rangers, to increase their efiiciency. The enemy's pickets fled precipitately at the approach of these troops, leaving accoutrements and equipments hanging on the posts and walls of the house where they were stationed, and on the trees about it. They sought shelter in the woods to the right of the Bayou Sara road ; gaining which, they fired a feeble volley on the fast approaching Confederates, then re- treated immediately in the direction of the arsenal. The infantry were now posted in a cornfield on the right of a street leading to the Federal camp, with instructions to advance closely in support of the artillery, whicii was put in a raking position at the head of the same street. Two regiments of Federal infantry now made their appearance, disputing Shields' farther advance. Their artillery opening obliquely on the enemy, the Confederates were enabled to press on to a position within two hundred and fifty feet of the camps of the Four- teenth Maine regiment, as was ascertained from papers found in the tents of this cantonment, held subsequently by the 13tl: RECOLLECTIONS OF Confederates. Fauiitleroy's battery opening again in a rapid fire in direction of this camp, Shields maintained his position until the Confederate inflmtry, pressed by overwhelming num.- bers, fell back, and produced some sligiit confusion. Just then four horses in the section of battery were wounded, and Shields ordered its withdrawal to the junction of the Clinton and Bayou Sara roads, to await re-enforcements from the main body, then seen to be adv^aucing towards him. In this new position they were unfortunately mistaken for the enemy and fired upon by their friends, but happily with- out casualty of any kind. Disengagiaig the disabled horses, the section was supphed with others, urged forward once more, placed in position, and kept there during the whole engage- ment. The infantry were now withdrawn from Shields and attached to the twenty-second Mississippi regiment, leaving Shields with the artillery. The ammunition was poor, and the action of the artillery was rendered less efficient from the infe- riority of the friction primers, nine out of ten of them proving worthless, rendering the working of the pieces at times difficult and unsatisfactory. Breckinridge now moved on to the gene- ral engagement. Unfortunately, while waiting for daylight to make the attack, a sad accident had occurred, which enfeebled still more his already weak force. The partisan rangers had been stationed in the rear of the artillery and infantry ; but their curiosity and impetuosity were so great, that some of them leaked tln-ough under cover of the darkness, and riding forward they encountered the enemy, causing exchange of shots with the Federal pickets. Galloping liastily back, they produced some confusion, being mistaken for the enemy. This led to some rapid firing for a few moments, during which Brigadier-General Helm was dangerously injured by the fall of his horse. Lieutenant Todd, his aid-de-camp, was killed, Captain Roberts, of the 4th Kentucky, severely wounded, sev- eral enlisted men also killed and wounded, and two of Captain Cobb's three guns were rendered wholly useless for tlie time. After General Helm was disabled. Colonel Thomas H. Hunt, of HENRY WATKIKS ALLEN. 135 the 5th Kentucky, an officer who was already distinguished for his gallantry in Kentucky, and whose conduct at the battle of Hartsville, Tennessee, was said by General John 11. Morgan " to Jicive been perfect^^ took command of Helm's Brigade. Order was soon restored, and Breckinridge placed his men in position on the right and left of a road, called the Green well Springs road. His men were so few in number, he had to content himself with a single line of battle, keeping one small regiment of infantry and one piece of artillery as a reserve to each division. The enemy were drawn up in line with strong reserves, posted at intervals. As soon as it was light, the Con- federates w^ere advanced forward rapidly. General Ruggles, commanding the left wing, ordered to attack on the south side of the town near the State House, brought on the engagement with four pieces of Serames' Battery and two Battalions, one composed of the 3d, 6th, 7th Kentucky, under Colonel Thompson, and the 35th Alabama; and the other, of the Od and 4:th Louisiana and Boyd's Louisiana Battalion, under Colonel Henry IV. Allen, of the 4th Louisiana. " These troops rushed forward with great impetuosity," remarks General Breckinridge, " driving the enemy before them, while their ring- ing cheers inspired all our little command." The morning was dark, the whole earth was covered with a dense gray fog, such as so often prevails on and near the Mississippi Ri\'er. It was difficult to distinguish any object in the thick white mist, or to know friend from foe. Colonel A. P. Thompson formed his line of battle in an open common adjoining a dense forest, into which Allen's Brigade had passed. Thompson found it difficult to keep his line straight in making the advance ordered by Ruggles, having to pass through numerous fences and around houses. The Brigade moved directly to the front, pre- ceded by a company of sharp-shooters; the line of the enemy being soon unmasked, the order was given to charge. The troops rushed forward with a cheer, the enemy breaking before them. Having reached the middle of a field, the Brigade was exposed to a fire from the right, which they could not return without 136 RECOLLECTIONS OF injury to the troops of Clark's Division, in the centre of the Confederate line. So the Brigade was halted — then advanced a little, skirmishers covering the front. The second line of the enemy was thus unmasked. The Federals gave way precipitately here. On clear- ing this field, and arriving at the enemy's position, again the right wing of the enemy was found covered by General Clark's Division. Thompson now ordered a charge, and led it, upon an encampment to the left. This point was nearly cleared of the enemy, when Colonel Thompson was informed that a general order had been issued for the troops to fall back. This information he received from a mounted officer, whom he met, with troops falling back on the right, whom Thompson ordered to join in his " charge." The enemy now re-formed, firing, cheering, as the Confederates fell back. Thompson's men — the Thirty-fifth Alabama and Sixth Kentucky — were now or- dered forward, but had already rushed on, taunted by the pre- mature shouts of the enemy, before the order reached them ! They now opened a steady fire on the enemy, and effectually checked their further progress. At this moment Colonel Thomp- son fell, severely wounded, and was taken to the rear. Allen formed his Brigade in a piece of thick woods adjoining upon open and cultivated fields. The ground was very broken, the fields surrounded occasionally with a picket fence, or with tall, thick hedges of the Cherokee rose, which furnished an ex- cellent ambuscade for the enemy's sharp-shooters. The Chero- kee rose is a creeper, not a bush ; it laps and twists long inter- lacing branches, in the wildest and most luxuriant growth ; it is armed with stout curved prickles, as large as the thorns of the Acanthus. These are set alternate along the flexible branch. They knot, and twine themselves together, as the plants in- crease their growth perpetually, by renovating suckers, from the parent roots. Thus spreading on every side, it grows to an amazing thickness : plantersusually try to keep it pruned within a space of twelve feet in breadth. These solid walls of vegetation, frightful thorns, glistening leaves, long wreaths of flaunting HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 137 snow-white blossoms, though beautiful to look at, are almost impervious to birds of any size. Tiny wrens build their nests in the thick, matted covert ; partridges find a hiding-place low down near the roots; rabbits and wood-rats burrow beneath them ; but larger birds and animals avoid them. They made formidable fortifications, to assail with an ambushed enemy on the other side of them. Allen's left rested upon a fence (Ber- nard's) in the rear of Magruder's Institute: his right, upon Thompson's Brigade. He advanced his line, leading it. The men followed him closely, crossed an open field, under a fire from sharp-shooters lying in ambush behind the hedge. These the Thirtieth Louisiana was ordered to dislodge, which it did in gallant style. Then the line re-formed, marching on steadily through a small strip of woods, and again over an inclosed field, driving the enemy back, until they reached an open field on the left. The centre of Allen's line was occupied by Boyd's Battalion. Colo- nel Breaux, of the Thirtieth Louisiana, was in command of the right. Colonel Hunter on the left. The Battalion had been formed three-quarters of a mile in tlie rear of Baton Rouge, and marched forward, feeling its Avay through briers, hedges, and over picket-fences, till it was halted in the face of a line of the enemy, drawn up to receive them. After firing two volleys, the Brigade charged upon the Federals. They lied. The Fourth Louisiana was soon filed to the left, expecting to meet the enemy at right-angles to the right, in front of the original line. A battery was opened on them now ! Allen halted his troops : the fog was so dense, the position of the Battery firing on his line could not be accurately ascertained. He dis- mounted, and crawled on his hands and knees, tlirough the brush-wood and broken ground, one hundred and fifty yards, until he drew near the guns of the enemy, then cautiously re- turned in the same manner, calling for three cheers for the Confederacy. He ordered his men to charge. Alarmed at the confederate yell and dash, the Federals broke, taking off their Battery, but leaving heaps of slain and wounded in the hands ot 138 RECOLLECTIONS OF the Confederates. Captain Chinn was badly wounded here, ^vhile bravely responding to Allen's orders. Resuming his course, Allen marched his force rapidly on. Before going into the fight he had been commanded by Gen- eral Ruggles, " to inarch straight to the front until he tvas ordered to stop P^ He obeyed this order to the very letter. But he now found himself almost surrounded by the enemy — he had gone on too fast. Square in his front was posted along the roadside the enemy's skirmishers ; to their left, a battery was planted, at the mouth of a street, in front of the outskirts of Baton Rouge. A regiment (the Sixth Michigan) sup- ported this battery — its men were placed behind the fences and houses near by. Allen, turning to his men, shouted gayly : "Boys, we must take a battery — loe icmit oneP'' Then, seiz- ing the colors of Boyd's battalion, he gave the order " to charge," and dashed at full speed, ahead of his troops, upon the battery, holding the staff of the colors firmly with his bridle-hand, waving his drawn sword with his right. His men responded with a shout, and dashed after him across the open field — there was not a shrub, even, as a screen upon it. Over that open space, for three hundred yards, the enemy poured a raking and murderous fire, both with small-arms and artillery. But Allen had been ordered "^o charge to the front p"* on he went, his men not close behind him. Man after man went down on that dreadful ride. Lieutenant Causey, struck by a minnie ball, lell, shot through the brain — a i'dw^ yards further on, Lieutenant-Colonel Boyd dropped from his horse, shot through the arm — still on, on, Allen pressed, getting partially into the street, up to the very muzzles of the guns. At tliis important moment a shell struck his horse, killing it instantly ; the canister-shot scattering, struck him, shattering one Xo^g — just above the ankle — and passing through the other. Allen fell — the flag went down ; but it did not full to the ground ! — private Cedars, of the West Feliciana Rifles, sprang forward and caught it. " Tell them to go on^^^ said Allen, with the last effort of expiring consciousness, and fainted from pain and loss HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 189 of blood. A cry of despair went up from the lips of the Fourth Louisiana, as they saw their beloved commander go down. They rushed up like a tornado, in a fury of vengeance. They killed every man left at the guns without mercy, in their angry desperation. The rest of the enemy fled, taking off the horses of the battery (Nims'). Seizing the apparently lifeless body of their wounded Colonel, his soldiers placed it on four loaded muskets, forming a sort of bier, and bore him from the field. As they saw him borne away, seemingly dead, this portion of his command, especially the Fourth Louisiana, be- came paralyzed. The flag went down again, under the re- newed fire of the enemy. Cedars was severely wounded in the thigh. This part of Allen's brigade now fell back in con- fusion ; some of the men had flung down their arms, and were weeping like children over (as they supposed) the death of Allen. Colonel Boyd's Battalion missed him — they faltered. The Fourth Louisiana withdrew in disorder. Boyd's Battalion could not be rallied after a charge. Captain Bynum was called on to. take command of Boyd's Battalion. Colonel Breaux managed to rally some of the men on the line formed by the Fourth Regiment, but to no good, since enough could not be gathered to push on .to advantage. By the eflbrts of the ofiicers, the men were at last witli drawn in some sort of order — saved from panic, that was all — drawn slowly back across the field over w^iich they had rushed so dauntlessly when Allen led them, one hour before. Colonel Breaux with- drew the force to the shelter of a point of woods, and en- deavored to reform his line. The ofiicers did all that men could do to eflect this. At length Breaux succeeded in rally- ing a suflicient number to show front to the enemy. Then Semmes' battery was brought up to their support, and by a well-directed fire checked the enemy's advance. Breaux main- tained this position in spite of the heavy firing on the brigade from the enemy's gunboats and land-batteries, until Breckin- ridge ordered the whole body— or rather exhausted remnant of his body of troops — to fall back to the Comite River. i 140 RECOLLECTIO^'S OF Judge A. W. Smith was very active in aiding to rally these disorganized troops of Allen's. This gentleman, a citizen of Clinton, had just returned from Virginia, the day before the battle of Baton Rouge. lie had gone to Richmond, summoned to the bed of his last son, mortally wounded in battle. But he arrived too late; he could only weep useless tears over the graves of his noble boys, who lay side by side in the soldiers* cemetery at Richmond, both killed in battle. The heart- broken father — mad, desperate in his agony of bereavement — heard that Breckinridge was going to fight. Taking his gun on his shoulder, he joined the Confederate army, and did ad- mirable service throughout the whole fight. He was utterly reckless of his life. He wished to be killed; but most wonder- fully escaped without a wound. He was standing by Lieuten- ant Todd (Mrs. Lincoln's brother,) when Todd was killed. He describes Todd as being cool and self-possessed, when suddenly a shot struck him, passing clear through his body. The shot was so thorough that it robbed the body of sensation. It was paralyzed — just quivered slightly, and fell a lifeless mass, a heap of crushed, bleeding humanity ! The battle was now raging around on every side of the be- leaguered city. It was a terrific combat, a hand-to-hand fight ! Breckinridge depended on the bayonet! The Federals, led by General Wilhams — whom we already know so favorably — fought well and were handled well. Williams was a noble, upriglit, gallant man, who did his duty to his utmost, and always combined courage and skill with courtesy and humanity. He was conspicuous among his troops, mounted on a magnifi- cent black race-horse, belonging to R. Chotard, of Natchez- well known to sportsmen — which had been taken from the stables of Wm. J. Minor, Esq., by the Federals. The Colonel of the Brigade opposed to Allen was riding Allen's fiivorite snow- white horse — which had also been appropriated, or as th.e Fed- erals used to express it, "confiscated," to his use. The First Division of Breckinridge's army, under General Charles Clark, had been ordered to attack the centre of the HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 141 town. After the disabling of Brigadier-General Helm, Colonel Thomas H. Htmt took command. The enemy had been re- pulsed from one of his encampments, and this Brigade was drawn up and formed into line in this first camp. Hunt now led them into action. Ho attacked the enemy hotly, in the face of volleys of musketry. A spirited engagement followed, the enemy were pressed back, out of his second encampment, when Colonel Hunt fell, badly wounded in the thigh. He was carried off the field. At this moment some one — it is not known who — it icas not Colonel Himt ! — gave the order to fall back. The men obeyed, murmuring. They were unwilling to retreat when they were driving the enemy. General Clark rode up at this instant, and perceiving the confusion, ordered Colonel John A. Buckner, A. A. C (who had been put in command, by Breckinridge, of this Brigade, left without a commander by the wounds of Helm and Hunt) to advance again on the enemy, who -were now rallying on their aban- doned encampment. Buckner oi'dered his troops forward. They were just in the act of advancing, when Clark fell, terribly wounded, and or- dered them to retreat again, to the cover of a small ravine, or bayou, in advance of the first encampment. Breckinridge came up just at this critical point, and Buckner asked if'T^e had commanded" this second withdrawal, which his troops made reluctantl}^ and not in very good order. Bi-eckini-idge replied, '''' N'o.'''' Joining Buckner, he gave himself the order to advance, and led the general charge which finished the action — driving the enemy straight forward, to their third and last encampment, on the river-edge, immediately under cover of their gunboats. The Confederates by this time were terribly exhausted, and were suffering much from thirst. They had been under arms for sixteen hours ; they had had neither supper nor breakfast, nor sleep. They had marched twelve miles very rapidly, and had fought hard for four hours — they were almost worn out. Breckinridge had done all he could, with land forces — he began now to listen with impatient anx- 142 RECOLLECTIONS OF iety for the gnns of the " Arkansas." But all Avas silent on the River. The Federal gunboats poured their fire, still undi- verted, upon his worn and weary troops. Breckinridge now ordered Buckner's Division to destroy the camps, and every thing- captured, and to withdraw the troops out of the range of the fire of the gunboats, and " to icait for the Arkansas.^'' The Confederates had no means of removing the very valuable stores and abundant provisions they had captured. So they were forced to destroy all their spoil. Buckner then withdrew to the house where General Clark lay wounded. He ke23t this position for more than two hours after Breckinridge ordered the withdrawal of the main body of the troops, when the battle was over. A section of Semmes' Battery, and a remnant of the Seventh Kentucky Regiment, Colonel Crossland com- manding, remained on the field : these troops Avere very un- willing to leave Clark — but his suffering was so great on being moved, that he implored them to let him remain Mhere he M'as. His wounds were supposed to be mortal. Lieutenant Yerger, one of his aids, insisted on staying with Clark. The next morning they surrendered themselves to the Federals, by whom they were kindly treated. Breckinridge says, " I cannot speak in terms too strong of the skill, coolness, and courage of General Clark — he played the part of a perfect soldier." Buckner stayed here until the section of Semmes' Battery, seeing a better position, vacated by the removal of Cobb's Battery, withdrew their guns to that point. Buckner fell back with them, and remained there for the rest of the day. Breck- inridge withdrew his troops, reduced now to one thousand ex- hausted men, to Ward's Creek, about one mile in the rear of the city, in the hope of obtaining water: finding no water there, fit for man or beast, Breckinridge returned to the field of battle, and procured a limited supply of the precious fluid, from cisterns, in the suburbs of the town. He stayed here the balance of the day. The enemy had been pursued down to the very water's edge, some of the Confederates following HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 143 them, and firing at them, down the street in front of the arsenal and barracks. The Federals were effectually routed. They did not appear again. The liottest part of the fighting had taken place in the Grove of Magnolias, near the Protestant Cemetery. The enemy pnt up a flag of truce early in the afternoon. Buckner consulted with Breckinridge, who agreed " to grant the privilege of bearing off the wounded and dead — on condi- tion of the, agreement being reduced to tcriting — in the space of tico hoursT No communication in writing being received, " twenty minutes longer" was allow^ed. Shortly after the ex- piration of which time, a note was received from the Federal commander, disclaiming the flag of truce. Williams had been killed. Breckinridge listened still for the guns of the Arkansas — in- tending to renew the attack when the much-coveted sound reached his ears. The citizens of the surrounding country now exhibited the warmest patriotism, flocking in with conveyances to bear off" the Confederate wounded. Every wagon teemed with its bleed- ing freight. Having neither picks nor shovels, the Confed- erates were unable to dig graves, to bury their dead. Late in the afternoon Breckinridge learned by express, that just before daylight, when within five miles off Baton Rouge, the machinery of the Arkansas had become disabled, and she lay now helpless on the right bank of the River. He therefore with- drew his command back to the Comite River, leaving a force of observation near the town. Breckinridge kept this position till, knowing the desire of the Major-General to hold the River below the mouth of the Red River, he selected and fortified the strong post of Port Hudson — leaving Brigadier-General Bbwen, the noble Missourian, w^ho distinguished himself so highly afterwards at " Port Gibson" and " Big Black," to hold the Comite camp — to protect the hosj^itals and the line of com- munication between Clinton and Camp Moore. The Confed- erate pickets extended to the immediate vicinit}' of Baton 14:1 RECOLLECTIONS OF Rouge, which the Federals soon after abandoned, and retired to New Orleans. The Federals suftered severely in this battle. They brought into action forty-five hundred men, against Breckinridge's two thousand six hundred half-fed Confederates. The casualties of the Confederates amounted to four hundred and sixty-seven men. But they had lost some most valuable officers ! It was a most hotly contested battle. The Federals had all the advantages of numbers, position, strength, equip- ments, ammunition, and cover amongst the houses. The Con- federates behaved with great gallantry, even with reckless audacity ! It would have been a complete and crushing victory over the enemy, had the Arkansas kept her assignation. It was one of those events when the full fruition of justly hoped- for success is thwarted by a petty unexpected accident." Allen had been borne off the field on the muskets of his men. They laid him down under the shade of a tree, a mile from the town. He had recovered consciousness enough to recognize his condition, and the men who were weeping over him. He asked them faintly " to lay him down — to give him some water, and to leave him." " I must die — I feel it !" he said. " God bless you ! go hack and help some one else, lohom you can henefit — laiwpast Ur But they would not leave him; they sat around him trying to stanch the blood — watching him for several hours. He was wounded about nine o'clock, a. m., and it was past noon before Dr. Amzi Martin, a skilful sur- geon, was despatched by General Breckinridge to look for him. '•''Find Allen — save him — stay with hini^ Doctor! he is as brave a 7nan as God ever made^^ said Breckinridge. Martin had him laid in a wagon and taken to the house of Mr. Granville Pierce, six miles back of Baton Rouge, where he was most hospitably and warmly welcomed. The Surgeons declared amputation of one leg, at least, to be necessary ; but Allen re- fused, saying he would rather die. Dr. Martin then set to work to try and save the life of his wilful patient, as well as his legs. A feat which, by the most unintermitting care, skill, and watchfulness, he accomplished. He rarely left Allen's nENRY WATKIXS ALLEN. 145 bedside an hour for three consecutive weeks; having been de- tailed by General Breckinridge for the purpose of attending him. The bones of the right leg were shattered, and a ball bad passed through the flesh of the left limb. Allen lay here for four months, under the hospitable roof of his kind friends, from whom he received the most devoted attention. I have often heard him speak, and he has written to me, with the deepest emotion and gratitude, of their goodness towards him. Dr. Martin was the right sort of surgeon for Allen. He was a Scotch Highlandman, quite as obstinate as his refractory ])atient, and much more fiery than Allen icas able to be in the temporary calmness and weakness, produced by exhaustion from pain and great loss of blood. So he managed to compel his rest- less charge to obey his wise and prudent orders, and to submit to the strict regimen which was the only hope of saving his valu- able life. One day when he was convalescing, however, the Doctor had gone olfto visit another patient, and was expected to be absent most of the day. This was a ray of sunlight for our hero. Allen, very weary of the low diet upon which he had been kept so long, resolved to cheat the Doctor, take advantage of his opportunity, and have a good dinner: so he ordered his servant to bring him some pound-cake and claret, such luxuries as he had been craving, which the Doctor resolutely forbade. The Doctor being rather choleric, and knowing "/ii5 ma/z," used even to swear at him, when Allen would be very rebel- lious. Allen had himself now propped up in bed, and enjoyed his stolen dinner with delight, chuckling over the idea of cir- cumventing " the old Doctor ^'^ But his enjoyment was very brief; in a half-hour he was exceedingly ill, suffering most terribly with nausea, and entirely repentant. He sent mes- senger after messenger in pursuit of his Esculapius; but before the Doctor could get back to him nature relieved herself, and his stomach rejected all the improper food he had eaten ; sink- ing back half fainting on his pillows, he whispered ; " Thank God for that ! The ' old cuss'' may come now as soon as he pleases. He would have turned me inside out, but what he 7 146 RECOLLECTIOJS^S OF would have made me get rid of that cake ! God Uess hiyn ! Me can only give me a savage look now /" The physician and his patient used sometimes to have very fierce quarrels, but Dr. Martin always ended in getting matters his way. So Allen slowly convalesced, occasionally storming at Martin's rigid inflexibility, but profoundly esteeming him all the while. He was to the end of his life most gratefully devoted to him, and fully cognizant of the fact that to Dr. Martin's skill and firmness he owed his life and limbs. The Fourth Louisiana kept a watch over him. As soon as they learned he was out of danger^ they took the regimental bands and serenaded him. Boyd's Battalion presented him with their colors, under which he had fallen. He doubted whether he would ever recover the vise of hia right leg. In a note to a friend, H. H., about this time, he writes : Pierce's, September 3d, 1862. Dear Henry : I am sorry to hear of your illness, but I hope it will not be serious. Dr. Martin can't leave to-day, as I am very miwelL My right leg is giving me much trouble — I fear it will never get well! I have directed Henry to call for Dr. Laycock, who ■v^^U go down to see yon. My dear friend, you must stay quietly at home and get well. Don't think of coming up here any more, as I sMll move off to some Springs as soon as I possibly can. In the meaa time, I 8liall not forget you. Truly yonr friend, H. \\. Allen. He was often very desponding, — the confinement to bed was so irksome to his active, energetic nature. He would always resist sickness — never succumbed so long as he had any power to keep on bis feet. He would endure intense suf- fering, before he loould acknowledge any. Allen says in his official report of the Battle of Baton Rouge, referring to the disorganization of his beloved troops : " The officers and soldiers of this Brigade fought with much gallantry, and with few exceptions did their duty nobly. I have been informed that, upon my fall, the Brigade could not be rallied. HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 147 This has often happened with the best of troops and the bravest veterans, and should not attach any disgrace to the soldiers. No one charges that the Brigade retreated from the enemy, or even retired from the place of danger. The enemy had been whipped, and had fled in every direction." " Many acts of individual heroism came under my eye, and I shall ever feel proud that I had the honor to command the Second Brigade in the Battle of Baton Rouge." In a letter to me, he says : " 3Iy meyi were not to Uame. You remember when the brave McCulloch fell, his men refused to pursue the enemy, so great was their grief for their com- mander." It would have been a bold man who dared to make an invidious expression in regard to the demoralization of the Fourth Louisiana on this occasion in Allen's presence. He would certainly have had to answer for it, with the risk of los- ing his life, all maimed as Allen was. When he had recovered sufficiently to use crutches, he went to visit his old regiment, the Fourth Louisiana. It was a most affecting scene. These scarred men pressed around him with shouts of applause. They seized his hands and kissed them ; at last some of them picked him up in their arms, embraced him, and bore him aloft through their camp, cheering and weeping as they went. Allen wept like a child. The enthusiastic love this man inspired in nearly all who approached him intimately, was very remarkable. Since his death, I have received many letters, from stern, strong men, which speak of him with almost feminine tenderness and grief. The Arkansas had made a fine run down the River — all was excitement and eager anticipation aboard of her. But the enthusiasm of Hope, with which every breast was glowing among her crew, was only to be measured by the depths of their consternation and despair, when they were almost in sight of the enemy's fleet — when they could distinctly and sadly number the guns of Breckinridge, as he made his attack on Baton Rouge, trusting, they kneio^ to their co-operation — 148 RECOLLECTIONS OF then, at that critical moment, the engineers announced that the injury to the machinery could not be repaired by all their available skill. Helpless and unmanageable, the dreadful con- viction forced itself on every mind, that to avoid falling into the hands of the enemy, the crew of the Arkansas must now abandon and destroy her — the fate of all the Confederate vessels of war. It was a bitter moment. The brave crew of the little ram wept as they prepared her for sacrifice. Lieu- tenant Steevens had her moored to the shore. The enemy — her old enemy, the Essex, and other gunboats — cautiously ap- proached. The rumor of her disability had already reached them ; but they remembered the sharp fangs the little thing had exhibited so fiercely in their former strife, and they came up warily and distrustfully. As they drew near, Steevens landed his crew, cut her loose from her moorings, fired her with his own hand, and turned her adrift down the River. *' It was beautiful to see her," said Steevens, with tears in his eyes, " when abandoned by commander and crew, and dedi- cated to sacrifice, fighting the battle on her own hook." " With every gun shotted, the Confederate flag floating from her bow, not a man on board, the Arkansas bore down on the enemy and gave him battle. Her guns were discharged, one by one, as the flames reached them, and when her last shot was fired the explosion of the magazine ended the brief, glorious career of the Arkansas." The dwellers on the River wept when they heard tlie fate of the little darling. But we were not yet disheartened, though very anxious. Breckinridge's attack had been success- ful to a great extent, though he had not been able to destroy the fleet, as we had hoped he would. But we held the River for two hundred miles — could draw supj^lies from the Red River now, unmolested. Port Hudson was a very strong position, better than Baton Rouge, and Vicksburg, — we fan- cied — a Gibraltar. We were content with Breckinridge and the advantages gained by the Battle of Baton Rouge. The Federals put their wounded on transports and sent them down HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 149 to New Orleans, where they could have better attention than at Baton Ronge. At his own earnest request, General Charles Clark was sent clown with them — he was anxious to be placed under the treatment of the great Southern Surgeon, Warren Stone, of New Orleans. The Federals were very courteous to General Clark and his aid, Lieutenant Yerger. They also sent down the body of their General Williams. The night after the transports left Baton Rouge, there was a collision between their boats — one of the transports was sunk. The collision was caused by their pilots' carelessness or ignorance, but they chose to say it was occasioned by Confederate Gueril- las on the shore firing at the boats. It was proved that there were no Confederates near there at that moment. However, to screen their pilots, vowing vengeance, the Federals ran their boats to shore, and sent troops to ravage and burn the houses near by, from which they asserted the Guerillas had come. They visited several plantations, robbing the houses of silver- plate and every valuable, insulting and frightening the women and children, who were alone occupying the deserted mansions. At the house of Mr. K , a wealthy planter, they committed every outrage. Mrs. K was ill, confined to her bed, with an infant three days old lying by her side. Her husband was unfortunately absent, some distance back on the plantation. These rude, lawless men, entered Mrs. K 's apartment, accosted her most insultingly, and seizing hold of the faithful maid, a mulattress, who clung to her mistress' bed, they con- ducted themselves in the most shameful manner, outraging every instinct of womanly honor and delicacy, totally indifl:er- ent to, and contemptuous of Mrs. K 's screams, her en- treaties for mercy for her poor frightened servant, or her peti- tions that if they would not desist from their barbarities, they would at least have the decency to quit her apartment. They replied with oaths and indecent ribaldry. Their ofticers did not interfere. The highborn and delicate lady nearly fainted with anguish and terror. Just at this moment her husband returned to the house, rushed to his wife's room, and was so 150 RECOLLECTIONS OF overcome with anger and indignation at the scene before him, that he fell insensible to the floor, in a fit. This fearful sight checked the robbers in their merciless cruelty — they thought the man was dead. Taking off every valuable that was port- able, they returned to their boats, swearing the next time " the d d rebels fired on them, they w^ould not leave a stick or stone standing within ten miles of the place." Mr. K 's lifeless body was picked up by his servants, and laid out in his hall for burial; but the syncope gradually passed off, and he revived. In the mean time the debris of the transport floated down the river. Many pieces of the wreck and articles washed out of her, were picked up by the people who live on what is called " the coast." Mr. Samuel Hollings- worth, a planter of St. John the Baptist, a true Southern gentle- man, discovered the trunk of General Williams in the hands of some poor neighbors, who had fished it out of the river. As I have already stated, Williams was esteemed among the Con- federates. Mr. Hollingsworth purchased the trunk, with its sat- urated contents, took it home, had the clothes, &g. dried carefully, and placing them, with the daguerreotypes, and little shells and other articles Williams had evidently collected, thinking of his children's tat^tes — in another trunk, he sent the whole to the nearest picket-post of the Federals, with a request it might be delivered to AVilliams' family. Such acts of cour- tesy were right, and should be recorded. They soften the hor- rors of war. Both of these families, Mr. K 's and Mr. Ilollingsworth's, are relatives of mine. The Federals made an effort to get to Vicksburg by way of the Yazoo Pass. They were repulsed at Chickasaw Bluffs by Brigadier-Gene- ral S. D. Lee, with a small force. Pemberton was now in com- mand in Vicksburg. He devoted himself to strengthening the defences, but neglected his commissariat, and either did not, or could not, procure a sufiicient supply of ammunition. He had no caps provided for an indefinite siege. We saw the great heaps HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 151 of corn and provisions rotting on the banks of the River at onr very doors, allowed to remain without even a tarpaulin spread over them, till they were worthless. The commissaries were very inefficient. The people began to murmur about it, but Pember- ton turned a deaf" ear to all such complaints. There was abun- dance in Louisiana, there was no reason why Vicksburg should not have been provisioned. By some mismanagement it was not done. 3* BOOK VIII. " Holding the Eiver."— Taylor's Gunboat Expedition.— The Tndianola. In February, 1863, was organized General Taylor's gunboat expedition, which made considerable stir at the time, and was recorded as a very brilliant and dashing exploit, on the part of the Confederates. The expedition was proposed by Cap- tain James McCloskey, aid-de-camp to Taylor, and was car- ried into effect under the command of Major J. L. Brent. We held the River, between Yicksburg and Port Hudson, and it liad been free to the navigation of our boats, until the Indian- ola, a magnificent United States gunboat, succeeded in running the Batteries at Yicksburg, and getting into our part of the River, where she was like a wolf among a flock of sheep. Our little unarmed cotton-boats had to get out of the way, as fast as they could manage to do it, and seek for themselves hiding-places, up the Bayous and Creeks tributary to the River. Now the trouble was, how to 2:et rid of this Ea^-le among our trembling doves. We had a small, but very strong gunboat, that we had made out of a tug-boat, used formerly at the Balize. After being elevated to the rank of a ram, she w^as called " The Webb:' At the fall of New Orleans, she had been run up the Red River, and lay at Shreveport, being incomplete when she fled from New Orleans : she was not iron-plated. Brent and McCloskey took the Webb, the Queen of the West, a cotton- 154: EECOLLECTIONS OF boat fitted wp as an improvised ram, whicli had been captured from the enemy, and two other ordinary steamboats, — arming them and protecting them with cotton-bales — and started ofi*in search of the superb " Indianola," who was having it all her own way in the River. I saw her steaming slowly down stream, pausing at every little town, running up to their wharves, with colors flying, nettings up, guns threatening, and drums beating to quarters, commanding the surrender of unre- sisting villages, from whence she however only took the mails, which doubtless furnished her officers with a variety of amus- ing reading. As she passed the Confederate batteries, on the heights at Grand Gulf, she exchanged a few shots with them. Nothing could surpass the air of leisurely indifference and cool contempt for the Rebels, with which this splendid boat cruised about in " Our River." Curses both loud and deep were heaped on her as she passed down and up. She was a magni- ficent vessel — beautiful to look at. The water was very high, and w^e were obliged to go about in skifis — nearly the Avhole country w^as submerged. We had to be very cautious at that time how we ventured out in the River, because the Federals -would catch us, destroy our boats, and take us prisoners. So we kept our skiffs hidden in the reeds by the river-side, or in secure places, and had to watch our opportunities to visit each other, when ow route lay hy the Rwer. It added a strange interest and excitement to our social intercourse, to have to dodge the Federals, to pay our visits. We found the Indianola very inconvenient. On the morning of the 24th, a lady and gentleman were driving rapidly, in a light carriage, to the landing, a few miles above Hard Times. The road between this place and Hard Times, where they were going to visit gome relatives, was all under water. The skiff which was to take them down the River, seven miles, to their relative's house, was hidden in the bushes by the shore. Just as the two were about to step in their little skiff, the negro man who was their oarsman made an exclamation. The "Indianola" was just turning tha point, steaming slowly HENRY WATKIKS ALLEN. 155 — carelessly sauntering up the River. The *' vogageurs''' sprang out of their skiff, hid it agam. and stood concealed be- hind some trees (else they would have been lired at) until the boat should pass. After she had gotten out of sight they hauled out their skitf again, and started down on their short voyage. They had barely gotten out into the middle of the stream, in- tending to take advantage of the current to aid them in their descent, when the gentleman made a hasty ejaculation. There wei-e three distinct columns of black smoke and steam rising behind a point of land just ahead of them. The voyageurs be- gan to think themselves " gone^^ noio ! They were too far out in the River to be undiscovered, or to get back to the covert of the shore. They had just a minute to nerve themselves up " for any fate," even that of imprisonment in the filthy jails of Memphis or New Orleans, when three boats rounded the point, and swept up to them tinder full pressure of steam. " It is no use to try to run, we had better stand our grormd," said the lady. "Perhaps they may let us off. You are a harm- less physician, a non-combatant, and I have nothing about me more equivocal than my parasol !" "Well, I suppose it will be best !" replied the gentleman. "That ain't no Yankee flag J'' growled the negro, who had been carefully observing the new-comers on the field. " It ain't got no blue in it, and iVs got a cross on it, I never' seed it before.'''' To stand up in their little boat, making it rock in rather an alarming style on the waves, now running towards them from the boats as they passed, was the natural impulse of the two Confederates. " Good Heavens ! it is the Confederate flag — row on ! brisk ! it is all right !" Subsiding into their seats, they rowed on to meet the steam- ers, with feelings of mingled relief and apprehension. Did those Confederate boats know that the Indianola was just above them ? Were they not rushing ignorantly in the lion's mouth ? 156 RECOLLECTIONS OF " Josh, row so we can hail the boats !" Josh obeyed. They came up, j^cissed the Queen of the West, the Grand Era, and the little Webb, which was so much faster than the other two, she ran like a duck all around them. The gentleman stood up in the skiff, raised his hat, and shouted, — the decks were manned with gray-coated men — " The Indian- ola is just above youV pointing with his hand to the column of black smoke, yet visible, floating back from her pipes. " Ay ! ay ! we are looking for her ! ! /" Then the occupants of the skiff knew they had met " Gen- eral Taylor's Gunboat Expedition^ And the lady took off her hat and veil, and raised up above her bare head her clasped hands, in prayer to heaven, and then extended them with a blessing towards the steamers, passing rapidly. And the gray-coated men recognized the unspoken prayer and blessing, and they made the welkin ring with a cheer of hopefulness. And then the woman sat down and wept under her veil in silence, over her brothers now on the battle-field, and her struggling country. The travellers in the skiff arrived at their destination in safety, about 10 p. m. They heard the sound of the guns of the fight. The rest we give in the words of the Official Report to General Brent. It is from McCloskey, who commanded the " Queen of the West." Major J. L. Brent, Commanding : Major — I have the honor to submit to you the following report of the operations of the boat under my command in the engagement on the 24tli, which resulted in the capture of the Federal iron-clad "Indianola." When proceeding up the Mississippi Paver, it was apparent that we could easily overhaul the enemy on tlie morning of the 24th, but in obedience to your orders our advance was delayed in order that we might attack him under cover of night. We first discovered him about 9.30 P. M., lying quartering down stream, with his head towards the Louisiana shore — his sides protected by two large barges, loaded with coal, and extending from a little for- ward of her bow, back to her wheels. I immediately attempted to run him down, aiming at his wheel-house, but seeing our approach, he com- menced backing his engines, and we neooBsarily struck his coal-barge UENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 1 57 about twenty feet from its stern, passing entirely through it and into his side, disabling his wheel. The wreck of the barge had hardly disax>- peared, when the " Webb" came dashing up below us and struck the enemy on the bow, starting her other barge adrift and inj uring him severely. The " Webb" was scarcely out of the way, when v.e ran into him the second time, striking him nearly in the centre and glancing imder stern. We then ran off some distance, rounded to, and headed for the third blow, which we gave him with very heavy force abaft the star- board wheel. By tliis time we were considerably damaged, having received two of the enemy's heavy shot, one striking us on the port knuckles, killing two men, wounding four, and disabling three guns — the other striking our starboard knuckle, knocking overboard some fifteen bales of cotton, causing us to list very much to port. This was immedi- ately remedied by throwing off cotton from the port side, and we were then in position for another blow, when it was announced that the " In- dianola" had surrendered. The next morning, at daylight, the Grand Era ran past Hard Times, loaded with prisoners, whom she pot out at the bat- teries above Grand Gulf, to be sent on to Vicksburg. The " Indianola" was run as near as she could be got to the shore, and sunk in nine feet water. A lieutenant and some men were put on board of her, and the expedition returned in triumph, up the Red River. Three days after, the Federals sent a canard down the River, consisting of an old hulk, painted black, and armed with logs — which ran past the Batteries of Vicksburg. As it had no men on board, of course it could not reply to the shots poured into it. The officer in command at Vicksburg, telegraphed to the Lieutenant who watched the Indianola, " to blow her ?/^)," as a gunboat had succeeded in running j^ast the Batteries. The Lieutenant hesitated, but on the command being repeated, ho loaded the heavy guns, started a fuse, and abandoned the "Indianola." At daybreak on the 1st of March, we were all startled by the tremendous explosion, which shook the houses for miles around. We knew then the " Indianola" was de- stroyed. The canard floated quietly down, lodged at Palmyra (formerly General Quitman's plantation), and was filled up by 158 RECOLLECTIONS. the owner of the plantation with hay and corn, and sent down with the supply to his family at Natchez. The " voyagenrs" of that eventful day, never met each other again. The gentleman Avas carried off, late in the war, from the town of St. Joseph, by the Federals, and died a prisoner at Alton. The woman lives still, to w^eep over the misfortunes of her fl^mily and her people. Pollard is in error in attributing this brilliant little affair to Walker and Huttox. MeCloskey proposed it, and commanded the " Queen of the West," which dkl the icork. Walker was not with the Expedition, and Hutton was sick on board the Dr. Batey, which was only a Tender. BOOK IX. Grant's March. — Fall of Vicksburg. — The Eiver lost. What we planters, living in Louisiana below the famous " (7ana^," had been anticipating, came to pass. Grant per- ceived that he could very easily march down the Richmond road, where we drove our carriages at nearly all seasons of the year, except during an overflow of the River. We had not anticipated the movement of Grant's whole army, because we thought that would be too rash a proceeding on his part; — common sense suggesting, even to our unmili- tary minds, that he ought to be met and cut to pieces while attempting to cross the River, or at some point on his necessa_ rily prolonged march. But we did not make allowances for inconceivable blunders, unexpected ignorance, want of men, mutual misunderstanding, seeming negligence, or errors of judgment on the part of somebody, or of everybody in com- mand of military affairs in this Department. We anticipated heavy raids on the part of Grant, by way of the Ric^imond road all Winter and Spring. We talked of them openly, among ourselves. There had been a raid of a large force, sent by General Williams in the year preceding — the 4th of July, 1862, when the Federals carried off all our negro men, to work on the " Canal." The Federals knew the country by this time, better than we did. Pemberton had made up his mind that " it was as impossible for Grant to invest Yicksburg from a 160 RECOLLECTIOXS OF base below, as it was for Banks to besiege Port Hudson from a base above." So his attention was directed principally to- wards Haines' Bluff, and to retaining the long line, and the works on the Yazoo. We, however, had even removed some " valuables," in an- ticipation of these heavy raids. Nothing is easier than to sit calmly down by one's fireside, after an event is over, and there criticize it to one's heart's content ! One has then the board with all the moves before one, in this intricate chess-game of war ! But, in writing of matters of history, and holding a vehme gericht upon the conduct of our leaders, it is essential first to disabuse one's mind of partialities and prejudices, and even of knowledge acquired since the event occurred — to be- come, as Swedenborgians say, " vastatedP Then endeavoring to seize the points of the situation, and striving to become per- meated with all the spirit of the moment of which we write — appreciating carefully all its difiiculties, all its anxieties, its complications, its confusions, its ignorances, we may draw conclusions and form judgments! This is not an agreeable nor a simple task — especially for a woman ; but it must be remembered I am not writing history, but telling the story of my friend's life to the people who loved him. I write for the South — not for critics. So much I deem it just to premise before plunging into the details of a campaign, which has caused much angry discussion and bitter feeling among our own people. It is now, however, only a subject i'ov judicicd investigation — no longer demonstra- tive nor deliberative. I can only state facts, leaving every one at liberty to draw his own conclusions. There was high water at that time, but it icas 02ot high enough by several feet to aid us, as ice desired, in our defence — not high enough to submerge " the Richmond road." We tried to cut levees to overflow it, but did not succeed. People who had burned thousands of bales of cotton, taken the bells down out of their churches and plantation belfries — to prevent the one from falling into the hands of the enemy, and in order to give HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 161 the others to be melted and cast into cannon — were not unwil- ling to rival the Netherlanders, where they could cut their dykes to any advantage. But the River was not full enough to help us. Harrison had a small force of a few hundred men to defend this practicable route to Vicksburg. The batteries at Grand Gulf, about thirty miles below, were very small, though strong and well-placed, being located on the sides of two hills, one at either end of the village, which was built on the valley between them, nestled at the foot of a lofty range, that rose precipitously, making a picturesque background to the houses, which, in some instances, were perched on small plateaux cut out of the hill-sides. The projecting spurs of these great piles of conglomerate earth, sand, gravel, shells, and limestone rock, advanced quite to the margin of the River, in a bold isolation, their bases being washed by the swift current of the Missis- sippi. They jDrovided admirable locations for batteries, enabling the Confederates to sweep the river with their shot for miles on either side. From their summits signals could be conveyed to great distances over the champaign of Louisiana, which lay stretched out like a map, on the opposite side of the river. The whole of this range of hills was covered with emerald- green.grasses, and thinly wooded, to their very tops, with oak and broad-branching black walnut trees. About the cottage houses were clustered vines,* roses, and the never-failing " China-tree." It was a pretty little place. The Big Black made its embouchure on one side of the more northern hill, and its mouth was protected by formidable batteries. The Bayou Pierre flowed into the River some miles below\ This stream, navigable at certain seasons for boats of heavy tonnage, ran up in a circling course, turned several miles in the rear of Grand Gulf, and then flowed quietly past the beautiful inland * I have drunk an excellent wine, made from foreign grapes, accli- mated on the hills of Grand Gulf, by Mr. Pierson — a sweeter wine than any I drank in Texas from the native grape. The hills around the Gulf af- ford good shelter for vines ! It seems to me as good a location for them as the Rhine mountains. 162 RECOLLECTIONS OF village of Port Gibson. There was a railroad, of eight miles length, connecting Port Gibson and Grand Gulf. There was a magnificent bridge, built on solid masonry, over the Bayou Pierre, where it bisected this road. The Confederates had dis- cussed the propriety of fortifying the Bayou Pierre, but unfor- tunately concluded the batteries at Grand Gulf to be sufficient for the defence of the River here. At the mouth of the Bayou Pierre, on the south side, lay the plantation of " Bruinsburg." The land which stretched from Grand Gulf to the mouth of the Bayou Pierre, was a low, level swamp, running back from the Mississippi to the base of the hills, for several miles, intersected with small running streams or bayous, only navigable for skiffs. At this time nearly all this region of lowland was under water. There were but three landing-places for many miles — Grand Gulf, Bruinsburg, and Hodney. Grant chose Bruinsburg as his point of debarcation, after he had arrived at *' Hard Times^'' a plantation at the south end of Lake St. Joseph, on the Louisi- ana side, three miles above Grand Gulf. When he started on his march, he was going to Rodney. All estates in the South have names given them, for the convenience of marking cotton bales ; also, I suppose, from a feeling of pride in the landowners, being a remnant of Anglo-Saxon" customs. Bruinsburg be- longed to the Evans' estate, a family whose ancestor had not been undistinguished in the war of 1814. Colonel Harrison, with a small body, composed of the Tensas cavalry and some other troops, were stationed as pickets near New Carthage, a pretty village on the Mississippi River, in Madison Parish. Lake St. Joseph forms a horse-shoe, an arable arc, about eighteen miles long, which curves with its convex side towards the River, either end about one mile distant from the River, ter- minating in a small bayou. New Carthage is situated about eight miles above the north end of the lake. Just below New Carthage lies the magnificent estate of " Somerset," formerly belonging to Hon. John Perkins, who is now a colonist at Carlotta,in Mexico. Lake St. Joseph is the second of the string of lakes, which form the most distinctive and beautiful ornament of the State of Lou- HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 163 isiana,— Lake Providence (into which the Federals tried to cut the beginning of their canal, designed to run down into the River " Bayou Mayon," after they failed, in the shorter one, on the isth- mus opposite Vicksburg), being the first of this necklace of pearls. Lake Bruin is the third, about three miles lower down than St. Joseph ; then come St. Peter and St. Paul, St. John (a lovely' piece of water), Lake Concordia, &c., &c. These lakes present the most charming feature of the State, and are connected with a network of bayous and small streams. They abound in fish and waterfowl, and the lands adjoining them are eagerly sought after as residences by the planters of North Louisiana. At that time there was a camp of Listruction on Lake Bruin. Here was a Battery, as a reserve, and one company of cavalry. Bowen had three thousand men all told in his camp at Port Gibson and Grand Gulf. These were the only troops to con- test Grant's advance on Vicksburg with 90,000 men. Harrison was surprised early one morning by the rushing in of his pickets, saying, " the Yankees were marching down in force towards his small camp," which was pitched in the deserted " Quarter'''' of " Somerset." Harrison's men were at breakfast. This company, the Tensas Cavalry, was composed of the first men in the Parish. Young men, who counted their wealth, at that time, by millions, not by thousands of dollars. Harrison did not wait to mount his men, but ordering them to spring hastily to their arms, he formed them on foot behind the Levee, and waited the appearance of the enemy. The Federals soon came in sight, led by Colonel Stuart, a very gallant man. The Federals numbered about two hundred and fifty men— it was a party of reconnoissance. The Confederates had not more than a hundred men. The Federals came up boldly. Through their spies (whom they found no difiiculty in obtaining among the negroes), they knew the exact location and means of resistance of Harrison's small force. The Con- federates now fired a volley, which was quickly returned. Stuart came out in advance of his troop, drew his sword, and rode to and fro determinately, marshalling them in line of ICJ: RECOLLECTIONS OF battle for a charge on the Levee, beliind which the Confederates Avere ranged. Then turning with his face to the foe, he led the charge gallantly. Just at that instant clicked one of the unerring rifles of a Confederate, accustomed from boyhood to fihoot birds on the wing, in the marshes and lakes of his native Louisiana. The noble Stuart fell. His men recoiled. At this moment the negro servants of the Confederate soldiers brought up their masters' horses, which they had of their own accord, without orders, saddled, and now brought to their owners. The Confederates sprang on their horses, dashed down the Levee on the Federals, who were still in some confusion, fired on them with their revolvers. The enemy retreated : Harrison pushed after them, and ran them several miles back on " the Richmond road." It was a pell-mell flight on the part of the Federals. When Harrison and his men returned from their race, they found Stuart was still living, though bleeding very much from a wound clear through the lungs. They picked him up and carried him as gently as they could into a house near by. The surgeon immediately examined the wound, and tried to stanch it and save the brave man, whose " pluck" they all admired ; but it was in vain, the greatest skill was powerless to save him. The rifle "that never failed" had done its work too surely ! They did all they could for him — tried to make him comfortable. They asked some questions about Grant's army, which he declined to answer. They did not press him. Thus his enemies remained, ministering to this brave man till he died. He lived several hours. He asked tliem " to send word to General McClernand, he had tried to do his duty." After he was dead, the Confederates had a coflin made and buried him as decently as they could. Two days after, a flag of truce was sent, to ask for Stuart's body. It was exhumed and delivered to the Federal ofiicer, together with his sword, pistols, watch, spurs, etc., etc. The Federal seemed much touched, and was very grateful to the Confederates for the manner in which Stuart had been treated by tliem. But Harrison repulsed his expressions of obligation with a smile. HEXRY WATKINS ALLEN. 165 "He was a brave man, sir! and Southern soldiers don't prey upon brave men — after they are killed !" Latei", Bowen re-enforced Harrison with 1,800 men from Grand Gulf — noble Missourians ! My heart warms Avhenever I speak of Bowen and his self-denying troops ! Those men endured every thing — every privation — with a heroism, a self- devotion, a cheerfulness that was astounding ! They lived on parched corn for days, at this time, without a murmur, having neglected to bring sufficient rations with them, in the hastiness of their removal. As soon as the people discovered this, they had bread baked and sent to them regularly. So long as we could remain at home, the soldiers could command all we pos- sessed. " Our own hoys'^ were all privates in the army : our hearts were very tender towards all Confederate soldiers ! Grant now advanced in earnest. Harrison had a sharp fight near IS ew Carthage, with Grant's foremost troops ; but finding that the vanguard, who were beaten back at first, grew every moment more and more in numbers and in strength upon his hands, as fast as the armed men did from the serpent's teeth of Cadmus, Harrison was compelled to fall back, burning the bridges and disputing the road, as he slowly retired. The Federals had kept their counsels so close and so well, that no one suspected that Grant was really advancing in all his strength to invest Vicksburg or assail it in the rear. As the Levees were broken, the whole country was sub- merged except on the ridges. The lake-bank formed one of these ridges, on which ran the only road now practicable. Our houses and gardens were situated on this wide ridge. It was a lovely spot then — one of the Paradises of Louisiana. These estates had been the homes of cultivated people since the settlement of the colony of Louisiana. The houses were as handsome as Southern country-houses could be made ; — built in villa style, with wide porticoes or " galleries," and large halls running through them ; windows, glazed to the floor, opening on shady porches, overlooking beautiful gardens, whose roses rivalled those of Cashmere ; the roofs of green ; and hot-houses 166 RECOLLECTIO^s^S OF glinted and shimmered under the glowing sunshine. Mirrors lined the spaces on the walls, unoccupied by treasures of art — great chandeliers swung their pendants from the lofty stuccoed ceilings — brocatelles and velvets covered the soft-cushioned lounges and graceful fauteuils — satin and lace curtains flowed round the tall windows. The sound of the harp, the piano, or the more solemn swell of sacred music, often rose on the air, awakened by the skilful fingers of the women who called these pleasant abodes their homes. Every means of elegant leisure, amusement, luxury, and convenience were assembled under those roofs. Books for the studious — horses and equipages for the gay — row-boats on the Lake. Forests full of game at the back of the plantations, cellars filled with rare wines, and oc- cupants who were famed throughout the State for lavish hos- pitality, and whose family tree extended its ramifications over half of Louisiana and Mississippi. In the centre of these plantations lived Mr. J R , the Patriarchal Head of the family, who saw his descendants to the fourth generation, clinging about his knees. Most of the residents fled at the approach of the Federals. We had no right to expect from them any better treatment than other Southerners had re- ceived where their army had gone. There were only non-com- batants among us, old men, women, and children ; every young man of our blood, who could manage a musket, was already a volunteer in the Southern army. It was a terrible day for us. We had to take leave of our pleasant homes, brightening in the brilliant sunlight (it was an unusually clear bright day, even in our exquisite climate) ; — to take a last hurried look at our gardens, radiant with bloom and fragrancy, and at the smiling Lake, basking, sparkling like a sardonyx in a green enamelled setting. We fled in every direction — some, in skifls, sought a refuge in the impenetrable swamps — others crossed the River, seeking a vain security among the hills of Mississippi. On all the plantations an overseer was left to take charge of the place and negroes. It was because we were afraid to stay — being only women and a few old men — that we fled, hoping to re- HENRY WATKINS ALLE]^. 167 turn in a few days, after the Federal army had either passed or retired. Year after year rolled on its leaden days of wretched anxiety, privation, and sorrow, before any of us returned to weep over heaps of ashes, and tall gaunt chimney-stacks, rising like indices towards Heaven, telling of ruin and desola- tion. The Federals took a delight in the most wanton destruc- tion of every thing. They dragged out the beautiful rose-wood furniture and made bonfires of it, while they played Yankee Doodle and Hail Columbia on the grand Pleyel and Erard pianos, and danced round the fires fed by such costly fuel. They stole what pictures and gems of art they chose, and burnt up the rest. They threw open the houses to be gutted by the negroes, and then they set fire to them and burnt them. From one house alone, that of Mr. J R , EUett's Marine Brigade stole over thirty thousand dollars worth of table silver. Of course, this was the fortune of war. We do not eomplain — neither can we be expected to forget. Generals Sherman, Osterhaus, etc., etc., knew how we suf- fered, and what we lost. But the Confederate army under General Lee, were not allowed to commit such outrages, when in Pennsylvania. At New Carthage an incident occurred of which we heard at the time, which deserves to be recorded to the glory of Southern women. Mrs. and her niece, Miss , were left on one of their plantations alone, by the husband of Mrs. . He was in the Confederate army. Mrs. had been deserted by all her slaves as the Federals advanced (all who were still living returned to her afterwards) ; but at this time she was left alone. She and her niece were obliged to do all their own work with their own hands. To Southern ladies, manual labor, though under the circum- stances only ennobling and patriotic, mentally^ was inconven- ient ^xi^ phijsically painful. It bhstered our hands and made them ache, to cook, and wash, and scrub ; hut we did it I Thank God! iQw women were derelict in duty. Southern women learned to use their little, soft, white hands in every way be- 168 RECOLLECTIONS OF fore this war closed, — in the kitchen, in the hospital, in the loom, everywhere, — even sometimes upon the lock of a re- volver, in defence of their own honor. The Federals showed no mercy to Southern women. They said we kept up the war- feeling among our men ! Some few of their officers are, how- ever, to be honorably exempted from this sweeping assertion. Such men as Brigadier-General Williams, General David Stuart, Judge William Bennett, General Canby, at Santa Fe, in some instances General Davidson and some others, were very courteous to us. I dare here to express openly my deep gratitude to General Davidson for his firmness in protecting my young brother, W'ho had been desperately wounded in a skirmish near Natchez, from the violence of a cruel mob of brutal men and negro soldiers ; who would else have torn the bleeding boy in pieces. Davidson treated him as a prisoner of war should be treated, put a guard around his couch — permitted his friends to nurse him back into life, and said " he should be protected, if it took every man in the Department to do it." For this we must be ever grateful to General Davidson. Captain Kinnimant also protected a helpless family of ladies, who were ordered to jail by the brutality of General Brayman, at the risk of losing his position, saying, " If these ladies had to go to prison, he would go too, and protect them." By his manly firmness he saved them from that indignity, and pre- vented the robbing of their house, by the greed of the com- mandant and soldiers. I am glad to acknowledge such acts of courtesy. General Ransom, at Natchez, and General McPherson, too, were just to us — when in their power to be so. Those Federal officers who retained humanity and courtesy towards us, while they were enemies, remembering that they were gentlemen, dealing with ladies, even though the wives and sisters of their foes, will never find us ungrateful or forgetful. Their names will be transmitted with honor to future generations among us. I must also mention here the name of Captain Wright, of the 1 HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 169 Avenger, who always protected women and children when ho could. But Butler, Banks, Dana, Brayman, Tuttle, are names that we shudder to pronounce. " But their ill fame their deeds so run before, That men, whate'er tliey did, rebuke no more, Nor longer care to waste one moment's time On such immense capacity for crime." Miss had waded in water up to her waist more than once, and walked miles to carry warnings to Harrison's pickets. After the skirmish at New Carthage, Mrs. learned that Harrison, being compelled to retreat, had left the dead body of a young Confederate soldier lying unburied at New Car- thage. She and her niece got in a " dug-out," a very danger- ous sort of a craft, for any but an Indian to paddle, rowed themselves several miles down the Bayou, went to the Federal commander, and asked for the body of the young Confederate, which was lying out on the Levee, where he had fallen : they received permission to take it. These modern Antigones lifted it up, laid it carefully in their canoe, rowed back home, dug a grave, and buried it. Two months after, I saw these ladies camped by the roadside in Franklin Parish, with a few boards over their heads, as a temporary shelter from the rain and sun ; lying at night on the ground, with only a blanket between them and the earth, and a " cashmere shawV as a covering for themselves and two little children, living on corn-bread and bacon — homeless, but cheerful, strong, and brave — without a change of clothing, until they procured some homespun to make some garments : they had lost every thing but their courage and their patriotism. Then we did not doubt for one moment our ultimate success, and so we laughed at privation, toil, and exposure. It was almost a satisfaction to us to endure them. Were not our best beloved, the idols of our hearts, bearing them in the camps for us f We were proud to be the mothers, wives, and sisters of our heroes, ano? to suffer with 170 REGOLLECnOXS OF them ! Soutliern men have heen noble in tliis war — Southern women have been nobler. The remembrance of the sufferinga I have witnessed, borne with the steadfast soul of an Alcestis, by some of my nobler countrywomen, makes me draw my breath gas^Dingly, and sends a shudder through every quivering nerve. The South may have been wrong in the casus belli ; but we were not wrong in our self-denial and patriotism. With the politics of our men, we had nothing to do. But we were rights very right, to aid " our ow7i^'' even, like our Pelican, with our very hearts' blood. We are not to be blamed for this instinct of nature and true womanhood. Grant marched about 60,000 men down Lake St. Joseph to Hard Times. There were several Bayous of running water, one very deep and wide, tributary to the Lake. This deep Bayou (Clark's), which would been called a river elsewhere, was fortified with cotton-bales, and held by Harrison three days against the Federal vanguard. But the Federals dis- covering, through their spies, that they could flank the Con- federates by making a detour of a few miles and passing through a good deal of shallow water, Harrison had to fall back. The batteries at Grand Gulf were still held firmly against the gun- boats and transports, by the Missourians under Colonel Wade. For two days these boats were kept back, until a shell struck Wade, as he was standing on an exposed gun directing the fire on the enemy, and he dropped dead, shot through the brain. In the confusion caused by this fire, transports loaded with troops succeeded in getting past. The only road for Grant^s land-forces lay down the Hard Times Levee. The country on every side was under water, and this narrow dyke, broad enough for a single carriage to drive on, was the only Ararat, standing out from the sea of waters. Harrison tried to cut this : he tried twice to mine it and blow it up with gunpowder, but he failed. The Levee was too solid and too wet, and he had not time to dig it down ; the Federals were pressing him too close. We prayed for the River to break it, but it did not respond to our prayers in 1863. HENRY WATKIKS ALLEN. 171 It would have been impossible to have pontooned a crevasse, at least tor several weeks. The river rushes through " a break" with tlie velocity, fierceness, and roar of the rapids at Niagara. Bowen had visited Harrison's camp at New Carthage, about the 11th of April, and returned immediately to his post near Port Gibson. General Grant now crossed his men without molestation. Bowen sent a despatch in cipher to General Pemberton, saying, "The enemy are now marching down the Lake St. Joseph plankroad, opposite me, in immense numbers." Pemberton threw the despatch on the table, saying, '''•Boioen is macir He considered it impossible for the enemy to re- main any length of time separated from " a base." He was right in that idea. They conquered " a base" very soon, on the Yazoo, and it was all over with Vicksburg ; but General Pem- berton's movements will be elaborately ex2:)lained later, so I do not stop here to dwell on them. Harrison was retreating fighting at Clark's Bayou with Grant's vanguard, and Bowen listened in despair to the rever- berations of the feeble guns trying to check the enemy's over- powering numbers. Then Bowen marched with his little handful of gallant Missourians, hoping at least to embarrass the Federal advance, and delay it until he could receive re-enforce- ments — which seemed to come so tardily, — which never came to any extent, alas, for Vicksburg. Harrison had an artillery duel of three hours on Choctaw Bayou, which connects the lakes St. Joseph and Bruin : his men stood nobly at their guns, though their pieces were insuffi- cient, and of too short range to reach the enemy, who poured on them shot and shell with long-range cannon. Harrison, however, had only one man wounded here. He now retreated from this point, back into the svvamp towards Tensas river. The fight at Clark's Bayou occurred on the 18th Apiil, Bowen made a gallant but inefl:ectual resistance, skirmishing for three dayss, and making a heavy fight at the Bayou Pierre, 172 RECOLLECTIONS OF near Port Gibson. Bowen defeated the Federal advance under Carr, on the 1st day of May. Grant now sent an ex- press to Sherman to join him immediately with his 24,000 men. Pemberton re-enforced Bowen, but grudgingly, it seemed. He sent him one Brigade under Tracey. These men fought well. Tra- cey was killed at Port Gibson. Just asTracey's body was borne off the field, another Brigade (Baldwin's) marched on. Thus Pemberton despatched these troops, it seemed to us, in morsels, just sufficient to glut the giant's maw, when he should have fallen on him, with his whole force, and crushed him. Bowen now sent troops to Grand Gulf, dismantled the Bat- teries there which had done such good service, and began to retreat towards Vicksburg. The little village of Grand Gulf, Allen's early home in Mississippi, was a mass of ruins. It had been completely sacked by the Federals in 1862. I walked over it, when there was not a house standing, and gathered the delicate roses, that had sprung up from the roots of the burned bushes, and still leant lovingly, their perfumed faces, on the broken columns and piles of burnt brick. The Federals had flanked these Batteries, by ascending the Bayou Pierre, which was, unfortunately, " not fortified.''^ Bowen had forty- five hundred men ; with the most desperate valor he could do nothing against 60,000 men. A part of Bowen's force (Bald- win's brigade) had marched one hundred miles, and fought ten hours in three days and nights. The Confederates reached the Big Black river in the middle of the night. They could find no one to point out the Ford of the River. Searching around, they discovered a house on a plantation near. It was occu- pied only by a young girl of eighteen and her mother. Their male relatives were all in the Southern army. The young girl knew the Ford, but the officers hesitated to ask her to go with them, at that hour, and show it ! But she said very sim- ply, pointing to the stable, " General Loring, have my horse saddled — I will show you the Ford ! I am not afraid to trust myself, anywhere, at any hour, with my countrymen." The officer obeyed. The young girl mounted her horse, HENRY WATKIKS ALLEK 173 rode in front of the army, conducted them across the Ford, and several miles through by-paths, until she led them safely to the high road leading to Vicksbiirg. Then putting her horse at full speed, slie rode back alone, in the dark night, to her mother, protected only by her own innocence, her trust in God, and her faith in her countrymen. In relating the rest of this sorrowful story, I think ii best, instead of using my own words and expressions, sucli crude opinions as one so ignorant in military matters could form, to exhibit simply documents which have been placed in my hands for reference, connecting them with such short explanations as may be needful for their intelligibility. This is, perhaps, more tedious to the reader ; but though defeated, our military leaders still have keen sensibility to the condition of their fame in the hearts and mouths of our conquered jDcople, and we care still to know how faithfully our battles w^ere fought, even though they were lost. I have to explain why Pemberton did ?iot abandon Vicksburg, and meet Grant at Bruinsburg. Extract from a letter of General Johnston, dated Jackson, Dec. 31st, 18G2. It seems to me tliat in Vicksburg we should have just the force necessary to its defence : the remaining infantry, to constitute an active army, which, if you should be invested, might attack the enemy in rear. This seems to me the only chance for driving him off. Should he invest the force you have ordered to the place, the remaining force, only 11,000, could not attack with decided hope of success. At the same time, your auxiliary positions, Chickasaw Bayou and Snydefs Mills, depend for connection with the place upon the difficulty of the ground along the Yazoo. I fear that the Federals may causeway the swamp, as well as bridge the Lake. In which event, upon reaching the firm ground, the garrisons of the outposts would either be captured or driven off. I regret that so DIFFICULT A SYSTEM WAS UNDERTAKEN. BY HOLDING ViCKSBURG ALONE, with the other troops in observation, I think ice would have been safer. Joseph E. Johnston. This extract is given to show how essentially General John ston and Lieutenant-General Pemberton differed in their views, as early as December, 1S62. The system of defence adopted 174 EECOLLECTIONS OF by Pemberton had so far given complete and entire success, acjainst a vastly superior force. General Johnston's plan is developed above. It might perhaps have brought only disas- ter and speedier ruin to the Cause. In connection with this subject, one should refer to the following extract from the diary of McClernand's Chief of Cavalry, Colonel W. Stewart, U. S. A. It is well to add, that the selection of General Van Dorn to command the cavalry expedition against Grant's rear, was made by Pemberton, that he received no instructions except from Pemberton, and that he carried out those instruc- tions, especially against Holly Springs. The United States Army, under General Sherman (McClernand not having arrived at the mouth of the Yazoo untilJanuary 2, 1863), con- sisted of two Army Corps — his OAvn, the 13th, and the 15th, under General George W. Morgan. The designation of each brigade and regiment of the re- spective corps is given in the diary. They seem to have been of equal numerical strength, judging by the number of the Regi- ments. That of Sherman's only is given in a tabular form — Siggvegate present for duty^ 15,952 ; present, sick, 3,944. Total present, 19,896. Supposing Morgan's Corps of the same strength, the entire army may be set down at 40,000. The Confederate force did not exceed 10,000 or 12,000. Extract from diary of Col. Vfilliam Stetcart, loth Illinois Cavalry, U- S. A., Chief of McClernancVs Cauilry, ire the Expedition against VicJcs- burg, Dec, 1862, and Jan., 18G3. " General Mc demand communicated (Dec. 28tli), with General Grant at Holly Springs. Learned that Vicksburg expedition had left with great haste, December 20th, with orders to attack rapidly. General Sherman said " he would not let grass grow under his feet." January 2d, 1863 : Learned, at mouth of Yazoo, that our forces had been repulsed, and were then re-embarked, destined for Milliken's Bend. General Sherman came down, and said to General McClernand, " I have found it impossible to carry the enemy's works, on account of resistance, and the swampy nar ture of the approach. I had proposed to storm the enemy's ^vorks at Haines' Bluff, but the Admiral declined, saying it was too hazardous. I then determined to retire to Milliken's Bend.' " HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 175 ■** General McClernand suggested a point nearly opposite Vicksburg, to prevent communication with his {Cjn/alerate} supplies and rc-enforcc- mentsfrom the interior," " General Sherman said Milliken's Eend was the place, on account of its being dry and high land." " He also expressed great surprise when he was informed that Grant's communications had been cut, and that he had fallen back ; he (Sherman) had expected every moment to hear his cannon in the rear of Vicksburg." Jackson, March 20, 18G3. Brigadier-General Bowen, Grand Gidf: Give every aid in your power ta the construction and laying of a raft in the Big Black, in charge of General Steevenson. How about your heavy guns ? Exwirdne Bayou Bicrre, as a point of approacJi, and report. J. C Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. Jackson, March 24th, 18G3. Gen. Buckner, Mobile : I cannot spare an infantry soldier from the command, but want your cavalry regiment, for our mutual good — for N. E. Counties, to enable planters to sow crops. TJie enemy press me on all sides. J. C. Pemeerton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. Jackson, March 20tli, 1863. Oen. Biickfier^ Mobile : Can you send me two regimemts of cavalry to Northeast IMississippi, to assist in getting out supplies in that section, under the arrangement entered into with you at Vicksburg^ and protecting the planters ? I am not able to send a regiment there. J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. To General Bo wen, March 20th, shows that Pemberton was taking energetic measures to strengthen Grand Gulf (and therefore the mouth of the Big Black), as a secondary obstacle to navigation of the Mississippi, if the canal should prove a suc- cess, as then seemed probable, and the C. S. Batteries opposite its exit should fail to drive back the enemy's vessels ; also that he had not overlooked Bayou Fierre as a j^oint of appro acli. To General Buckner, Mai'ch 20tli, shows that on those dates 176 EECOLLECTIONS OF Pemberton did not believe the enemy was abandoning his attempts on Yicksburg. Jackson, March 24th, 1863. Major Dumontiel, Taucipalioe : A company of infantry and a section of artillery go down to-night, in- tended to re-enforce Colonel Miller at Ponchatoula. If Colonel Miller has been forced to fall back, the train must proceed to meet him. Send what force you may have to his assistance. I think the truth of the operator's report doubtful, as Colonel Miller's last accounts to me were very favor- able. Telegraph ofBcers, with apparatus, must be ready to move if the enemy advance. This can scarcely be more than a raid, as it has no ad- vantages for base of operations. Ascertain all you can, and inform me. J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. Jackson, March 25th, 1863. Colonel H. H. Miller, Goates Factory : Unless you feel entirely able to drive the enemy from his position, you should not attack. An attack and repulse would be disastrous. J. C. PEilBEKTON, Lieutenant-General Commanding. * To Major Dumontiel and Colonel Miller, in connection with other letters and dispatches, shows the correctness of Pem- berton's statements, that, at this period (between General Johnston's return to Tullahoma, and April 14th), the enemy- was " pressing him at all sides." Jackson, March 25th, 1863. Major-Gen eral Loving : Fort Pemberton — via Grenada, 10 a.m. : It is utterly impossible to give you five thousand more men, or any thing approaching ; neither can I at this time send you any more heavy guns. I told you long since that I have not the means of defending both Fort Pemberton and Yazoo City. You have had full authority given you as to the disposition of Moore's Brigade, and the guns at Yazoo City. You have also Tilghman's. and all the cavalry at your disposal. If Fort Pemberton is now passed, no serious defence can be made at Yazoo City. We must look to a return of the troops to Vicksburg, for its immediate defence. I yesterday told Steevenson that if he was satisfied the enemy HEKRY W ATKINS ALL EX. 177 fvas withdrawing from Vicksburg, tliat he had better send tip to you an- other brigade from Maury, as you might need aid. More ammunition is on the way to you — have already sent more than can be spared from other places. You must husband it most carefully, and remember that I have many other calls U2')on me. Other heavy guns are en route from East : when they arrive, will try and send you another. Two boats at- tempted to pass Vicksburg this morning ; one v/as sunk with all on board, the other lies at mouth of canal, supposed disabled. Featherstcn is at Deer Creek. Lee making a flank movement. Ilojje to keep them out of Yazoo in that direction. J. C. Peimberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. To General Loring, shows tlie activity of operations in the Department, within the period of General Johnston's return to Tuhahoraa and April 14th. Jackson, March 2oth, 1863. ColondB. 8. Ewell, Tullahoma, Chief of General J. E. Johnston's Staff: ColoneTj — It is probable as the Spring advances, and the dirt-roads become practicable for artillery and wagons, that the enemy, Avho now has possession of the Tallahatchie River, above Yallabusha, may make use of the former, which is navigable until May, and establish a base of operations on the river by means of his boats. I learn also that he is repairing the Mississippi and Tennessee Railroad, and connecting it at Memphis with the M. & C. R., having abandoned all roads north. This may be only an indication of his intention to draw supplies from North- west Mississippi, but it also affords him a means of rapidly concentrating his troops from Middle and West Tennessee, for operations against Vicksburg, wdien the roads become practicable. Should he continue his threatening attitude against Vicksburg and Port Hudson, by the INIissis- sippi River, and move a heavy force by land from the base supposed, unless greatly re-enforced in infantry, I shall need all the cavalry force %vithdrawn from the Department, under General Van Dorn, to cut his communications. The enemy is now using every effort to get possession of Vicksburg. He is in large force on Deer Creek, and on the Tallahatchie, and this morning endeavored to pass two more of his boats by our bat- teries at Vicksburg. One was sunk with all on board, the other got by, and is now lying at the mouth of the Canal, supposed by General Steevenson to be disabled. Three of their vessels are therefore now 8* 178 RECOLLECTIONS OF between Yicksburg and Grand Gulf, wliere I have established a battery of five heavy guns. The work on the Canal seems for the present to be abandoned. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. To Colonel B. S. Ewell, March 25th, shows that Pemberton expressly declares " the enemy is using every effort to get pos- session of Yicksburg," that he was also in large force on Deer Creek, and on the Tallahatchie, &c., &c., and that it was per- haps an oversight in General Johnston to state in his official report (part 1, page 6), that between the date of his return to Tullahoma and April 14th, all Pemberton's reports were by telegraph.^ and " indicated that the efforts of the enemy w^ould be against General Bragg, rather than himself, and looked to the abandonment of his attempts on Yicksburg." Jackson, April 3d, 1863. Gen. Jos. E. JoTinston, TuUalioma, Tenn. : Scout from near Memphis, 1st April, reports all boats at Memphis pressed ; thirty left Saturday and Sunday empty, possibly intended to re-enforce Rosecranz. Enemy still in force on Mississippi and Talla- hatcJiie. Loving reports re-enforcing on latter. J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. Jackson, April 9th, 1863. Gen. Jos. E. Johnston , TuUalioma: There is no communication by M. & C. R. R. between Grand Junction and Corinth. At Corinth there are four brigades, estimated at five thousand strong ; no transports loaded with troops have teen reported as hating passed above mouth of Yazoo Pass. J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. Jackson, April 10th, 1863. Gen. Jos. E. Johnston, Tnllahoma : Scout from near Memphis reports, 9 A. m. on 8th, in following words : " Enemy's force there about seven thousand. 'Tis said all force down Mississippi River to be brought up, to make grand military depot at HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 179 Mempliis. Fifteen empty boats at lauding. Enemy's lines closed for sixty days." J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. To General Johnston, April 3cl, gives reporl of a scout from noar Memphis; and on this report^ Pemberton mei-ely suggests \}iiQ possibility of a movement to re-enforce Kosecranz, but ex- presses no opinion. On April 9tli, Pemberton expresses no opinion, but does expressly state that";eo transports loaded with troops have been reported as having passed above mouth of Yazoo Pass," i. 0-, towards Memphis. Again, on 10th, Pemberton gives the report of a scout, but expresses no opinion. Up to April 10th, none of Pemberton's despatches or letters report any movements of troops from Grant's army to re- enforce Rosecranz. Generally, the reports seem to have been transmitted by Pemberton in the words of the scouts, and General Johnston was, therefore, as fully informed as Pember- ton, and equally able to judge whether the reports were reli- able. Jackson, April lltli, 1863. Gen. Jos, E. Johnston, TulWioma, Tenn. : Scout from Austin reports forty transports heavily loaded, but no troops passed up Mississippi River on 3d and 4tk Inst. Brigadier-General Chalmers reports Gen. Elliot's Marine Brigade, five large transports and two gunboats, passed up Mississippi River on 7tli. Same evening three gunboats and nineteen transports, loaded with, troops, passed up. The last ten boats from Tallahatchie, twenty miles up Cold Water on Wed- nesday, going up. I think most of Grant's forces are being withdrawn to Memphis. J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-Gencral Commanding. Jackson, April 11th, 1863.- Ge7i. Jos. E. Johnston, Tullalwma : The following report jusi received : " Scout Kemp reports near Byhalia, 10th, strengthening guard on M. & C. R. R. Twelve thousand troops passed Memphis, going up river, on 7th. Fifty pieces artillery landed at Memphis same day, and were carried to Memphis & Charleston Depot. 180 RECOLLECTIONS OF Part of Grant's army reported to be going to Corinth, down M. & 0. R. R. Balance to re-enforce Rosecranz. Lawson reports, near Memphis, 10th, " Marine Brigade gone to Cumberland River ; also fourteen transports and two gunboats passed up river, night of 7th. Corps of engineers reached Memphis from below, supposed to work on Miss. & Tenn. R. R. Pushing work on track from M. & C. Depot "to fortifications." I am collecting troops here • can send you four thousand at once, if absolutely necessary. J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. To General Johnston, April 11th, Pembertoa gives reports from General Chalmers and scouts, and for the first time ex- presses the opinion that most of Grant's forces are being with- drawn to Memphis. General Johnston had here also as good opportunities of forming an opinion as Pemberton seems to have had. April 16th, gives additional reports in language of scouts, and expresses Pemberton's readiness to send General Johnston 4,000 men at once, " if necessary T Jackson, April 12th, 1863. Oen. Jos. E. Johnston, Tullalioma : The following despatches just received: " Hernando, April 10th — To T. L. Carter — I have following from Col. Falkner in front : ' A man well known to me, who is reliable, has just come from Memphis ; he says twenty thousand troops passed up day before yesterday, from Vicksburg, to re-enforce Rosecranz.' " W. E. Falkner, Colonel Commanding. It is positively stated that Gen. Elliot's Marine Brigade has gone up. (Signed) M. W. Bark, Telegraph Agent. Grenada, April 12th, 1863. I have just received following, from operator at Sonatabia : Colonel Falkner sends me a note, saying, a man well known to him has just come frc«n Memphis, and says twenty thousand troops passed up Friday, from Vicksburg, to reinforce |iosecranz. (Signed) Sam. Henderson, J. C. Pemberton, Lieut.-Qeneral. HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 181 Jackson, April 12th, 1863. Gen. Jos. E. Johnston, Tulldhoma : Will forward troops to you as fast as transportation can be furnished — about eight thousand men. Am satisfied Rosecranz will be re-enforced from Grant's army. Shall I order troops to Tullahoma ? J. C. PEIMBERTOT'T, Lieutenant-General Commanding-. To Gen. Jos. E. Johnston, April 12, Colonel Falkner mid others report lieavy movement of troops wj) the River ; and satisfy Pemberton that a large part of Grant's army was moving to re-enforce Rosecranz in Tennessee. April 13th, Pemberton asks whether the troops ordered by General Johnston to re-enforce Army in Tennessee shall be' sent to Tullahoma. Jackson, April 14, 18G3. Gen. Jos. E. Jolmston, Tallahomci : Lieutenant Carmon, near Austin, reports : "All troops from Pass expedi- tion have gone down Mississippi River ; also Grant has ordered two hundred wagons sent down from Helena." Another scout, near Memphis, reports all of" Vicksburg army coming up." J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. Gen. Jos. E. Johnston, Tullahoma : Jackson, April 16, 1863. The following just received : " Grenada, April 14, 1863.— Scout Eastham reports, 10 a. m., 12th instant, near Corinth, re-enforced there by four thousand men, making force there eleven thousand, including eight hundred cavalry. (They) speak of mounting two thousand men to scout around Corinth : intend sending a force up Tennessee River to TuscumUa. (Signed) S. Henderson, Commanding Scouts. " Grenada, April 16th, 1863. — Reports reach me from front, that enemy are sending more troops down to assault Vicksburg soon. (Signed) S. Henderson." Lieutenant-General J. C. Pemberton. Jackson, April 16, 1863. Gen. Jos. E. Johnston, Tullahoma : I can only send you two Brigades at present. Last information re- ceived induces the belief that no large part of Grant's army will be sent away, r J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. 182 RECOLLECTIONS OF To General Johnston, April 14th, shows contradictory na- ture of reports on that clay. April 16th, indicates renewal of operations against Vicksburg : call to mind that on the night of the 16th, nth April, Porter's fleet passed the Vicksburg batteries. This fact, and the simultaneous return of Grant's army, which had been reported by scouts and others, on the 11th April, as "passing up" the river, confirmed the belief ex- pressed in Peraberton's letter of April 17th, to General John- ston, to wit : " The arrival of Adjutant and Inspector-General Lorenzo Thomas, of the United States Army, who is now at Memphis, has, I think, made a great change in the enemy's plan of campaign." Pemberton believes Thomas instituted the plan of moving their troops by land to some point below Vicksburg ; at first, he thought with the view of uniting with Banks against Port Hudson. A letter of Lincoln^s to Grant, published in the papers, corroborates this impression of Pem- berton's. On the 16th of April, the change of circumstances, as the day developed them, brought an immediate expression of Pemberton's opinion, that "no large part of Grant's army would be sent away." Jackson, April 17th, 1863. Oen. Jos. E. Johnston, Tulldlwmci : Troops sent to you were taken from Port Hudson, a brigade under Brigadier-General Buford — aggregate present, 4,065. Enemy has now nine boats bet^yeeu Vicksburg and Port Hudson ; he has land-forces at New Car- thage, from Grant's army, and can re-enforce them to any extent ; he can use his nine boats to cross his troops to this side. Arrival of Lorenzo Thomas has changed enemy's plans, or his movement up the river was a ruse, I ought to have back Buford's Brigade ; certainly no more troops should leave this Department. Despatch, signed Brigadier-General Chalmers, yesterday, says : Sixty-four steamers left Memphis since Thursday, loaded with soldiers and negroes, ostensibly to assault Vicksburg. The raft in Yazoo, at Snyder's MiU, has given way and gone entirely ; am therefore forced to strengthen batteries there, at the expense of Vicksburg. J. C. Pembeuton, Lieutcnant-General Commanding. HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 183 Jackson, April 17th, 18G3. Oen. Jos. E. Johnston, TullaJioma: Following from Steevenson, of date IGtli. " The enemy are cutting a canal, using their dredge-boats from Milliken's Bend, into Walnut Bayou, thence through Roundaway Bayou, and Vidal Bayou into the Mississippi at New Carthage. The many reports received recently of the construction of batteries on the State Levee, are confirmed to-day, by observation with the telescope, I am i3lacing batteries to-day within good range of them. J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. As a comment upon this letter of April 17th, I deem it best to insert a portion of a letter of General Pemberton's to me. It is a strong expression of feeling on his part, but by no means unnatural, nor perhaps unnecessary, under the circum- stances in which he found himself placed. General Pemberton writes: " When I notified General Johnston, on 17th April, that it was practicable for Grant to cross his army to this side of the river ; that he had sufficient boats below Yicksbui-g to do so — then, (if such an order was ever proper) was the time to have directed me to unite all my forces, if Grant should land, to beat him. Had he then said, " It is ???y order, that if Grant lands on this side of the river, you will, if necessary, abandon Port Hudson and Vicksburg and its dependencies to beat him," I could not have been in doubt as to his intentions. I should have known what it was I was expected to abandon, and what success (if it came) was to give back. I would at least have had the time to concentrate and provide transportation and supplies in part ; and when the men, women, and cliildren of the whole Confederacy cried out. Crucify him ! Crucify him ! I could have held up to their eyes the unmistakable order of General J. E. Johnston." Headquarters Dep't Miss, and E. La.,) Jackson, April 17, 1863. \ Gen. Jos. E. Johnston, Tullahoma, Tenn. : General — I address you directly, not knowing whether Col. Evvell ia ■with you or not. I informed you by telegraph on 13th inst. that I was 184: RECOLLECTIONS OF establishing depots of commissary and suljsistence on M. & 0. R. R., at Macon, Meridian, and Enterprise ; also at Columbus. The road can be run four miles above Okolona, but -svithout a much larger cavalry force than I can control, I do not think it safe to locate depots above Macon, on the road. I have long regarded it as highly probable that the Army of Middle Tennessee might be forced to take such position as to require' supplies to be drawn from Northeast Mississippi. You will, however, remember that the large force within this Department, particularly at Vicksburg and Eastward, has, by reason of the frequent closing of the Mississippi navigation to us, been fed from the same district. The want of transportation to Railroad has much impeded collection of supplies, and the indisposition of Railroad authorities to give zealous aid has been a great di-awback. Corn can be had in large quantity if transportation can be provided, but meat is difficult to be got at any price. I have author, ized 50 cents per pound, and have directed impressment, where parties refuse to sell at that, always leaving sufficient for family use. Every effort will be made to accomplish the object. There is no douht a consid- erable part of Orant's army did go up the River as high as Memphis, and perhaps into the Cumberland, but there seems now to be no doubt that re- enforcements are being sent down again. The arrival of Adjutant and Inspector-General Thomas, XT. S. A., who is now at Memphis, has, I think, made a great change in the enemy's plan of campaign. Under the circum- stances, I think, that not only should no more troops be sent from here, hut that those who have just gone should at once be returned. A large force of Grants army has established itself at I^ew Cartilage, below Viarrenton, on west bank ; another is at Richmond, La. Five boats (I suppose gun- boats, though not yet positively informed), as I telegraphed you this morning, passed the Vicksburg batteries last night. (I am momentarily expecting a report as to their character and condition.) These five, to- gether with the three gunboats and small steamer under Farragut, gives nine vessels available for crossing troops or operating from above against Port Hudson. I am also somewhat apprehensive that the Charleston expedition, failing there, may join Banks against Port Hudson. The raft at Snyder's Mills, a great and important assistant in the flank de- fence of Vicksburg, has entirely given way, in consequence of the in- creased current and enormous pressure of drift. This compels additional guns at Snyder's, and they must come from Vicksburg. I received yester- day a Brooks' gun, but without a single projectile, and a ten-inch colum- biad ; they will replace those removed to Snyder "s. My special purpose in this communication, is to endeavor to recover the troops I put en route for the x\rmy of Middle Tennessee ; belie\ing when I started them that I might temporarily re-enforce it, idtJiout immediate and pre^Hng danger HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 185 to my positions here. I liave no precise information as to the defences at Corinth ; I learn, however, that they have been greatly strengthened since our army abandoned them. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. Jackson, April 17, 1863. Brigadier-General Bowen, Or and Gulf: I have ordered the 6th Mississippi, 1st Confederate Battalion, and one field-battery to you from here. J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. Jackson, April 7th, 1863. Jefferson Davis, President : Telegram just received. On 3d of April, learning a large number of empty boats were being sent down from Memphis, I telegraphed General Johnston, suggesting it might be to re-enforce Rosecranz. I still think this possible. Latest oificial reports represent enemy as probably leaving Tallahatchie ; also that he is landing in large force at Greenville, moving down Deer Creek by land, and endeavoring to get through Hutchpu- cuna into Sunflower River. It is said in Memphis, Grant idll also attack Vicksbicrg in front, in a few days. Attempt on Port Hudson is aban- doned for present. I am moving a Brigade from there further North, but do not think it safe, %mder existing circumstances, to diminish force in this Department. J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. To General Bowen, shows that immediately upon learning the enemy's fleet had passed Vicksbm-g, on the night of 16, 17, Pemberton strengthened Bowen for defence of Grand Gulf. To President Davis, in answer to telegram asking whether he could not re-enforce Bragg, shows that as late as April 7th, Pemberton did not think it safe, under the (then) existing cir- cumstance.*, to diminish the force wdthin his Department ; and he states be had, on 3d April, on learning certain facts, tele- graphed General Johnstofi suggesting it might be to re-enforce Rosecranz, and that he still thought this '"'' ijossihle.''^ Jackson, April 9th, 1863. General S. Cooper, Richmond : The River referred to is Mississippi. The report forwarded to General Johnston was from special scout near Memphis, and in same words. The 186 RECOLLEGTIOXS OF same scout reported " twelve pieces new steel artillery passed up M. & C. Road, on 1st April." On sixth, he reports as follows : " No change on M. & C. Railroad. No troops of consequence passed up road. More empty boats gone down River from Memphis, supposed to Vicksburg." I am confident that no important re-enforcements, if any, have been sent to Rosecranz from Grant. No troops whatever are reported to have gone above mouth of Yazoo Pass. / endeavor to keep General Johnston in- formed of any movement which may affect his army. Enemy is con- stantly in motion in all directions ; appears now to be particularly en- gaged with Deer Creek by land, from Greenville — have force there to meet him. Also reported, but not yet confirmed, movement under McClernand in large force by land, west of River, and Southward. Much doubt it. My operations west of Mississippi must greatly de. pend on movements of enemy's gunboats. I have several regiments now near New Carthage. Will inform you promptly of any thing important ; and if I ascertain that part of Grant's army is re-enforcing Bosecranz,vn.]l despatch troops of General Johnston a-is rapidly as possible. (Signed) J. C. Pejibehton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. TuLLAHOMA, March 23d, 1863. General — I have just had the pleasure of reading your letter of the 14th inst. Your activity and vigor in the defence of Mississippi must have secured for you the confidence of the people of the State — that of the Government you had previously won, I presume, from the distances of your batteries from the mouth of the enemy's Canal, that you have found it necessary to place them on the bluffs, at a distance from the river-shore. Would it be practicable to place field-pieces on the immediate bank, which might prevent the exit of transports ? Might not the trans- ports, after the Canal is finished, attempt to pass your batteries at night ? I should think that it might not be improbable. At the distance of a mile and three-quarters, they could do it with trifling loss, while guns on the river-bank, even light ones, could probably drive them back. Will your two batteries, below Vicksburg, one opposite to the out- let of the Canal, the other at Grand Gulf, protect Vicksburg better than the concentration of all the guns near the outlet of the Canal? The commanding of that point by your artillery, seems to me the most important object. If the ten heavy guns, now at the two positions, could be placed near the Riv^r, opposite the outlet of the Canal, they would, it seems to me, deprive the enemy of the advantage of his Canal, as it would be as dangerous to pass them as Vicksburg itself. Or those at Grand Gulf, placed near tlie River, opposite to the Canal, would serve HEXEY AY ATKINS ALLEN. 187 your purpose better than at their present position — if the ground is not unfit. Your fortification at Yazoo City is, I presume, a preparation for the time when the enemy will be able to march from the Mississippi to that point. You have evidence of the capabilities of Fort Pemberton to pre- vent the enemy from reaching that point by water. As far as that is concerned, additional force would be more effective there than anywhere else. Would it be practicable to capture the two Federal vessels which passed Port Hudson ? Have we boats enough for the attempt ? If so, it would be well to make it, after the best possible preparation. I have no apprehension for Port Hudson from Banks ; the only fear is that the Canal may enable Grant to unite their forces. I believe your arrangements at Vicksburg make it perfectly safe, unless that union should be effected. Van Dorn's cavalry is absolutely necessary to enable General Bragg to hold the best part of the country from which he draws supplies. The Governor of Mississippi promised 6,000 men for the protection of the people of the northern part of the State. How many of them are in the field? In a recent telegram you express the opinion that the enemy is about to use the M. «Sz; C. instead of the M. & 0. R. R. Would not the Ten- nessee River be better for them than either ? Or do you suppose that they are preparing to attempt again to advance by Holly Springs upon Grenada ? Most respectfully, your obedient servant, J, E. JOHNSTOK, General. Lieutenant-General Fembekton, Commanding Department Mississippi and E. Louisiana. Again I insert an extract from a letter of General Pember- ton's. It is best he should speak for himself. I am no parti- san in these matters. General Johnston seems almost to commence his Ofiicial Report of operations in Mississippi and East Louisiana, v/ith the design to throw upon me the entire responsibility of the transfer of troops from that Department to re- enforce Bragg's army. (See part 1, page 6 — as num- bered in Congressional copy — of his report.) He says : " From the time of my arrival at Tullahoma, until the 14th of April, General Pember- ton's reports, all hy telegraph, indicated that the efforts of the enemy would be against General Bragg rather than himself, and looked to the abandonment of his attempt on Vicksburg. In that of April 13th, he 188 RECOLLECTIONS OF says : ' I am satisfied Rosecranz will be re-enforced from Grant's army. Shall I order troops to Tullahoma ?' " I am willing, Madam, to share this responsibility, and if there was an error in judgment, to bear my part of the blame, but no more. This letter is in itself a refutation of General Johnston's assertion, that all my reports were by telegraph. Nor was that to which it is a reply, the only one addressed to his headquarters during the period referred to, I have shown by accompanying documents that most of my reports did not look to the abandonment of his (enemy's) attempts on Vicksburg ; nor was General Johnston misled by my reports. In almost every instance they were sent to him immediately, and verbatim, as I received them. I ask attention to the opening paragraph of the within letter, because it was written shortly after General Johnston states that he " thought his presence had become necessary" in Mississippi (that is, I suppose, to direct the defence of Fort Pemberton on the Yazoo, etc., etc.) Had my earnest requests, often repeated, for the return of Van Dorn's cavalry, been complied with, Orant would never have reached Jackson. J. C. Pemberton. Jackson, April 21, 1862. Major-Oeneral Steevenson, commanding at Vicksburg : The Lieutenant-General commanding directs me to say, in reply to your communication of to-day, that he has sent to Generals Smith and Taylor informing them of his inability, on account of want of transpor- tation, to co-operate against the enemy across the river, near New Carthage, and asking therefore that they would do so. That Brigadier-General Bo wen has at Grand Gulf an effective force of forty-two hundred, with which he icill combat them, endeavoring to cross, and land at Bayou Fierre. That he regards Warrenton as of the defences proper of Vicksburg, and it will therefore be of the same care and regard to you, as are the works I more immediately around the city. J. C. Pembekton, Lietenant-General Commanding. April 21, 1863. Oeneral J. E. Johnston, TuUahoma : Heavy raids are making from Tennessee, deep into the State : one is re- ported now at Starkville, thirty miles west of Columbus. Cavalry is in- dispensable to meet these raids. The little I have is in the field there, totally inadequate to prevent them. Could you not make a demonstra- tion with a cavalry force in their rear ? J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Cammanding. HENHY AVATKIXS ALLEN. 189 To General Steevenson, April 21, shows Pemberton had com- nuinicated with Generals E. K. Smith, and R. Taylor, asking their co-operation against enemy near New Carthage, and then General Bowen would combat the enemy in event of attempt to land on Bayou Pierre. Poor Bowen did fight — nobly — but he had so tew men ! What could he do — or what could Harri- son do — against Grant ? To General J. E. Johnston, asks his co-operation to prevent cavalry raids. Jackson, April 23, 18G3. Lieutenant-Ge7ieral E. K. Smith, Commanding Trans-Missisdxjpi, Alea'andria : General — I have the honor to acknoAvledge the receipt of your com- munication of 15th inst. which came to hand to-day, and in reply to state that I addressed you telegrams, on the 17tli and 18th inst — sending them through the agent at Natchez — informmg you of my inability on account of want of transportation, and the presence of the enemy's gunboats in the river, to operate on the other side of the Mississippi : and asking therefore your action and co-operation there, opposite Grand Gulf, near New Carthage. I regret very much the necessity General Taylor was under, of retreating before overwhelming numbers, but am utterly unable to assist him, as the enemy have again occupied Baton Eouge in strong force, and have moreover eleven gunboats between Vicksburg and Port Hudson, which not only effectually prevent the ship- ment of supplies across the river, but are almost able to stop communica- tions between the two Departments ! I have been compelled to withdraw four thousand troops from Port Hudson, and could not therefore possibly send any forces from that point, severely threatened as it now is. If you purpose making an attempt against the City, referred to in your letter, inform me of your intentions, and I will endeavor to co-operate from this side; but deem the risk too great to justify my advance alone. Very respectfully, J. C. Pemberton. Lieutenant-General Commanding. Jackson, April 23, 1863. Oen. J. Cooper, Adj. and Inspector-General, Michmond : I have so little Cavalry in this Department, that I am compelled to di- rect a portion of my Infantry to meet raids in North Mississippi. If any troops can possibly be spared from other Departments, I think they should 190 EECOLLEGTIONS OF be sent here. Please inform me of supposed disposition of enemy's fleet vvliicli operated against Charleston. J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. Jackson, April 23d, 1863. General Stevenson, Vicksburg : I consider it essential that a commnnication, at least for infantry, be made by the shortest practicable route to Grand Gulf. Indications now are that the attack will not be made on your front or right, and that all troops not absolutely necessary to hold the works there, should be held as a movable force, either for Warrenton or Grand Gulf. If the raft can be secured below, I have no objection to its being sent down. Report to me dispositions you make under these instructions. J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. To General S. Cooper — shows that want of cavalry compelled the diversion of Infantry, and, therefore, prevented rapid con- centration by Pemberton. To General Stevenson — directed shortest practicable line of communication to be made at once to Grand Gulf, and that no more troops than were absolutely necessary to hold the works should be kept in Vicksburg. Jackson, April 23, 1863. Major-Oeneral W. H. Loving, Meridian : Transportation will be furnished. You will not have the Railroad any great distance, but keep your troops ready to return at the shortest no- tice. It is necessary to keep me hourly informed, as troops may be required here at any time. Six boats passed Vicksburg last night. J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. Jackson, AprU 23, 1863. General Loving, Macon : Operations on that line are minor to those on Mississippi River, therefore you must not be out of reach of communication by telegraph, nor must your troops be so disposed as to be unable to move in this direction at a moment's notice. J. C. Pe:mberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. To General Loring — shows that, although want of cavalry compelled the diversion of infantry to distant points, Pember- HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 191 ton took every precaution possible to make that force availa- ble on the Mississippi River, before he received any instruc- tions from General Johnston to concentrate. April 25th, 1863. General Stedenson : General — The Lieutenant-General Commanding says that he has not proposed to re-enforce Grand Gulf from Vicksburg, but it may, neverthe- less, be necessary to do so. Vicksburg, also, may have to be re-enforced from Grand Gulf. You wiU,t7ierefore, have communication established over the Big Black at the most desirable point. You are probably aware that the enemy is now making strong raids into the Northern part of the State from three points ; and that infantry must necessarily be used to hold the important places against their incursions, on account of the great de- ficiency oi cavalry in this command. Four thousand men have already been drawn from Port Hudson, and it may now be necessary, if that point is very seriously threatened, to re-enforce it. It is indispensable that you keep in your lines only such force as is absolutely needed to hold them, and organize the remainder (if there is any) of your troops as a movable farce, available for any point where it may be required. J. C. Taylor, A. D. C. The following under date of April 28th ; General Bowen, Grand Gnlf : I have directed General Stevenson to have five tliousand (5,000) 7nen READY ^0 move, on your requiring them ; but do not make requisition, unless they are absolutely essential to the safety of your position. I am also making arrangements to send you two or three thousand from this direction, in case of necessity. You cannot communicate with me too frequently. Major-General C. L. Stevenson, Vicksburg : Hold five thousand men in readiness to move to Grand Gulf. With your batteries and rifle-pits manned, the city front is impregnable. General Joseph E. Johnston, Tullahoma : The enemy is at Hard Times in large force, with barges and trans- ports, indicating a purpose to attack Grand Gulf, with a view to Vicks- burg. I must depend upon the Army of Tennessee to protect the ap- proaches through North Mississippi. General J. 8. Bowen, Grand Gulf: Have you force enough to hold your position ? If not, give me the 192 RECOLLECTIONS OF smallest additional force with whicli you can. My small cavalry force necessitates the use of infantry to protect important points. These telegrams show Pembertoii had made arrangements to strengthen General Bowen before the attack upon Grand Gulf on 29th April, by enemy's fleet: that Pemberton notified General Johnston on April 28th, that the enemy was in large force at Hard Times, with barges and transports, indicating an •attack on Grand Gulf. Still, he receives no instructions to " concentrate" nor to " unite his whole force" if Grant landed* Also show that Pemberton was compelled to use his infantry in lieu of cavalry, to protect distant and isolated points. The following under date April 29th, 1863 : irajor-Geiieral Stevenson, Vicksburg : Hurry forward re-enforcements to Bowen to-night. Endeavor to send him ammunition for heavy guns. Troops on the way from here to re- place those sent away. J. C. Pembekton, &c. (Despatch No, 2.) Bngadier-General J. S. Bowen, Grand Gulf: In the name of the Army, I desire to thank you and your troops for your gallant conduct to-day. Keep up the good work, by every effort to repair damages to-night. Yesterday I warmly recommended you for a Major-Generalcy. I shall renew it. J. C. Pemberton, &c., &c. (Despatch No, 1.) Brigadier-General J. S. Boicen, Grand Gulf: General Stromson has re-enforcements on the way to assist you. Can JTdo any thing to assist you ? J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-Gen eral Commanding. General J. E. Johnston, TuUahoma : Very heavy firing at Grand Gulf, Enemy shelling our batteries above and below. The wires are down. Do not know whether the enemy has made a landing this side of the Mississippi River, If not, Grierson's cavalry has cut them. All the cavalry I can raise is close on their rear, and was skirmishing with them last night. J. C. Pemberton, &c., &c. To Generals Stevenson and Bowen — shows that before Pem- berton received any instructions from General Johnston he was preparing, as far as thought possible, to concentrate to- wards Grand Gulf HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 193 To General Johnston — shows that on April 29th, Pemherton informed General Johnston that he was itncertaia whether the enemy " liad landed on this side Mississippi River." Not yet did Johnston order Pemberton to "unite all his forces" in case " Grant did land^ An important battle had been fought near Port Gibson by the gallant Bo wen, before this order was gimnP Under date April 29th, 1863 : General J. S. Boiceii^ Grand Gulf: Do you need re-enforcements ? Tell me what is going on. J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. Major-General Gctrdner, Port Hudson : The boats are now attempting to pass Grand Gulf. Send me your eflfective strength of diiferent arms. Answer in cipher. J. C. Pemberton, &c. Mdjor-General Stevenson, Vickslurg : Is any thing going on at Vicksburg or Grand Gulf. If General Boweii is attacked, send on the column I directed. As soon as possible I will send on more troops to Vicksburg. J. C. Pemberton, &c. Under date April 27th, 1863 : General J. E. Johnston, TuUalioma, Tenn. : However necessary cavalry may be to the Army of Tennessee, it is indispensable to me to keep my communications. The enemy are to-day at Hazlehurst, N. 0. & I. R. R. I cannot defend every station on the road with infantry. Am compelled to bring down cavalry from Northern Mississippi here, and the whole of that section is consequently left open. Further, tJiese raids endanger my vital position, J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding, To General Bowie — calls earnestly on General Johnston for cavalry. To General Bowen— sent before Pemberton heard of the attack on the batteries at Grand Gulf on that day. To General Stevenson — directs him, if Bowen is attacked, to 9 194 RECOLLECTIONS OF send at once 5,000 men, formerly ordered to be in re.idmess near Warrenton. To General Gardiner — inquires strength at Port Hudson, on learning that the enemy's fleet was attempting to pass the batteries at Grand Gulf, with the view of re-«nforcing, if neces- sary. TuLL.\noMA, May 2, 1863, To LieuUnant-General J. C. Pemherton : Enemy reported falling back. Forrest moving West. Four thousand cavalry instructed to operate in Mississippi. Lieurtenant-General Rugglca communicate with him. If Grant crosses, unite all your troops to beat him. Success will give back wbat was abandoned to win it. J. E. JonNSTON, General. Pemberton writes me of this despatch : The above is the second notification I received that a large force cf cavalry was ordered to operate in Mississippi. On the first occasion it was a " strong brigade" which was " orderedy" but did not come. Now it is four thousand, and. so far as I know, with tlie same result — tliat is, they did not come. Also, Grant having landed (which I had two w^eeks pre- viously informed General Johnston was perfectly practicable, aud fre- quently afterwards repeated to him), and General Johnston having been notified on the 1st May, " that a furious battle had been going on since daylight, just below Port Gibson," he noiD directs that " if Grant crosses," I must unite all my troops to beat him — and adds, I honestly believe ad captandum, " success will give back what was abandoned to win it." I do not believe he designed to order or suggest the aban- donment of Vicksburg and Port Hudson. ^Yhy had he not done it before ? And I am satisfied that if, under the above order, I had evacuated those positions, and either failed of success, or, if successful, had failed to " win back what was abandoned to win it," I should have been held solely re^ sponsible. Indeed I have never understood that General Johnston has ever himself asserted that he meant by his order that I should withdraw my troops from either of those places. Many of his supporters and ad- mirers, however, have declared that such was his intention. But by his force of language he misleads the minds of his readers, when on X)age 16, part 1st, of his Oflacial Eeport (after a second time introdu- cing the latter portion of the despatch on the other side of this paper), he savs, " These instructions were neglected, and time w^as given to Grant to gain a foothold in the State. At Port Gibson and Raymond, detach- HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 195 ments of our troops were defeated and driven back by overwlielmmg numbers of the enemy." After reading tliis part of his Report, I am dis- posed to believe that he did intend that I should leave Vicksburg to its fate ; otherwise the assertion that " these instructions were neglected" is destitute of truth. In neither of the telegrams of 1st and 2d May did General Johnston direct me to attack Grant. Before these instruc- tions were received, I had hurried every man to the assistance of Bowen at Port Gibson, who I tliought could be spared from the defence of Vicks- burg. The detachment at Port Gibson was beaten twenty-four hours be- fore either of his instructions was received. Yet he persuades his readers that my neglect of his instructions was the cause of the defeat. With regard to Raymond, I have shown by more than one official paper, sent you among these (and have still others to corroborate the statement), that General Gregg, gallant and noble gentleman he was), did not conform to my re- peated and positive orders, " If the enemy advance upon you in too strong force, fall back on Jackson." General Johnston says the " detachments of our troops were defeated and driven back by overwhelming numbers of the enemy." I have never received from General Gregg a report of his engagement, but taking General Johnston's statement as the correct one (and it is positive and unqualified), I was in no manner responsible for the defeat at Raymond, by overwhelming numbers. J. C. Pemeertox. I use these extracts from General Peniberton's letters on mj own responsibility, without asking his consent. He must be excused if, in his position, he expresses himself someAvhat strongly and angrily. To have some idea of the intensity of the feeling in the South against General Pemberton, and under Avhich he has writhed with all the sensitiveness of a proud and brave nature, I will only state, that once, in a conversation of some friends of mine, this book — upon the compilation of which it was known that I was engaged at the time, was mentioned, — a man for M'hom I have the highest esteem, M'ho has known and loved me from childhood, being told, in answer to his question as to when this work would be issued, " That I only waited for some papers from Generals Johnston and Pember- ton," turned indignantly, with the remark : " As much as I love her, if she attempts to defend Pemberton, I'll have nothing to do vnth her book.'''' I cannot deny that this remark, from such 196 RECOLLEOTIOIS'S OF a source, startled me ; but very brief consideratiou reassured me, and instant remembrance of the man, whose life I was writing, brought the consciousness, that it was right, if I spoke of Yicksburg, which I was compelled to do, to present the truth, and the whole truth, without thought of consequence. Governor Allen, who was ever ready to strike a blow or to ut- ter a word in defence of the weak, the innocent, the unjustly condemned, if he could speak, would bid me do it. But, in the face 'of such prejudice, my simple assertion, or General Pem- berton's, would be insufficient ; so I adopt this documentary mode, and I hope it may not be found too tedious, nor alto- gether uninteresting. If these matters are important to the truth of history, we must take time to examine them. Mobile, May 5th, 1863. To Lieutena7it- General Peniberton : I sent you the Second Alabama Cavalry to aid in covering North Mis- sissippi and Alabama. A raid is now reported at Elyton, making, proba- bly, towards Selma. As I have sent you every disposable man, and I learn that the last cavalry sent is about being diverted towards Jackson, I must call on you to cover Selma and our important works there. S. B. BUCKNER, Major-General. BoviNA, May 7th, 1863. To Lieutenant-General Peniberton : A Lieutenant, a paroled prisoner, reports that the enemy have a very large force on Big Sandy, including six regiments of cavalry, at the inter- section of the Hall's Ferry and Jackson roads. General Osterhaus' head- quarters are at Rocky Springs ; McClernand's four miles beyond ; Grant's at Port Gibson. They have taken over 2,000 negroes, and all the wagons and mules in the country. They are daily expecting their train, and say they will move on Jackson and Big Black bridge simultaneously. All quiet at Edwards' depot. John S. Bo wen, Brigadier-General Commanding Division. From General Buckner — shows that raids were being made into Northern Mississippi, whilst Pemberton was occupied by enemy near Vicksburg. From General Bowen — shows disposition of enemy's force, and, in conjunction with Peraberton's telegram of same date to IIENEY WATKINS ALLEN. 197 General Johnston, that his troops were hetioeen Yicksburg and the enemy. TuLLAHOMA, April 11th, 1863. General : Slioiild Grant's army join Rosecrans, this army could not hold its present position. In such an event, it might be necessary or expedient for tliis army to cross the Tennessee, near tlie Muscle Shoals, to move in ISTortliern Mississippi and West Tennessee. To enable it to do so safely, depots of supplies, on or near the M. & 0. R. R., would be neces- sary. I request that you will take immediate steps to have these depots formed. They should be as far north as may be safe. I regard the meas- sure as of great importance to this army, and the approaching campaign ; to both armies — yours, as well as mine. On the Uli imt., 1 requested you by telegraph to send Stevenson's division lack to this Department with all speed, should you discover that Grant's army was leaviny Mississippi. Should it be necessary to send off those troops, please inform Major-General Buckner by telegraph, as he may have a similar movement to make. Shoidd you he in a state of uncer- tainty in regard to Grant's intentions, time might be gained by placing a brigade at Jackson, and another at Meridian. Most respectfully, your obedient servant, Joseph E. Johnston, General. Lieutenant-General Pemderton. From General Johnston, April 11, 1863 — as to movement of troops from the Department of Mississippi and East Louisi- ana to Tennessee, advising, in case of uncertainty as to Grant's intentions, certain disposition of troops. To General Johnston, April 17tb, 1863— refers to establish- ment of depots of subsistence on M. & O. R. R., and other matters. Again I quote from letter of Pemberton to me : I repeated in these the notification sent by telegraph of same date, that five more vessels had passed the Vicksburg batteries on the preceding night, and that nine were now available to the enemy below Vicksburg to cross his troops or to operate /wto above against Port Hudson. In this letter and in my telegrams of same date, I clearly pointed out to General Johnston that it was practicable for Grant to cross his troops. In my telegraphic despatch I used these words : " Enemy has novr nine boats botvveen Vicksburg and Port Hudson ; he has land-forces at New Caiihage honi Grant's army, and can re-enforce them to any extent; he 198 EECOLLECTIONS OF can use liis nine boats to cross Ids trooiDs to this side." No notice was taken of eitlier of these communications, except to inform me that the troops I had sent to Tennessee "by General Johnston's order would be at once returned. I received neither instructions nor suggestions ; I was not then " urged" (when it was practicable) " to concentrate and to attack Grant immediately on his landing" — (see General Johnston's OflBcial Report, page G) ; " no despatch was sent me on the next day." "If Grant crosses, unite all your troops to beat him. Success will give back what was abandoned to win it." These orders were deferred (or not received) until after Grant had landed, and General Johnston had been informed that " a furious tattle had been going on since daylight just below Port Gibson," forty miles distant from Vicksburg and its dependencies, and from fifty to one hundred from other points occupied by our troops. General Johnston's commentators consider his order to " unite all my troops," meant that I should evacuate Vicksburg and Port Hudson to "beat" Grant. It may be so; but if he did intend that construction to be given his despatches, there was a time when such orders might possibly have been capable of execution ; that time was immediately after I had notified him that it was jpracticahle for Grant to cross his army : when he did direct it (if he really meant it) the order was simply absurd. He had deprived me of my cavalry ; Loring's division was guarding the railroad communications and important depots ; Fort Pemberton was still occu- pied ; Port Hudson was near one hundred miles distant ; Bowen had just been discomfited ; the railroad had been destroyed in several places be- tween Meridian and Jackson ; also on the I. & N. O. R. R. by Grierson's cavalry ; and finally, Grant had already crossed, and could re-enforce to any extent. With Vicksburg for his base, he would at once have had the game in his own hands. I did then, and I do now, firmly believe that if IDG could have held Vicksburg, the Confederacy would have been saved. J. C. Pemberton. Jackson, April 18, 18G3. General J. E. Johnston, TuUahoma : I have ordered Gen. Buford to return. Troops still continue to come down the River, and the numbers going up none, or very inconsiderable. I have telegraphed Gen. Smith, asking him to co-operate with me on the Biver. J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. Jackson, April 20, 1863. General J. E. Johnston, TuUahoma : Can you not make a heavy demonstration with cavalry towards Abbe- ville, on Tallahatchie River, if only for fifty miles. The enemy is en- HENEY WATKIKS ALLEN. 199 deavormg to force a division of my troops to Northern Mississippi. Beconnoissance of fleet tliat passed below Vicksburg on niglit of 16l1i : two iron-clads, 8 guns ; one ditto, 9 guns ; one ditto, 10 guns ; one ditto, 11 guns ; one ditto, 13 guns ; one ditto, unknown ; one ditto ram, 3 guns in iron casemate in front ; one small tug ; two large transports ; and one barge, heavily laden. They iire one mile below New Carthage. J. C. Pemberton, Licutenant-General Commanding. TuLLAHOMA, April 21, 1863. General J. E. Johnston : General Ruggles sends following report of scout : Some eight or ten thousand enemy's troops were at Burnsville on Thursday night, with artillery wagon-train and pontoon bridges, who stated that they would cross the Tennessee River at Eastport to join Rosecrans. I give this merely as a report. J. C. Pemeerton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. To General Johnston, April 20 — Pemberton urges him to make a demonstration with cavalry towards Abbeville, on Tal- lahatchie. Enemy endeavoring to force a diversion of Gen Pemberton's troops to Northern Mississippi. era I Jackson, April, 18, 1863. Jefferson Dams, President : The passage of batteries at Vicksburg by a large number of enemy's vessels, on the night of IGth, shows conclusively that ice have a7i insuffi cient number of guns. There are so many points to be defended at this time — Vicksburg, Grand Gulf, Port Hudson, Snyder's Mills, and Fort Pemberton — that I have only twenty-eight gnns at Vicksburg. Of these, two are smooth-bore 32's, two 24's, one 30-pounder Parrott, one Whit- worth, and one 10-incli mort-ar. Vicksburg and Port Hudson, and, if pos- sible. Grand Gidf, ought to be strengthened greatly in guns. I have also sent 4,000 men from Port Hudson to General Johnston. The enemj'- has eleven armed vessels between Vicksburg and Port Hudson. A large sup- ply of ammunition and projectiles should be constantly forwarded. J. C. Pemberton, Lieutenant-General Commanding. Jackson, April 18, 1863. M'ajor-Oeneral G. L. Stevenson : General — The letter of Brigadier-General Lee has been examined, and 200 RECOLLECTIONS OF liis proj)osed arrangement and disposition of liis troops liave been approved by the Lieutenant-General Commanding. The Sixth Mississippi Regi- ment, Hudson's Battery, and First Confederate Battalion, have been sent to re-enforce General Bo wen at Grand Gnlf. General Tilghman's Brigade is arriving ; his troops will be kept here and at Clinton, as a reserve, ready to be sent where they may be most needed. A raft-bridge should forthwith be made over Big Black River, at that point where the road from Warrenton to Willow Springs crosses that river. By order of Lieutenant-General Pemberton. J. THOirPSON, Inspector-General. To President Davis — shows the small number of heavy guns Pemberton was able to put in position at Yicksburg. Of tlie twenty-eight mentioned, five were utterly useless against the passage of vessels. To General Stevenson — shows certain dispositions of troops, &c. Jackson, April 20, 1863. T. 8. Williams, Supt., &c., JST. 0. & Jackson B. B., Canton, Miss. : Sir— The enemy being reported in heavy force at Corinth, and advan- cing in the direction of Grenada, the public safety requires that the differ- ent railroad companies within this Department co-operate with me, and so act in concert with each other as to furnish me, even at a moment's warning, with the greatest possible amount of transportation at their united command, so that I may be enabled to throw to any point on either road the greatest possible number of troops. To this end, so es- sential, it is therefore necessary that the transportation of private freights, until otherwise ordered, be suspended ; and that every available car and engine on your road be put in condition, and held ready and subject to my order. I furthermore request, that when I shall so order, the cars of one road be permitted to pass on to the other without the dekay of trans- fer of freights or troops. Very respectfully, &c., J. C. PE3IBERT0N, Lieutenant-General Commanding. April 21, 1863. Major-Oeneral Gardner, Tort Hudson, Louisiana : The inner redoubts ordered by me must be built. Take the troops, if J. C. PEilBERTOX, Lieutenant-General Commanding. HENEY WATKIKS ALLEN. 201 To T. S. Williams — shows that Pemberton did every thing in his pov/er to provide in advance for rapid movements of troops, when necessary. To Genei'al Gardiner — shows that Pemberton inas not negli- gent of Port Hudson. Jackson, April 20, 1863. Oencral J. E. Johnston, Tullalioma : Major McGivern hands me a letter from Major Barbour, your chief quartermaster, directing him to "establish a depot. I am now establishing depots on the M. & 0. R. E. Depots cannot be established in this Depart- ment without interfering with my supplies, unless I can conti'ol them. All that is necessary to regulation of railroads, is authority to me from the War Department. I do not think Major McGivern's presence will aid, imless under my control. All my actions and orders with regard to sub- sistence have been regulated by consideration of the Army of Middle Ten- nessee, I wrote you on the subject April 17. J, C. Pejiberton, &c., &:c. Jackson, April 20, 1803. Major-General Stevenson, Vicksburg : You should place at least 5,000 men in easy supporting distance of Warrenton. J. C. Pejiseeton. Jackson, April 20, 1863. General J. E. Johnston : I have no sufHcient force to give any efficient assistance to. Colonel Roddy. The enemy are advancing from Memphis xia Hernando ; from Grand Junction and Lagrange via Holly Springs and Salem ; from Corinth tia New Albany. You are aware I have but a feeble cavalry force, but I shall certainly give you all the aid I can. I have virtually no cavalry from Grand Gulf to Yazoo City, while the enemy is threatening to cross the river between Vicksburg and Grand Gulf, having twelve vessels be- low Vicksburg. Yesterday, General Chalmers met the enemy at Cold Water, and repulsed him. On the 18th, a gunboat and one transport passed Austin, towing fifteen flat-boats or pontoon bridges, with t^venty- five skiffs on them : on the 19th, a transport, toAving sixteen flats or pontoons. J. C. Pemberton. To General Stevenson — directed that 5,000 men should be placed w^itliin supporting distance of Warrenton. This was 9^- 202 EECOLLECTIONS OF while the enemy's fleet was lying between Vicksburg and Grand Gulf. To General Johnston, April 20th — replies to his inquiry whether Pemberton could not assist Colonel Roddy, in Ala- bama. Shows the movements of the enemy's cavalry from the North, and informs General Johnston that Pemberton had " virtually no cavalry from Grand Gulf to Yazoo City, whilst the enemy is threatening to cross the River between VicJcshurg and Grand Gidf having twelve vessels between these places." " Still," Pemberton says to me, " I received no instructions to 'concentrate* if Grant landed ! This was the very brigade of cavalry which General Johnston, in his Official Report (part 5, page 15, Congressional copy), says * was ordered into the State from Tennessee, when I reported that Grant's army was return- ing to Mississippi.' Two days after he informed me that the brigade had been ' ordered'' into Mississippi, General Johnston telegraphed me to know whether I could not 'assis^^' Roddy in Alabama. So far as I know, the brigade did not set foot in my Department. It was not a small matter, these repeated refusals to restore my cavalry. '■A strong brigade was or- dered ' — that sounds well. Who stops to inquire when it came ? or whether it ever came ? See my letter of April 29 th to General Johnston." Extract from letter to Gen. Johnston : Vicksburg, May 5, 1SG3. "Enemy's force here is double what I can bring into the field. " J. C. Pemberton." Vicksburg, May 5, 18G3. General Loring ;* General — When the enemy intends to make his movement in force against Warrenton, he will probably demonstrate heavily towards the E. R. on the east of Big Black River. To support Maj.-Gen, Stevenson, who, with Moore's brigade of Forney's Division, and his own Division, will occupy the right, you will early to-morrow move your entire Division (Tilghman's, Featherston's, and Buford's brigades) to the neighborhood of *• Similar instructions sent toBoweu and Stevenson. HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 203 B. Lanier's, on the Baldwin Ferry and Mt. Alban road. Gen. Bowen is directed to take position on the east and south of Big Black bridge, with his own and Green's brigades, keeping a regiment on guard at Edwards' Depot. All heavy baggage and tents must be sent to Vicksburg. Troops will bivouac, and only sufficient wagons %vill be moved with them to transport ammunition and cooking utensils. J. C. Pemberton. ViCKSURG, M&y 8, 1863. General Gardner, O^syka : Return with two thousand troops to Port Hudson, and hold it to the last. President says both places must be held, J. C. Pemberton. On the Yth May, President Davis telegraphed Pemberton : " Want of transportation and supplies must compel the enemy to seek a junction with their fleet after a few days' absence fi'om it. To .hold both Vicksburg and Port Hudson is neces- sary to a connection with Trans-Mississippi." To Gen. Loring, shows disposition of Pemberton's troops on that day. To Gen. Gardner, then en route from Port Hudson to re-en- force Vicksburg : (Telegratn.) TULLAHOMA, May 6, 1803." To Lieutenant- General Peiiiberton : Let me know the location of your troops, numbers, and places, in cipher. J, E. Johnstois". (Telegram.) TULLAHOMA, May 9, 1863. To Lieutenant-Gen. Pemberton : Your despatch in cipher received. Cannot decipher about Port Hudson. Make entirely new cipher of that part. Disposition of troops, as far as understood, judicious. Can be readily concentrated against Grant's army, Jos. E. Johnston. Vicksburg, May 7, 1863. General Joseph E. Johnston : General Loring's and Stevenson's Divisions, and one (1) brigade Smith's, one (1) Forney's, between Warrenton and Baldwin's Ferry. General * Observe particularly tlie concluding paragraph of my answer to this tele- gram below, dated iMay 7, for report of battle of Port Gibson, and of May 9, below, acknowledging its receipt.— J. C. P. 204 RECOLLECTIONS OF Bowen's Division, Big Black bridge — one brigade on either side of river. General Hebert's brigade between Synder's Mills and Chickasaw Bayou. General Vaugban's north of city, to support Hebert and Bowen. Gen- eral Lee's, including heavy artillery, in the city. One brigade, about five thousand infantry, cavalry, and artillery, at Port Hudson ; two (2) en route from there to this place. Chalmers, about eleven himdred, yester- day at Oxford, awaiting to co-operate with Forrest. Buggies at Colum- bus—small force of cavalry and State troops. General Bowen, being at- tacked by overvrhelming numbers, had to leave his position, and, for want of transportation, all the horses being killed, had to leave four pieces light artillery. Our probable loss, killed, wounded, and missing, between six and seven hundred. (Signed) J, C. Pembeeton. Official, n. C. TUPPER, A. D. C. In his Official Report (part 7, page G), Gen. Johnston says: *' I received no further report of the battle of Port Gibson, and on the 5th asked Gen. Pemberton, ' Wliat is the result ? and where is Grant's array ?' I received no answer, and gained no additional information in relation to either subject." The telegrams were generally in cipJier. On the 5th May Pember- ton asked that six thouss.nd cavalry ' be employed to keep open his communications ;' and added, * the enemy's force,' &c., as above. On the Vth, Pemberton telegraphed : ' General Bowen being attacked by overwhelming numbers, had to leave his position, and, for want of transportation, all the horses being killed, had to leave four pieces light artillery. Our probable loss, killed, wounded, and missing, between six and seven hun- dred." On the 9tb, General Johnston acknowledges the receipt of this despatch, and pronounces the disposition of Pemberton's troops, " as far as understood, judicious," &c., &c. Edwakds' Depot, ; li miles South, May 7. ) To Oeneral Pemherton : Upon the statement of a paroled C. S. officer, I am able to report that late yesterday evening the advance-guard of the enemy, consisting of the Second and Third Illinois Cavalry, was encamped four miles beyond Cayuga, on the Rocky Spring Road. His infantry encampment extends HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 205 from Little Sand Creek to Willow Springs, a distance of five or six miles — how much, if any, further below the latter place, I have no information. The reports of my own scouts for the past two days corroborate the state- ment regarding the advance-guard of the enemy. General Osterhaus has his headquarters at Little Sand. A body of three hundred of tlie enemy's cavalry is daily patroling the country round Cayuga, while smaller par- ties are engaged stealing horses and mules, and committing their usual depredations. IL Canby, Capt. BoviNA, May 8, 1863. To Lieutenant-General Perriberton : Scouts report the enemy's infantry camp has been advanced to Big- Black, three miles below Baldwin's Ferry, extending eastward. A very large encampment reported. A negro says they were preparing to cross Big Black just below the mouth of Five-Mile Creek. Scouts report some kind of a steam-craft in the River, All quiet at Edwards'. Jomr S. BowEN, Brig.-Gen. Captain Canby and General Bowen report position — show disposition of troops between Vicksburg and enemy. Vicks- burg was now occupied by but one brigade, whilst two held the line from Snyder's Mills to Warrenton. ViCKSBmG, May 9th, 1863. Lieutenant- General E. K. Smith, Shreveport, La. : The enemy having effected a landing on the eastern bank of the Mis- sissippi River, in force, at the mouth of Bayou Pierre, I have abandoned Grand Gulf, and leaving sufficient force in Vicksburg for its protection, have taken position on western and northern side of Big Black River, and on the Southern Railroad, connecting Jackson and Vicksburg. This leaves the country from the Mississippi River towards Jackson open to the approaches of the enemy. My cavalry is weak and wholly inadequate, either to cut the lines of communication of the enemy with the Mississippi River, or to guard and protect my own. Vicksburg (consequently the navigation of the Missis- sippi River) is the vital point indispensable to be held. Nothing can be done which might jeopardize it. iSIy force is insufficient for offensive operations. I must stand on the defensive, at all events, until re-enforce- ments reach me. You can contribute materially to the defence of Vicks- burg, and the navigation of the Mississippi River, by a movement upon the line of communication of the enemy on the vv-estern side of the River. 206 KECOLLECTIOXS OF He derives his supplies and his re-enforcements, for the most part, by a route which leads from Milliken's Bend to New Carthage, La., a distance of some thirty-live or forty miles. To break this would render a most important service. I trust you will be able, as I know you desire, to co- operate with me in this vital undertaking. I hope you will let me hear from you. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. C. Pembektoi^ May 10th. General Juli nston : Twenty empty transports passed up Mississippi River, by Austin, since 7th, I presume for more troops. Five thousand of the troops that went to Alabama have returned to Corinth. Force now there eleven thousand. J. C. Pembertox. ViCKSBURG, May 10th, 1863, Colonel Wirt Adams : General Gregg is ordered to HajTUond ; direct your cavalry there to scout thoroughly, and keep him informed. J. C. Pembekton. ViCKSBUBG, May 10th, General Gregg : Move your Brigade promptly to Raymond, taking three days' rations, and carrying only cooking utensils and ammunition — no baggage. Let no one get ahead of you, or through your lines to the enemy, or know of your movements. Use Wirt Adams' cavalry at Raymond for advanced pickets. J. C. Pemberton. To General Johnston — informs him of the passage of empty boats up the Mississippi, probably for re-enforcements for Grant. To Colonel Adams — shows that Pemberton employed the little cavalry he had with a view to the safety of his arriving re-enforcements, as well as for his own information of enemy's movements. To General Gregg — cautions him in regard to his movement to Raymond, Shows by bis instructions, as to rations, bag- gage, etc., the temporary character of his location there ; he having just arrived from Port Hudson ; was intended as a nucleus about which the pi'omlsed re-enforcements might as- HENRY WATS INS ALLEN. 207 semble, to unite or co-operate with the army on Big Black, as circumstances might render advisable. Had Pemberton moved each regiment or brigade at once to his main army, on its arrival in Jackson, the position of the enemy's forces would have prevented those coming in late from joining him at all, and they would have been useless. BoviNA, May 8th, 1863. To General Pemberton : Advance scouts still report enemy advancing in force tov/ards Bald- win's. All quiet at Edwards'. John S. Bowen, Brigadier-General. BoviNA, May 11th, 1863. To Lieutenant-Oeneral Pemberton : An officer, who has been around, and in the enemy's lines, reports about forty thousand infantry and artillery camped from Rocky Springs to the College, north of Big Sandy. About two thousand cavalry are gleaning the country of every thing movable, and sending it to their camp. Their cavalry moved as far as Fourteen-Mile Creek this afternoon, and were driven back three miles by Col. Gates' scouts. John S, Bowen, Brigadier-General. BoviNA, May 12th, 1863. To General Pemherton : Colonel Gates reports enemy advancing in force, infantry, cavalry, and artillery. He has been fighting them all morning ; he sends for re- enforcements, but has orders to fall back, as none will be sent. They are three miles south of Edwards' Depot. John S. Bowen. Show in connection with Pemberton's orders, that he still con- tinued to move his army between enemy and Vicksburg. ViCKSBURG, May 11th, 1863. General Loring ;* I am directed by the Lieut.-Gen. Commanding to say, that he wrote you a communication this evening in the dai'k, directing you to move two brigades of your division close to General Bowen's position. This move- *-Similar one to General Stevenson. 203 recollecJtions of 'II ment is made, fearing it may be nccessaiy to cross the Big Black bridge, ' wiiicli, if necessary, must be done as rapidly as possible. To effect tliis, you will keep your command in readiness to move at a moment's notice. J This is written, fearing that you may not have been able to read the \ communication previously sent. 1 J. H. MoKRisox, A. D. C. j Raymond, xia Clinton, May 11th, 1863. General Gregg : \ I directed a telegram to you from General Loring's headquarters. If \ the enemy advance on you too strong, fall back on Jackson. All the :| South Carolina troops will be ordered to Raymond to support you, or \ cover your retreat, as the case may be. If, however, the enemy approaches '- Big Black bridge, hold your command in readiness to attack him in rear or ilank. If you should be superseded, communicate this to command- ing officer. Employ the cavalry actively in scouting and harassing his i movements. J. C. PEiiBERTON. \ May 11th. I General Stevenson: ': The Lieutenant-General Commanding directs that you will immediately ^ relieve General Buford, by placing a portion of your command in the ' position he now holds. The movements of the enemy on the other side i of Big Black render it necessary that this be promptly carried out. \ J. C. Pemberton. ] To General Loring — indicates movements to be made de- I pendent upon changes of position by enemy. If necessary, j Big Black must be crossed. - ; To General Gregg — shows that his instructions were to flill back if enemy advanced upon him in too great force; that he .'. must co-operate on enemy's rear, in event of his advance upon Big Bh\ck bridge. i ViCKSBURG, May 11th, 1803. \ General Walker, Jackson : ] Move immediately with your command to Raymond. General Gregg 1 has been ordered, if the enemy advances on him in too strong force, to i fall back on Jackson. You will do likewise, in conjunction with him. If i the enemy advance on you in not too strong force, you will meet them. j If, instead of advancing on Jackson, he should advance on Big Black \ bridge, the command under the direction of the senior officer will attack him in rear and flank. J. C, Pemberton. ^ HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 209 May lltli, 1863. General Stevenson : General — The Lieutenant-General Commanding directs me to say to you that he has received information from General Loring that there is a strong force opposite Baldwin's Ferry, and that it is probable that the movement supposed about to be made against Jackson, is in reality against Big Black bridge, in co-operation with the force opposite Bald- win's Ferry ; and that, in such an event, you will be prepared to act in conjunction with General Loring. F. M. Stafford, A. D. C. ViCKSBUEG, May 13tli. General Stevenson : The Lieutenant-General Commanding directs me to say, that, from in- formation just received from Colonel Yates, at Edwards' Depot, it ap- pears evident the enemy are advancing in force on Edwards' Depot and Big Black bridge. Hot skirmishing has been going on all morning, and the enemy are at Fourteen-Mile Creek. You must take your whole di- vision, and move up rapidly to the support of Loring and Bowen, at the Big Black bridge, leaving Baldwin's and Moore's Brigades (of Smith's and Forney's Divisions) to protect your right. To General Walker — instructs bis Brigade, just arrived at Jackson, to join Gregg, <&c. To Stevenson — to move with his whole division to support of Loring and Bowen, across the Big Black, in consequence of enemy's advance towards Jackson and Edwards' Depot. ViCKSBURG, May 12th, 18G3. General Boxcen, Banna : General Gregg reports that he has not over one hundred cavalry. His advance must be covered by sufficient cavalry from your command, that he may not be taken by surprise in his move on the enemy's rear. I shall probably be at Bovina this evening. Colonel Wirt Adams reports that he drove back the enemy this morning at Dillon's, near Fourteen- Mile Creek. ' J. C. Pe^iberton. ViCKSBURG, May 12th, 1863. General Boicen or General Loring : I have ordered Gregg, with his farce at Eaymond, about three thou- sand (3,000) men, to advance on rear of enemy, should he attack Big Black bridge. Should the enemy turn on Gregg, you will advance your whole force and attack him. J. C Pemberton. 210 RECOLLECTIONS OF VlCKSBURG, 12tll, 1863, General Adams, Jackson : All troops arriving at Jackson must be puslied forward at once to strengthen Gregg and Walker. Heavy skirmisliing tliis side Fourteen. Mile Creek. J. C. Pemberton. VlCKSBURG, May 12tli, 18G3. General Loring, Boxina : Brigadier-General Vauglian's Brigade* is on its way to Mt. Alban, to re-enforce you, if necessary, but must not be called upon unless absolutely necessary, as tliey may be needed at Chickasaw Bayou. J. C. Pemberton. VlCKSBURG, May 13tli, 1863. General Loring, Bovina : General Bowen will advance his command to Edwards' Depot, and hold that position, at least for the present, and it may be permanently. You will occupy the intrenchments vacated by General Bowen, until your men are rested. I will come to Bovina to-night. J. C. Pemberton. Bovina, May 13th, 1863. General Loring, Edwards' Depot : The Lieutenant-General Commanding directs that you make a recon- noissance, of such a character as you may deem proper, tofind out where the main force of the enemy is, and in what direction moving. If on Jackson, he thinks his move will be to fall on their rear, and cut their communications ; but he must have accurate information from you, that he can rely on, before making this move, wdiich would leave Vicksburg, by way of Big Black bridge and the ferries, in so critical a position. It is necessary that the Lieutenant-General should be informed, not only what force has moved on, but the strength and position of that which is left. J. C. Taylor, A. D. C. Mapr-General Forney, Vicksburg : The Lieutenant-General Commanding directs that you arrange to be able to concentrate your troops, if necessary, within the defences of Vicks- burg, and that without the loss of any artillery. J. C. Taylor, A. D. C. To General Loring, May 13 — Of this despatch Pemberton says, " It shows I had well considered the advisability of an * Smith's Division. HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN 211 advance towards Jackson, in case the enemy moved upon the Capital, but that I would not do so blindly, but required accu- rate information upon all points affecting the safety of my army and Vicksburg, before taking so hazardous a step. General Johnston sent his instructions to me on the 13th, immediately upon his arrival in Jackson, in ignorance of the actual position and strength of the enemy in my front (as is shown very clearly in his letter of the 14th,) and on my flank, subverting all my plans, requiring me to take the offensive at a moment's notice, with a force not exceeding at the most, 17,500, to attack an enemy at Clinton who had absolutely driven him (General J.) out of Jackson, 8 or 9 miles beyond Clinton by the time I was able to communicate his instructions to ray General officers at Edwards' Depot — that is to say, before noon on the 14th. Panola, May 12th. To Lieutenant-General Pemlei^ion : I have information I deem reliable, that an advance of ten thousand will be made on Jackson from Corinth, and that Launan's division was to move on Vicksburg yesterday from Memphis, leaving this place about destitute of troops. James R. Chalmers, Brig-adicr-G encral. Headquarters Loring's Division, Whittaker's, 12th May, 1863. To Lieutenant-General Pemlerton : General — Captain Russel, one of the captains of my command, and one of the best in it, was sent by me to learn tlie enemy's movements, returned last night by the way of Gen. Bowen, and gave him information which he telegraphed to you upon its receipt. He reports that the enemy's cavalry are on all the roads leading from the Southern College towards Edwards' Depot and Raymond, and had advanced five to eight miles yes- terday from Southern College in the direction of these two points. His cavalry also occupy the road from Baldwin's Ferry to Auburn, and had also advanced from Utica towards Raymond, and were encamped 3 P. m. yesterday at Roache's, five miles above Utica. Col. Gates, of Bowen's command, was then skii-mishing with their cavalry at Fourteen-mile Creek, on the Grand Gulf Road, four miles from Edwards' Depot, and had driven him three miles. Four miles above Cayuga, their infimtry and 212 RECOLLECTIONS OF cavalry camps were at Five-mile Creek. All these roads lead to Edwards' Depot and Raymond. Marauders are busily engaged in the immediate rear of the enemy, pressing negroes, horses, mules, and provisions. I have the honor to bo, etc., W. W. LORING, Major-General Commanding. To General Loring, May 12. — Gives information as to enemy's location and movements, and in conjunction with Pemberton's dispatches of 11 tb, 12th and loth, shows that by corresponding movements Pemberton kej^t his army between the enemy and Vicksburg. Early on the morning of tlie 13th, h e placed his whole army in position at Edwards' Depot. Edwaeds' Depot, May loth, 1863. Telegraphed to Adams in Jackson this morning for news of the enemy in the neighborhood of Raymond, and received the following answer : Jackson, May 13. — Gen. Loring, Edwards' Depot: and Gen. Pember- ton, Bovina ; Gen. Grt^gg at Mississippi Springs ; Enemy thought to be advancing from Raymond on the Springs in force, as ascertained from prisoners and otherwise, to be very large — from thirty to forty thousand, consisting of two army corps. Gen. McPherson in command. Probable that the telegraph wires will soon be cut. I am sending forward one battery, all that is here. Last arrival of troops here was Thirtieth Georgia, which has arrived at Mississippi Springs. The next troops will be here this evening at five o'clock. Will be pushed forward as fast as possible. Prisoners state Gen. Sherman has crossed Big Black. I de- rived this information from Gregg, at 10 o'clock A. m. John Adams, Brigadier-General. Gives information of enemy's position and probable strength. Sherman's corps was not then in advance of Bolton, on Pem- berton's left. Accompanies letter of General Jacob Thompson. Vicksburg, May 3d, 1863. Jeff. Davis, President : Gen. Bowen is falling "behind Big Black River. Gen. Loring is now with Mm. Shall concentrate all my troops this side of Big Black. The question of subsistence, and proximity to base and necessity of supporting Vicksburg, have determined this. 1 riENllY W ATKINS ALLEN. 213 Grand Gulf is abandoned ; it lost most of its importance by the troops crossing below, Bowen lost four pieces of artillery, but lie and his. men fought nobly. With cavalry in North Mississippi, and re-enforcements promised, think we will be all right. J. C. Pembekton. General Pemberton says, commenting upon this dispatch : The above telegram shows my determination to concentrate all my troops, not in Vicksburg, but between that fortified position and the enemy — a policy unchanged, so far as my judgment guided me, until the results brought about by the orders of my superior compelled me to with- draw into the defences of Vicksburg itself. This telegram also shows that I was by no means disheartened by preceding events. My matured plans (see official Eeports, page 44, congressional copy) were, to keep constantly between Vicksburg and the enemy by conform- ing my movements to his ; if possible, to hold the line of the Big Black (where the defensive positions allowed it to be done) ; or if compelled to cross that stream, not to advance beyond Edwards' Dei^ot, where I xvaB fortifying, and where my flanks virtually rested on the Big Black ; whilst my communications with the western bank were perfect, and supplies were brought by rail directly to my army from my principal depot (Vicksburg), and where, from facility of communication, I could have employed almost my entire force in the field, and yet have secured the safety of the vital position, Vicksburg. As long as I could pursue this system, I was accumulating supplies from the Yazoo. My great object was to prevent Grant from establishing a base on the Mississippi River, above Vicksburg. The farther north he ad- vanced, towards my left, from his then base below, the weaker he became ; the more exposed became his rear and flanks ; the more difficult it became to subsist his army, and obtain reinforcements. I had been promised a large force of cavalry, and troops of the other armies, and was daily expecting their arrival. If Grant, disregarding my army, in position at Edwards' Depot, should attempt to advance upon Snyder's Mill by the rear, my whole army on either side of the river (Big Black) would have been upon his flank and rear. True, he might destroy Jackson and ravage the country, but that was comparatively a small matter. To take Vicksburg, to control the valley of the Mississippi, to sever the Confederacy, and to ruin our cause, a base upon the eastern bank immediately above was absolutely necessary. The enormous pressure upon me, the clamor of the people, the discontent of the army, and General J(^nston's order, alone pre- vented me from carrying out my own views to the end. In this ccanec- tion, see letter of Major Jacob Thompson, my Inspector-General, J, C. Pemberton. 214: llECOLLECTIONS OF Edwakds' Depot, May 14, 1863, General Forney, Vicksburg : The Lieutenant-G eneral Commanding directs tlaat you send at once to tills point seventy-six thousand (76,000) rations, exclusive of soap and candles, and also that you be on the alert in the direction of Baldwin's Ferry. He has j ust learned from a Federal prisoner, a commissioned offi- C5er, that Smith's Division is at Baldwin's Ferry, and they are still re- enforcing. You will re-enforce that line with Baldwin's Brigade, and if necessary, also with Waul's Legion. II. C. Tupper, A. D. C. Madam — The above despatch, sent on the day I received General Johnston's order, " if practicable, to come up on Sherman's rear at once''" (Sherman's corps being then supposed at Clinton), shows that before I could move my army from its present position at Edwards' Depot, it was necessary that additional rations should be forwarded from Vicksburg ; because, whilst pursuing my own plans, it was contrary to my policy to hold large supplies at any point upon my line of operations — since the enemy's movements constantly compelled me to change my own position, and Vicksburg, my depot, was nearly equidistant from all. (In the case of Edwards' Depot, where my army was then in line of battle, the R. R. passed directly through my camp.) And besides this, all available wag- ons were at this time employed in hauling supplies into Vicksburg from Haines' Bluff. It was necessary, therefore, to withdraw a sufficient num- ber to furnish transportation for the army in any advance movement : that necessarily caused some delay. This despatch further shows, that on arriving at Edwards' Depot, I learned that a division of Grant's army was on my right flank, and near enough to follow in my rear. This fact made it impracticable, independent of other important reasons, to move directly upon Clinton. Yet, as I have stated in my official report, I felt that I was compelled by circumstances to surrender my own judgment and abandon my plans, and to conform, as nearly as I could, to those of my superior. Accompanying this sheet, please find copy of a letter from Major Jacob Thompson, at that period my Inspector-General, and once Secretary of the Interior in the cabinet of Mr. Buchanan. It is proper I should state why this letter is selected in preference to those of others of my staff. Knowing full well how much I should be misrepresented and maligned, I required every member of my staff, who accompanied me on the field of Baker's Creek, and whom circumstances throAv in my way about the time my report -^s being prepared, to set down in writing, as nearly as they could remember, such of my orders as they respectively delivered on the field of battle. Mr. Thompson is well known to the whole country ; he is of more mature age than any other officer who ac- HENRY WATKIKS ALLEN. 215 companied me on the field ; lie was probably more conversant with m.y views, and, finally, was present at the council of war held at Edwards' Depot immediately after the receipt of General Johnston's instructions to me of the 13th May, 1863. For these reasons I select his letter. Entekpkise, July 21, 1863. Lieutenant- General J. C. Peniberton: General — Until very lately I was not aware that you expected those members of your stafi", who were with you in the military movements in front of Vicksburg-, to furnish you a statement of the part they bore in the same. I seize the first opportunity to comply with your request, so far as observations and experience enable me to do so. After the land- ing of the enemy at Bruinsburg, and the Battle of General Bowen at Port Gibson, and the falling back of our troops to the Big Black at the Rail Road bridge, and across that stream below the bridge, you resisted persistently the desire expressed in various quarters of the army to cross the Big Black River, and to give him battle. For several days it was be- lieved very generally that the enemy would attempt to cross the Big Black River at what are known as the lower ferries, and move upon Vicksburg from the south, with their gimboats, attacking Warrenton on one side, the column moving on Edwards' Depot or the R. R. bridge on the other. The almost total want of cavalry, not only kept you in ignorance of his movements, but deprived you of all means of annoying or retard- ing him, in his movements. About 11th of May, information was received that at least one corps of the enemy's forces was moving on Raymond, and the probability was (though I do not think it was certainly known) that a division, if not a corps, was moving on Edwards' Depot. On the evening of the 12th you left Vicksburg for Bovina, having previoiasly or- dered Major-General Loring and Stevenson to bring all of their divis- ions to Edwards' Depot. I accompanied you to Bovina, and we reached there on the night of the 12th May. The next day, the troops, consisting of Loring's, Stevenson's and Bowen's divisions, were drawn up in line of battle, in front of Ed wards' Depot. They remained all the 13th in line, and nothing was seen of the enemy. On the 14th a communication was received from General Johnston, then in Jackson, informing you of the presence of the enemy in Clinton, and indicating a forward movement as desirable. Immediately a council of war was called, consisting of all the general officers. I was present at that council, and heard your viewsijp,nd those of the different officers expressed. You stated at great length, and to my mind with great force, that the leading and great duty of your array was, to defend Vicks- burg; the disposition and numbers of the enemy, and youv forces; the 216 EECOLLEbTIONS OF bad effect of a defeat, and tlie probability of sucli result if you moved for- ward. After canvassing it, there icas not a wice in fawr of moting on Clinton. But inasmuch as tlie enemy had moved m force on Jackson, leaving, as was supposed, only a single division on the Big Black, it was first suggested by General Loring and afterwards acquiesced in by all the other officers, that it would be wise and expedient to move the next day on the Southern or Raymond road to Dillon's, which was on the main leading road by which the enemy carried on his communications, give battle to the division left in the rear, and thus effectually break up the enem.y's communications. In tliis council it seemed to be taken for granted by all the oflScers that the enemy was then engaged in an effort to reduce Jackson, and was therefore too far removed to participate in the expected fight. You gave in to the views of the oJBBcers with reluc- tance, and expressed yourself as doing so against your convictions. But being present and hearing every thing said, I did not see how you could have done otherwise, with any expectation of retaiidng your hold upon the army. It had been intimated to me again and again (yet I am frank to say, I can trace the remark to no particular or responsible source) that you were averse to a fight with the enemy, and that everybody be- lieved the time for active operations had come. Though possessed of your views and concurring in them, yet this feel- ing had so great an mfluence on me, that I believed at the time that a fight was inevitable, and so expressed myself to you. On the 14th a heavy rain fell, and raised the waters of Baker's Creek, over which we had to pass in going to Dillon's,»so that it could not be crossed without swimming. This necessitated the delay for the construction of a bridge. Before this was completed. General Loring came to you and suggested that a bridge was standing on the middle Raymond road, over which the troops could pass, and that beyond the bridge there was a fair road lead- ing into the road it was intended to take. The suggestion was adopted and the troops immediately put in motion. General Loring's division moved in front, General Bowens' in the centre, and General Stevenson in the rear. That night, 15th, all the troops crossed the bridge over Ba- ker's Creek , and General Loring reached the lower road — General Tilgh- man's Brigade being thrown forward of Mrs. Ellison's house, on the lower Raymond road. About 10 o'clock at night the troops bivouacked on the road connecting the two Raymond roads. We spent the night of the 15th at Mrs. Ellison's. Next morning, about 7 o'clock, a courier arrived from General Johnston, bringing the inform- ation that he had evacuated Jackson, and had withdrawn in the direc- tion of Clinton, and, as I understood, desiring you to move in a direction to unite your forces or to enable you to co-operate with him. This led to I HENRY WATKIK3 ALLEN. 217 an order forthwith to countennarch and move in the direction of Browns- ville. About the time the army was ready to take up the line of march, ^. ring commenced in front, and soon it was ascertained that the force was too large to be long resisted by our picket force. The whole train moved on in the countermarch, preceded by the Brigade of Colonel Reynolds, which now became, under the new orders, the ad- vance-guard. General Loring's Brigade was drawn up in line of battle first, in the lower road. He fell back then a half-mile, and re-formed in the rear of the entrance of the military road with the Raymond road. For some time it was doubtful whether the main attack would be in the middle Raymond road, on which our left (Stevenson's Division) rested, or on our right, held by Loring's Division. Our position, along which our lines were formed, was in my judgment a favorable one. It soon be- came evident, however, that the main attack was going to be on the left ; and the lighting had not continued long, before information was received from General StevensDU that ho was hard pressad. Your headquarters having been selected to the left of the centre of the line, ready access was had to the whole line. While the fighting was progressing in great firmness on the left, a demonstration was made on the centre, which was soon checked, by a few well-directed shots from a battery of Bowen's Division. Soon after you ascertained that the main assault would be made on the left, orders were sent to Bowen to fall on the left with all his force. His division came up at a double-quick, and charged on the enemy in fine style, driving him back for more than half a mile. At the same time orders were sent to General Loring, to follow up the movement of General Bowen. When there was some delay at his coming, you directed me to carry the order, which I did, at the full speed of my horse. The order I de- livered was, that " General Pemberton desires you to come immediately, and with all despatch, to the left, to the support of General Stevenson, whatever may be in your front." General Loring replied by asking me " if General Pemberton knew that the enemy was i^ great force in his front. I replied I did not know whether General Pemberton knew the lact or not, but I knew I repeated the order correctly ; and if he did not comply with it, the responsibility was his, not mine. I returned to your headquarters, and repeated the conversation. Soon after, it was discov- ered that some two regiments had broken, and I went to endeavor to rally them. You soon came up, and by a few appropriate words ad- dressed to them, closing by proposing to lead them back yourself, if their ofiicers did not, the regiments rallied, and the oflacers petitioned you to let them lead them, which they did. Wc then moved along in tlieir rear, far into the front, and en finding 10 218 RECOLLECTIONS OF tlie enemy was making a flank movement to our left, the inquiry was made again, " Where is Loring?" and some of the staff were sent to hunt hhn. On returning to headquarters, General Bufort with his brigade was met ; and after you had pointed out to him the position he was to take, you again directed me, if possible, to find General Loring. General T. H. Taylor and myself undertook to do so. We were gone for some time before we ascertained where he was ; but finding he had gone on a road we did not know, to the left, we returned to report the fact to you. Upon our return vre met with General Stevenson, who informed us, you had gone in the direction of the late headquarters of General Loring. As the enemy was reported to us to have got in between where we supposed you to be and ourselves, we moved in what we believed to be a direct line to the lower bridge. In this we had no guide, and struck the creek some distance above it, and found it most difi^cult to get across. We succeeded, however, and I joined you at Edwards' Depot. After making the necessary arrangements to protect your rear, you then re- turned to the intrenchments in front of the railroad bridge, and after remaining there awaiting General Loring for several hours, making the necessary dispositions for the contemplated attack of the next day, at a late hour of the night we reached Bovina. The next day, Sunday, 17th, v/e returned to Vicksburg, when immediately the different portions of the fortifications were manned by our troops. Being near your person throughout three several days of trial, I was struck with admiration at the prompt manner in which you discharged every duty devolved upon you, in your responsible position. I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, J. THoaiPSOX, A. I. G. As I intend to open my pages to General Johnston, for any explanation he may choose to oifer, I think it but just to insert any of General Pemberton's letters essential to a clear state- ment of his position. I believe myself, after careful examina- tion and impartial observation, that General Pemberton has been greatly wronged by us all. Until this close examination of unimpeachable testimony, placed in my hands most frankly by General Pemberton, T, too, shared the popular prejudice against him. The fall of Vicksburg has reduced me and all my kindred from affluence to comparative poverty. The besom of destruc- tion swept by my own door. The ruin of my country involved HENRY WATKINS ALLEN". 219 that of every man, woman, and child in whose veins my blood runs. Tlie fall of Vicksbiirg, the loss of the River, caused this ruin. Believing* General Peraberton responsible for this great disaster, it was simply as a matter of honor and justice that I asked an account of these matters from hira, as w^ell as from General Johnston. I lay the result candidly before the world — my world, for whom alone I write — my own people, the South. General Johnston's fame is above accident. If it should even be proved he made mistakes sometimes, as well as other mortals, it could not hurt him much. Lee made mistakes in Western Virginia ; and who is greater than Robert E.Lee? We think him almost unparalleled in human history. In reading General Pemberton's letters, due allowance must be made for his peculiar position. As I have already said, I use them without asking his permission, as I have much other private correspondence in the course of this narrative ; but knowing how pure and disinterested is my own search after the truth of history, I have ventured to trespass so far on the indulgence of my friends, and have made such use of their letters to me as I thought discreet and valuable to history, holding myself responsible for all I say in these pages. I give this following extract fi'om a letter of General Pemberton's : " My Official Report, in connection with tins letter, covers nearly all I desire to say witli reference to tlie battle of Baker's Creek. " It lias been witli his pen, as well as with liis sword, that General Johnston has gained his victories. He handles it e)i mciitre. I regard his ' Report of Operations in Mississippi and E, Louisiana' as a master- piece of ics kind. His assertions are bold and to the point — so positive and unqualified, that it is very difficult to believe they can be otherwise than correct, or to moderate them. Observe, for instance, the brevity and force of that paragraph (page G, 0, R.) to which I have already called at- tention : ' I received no further Report of the battle of Port Gibson, &c., &c. Yet I have produced his own acknowledgment of the receipt of the information he asked. From the first page to the last, this Report is full of just such assertions, in frequent seeming opposition to the facts. But lie has succeeded in maintaining his own reputation, at the expense of 320 RECOLLECTIONS OF mine — I am uttei-lr condemned ! General Johnston possesses anotlier admirable qualification as a writer of military reports. He sometimes mentions, en 'passant, a point of tlie utmost importance, in sucli a man- ner as does not call the attention to it. For instance, in part 2, page 7, O. R., lie informs us that ' on Thursday, May 14th, the enemy advanced by the Raymond and Clinton roads upon Jackson.* Now the fact is that not the slightest intimation was given me, in his letter of the 13th, that there was any force of the enemy at Raymond. He does not tell his readers that had General Pemberton moved directly on Clinton, as ho directed, he (General P.) would have encountered, not only the four di- visions, which he says were at Clinton, but the additional force at Ray- mond also. And again, in the same paragraph, he leads the mind astray from the true reasons wdiich dictated the Clinton road as his line of re- treat from Jackson, on the 14th of May. He says, indeed, what waa perhaps correct, when he informs us that he ' retreated by the Clinton road, from which alone he could form a junction with Pemberton.' But this was not the only reason why he took that road. It was not to form a junction with my army, for he had on that day given up the idea of an immediate }\mc\\on. This is most clearly proved by his own letter of the 14th, which is given in his oflficial report, iinmediately below the para- graph from which I have just quoted,— after telling us that ' the body of troops mentioned in my (his) note of last night, compelled Brigadier- General Gregg and his command to evacuate Jackson at noon to-day,' and the simultaneous advance of a body of troops ' from Raymond,' &c., &c. " He goes on to say, ' Telegrams were despatched when the enemy was near, directing General Gist to assemble the approaching troops at a point forty or fifty miles from Jackson, and General Maxey to return to his wagons and provide for the security of his brigade — for instance, by joining General Gist : that l)ody of troops will be able, I hope, to prevent the enemy in Jackson from diiawing provisions /row the East; a;i(f this ONE may de aUe to keep him from the country toicards Panola. Here we have the immediate reason why there was a ' necessity of taking the Canton road.' It was not that he expected me, in consequence of his note of the 13th (the preceding night), to form a junction with him by march- ing at once and direct on Clinton, because, he goes on to say, ' Can he supply himself from the Mssissippi ?' Can you not cut him off from it? &Tidi above all, should he be compelled to fall back for want of supplies, beat him?' (This, although against my own judgment, but for the reasons I have elsewhere stated, was precisely what I had this very same day, the lAth, determined to attempt.) " But to return to the question in point. Can any one, after reading the HENliy WATKINS ALLEN. 221 above letter, believe tliat Gen. Jolinaton's special purpose in retreating by tlie Canton road was to form an immediate junction with my army ? Yet Bee what Gen. Johnston says, paragraph 3, page 8, 0. R. (referring to my note of the 14th May, from Edwards' Depot) : ' From it I learned that he' (Gen. Pemberton), ' had not moved towards Clinton, ten hours after the receipt of the order to do so, and that the junction of the forces, which could have been effected by the 15th, was deferred.' I have, I hope, very clearly shown that Gen. Johnston could not expect me to make this junc- tion with him immediately ; that when he wrote his letter to me of the 14th, he had not the remotest idea of this junction being effected on the 15th. I will now show this still more conclusively, and will demonstrate that by his own act he made it impossible. Referring again to the letter of the 14th, he goes on to say : " As soon as the re-enforcements are all up, they must be united to the rest of the army ; I am anxious to see a force assembled that may be able to inflict a heavy blow upon the enemy. Would it not be better to place the forces to support Vicksburg, between Gen. Loring and that place, and merely observe the ferries, so that you might unite, if opportunity to fight presented ilself ?' ''Now the force with Gen. Loring was the very force, lohole and entire — my whole movable army (except those Gen. Johnston refers to as guarding the ferries) — which Gen. Johnston had directed me on the 13th to move on to Clinton, and the letter from which I am now quoting v/as written late in the evening of the 14th. How could the forces which he suggests should be placed between Gen. Loring and Vicksburg be united with Gea. Loring (that is, with my army), if the latter were supposed to have adA'anced to form a junction with himself at Clinton, or on the Can- ton road ? But he had himself made a junction on the 15th impossible. To prove this we have only again to refer to his (Gen. Johnston's) letter of 14th May ; one single line of quotation is sufficient : ' Gen. Gregg will move towards Canton to-morrow.' The to-morrow would be the 15th. Gen. Johnston was moving with Gen. Gregg, not to form a junction with my army, but away from me, in a contrary direction. I say he was doing this, for he actually did march ten miles further on the Canton road on the 15th May. I knew nothing of this movement of Gen. Johnston's until the evening of the IGth. I did not receive Gen. J.'s instructions of the 13th until between 9 and 10 on the 14th, and was then near Bovina, on my way to, and about seven miles distant from, my army at Edwards' Depot. All my previous arrangements, as before stated, had been upset. I was compelled, as far as possible, to provide for the safety of Vicksburg. It was near 12 M. when I reached my army. No one will deny that some slight preparaiio?is, at least, tcere necessary. I had at that hour only about 16,000 men present. Suppose, then, I had commenced the march 222 RECOLLECTIONS OF with that numbsr by 3 P. m. on the 14th. It had rained in torrents during the day, and the roads were exceedingly heavy ; possibly, if un- molested by the enemy on the march, I might have reached Clinton by 10 P. M., and where, then, would Gen. Johnston have been ? On the Can- ton road, by the nearest possible route, perhaps eighteen or twenty miles distant. Where, then, would have been his co-operation in my attack upon the enemy ? I cannot believe it is necessary to say any more in relation to this unfortunate battle of Baker's Creek, which I ac- knowledge 'ought never to have been fought,' and which I fought against my own will and convictions." The fights at Jackson, Raymond, Edwards' Depot, where Tilghrnan was killed. Baker's Creek, followed in rapid succes- sion. Pemberton was driven back by overwhelming numbers, nearlv mad with grief and disappointment. He lost heavily in artillery at Baker's Creek. The battle was desperately but not discreetly fought on the Big Black. He crossed his troops and attacked Grant, who had advantageous position on the hills, while Pemberton had to march across a flat, heavy and muddy, at their base. On the morning of the 18th May, there Avas but one brigade in position in the rear of Vicksburg. This was Gen. Louis Hebert's brigade of Louisianians and Mis- sissippians. Among this small body of troops was tlie cele- brated Third Louisiana, who had fought at Baton Rouge under Allen, and were now destined to have their position under- mined and be twice hloion tq^ here. This brigade of Hebert's occupied the works on the Jackson Road, along which Grant was rapidly advancing. During the course of the day, Gen. M. L. Smith marched his division into the northeastern corner of the works, and the Avorn-out, defeated, but not C07iquered, troops who had fought at Baker's Creek on the ICth and ITth, w^ere posted on the lines. It was 5 p. m. before Smith's column reached the breast- work. He threw out skirmishers on the road while he formed his line. He had not a minute to spare— in twenty more, his skirmishers were fired on by both infontry and artillery. The real " sieo-e of Vicksburg" had begun. The 19th was spent by HENRY WATKINS ALLEN* 223 both armies in disposing their lines until 1 p. m., when the Fed- erals made a charge upon Smith's Division arid the Sixth Mis- souri, of Bowen's Bi-igade. The Federals came on in four lines, and were met by a deadly fire from the two guns in the redoubt. The shot and shell crashed through their ranks. Men fell at every step, but they marched on, swiftly, steadily. At length they were so close, that grape and canister were substituted for shell in the Confederate guns. The enemy fell faster — the ranks closed up over the bodies of the thickly- dropping Fed- erals — but still they came on. Then the command was given to the Confederate infantry, " Now, boys ! fire steady — fire low." The carnage was terrific ; nearly every rifle told its tale of death. But the Federals marched on. Too close to be aided by artillery — too close to be hurt by the Confederate guns — they planted their flags on the very face of the works. The Confederates fixed bayonets ; the Federals stopped to fire a volley. The Confederates renewed their fire with tremen- dous vigor. The fight was dreadful for a few minutes, when the yell from the Confederates announced that the foe was re- pulsed. The ground was strewn with Federal dead. The two days following were spent by the Federals in building their first line of works, and bringing up their troops. The Confed- erates were also busy strengthening their lines. The 22d of May was bright and clear. At noon the Federal guns opened on the fortifications. Gun after gun took up the fearful fugue of death, until the heavens grew black with smoke, and the earth trembled. The air was filled with angry, screeching shells. They crossed each other, struck each other, and, as they would sometimes come in collision in mid air, they bursted there. The Confederate works were ploughed with the helhsh rain of iron fire ; the uproar was overwhelming to the senses; the ear was paralyzed by the din and jar. For two hours this storm of shot and shell continued ; then it ceased instanta- neously, and, in the no less fearful silence, the cry went along the Confederate lines — "They are coming!" and every man grasped his weapon tightei', and waited the onset ; and it came. 224 RECOLLECTIONS OF Fiercely the lines were attacked — simultaneously — not a point neglected. The Confederate batteries had been nearly all dis- abled by the tremendous fire of the enemy. They relied solely on their muskets — on t/ieir bayonets. Four lines of battle were repulsed one after another ; the Federals gained one redoubt on Gen. S. D. Lee's line, and they were driven from this^ by Gen. E. W. Pettus, with twenty picked men from the Eigh- teenth Alabama and Waul's Texas Legion. Pettus drove them from the redoubt, and Lee captured them in the ditch. Pet- tus also fought the Federals in one of their mines, leading the way himself into the excavation. The fortifications held by the 21st Louisiana were not very strong. The Federals determined to storm them. They called for one hundred volunteers for that purpose, offering a dis- charge and a bounty of three hundred dollars to every volun- teer. They obtained "the one hundred men," and started on their desperate enterprise. They had mistaken the valor of their opponents — ninety-seven of the men were killed before they reached the ditch, two fell in the ditch, and one alone escaped to bear back the disastrous tidings to the Federal camp. This portion of the works was now repeatedly attacked. The men within fought with hand-grenades. When the enemy pressed too close for artillery, they would pick up the unexploded Federal shells and throw them back with their hands in the face of the foe. One section of the devoted city was ploughed perpetually with shot and shell. It was a ravine on the northeast corner, in which gushed forth a pure spring, which was frequented by the Confederates for the purpose of obtaining water. It became so hazardous, from the constancy and accuracy of the Federal guns, that the Confederates were forced to abandon it. They called it " the Death Yalleyr During the days of siege by Grant in the rear, and the River Batteries on the fleet in front of the city, the hail of shot and shell was so tremendous and so unintermitting onVicksburg, that the people dug large caves in the sides of the huge hills — on which Vicksburg rises, built on terraces, like those of an am- HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 225 phillieatre — mounting gradually up from the river-bank. To these caves they had transported their valuables, and lived in them, with their families. Some of these subterranean abodes were arranged quite elegantly, with carpets and pianos, and other luxuries of refined taste. The denizens of these barrows snatched a momentary alleviation of the horrors of the siege in social intercourse and entertainment, under the earthy se- cure from the bursting bomb and shrieking shell. After the Battle of Baker's Creek, out of the 6,000 Tennes- seeans in the Confederate force, 4,000 deserted in a solid body to the enemy. During these last days of the siege, the re- maining 2,000 became considerably demoralized. They were given that portion of the fortifications to defend known as Fort Hill. It was strongly fortified — almost impregnable — • but some fears being entertained, as it was known there was to be a heavy attack on this point. Colonel Allen Thomas, with 350 Louisianians, w^as sent to relieve theTennesseeans. He was just in time. He met the 2,000 Tennesseeans in the act of aban- doning the works. He threw his men into the w^orks, and held them gallantly, against repeated attacks, to the end of the siege. Every w^ay was tried to convey caps into the beleaguered city — hollow logs were filled with them, and then floated to the shore near the city. Men packed them round their per- sons, and tried to get in the town. One or two succeeded, but the most failed to do so. Tlie provisions were running very short : the bread which was given the troops, for several days, was disgusting ; it was made of equal parts of peas, ground into meal, mixed with corn-meal. It made a nauseous composition, as the corn-meal cooked in half the time the peas- raeal did. So this stuff was half raw, and utterly unfit for hu- man beings to eat. It had the elastic properties of india-rubber, and was worse than leather to digest. The grated fir-barJc of the Swedish Dalmen was luxurious to the Vicksburg bread. The Federals succeeded in countermining, so that they blew np one of the Forts, in which the 3d Louisiana was stationed. 10* 22G EECOLLECTIOKS OF All of our works were mined by the industrious enemy. It ■was like a rabbit-warren about Vicksburg. Grant demanded the surrender on the 4th of July, 1863. Brigadier-General Thomas says, in a letter to me : " During the siege of Vicksburg, as Colonel, commanding a brigade, I was present at a conference of General officers, convened by General Pemberton, to consider the situation and certain propositions for a capitu- lation submitted by tbe Federal Commander, The following officers were present : "Lieutenant-General Pemberton, commanding Confederate forces in Vicksburg ; Major-General C. L. Stevenson, commanding division ; Major- General M. L. Smith, commanding division ; Major-General Forney, com- manding division ; Brigadier-General Bowen, commanding division ; Brigadier-General S. D. Lee, commanding division ; Brigadier-General Cummings, commanding division ; Brigadier-General Shoup, command- ing division ; Brigadier-General Vaughn, commanding division ; Colonel Cockerell, commanding division ; Colonel Higgins, commanding Heavy Artillery ; Colonel Thomas, commanding Louisiana Brigade ; Colonel Waul, commanding Waul's Legion ; Colonel Withers, commanding Light Artillery ; Colonel Taylor, commanding post. " This meeting was on the night of the 8d. Early on the morning of the 4th, General M. L. Smith was sent with our ultimatum, which was, that officers should be permitted to retain their side-arms, and that the army, after surrendering their arms, should be paroled and marched out of Vicksburg. At that meeting, it was ascertained that our entire ef- fective force was but a little over eleven thousand men ; that we would in a few days be out of ammunition ; that the troops had been for weeks subsisting on rations barely sufficient to sustain life ; that the men were physically unable to undergo exertion ; that we were entirely A\ithout ar- tillery horses. " General Pemberton read his correspondence with General J. E. John- Bton, by which it appeared that General Johnston never at any time en- tertained hopes of compelling the enemy to raise the siege. The most he exi^ected to accomplish was to occupy the enemy, and enable us to cut our way out. No communication had been had with him for many days ; he had not made the promised diversion. That expedient, it was ad- mitted sorrowfully and reluctantly by all, was now impracticable, if not utterly impossible, for the reasons before enumerated. We could not cut our v.'a.y out. Besides all this, we were confronting a force of at least IIE:N"RY W ATKINS ALLEN. 2:^7 ten times our number, and Avere surrounded witli two lines of circujnval- lation and counter-circumvallation, capable of resisting a powerful force. I recollect, at that meeting-, I thought that General Pemberton had met with improper treatment. Time has but strengthened the opinion then entertained. In viev/ of these facts, succor being hopeless— our capture was but a matter of time, and could be delayed but a few days at best — it was deemed unnecessary to sacrifice further the lives of the gallant men, who, from simple rifle-pits, had repulsed for forty-eight days, the com- bined attack by land and water of a force more than ten times their num- ber, that was replete with every appliance of modern warfare. It was further ascertained that the Federal commander would grant terms, if the surrender was made on the Fourth of July, that could be obtained at no other time, and if the capitulation was delayed, any future demand would be unconditional. It was thought that the terms offered for that day would save our army to the Confederacy, and avoid the hopeless im- prisonment that our brave soldiers were tlien undergoing at the North. The capitulation was, therefore, universally assented to ; and I am sure that there was not an officer present — and there were not a few who were heroes of many hard-fought fields — but was convinced that General Pem- berton had done all that the most exalted patriotism, or the most punc- tilious soldierly honor, could have demanded. Whatever may have been his errors prior to his being besieged in Vicksburg, his conduct here was beyond reproach, notwithstanding he has since been assailed by the ob- loquy and detraction that always follow the unsuccessful. I may here mention that I have since met officers that were at Vicksburg, who after- wards served in the Virginia and Western campaigns, who told me that they never afterwards experienced any service so trying to soldierly qual- ifications as that they had participated in at Vicksburg." Of course there was a cry of indignation against the unfor- tunate commander of Vicksburg, but it can readily be per- ceived tliat he was not to be blamed for the selection of the 4th as his day of capitulation. It was a little dramatic trick of Grant's. To humiliate a whole people, that policy required should be rather pacified, at least under a Republican govern- ment, was not good diplomacy in the hero of the Federal army. Montesquieu says in one of his briefest and most sententious chapters : " Quand les sauvages de la Louisiane, veulent avoir du fruit, ils coupent I'arbre au pied, et cueillent le fruit." 22S RECOLLECTIOIsS OF It was a pity to attach painful associations to the National anniversary in the hearts of the Southern people unnecessarily! It M-as rather a cutting up of the tree by its roots ! The defence of Port Hudson, under General Gardiner, was noble. It was only surrendered when resistance was become folly. So the Confederate flag, driven from hill-top to hill-top on the North, on the South lines of defence trailed at last in the waters. The River was lost to us. Divided in lialf, we tried to exist still. We were not utterly hopeless yet ! But the country not possessing the organization of a polype, we lived but a short while, then expired in a sudden convulsion ! I conclude this sketch w^ith a letter from General Johnston, for the insertion of which I alone am responsible — feeling he can state his own case better than I can. RiCHMOXD, October 19th, 1866. Dear Madam : Your letter of September 14th, reached me in Baltimore, last week. It was not answered immediately, because I hoped to find papers here relating to the subject of your questions. In this I am disappointed, my few papers being all at Selma. The previous letter you mention, has not been received. In replying to your questions I must depend on my memory, which, however, I believe to be accurate in tlie present case. It would have been much more satisfactory to me to send you a copy of the report you ask for. That may still be practicable in time for your purpose. First Question— Whj did you not aid Pemberton ? Answer — ^Because it was not possible. I was ordered to take command in Mississippi on the 9th of INIay. Grant had crossed the river about the 1st, and when I rer3hed Jackson, on the 13th, had placed his army between ours and that place. I immediately wrote to him to march to CJinton, and attack the enemy there, promising to co-operate with such of his troops as had been separated from him by the Federal movement. He did not make the movement, and co-operation with it was the only manner in which I could have aided him. I expected to aid him in this attack at Clinton, v/ith about 10,000 men, including re-enforcements sent from General Beauregard's command. Second Question — Were you sent too late to the Department? Answer — Too late by two weeks. The time to contend with Grant to HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 220 advantage was, of course, wlien he was crossing the Mississippi, before the 1st of May, That crossing was by ferrying — was by detachments— so that the Federal army engaged in it might easily have been beaten by an inferior force. Third Question — Why didn't you take men from Bragg ? Ansicer — For several reasons. I thought Bragg then too weak to con- tend with Rosecrans, and on the 1st and. 7th of May had recommended the re-enforcing Pemberton from South Carolina and Georgia. I thought it too late also for troops to move from Tullahoma to Jackson, after May 9th, believing the campaign would be decided before their arrival. I supposed, too, that the order assigning me to immediate command of the army in Mississippi, terminated my authority in Tennessee. The Gov- ernment sent Breckinridge's Division from Bragg to Pemberton. Rose- crans advanced in consequence, and drove our troops across the Ten- nessee. Fourth Question — IIow soon did Pemberton notify you of Grant's hav- ing crossed ? Ansicer — On the 29th of April he reported the Federal army at Hard Times, preparing to cross the River, and on the 1st of May informed me that a battle was going on near Port Gibson, and that the whole army could cross the River near the scene of action. He made no further re- ports on the subject until my arrival in Mississippi. FiftJi Question — Didn't you think Vicksburg important ? Answer — The importance of Vicksburg and Port Hudson depended on their ability to prevent the passage by them of Federal gunboats, and in that way, holding for us the portion of the River between them. Before Grant commenced the passage of the River, more than twenty gunboats had passed our batteries, and were holding the intermediate portion of the River. I therefore regarded those places as only valuable for the military supplies they contained. Bixth Question — Could you have fortified a line of defence of the River lower down, say at Grand Gulf? AnsiDer — Not after the passage of the River by the Vicksburg and Port Hudson batteries was found to be practicable to the Federal vessels. Fixed batteries would have been useless then, the River being lost to us, and we had no heavy guns for the purpose. Seventh Question — Did you order Pemberton to March out to meet Grant ? Answer — Yes, on the 1st of May, to attack while the Federal anny was crossing the River. When a Federal army was reported to me to be at Clinton, on May 13th, I ordered him, as already said, to attack it, intending to join in the action with troops in and near Jackson. He did 230 RECOLLECTIONS OF not attempt either. When the second order was given, his forces were encamped near and south of Edwards' Depot. He was not ordered to attack the enemy at Baker's Creek, nor was that aciion the consequence of any order of mine. On the contrary, he was attacked there in conse- quence of remaining on that ground (or very near it) more than two days after my order to move to the east, towards Clinton. It has been alleged, too, that I exposed him to this attack by compelling him to cross the Big Black from the vicinity of Vicksburg. How can that be true ? The troops (Confederate) that fought at Baker's Creek, were encamped within two or three miles of that field when I reached Jackson. EigJdh Question — Could Pemberton have joined you after the battle of Baker's Creek ? Answer — I think he could read/py by marching to the Northeast after crosring the Big Black. lunth Question — How many men had you ? Answer — T found in Jackson about five thousand, with which I tiied to join Pemberton. This was prevented by his moving back to Vicks- burg in the opposite direction. About the 22d of May, Gist with his brigade from South Carolina, and Maxey with his from Port Hudson, joined me — probably five thousand more. Before the middle of June, Loring's Di- vision, which had escaped after the battle of Baker's Creek, Breckin- ridge from Bragg's Army, and W. H. Jackson with about two thousand five hundred cavalry (or rather mounted men), joined me. But these troops were all, except the first five thousand named, without wagons or artillery. I had to procure every thing necessary to their taking the field : that was not accomplished until the end of June. On the 29th, I moved to the Big Black, to ascertain by observation if it was possible to enable the besieged to escape from Vicksburg by attacking the Federal lines. My force, 23,000 (about), was utterly insuflBcient for such an en- terprise. The capitulation occurred during the reconnoissance. I was much censured by the President for not having assaulted the Federal intrenchments. Those iutrenchraents were stronger than Pemberton's, and manned by 80,000 men, according to the estimates of General Pem- berton's officers. His Excellency told me, in the following October, that his censure was based on the belief that I had 40,000 men. After the capitulation, Pemberton told me that if I had had 50,000 men it would have been absurd to make the assault. On the 16th, several hours before the fight. General Pemberton re- ceived an order from me to move to the Northeast, that our forces might "ce united. In this way, an army of more than 50,000 would have been formed in a few days. I was told during the fall of that vear, bv Colonel Locket, the Engineer HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 231 , of tlie army of Vicksburg, that he had read a telegram from the Presi- dent impressing upon General Pemberton the necessity of not abandoning Vicksburg. This probably led to the capture of that army. If these answers are not satisfactory, or if you think that I can give you any other information you may want, I beg you to write to me again. , Be assured that it will give me great pleasure to aid you. { Most respectfully, your obedient servant, J. E. Johnston. Selma, December 4th, 18GG. Mrs. Sarali A. Dorsey : Dear Madam — You ask explanation of my " plans and position in this campaign." I cannot do it better than by answering your questions — those of both letters. First Question. — What was your position in this department? Answer. — Iij^ November, 1862, I was placed in the anomalous one of the command of the Department of Mississippi and Tennessee. It was the 1 first instance of the sort, I think. In March, 1863, however, I was } ordered to Tennessee to take immediate command there, and was sick at I Tullahoma when Grant crossed the Mississippi on the 1st of May. On i the Ofch, when not recovered, I was ordered to take command of the i troops in Mississippi. On the 13th, when I reached Jackson, Grant's army was between that place and Pemberton. So that, in my feeble condition, I was unable to join the latter, then at Edwards' Depot. Second Question. — What would have been your plans for its defence Answer. — The Federal army crossed the River about the 1st of May, i by ferrying, and consequently by detachments. If in command then, I j would have attacked their detachments with my whole force, as they 1 landed successively. i TJdrd Question. — What prevented you carrying out your design ? Answer. — AbseJice, as explained. Fourth Question. — If you had abandoned Vicksburg, where would you have defended the River ? Answer. — The Federal forces gained possession of the River before the end of April. More than twenty gunboats had passed Vicksburg from above, and some (I forget the number). Port Hudson from below. These i places were thus proved to be inadequate to the object for which they 1 were armed, and of no value. To recover this portion of the River, it ' would have been necessary to defeat Grant's army. Then new disposi- tions to hold the River would have been easy. Fifth Question. — Did you not consider the holding the River essential to the success of the Confederate cause ? RECOLLECTIONS. Answer. — Important, but not essential. Less so than the trooi>s lost at Vicksburg and Gettysburg. Our army should not have permitted itself to be besieged in Vicksburg. When besieged, its capture \vas a mere question of time. Most respectfully and truly, Your obedient servant, J. E. Johnston. BOOK X Gubernatorial Life. — Banks' Eaid. — Incidents of Surrender. While lingering with his i3ainfal wounds at " Cooper's Wells," which had always proved a pool of Bethesda to Allefi, General Pemberton, deeming him incapacitated for active service, gave him the appointment of President of the Military Court at Jackson, Miss. But Allen declined this, desiring service in the field, believing he would soon recover sufficiently to ride on horseback, though nobody else thought he would. But this man's will and nervous energy were indomitable. .He also at this time received the appointment of Major-General of the Mihtia of Louisiana from Governor Moore, who accompa- nied the notification of this appointment with a letter j^ressing its acceptance, as the ofiice had been conferred upon Allen by the unanimous choice of the Legislature. This was also de- clined. Knowing his peculiar temperament, Allen's friends thus endeavored to provide him some position where he would be useful to the country, and yet protected from exposure and strain upon his weak, wounded frame; but he Avould not allow their tender consideration to prevail over his sense of duty. In September, 18G4, he received the appointment of brigadier- general from the President of the Confederate States, and was ordered to report to General E. Kirby Smith in the Trans- Mississippi Department. He contrived to get across the Mis- sissippi River, then in possession of the Federals, but narrowly escaped being captured by a gunboat. His staff did not get 234 RECOLLECTIOJS-S OF over. He iiicade his way to Shreveport, and reported to Gen. Smith, as commanded. He had barely entered upon the duties of his office, when he was almost unanimously elected Governor of the State of Louisiana. In the New Orleans Era^ of October 28th, he is spoken of in the following manner: "We learn that Gen. Allen, of the rebel army, who commanded the Fourth Louisiana at Shiloh, Baton Rouge, and Port Hudson, and was promoted to a brig- adier-generalship by Jefferson Davis, was ordered recently to the West to reorganize the Port Hudson and Vicksburg pris- oners. Allen is one of the best fighting-men the rebels have in the Southwest, and is quite popular with the rank and file." A noble tribute this, from the pen of enemies ! Allen was still on crutches, unable to walk without difficulty even with such support, when he entered upon his gubernatorial duties. This is a period in his life that his friends delight to dwell upon — a position in which all the truest and noblest qualities in this man's nature were developed and beautifully illustrated, chastened, ennobled, moderated, but not chilled, nor harden- ed, nor embittered by the experiences of life. No longer reckless, though still warm and impassioned ; with a heart alive to every generous and soft emotion ; with an unlimited pity and compassion, and infinite tenderness, towards the se- verely afflicted people of Louisiana, to whom he proved so often how truly his tongue spoke when he said, " Citizens of Loui- siana ! my heart warms to you all — I love every swamp and ;; pine-clad hill in your now beleaguered State !" — he was well fitted for the post they gave him. He was a glorious " War- GovernorP It was not a cold, formal union between the people of Lou- ! isiana and the new Governor, but a real marriage. He gave himself warmly, passionately up to his duties and to the bride he took, when, in the presence of the assembled multitude, he made his oath of fealty to Louisiana. He felt it — he meant to keep it, and he did heep it. The people soon recognized this feeling on the part of their new Governor, and they returned HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 235 his devotion with an enthusiasm of affection tliat would neither be understood nor credited except by one who had been eye- witness to the affecting scenes that were being perpetually enacted in the small, plain room which served as an office to the Governor at Shreveport. The Southern papers of the day were filled with congratulations to the State of Louisiana, upon her fortunate selection to this important position of a man so eminently qualified to fill it satisfactorily. It was a trouble- some and a difficult office : the State was partially in the hands of the Federals — New Orleans under their control, the River lost, the finances of the State destroyed, its credit at zero, its people for the most part ruined, scattered, destitute — all the river parishes, the wealthiest, overrun and desolated — all the formerly prosperous planters refugees in Texas, or almost starving in their once happy homes. " On the -25th of January," says the Enquirer of March 3, 1864, " the administration of Governor Moore closed, and his successor, General Henry W. Allen, was inaugurated. The proceedings were of unusual interest, from the fact that the Legislature met at a point remote from the Capitol, and that the Governor-elect had been chosen by an almost unanimous vote of the Army, and emphatically as a war Governor. Gov- ernor Allen is in many respects a remarkable man, and his inaugural, full of spirit and energy, is just what we expected of him." Another journal says : " On Tuesday, the 15th inst., the Gov- ernor-elect of the State of Louisiana visited our town. A large concourse of people had previously assembled at the Episcopal Church, to welcome our war-worn hero. After the crowd became seated, the Governor appeared, supported by two of our citizens, who conducted him to the stand. As he walked up the aisle, the attention of the congregation was riveted upon him. Cheer after cheer attested the people's appreciation of the man who had led their battles, and who was now called to preside over the destinies of the State. His appearance itself was an appeal to the patriotism of the people. 236 RECOLLECTIONS OF Still reeling under his wounds, his mutilated person called forth the sympathies of every one. '' His address was that of a patriot, statesman, and soldier, and Avas followed by thunders of applause from the audience. We confidently repose the destinies of the State in his hands." The Mobile Register of the same date speaks thus of the new Governor of Louisiana : " General Henry W, Allen, es- teemed the Chevalier Bayard of the Army of that State, who has so signalized his valor in many of the fiercest combats of this war, whose body is covered wdth honorable scars, was recently inaugurated at Shreveport before an immense assem- blage." The Richmond papers, alluding to his election, say : " His in- augural message on the occasion of his induction into ofKce, is a peculiar, yet very stirring and eminently patriotic address. Upon Butler^ he pours out his especial maledictions, as well he might, for his diabolisms in Louisiana's fair, grand empo- rium." In an appendix we give one of his messages to the Legislature, in order to show how Allen understood and grappled with the difficulties of his position, and his immediate assumption of the responsibilities cast upon him, in the indi- gence — the almost total destitution of the people. His style of oratory, as we have before remarked, was peculiar — full of energy and excitement — made up of short, curt phrases, a con- glomerate of rapid thoughts, fanciful, almost exaggerated illus- tration ; an occasional sentence of striking beauty, melody, and deep pathos — interlarded with bits of verse, or peculiar quotations from all sorts of authors — bursting out frequently into the most fervid, impassioned appeals to all that was high, romantic, noble, true, and patriotic in man's nature — vehementj earnest, impulsive, declamatory — very unequal, sometimes ris- ing into loftiest eloquence, then sinking into mere spouting — but always exciting, almost enthralling to his auditors, who never- were allowed to become cool enough for any sense of criticism. With a queer sort of whimsical, rare simplicity and singleness of idea and utterance, with no sense of the humorous — honest, I HENRY WATKINS ALLE^". 237 intense, going straight to the centre of tilings — fearless, auda- cious, spirited in gesture, never ungraceful, — Henry Allen's speeches were as unique as he himself was in every thing else. But like all improvisations, they do not read well, and any kind of a critic would be tempted to smile often over these extrava- ganzas ; but spoken by him^ they had. a very different effect. He possessed Demosthenes' three secrets of oratory, " action, action, action," and a magnetic power over people in masses. The thrill would penetrate the wisest, and those who came to laugh and to criticise, would remain to weep and to shiver under the strange influence. An ambitious friend, desirous that the Governor should prune his sentences, and make his style of speaking cooler, more chaste and classic, remonstrated at what he considered some rather exaggerated, extravagant expressions of feeling the Grovernor had made use of. " Allen listened patiently — he always did, to reproof from lips that loved him; then he replied, "My dear Sir, the people un- derstand me; I always speak to them from my own heart — I know my words will go to theirs." That was his rule in every thing. It had been so all his life. He had acted, spoken, lived from his *' ovm heart^^ trusting himself, with an entire frankness, to the best sympathies of hu- manity ; and rarely did they fail him. He had the perhaps equivocal compliment of having nearly every one of his soul- stirring addresses republished in the Northern journals and papers. Goldsmith says very truly, in the Life of Henry St. John : " It is the fate of things written to an occasion, seldom to survive that occasion." This is very necessarily the case witli things both written and spoken by the Confederate Governor of Louisiana, however valuable they w^ere at the time, and fitted to encourage and fortify the souls of the people in their endurance of the discomforts and calamities of what we all then regarded as a laudable and necessary defence of our republican liberties and inherent rights. It would be inexpedient, impolitic, and in bad taste to revise them ; — not that one should adopt, in any sense, Mr. Hobbes' Theory of Ethics, and vary 238 RECOLLECTIONS OF | one's creed, political or religious, according to the differences j of time, place, and circumstance. j "Trutli is always one and indivisible." — Schiller. \ And, " Because right is right, to follow right were loisdom, in the scorn of i consequences" — Tennyson. | Yet the South has accepted the issue of the war. President Johnston is trying to save the country. For our part, we intend to keep honorably, so long as we can, the covenant of pacitication. So, then, I will not repeat now the fiery utter- ances from the lijps of our leaders, which echoed deep into our hearts, when we stood face to face — Greek meeting Greek — with arms in our hands, and deadly hatred in our souls. This biography is not written to stir up strife, or revive bitter mem- ories, but simply to gratify friendly love and curiosity. Did I feel inclined, I could blacken these pages with infamous re- membi'ances, with accounts of cruelties and atrocities, mahg- w nant, dark, relentless — -^such as I have read on the pages of no :^ history of any war among any civilized j)eoples — inliicted on i^ my own people, my own friends, my own relatives. Then, jd perhaps, those who loere our enemies, might shudder, and cease to wonder that our leaders spoke, our men fought, our women endured, so long and so obstinately, the horrors of this terrible war. The army of invasion was composed not always of the best material of the North, but often of the worst. The first act of the new Governor was to make what the old sea-kings of Norway used to call " a progress" through the State, in order to arouse the people, and to see what he had to do. So he started out in his ambulance, visiting difierent parts of the country, and making speeches everywhere. Pie succeeded in his end. He did arouse them, used often to bring | tears to their eyes, and give strength to their spirits, amidst their heavy trials, by his kindly sympathy and ardent words. Ke^ turning to Shreveport, he then set to work to improve the i HENRY WATKINS ALLEN". 239 State finances, which, as we have said, were in a very low con- dition. The Confederate Government owed the State of Lou- isiana a good deal of money. Allen asked General Smith, who had nearly unlimited power in the Trans-Mississippi Depart- ment, to transfer the tax in kind npon all such cotton as he (Allen) would be enabled to secure for the State, from the Confederate States to the State of Louisiana, until this debt, or at least a portion of it, was paid. Smith agreed. Then Allen sent out his agents, gathered up cotton and sugar, granted permits of exportation beyond the Rio Grande. The exi^ortees would gladly carry out their cotton, paying the tax in kind, which was thus conveyed, without cost to the State, to mar- ket. This portion, belonging to the State, was only expended, by express limitation, in articles of prime necessity for the peo- pie — plain drygoods, cotton and wool cards, machinery, &c., &c. All articles of luxury were prohibited. Then Allen estab- lished his system of State stores, factories, foundries. He arranged a State Dispensary, from which the people were fur- nished with pure medicines at cost price. This supplied a most important need, as none can know so well as those who have seen beloved ones perishing while they were forced to stand by heljilessly and hopelessly, unable to procure for love or money the ounce of quinine, that might have prolonged their precious lives. The medicines were sold reasonably for Confederate and State money, and *' were given to the poorest people with- money and without price." The Federals had declared all medicines contraband of war. We were reduced to the use of herbs, tisans, barks, and all indigenous vegetable medicaments. Allen established his laboratories for the preparation of these indigenous medicines. They were of inestimable, inai^jDrecia- ble value to the people. There are vast pine forests in Louisi- ana. He put up turpentine distilleries. The Palma Christi is a native. He had a castor-oil factory ; a factory for making cards. Allen had promised to give every woman in Louisiana a pair of cotton-cards. He redeemed this to his utmost abiUty. We knew very well how to use them. A pair of cutton-cards 240 RECOLLECTIONS OF to us were more valuable than sets of diamonds. Indeed, the hands which dexterously wielded the little, useful implements, often sparkled with brilliants of the finest water, which would have been eagerly stripped off the white fingers, if they could have been used in purchase of comforts for the dear boys, for v.'hom the gray cloth was being spun. In the cities captured by the enemy, the women did sell their jewels, their clothing, tlieir velvet, silks, and laces, to supply the necessities of their families. But in the country, " in the ConfederacxjJ'' w^e had not that resource ; there was no market for gold or diamonds; so the women emulated the ancient women of Greece and the Orient in their busy application to the loom and the distaff. They became familiar with household dyes, skilful in curious herbs, mosses, and barks ; grew at last dainty and fanciful in the fineness, beauty, and evenness of their warp and woof; learned the secrets of currying and dressing leather and soft deerskins ; became adroit in the manufacture of shoes and embroidered gauntlets, knitted socks, and stockings, and warm woollen shirts. They did every thing that woman's hands could do for the comfort of their " soldier-laddies." A gift of a pair of cot- ton-cards awoke unspeakable gratitude in our breasts. Allen's hands, to the women of Louisiana, w^ere as beneficent as an earthly Providence. They almost worshipped " Tlie Gover- norP He also began one establishment for making carbonate of soda. [We were reduced to the necessity of making potash in our ovens at home.] Two distilleries for making pure me- dicinal alcohol. He purchased a fourth interest in the Davis County, Texas, Iron Works, not finding the ore so good in Louisiana. He established a foundry for cooking-utensils. He supervised salt- works. He selected able, active, energetic, skilful men, and put them over all these branches of art and industry. In every way, he endeavored to develop the resources of the State, and supply the multitudinous needs of the people. He infused his own impetuous vitality into all around him. Xobody about him had a sinecure office ; but he worked himself more inde- I HENEY WATKIKS ALLEN. 241 fatigably than any one. Who could complain, when they saw bow he taxed his own energies and drained, wounded frame? Receiving State money at the State stores, he soon brought up the currency to a respectable valuation. He also improved the rate of Confederate money. Every day added something to the steady plan for the amelioration of the lamentable con- dition of the people of the greater part of the State, suggested by his tender heart and clever brain. In one year's time, from the single State store at Shreve- port, he paid into the Treasury, from the proceeds of sales, $425,244.61, besides giving to wounded, destitute soldiers and orphans, widows and children, goods to the value of |22,159.50. In addition to this, goods to the value of $87,326.19 were transferred to the State departments, and army supplies, ord- nance stores, etc., to the amount of $627,816.60, had been turned over to the Confederate Government, making the trans- actions of this State store, since its inauguration, seven months before, amount to the gross sum of $1,162,551.90. These goods were imported from Mexico, by teams, driven principally by Mexicans and negroes, and paid for in cotton, in the be- ginning, as appeared by documents submitted to the Legisla- ture. All this, free of expense to the State. In this manner, he brought up the finances of the State, and made her money valuable all over the Trans-Mississippi De- partment. In his charities he never permitted any difference to bo made ; wounded and disabled soldiers of all States of the Confederacy were relieved alike, none were repulsed. He published the following notice : TO DISABLED LOUISIAIS'A SOLDIERS. Louisiana soldiers, disabled by wounds, or by sickness incurred hj ac- tual service, and witliout means of support, are requested to apply to me for relief and assistance. Such applications must be accompanied with certificates of disability, service rendered, %,ud present circumstances. They will all be promptly relieved. Henry W. Allen, Governor Loiiisiaua. Shrevepout, August 4th, 1864. 11 242 RECOLLECTIONS OF The Legislature bad a}3propiiated the sum of $11,042,000 for State uses. In the course of tlie year Allen drew from the Treasury $6,247,000, leaving a surplus of balance of unex- pended appropriations of $4,794,651. There was left in the Treasury, of other funds, $3,327,369. A large proportion of the expenditure was represented by valuable stores, advancing in market prices, and more available than Treasury notes to meet the wants of the State. Accompanying his report was a tab- ular statement of all the property he had acquired for the State. It consisted of cotton, sugar, subsistence stores, drugs and med- icines, — all of which had been paid for, amounting, in the aggregate, to $5,510,000. By an act, authorizing the sale of six per cent, bonds, he sold $577,000 at a premium of 10 per cent. He applied the proceeds of these bonds to drawing in Treasury notes. The Confederate Government owed the State four millions of dollars, expended for military purposes. He had the accounts and vouchers properly arranged and classified ; laid them before the Comptroller of the Confederate States Treasury. He afterwards sent the Hon. J. M. Sandidge to Richmond, on a special mission about this indebtedness. In this careful, frugal, provident manner he managed the af- fairs of the State, gradually reducing a chaos to order, restoring confidence, developing resources, enlarging and extending his beneficent schemes according to the increasing demands of each day — feeding the hungry, aiding the needy, nursing the sick, the wounded, and the orphan — encouraging the people — printing school-books for the children. He neglected nothing^ Jioioever minute^ that concerned the welfare of Louisiana. He raised four companies of mounted men, joined them to two already in the State service, put them under the commands of Cols. H. M. Forest and B. W. Clark. These formed afterwards the Eighth Louisiana Cavalry. Pie added thus nearly a thou- sand men to the Confederate service. These troops did good service at Mansfield and Pleasant Hill. The enemy were now advancing up the Red River Valley. He most carefully enforced all the laws, especially those for- HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 243 bidding the distillation of alcoholic liquors from grain and sugar- cane. He says, in his message to the Legislature : " All bread- stuffs, sugar, and molasses, are required for the army and for destitute families of soldiers. In many portions of Louisiana grain is already scarce. I daily receive appeals for assistance, and every surplus barrel will be needed during this and the coming year. I would again respectfully urge you to prohibit the sale of intoxicating liquors in the State during the wm\ ex- cept for family use and medicinal purposes. The only man whose death-warrant I have had to sign since I have been gov- ernor, was brought to execution for murder committed whilst drunk. Every criminal now in jail here is suffering the pen- alty of intoxication. You must pardon me, gentlemen, if I press this subject with seeming pertinacity. I know that it ia considered by some unpopular to advocate such measures, and thai by some it is thought Puritanic ; but he who blenches at a sickly public santiment, or wishes to evade responsibilities in times like these, is not worthy the confidence of an intelligent, patriotic people. While I shall dispense public charities with a liberal hand, clothe our gallant men in the field, relieve the sick and destitute, take care of onr wounded soldiers, and sup« port the widow and the orphan, I also feel it my conscientious duty to strike at vice in every shape and form, and to do all in my power to sustain the morals of the land. The general commanding this Department cannot suppress the sale of in- toxicating liquors unless ordered by you. He and his district commanders have often appealed to me. I, therefore, again most respectfully but urgently request that you will give this! matter your serious consideration. Pass the law, and it shall be executed to the very letter. The large capital employed in this traffic will find other and better investments ; drunkenness, that scourge of every land, will disappear ; crime will bo greatly diminished ; good order and discipline will be pre- served, while the women, our truest and best patriots, will bless you for the act," In Texas, " refugees" were paying five and six dollars per 244: RECOLLECTIONS OF bushel for corn, while the distillers were malving immense profits by the consumption of the grain needed for the sub- sistence of the people. Allen succeeded in arresting this cry- ing evil in Louisiana. He sent active and efficient officers through the State to put a stop to the stealing of negroes, especially children from the river parishes, on plantations whose owners, had been forced to fly. These children were often stolen by "jayhawkers" and "so-called" guerillas, taken to Texas, and sold away from their parents and owners. Allen succeeded in recovering and restoring five hundred of these poor little wretches to their families. I had occasion to apply to him myself about three little children stolen from our plan- tation in Tensas, whom we had traced back to the neighbor- hood of our place in Franklin Parish. They were in possession of a man near by. We had left negroes and overseers on each of these places, when we deemed it advisable — my husband being over age, and not strong in health — to remove from the theatre of war to a place in Texas. I wrote to Governor Al- len about the children. He replied immediately :. Shkevepokt, Nov. 5tL, 1864. Bear Madam : Tour letter of tlie 31st October, respecting your young servants, is just received. I will cause inquiry to be made about them, without delay. Col. Y will be instructed to deliver them up to Mr. as you request. Very truly yours, Hexry W. Allen. P. S. — I am under many obligatinos to some kind, good friend, for a very flattering notice in a Texas paper. I don't know who this friend can be, unless it is yourself. Whoever that friend is, I take this opportu- nity to tender my grateful thanks. I did not know before that I was such a hero ! A thousand thanks, dear friend. It is pleasant to be com- mended and appreciated. H. W. A. , His providential care extended thus over all classes of people. He sent two of his aids and three other gentlemen, to see after the people of East Louisiana. Their condition was very de- plorable. Subjected to constant raids, the people were stripped HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 241 of almost every necessary of life. Allen sent them medicines, cotton-cards, etc. He gave an order for the shipment of a hun- died bales of cotton, for the use of the Jackson Insane Asylum, >vhich was entirely destitute: he supplied it with food. Ho raised a company of men in East Louisiana, almost in the very presence of the enemy. Finding that many citizens living a long distance from Shreveport had claims on the C. S. Govern- ment for pi-operty impressed, purchased, taken, or destroyed, lie appointed a commissioner to examine these claims, making the Bureau self-supporting by charging a small fee.* He also sent Colonel Sandidge to Richmond to see after these claims of the people. * Brig.-GeD. Thomas relates, that once when on a visit to the Governor at Shreveport, he was in Allen's office. A Jew came in. " Governor, I have come to offer you a most reasonable contract. I know you are anx ious to provide your people with every necessary of life." " Well, sir," replied Allen, in his brief, quick utterance, " you are right. What have you to ofifer 1" The man went on to explain. Allen listened, but gave no sign of as- Bent to the proposition. He dismissed the man courteously, however. A short time after, another Jew came, a confederate of the first one. He said : "Governor, I have just arrived from Matamoras, and I have brought you a little present — some wines, and cloth, and other articles that I know you need. I hope you will do me the favor to accept them." " Certainly, sir, certainly !" The presents were brought in — several boxes of fine wines, bolt of fine gray cloth, &c., &c. Allen thanked the man heartily, and he departed. " Now, Thomas," said Allen, " you think I don't know what those fel- lows are after ? but I know they are leagued together. You'll see both of them come to-morrow, after the contract. But they'll not get it ! I accepted these things, because it is probably all they have ever given, or ever will give to the Confederacy. Our poor sick soldiers want wines, and Gen. Smith's officers want uniforms." Calling to an attendant. Governor Allen wrote some orders, sent all tho wines to the hospitals, and distributed the cloth among the officers, re- serving nothing for himself. The next morning early, according to the Governor's prognostication, both of the men walked in together, soliciting the contract ; but as tho 2:1:6 RECOLLECTIONS OF In his letter on this subject to President Davis, Allen says— " he desires a perfect understanding between the Confederate and State Authorities, between civil and military powers:" to preserve which, he goes on to mention what ought to be redressed, as great abuses against the people of Louisiana : " 1st, In the arbitrary execution of the impressment act, and the hardships resulting therefrom. Horses, mules, wagons, cattle, slaves, teamsters, provender, corn, provisions of every kind, forcibly taken, or voluntarily given, to officers claiming to be vested with legal authority. " In some cases receipts given — in others refused, Avhen applied for. In either case, payment is now refused, because these men are not bonded officers, or because of the improper vouchers at- testing the fact of impressment — or that no authority exists for it. It should be traced up, and the party punished with severest penalties, etc. etc. Governor did not think their terms advantageous to the State, they were politely rejected, much to Gen. Thomas' amusement, and their confusion. Allen, and Col. Alien Thomas, were both recommended to President Davis for promotion at the same time by the same general officers. They both happened to be in Richmond at one time. Col. Allen Thomas was much attached to Col. Allen. Mr. Davis, in conversation with Col. Thomas, mentioned the fact of his having but one brigade to bestow at the moment, and that he was rather at a loss what to do, as both Col. Allen and himself seemed to have equal claims to it. Col. Thomas in- stantly entreated him to give it to Col. Allen, who was an older man, who had been so terribly wounded in the service, and he really believed, a better soldier than himself. President Davis thanked Col. Thomas. An hour afterwards Col. Thomas met Col. Allen, still creeping along on his crutches ; he accosted him cheerfully : " Good-morning, general !" " How ! why general ?" exclaimed Allen. "Simply because I have just parted with the President, and you are promoted." Allen grasped his hand warmly. He never forgot Thomas' friendly generosity. As soon as he was elected Governor of the State of Louisiana, he wrote to President Davis, and Col. Allen Thomas received Gen. Allen's old brigade. HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 247 "Lieutenant-General E. Kirby Smith being powerless to rem- edy these evils, joins me in the urgent request that these com- missioners be appointed without delay. The people are daily crying out for redress, and unless this redress is given, there will be a collision between the civil and military authorities. I have instructed the courts to be opened, and advised all who feel aggrieved to apply to the proper tribunals for justice in the premises. It is ni}^ sincere desire to act in the greatest harmony with your Excellenc}' in the execution of the laws of Congress. But at the same time, my people must be protected in all their constitutional and legal rights.^^ While actively careful over the interests of the citizens of the State, though generally continuing the even tenor of his way in perfect amity with the Confederate military authorities, espe- cially with the most amiable gentleman then invested with al- most supreme authority in the Trans-Mississippi Department, yet Allen never suffered himself to be swayed by his partiali- ties for the individual into authorizing the slightest infringe- ment upon the civil rights of the people. He guarded them with a keen and susceptible jealousy. After the expulsion of the enemy in the spring of 1864, several citizens of Louisiana were arrested by the military authorities and imprisoned, with- out the benfit of the speedy trial guaranteed by the Constitution and the laws. It seemed as if the military alone was about to rule in the land. Taking prompt issue with the military, Allen made the following proclamation : To the Citizens of the State of Louisiana ; As the Chief Magistrate of the State, sworn to maintain the integrity of her laws, I deem it appropriate to renew to her people the assurance that I shall keep that oath and fulfil that duty. While doing tliis, I have thought proper to add such suggestions as the occasion demands. The presence of armies in our midst raised by the Confederate Gov- ernment, commanded by ojfficers of its appointment, governed by the rules and regulations it has adopted, and amenable solely to it in a mili- tary capacity, produces inconveniences, which are inevitable, and of which, when necessary, a patriotic people will not complain. These in 24S RECOLLECTIONS OF conveniences form a part of the price jou must pay for your country's in- dependence, and for the liberties you will hereafter enjoy. But that Government is of your creation, and has no legal power beyond that which you have conferred upon it. Its duties are strictly defined, and its authority limited by the constitutional charter which your repre- sentatives have aided in forming, and which you, through your conven- tion, have ratified. The armies of the Confederate States have no authority or power, except what the laws of Congress give them, and that body cannot go beyond the grant emanating from sovereign States. The authority of military officers is therefore the creation of constitu- tional laws. They can rightfully do nothing but what Congress has authorized ihevu to do. Properly viewed, an army is only a police force on a large scale, whose sole function is to maintain the laws of the land, and to protect the rights of the nation. Hence the machinery by which it acts ought never to come in collision with the civil laws or the machinery of local or State governments. Over the citizen or his property no military ofiicer has any other authority than what is given him by law. It is the glory of every really great military commander that the civilian is never made to feel the presence of an army as a burden, a nuisance, or a terror. Over his troops, his authority, as given by law, is necessarily very great. This is right ; but beyond the circle of his army, the hum- blest citizen in the land is his equal. I therefore earnestly admonish every one whose rights may be vio lated under pretence of military authority, to appeal promptly to the courts of justice. Let every citizen having just cause of complaint against military oflBcers, report the same at once to the grand-jury of hia parish. If arrested and deprived of your liberty, it is your right to have the cause of your arrest judicially inquired into at once, and to be discharged unless found to be legally detained. This writ of Jidbeas corpus is always open to every citizen ; to invoke it is his hallowed right ; and I earnestly request all j udges to issue it whenever legally demanded. Extended authority has been conferred on the commanding general of this department. He has never used that power against a citizen, and is entirely free from any disposition so to use it. I know it to be his earnest wish that every abuse of authority by any subordinate oflBcer shall be resisted by citizens under all circumstances, and promptly re- ported. If there are acts of petty tyranny, annoyance, and proscription committed in this Department, they will be reprobated by him, being as contrary to his will as they are in contrast with his character. All such acts brought to his knowledge, I doubt not, either have been or will be pimished promptly. HENRY WATKJNS ALLEN. 249 Thus far but one citizen of this State has been illegally and wrongfully exiled, and he shall be returned to his home and his family. While I am Governor of the State of Louisiana the bayonet shall not rule her cit- izens, but they shall be protected at every hazard in all their legal and constitutional rights. Henky W. Allen, Governor of Louisiana. Executive Office, Shreveport, La., July 5th, 1864. General Kirby Smith was appealed to, the prisons were im- mediately thrown open, and all not subject to military tribu- nals were turned over to the civil authorities. General Smith had foreborne to suspend tlie writ of habeas corpus^ though such suspension was authorized by Congress. " Me carefully avoided conflicts with civil functionaries and encroachments on civil rights. He had a profound respect for the laws of the land, and an eminent love of justice and equity, and was thus a safe depository of the almost unlimited power confided to him."* But Allen had one characteristic and amusing interview with Smith, in regard to the " one citizen" whom he mentions as being "illegally and wongfully exiled-' from the State. A gentleman suspected of indifference to the Confederate cause, and accused of treasonable intercourse with tlie enemy, v.'as seized by Smith's orders, and without any legal examina- tion, merely on hearsay evidence and suspicion, was carried off into Texas, to be put out of the lines over the Rio Grande. Allen heard of it ; and although the man was not personally agreeable to him, he became indignant at the arbitrary manner in which his rights of citizenship had been violated, — ordered his ambulance instantly (he was still very lame), and drove to Headquarters. Entering the Commander's office, he remon strated, in his ardent, vehement style, upon the injustice exer- cised by the military power against a citizen of the State, thua * Allen's own words about Smith. 11* 250 EECOLLECtlOKS OF seized and dragged off — exiled from his home and family, without trial. Smith listened to him with coolness and indif- ference; he was prejudiced against the victim, as most every- body else was. " Well, Governor," he remarked, at length, after Allen had got through with his fiery remonstrance, " suppose we differ in opinion, and I refuse to restore this man, as you demand, what then?" In an instant, Allen sprang to his feet, though he was scarcely able to stand on them. Bring- ing his hand down with violence on the table between them his Avhole face aglow with anger and indignation, he replied, " What then, General Smith ! By God ! we will fight you, Sir ! You shan't tread the civil rights of the people of Louis- iana under your foot." Smith looked at Allen, startled for an instant from his usual sweet equanimity of manner, then extending his hand kindly to Allen, said, with a smile, ^'- 1 believe you would, Governor T Turning to the table, he wrote the order for the restoration of the obnoxious individual. The next day, one of General Smith's aids and some soldiers, set off to bring Mr. back to Louisiana, to his home" and family. This person went to New Orleans, where he has since held office and influence among the Federal party. Did he ever remember to speak a word for Allen, when, by the reverse of the wheel of fortune, the faithful Governor was in his turn an exile ? The common people were enthusiastically devoted to Allen, not only in Louisiana, but in Arkansas and Texas. The writer of these pages has frequently been both amused and affected, by the admiration and praises lavished on Governor Allen in the poor log-cabins in Texas, by people whose sons, and brothers, and husbands had been recipients of the kindness and wide- spreading charities of the Governor of Louisiana. Sometimes, when she would halt to bivouac under the shade of trees by the roadside, near their cabins, on the long, tedious land journeys, she, like all other refugees, was compelled to take — protected only by faithful negro servants, living in an ambulance day and night, in Gipsey, or " Confederate" fashion, in the open HENKY WATKINS ALLEN. 251 air — the inliabitants of these rude homes would come out, and stand leaning against a fence-corner, talking and knitting on with unwearied lingers, as they gave and answered questions. " So, then, you are Louisianians ?" these poor mothers and wives would say ; " when did you refugee f (" to refugee^'' be- came a popular verb among these people). Settled in Texas? been to Slireveport ? Well, you Louisianians have got a real, live Governor ! God bless him !" Then they would eagerly tell what he had done for their male relatives or themselves, winding up their garrulous gossip with a sigh, and, " I wish Texas had such a Governor /" A friend narrates that he stepped once into Allen's office, at Shreveport, and found the Governor seated before the fire, between two country-women — soldiers' mothers, — all three taking a comfortable smoke, with their pipes. The people of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Texas, use tobacco inordinately, in every form. They always carry their pipes in their pockets ; even some of the women of the more uneducated classes smoke and " dip snuif." These people are never seated five minutes anywhere, without drawing out this panacea for all their ills, and " taking a smoke." One has to become accustomed to it Allen was too courteous a gentleman not to conform immedi ately to the customs of " Ladies." So, as he rather enjoyed a pipe, he would join them very sociably. He liked, too, to study the peculiarities of human nature. And his companions had a double claim on his affections, — they were women, even if old ones, soldiers' mothers and Louisianians. So, precisely the same chivalric feeling which made him write so much poetry to the Empress Eugenie, in his Mexican paper, after- wards, made him smoke with those old women in his plain little office at Slireveport. The following conversation occurred, to the intense amusement of the unexpected auditor: "Well, Governor, we come to bother you again, you are such a good friend to us poor women. Now, Gov., we got the corn you sent us, but we ain't got no hoes and no ploughs to plant it with." The Governor took his pipe from his mouth, and turn- 252 RECOLLECTIONS OF ing to his Secretary, said : " Mr. Halsey, give these ladies an order for a plough and two hoes, free of charge." " But, Gov.," they continued, " we want some meal, and some meat, and some sugar, and some molasses." " Mr. Ilalsey, give the order for these articles." The women received the orders, knocked the ashes from their pipes, shook hands with Allen, and started out of the room ; but halting at the door, said, " Well, Gov., we hate to bother you so much. You are the best man alive. We are all going to name our next grandchildren after you ; but we forgot, we want a well-rope and a — ^>^^." "Ladies," said the Governor, kindly, but with a perceptible smile curling around the corners of his mouth, " you shall have the well- rope, but at present, loe ore out of pigs P I insert here the copy of a letter which I got hold of, giving a sample of one amongst hundreds of such applications, which Allen received almost daily, from all parts of Louisiana, Ar- kansas, and Texas; for all the Refugees considered them- selves still under the ^gis of Louisiana, and looked to him for aid, which he extended impartially, whenever and wherever he could. Shreveport, La., May 15th, I860. Gomnior AUen : Many thanks for the one pair of shoes and ten yards of towels, which I got at your store this morning. The Colonel would not let mo have any shoes for myself and the two little ones, nor a suit of clothes for ray husband, because it was not specified in the order. Will your Excel- lency, Governor Allen, extend your generosity a little farther, and give me an order for the following articles ; Needles, thread, pins, one of the large bowls, two or three small ones, some plates, cups and saucers, a pitcher, shoes for myself and the two little ones, one suit of clothes for my husband, knives and spoons, one dish, chamber, stockings, and any thing else you are willing for me to get. I send you a gold pencil and twenty-five cents, all I have to recompense you with now. God will re- ward you, and you will have my best wishes for your success and happi- ness. If you will let me have the order, please send it with this note, by the boy Henry. Respectfully, R. A. R. p^ S, — Governor, I hope I am not asking too much of you ; if I am, please forgive. And will you please let me have a comb, some buttons, and tobacco, also a few more yards of towels. R. A, R. HENRY WATKINS ALLEN". 253^ The writer received what she asked for. It is needless to say, the poor little gold pencil and twenty-five cents she offered in payment were instantly returned, with the articles coveted, '-''by the boy Henry.'''' This was from a woman of better class and education, as can be readily recognized by the spelling and style of the epistle, than the majority of notes received daily by the Governor of Louisiana. I have read myself, during a stay of a few days with my friend, whilst he was liv- ing at Shreveport, letters from ladies belonging to the most distinguished families in our unhappy State, begging for a few pounds of meal, flour, sugar, and molasses, or a iew yards of cloth, stating they had neither clothes nor food. Again and again has Governor Allen handed to me the most sorrowful notes of this kind, and would say with tears in his eyes, and. unaffected concern on his countenance: "My God! how shall I meet the absolute necessities of this destitute, starving people ?" He kept trains running into Texas continually, bringing out corn, meal, flour, and bacon, which he distributed as far as he could. The people had a trust and reliance upon him that was frequently ludicrous. General Kirby Smith used to tell the following anecdote with gusto. General Smith took a trip into Arkansas to visit the posts of his command, and he took along his gun and dogs (Smith having no bad habits, indulged occasionally in hunting, and game is plentiful in that region). As Smith was passing a poor Avidow's house, near Fillmore, Bossier Parish, a large pack of curs jumped on his fine pointer. His gun being charged with very small shot. Smith fired on the big dogs, to save his poor pointer. He knew the fine bird- shot wouldn't kill them. The widow rushed out, pistol in hand, furious with rage, threatening to shoot the General ! She abused him dreadfully, then ended by declaring she would go right straight and tell Governor Allen, even if he was General Smith — she knew " AlleJi xooiildfix him. /" After supplying the needs of the wounded and disabled soldiers of the different States, collected in Louisiana, Allen proceeded to clothe the Missouri troops in active service, who 254: RECOLLECfriOXS OF were in a very needy condition. Tl-ie Confederate Government never did succeed in clothing the army. The people supported the soldiers, the women of each frimily clothing their men with the labor of their own hands. The Missouri troops had no one to provide for them, they were exiled from their own State, and almost neglected by all, except by the capacious heart of " the Governor^'' who remembered their wants, and that he had had a home for a short time in Missouri, during bis boyhood. He induced the ladies and gentlemen Avho w^ere assembled at Shreveport — many of them accomplished musi- cians and amateur artists of very high order of talents — to give a series of concerts, tableaux, and theatrical performances, for the benefit of the " adopted sons of Louisiana," as he affec- tionately called the desolate Missourians. He succeeded in raising funds enough to clothe these troops comfortably, and was amply repaid by the passionate gratitude of these gallant men, who would have followed him to the end of the world, at a word. There never were braver soldiers than the Missouri troops. They deserved all that could be done for them by the women of Louisiana. The journals of this date, in every State west of the Mississippi, and in Virginia, abound in notices and eulogiums of the noble course pursued by Governor Allen. It is almost impossible to make a choice amongst the innumer- able testimonies to his virtues, and the glowing tributes to his wise administration, preserved from the papers of the day, by the pious hand of friendship. We simply insert two of these, one from Virginia, the other from Louisiana, as a sample of what was said of him by the Press of the Confederacy. " Our Governor. — In reading over the " Washington Telegraph" a few days since, we were highly pleased to notice a very handsome tribute paid by a citizen of Arkansas to the Governor of Louisiana. We are ever proud to see true inerit puhlicly apioroved, and we have ever considered it a false deUcacy not to award to public benefactors while living, some portion, at least, of the public gratitude to which they may be entitled. When good, and great, and generous deeds pass unnoticed, it betokena a kind of public apathy and indifibrence that is calculated to depress even HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 255 the spirit of a patriot — for who is insensible to the people's approbation ? ■who is it that cannot be exhilarated by their encouragement ? Hence it is that we are proud to notice so just and so beautiful a tribute as the one to which we have alluded — not that such commendation will give an ad- ditional impetus to the tireless energies of our noble Executive, but that he may be consoled in his herculean labors with the assurance that he is universally appreciated at home, smd JusUt/ admired abroad. Why is it that Governor Allen is honored by the people ? Simply because he makes their good his highest object. He protects the weak, he relieves the needy, he rewards the faithful, he, in short, exercises his every constitu- tional power with justice, reason, and humanity. But it is outside of the pale of his mere official functions that we behold the true character of the man. His Christian charity and boundless generosity will ever endear him to the people, who will ever regard him as a good governor, a brave soldier, and a true gentleman. It was our fortune to be present at his inauguration, and hear his address. It was at a time when great and se- rious embarrassments were ready to meet him at the very threshold ; it was then, perhaps, the darkest and gloomiest period that ever scowled upon the State. Our army was weak, our people depressed, and the in- vading hosts were coming upon us — coming, too, like a wild tornado, gathering strength and fury as they came. Great, indeed, was the pub- lic suspense and the public anxiety. Many gathered to hear what were his pledges to the people. He came forth, pale, wan, and war-worn, still reeling under his recent wounds. He assured us that the old ship of the State was still above the billows — he bade us be of good cheer, that all would yet be well — he pledged to the State and to the people his undying fidelity — and bade every man stand to his post. Not one who heard him then doubted but he would give his whole soul to the "great work." Has he not redeemed his pledge ? Yea, more, he has, in the very face ol impossibility, developed the resources of the State to a surprising ex- tent. At Shreveport we have a Dispensary, at Mt. Lebanon a State Labo- ratory, in Minden a Hope Work, in Sabine Parish a Turpentine Factory, in Claiborne a Factory for Cloth, in Minden a Card Factory. Now these are the results of Governor Allen's labors, and they richly entitle him to public gratitude. Time would not serve us to do justice to his enterprise, 80 we must conclude by tendering to our Governor, as a public journalist, the approbation of the people, and more especially our own imselfish, un- dying gratitude as an editor, for having abolished * icaU-paper' in our State." Allen had brought from Mexico quantities of paper and sta- tionery of all kinds for the journalists, who had been reduced 256 RECOLLECtlOXS OF to the necessity of printing on bits of " wall-paper." He was making arrangements to establish paper-mills. The other notice is from a Richmond paper ; " In Louisiana — though her onc3 wealthy plantations are now wilder- nesses so thickly overgrown witli weeds and parasitic vines as to be impass- able for man or beast, and the desolation as horrible and universal as that ■which followed Hyder Ali in India — still the resolution of her people is as steadfast and heroic, their devotion to the common cause as deep and heartfelt, and their hope as high as ours in Virginia, under the protecting care of our peerless army. " This constancy is due, in part, to the Governor of that State — General Henry W. Allen, This heroic and devoted soldier-statesman should not be named without something more than passing mention. He entered the service, at the beginning of the war, as Colonel of the Fourth Louisi- ana ; was in every battle in which his regiment participated, at the head of that regiment ; was desperately wounded at Shiloh ; was left for dead at Baton Rouge, and his body is seamed and his limbs maimed with scars and wounds. Admired by his superiors, beloved by his men, he might have arrived at the highest military distinction. But at the moment when promotions and honors were coming thick upon him, he was elected, by the spontaneous voice of the people of liis State, Governor of Louisiana, and cheerfully obeyed the summons. " With talents peculiarly fitted for the Senate, he refuses the dignities his people are anxious to heap upon him in a more conspicuous position, and expresses his determination to serve to the end of his term as chief magistrate of the State. At the same time that he will allow no en- croachment of military power, he enjoys the confidence and esteem of the generals commanding in Louisiana. Under his management the State has been relieved from a heavy debt, and her credit now stands higher than any other State's, except North Carolina's. " There is no demagogueism in the character of Governor Allen — all is frank and honest and outspoken with him. He has no idea of thwarting the government, or of establishing a separate State west of the Missis- sippi. He possesses the love and veneration of every man, woman, and child in Louisiana ; and yet it is but a score of years since Henry W. Allen, a poor and unknown stripling from Virginia, settled in Louisiana and began seriously to build the groundwork of reputation and fortune. •"Know this, my Lord, Jiobility of blood Is but a glittering and fallacious good ; A nobleman is he whose noblo mind Is full of inborn worth, unborrowM of his kind !' nENEY WATKINS ALLEN. 257 ** Would that we had more such in high places — men whose pure and earnest impulses were bent on the success of the nation, who merged per- sonal ambition and petty jealousies into magnanimous patriotism, and were satisfied with the still, small voice of conscience, instead of the noisy, meaningless approbation of the mob." Though with a substratum of medsevial feeling and prin- ciples, this incongruous man was essentially a man of progress. He saw and seized instantaneously the peculiarities of a position and its necessities, and prominent points as they were developed. He was generally in advance of anybody else. He was 07ie of the earliest, if 7iot the first man, to see the necessity of arm- ing, and drilling, and emancipating our slaves, and publicly urged the measure both upon the Legislature and the President, when other people were afraid almost to think it. Being a very extensive slaveholder, his disinterested patriotism was the more remarkable. He regarded it simply as a measure of ex- pediency, believing, as we all do, that slavery is the normal condition of the African race. One day, at Shreveport, I was riding with Governor Allen in his ambulance. We were on our way to see General Buck- ner, on a matter of importance to me. As we drew up to the door of the very plain establishment which General Buckner used as his headquarters, just as the Governor offered me his hand to descend from the carriage, he was accosted by a poor woman, with a market-basket on her arm. With a hasty apology to me, he turned to the woman, leaving me still sitting in the cari'iage. The woman had a long series of complaints and petitions to enumerate. The Governor stood patiently waiting, leaning on his stick, until she got through her quer- ulous, and, I thought, unreasonable harangue. Then, very gently remonstrating with her, he showed her how some of her petitions were unwise and impossible; gave her a great deal of good practical advice ; and ended by suggesting another mode of rectifying the crookedness of her lot ; gave her a hastily written order in pencil for some things, and dismissed her. She was dissatisfied, however, and went off grumbling and ungrate- 258 RECOLLECTIONS OF ful. Turning to me with his graceful frankness, Allen said: " That poor creature gives me a great deal of trouble. It is about the twentieth time she has come to me this week, about that matter. I have tried in vain to make her understand that she asks impossibilities." " Well, then," said I, with a woman's hastiness, *' why do you allow yourself to be so troubled ? IwouldnHP He looked at me gravely, then replied, with a smile: " Oh, yes, I think you would ; she really does suffer. Her husband is dead, her son in the army, and a kind word costs nothing, even if one is often forced to reject a petition." I persisted : " I think you allow these people to impose on you, though you weary yourself to death over them every day. Why don't you let your aids and secretary see them? You are thronged with these unreasonable people all day long." "No ; I can't shun such responsibilities. These are my du- tiesr " That means you have adopted all these unfortunates, as a sort of flxmily. You are the veritable Pater Respublicse ! Every- body in attendance on you complains about your undue devo- tion to this third order of the realm ; says he is tired to death running to the State store with orders for these miserable old women and dilapidated soldiers ; and Dr. Martin says, he can't keep a drop of respectable brandy to mix up his medicines with at the Dispensary. If an old woman has a finger-ache, or a child eats too many blackberries, and comes to you, you give an order for any thing they want. They say, yoiHl have to stop it^ He laughed. " Well, you need not believe half that you hear. S takes liberties with me ; and as for Martin, he thinks I belong to him. He got so used to ordering me about when I was wounded, that he fancies I am never to get out of his leading-strings. I am very careful about the brandy or- ders / and as for the rest, my dear friend, I barely do my duty. I wish I could do a thousand-fold more for my poor starving people.'' By this time we had climbed up the rough stair- HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 259 case, and in a few minutes stood in the presence of the hero of Fort Donelson, and the conversation turned on other topics. I heard a good deal of complaint and impatience expressed by- others at the Governor's persistent devotion to the tiers etat ; but he was fixed in his convictions as to his duty on this point. "The old wo*nen, and widows, and orphans, and soldiers' wives came first, always ; ladies and gentlemen and distinguished people afterwards," we laughingly asserted in his obdurate ears. Allen possessed wonderful facility, readiness, ingenuity, tact, and power of adaptability, which enabled him to put himself BO easily en Tapport with the populace. The activity, energy, suppleness, and self-reliance that are usually considered the at- tributes of a Yankee, were his ; and had they not been coupled in him with high romance and noble enthusiasm, with passionate patriotism, incorruptible integrity, scrupulous and sensitive honor, they might, with his aspirations after glory, his glow- ing ambition of fame and reputation, have made him degener- ate into a vain demagogue. But, infused into his pure., impas- sioned nature, these dangerous gifts, this power over the masses, this readiness, only gave practical force and ability to his char- acter, and enabled him easily to put into execution the good towards tho^country and " his people" that his heart suggested and his intellect designed. There was an extraordinary vein oi common sense and Scotch frugality running through his Rinaldo- ish romance. He was "c/eye?'," in both the English and Amer- ican sense of the word. One day, at Shreveport, he began to sing the Confederate song, " Southrons," expressing a desire to get all the words, and to know the name of the author. I told him I could give both to him, as the verses had been written for, and sent me origin- ally, by my aunt, the authoress of the " Household o^Bouverie ;" that I had sent them, in 1861, to the New Orleans Delta, for publication, and would give him the author's MS . copy. He was pleased with these associations. On his way to Mexico, he showed me the poem again. There has been some mystery 260 EECOLLECTIONS OP about the authorship of this favorite Confederate war- song. I am glad of the opportunity to announce its true origin. In the month ot" Marcli, 1864, General Banks made his fa- mous laid up the valley of the Red River. General Taylor, sta- tioned at Alexandria, had been advised in February, by secret information sent him from New Orleans, of the probable Fed- eral plan of attack, by one division under A. J. Smith, from Vicksburg, and General Banks from New Orleans, who was to march up through the Teche country. Taylor immediately noti- fied General Kirby Smith of his suspicions of this attack, and Smith began to concentrate his troops to meet the attack, if so made. Smith's department was very large, and so desolated in Ar- kansas and Louisiana, that in order to subsist the troops, it was necessary to scatter them ; so the forces were scattered over Louisiana and Texas. Shreveport and its vicinity was the cen- tral point in this widely-scattered circle of troops. Upon the reception of Taylor's information, Smith began to draw in his forces. General A. J. Smith came up the Red River, Banks ad- vanced up the Teclie. It was estimated by us that Banks had a force of forty thousand men, and a co-operating navy of sixty gunboats and transports, " and a legion of camp-followers and speculators,-' in his train. The Federals captured Fort DeRussy, an inferior earthwork below Alexandria, and then marched un- checked up the whole valley of the Red River, until they reached Mansfield, a small town between Shreveport and Natch- itoches. Taylor had fallen back before the Federals, skirmish- ing every day, until he found himself here almost at the doors of Shreveport, within a day's march of the Texas border. Taylor was too much like his father, in temperament, not to be very soon wearied oi retreat. He knew too much about Buena Yista, for that modus operandi to content him very long. He was one of our best fighting-men, — a trifle too impatient and passionate, with perhaps not siifiicient sense of subordination. In truth, he was both a very able and a very imperious man. He HENKY W ATKINS ALLEN. 261 had even dared to resist Stonewall Jackson, and figlit at Port Jlepublic, almost in disobedience to orders. He gained a victory tiien, and of course General Jackson thanked him; but if he hadn't been successful, he would have been broke. So it was now at Mansfield. Taylor was tired of running. He resolved to make a stand, and sent a despatch to Smith, at Shreveport, to that eftect. Taylor had 9000 men at Mansfield. He selected his battle-ground as well as he could, about a quarter of a mile from Mansfield. The country here is hilly, and heavily wooded. The line of battle was single. Mouton commanded his own Brigade, with Polignac's in the centre. Majors, with his cavalry dismounted, formed the left wing. De Bray, with mounted cavalry, was posted on the extreme right. Churchill and Parsons, with Missouri and Arkansas troops, acted as reserves, stationed three miles in the rear. The public road, by which the Federals were advancing, ran over a very steep hill. They had posted one of their best batteries (Nims'), — the same battery that Allen had rushed upon, captured and lost, after being wounded at the battle of Baton Rouge, — upon the top of this high hill. Taylor rode along this line, and when he passed Polignac, he called out, " Little Frenchman, I am going to fight Banks here, if he has a million of men !" Taylor now ordered Mouton to ad- vance until he engaged the enemy. Mouton led the charge ot infautry. By agreement, all the Confederate officers retained their horses, which was one reason why so many of them were killed in this famous charge. Mouton charged down a hill, over a fence, through a ravine, then up a hill right in the teeth of the guns. The charge lasted twenty-five minutes. The men were moved forward at double-quick, exposed to a ter- rible fire all the time, especially whilst in the ravine, between the woods and the hill, upon which the Federal batteries were stationed. The exposure to grape and canister was dreadful ; many Confederates fell here. The men were nearly breathless when they struggled up the ravine. Mouton commanded them to throw themselves prostrate a moment, to recover breath. Then they sprang up, and rushed on to the attack. 262 EECOLLECTIONS OF The officers fell fast. Armand, at the head of his Creoles, had his horse killed, and received a shot in the arm. Starting to his feet, after disengaging himself from his dying steed, he ran on by the side of his men, waving his sword in the other un- wounded hand. Again a shot struck him — he fell — a wound through both thighs. He raised himself again, on his wounded arm, and, half-reclining, with the life-blood pouring in torrents, he still waved his sword, and cheered on his Louisianians. They responded with a cry of vengeance. Another shot struck Armand in the breast, — the gleaming sword dropped from the cold hand. Armand lay dead. The Eighteenth Louisiana rushed on. Polignac led his troops gallantly. Mouton was always in the front. The guns were taken after a desperate struggle. The Federals broke and fled. Mouton pursued : he passed a group of thirty-five Federal soldiers ; they threw down their arms in token of surrender. Mouton turned, lifting his'hand. to stay the firing of the Confederates upon this group of prisoners : as he did so, five of the Federals stooped down, picked up their guns, aimed them at the generous Confederate : in a moment, five balls pierced the noble, magnanimous breast ; Mouton dropped from his saddle dead, without a word or a sigh. The Confederates who witnessed this cowardly deed, gave a yell of vengeful indignation, and before their ofticers could check them, the thirty-five Federals lay dead around Mouton. The chase of the Federals was continued a mile and a half by this division, then the reserves under Walker and Churchill took up the hunt, and drove back the enemy to Pleasant Hill. Half way between Pleasant Hill and Mansfield, there was a creek of pure water, for which there was a heavy fight. It ended in the Confederates retaining possession of the water, on whose margin they bivouacked that night, — Major- General N. P. Banks' assertion to the contrary notwithstand- ing. Mouton had (2,200) twenty-two hundred men in this charge ; he lost seven hundred and sixty-two. Five ofiicers were killed, amongst them Taylor, of the Seventeenth Texas, a much-beloved officer. It was tho musket-fire from the HENRT WATKINS ALLEN. 263 enemy on the left of the ravine, and the grape and canister in it, that killed most of Mouton's men. Mouton said to Polignac, previous to the attack, "Let us charge them right in the face, and throw them into the valley." The Battle of Mansfield was fought on the 8th of April. Il was a day of fasting and prayer, specially ordered by General Smith, and spent by most of us, ignorant of the contest that was transpiring, on our knees before our altars. Taylor now pressed his success. He had captured an immense wagon- train, — two hundred and ninety-five wagons, filled with most valuable stores ; had taken Nims' Battery of six guns, which Allen had such cause to remember ; had also captured twenty- two guns on the road. The " Grand Army" fled in wild con- fusion. At Pleasant Hill the Federals were re-enforced. Taylor engaged them again, with Walker and Churchill's Di- visions. The fight was heavy ; and night fell on " a drawn battle ;'' but the Federals retreated under cover of darkness, and Taylor camped on the battle-ground. That night General E. Kirby Smith joined him. Smith had answered his despatch of the previous day, before Mansfield, by an order, *' Not to fight, but to withdraw nearer Shreveport," where Smith thought he would make a better stand. The despatch came to Taylor in the midst of Mou- ton's charge. " Too late, sir," said Taylor, to the courier who brought it ; " the battle is won. It is not the first I have fought with a halter round my neck." Smith now held a consultation with Taylor. Taylor desired to prosecute his chase of Banks, feeling almost certain, from the peculiar character of the country, that he could "bag" Banks' whole army between Cane River and Red River, where there was but a narrow road crossing a distance of about seven miles, skirting an impassable swamp covered with primeval forest. Besides, he thought he would also, if he had sufticient force, capture the naval fleet, which had got above " tlie Falls'^ of the Red River. Taylor argued that these movements were most important ; that if he should capture Bank.-' array, ho 264 EECOLLECTIONS OF would almost deliver the Department of the Gulf; would forco the Federals to weaken Sherman, and thus relieve Gen. John- ston in Tennessee. Smith thought it very important to take Walker and Churchill's divisions and march to check Steele, who was threatening invasion of Texas and Louisiana from Little Rock. Taylor did not like giving up the men; at last they com- promised, Smith promising to return the troops " if Steele re- treated." Taylor now offered to command the advance against Steele. Taylor wanted to get through with Steele, and return to General Banks as soon as possible. Smith agreed. Smith now offered Taylor the rank of lieutenant- general, in consideration of his valuable services. Taylor said lie had *' rather receive his promotions from the hands of the Confederate President." Leaving Majors to fight the transports on the Red River, and Polignac and Wharton to continue the chase after Banks, Smith and Taylor took Walker and Churchill's divisions, and went to Shreveport. Now Smith de- cided it would be best to lead the march against Steele him- self. He offered Taylor the command of the Department during his absence ; but Taylor had no fancy for administrative du- ties. He wanted to get back to Banks. Smith started for Arkansas. Taylor heard that Steele had begun to retreat : he expected his men to be restored. Despatches came from Marmaduke and others, that Steele was retreating. It is probable Smith considered it safer to cripple Steele, if he could, before his return. At any rate, he pursued his march after Steele, got up with him, fought the battle of Mark's Mills, in which the Confederates lost heavily in officers, Randall and Scurry being killed there. It is doubtful, at least it was so regarded at the time in the Department, among the people, whether we were greatly advantaged by this battle of Mark's Mills, which, of course, Smith fought gallantly, if not discreetly. Taylor was growing angry now ; he left Shreveport, and went back to see how much he could annoy Banks with six thousand men. There was a skirmish at Grand Eoore. Majors sunk HENEY WATKINS ALLEN-. 265 several transports on the Red River. Taylor tried to catch Banks at Monnette's Ferry, -where was the road next the morass. The Federals were in this cul-de-sac. Taylor sent General Bee to hold the crossing below them, while he staved beiiind. The Federals tried to flank Bee : it was impossible for them ; they could not have crossed the swamp. Bee ought to have known this, but he did not ; he had not reconnoitred enough, though he had been posted three days here. Bee withdiew his troops from before the door of Taylor's trap, and the Federals marched out of it. Taylor was furious. Bee was broke for this movement. But Bee was not a coward; he was personally brave, an exceedingly cool, collected man under fire ; but he had made an irreparable mistake here. Banks blipped through Taylor's fingers. Taylor adopted all kinds of feints and subterfuges to deceive the enemy as to the number of his men. He used to have fires built up around at great distances, to simulate camp-tires ; he put drummers and bu- glers on horseback, and made them sound the calls in every direction, for miles around. He had six thousand men ; the Federals said he had "seventy-five thousand." The Federals burned Alexandria — tried to quit it by the Bayou Bceuf road — were prevented by Polignac. They then forced their way by Red River road. At Marksville, Wharton fought them. There was a brilliant cannonade for four hours here. Then Polignac opened the road, and withdrew from be- fore the column of twenty-four thousand Federals, Avith drums and fifes playing. Polignac had thirteen hundred men. At Yellow Bayou, near the Atchafalaya, Wharton had another engagement. All the Federals had crossed the river except A. J. Smith's ten thousand. Wharton attacked them, but made a mistake in strengthening his left instead of his right wing, which rested on the Bayou and held the crossing. He with- drew the troops, and massed them on the interior end of the line, and Smith slipped past him. The Federals across the At- chafalaya, Taylor's " chase" was ended. He had time now to give expression to the wrath he had been nursing against 266 RECOLLECTIONS OF Smith. Smitli behaved with more amiability than Taylor, bnt the matter ended in Taylor's removal to a separate command, east of the Mississippi River. It was a pity Taylor hadn't men to do what he desired, and believed be could accomplish. Taylor was doubtless one of the best military men we had in the Trans-Mississippi Department, and it was a misfortune when we lost him. If his desires could have been carried into effect, it might have prolonged the war. It must be remembered that General Smith had a vast extent of frontier to defend, how- ever ; an immense Department to govern and supply. The peo- ple in it were dispirited, because severed from the great heart of the Confederacy. Smith was without arsenals or military provision of any kind, except such as he could himself supply ; for the government at Richmond furnished little or nothing. There were no railroads for concentrating troops with rapidity — transportation was tedious and difficult over heavy earth- roads — ^the Department commander had throwm upon him du- ties more varied and onerous than had been devolved upon any officer in the Confederate service, east or west of the Mississippi River ; and, however unequal he may in some respects have been to fill his most difficult position, history must acknowledge that no other Confederate officer in the Trans-Mississippi De- partment was Smith's superior in general administrative quali- ties or perso?ial purity and courage. [Allen aided Gen. Smith in every possible way. He frequently loaned money at the very headquarters, from the fund he made for Louisiana. Gen. Smith can bear witness to all he did for the country. Al- len's plans were all only in embryo. The immense amount of good he accomplished, which is known to the people better than to me, was but the beginning of his work, which would have gradually been enlarged and extended, till his great thought had embraced and comforted all " his people" — until it had met and supplied all their needs, as far as a mortal could.] We see, therefore. Smith could scarcely conjecture at what point in Louisiana, Arkansas, or Texas the Federals would enter his Department. Taylor was set to watch them on HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 267 the Reel River, Magruder'in Texas, Price and Marmaduke in Arkansas. At the time Smith was endeavoring to concentrate hii troops to repel Banks, Steele began his advance upon Shreveport, from Little Rock, by way of Washington. Smith's object, now that Banks had been so happily checked by Taylor, was to prevent Steele's taking Shreveport, or joining Banks at Grand Ecore. Steele was equidistant from Camden, Grand Ecore, and the Mississippi River. Smith had made his plans to fight Banks seven miles beyond Mansfield, where he had se- lected his battle-ground, and could have concentrated a larger number of troops than Taylor had at Mansfield on the day of battle there. Taylor's judgment, perhaps his haste and impatience, brought on the battle earliei*, at Mansfield ; his skill and gallantry won it, as the same qualities had served him well at Port Republic ; but if Taylor's skill had not more than equalled his audacity, if he had lost the battle, the consequences might have been very serious to the country, and all concerned. After the battles, when a council of war was held by Smith, Taylor agreed that it was essential to fight Steele, and prevent his junction with Banks, and if possible compel Steele to return to Little Rock. Taylor selected the troops to go, and offered to lead them. Smith decided afterwards that it was best to keep Taylor on the line he knew so well, after Banks, and go in person after Steele. Whether Steele's retreat was materially hastened by Smith's following him, and fighting him at Mark's Mills, is a question for military critics. By referring to a map of the country, it will be seen that Smith was compelled, at firsts to turn against Steele to prevent the capture of Shreveport, where he had his principal arsenals and depots, and that Banks' ships being above the Falls of the Red River, some considerable time it was certain would be requisite before he could possibly return to Alexandria. Smith's troops, in crossing the Red River and driving Steele from Camden, were not going much away from Banks, but rather marching on the other side of the Red River, 268 RECOLLECTIONS OF in sucli a direction that, after accomplishing their object, they could wheel and flank Banks, cutting hiiu off from the road to Natchez, and lessening the probability of his ultimate escape from Taylor. But these combinations, which were well designed on Smith's part, were not carried out with sufiicient rapidity — Banks escaped before the junction of Smith's troops was made with Taylor's. Military men, however, may consider Smith's plan the true one for the general commanding," watchful over a whole Department, even while they acknowledge Taylor's skill and soldierly judg- ment in seizing the opportune moment, when Banks' army was necessarily divided, to scotch the head of the snake, and force him to recoil on himself. Just above Carapti, where Colonel Harrison was attacking the Federal transports, which had to pass under the very muzzles of his guns, an incident occurred worthy of notice. The Red River was so low that the boats were far beneath the high banks of the river. Finding it diffi- cult to depress his gun sufficiently to make it bear on the ves- sels, an Alabamian, named Dupree, sprang to the trail of his gun, seized it with his arms, and held it up so, by main force, at the moment of firing. Of course he was knocked senseless by the recoil of the piece ; but his shot told on the enemy, and he was satisfied to be bruised. In justice to General Smith, I insert here an article which appeared in a Louisiana journal at this time, which gives a full, and I thought at the time, a very fair account of Smith's plans, which will be curious, perhaps, hereafter, to historians, as con- temporary evidence of these matters. [It happens that the course of this story of my friend's life embraces the military career of three men who have occupied unfortunate positions, and who have met with pubfic disfavor, in this arena. I by no means desire to seize my lance, d VAmazone, in behalf of either Lovell, Pemberton, or Smith ; but writing in the shadow of the tomb of my friend, I must write truth, without thought of consequence, and after most careful research, and desire for impartiality. I write this book — ^being " 07ily a woman^^ I HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 269 maybe mistaken often in ray judgment; but I never deceive intentionally.] To the Editor oftJie Bichmond Whig : Sir — In your issue of Dec. 14, 1864, there is an editorial reflecting se- verely upon General E. Kirby Smitli. It contains several statements whicli are untrue, and is filled with errors and misconceptions respecting the late campaign in this Department. As the character of your paper forbids the belief that you would intentionally do an injustice to an ofiicer so distinguished, I have taken the liberty of writing this communication in reply to the article alluded to. You say " they (the Federals) were more prompt in making the move- ment {i. e., to re-enforce Thomas,) because they knew they had little to fear from the languid and indecisive operations of the Lieutenant-Gene- ral commanding the Confederate armies in the Trans-Mississippi De- partment." * * * You " are precluded from doubting that the failure on our part to accomplish great results was owing to the hesi- tancy and lassitude of Lieu tenant-General E. Kirby Smith. * * * An opportunity was presented last Spring for recovering New Orleans. * * * The enemy had lost all his transportation, almost all his artillery. * * * tj^q enemy's arms were most disastrously defeated at Pleasant Hill and Mansfield, by General Taylor * * -x- His flying columns were totally broken and disorganized. ^- * * Had General Taylor been jDermitted to carry out his designs, the whole of the grand army would have been captured at Alexandria." Price's failure in Missouri, Hood's in Tennessee, Early's before Washington, are all attributed, in this article, to the " lassitude" of General E. K. Smith. Why Lee and Johnston, Beauregard, Hardee, and Forrest, are exempted from the effects of Kirby Smith's " lassitude," it is difficult to under- stand. One thinks of the Grecian hosts everywhere discomfited, because Achilles lias taken the sulks. It is impossible that those who know General Smith, his devotion to duty, his purity of purpose, his restless activity, his impetuosity in action, his unflinching courage, can be made to believe that he has sunk into languor and irresolution. The friends of General Smith have heard with pain, that attacks of this character have been made upon his reputation in Richmond, and now that a public journal of the standing of your paper has seen proper to endorse them, they feel that justice to a meritorious officer, as well as a regard to truth of history, demands that they be repelled, in so far as the public inter- ests will allow. Respect for General Smith and the good of the service forbids a refutation of such absurd charges in detail, or a notice of the persons and motives which inaugurated them ; I have therefore deter- 270 RECOLLECTIONS OF mined to give a simple and succinct history of tlie campaign as it occurred in this Department last year, leaving the public to decide whether, under the trying circumstances in which he was placed, General Smith was or was not justified, in acting as he did. Take a map of the Confederate States, and starting from Forts Gibson and Smith upon the Arkansas River, following that stream to where it falls into the Mississippi ; thence down the course of that River to the junction of the Red River ; thence along the Atchafalaya to Berwick's Bay ; thence along the shore of the Mexican Gulf to Brownsville, and you have the line which separated the Confederate and United States forces in the winter of 1863-4. There was no important point against which, with his forces concentrated, General Smith could take the offen- sive, and by compelling the enemy to defend it, save our territory from invasion. The hard alternative of a defensive campaign had to be ac- cepted. The enemy, with superior numbers and illimitable means of transportation, had the initiative, making it almost inevitable that he would overpower our forces at the point chosen for attack on this long line. In the faU of 1803, General Smith had his forces disposed as fol- lows : General Taylor, with a large proportion of infantry, and Green's Division of cavalry, were on the lower Red River and Teche. General Price confronted Steele, who was at Little Rock, preparing for offensive movements towards the Red River. General Magruder guarded tlio Texas coast. General Maxey, with a mixed force of Texans and Indians, held in check about five thousand of the enemy under General Thayer at Fort Smith. Small bodies of cavalry observed the lines between these armies. During the winter General Banks massed his army on Mata- gorda peninsula, which compelled the transfer of Green's Division from Taylor to Magruder. Nearly all the v.dnter, it seemed that Banks was determined to invade Texas about tlie mouth of the Brazos ; but, after the return of Sherman from Meridian to Vicksburg, it soon became evident that a combined movement in great force by the armies under Banks and Steele, with large detachments from that of Sherman, was to be made against this Department. As there were immense naval arma- ments upon the Mississippi River, with nothing else to do, it was clear that the line of the Red River would be the line of advance of the prin- cipal column, to be supported by the gunboats, and supplied by trans- ports convoyed by them. On the 26th February instructions were given by telegraph for Green's Division to hold itself in readiness, and on the 6th March it was ordered to move with despatch to General Taylor, who was embarrassed for the want of cavalry. On the 12th March, a force consisting of portions of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth United States Corps, under command of General A. J. Smith, amounting probably to HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 271 eiglit thonsana men — dropped down from Vicksburg and disembarked at Simmsport, on tii« Atcliafalaya, With sucli secrecy and celerity wo.s tins effected, that General Taylor was unable to concentrate liis force in time to prevent Fort De Russy from being carried by assault. This ■was the only work ca,pable of controlling the navigation of Red River. Embarking his troops, A. J. Smith pressed on and occupied Alexandria, turning the flank of General Taylor, and obliging him to make a raj)id march of seventy miles through pine-barrens, to recover his communica- tions with Shreveport. At the same time Banks, assembling his army at Berwick's Bay, moved up the Teclie, and joining- A. .L Smith at Alexan- dria, assumed command of a force of at least thirty thousand men. Act- ing in conjunction, v.'as one of the most powerful fleets ever assembled upon a river. In concert with these movements below, Steele set out from Little Rock upon a line leading through Arkadelphia, Washington, and Fulton. The common objective point of these two columns was either Marshall or Shreveport. The plan of General Smith was to effect a concentration of every available man near Shreveport, before giving battle to either col- umn ; and to endeavor to so manoeuvre as to fight first one, and then the other, with th« mass of his forces. The nature of the country favored him in this, as the Red River, between Natchitoches and Shreveport, has upon either side a succession of lakes and morasses, rendering it impossi- ble for an army marching on the Sputh to form a junction with one coming from the North. As Taylor, after the arrival of Green, who had been delayed beyond expectation, had little over one-third the number of Banks, General Smith refused Steele, and marching all the infantry from Arkadelphia to Shreveport, directing General Price to harass and impede the march of Steele as best he could with his cavalry. Banks, with the aid of his transports, came on veiy rapidly. Taylor had to fall back to Pleasant Hill, where he began to receive accessions of strength by the arrival of the regiments of Green's command ; but so energetic were the movements of the enemy, a number of them had t© make a detour west of the Sabine, joining at Mansfield, to which place Taylor's main body had continued to retreat. Price's infantry, after halting a few days at Shreveport, moved out to Reddie, a point where the road coming from Mansfield diverges to Marshall and Shreveport They weie ordered to report to General Taylor, whose cavalry was now skirmishing severely with that of the enemy at Pleasant HilU General Smith calculated that it would ta.ke some days for Banks to accumulate supplies sufficient for a march upon Shreveport ; and as Steele was at the Little Missouri, he was in some doubt which column he would have to fight first. It turned out, however, that Banks pushed on with insuflScient supplies. Not an- 272 EECOLLECTIOXS OF ticipating any serious resistance till near Slireveport, lie expected to com- municate with, the fleet from Mansfield, distant from the river about fif- teen or twenty miles. He, doubtless, hoped to hear from Steele, and would then direct his army upon Slireveport or Marshall, as the intelli- gence received might determine him. General Smith now instructed General Taylor to choose a position suitable for a decisive battle to " com- pel the enemy to develop his intentions," and when " convinced that a general advance was being made," to notify him, and he would " come to the front." General Taylor, who was then in the rear of Mansfield, moved with his whole force two or three miles to the front of that place, and soon became engaged with the enemy's infantry. The reconnoissance was converted into a battle. An impetuous charge of Mouton's Division on the left, broke the ene- my's line of battle. Walker, advancing on the right, completed their rout. The road, running through a brushy country, was encumbered by a train of two hundred wagons, all of which, with twenty-odd pieces of artillery, were captured. General Taylor pressing on about six miles, came upon another army corps, which he engaged until darkness terminated the fighting for the day. Fortune had favored the valor of our troops, and justified the determination of General Taylor to engage in a battle. Two divisions of the Thirteenth Army Corps, with three or four thousand cav- alry, had been caught out of supporting distance of other corps, and had been completely overthrown. The fighting had been desperate, and the loss severe on both sides. The enemy had, hoAvever, the Nineteenth Army Corps intact, and A. J. Smith's command, amounting to another corps, untouched. Being short of supplies, with a large train captured, Banks was obliged to fall back to Grand Ecore. His trains were reversed, and he took position at Pleasant Hill, to cover the retreat. Here General Taylor, now re-enforced by the Missouri and Arkansas troops, found him on the evening of the next day, and at once attacked him. Our left was again successful in driAing him from his position, but our right was re- pulsed and routed. Many explanations have been offered of this failure, but it was doubtless owing to the good quality and overpowering num- bers of the enemy's troops. This is the key to the great misunderstand- ing of the campaign by you. Pleasant Hill is claimed as a victory, whereas it was a defeat for us. Our army fell back to Mansfield — twenty miles. The enemy also continued his retreat to Grand Ecore. Possibly if fresh cavalry had been at hand to pursue, the demoralization of the enemy might have been effected ; but all of ours was exhausted. It was just uj) from long marches through Texas, and had been constantly en- gaged, for three or four days, with little or no forage. Before our army was in condition to move from Mansfield, the enemy HENRY WATKIXS ALLEN. 273 was intrenched at Grand Ecore, and supported by gunboats. The river was low, and continually falling. The fleet, which had ascended to the jjoint of communication agreed on, found itself in a very precarious situa- tion. It had to bo lost or return, which it did, being incessantly annoyed by our cavalry and light artillery. When the battle of Pleasant Hill was fought, Steele was still advancing. He had crossed the Little Missouri with an excellent army of 15,000 men, having been joined by Thayer, from Fort Smith. This is the time when it is alleged General Smith made his great mistake in not pursuing Banks. Let us examine the reasons which determined him. It is very natural that the people, both of Louisiana and Arkansas, should think that their respective States were the most important. History teaches us also, that subordinate commanders of armies and districts, with their eyes fixed upon their own localities, and the enemy opposed to them, and with the natural desire of distinction and success, are prone to mag- nify the importance of their position, and to think that they should be especially re-enforced. But the general commanding a Department, de- pendent upon itself for its means of defence and offence, must take a survey of the whole field of action, and must decide, upon his own re- sponsibility, what is best for the whole cause. He is not to look to the winning of a battle alone, he must win campaigns. The subordinate officer is given an army and directed to operate with it for specific objects. If it is lost, the higher authority is expected to supply its place. A com- mander in General Smith's position, charged with the defence of an im- mense territory, with insufficient means, and isolated from all support, cannot lightly jeopardize an army whose loss he cannot repair, nor allow one column of an enemy to seize upon arsenals, depots, workshops, etc., although by permitting it he might win renown, or possibly inflict great loss upon him in another quarter. On the one hand. Banks, with a force double the strength of ours, was intrenched at Grand Ecore, supported by gunboats ; he had two pontoon bridges established, so that if he desired to avoid, or was worsted in an en- gagement, he could cross the river, and by marching down its left bank, or over the country to the Ouachita, at Harrisonburg, relieve himself from mo- lestation by our army. The country being destitute of supplies, it was im- possible to dislodge him by undertaking a sustained operation upon his communications. It v/ould have been simple madness to march up and assault, in its then position, the army which we had failed to whip in a fair field at Pleasant Hill. Finally, had Banks been driven to the Atcha- falaya, the campaign would have been terminated, as the gunboats con- trolled that stream. On the other hand, Steele with a force not larger than General Smith 12-^ 274 RECOLLECTIONS OF could bring against liim, had come out of his fortifications, and was now distant from tliem over one hundred miles. If he could be reached, and his infantry disordered, his army would become the prey of our cavalry. With his army would fall the fortifications of Little Rock, Pine Bluff, and Duvall's Bluff, giving us control of Northern Arkansas, where it was known we could obtain 10,000 recruits. The political organizations which the enemy was industriously establishing, would be broken up, and the way would be opened to Missouri for our infantry. Again, with Banks at Grand Ecore — stunned, it is true, but not seriously hurt — a re- newal of the advance was not improbable, either upon the original plan, or upon the norlhside of the Red River, looking to a junction with Steele, in the neighborhood of Mindeu. This would have made the combined armies irresistible. In this position of affairs, General Smith did not feel himself at liberty to allow Steele either to advance upon his depots, or to establish himself in the valley of the Ouachita. It was known that the President had almost demanded that an effort to reoccupy the valley of the Arkansas should be made. Finally, the Arkansas troops had marched vathout hesitation or a murmur to relieve Louisiana, and both they and the citizens confidently relied on the commanding General for succor, as soon as it was in his power to afford it. The Arkansas and Missouri troops, and Walker's Division of Tcsans, were brought back to Shreveport, %\ith General Taylor in command — General Poliguac being left to observe Banks. W^hen they reached Shreveport, Steele, who had hesitated at Prairie D'Au, moved by his left on Camden. Then General Smith determined to send General Taylor back to his army, while ho would command in person the column against Steele. ChurchiU was to move by the upper road upon Camden, Walker was to move to Minden and halt. General Smith hurried to General Price's headquarters near Camden, now occupied by the enemy, who were in strong works con- structed by our engineers. If Steele attempted a junction with Banks, Wallcer would be in a position to oppose it, and could be quickly joined by Churchill. If Steele crossed the Ouachita, so as not to be overtaken. Walker, followed by Churchill, would move down on the left side of the Red River, and join General Taylor in his operations against Banks. If Steele stopped at Camden, Walker would move up and assist in his capture. The day after General Smith reached General Price, the cavalry (General Maxey commanding) surprised a foraging brigade of the enemy at Poison Spring, difspersing it, capturing its train and battery. General Smith, learning that Steele had received two hundred wagons loaded with provisions from Pine Bluff, despatched General Fagan across the Ouachita River, who captured at Marks' Mill a brigade with four hun- dred wagons and a battery, all on their way from Camden to Pine Bluff. HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. *2To Tills determined the retreat of Stcel=c, wlio crosaed tlie Ouachita and fled towards Little Rock. General Smith made an extraordinary eifibrt to overtake him, sending instructions to General Fagan (who, after the battle of Marks' Mill, had gone towards Little Rock), to watch the cross- ing of the Saline, and to oppose to the last extremity the paspage of tliat a-iver. He vr&s delayed some hours in crossing the river, but by forced marches caught up with Steele on the Saline. Fortune now favored the enemy. It rained incessantly, which impeded the progress and wearied the energy of our troops. The river-bottom where the enemy was at- tacked, was filled with water, in places to the hips and waists of the men. The battle raged furiously for six or eight hours, with musketiy alone, when it was found that the enemy, abandoning his dead and wounded, had crossed the river, destroyed his pontoons, and retreated rapidly. The river now overflowed its banks, our men were entirely ex- hausted by a march of flfty-five miles and a battle, and could not pursue. Their supplies had also given out. The despatches which were sent to General Fagan had failed to reach him. To prevent his horses from starving, he had recrossed the Saline, instead of being in position to complete the ruin of Steele's army; attracted by the firing, he arrived upon the field at the close of the battle, in such a state of exhaustion as to be incapable of following up the enemy had it otherwise been practi- cable. Then General Smith had failed to accomplish what he had hoped for, but had captured from Steele ten pieces of artillery, compelling him to throw as many more into the river, near one thousand wagons, and killed and captured four thousand of his men. lie had ejected him from the valley of the Ouachita, and rendered him incapable of moving again for weeks or months to come. He was now free to use his whole force against Banks. He confidently hoped that the low stage of water in Red River would not admit of the passage of the fleet over the falls of Alex- andria, and that he would have time to reach there and engage him in decisive opemtions. The troops were moved immediately in that direc- tion, and General Walker's Division reached Alexandria one week after the enemy had evacuated the place. This division had marched, since the enemy landed at Simmsport, seven hundred miles, and had fought in three pitched battles. In the mean time, General Taylor, with great audacity, had annoyed the enemy's army and fleet as they fell back towards Alexandria, and after they reached there, had thrown a part of his little force upon the river below that place, where the enemy had been re-enforced by some 8,000 men from Texas, including two divisions of the Eighth Army Corps. There he captured transports and gunboats until they ceased to attempt to pass. The enemy had now accomplished 276 RECOLLECTIONS OF a work deemed impossible, viz. : dammed the river so as to throw the water into the channel, thereby enabling them to float over even their iron-clads. As soon as this was done, the fleet and army moved down the river to Fort De Bussj — there they separated. General Taylor was not strong enough to oppose their march, but he attacked their rear at Yellow Bayou, when a very severe fight, without results, occurred. This ended the campaign. It was necessarily defensive in its character, and when the conception of its plan, the manner in which each part of it v/as executed by those to whom it was assigned, the vast extent of territory upon which the concentration of troops had to be effected, the absence of railroad or water transportation for either the troops or supplies, the dis- parity of force, the complete failure of the enemy in effecting his objects, the loss inflicted upon him, and the moral effect upon the country is con- sidered, it must be stamped as one of the most brilliant of the war. General Smith had before, when our cause was depressed, won the ad- miration of the country by his offensive movement into Kentucky, In the Trans-Mississippi he has shown himself equally capable of con- ducting defensive operations. That while by audacious enterprise he can dissolve an enemy's combinations ; when this chance is denied him, he can also fall back patiently before overpowering numbers, until he has gathered all his energies ; so manoeuvring his army before two converg- ing columns as to bring the mass of his force to bear first against one, and then the other, defeating them both. As to there being an oppor- tunity of seizing New Orleans, I am sure that if you will seriously exam- ine the subject, you will say that it would have been as easy for General Lee to seize Fortress Monroe. As to sending re-enforcements to your Bide, or detaining the enemy upon ours, a great deal might be said, if it was proper to publish it. Certain it is, that when Hood's movement into Tennessee was being made. Price's advance into Missouri, and Magru- der's attitude in Arkansas, occupied for six weeks or two months 35,000 of the enemy. For many reasons, nothing permanent was expected from this Northern advance. It was intended as a diversion, the only aid, in the circumstances, which General Smith could render the Cis-Mississippi. Its duration, from its nature, had certain limits, and General Snath had •every reason to believe that it would correspond with Hood's movement, BO as materially to diminish the resistance which he had to encounter. In conclusion, Mr. Editor, may it not, with all respect, be doubted that your course in relation to General Smith has been dictated by an entire Bpirit of fairness ? May it not be fairly believed that you have acted hastily upon the statements of persons who designedly, and from inter- ested purposes, sought to make your paper an engine to injure him ? Is it in the proper spirit to be grumbling at the Trans-Mississippi Departs HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 277 mont, and to be attributing to its commanding ofHcer tlu failures of the Cis-ilississippi service ? Did we ever receive any aid from you in our hour of utmost need ? Did we complain because you failed to seize New Orleans, which is on your side of the Mississippi, when Banks' whole army and Porter's fleet were detained so long, far involved in tlie interior of this Department ? Have we complained that you failed to make a di- version in our favor in the supreme crisis of the campaign ? We did not ; "because we Icnew you would have done so were it in your 'power. This De- partment has sent east of the Mississippi, largely over 100,000 men, since the beginning of the war ; not one have we received in return, except of- ficers, which you either sought to promote or get rid of For two years we have not received any aid from the Cis-Mississippi in men, supplies, or arms. We have not even been furnished with treasury-notes to pay off" our soldiers, who have been marching and fighting all this while without pay. In that time. General Smith has succeeded in bringing some order out of the chaos which he found existing here. He has powder-mills, arsenals, workshops, where before there were none. The shot which repelled the enemy last year was made of iron extracted from its ore, although no mine had ever before been worked within the limits of his command. The army has been clad, shod, subsisted, and furnished with muni- tions and transportation, without any aid or direct support of the Govern- ment. Should not these facts make you pause in your denunciation ? Instead of crying to this weak Department for relief, should you not ad- mire the administration wliich has shown it to be capable of self-susten- tation ? Should you not, as we have done, bring out your men, and re- solve to hold your portion of the common lines, resting satisfied that your countrymen on this side of the Mississippi will spare no effort to aid you by re- enforcement or diversion when it is practicable to do so ? (Signed) Ti;a:?ts-Mississippi, As General Smith has been universally condemned for not sending troops east of the Mississippi, where the great battles of the war had to be fought, it is but just to say, what I know to be true, that General Tay- lor was charged by General Smith with the execution of an order to that effect, and was to take command of the troops when over the River ;■ but after manoeuvring for gome time to accomplish this object, Taylor re- ported to General Smith that he had to abandon it as entirely impracti- cable. I know this from Governor Allen, and others, who saw the com- munication from Taylor to Smith. An incident occurred, when Smith reviewed the troops be- fore the Battles of Mansfield and Pleasant Hill, whilst lie was 2<8 RECOLLECTIONS OF concentrating his forces at Shreveport, which exhibits Allen's tact and knowledge of, at least, soldiers' natures. After Smith had ridden slowly along the lines, whicli were formed in a large plat of level land near Shreveport, which duty was carefully performed on his part, while the review was received by the men without any exhibition of special liking— there was no en- thusiasm for Smith among the troops — suddenly there arose at the extreme end of the lines, which Smith had quitted, a loud huzza. This was caught up, repeated ; line after line, swelled the jtrodigious shout most warmly. There was no lack of enthusi- asm in this greeting ; the cause soon became apparent, as the General completed his survey. By Allen's suggestion, the hun- dreds of carriages, containing the ladies, who had thronged to the review, were slowly formed in procession, and driven along the ranks. It was difficult to say which were the more pleased, the ladies or the men. It was equally unexpected, and equally gratifying to both. The women waved their handkerchiefs, threw their flowers, their prayers, their blessings and their tears towards the men about to risk their lives for their sakes ; and the soldiers were moved to a rapturous enthusiasm at the sight of hundreds of their sisters, wives, mothers, friends, thus slowly passed before their eyes. They did not fight the worse, shortly after, for being '•'■ reviewed by the ladies.^'' Allen knew they wouldn't. General Parsons tells, that when his troops were coming in- to Louisiana, at the instance of the soldiers themselves, an offi- cial order was read, at the head of each regiment, declaring that any soldier who should so far forget his manhood, and what was due to Louisiana, and her '•''glorious Governor^'' as to appropi'iate any thing unjustly, or to disgust the people in any way, should " be missed from the rolls without a discharge," — in other words, be taken out and shot. They knew the spirit of the Governor had been infused into the people, and that noth- ing would be left undone to contribute to their necessities. When all other organizations had been dissolved, these troops stood firm, protecting the Govei-nor and the people to the last. HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 279 In their shameful retreat, Banks' army burned and destroyed every thhig, as far as they could. They left nothing bat "the blackness of ashes" behind them. " From Mansfield to the Mississippi River," said Allen, in a message, " the track of the spoiler was one scene of desolation. The fine estates on Cane and Red rivers, on bayous Rapides, Robert, and De Glaize, were all devastated. Houses, gins, mills, barns, and fences were burned ; negroes all carried off, horses, cattle, hogs, every living thing, driven away or killed. Whilst Alexandria was in flames, and women and children flying from their burning homes, General A. J. Smith rode amongst his men, saying, with delight, *' Boys, this looks like tear r One year ago, in returning from Texas, I travelled over the imfortunate region known as " the Burnt District.'''' In one of Allen's messages, he accurately describes the appearance it pre- sented : " You can travel for miles, in many portions of Louisiana, through a once thickly-settled country, and not see a man, nor a woman, nor a child, nor a four-footed beast. The f^rm-houses have been burned. The plantations deserted . The once smil- ing fields now grown up in briers and brakes, in parasites and poisonous vines. A painful melancholy, a deatli-like silence, broods over the land, and desolation reigns supreme." The afliicted people who had fled from this district were starving. All these were now added to Allen's already crushing responsi- bilities. The following notice of what he did, is taken from a Katchitoches paper : Honor to our Governor. — No public notice has yet been taken of tlie State supplies of provisions furnished by Governor Allen to the destitute, and those in better circumstances, who had suffered by the Yankee inva- sion. His very prompt and liberal efforts in this way, demand a public acknowledgment, which it is the object of this article to make. Vast good has been done in this and in the parish of Rapides, especially by this bounty. Early in May last, Governor Allen had loaded two boats with corn, bacon, flour, and sugar, destined for this parish, without solicitation, and in anticipation of the wants of those who lived along the patli of 280 RECOLLECTIONS OF the enemy. Contemporaneously, our citizens liad applied by petition for sucli relief, tliougli their application was made without a knowledge of the prudent foresight of the Governor, then being exerted in their be- half. As much as near fifteen thousand pounds of flour, five thousand pounds of sugar, seven thousand pounds bacon, and five thousand barrels of corn, were received, and either given to the destitute, or sold for such prices as they could aiford to pay, to those who were able to pay. Along the line of march of the enemy from Mansfield to the mouth of Cane River, and along the river from above Campte to the same point, the enemy had taken or destroyed nearly every eatable thing, and v/hat little they left, our own pursuing troops generally appropriated. Tlius, those who had laid up abundant supplies for the season, suddenly found them- selves deprived of their last ear of corn and pound of bacon by either one army or the other. Starvation literally stared this part of our pop- ulation in the face, and the bounty of the State came very opportunely. Every one, without exception, that asked, has been relieved according to his wants and according to his means, by gift, or by sale at moderate prices. Simultaneously with the provisions came medicines, of common use, which, though a slender stock, have been dispensed to all comers re- quiring their immediate use for their sick, by gift or by sale, and have done an immense amount of good. Indeed, without them, our sick would have languished and died, in many cases, amongst the numerous instances of sickness that prevails so much among us. Unfortunately, in a few days this stock will have been expended, and cannot be renev/ed, as we learn on application, because the State has not got them. Other expedients to procure a supply by the State for distribution, than those already tried, and which have failed, will soon be put in the way of ex- ecution, witli prospects of success. Should these fail, however, our com- munity will be really in a bad way for remedies in the severe fevers of autumn, such as quinine, blister-salve, etc., which the drug-stores have not got, and which private enterprise cannot procm-e. The governor has also pressed, at reasonable prices, for our use, some beeves purchased in Opelousas, which are now furnishing our market. But we must not parade all his beneficent acts before the public, or we shall cause to blush his modesty, which is as great as his zeal in the pub- lic service. In a word, he has shown himself ever ready to relieve the wants of the people, no matter in what respect felt, and Ms constituents now fully appreciate his character in this particular, and do him the honor such conduct deserves. P. In the winter of 1864, the very serious intention of destroy- ing all the cotton in the State of Louisiana exposed to Federal HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 281 capture and invasion, was entertained by General Smith. Thia had been the declared policy of the Government, from the be- ginning of the war — as events pl'oved, a most mistaken policy. In 18G2, all of the planters on the water-courses exposed to inva- sion, had burnt their cotton. This was done in obedience to or- ders cheerfully obeyed by the people, who were perfectly wil- ling to sacrifice their wealth, as well as their lives, to attain or rather to retain, as they supposed, their liberties. For it ought never to be lost sight of, that the South had no wish to change its Republican form of government : we were still desirous of being governed by the rules of our fathers : we thought we were about to be robbed of our rights, 7iot according to the Constitution of the United States, hut in violation of it. In the Constitution framed so carefully for the Confederacy, there is no violent alteration of that of the United States, but simply the fuller definition of some portions, in the original document, Avhich were declared indefinite, and which had been wrested by our bitter opponents, the Radical Abolition Partisans, from what we conceived their rightful meaning, and used to our seri- ous injury and detriment. For the sustaining of oxir interpreta- tion of Republicanism, the Southern people withheld nothing. In 1862, I stood on the balcony of my then pleasant home, and saw the volumes of smoke ascending on every side, for miles and miles, which marked the spots where the planters were burning their crops of cotton, in obedience to Beauregard's or- der, in the foce of the gunboats ascending the Mississippi River. Many of the plantations were nearly entirely submerged by the breaking of the Levee. One gentleman boated his cotton, 550 bales, from his gin-house to an Indian mound, the only spot upon his place that was dry, and burnt it there, on that tumu- lus of a buried race. This all seems very strange now, but we were desperately in earnest at that time ! This cotton-burning was then the policy of the Confederate Government. When Smith determined to carry out this cotton burning in Louisiana, Allen opposed it. He had carefully weighed this matter. How was it to be prevented ? Allen could not do it by 282 RECOLLECTIONS OF force ; but he could and did protest against it, in every possible way. He addressed the following letter to General Smith : SHREVEroRT, La., December 21, 1864. General E. Kirby Smith, Commanding Trans- Mississippi Department : General — It becomes my official duty to communicate to you my very respectful, but earnest and emphatic protest and remonstrance against the proposed destruction of all cotton on tlie Ouachita, and in other sec- tions of this State, liable to the incursions of the enemy. While doing this, I do not ignore the requirements of that military necessity which sometimes renders imperative, acts which work great hardship to the few for the benefit of the many ; but knowing you to be especially averse to the commission of arbitrary acts of power on any pre- text, or for any object, and fully aware of your extreme reluctance to do what can be justified only by the plea of necessity, so often alleged as an excuse for wholesale spoliation and robbery, I feel assured that you will accept my remonstrance in the spirit which dictates it, and heed the rea- sons wliich constrain me to make it. 1. A government has the right to destroy its own property, to prevent its being possessed and used by the enemy ; but this right is strictly lim- ited to government property. If it is necessary to keep private property out of the hands of the enemy, government should buy and pay for it, thus placing its right to destroy it beyond question. 2. If it is right to destroy a citizen's cotton to keep it out of the hands of the enemy, it is equally right to destroy any and all other property of the citizen which the enemy can steal and use. But the Federals have generally stolen and used the bread, meat, stock, furniture, and clothing, of our citizens, and found the theft more profitable to them individually, and more serviceable in a military way, than stealing cotton. If, there- fore, you burn the cotton to keep it out of their hands, why should you not burn their corn-cribs, their barns, their stacks of grain and fodder, their houses and their household goods ? 3. No apparent benefit has resulted from the destruction of cotton after the first year of the war, and there is much room to doubt its benefit at any time. If the Federals only wanted cotton, they know they could get a hundred times as much by peace as they can expect to get by raids, the war continuing. 4. If to procure cotton, it is supposed the enemy -will organize largo corps, with a numerous attendant fleet to ascend our rivers and invade our Western Territory, the Cotton might be judiciously left as a bait for them. Cotton is supposed to have influenced General Banks to invade this State in March and April last — a diversion of the Federal forces^ HENEY WATKINS ALLEN". 283 wliicli contributed immensely to our great success in the now closing campaign of 1864. A similar Federal diversion in 1865, would be cheaply bought at the cost of every bale of cotton West of the Mississippi. 5. The cotton which it is proposed to burn, is mainly the property of the producers, and is owned in small quantities by those whose grain, meat, cattle, mules, horses, and all other means of subsistence have been lost, impressed, captured, or destroyed. The inhabitants cannot move, for want of transportation. If their cotton, their only remaining resource, is destroyed by you, they must, in the event of invasion, starve or beg from the enemy, and receive Yankee rations at the cost of the oath of allegiance to Lincoln. Will you reduce them to this extremity ? Is it not better that a few speculators should make money, than that thou- sands of widows, orphans, and destitute citizens should suffer ? 6. The fact that large quantities ot cotton in the Ouachita Valley have been acquired by the Confederate States Government, and sold to Yankee agents, is well known. This cotton was bought mainly from large owners, whether producers or traders, who are enjoying the results of their sales. It will, therefore, be all the more odious and oppressive to destroy the cotton of small proprietors, who have little else to exchange for their current necessities. If the procuring of army supplies justified the sale of cotton to Federals (as I believe), it cannot surely be criminal for the poor people who own a few bales of cotton, to sell it for food, when they have no other resource. If disloyal men, or speculators of doubtful loyalty to our cause, have accumulated cotton on the Ouachita, and held it in anticipation of the invasion of the Federals, it would be right to take it, pay for it, and when necessary destroy it. There would be different opinions about the policy of this course, but not about its j ustice. I have the honor to be, General, with great respect, your most obedient servant, Henky W. Allen, Governor State of Louisiana. It is very apparent that the pteople of Louisiana are indebted to Governor Attends firmness for every bale of cotton savedj amounting in value to millions of dollars ! They thus owe to his wisdom and right judgment whatever foundation of future prosperity is left them — the means to begin life anew! " Tout homme est capable de faire du bien a un homme ; mais c'est ressembler aux dieux que de contribuer au bonheur d'une societe entiere." — Lettres Persanes. 28^ RECOLLECTIONS OF Allen's plans were developing every day. The results of his wise, efficient, and beneficent administration were felt throngh- out the whole Ti'ans-Mississippi Department, and would have gone on ripening, creating resources, adding every day to the comfort and prosperity of the people committed to his care. In the peculiarity of the position in which he was placed, he had nearly arbitrary power. The people idolized him! If the blessings of the poor could give soft slumbers, his head ought to have rested very quietly on the pillow of his hard couch — a plain deal bed, which did not even boast a coverlet. His style of living w^as as simple as it could be. The last blow was struck. General Lee surrendered his army at Appomattox Court House. Allen had been gloomy, and filled with apprehension as to the result of our struggle, for months before the last act of the tragedy was played, and the curtain fell on the great drama of the Confederacy. I saw a letter which he wrote and sent by General Polignac to a distinguished person in France — in which he expressed the most anxious fears, unless there should be for- eign intervention in behalf of the Confederacy (Allen gave me the letter to read) ; but yet he went on about his duties as seemingly calm and self-controlled, with as much energy and interest, as if he had been ignorant that a few days would end it all ; that the sword of Damocles would soon break, by its increasing w^eight, the slender thread by which it was sus- pended, and fall with mortal stroke upon his defenceless head, and— what was harder still to bear, and yet to live — with a de- structive power on the hearts and hopes of" his people." Impelled by affairs of urgent necessity, I was in Shreveport, a guest at the house of Governor Allen, when the last hours of the Confederacy were being numbered. He was living in a small frame house, containing but three rooms, which were oc- cupied by himself and his aids. One of the gentlemen resigned his apartment to me, as they had no guest-chamber in the lim- ited menage ; but a roof, a fire, and any sort of food, were lux- uries to Confederate men and women in those days. We, HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 285 wliose homes had been as luxurious ahnost as the palaces of Europe, Avhose clothing had been silks and jewels, whose feet, never touched the rough earth, were ijamiliar now with tents and camps by the roadside, a blanket spread on the bare earth, and all the privations of refugee life. Our locks had often been wet with the drops of night, or parched under the glowing August sun, on the wide prairies. We were familiar with hun- ger and thirst, and heat and cold. We had drawn our man- tles around us, and sat patiently under trees, as the rain beat upon ns and the storms raved about ns. We had seen the rude, rough side of life — we required but little for our enter- tai'i-nent. The Governor lived with the extremest simplicity. Bat he and his aids had arranged my temporary apartment with the most tender consideration — the few luxuries of the house were concentrated there. It was kept supplied with flowers and books during my visit. Every delicate courtesy and thoughtful attention, that Southern men could pay to a woman, was quietly and considerately rendered me. But even with this earnest desire to make me comfortable, every thing was scrupulously plain, no luxury admitted to the table except the native truffle, which an old Frenchman near Natchitoches sent the Governor, and " a cup of coffee^'' once a day. And yet Allen might have commanded every comfort, had he cho- sen to do so, through his trains, which were continually run- ning to the Rio Grande. But his only luxury was doing good to " his people." He continued this to the very last moment of his stay among them. How shall I write now coldly of those last days of agony, and a prostration of spirit, which is scarcely to be conceived by any but a participant and sufterer in those dreadful hours — that terrible sorrow ! Death would have been gladly welcomed by many of us. We envied the dead — our dead — dead on the battle-fields of the Confederacy. The remembrance of them, our cold, silent, beloved ones, mould- ering into dust, wrapped still in the gray uniform of the Southern army, with ghastly wounds yawning, from which the life-blood had been so freely poured on their precious, dear land, forced 286 RECOLLECTIOKS OF the moan from our lips, tlie tears in torrents from our eyes! Days of horror in experience! Days of darkness, hopelessnes;*, despair! We lay dumb, helpless, prostrate — most of us — in those fearful hours of anguish ! — when we felt as if even God had failed us, and wrong was set above right in the very courts of Heaven ! There was not a ray of light apparent to us in the future. We knew nothing, to encourage us, of the great man called in the pro- vidence of God to take the reins of government in his hands, and lighten by his wondrous firmness the burden of grief and despair that would else have crushed us to the earth, and blot- ted out our very existence as States. We have learned to thank God for Andrew Johnson, but we did not know him then. We were without hope, without faith, without God. We raised, in the depths of our wretchedness the cry of the deserted Saviour — "'E/lw/, 'EA-wt, Xafid aajSaxOavL'^ "The sentiment that attends the sudden revelation that all is lost, is silently gathered up into the heart. It is too deep for gestuies or for words. The voice perishe.«, the gestures are frozen, and the spirit of man flies back upon its own centre." It is necessary to speak of these emotions, to explain in some degree the peculiar position in which Allen was placed. In the midst of these surging billows of feeling, this deep ground-swell of the storm that had passed over us, Allen was inehrcmlaUe. Not that he did not sufi*er — he did. He realized in all its humil- iation and bitterness, the fate that lay before the country and be- fore him. He knew that poverty and exile would be his lot. His friends had become convinced that he would be arrested and imprisoned if he remained in the country. AYith the exception of one or two, they all urged his going away. His health was not strong, his affections were. The weakness of the one and the power of the other, equally induced him to prefer to share the fate of his people, and stay at home if he could. I thought it unworthy and unnatural in him to fly, and never ceased to urge his remaining quietly where he was, and biding his fate. Colonel Sandidge took the same veiw that I did, but - HENKY WATKINS ALLEN. 2ST we were alone in our opinion. Allen set himself to vvork now, to see what could be done to make terms for the people, at any rate, leaving his own fate in abeyance. It was believed by many, and hoped by nearly all, that Mr. Davis would cross the Mississippi River and come to Texas. If he had done so, there would have been a stand made, still, in that Department. There was still an army of nearly one hundred thousand men under arms here, and this would have been joined by probably as many more from the East. Most of the men who deserted at the last moment before the surrender, would have tried to have got- ten over. All the " exchanged jt9ri5o;iers" would have come. I know men of high official distinction, who hid their horses in the inpenetrable swamps for three weeks, after Lee's surrender, lioping to hear Mr. Davis had crossed the river. General E. Kirby Smith, at the head of the Department, resolved to defend it still, if he could. He did not feel justified to surrender with- out an order from Mr. Davis. He resolved, therefore, to fight to the last extremity — that to yield where there was not even a foe to receive the surrender, was too disgraceful. He rejected the demand for the surrender of the Department, and issued an appeal to the soldiers to stand by their colors. The Commissioners from the Federal General were to quit Shreveport, with. Smith's cartel of defiance. They were to leave on Saturday morning, on flag-of-truce boat, for the mouth of the Red River. Allen stopped them, invited them to his house, had a long interview with them. He thought it would be foolish and reckless to refuse reasonable terms of peace, and bring an invasion of the whole Federal army into Louisiana, and devastate the State more than it was already desolated. In this matter the two men, Allen and Smith, seemed, for the moment, to have changed characters. Allen, we know, had by nature a disposition to fight at a word — certainly was never inclined to back out of any difficulty ; but care, and love for the people, made him prudent and circum- spect beyond his usual impulses ! So long as there was a hope of successful resistance, he had urged the people on, with the 28S RECOLLECTIONS OF most fieryy the most inflaming utterances of his impetuous temperament. He had done every thing — said, written, spoken every thing he could, to nerve their hearts and strengthen their courage. But now, when subjugation, he saw, was inevitable, that they must submit to the decree of irreversible fate, he tried to soften the blow as much as he could. He threw him- self in the way before them, to shield them, even in drinking the first bitter drops of this cup of humiliation ! Allen's con- duct at this time is above all praise. It is impossible to behold him here, without feelings of unspeakable admiration. To those who thought they knew him best, the grandeur of soul he now displayed was unexpected and surprising. Where did he acquire his foresight, calmness, prudence, at this crisis ? We were mute with astonishment ! Allen wouldn't let the Commissioners leave with the words of scornful defiance. He begged Colonel Sprague " to wait a day." He took his ambu- lance, and went to see General Smith at ten o'clock that night. He offered to go himself to Washington City, to Grant, to try and make reasonable terms for the Department. The inter- view ended in Smith's inviting the Commissioners to remain over the called meeting of the Governors of the difierent States of the Department, which was to take place on the fol- lowng Monday. General Smith had written this letter : Headquartebs, Trans-Mississippi Department, ) Shreveport, La., May Wi, 1865. ) Gentlemen — The surrender of General Lee, and tlie perilous situation of the armies in North. Carolina and Alabama, seem to preclude the pro- bability of successful resistance in the States east of the Mississippi. The army under my command yet remains strong, fresh, and well equipped. The disparity of numbers, though great between it and our enemies, may be counterbalanced by valor and skill. Under these cir- cumstances, it is my purpose to defend your soil, and the civil and poli- tical rights of our people, to the utmost extent of our resources, and to try and maintain untarnished the reputation which our soldiers have so nobly won in many fields. In order, however, to accomplish this great object, it will require the perfect concord of the civil and military autho- rities, the application of all our energies, and the united and devoted Bupport of the people HEITBY WATKINS ALLEI57. 289 Tho Trans-Mississippi Department is so separated from tlio States on the eastern side of the Mississippi that communicatioi: is suspended. Since the evacuation of Richmond, the seat of Government of the Con- federate States has not been fixed, and it may be transferred to iho vrestorn side of the Mississippi. It is impossible to confer with the Presi- dent so as to meet the exigencies of the times, and questions of grave political importance beyond my military authority may arise, and require prompt decision. Intending to uphold the authority of the Confederate Government by arms, to the utmost, I yet feel that I should carefully avoid any appearance of usurping functions not intrusted to my discre- tion. Under these circumstances, I esteem it my duty to consult you in the absence of the President, as the Chief Magistrates of the States within the Department, touching such important matters as are not embraced in my powers as Commanding General, and as may conduce to the com- mon defence and w^elfare. I have therefore requested you to assemble in conference, when I will furnish any information in my power which may be useful in your deliberations ; and without proffering suggestions, ask you to indicato such policy as you may deem necessary to maintain with honor and suo cess the sacred cause in which we are engaged. I have the honor to remain, gentlemen, your obedient servant, E. KiRBY Smith, General. To tlieir Excellencies : IIenrt W. Allen, Governor of Louisiana ; Pendleton MuKRAii, Governor of Texas ; H. Flanagln, Governor of Arkansas ; Thomas C. Keynolds, Governor of Missouri. The Commissioners yielded to Allen s request, and with the consent of General Smith, agreed to wait at Shreveport until after the meeting at Marshall. On the 15th day of May, 1865, the convention of Governors took place. Murrah, being suddenly taken ill, en route, was represented by Guy M. Bryan, his agent. They united in transferring all power on their several parts to Allen, request- ing him to act in behalf of the whole Department. Allen was to ask safe conduct from Grant, and to go to Washington to surrender the Department. During these sad days, I had a daily letter from him containing details of all that was tran- spiring about and around us. I insert a copy of the letter of the Governors to Allen. 13 290 RECOLLECTIONS OF Marshall Texas, 13tli May, 1865. To His Excellency Henry W. Allen, Qoiernor of Louisiana : Sir — \Yitli a view to making a complete pacification of the Trans- Mississippi Department, we request you to visit the United States autho- rities. You are fully possessed of the views of each of us in writing, and we confide in your patriotism and ability. Trusting to your judgment, we will sustain your engagements in the premises. We are. Sir, very respectfully yours, (Signed) H. Flanagin, Governor of Arkansas. Thomas C. Reynolds, Governor of Missouri. I concur in the above. (Signed) Guy M. Bryan, Agent State of Texas, &c. In one of his letters from Marshall, he says; "These people overwhelm me with kindness, invitations, serenades — every demonstration of affection and interest. It brings tears to my eyes to see how my feeble efforts to do my duty are acknowl- edged and appreciated." He addressed the soldiers here, by invitation of the military authorities, entreating them to stand by their colors a little longer. These troops did remain steadfast. There was begin- ning to be terrible demoralization in the army. It was gener- ally felt that the struggle was ended. The men did not want to be surrendered. The army began to melt away, to disband in a very disgraceful manner. General E. Ivirby Smith, a most excellent and amiable gentleman, sincere, upright, and pious, a dashing soldier in the field — certainly a man of personal cour- age and high probity — never had been popular with either peo- ple or soldiers. He was almost too gentle and retiring for his position — too facile and yielding to the impudent and importu- nate demands of often unworthy Subordinates. In a letter which Allen sent to President Davis in 1864, he says of Smith : *' I am happy to state that, thus far, the best under- standing has always existed between the State and Confederate military authorities, the commanding general exercising his almost dictatorial powers with great caution and discretion. I HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 291 have always fonnd Generals Smith and Taylor, when called upon, disposed and ready to correct, as far as in their power, any abuses ; but in many instances the quartermaster's depart- ment, or the officers managing the same, seem to he beyond their reach., and full supervision cannot be had. I do not know that power could be intrusted to abler and worthier hands than theirs." General Smith had always found the Trans-Mississippi De- partment such a bed of roses as Guatemozin's, certainly not made of the blossoms of Sybaris. We say boldly that it was fortunate for the lohole country (since Mr. Davis did not get over the Mississippi River) that Henry AY. Allen happened to be Governor of Louisiana at this epoch. God only knows loliat he spared the country, for Grant's whole army would have been in Louisiana and Texas in a few weeks, liad the Cominis- sione7'S left Shreveport on Saturday. If Mr. Davis had gotten over, I think the people would have rallied around him, Allen at their head. Taylor would have tried to have gotten over. There would have been a rush for the western side of the river. Judging from what I saw and knew, I believe this sincerely. But whether the struggle would not have been only a prolon- gation of a more deadly, bloody strife, to be finally crushed by overpowering weight of numbers, I do not know. There was no hope of foreign aid. Mr. Davis did not get over. Henry TFI Allen — he alone — spared the people, and saved further bloodshed and desolation of the South ! I confidently appeal to every officer in command in the Trans-Mississippi, to say if these things were not so. Buckner, who had but lately come into the Department, and whose recent experience of a Federal prison had not made him desirous of further occupation of what the Confederates called " Uncle Sam's boarding-houses," had resolved, if not pa- roled, to go to Mexico. He did not attempt to exert any in- fluence in these matters. The Missouri officers, believing they would be expatriated, had determined to withdraw with their troops, in a body, across the Rio Grande. They came to Allen, 292 EECOLLE(?TIONS OF and entreated him to lead them. He told them his civil duties Avould preclude his departu!-e at so early a date as tliey wished to go, but that he would probably be compelled to join ihein afterwards. The soldiers made him the wildest proposilious. They proposed to seize on the Department, and make him dic- tator — any thing he pleased. While smiling at their enthusi- astic devotion, he rebuked it. These wild petitions reaching the ears of his most- intimate friends, they were exceedingly amused in the midst of their anxieties, and teased the Gover- nor by calling him *'• the Emperor," and appointing themselves to posts of honor in the imaginary imperial court, giving them- selves fanciful titles, and sometimes forcing a smile to his weary lips by their playful railleries. The Missouri officers then wanted Buckner to lead them. He thought of it, but changed his intention for good reasons, afterwards — finding he and they would be unmolested incUvid- ualli/. I give here a memorandum of Reynolds, which he made for the Marshall Conference. Marshall, Texas, 10th May, 1865. The position of the Missourians, both in tlie army and in civil life, in tliis Department, is this : The people and authorities of the territory held by the Confederacy should decide whether they will continue the war. If it is to be continued, we will stand by them faithfully to the last. Should the war be discontinued, we desire time and facilities and sup- plies to leave the country with our personal property. Thomas C. EETifOLDS, Governor of Missouri. Marshall, Texas, May 13, 18Go. Memorandum : We advise General E. Kirby Smith, commanding the Trans-Mississippi Department, to accept the following terms, in order that peace may be restored to the country. 1. On or about the day of , that the Commanding General will disband his armies in this Department. Officers and men to return immediately to their former homes, or such as they may select, within the now existing lines of the Confederate States or the United States ; and there to remain as good citizens, free from all disabilities and restored HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 293 to all tliG rights of citizenship. The United States troops and authorities not to advance within the Confederate lines till after that day. 2. Guarantees to be given that no otHcer, non-commissioned officer, private, or citizen, shall be prosecuted in any courts for cffouces com- 'ir-itted against the United States during this war. 3. That permission be granted to all persons (officers civil and military), soldiers and citizens, to leave this Department within days, through its ports or boundaries, with their arms and effects, unmolested, and go to any place, State, or country, beyond the limits of the United States. 4. That the present State Governments in this Department noAv in arms against the United States authority, be recognized until Conventions can be called with the view of finally settling any and all conflicts be- tv/een the people of the respective States. 5. That on or before the day of , all military authority shall be surrendered to the several States, and that each State shall keep and retain number of men to act as a guard to preserve good order, and to protect the lives and other property of the people. That a safe- guard, to extend for days, be granted the officers of state and others, to leave the country, in case they should wish to do so. The above terms will be acceptable to the people of Louisiana. Henry W. Allen, Governor of Louisiana. The Federal Commissioners now departed, bearing with them this olive-branch, instead of the gauntlet of war. They considered the demands of the Confederates as only just and reasonable, and thought they would be granted. They Avei'e to send back a safe conduct for Allen to go to Grant's head- quarters, or to Washington city, to surrender the Department, since Smith refused to do so in his military capacity. Allen liad resolved to save the people ; but he had also now resolved to quit the country, as soon as terms were obtained and he could resign his trust. He was now impressed with the con- viction, that as far as he was individually concerned, no favor would be extended him. 27iis was written liim from' New Orleans. From east of the Mississippi, CDeryhody insisted upon it^ except Colonel Sandidge, Ex-Lieutenant-Governor, and myself. We, unfortunately, were left greatly in the minority. He wrote me; 29i RECOLLECTIONS OF Shbeveport, May 17tli, I860. * * ** * * * ** The Federal Commissioners have left to-day. The Convention of Gov- ernors, as I wrote you from Marshall, agreed to appoint me as their agent to settle all difficulties. General Smith has also delegated me to arrange terms of peace. I shall await here the invitation of the Federal authorities, and proceed to General Grant's headquarters in a week or ten days. In the mean time there will he a cessation of all hostilities. I would advise all who intend to live under Federal rule to return to their homes with their property of all kinds, for the war is over. * * -^ I shall stay at the helm of state just as long as I am needed by my people ; and then I shall seek a home as an exile in a strange land. •Sf * * -K- vr w * * -X- It is probable we will never meet again ; for within the next sixty days I shall in all probability be on my way to Mexico. But wherever I may be, you shall always have the high esteem, warm affection, and devoted friendship of Henry \V. Ali^ek. By this time the wildest rumors prevailed throughout the country. Conflicting reports of Smith's resolution to fight on, and Allen's to surrender, produced great confusion of thought and tongues. The soldiers took the alarm, and began to disband by hundreds in open daylight. Their oflicers lost all power to con- trol the men. The soldiers were infuriated with rage and dis- appointment. They had not been paid for a long time, owing, they believed, to the carelessness, negligence, cupidity, or ras- cality of the quartermasters. Millions of dollars of Confederate new issue was found, in the general pillage of governmental de- pots and Quartermasters' posts, which now ensued ; as well as great boxes of ready-made clothing, which had been left there, inadvertently, perhaps, by a class of men who, with honorable exceptions, appeared to be the leeches sucking away the life- blood of the army in the Trans-Mississippi Department, by their incapacity, negligence, or corruption. The soldiers were more angry than ever, when these things were discovered. They thought they had been allowed to become ragged and naked in the midst of abundance. They had been deprived of their HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 295 pitiful pay, unnecessarily, it seemed. Tiiey now robbed all the government stores and depots, distributing the contents as fairly and equitably as tliey could, among themselves. They considered ^his only justice to themselves; that these articles were govern- mental property, and that they had a right to them, as their pay was in arrears. They were mad, but " there was method in their madness." There was little pillage oi private property. It was only public they attacked. A foot-sore and weary soldier might occasionally helji himself to a stray horse or mule if he en- countered them on the road ; or sometimes steal one out of the pastures of a planter, or off the prairies where they were grazed ; or he would stop an officer in his ambulance and "jay-hawk" part of the team, — sometimes the whole of it, — leaving their former superiors to get along as they could ; but this was rare. The fierce, strong women too, in some counties in Texas, gath- ered together in bands, broke into depots of sugar and army stores, with weapons in their hands, helping themselves to cloth, coffee, sugar, and luxuries, to which they had long been straur gers. The soldiers were much exasperated against General Smith. They would almost have killed him, if they had been able, as innocent as he was of any crime against them or his country. He had done all he could, in such a rough state of affairs. He was not a strong man, in any setise ; but a true, brave man, and a gentleman. Smith was sent for, to go to Houston, to try and hold the army together there. He left Buckner in command at Shreveport. The army in Louisiana took the infec- tion of disbanding. Buckner sent for Allen to come to Natchito- ches to address Hay's troops, who were demoralized. Allen went immediately ; he met the last division near Mansfield, marching homewards. He stopped them, addressed them, making a most pathetic appeal to them. Some officers present have de- scribed this scene to me. Allen was nearly weeping ; the men were sobbing, crowded around him. When he concluded his ad- dress, they said, " Governor Allen, why didn't you tell us this one week ago — not a man would have left his colors ; 2ce have confidence in youy 296 eecolleStions of Allen turned sadly back to Shreveport. At Hempstead, a party of twenty-five young men volunteered to escort and pro- tect Genei-al Smith to Houston. They did not consider his life safe on the high-roads. The Missouri troops remained faithful. They surrounded Allen's house with a guard, by day and night ; not that there was any danger for him anywhere — there was none ; but they loved him, and watched over him to the last. They found now that they would be permitted to return home; so, with the exception of three hundred under Shelby, they all resolved to stay. They sent a deputation to Buckner and other officers, to inform them " that they would not go either to Texas or Mexico ; that they had fought for the Confederacy, were still ready to fight for it, so long as a man remained, but if the country was to be given up, they intended to surrender like soldiers, and their officers should stai/ loith them /'^ Generals Price and Buckner left Shreveport for New Orleans, to surrender the Department. Whilst Allen icas on his mission to 3Iansfield^ he had travelled all night to get there in time to meet the troops. He returned the same evening of the Generals' departure?^ He considered his task now ended — his duty fulfilled. There was no longer any use for him to remain in Louisiana. His negotiations through the Federal Commissioners were rendered unnecessary ; his own friends were urgent for his departure. News came of the arrest of some of the Executives east of the Mississippi. His friends grew still more alarmed. His last act olpower was character- istic. During the absence of General Buckner, a large number of Federal prisoners had been brought to Shreveport from Tyler, Texas, to be forwarded to New Orleans, or mouth of Ked River. Colonel Fagan, in command, had no means at his control to pay the expenses of their transportation. Governor Allen had one hundred bales of cotton belono-inof to the State,, wliich lie could still command. He turned this cotton over to General Fagan, to enable him to send the prisoners forward. This cotton General Fagan was never able to return. His gratitude was w^armly expressed to Governor Allen. HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. ' 297 [Colonel Sandiclo-e made application to General Hevron for the return of tliis cotton, belonging to the State of Louisiana, out of the Confederate cotton that had been transfened to tlie State, seized by the United States ; but his application met Avith no favor. This hundred bales of cotton had been reserved by Allen for the use of the destitute people of Avoy- elles, Avhich was utterly desolated.] Still careful of " his people," Allen requested, and received from General Smith, a box, containing the receipts and vouchers for all cotton deliv- ered that could be claimed by the Confederate States Govern- ment fi'om the citizens of Louisiana, " so that there need be no If nj list seizure on the part of the succeeding State or Federcd Governments^ of cottons already delivered^ or that were not justly due to either Government f This box he sealed with his own and the State seal, and left it, witii all the State papers, properly arranged and filed, in the hands of Colonel Sandidge. The fate of these papei's can be seen by the let- ters in the Appendix to this sketch. Allen was now ready to go. He wrote me the following letter, published his part- ing address, and quitted Shreveport forever, on the 2d of June. ExEcrxivE Mansion, SlTREVEPOKT, JuilC Ist, 18G5. ITij Dearest Friend : I send you tliis by my friend and private secretary, Mr. Ilalsey, "who leaves to-day for Crockett, to spend some time with Governor Moore's fam- ily. He w^ill toll you all. I shall wait till tlie very last moment. It is truly melancholy to think of our sad fate. I am just beginning to re alize it. Oh my country ! if my life could save thee, how cheerfully would I yield it up ! I want to see you so much — you feel to me like a most dearly-beloved sister, to whom I can open my whole heart, and speak freely, while I know that you fully appreciate my warm affection. 1 wrote you to-day by mail, shall continue to write, as usual, every day, till I leave this. Hope to see you within a week, as I expect to leave here on Sunday next. Adieu, my dearest friend, and believe me ever yours, Hexry W. Aujetn. 13=* 298 EECOLLECTIONS OF To THE People op Louisiana. Executive Office, ) Shrevepokt, La., June 2cl, 18G2. ) Fellow CiTizeKS, — I have thought it my duty to address you a few words in parting from you, perhaps forever. My administration as Gov- ernor of Louisiana closes this day. The war is over, the contest is ended, the soldiers are disbanded and gone to their homes, and now there is in Louisiana no opposition whatever to the Constitution and the laws of the United States. Until order shall he established, and society with all its safeguards fully restored, I would advise that you form yourselves into companies and squads for the purpose of protecting your families from outrage and insult, and your property from spoliation. A few bad men can do much mischief and destroy much property. Within a shori while the United States authorities will no doubt send you an armed force, to any part of the State where you may require it for your protec- tion. ;My countrymen, we have for four long years waged a war, wliicli we deemed to be just in the sight of high heaven. We have not been the best, the wisest, nor the bravest people in the world, but we have suffered more and borne our sufferings with greater fortitude than any people on the face of God's green earth. Now let us show to the world, that as we have fought like men — like men we can make peace. Let there be no acts of violence, no heart burnings, no intemperate language, but with manly dignity submit to the inevitable course of events. Neither let there be any repinings after lost property — let there be no crimination or recrimination — no murmurs. It will do no good, but may do much harm. You who, like myself, have lost all (and oh, how many there are !) must begin life anew. Let us not talk of despair, nor whine about our mis- fortunes, but with strong arms and stout hearts adapt ourselves to the circumstances which surround us. It now rests with the United States authorities to make you once more a contented, prosperous, and happy people. They can within five years restore Louisiana to its original wealth and prosperity, and heal the ter- rible wounds that have been inflicted upon her — so great are our recu- perative energies — so rich is our soil — so great are the resources of the State ! Our rulers have it in their power to dry the mourners' tears — to make glad the hearts of the poor widow and the orphan — to cause the past in a great measure to be forgotten, and to make your devastated lands "to blossom as the rose." If my voice could be heard and heeded at Washington, I would say, " Spare this distracted land — oh, spare tliis aflQicted people. In the name of bleeding humanity, they have suffered enough !" But, my countrymen, this cannot be. I am one of the proscribed HENRY WATKIXS ALLEN. 299 — I must go into exile — I Lave stood by you, fouglit for you, and stayed with you, up to the very last moment, and now leave you with alieavy heart. The high trust with which you have honored me, is this day re- turned. I leave the office of Governor with clean hands, and with the conscious pride of having done my duty. All the officers of State, and all employees in its various departments, have rendered their final accounts, made full and complete statements. I thank them for their uniform kind- ness to me, and their patriotic devotion to the several duties assigned them. These accounts are in the hands of Colonel John M. Sandidge. I invite the closest scrutiny, not only of these papers, but to all my acts as Governor of Louisiana. My State Stores, and Dispensaries, and Manufac- tories, have all been conducted, in the most successful manner. None can tell the vast amount of good they have done, not only to you, but to the people of Texas, Arkansas, and Missouri. Fellow citizens, in this the darkest hour of my life, I do not come be- fore you as an old man, broke down by storms of state, nor do I come to plead for mercy, at the hands of those whom I have fought for four long years. No, no, I come in the pride and vigor of manhood, unconquered, unsubdued, I have nothing to regret ; I look back with mournful pleas- ure at my public career, now about to close. As a citizen, as a soldier, as a statesman, I have done my duty. The soldier's family, the widow and the orphan, the sick and the wounded, the poor and needy, have all had my especial care, while the wants of the soldier and the citizen have not been forgotten. I have protected the people from the encroachments of military power, and have never permitted a bale of cotten in the State to bi seized or impressed. It is partially in remembrance of these acts, tliat you have always given me your entire confidence. But few in authority have ever had so many evidences of affection and regard as you have so often shown me. Refugees, return to your homes ! Repair, improve, and plant. Go to work, with a hearty good-will, and let your actions show that you are able and willing to adapt yourselves to the new order of things. We want no Venice here, where the denizens of an unhappy State shall ever medi- tate with moody brow, and plot the overthrow of the government, and M'here all shall be dark and dreary — cold and suspicious. But rather let confidence be restored. If required, let each and every one go forward cheerfully, and take the oath of allegiance to the country in which they expect in future to live, and there pursue their respective avocations with redoubled energy, as good, true, and substantial citizens. I go into exile not as did the ancient Roman, to lead back foreign ar- mies against my native land — but rather to avoid persecution, and the crown of martyrdom. I go to seek repose for my shattered limbs. It is 300 RECOLLECTIONS OF my prayer to God, that this country may be blessed with permanent peace, and that real prosperity, general happiness, and lasting content- ment may unite all who have elected to live under the flag of a common country. If possible, forget the past. Look foi-ward to the future. Act with candor and discretion, and you will live to bless him who in part- ing gives you this last advice. And now, what shall I say in parting, to my fair countrywomen ! La- dies of Louisiana, I bow to you with tears of grateful affection. You have always responded most promptly and cheerfully to the calls of pa- triotism and duty. You clothed the soldiers, nursed the sick and wounded, cheered up the faint-hearted, and smoothed the dying-pillow of the warrior patriot. God bless you ! God bless you ! I can never forget you. In the land of the exile, I shall remember you with feelings of gratitude too deep for utterance. Sometimes think of him who has sacri- ficed all for you. Perhaps, in better days, when the storm of passion and prejudice shall have passed away, we may meet again; I may th^n be permitted to return — to mingle with my friends — to take them by the hand, and " forget my own griefs, to be happy vnth you." If this should be denied me, I humbly trust we may all meet in Heaven, at last, to part no more. Henry Watkixs Allen, Governor of Louisiana. General Buckner returned to find Allen ah-eady departed. I insert here a memorandnm of events, kindly furnished me by General Buckner ; Memoeandctji. Governor Allen was very much in the confidence of General Elifby Smith, who fully appreciated his eminent services and patriotism. The General advised freely %vith him, in reference to the action to be pursued, on receiving the intelligence of General Lee's surrender. The Confer- ence of the Governors was determined upon, after consultation with Gov- ernor Allen. Governor Allen was selected by the Governors to be the bearer of the result of their action to Washington. Before the adjourn- ment of that meeting, he had become fully impressed with the necessity of entering into terms, and it was at his instance, or at least after a full conference with him, that Colonel Sprague, the Federal Commissioner, awaited the meeting and the subsequent action of the Governors. Colonel Sprague was the bearer of an application for a safe conduct for Governor Allen to visit Washington City on business connected with the general pacification of the Trans-Mississippi Department, — the Governor await- HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 301 ing at Slireveport tlie action of the United States Government on tlic ap- plication. In the mean time, gucli rapid changes were taking place amongst tho troops, as to render other action necessary. Despatches from General Magruder, General Walker, General Preston, and others, revealed a dis- position on the part of the Texas troops to abandon their colors, and dis- perse to their homes. General Smith was repeatedly urged, in some of these despatches, to hasten to Houston, and endeavor, by his presence, to maintain discipline amongst the troops. Yeilding to these solicitations, he departed ; but before he reached Houston, the troops had disbanded, plundered the public stores, appropriated the public property, and dis- persed to their homes. General Buckner was left by General Smith, as his Chief of Staff, to move the mass of the troops to concentrate with the Texas troops, then near Houston. Orders were issued for the Louisiana troops to march from Natchitoches to that point, and the Arkansas troops to march from Marshall to tho same vicinity. The account received from General Hays, commanding the Louisianians, was of so startling a character, that General Buckner con- suited with Governor Allen, vv^ho, in accordance with General Buckner's request, and actuated by a noble spirit of patriotism, started at once to the vicinity of Mansfield to meet the Louisiana troops, and endeavor, by his presence, to check their desertions and restrain their depredations. This was the last interview held between Governor Allen and General Buckner ; and General Buckner feels it a duty to record in this memo- randum, his high appreciation of the noble spirit displayed by Governor Allen on this, and on previous occasions, when they had held consulta- tions on public affairs. Governor Allen hastened to check the disintegration of the troops from Ids: State ; but so rapid had it been, that, though he travelled during the night, the Division had already melted away, and dispersed, like the Texas Division, to their homes. After Governor Allen's departure, intelligence from General Churchill revealed a state of demoralization amongst the Arkansas troops similar to that amongst the Louisianians and Tesans. Like the other troops, they began a genpval system of desertion on receivin.q: the orders to irarch. Very shortly afterwards, information v/as received by General Buckner from the Missouri troops, who, up to this time, had evinced remarkable steadiness, announcing, through their commanders, " that they had no disposition to march southward." Under these circumstances, General Buckner called a council of general, and some other prominent officers, including Major-Qencr.T.1 Price, Major- 802 EECOL LECTIONS OF General Cliurcliill, Major-General Fagan, Major-General Parsons, and a number of brigadier-generals. The advice of tMs council was unanimous —with the exception of one brigade commander, who believed, but sub- sequent events proved erroneously, that half his brigade would prefer marching to Mexico — in recommending an immediate negotiation for a surrender of the troops on the same terms obtained by General Lee, and urging General Buckner to proceed at once, under a flag, to negotiate. General Price was included in the commission. The telegraph wires were destroyed, the courier lines were broken up, and there was no means of communicating with General Smith. The public transportation had been seized by the dispersing troops. There was danger that not only the remaining troops, but also the citizens, would starve if not soon relieved, and there was no transportation jind no eup;-lie3 to accomplish this. A surrender of the troops of the Department was agreed upon ih New Orleans, May 2G, 18G5, subject to the approval of General Smith. The treaty was sent to him by special steamer from New Orleans, through General Smith's aid. Colonel Meem. On General Backner's return to Shrevcport, the first week in June, Governor Allen had departed for Mexico. General Buckner bore verbal assurances from some of the Federal commanders that Governor Allen. would not be molested, but found it impossible to communicate with him. A short time after returning to Shreveport, General Buckner received two orders from General Smith — one dated soon after his arrival at Houston, announcing the dispersion of the Texas troops and the destruc- tion of the public stores, and directing the disbanding of the troops under General Buckner 's command, as no means were left to supply them. The second order approved the terms of the military convention which had been negotiated, directing that its provisions should apply to the Indians in Confederate alliance. S. B. Buckner. i^EW Oklkans, June II, 15 Go. Buckner made very good terms for the Department — very bad for himself; he is still an exile from Kentucky, forbidden to set foot on the soil of his native State. I do not attempt to explain the discrepancy between General Smith's solemn agreement with Governor Allen to abide by his (Allen's) terms of surrender, which he made to Allen, in writing, as well as to the commissioners, and the very injudi- cious and extraordinary address he made at Houston after HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 303 wards, in which he declared his previous determination to con- tinue the struggle, if the men had not "so di'^gracefuU^ dis- banded." Justice to my friend, and to the troops so stigmatized, requires that the statement should be made that this disband- ing was produced principally by the belief of the troops, who did not understand General Smith's hasty journey to Houston, that Smith intended to mass them in Texas, and either continue a useless struggle, or march them across the Rio Grande. I have already stated that Smith was no favorite — doubtless was regarded with unjust suspicion; but nevertheless, this perhaps mistaken suspicion, was '* the great cause of the disbanding of the troops j^ and it is not without an emotion of bitter regret that I am forced to believe that the somewhat ungenerous treatment of Governor Allen may have hastened his departure to Mexico, and to consequent suffering and death. The sudden stoppage of all the wheels of the industrial ma- chinery Allen had put in motion, by the failure of the Confed- erate cause, necessarily left afilurs in an unfinished and entangled condition. He had assumed liabilities and responsibilities which he could not fully settle on the instant ; his trains were stop- ped midway on the roads; every movement was quickly par- alyzed. As far as he could, he endeavored to make arrange- ments to meet and settle all the just claims against the State. Some just debts, from peculiarities of time and place, where the cottons and sugars were to be delivered at different points in Texas and on the frontier, were not arranged for at those points; but cotton sufficient to pay every just debt of the State, was left by Allen belonging to the State. Colonel Sandidge's letter, aj^pended to this book, will show why these cottons were not appropriated according to Allen's design. These debts were not vmr debts — not Confederate debts, but debts of the State, incurred according to the will of her authorities for the sole purpose of feeding the starving and clothing the naked people. They ought to be paid at some time. 30:1: RECOLLBCTIOXS OF Letter from Col. J. M. Sanclidrje to Maj.-Gen. Herron. General — Governor Allen, departing from this place, left mo in an undesirable position — in charge of, and to be surrendered, the records cf his office, and his general representative in whatever it might seem necessary and jDroper to be done. I deem it my duty, then, and it was his request, that I should represent to the officer sent here in command of the United States forces, that, to furnish, to some extent, the people of the country with the necessaries of life, he sought to introduce articles, not contraband of war, and that good faith to the parties with wliom he transacted requires that they be paid. That the cotton and other re- sources he had accumulated have all disappeared under the infamous and systematic plundering and appropriation of public property of v/hat ever ownership. That the cotton transferred by the Confederate States authorities to the State of Louisiana, was an act in good faiih, intended to secure, so far as it might go, large debts justly due, and to enable him, Governor Allen, to meet his engagements with those private parties ; and that of the small amount of cotton he could still control at the winding up of the late contest — one hundred bales of his own cotton, purchased with the means of, and belonging to the State — was transferred to General Fagan, to enable him to forward to the mouth of Ked Eiver a large number of Federal prisoners, lately sent here from Tyler, Texas, en route for their homes — about which transaction I have some papers ; and that the cotton, or other produce obtained and unappropriated by him, is the property of the State of Louisiana, the absorption of which, by the United States Government, is x>rotested against. All the books, papers, etc., connected with the Confederate States cot- ton transferred to the State, have been, imder your orders, turned over to the agent designated to receive them. There was no attempt, on our part (and the same is true of every thing else), to cover up, or secrete, or withhold any of the effects of the State. Our hands are clean. I can, then, with what seems to me to be but an act of justice, protest against its being appropriated by the United States Government, and to . request that, if this Confederate States cotton shall not; all be turned over to the State authorities, for the benefit of the State, as was our desire, at least a portion (say 2,000 bales) of it shall be so placed, that it may be used in liquidating the just claims of private parties to whom the late Governor Alien became indebted, and an account of the loan to General Fagan, as above stated. I am. General, your obedient servant, [Signed,] John M. Sandidge, Late Ch. of Ord., Louisiana State Forces. Mtijov-Genenil IIereox, Commanding U. S. Force.s, Shreveport, La. SiiBEVEPcnT, La., 11th Jnce. 1365. HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 305 So impressed am I with the importance of explaining clearly the cotton transactions of Governor Allen, that even at the risk of tedions repetition, I insert here a portion of a letter re- ceived by nie from a friend thoroughly acquainted with all of the Governor's hopes and plans : " But a small portion of the cotton with whicli Governor Allen AVas op- erating was paid for in money. He made arrangements with parties wlio wislied to take out cotton — to sell, if you please— but in fact, to giie to the State a certain amount of cotton for the privilege of exporting an equal quantity on tlieir own account. Permits to take out this cotton were at first given in his own name, as Governor of Louisiana, but some objection being made, they were procured from the Confederate authori- ties. These contracts were to be consummated when the cotton was de- livered to the Governor's agents at Narasota, Matamoras, or other desig- nated places. Men were readily found who would enter into arrangements of this sort with Governor Allen, because he was more liberal and gen- erous in his transactions than the agents and cfficiers cf the Confederate Government. All exportation of cotton on private account, or on any account, being forbidden by the Government except as specially allowed, none of the Governor's large contracts for cotton had been executed when the war drew nigh its conclusion : neither party being then able to comply with the stipulations, the contracts were annulled. In every in- stance, so far as is known, all cotton, sugar, or tobacco in transitu west- wardly, or of supplies being brought in for the State, the trains and load- ing all disappeared, under the infamous system of ' jayhawking' so gen- erally practised at the collapse of the war. It was the Governor's sincere desire and fixed purpose, to protect the creditors of the State to the full extent of his power, and to them orders were given for such cotton, sugar, etc., belonging to the State, as it was believed might be obtained. These orders were very generally ignored, towards the last, or could not be compUed with, because of the ' Jilibusters.' You will remember that I told you once about the retention of sugar and molasses by a party who had come into its possession on an order to haul into Texas, but who had not even moved it from the warehouse. Seeing he could not even con- trol, for the purposes mentioned, the cotton, etc., 7ie had purchased and 2')nid for. Governor Allen determined to make a last effort to save some, thing for his people, and especially for those who were relying upon the faith of the State or of his administration, by obtaining from the Confed- erate military authorities a transfer of all the undisposed-of Confederato cotton in Louisiana, in liquidation, so far as it might go, of debts still due 806 RECOLfECTTONS. the State, wliicli amounted to at least $4,000,000. This cotton — about 10,000 bales— icas transferred to him or to his successors in oflBce for use of the State. Knowing very well that none but a power in actual and recognized existence, and a continuous power, could obtain control of this cotton. Governor Allen determined to held it, with the entire records in connection therewith, just as they were received from the Confederate authorities, with the hope that his successors in the State government might be allowed to demand and enforce the delivery of the cotton ; or, failing in that, and the cotton be seized and appropriated by the United States Government {as was done), the State of Louisiana would have a just claim against the Government for its full value. This last is now the only resource left. " As instructed by Governor Allen, you know, Colonel Sandidge made written application to General Herron (I believe you have the papers proving this) to permit the State to retain two thousand bales of this cotton, if all could not be controlled, for the redemption of his pledges on its account. To this application no attention was paid, nor even for the return of the one hundred bales loaned to the Confederate authorities to pay for the transportation of Federal prisoners from Shreveport to the mouth of Red River." The people of Louisiana and Texas know as well as I, that this statement of the "jaybawking," the dishonest sauve qui pent, of all classes of agents, contractors, and even of the peo- ple, at the close of the w^ar in those States, is not exaggerated. They witnessed it, as I did. Let the blame and the shame of these matters fall where it is due, it shall not shadow the grave of my incorruptible friend, who failed in no duty, and com- mitted but one error ; that was, in going away into exile, instead of meeting his fate at his post. BOOK XI Journey.— Life in Mexico.— Becomes Editor of the " Mexican Times." — Illness. —Death. The people wept over Allen's departure. They followed him with tears and blessings, and would have forced on him more sid)stantial tokens of regard, than words of regret. They knew he had no money — his noble estates had long been in possession of the enemy ; hundreds of hogsheads of sugar had been carried oif from his plundered sugar-houses; his house was burned, his plantation, a wide waste of failow-fields, grown up in weeds. He had nothing but Confederate and State money. One gentleman begged him to accept $5,000, in gold, as a loan^ since he refused it as a gift. Allen accepted five hun- dred. With this small amount, his ambulance and riding-horses, he started to Mexico. His journey through Texas was a com- plete ovation, instead of a hegira. Everybody, rich and poor, vied with each other in offering him attention, and the most eager hospitality. The roof was deemed honored that sheltered his head for the night. He stopped at Crockett, to say " good- bye." We had long, full, and frank conversations, whilst he was resting those thirty-six hours, under my roof-tree. Hours — every moment of which seems now so precious on retrospec- tion, and which, though highly estimated, were scarcely seized and prized to their utmost — their true value, then ! Because, though my heart was heavy and numb with grief, on account 803 EECOLLEtTIONS OF of my sad country, and my departing, exiled friend, yet none of us realized ihat it was a farewell for all time, that we should never look again into each other's friendly eyes. He was fitful in his spirit : when alone with me, he would let me see the deep sorrow he felt in leaving all that was dear to him, — the growing realization of tlie utter ruin, the agonized desolation of the country he so passionately loved. He wept in speaking of these things. His was not one of those natures that turn to ice, and harden into cold stone, before the Medusa-head of grief. He would say with Chreraes, " Homo sum, nihil hu- mani a me alienum puto." When he was grieved in spirit, he w\as not ashamed of tears in his eyes, at least in the presence of a woman, whom he knew thoroughly appreciated him, and whose mournings Avere as deep as the inmost life of her soul, over all these things, — for the dust of her native hills was yet moist with the blood of her brothers, shed "in this lost cause," and one, most beloved, slept the sleep that knows no waking — clothed in the Confederate uniform — forever ! We had several of our refugee friends to meet the Governor, during his stay wish us. Whilst in their society he strove to be calm — even cheerful, for amongst them -was the almost heart-broken family of dear old ex-Governor Moore, who was to be Allen's companion in exile. The smiles were few and foi'cedj amongst us all ! One recalls such days with shuddering sighs ! Shall I ever forget the scene I witnessed the day, dear , when I saw you with eyes calm in despair, and fingers trem- bling, but desperately nerved, plucking in and out the flying needle as you sewed one after another the few pieces of hoarded gold, the scanty remnant of a splendid past, into the stiff belt your old Father was to Avear on his journey ; so as to keep about his person the ])ittance that was to give him bread in the strange foreign land, that he felt compelled to seek a refuge in ! while your little children clung weeping about his aged knees, and your poor mother lay prostrate and nearly senseless with grief, unable to proffer one word of strengthening hope, in HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 309 her litter rlesolntion and bereavement of soul — and we stood by, so lielpless ! Ilowevei-, tlie day passed, as all things pass in this ever flowing stream of eartlily^ife. Few hnman beings ever attain the meridian of man's years, without experiencing days of anguisii, that make them wonder on remembrance, and force them to ask themselves how tliey endured such weiglit of sor- row on such weak, fragile, mortal breasts ! It was so sad, so sad for us to see those noble men depart, lingeringly, one by one, to meet, Mith what strength their lacerated hearts and too often wounded bodies could summon up, the weary, pain- ful, lonely life of Exiles. And they were so noble, and so brave ! They would smile, talk cheerfully, even gayly, anticipating the petty excitements, and novelties ot journeying, in the unex- plored country opening before them. Allen had such an elastic steel mainspring in his nature, that at times he would really grow cheerful, and enter with zest into the speculations and plans our fjincies would suggest. He was fond of excite- ment — liked travel — and was a man who experienced pleasure in grappling with life's stern difficulties. He liked to struggle with them sometimes. He liked to feel himself superior to all vicissitudes — to be a conqueror on these seemingly bloodless fields of strife, or on any field of battle, mental, moral, or physical. The external calmness one is able to assume, on occasions of trial, is very surprising. I marvel sometimes when I recall our light general conversations at this time — anecdotes, jests, puns, badinnge, discussiofiS of literary topics : one upon the Laocoon^ I particularly remember, in which Allen was right, and all the I'est of us wrong ; another upon the great Jewish chiefc:iia Joab, in which, to Allen's great delight, we accidentally got the better of our bi-illiantly intellectual friend, the Honorable . All these things pass over the mirror of memory like phantoms of thought. Once, during the day, when we happened to be coi versing alone, he spoke of Bolingbroke's Reflections upon Exile, which he said had been recalled to his memory just before he quitted 310 RECOLLECTIONS OF Shreveport, by our friend Judge Perkins, -who read it aloud to a company of the Confederate Exiles, who happened to be dining with the Governor. Allen wanted to know " what I thought of it?" I smiled, recognizing one of the peculiarities of Judge Per- kins, whom I used to accuse of taking meal-times, always, as a preferred place and time of study, — the table at " Somerset," or at my house, or anywhere that books were accessible, being • — at his end of it, before the meal was concluded — generally as much occupied with books as dishes. I told Allen " why" I smiled, but he insisted on having my " opinion of Bolingbroke," whom he " admired excessively" — especially of the " Reflec- tions." (The conversation impressed me, so I write it down.) "Well, if you must have my opinion, you remember Aristotle's Tth seeming enthymeme — ' banishment is desirable^ because a banished man has choice of places to dwell in.' Now that is just as wise to me, as Bolingbroke in those same famous Reflections. He endeavors to console, by depreciating and bringing into con- tempt the value of what we hate to lose in quitting our country. That was not good nor true philosophy, I think, though very beautiful, very sensible. Perhaps, it is yet do cataplasm for such w^ounds of the heart as banishment, poverty, separa- tion from friends ; for such sufferings, religion alone ofi*er3 balm. The sentiment of this paragraph I like : ' The shortest and best prayer which we can address to Plim w^ho knows our wants and ignorance in asking, is this : Thy loill be donei! " I do not believe one ' could hold fire in his hand by think- ing on the frosty Caucasus.' I like the Greek Philocletes, who acknowledged his humanity, and cried out in his anguish. If any thing could assuage such grief, it must be ' dissipation of mind^ or absorption of life in new and fresh interests — and ' length of time.'' The flying hours, with their noiseless fingers, gently touched and almost imperceptibly closed all wounds ; nothing mortal could be permanent or infinite — not even sor- row, not even regret. We are, at best, but poor creatures, bounded on every side with limitation, with ' the conditioned^ HENRY WATEINS ALLEN. 311 as philosophers call it. Sensation grew blunted in time — nerves became numb under repeated shocks. We could feel nothing very long, in our mortality. That was the saddest thought of all to me — this want of permanence ! Joy and grief, pain and sorrow, here ')nu8t be momentary. It is beneficent, doubtless, but humiliating and saddening, that God has made us so, that perishableness is stamped on our whole nature." " Then you do not think any human passion immortal — not Love — not Memory ? Divines believe that quality will live." " Love, wdiich is God's very being, is, 7nust be^ pei'ennial ; and Memory, if not infinite in us, nor eternal, because it has a beginning, seems to be at least undying, immortal, in our sense of immortality. *' When I say Love is perennial, I don't mean mere animal instinct. In a world that we think will be immaterial (in our sense of materiality), wdiere life for us will be unchanging and without end as far as existeoice is concerned, there can be no further need of animal passions to continue an immortal race of beings. But the highest Love of which we are capable even here, perhaps, must be perennial: — the giving out of one's existence into others, or another existence — living for and in another, t^^at Love — preferring the good, the well-being of others to our own — and finding chief joy in that losing of identity, and absolute absorption into a higher, truer, nobler nature ! Even in the next life, I should think we would need spiritual companionship, because the great space between us and the Infinite God must be as immense then as now. However our faculties may be developed by spir- ituality, yet finite and limited all created intelHgences must remain, unless we are united and absorbed in God ! There is as great distance between the highest archangel and the Crea- tor, as between us and Deity ; so we would be lonely even in the better life without our former companions, it seems to me. We can never, in any life, however advanced in spirituality, have any feelings towards the Creator than those of adoration and v/onder. We can never be God'ri comy>a}iions. We can 312 ■ RECOLLECTIONS OF never understand Him ! That is the great val ae of Christianity. To some extent, we could have companionsliip and s}"mjDatliy with the Son of God, on account of his previous humanity and mortality. " In the Deity, Love is probably always creative. His crea- tions can never cease ; but transcendent ideas of his being are beyond us. In us^ who must in some sense still be limited and finite, unless -we receive pantheistic doctrines, and believe we will lose our individuality and identity in the absorption into the Deity — in its^ in that other life. Love, the liighest love, the congenial imion of sympathy, feeling, intellect, the truest ''friendship' — perhaps, we would call it here, the true, eternal Eros — that inust be perennial. It must develop, enlarge, and rejoice our souls; though thought only can be born from this union ! This can exist here. I think it will exist thei-e. Nothing temporal can affect or change this. So far. Love and Memory are eternal." " That is Platonism you are talking now." *' Perhaps ! But it is truth to me, and to all thinking, suf- fering people." *' But Memory seems sometimes imperfect." '* JNIemory does seem sometimes imperfect, and clouded here ; but I believe it to be one of the essential qualities of man's soul, and to be, of course, immaterial — therefore, as indestruct- ible. Without some degree of Memory, reason itself ceases to be. " Yes, you may say, ' reason ceases to govern in a maniac, or even in abstracted, forgetful people;' but it does not, in the sense that I mean. Intellect, which includes all these qualities, remains, though its visible, external operations may cease ' in this coarse, muddy vesture of decay.' In any sequence of thought, which is the life of the soul (its motio)i)^ there must be a certain exercise of association and memory. Even in such persons, the mind is not entirely dormant. It acts spas- modically, and with imperfect utterance only." "But idiots I What do vou think of them ?» I HENRY WATKIXS ALLEN. 313 " The soul of idiots, though bound, like Circe's beasts, in ad- amantine fetters of imperfect oi'ganization, still is. Experi- ments have proved that even they have what we call soul, in- tellect. But all mental emotions depend in us so gi-eatly upon exercise or education ! The nerves by which we are acted upon, in our material life, are capable of only a certain amount of use. They soon wear oat, because they are animal, mortal, necessarily changeful. We can, therefore, endure only so much grief, pain, or joy. After that limit is reached, which varies in different persons, humanity sinks down, fainting, stupefied, senseless. Therefore, I think >S'cA^7Zer is right, when he says: * No pang is permanent with man. From the highest, as from the vilest things of every day, he learns to wean himself; for the strong hours conquer him.' And so I think Boling- broke wrong. Schiller was a poet, and saw truer than the ma- terial, pantheistic Stoics ; but both Bolingbroke, Boethius, in his Consolations of Philosophy, Seneca, or any of those authors, may be used as weak anodynes for a suffering human heart, Mike dull narcotics numbing pain;' but reaction or insensi- bihty must come after a certain amount of suffering." "But if Love and Memory are immortal, why not grief and pain also ?" " We are speaking of Love and Memory in connection wdth * the goocP in a better Life ; of grief and pain, in connection only with mortality. As to the condition of the irredeemably wicked in the next life, Scripture seems to speak decidedly, though Origen thought they w^ere all eventually redeemed and purified ; but w^e don't know what destructive, disorganizing effects, what we call s^7^, may have upon the soul. It is ' death'' that is dissolution, change, reduction into elementary prin- ciples in our nomenclature. But we know so little — so little — ■ about all these things. It is all speculation and reasonings from our limited analogies. The more I study, the less I feel inclined to assert or dogmatize. You have been accustomed to a school of Theology which seems to define and assert so positively on all points. I, to one 'vhich simnly receives with 314: RECOLLE(?TIOXS OF humility, acknowledging the mysteries everywhere around us. To all your questionings on these points, I can only say, 1 don't know. We don't know. I can only offer speculation ; but v^e will knoio — that I believe hereafter, to an extent in- conceivable to us now." * ;Jc ♦ * * :}c * " Then you think all human relations cease with life ?" " So fjir as they are merely animal, springing from mortal necessities, I should think tliey must perish or be changed with the body ; but human relations are not necessarily limited to animal wants. Upon every human or animal tie may be su- peradded this higher, more beautiful spiritual affinity, that we are speaking of as undying. We call it ''friendship.^ Scrip- tr.re and the ancient philosophers call it 'Love.' Tiiis may exist between parent and child, husband and wife, sister and brother, persons of the same or different sexes. Such affec- tions, it seems to me, become parts of the very soul, identified in it and with it. They must last, if it does." " I like such thoughts. They are truly consoling." " You'll find such ideas beautifully rendered in Emerson, v>ho, if he is a Yankee, and hates us, is a seer and a poet, whom I do not hate. He says : " ' But only that soul can bo my friend which I encounter on the line of my own march, that soul to which I do not decline, and which does not decline to me, but, native of the same ce- lestial latitude, repeats in its own all my experiences.' " To return to BoUngbroke. What comfort can he give to you or Judge Perkins, who both leave behind you, as I know, such friendships as these we speak of. You may, by chance, form such, elsewhere, bat it is not likely. Instead of ' indif- ference^^ or depreciation of the good you leave, take hope with you — hope of return. My fiivorite Emerson says also : ' Let the soul be assured, that somewhere in the universe it should rejoin its friend, and it would be content and cheerful alone for a thousand years.' Both of you have such friends here, I be- lieve. Take, too, the assurance of constant remembrance on HENRY WATKmS ALLEN. 315 the part of those who love you at liome ; and then, with the Christian sense of Unity in God, you will not need the Stoics. I shall persistently believe tliat you will all be restored to us again — that shall be my comfort." ******* " What do you think was the ruling principle of the Stoics ?" " Pride !" " And of your favorite Plato ?" "Love of the beautiful, the holy, the pure! Now it seems to me, whatever consolation might be found in any of the Phi- losophical sects, under the ills of Life, can be more largely re- ceived in Christianity — simply regarding it as a system of j^hi- losophy, without consideration of its claims as a revelation to man, or discussing the extent of insj^iration. Christianity teaches contempt of worldly goods, with the Stoics— love of the beautiful, with the Platonists — desire of pleasure, in a higher sense than the Epicureans, — and teaches all this from a nobler motive than ancient philosophy. Li all three sects, self was the object and end of all effort, even towards good. In Christianity it is love of others, self-denial for the sake of others, joy in others, and the entire abandonment of one's nature to the noblest, the highest of all existences, that is, the Creator himself, whose perfect attributes are softened to us in the person of Christ ! Why should one go to the heathen sects for solace nov/ ? But what a sermon you have led me into !" "With Bolingbroke for a text! I like your sermons — I like every thing you say !" " It is the consciousness of being understood, that encour- ages me to talk so. This would be idle romance to some persons !" " You know how grateful I am for your friendship. I am willing to adopt yours (or Plato's, or whose is it ?) theory of the immortality of Love and Memory, and let grief and pain go with mutable humanity — and the Stoics go with them !" " Christ was no Stoic ! nor should Christians be !" If we 316 RECOLLECTIONS OF harden ourselves against suiTering, which belongs only, so far as we know certainly, to this educational period of our im- mortal natures, we will never be any better! We must weep, and suffer, and go up higher in spirituality. " Remember, that it was only on condition of the possibility of his ceasing to be a Christian, that Montesquieu said he would regret the destruction of the Stoics. The ^ if' is most important here : " ' Si je pouvois un moment, cesser de penser que je suis Chretien, je ne pourrois m'empecher de mettre la destruction de la secte de Zenon au nombre des malhem'S du genre hu- raain.' S}« ^ J|S ^ * 5JS * *' Again, Bolingbroke, after bidding you to test and discover the falseness and selfishness of your * hosts of friends,' ac- knowledges you may discover a few, true and faithful, worthy of the name, for whom he does not ' forbid you to grieve.' Now, as the value of all things is enhanced by their rarity, it seems to me a queer sort of consolation to prove the quality of what you lose, at the expense of quantity. Won't you grieve more for the single Koh-i-noor, when certainly ascer- tained, tlian if your affections were divided amongst a thou- sand false brilliants ? This does not seem good philosophy to me ! " But see how impertinently you have forced me to discuss one of the finest writers in the English language. We had better let ' St. John'' sleep^ instead of waking him up ! Leaving ' meaner things. To low ambition and the pride of kings !' " « Ah ! well ! " I am very content to think of the limitation to pain, regret, or sorrow, even through human weakness, as you put it ! God knows I don't want such emotions to endure — but I don't want to be forgotten. I w^ould not like that — neither in my life nor after death ! I cannot bear the thought ! HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 317 " Do you remember what tlie Skald sings, in the Mud-King's Daughter ?" " N"o ! What is the Mud-King's Daughter !" " One of Hans Andersen's fairy tales ! that I like as much as the children. The Skald sings this : '"Fortune dies^ friends die. — one dies o?ie^s self — hut a glori- ous name oiever dies /' " *' I do not think you will be soon forgotten." " There are portions of my life I would like to have set clear before the world. Will you promise me to write my Biog- raphy some day ? I have been asked for it." '' If I live, I loill do it !'' This conversation occurred whilst we were returning from a visit to Governor Moore's flimily. I had driven over to their cottage in a buggy, to invite them to join us at dinner. Allen had accompanied me. All his words and thoughts have inter- est for his friends, especially such as are characterisMc at such a time. They aid in giving a psychological portrait, and so I write all I can remember of this last day, even at the risk of egotism. These Exiles were personal friends of mine. I suf- fered in parting with them : for some I suffer still — for those who are still absent and still living ! Every thing was very quiet and still, nothing audible but the low murmur of our voices, when suddenly arose from the prairie beyond us, one of the beautiful, plaintive, cattle or " salt" songs of Texas. These wild, simple melodies had a great attraction for me. I would often check my horse on the prairies, and keep him mo- tionless for a half-hour, listening to these sweet, melancholy strains. Like all cattle-calls, they were chiefly " minor.'''' I thought them quite as singular and beautiful as the Swiss Ranz des Yachos, or the Swedish cattle-calls. They consisted of a few chanted words, with a cadence and a long yodl. Sometimes the yodling was aided by what the Texan boys called " quills" — two or more pipes made of reed — " c«ne" (arundinaria raacrosperma). This made a sort of limited syrinx, which gave wonderful softness and flute-hke clearness to the prolonged tones of the 318 REGOLLECTIOXS OF voice, as it was breathed into them. The boy sang one of his saddest " calls." I looked quickly, to see if Allen had noticed the melancholy words and mournful air. I saw he had. He ceased talking, and his face was very grave. The boy sung — " Going away to leave you. Ah — a — a — a — Going' away to leave you, Ah — a — a — a — Going away to-morrow, All — a — a — a — Going away to-morrow. Ah— a — a — a — Never more to see you. Ah— a — a — a — Never more to see you. Ah — a — a — a — "* ^: :s± Go-Ido: Go-ing a - way, Going a -way to leave you, a - way, -S3ZZ-ZT- Ah :^-:^--:^-^: i Going a-way to leave you, All - a - a. This had always been an afiecting strain to me ; it was doubly so under the existing circumstances. The song died mournfully away. We drove on in silence for a few moments. Allen roused himself, with a sigh : " That boy's song is very sad." * I write of tliis call as I used to hear it sung. This is not in a minor key, "but it has a very plaintive effect, eclioingover the prairies. Another, wilclei and more elaborate, I cannot recall now exactly — which begins, " Yonder comes my darling," The simple melopee is followed by a long yodl, in this one, that reminded me of the cadenced vowels, prolonged in the Ambrofnan Chants. I HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 819 " Yes, but he sings it very frequently. He knows nothing about you. It is neither a prophecy nor intended to be sympa- thetic, — you need not make special application of it !" " No ; but it may prove a strange coincidence." " You sliaii't say that. I won't listen to such a thought. You'll only spend a pleasant summer travelling in Mexico. We'll see you at tlie opera in New Orleans, next winter.'' '* I hope so." Our conversation reverted, now to past years. Allen spoke of his early friends among my relatives ; of his whole career in Louisiana; of his wife, with tenderness — of her beauty and her love for him. His future was so uncertain — that he scarcely al- luded to that — never vitli any hopefulness. It was only in the past he seemed to find repose of spirit. The present was too sad, the future too shadowy for any discussion of either. How trifles light as air imprint themselves on the "palimp- sest" of our minds, almost without our consciousness I At din- ner that day, I remember, the servants had neglected to till the silver dish which was used for butter. It stood on its tripod, empty, in the centre of the table. During the meal Allen wanted some butter with his potatoes. Stretching out his hand, he lifted the solid cover of the dish ; it was vacant. Catching my eye, he asked, with a smile, " What is this?" " Why," rejoined Ex-Governor H , instantly, " v/hy do you ask her ? don't you see it is hut a dlsliV (butter-dish.) I laughed, and ordered the butter to be brought on. After dinner, we were scattered about the room — some of the gentlemen looking over a portfolio of rare Dusseldorf engrav- ings, I had thrown in my trunk for study, when I fled from my home on Lake St. Joseph ; some smoking their pipes tilled with perrique; some sipping coff'ee, — a rare luxury at that tinie^ for which I was indebted to a friend who got it from Mexico, Allen w^as sittino; on the low window-sill, chatting? with Mrs. ; and " Josephine^^ without any accompaniment, at his earnest request, sang in her full, rich, glorious voice, " Bird of Beauty," " Juanita,'' and others of his favorite songs. 320 RECOLLECTIONS OF Later in the evening, after our guests of the day had quitted us, we were all grouped togetlier on the open gallery which ran along the front of tlie little cottage : I sat on the steps running down into the yard, talking with Col. , Allen's eompagnon de voyage. Allen sat near by, conversing with Mr. . After some light remarks, Col. spoke of Kenan's " Life of Jesus,'' which he had just read, and began to discuss the doctrine eliminatedin it. Allen exclaimed, in a tone of vexation, to Mr. , " There, now, listen at Col. , he has got upon religion with Mi's. !" Mr. smiled, as he replied : " He won't startle her, you need not be troubled ; she reads all the infidels and pagans !" Allen then ceased his conversation, and turned to listen to ours, wdth evident interest. From Renan our conversation turned on Christianity and so- cinianism. Col. said : "You see the consequence of your worship, if Christ was but a man ?'' "Yes, I see plainly as you do, if he was but a man. We Christians are of course idolaters — that is what you mean ! lam willing to take the consequence." It is useless to write here all the arguments pressed on both sides. Col. was able, sub- tle, brilliant. I simply urged the usual arguments of Theolo- gical authorities. But before we can decide positively as to the philosophical impossibility of a " GoD-man," such as Christianity now claims in its founder, we will have to penetrate the very elementary mysteries of being : Ave will have to learn the sacret of life, of creation, of universal generation. We will have to discover how loe^ human creatures, " live and move and have our being," in Deity — what we are, and what He is — how far he does, and how far he (not can) but how far he loill^ dwell in us, or any intelligence in this or any stage of being. So long as Scrii^ture is received as inspiration, no hypothesis can shake his claims to Divine power. Christianity will not be affected. But the German and English Exegists, the forced confessions of its defenders, the inquisitions of Lessing, Strauss, HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 821 Coleiiso ; the attacks upon Scripture, the examination into tlie extent of its inspiration ; — these are tlie blows of the Titans against Olympus ; they strike mith at its foundations. As to the dreams and metaphysics of Philosophers, they are of no more value than the Utopia, or than Plato's dream of a Republic ; they amuse, and interest, but they teach us nothing but the ex- tent of our ignorance, Mdiich alone seems infinite as far as we are coiifcerned ; and ignorance with us is infinite^ because we do not — we never can — know much of the Infinite God. We know nothing about him except what he pleases to tell us ; we know nothing of spirit, we know almost as little of matter. The very forces which unite and hold together, in certam forms, the cellular atoms of which our body is made, are myste- ries to us. Life is as wonderful as Death ! " This flash between two seas of eternal night," — out of one, into the other, — as Mon- taigne calls it ! We lie, at last, worn, exhausted with our own inefl:ectual efforts to understand infinite things with finite minds, before the calm, inpenetrable vitality of this lofty, im- passive Sphinx, Nature, — lie wearily, " Like the dusty Lybian kings, Lie with two wide-open wings On our breast, as if to say. On these wings hoi^e flew away." Only " hope" comes back to us, because, though we learn so little of mental or spiritual truths, we learn so much of the Creator's beneficence and careful love for us, and all his crea- tion, that we revive again, and, kneeling m humble, grateful adoration, receive the living drops of honey— wisdom — he sees fit to give us here ; trusting him to feed us still, evermore, as he chooses fo enlarge our soul, and its vital needs. These were the thoughts that dwelt in my mind, and to which I gave par- tial expression. Allen listened to us with deep interest. Our conversation was suddenly interrupted by the summons to the supper-table. Allen turned to me, his fiice glowing, — " I like 322 RECOLLECtlOKS OF to hoar you talk so. Col. says you take large and most sensible views on such subjects. lie likes to talk to you." " Governor Allen, you are better than I am ; you are a Chris- tian from internal, child-like faith. I am only deterinlnatdy one, because I have found nothing more satisfactory ! But I re- spect Col. . I respect honest doubt in all things !" These little incidents of the last days we spent together, lead me, perhaps, into egotism, which I should regret ; but I feel almost as if I was writing this biography before the bar of Rhadamanthus. I write down all that I think would interest Allen's friends to know. They will pardon the seeming vanity, for the sake of the friendship which, for the moment, has swallowed up all personal feeling. When I gave him his candle, as he was about to retire that night, in superintending the arrangement of the apartments of my guests (for the house was full of gentlemen), I observed the small size of the portmanteau he had with him, and ex- pressed my fear that he was not taking clothes suflicient to make him comfortable. lie told me that he had several suits, " among them, a full suit of Confederate uniform,'' which he hitended " to keep as long as he lived," He was dressed, for travelHng, in a light, loose suit of checked linen, — the coat made like a full hunting-shirt. He travelled partly in liis am- bulance, and often on horseback. His aid and two other gen- tlemen accompanied him, with his faithful servants — Yalery and Alfred. They were all armed to the teeth. They bivouacked during the day, and stopped at houses along the road at night. As I arranged his luncheon-basket, on the morning of his departure, he showed me, smiling, his tin tumblers, that he had made during " Confederate times," when it was nearly impossible to procure glass or china. I said • " No ! I don't want you to drink out of tin — here is one of my silver goblets, which belonged to my mother. You remember her. And I have drank out of these since I was an infant. Keep this, for your own personal use. It will bring back old associations — IIKNRY WATKINS ALLEl^. 32:3 Natchez, Lake St. Joseph — all yom- friends to you, whenever you take a drink of NS'ater.'' lie took the goblet, and put it in his over-coat pocket, and used it to the hist hour of liis eartlily life. During this last visit, I never renewed my arguments against his quitting tlie country. I had already said and written all that I liad to say 'On that subject. lie had resolved to go, and all that remained for a true friend to do, was to aid and sustain him in what he regarded as the right course for hini to pursue, though the most painful. I knew, also, that the very strenuousness with which he had urged the expediency of the surrender of the Trans-Mississippi Department, would, in itself, prove an obstacle to his remain- ing, to h-e included in it. His susceptible pride would take alarm at tiie mere suggestion that he was actuated in his care for the people by any thought of self-interest. Besides, our miris were in sucii a confused state, we scarcely knew what any of us had to expect from tlie victorious party, or what would become of our whole people. So that in urging him not to leave Louisiana, I argued more from instinct, wdiich revolted at any thing like abandonment of a post of duty, and from a temperament which always sought rather to advance to meet and defy danger, than to turn and avoid it, than from any well-grounded assurance or hope of security for him, or any one else. I felt more anxiety for his reputation, for his fame, than for his life and freedom. His natural instincts would have induced similar views; but his judgment and feelings were overpowered by the reasonings and entreaties of his friends. The weather was clear, — the days bright, sunshiny, charm- ing, in the early and later periods, but warm at noonday. On the morning of his departure, we stood alone, looking out in the gray light. The sun was just rising, and the clouds were beginning to blush under the spreading rays. The earliest birds were singing. The air was soft and fresh, still moist from the dewy exhalations of the green earth. The ambulance was 32i KECOLLECfriOXS OF packed, and at the door. We waited only the coming of the other guests, to take our morning - meal together, for the last time ! He had come out and joined me, on the gallery, where I was superintending the packing of the ambulance, and the housewifely preparations for his comfort in travel. He was freshly nerved, and determinedly strong ; but his words of salutation, meant to be gay, only shocked and upset the temporary calmness every woman knows hov/ to assume when needful, to strengthen those dear to her : "Good-morn- ing, my dear friend. What a delightful day P I could not resist the rush of emotion, which shook me for an instant, as I replied, mournfully and reproachfully : " Hon^ could any day he delightful r In an instant the tears streamed from his eyes. He could not check the torrent. He covered his eyes with bis hands. But just as quickly I had regained self command, and said, ex- tending my hand to him : " You will all come back — all of you. We will have you, and Governor Moore, and Governor Morehead — all, all of you back, before twelve months is over !" He took my hand in silence, but shook his head doubtingly. The other friends now joined us. The last hurried repast was soon despatched, — the parting blessings breathed. He rode off on horseback: on one side of him Mr. , who accompanied him ten miles on his way ; on the other, his faithful friend and aid, Colonel Denis. And so, when I think of him, I see him still, riding off in the gray morning-light, with all the sorrowful undauntedness of Albert Dilrer's knight. In one of his addresses, he had said : " The Avays of Divine Providence are mysterious ; none can find them out ! In these times of war, of great trial and distress, there is only one rule of hfe that will carry us to the haven of final peace — it is, to be true to our country, do our duty faithfully, and leave the rest to God^^ * Oration in honor of Madame Beauregard. HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 325 I liad letters from the Brazos; and till within a few days of his death, his letters were continual to me. I use them now to complete this history. His notes were often only hurried jDencil lines; but at the cities, en route^ he would write longer and fuller letters. He received great kindness all through Texas. One morning he found pinned in his hat, which he had thrown carelessly on a table, the words, " DonH leave us^ — Mis- souRiAN." At San Antonio he was feted, and his ambulance loaded with dainties. The people did every thing they could to express their admiration and grateful love towards him. Stopping once at a man's house, and sending to request hos- pitality for the night, the man said : " If it is Governor Allen, of Louisiana, he is welcome to my house, and any thing I ho,ve got in itP^ His companions tell me that though at first he was quiet and depressed in spirits, after journeying a few days he threw aside the burden of melancholy, and was the most cheerful of the whole party, long before they reached Mexico. He never re- sisted the inevitable m fortune; he only made the best he could out of it. A mutual friend writes me : " I met Allen on his way out to Mexico ; he held out his open hands to me, saying, ' Judge, they are clean P And they were. I thank God that it was permitted me to know so pure a man. We lawyers see so many rascals, that I believe we are able to appreciate and honor an honest man, more than any other class." Letter to Colonel Sandidge. San Antonio, Texas, June 15, 1865. Colotiel John 31. Sandidge : My dear Sir — We arrived safe here last evening, having had quite a pleasant trip, all things considered. The people everywhere were more than kind. I actually feel proud that I have been the Governor of Louisiana, for even the women and children had heard of me, and all vied with each other to do me honor. This is a city^ full of goods and strangers — full 323 EECOLLEtTIONS OF of refugeeSj going further west. General Shelby will arrive to-day, with his command : we will all go together. If you are intimate with the Federal commander, give him my com- pliments, and say to him, that I have to ask of him but " one favor'''' — that he will rule our poor people mildly, and not let them feel the horrors of subjugation. If he will do this, all my feelings of hatred and antipathy will cease, and I vnll never again raise my hand against the United States authorities. / ask iiothing for myself. I am perfectly willing to remain in exile the rest of my life. D sends his regards. Please remember me kindly to Mrs. Sandidge and your gallant boys, and ever believe me, very truly. Your sincere and devoted friend, Henry W. Allen. Colonel Denis writes me of this journey: "We left San An- tonio on the 17th June, 18G5, literally loaded with presents of all sorts, made by kind friends, to the Governor : boxes of wines, fine liquors, preserves, cigars, coffee, etc., — good things, of which we had lost all but the remembrance during the war. " We directed our journey towards Eagle Pass, on the Rio Grande, having heard at San Antonio that the Federals were in possession of Brownsville, opposite Matamoras. AYe were therefore bound to go by Monterey, Saltillo, San Luis Potosi, Queretaro, to the city of Mexico. "Our train was at first very large, being composed, besides Governor Allen, Governor Moore, and three friends, of Generals Kirby Smith, Magruder, Sterling Price, Shelby, Hawes, Gor- don, Governor Clark, and Governor Murrah (both of Texas, and others), Generals Walker, Preston, etc. '' Subsequently we separated, and Governor Allen, Governor Moore, and myself remained alone of our party. " After passing through Castroville and Dennis, the last two villages of the western frontier of Texas, we arrived on the 23d of June at Eagle Pass (or Fort Davis). We crossed the HENRY WATKINS ALLEN". 327 Rio Grande on barges, and set our feet for the firyt time on Mexican soil at the little Indian village ot^ JPledras JVegras. " We had been travelling, since we left Shreveport, alter- nately on horseback and in the Governor's ambulance, camping- out at night after we left San Antonio, and mounting strict guard, to protect our horses, mules, and ourselves from surprise or attack from roving marauders, which abounded at that time on the frontier. From Piedras Negras, we proceeded west- ward to Monterey, where we arrived on the 3d of July. We spent there five days ; at Saltillo we remained one day. AVe reached San Luis Potosi after five days' travel ; we spent a week here, and the Governor sold the horses and mules. We now took the stage-coach for the city of Mexico. We were six days on the way, and reached the capital on the 27th of July. TI !? is the brief account of a very long journey." In spite of his horror of imprisonment and his flight from his native land for the purpose of avoiding it, Allen had to sub- mit to the ignominy of being arrested. The Confederate exiles were most kindly treated by the people of Monterey. And Governor Allen was invited to breakfast with the French Commandant. At the hour appointed, numerous guests were assembled to meet him. Minute after minute elapsed- — and the Governor, usually so punctilious in matters of etiquette, was not yet arrived. At last, the host was obliged to invite the company to the table without Governor Allen. A half-hour behind the time he joined them, very much flushed and con- siderably discomposed, made some excuse to the host, and took his seat amongst the convives. His friends plied him with ques- tions in regard to his delay, all of which he dexterously par- ried ; but when they had nearly gotten through the feast, he burst, into a hearty laugh, and told the joke on himself He had mounted his horse early, and set ofl" for a ride around the environs of the city, alone. Getting out some distance, he saw some fortifications which attracted his attention ; he rode up to them and began to examine them, with the eye and interest of a connoisseur. While absorbed in this pleasant survey, he was 828 RECOLLECTIONS OF suddenly tapped on the shoulder by a sentinel, forced to dis- mount, and march three-quarters of a mile on foot, to the officer in charge. In vain he protested. He knew little French and no Spanish ; so the sentry was inexorable. On he had to limp, with neither crutch nor cane, to headquarters. There was some delay in finding the officers, who had all been invited to meet him at breakfast. So there he had to stay, chafing in durance vile, with the aggravation of knowing he was delay- ing the breakfast, until after the proper officer was discovered, and he was released, very much annoyed and vexed ; but amused in spite of himself, and fully determined to exercise more discretion in future, in examining fortifications in a strange land. Sai^ Luis Potosi, Mexico, July 18th, 1865. My dear Colonel — This will inform you that we have ar- rived safe at this place, after a long, tiresome trip. Governors Moore and Denis are with me. We are all very well. Will re- main here a few days, and then go on to the city of Mexico, about 300 miles. It is my intention to settle permanently in that j^lace, as I have no idea that I icill ever he permitted to return. My means are uearly exhausted, but I do not despair. I shall go to work, with a hearty good-will, at any thing by which I can turn an honest penny. I often think of you, my dear friend, as one of the best and truest men I ever knew. It is highly probable that we shall never meet again, as I see by the United States newspapers that all who are excepted from the proclamation of amnesty will be brought to trial. It is a hard fate to be cut off from home and all we hold dear on earth ; but, my dear Colonel, I think I am equal to the emergency. I shall not whine over my misfortunes ; but with cool head and firm purpose, endeavor to rise above all m^^ troubles. I sincerely trust, my dear friend, that the United States authorities are governing our jdco- ple with kindness, and that their lot may be made as easy and pleasant as possible. God grant that Louisiana may be wisely governed, and that her people may never be made to feel the HENRY WATKINS ALLSX. 329 horrors which many anticipate. The citizens of Mexico have everywhere and on all occasions treated us with great kind- ness. I was invited to an elegant party, last evening, at Signor G 's, where were assembled many ladies and gentlemen to do us honor. This is a delightful place. In latitude twenty- four — still the climate is as cool to-day as our fall w^eather. Present my kindest regards to Mrs. Sandidge, and say to her that I have not yet seen a pretty woman in Mexico ! Even in the most elegant society, all smoke the cigarrita. They sing, and play, and dance very well. Wear no bonnets, but go bare- headed. Denis sends his regards. And now, my dear and noble friend, good-bye. God bless you. Write me often, to the city of Mexico. Ever your friend, Henry W. Allen. Iturbide Hotel, City of Mexico. August 7th, 1865. My dear Mrs. : I arrived in this great city some ten days ago, and have been well received by the civil and mili- tary authorities. I w^'ote you from Monterey and San Luis Potosi, and also, frequently, on the road from Crockett to Monterey. Governor Moore, and Generals Preston, and Smith, and Walker have all gone to Havana. Generals Magruder and Wilcox are here. I left Generals Price, and Hindraan, and Hardeman in Monterey. This, I believe, disposes of ail our distinguished exiles. My dear friend, I am delighted with Mexico, so far. It is certainly the garden-spot of this Continent, and in the hands of tlie Americans or the French, will make a most delightful country in which to live. This is the climate for all who are suffering with pulmonary diseases. Here are no consumptions. We are 8,000 feet above the level of the sea, and to-day, the Vth of August, is as pleasant as the month of October with us. On last Sunday, I went to military mass, at the grand cathe- dral. Tlie Marshal and his staff, brilliantly dressed, were present. The old church was crowded, a full band of music 330 RECOLLI^TIONS OF played, and during the ceremony, the soldiers, who were around the altar, with their muskets in hand, knelt and saluted, a la miliiaire. The band played beautiful pieces from the Trovatore and Xorma. This is life in Mexico ! Here is great display of fine carriages and elegant equipages. -The houses of the wealthy are most luxuriously furnished. In fact, every thincT is in barbnric splendor. The city has a population of 250,000, of which only 50,0uO are gentlemen or merchants. The rest are Indians or Leperos, who throng the streets as fruit-sellers, or venders of small-wares, water and Pueke carri- ers, &c., &c. I have been kindly received by the Marshal and others in high position. Many persons have called upon me, and made my stay, thus ilir, in Mexico, very agreeable. The ladies here are truly very handsome. At the opera, the other evening, X saw a great many very pretty women. They dress very elegantly, with a profusion of jewelry. They wear no bon- nets. An elegant mantilla is thrown over the head. Not- withstanding the Mexican ladies are pretty and splendid, I prefer the beauty of those of Louisiana. I could never lose my heart with women who seem to lack intelligence, and whose love for show and expensive dress and jewelry, seem to be their ^-uling passion. To me, intellect and gentle goodness alone are divine^ in your sex! I wish you were here, to join me in my daily rides and excursions. Your knowledge of Spanish, and all languages (how many is it ?) would be of such great assistance. I went to-day to the celebrated cypress- tree, known as the tree of Cortes. It is near the city, on the Paseo, and it really looks very old^ indeed! It was here that Cortes sat down and wept. It was here he spent the "triste noche." Everywhere around this great city, you see places full of historic interest. In the museum stands the huge sacrificial stone, covered with hieroglyphics. I regret so much, dear friend, that I cannot, in the short space of this letter, give you an account of many things I have seen here. I have taken a Spanish master, and am now daily engaged busily in HENRY Yf ATKINS ALLEN. 331 learning tlie beautiful language. I am preparing myself to teach school, by giving English lessons in a few good families. I find I can make a support, which is all I want, thank God. I, at least, breathe free air, and, although I am poor and pen- niless, yet I am a free man ; not shut up in a dreary prison. JPoor 3fr. Davis! An invitation has just been handed me to the palace, to be presented to the Emperor and Empress, to- morrow, at IJ o'clock. I shall go, and write you again an account of my interview. Commodore Maury is here. He is in high favor at court. He is with me in this hotel. He is in fine health, and has become a citizen of Mexico. One can g-et the finest cofl:ee and sugar lands at |1 per acre, payable in five years. Write me immediately. Regards to Mr. . Ever your friend, Henry W. Allen. P. S. I left San Antonio on the 17th of June last. I have not received a line^ nor had a word from the United States since. You promised to lorite ! Please write by every oppor- tunity. We get no mails here, regularly, of any kind. Adios, mi cara querida senora. City op Mexico, August 10th. My dear Madam : Since writing you, I have been presented to their Ma- jesties. They received us very graciously. The Empress is an elegant woman, higlily cultivated, and spenks tiie Eng- lish language very well. She assured us that we poor Con- federate exiles had her heartfelt sympathy, and that we were welcome in Mexico. I am much pleased with both of them, and shall make this city my home, while an exile. It is hard to be exiled from home and friends, and all we hold dear on earth ; but I suppose it cannot be helped ! Generals Price and Polk, of Missouri, and Judge Perkins, arrived to-day. They are all well. Thank God ! we are all, at least, beyond tlie power of persecution, prisons and chains. Judge Perkins looks in fine health. He sends his Warmest regards to you and Mr. . He says he will write you soon. No letters yet 332 RECOLLECTIONS OF from anybody! Not a line from you! Itisstrcmge! But your letters may be at Matamoras. I know, I told you to write there. I have no doubt, I blame you unjustly, in my impatience ; but we don't even get - newspapers from the States. It makes it seem so flir, far ofi"! I think sometimes you have forgotten me. " Les absens ont toujoiirs tortP I am reading a Spanish paper every morning. The carriage containing the Host is just passing my windows. All are on their knees. Even the Emperor, in passing, has stopped his carriage, and has gotten out, and is on his knees ! ! ! The French officers and soldiers, I see, do not kneel. They simply raise their caps. I am reading Prescott, I am ashamed to say, for the first time. Of course, yon, who have read every thing in a'll tlie languages of Babel, have read it. Don't you thmk it a remarkable book ? Such great research and such beau- tiful style ! I dined yesterday with a party of Englishmen. We had a most magnificent dinner — 7|- o'clock : returned at- 12 m. I am really grateful for the kindness I receive. It, in some measure, takes away the unpleasant parf of an exile's life. Write me, as often as you can I —all the political news and conditions, as well as the social and literary ! — every thing^ anything — only write. Adieu — yours ever, II. W. A. Hotel de San Caelos, ) City of Mexico, Sept. 5th, 1865. \ My dear Friend : Your letters of the 22d of June and 3d of July, were only received to-day. The others you mention are still at Mata- moras. I am glad to hear that there is a prospect of returning quiet to our distracted laud. I say our, I ought to say yom\ for I suppose I shall have to stay in Mexico. Permit me to sincerely thank you, dear, good friend, for your kind letters, and the interest you have ever felt in my welfare. I shall ever feel towards you as a beloved sister, and if the prayers of "Me HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 333 wicked'''' avail any thing, yon, and your good and noble hus- band, shall have them. Since writing that long and tiresome Jetter (to you), I have made arrangements to publish a news- paper in English, in this place. Enclosed, I send you a pros- pectus. You can't, of course, act as agent for the paper, but you can appoint one for me, and correspond for the paper. I will be under many obligations for your letters. Make them general. Touch gently on politics {that is, i?i youT letters for the paper), as I do not icish to publish any thing offensive to the United States authorities, i am out of money, and must do sometliing to. live. I am too proud to beg, and too honest, I hope, to steal ; so I have therefore gone to work as editor of this weekly newspaper. I will send the newspaper to you regularly, and shall look out for C7'itiques. Don't be too severe ! You know it is a new vocation to me. I am de- lighted to hear, through your letter, from my old friend Dr. Martin. Thank you, my dear friend, for your kind treatment of him. JHe is very dear to me. Good-bye. Write often. Give my regards to Mrs. and the ladies of her household. Say to Mrs. that I heard from her father on yesterday. He was in Havana. Her letter to him was enclosed to me from- San Antonio, a week or two ago. I sent it on immedi- ately to Havana. Very truly, your friend, Henry W. Allen. The money to establish "the Times" was advanced, and the editorship offered to Allen, who agreed to become the pro- prietor of the paper, and repay the loan as soon as feasible. At this time he was without any means of support, except by teaching. But he was resolved never to entangle himself in political affairs, and " to die a citizen of Louisiana^ City of Mexico, Nov. 1st, 1865. My dear Friend : Your two letters, one dated July the l5th, and the other, Katchez, August 23d, have just been received. I read them 334: RECOLLECTIONS OF with intense pleasure, for, my dear madam, you are the only living soul that has written me a line since I left Shreveport, ori the- 2d d:Ty of June last. I have now been absent fiuni- Louisinna five months, and strange to say, of all my hosts of f'-iciids, none have written — all have forgotten me except your- self! I assure you that 1 do from the bottom of my heart appre- ciate }'our constant, pure, disinterested friendship. Your beau- tiful, kind words, are invaluable, and most consolatory to me. Milles gracias, cara querida Senora ! I wish I knew as much Spanish as you do ! But I am trying to learn, so as to read and speak the beautiful language with you, if we should ever meet again, which may God grant, though I see no hope now of my ever being permitted to return home ! Colonel leU me some two Vvec ks ago. I gave him several letters for you, which I hope you have long since received. Well, my dear madam, I have turned editor, and am waiting impatiently for letters from you, to publish in " The Mexican Times." Do write me often, and give me all the political and other news. Send me for pubHcatiou a short history of General Lee and Stonewall Jackson. Write me some poetry, and send me any good pieces of original poetry you can get hold of! I shall send you the paper regularly — if possible. Please let me know how to send it. My whole time is taken up. I labor twelve hours every day, for I have to write all my editorials, and then see to getting up the paper. I can't afford to employ an assistant. My health is not good. I suffer mucli from my old wounds, and am sometimes so lame that I can hardly walk to my office. But, my dear friend, I ought not to tell you this, it will only dis- tress you : you can give me no relief I have long since shut out from r^y heart all hopes of aid or sympathy Irom any source. Sometimes my spirit sinks a litlle, Li;t not for long. My wounds make me feverish. Confinement, you know, is always irksome ; and when I am sick in this lonely chamber, and I pass hours and hours with no one but my Mexican servant to listen to the impatient ravings of a fevered brain, oh, then, I think of those dear ones I have left in Louisiana, of home, of all HENRY WATKIXS ALLEN. 335 whom I love so mnch. But, my clear Irieiid, enough of this, though it is a relief to be able to write you so freely ! Yet I must not wantonly and selfishly distress you. I do not see how I can ever return to Louisiana ! I cannot ask a pardon. A parole I would gladly accept. Perhaps a gi.r.i ivl aiuiicot/ may come — if not, I camiot with lionor go back and ask pardon for v/liat 1 (.ion't consider a crime. Let my properly go to those who have seized it— I can make another fortune. I am very, very thankful to my friends for their interest in my behalf. If I could ever serve the people of Louisiana, in any, the smallest degree, I will gladly, gladly do so. I will return eagerly to the people who have ever been so good, so true to me. . I go to the opera every night — being an editor, I have free admittance to all the theatres and operas. Last night they performed my favorite, the Trovatore. It was beautifully rendered, and I could not keep from shedding tears. Music has upon me now a strange effect. It takes me back to the scenes of my childhood and my early manhood — to the pleasant days I have spent with the warm hearts from which I am now forever parted — and leaves me for a while sad, and almost broken-hearted. I have made but few acquaintances in Mexico, but those few are select, and very agreeable. The Emperor and Empress have been very kind to me. I wish you could see " our Carlotta." She is a noble woman, the fast and good friend of all unfortunates, such as we poor Confederates ! She is so charitable ! — a real woman! This is xVll faints- Day. The whole of Mexico is in a ferment of pleasure and pleasure- seeking. High Mass at 8, bull-fights at 4 p. m., operas at night. I go to all, as much as I can, and have become quite a good Mexican. Give Mr. S , General Wm. T. Martin, and J. S , my kind regards ; they have ever been my good friends. Good-bye. Pardon this melancholy letter. Write me often — your letters are inexpressibly comforting to me. That loas a lovely extract from in the last! How thankful I should be for such a friend — indeed^ I am. Ever yours, IIenky TT; Allen. 336 RECOLLECTIONS OF City of Mexico, Dec. 25, 1865. R. C. CuMMixGS, Esq., Shreveport^ Louisiana : My dear Friend — Your letter of the 9th ultimo is just re- ceived, under cover of letter from Messrs. R. C. Cummings & Co., of New Orleans, and accompanied by a draft on London, in my favor, for the sum of one hundred and seventy-nine pounds sterling, the rcceij^^t of which has been duly acknowl- edged. This is Christmas Day, and it does seem as if a kind Provi- dence had so arranged it, that I should receive this material testimonial of regard from my devoted friends in Louisiana, as a Christmas present. Be pleased to express to those kind friends, who have joined you in this act of liberality, my sin- cere, my heartfelt thanks. But few men have had the good fortune to be blessed with so many good, true, and devoted friends, as have fallen to my lot. That Heaven would bless you, the State of Louisiana, and bring her citizens safe through their many trials and troubles, has been my constant prayer ever since I left her borders. I can never, never forget her ! As for yourself, sir, this is not the first time that I have been placed under obligations to you. Accept the grateful thanks of an exile, with the hope that some day he may be able to repay, in part at least, the many acts of kindness ren- dered him by you. My friend, it is true, beyond the possibil- ity of a doubt, that there is such a thing as friendship beyond the grave. If, therefore, we should never meet again— if it should be denied me to see my friends in Louisiana again on this earth — oh ! I have the assurance that we shall meet again " beyond the skies." When it shall please God to consign this mutilated body to its last resting-place — be it among strangers in Mexico, or friends in Louisiana — I will want no better epi- taph inscribed on my tomb than the sentiment contained in the closing part ot your letter : " Your friends are proud to know that Louisiana had a Gov- ernor who had an opportunity of securing a million of dollars HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 337 in gold, and yet preferred being honest in a foreign land, with- out a cent." My conscience tells me that I did ony duty ^ — that I pro- tected the people, anxl remained faithful, to the last, to the high trust confided to me. I have always believed, and now I know, that the good people of Louisiana have not forgotten — no, never will forget — him who was ever true to them. With grateful feelings of undying friendship, I am, dear sir, Yours truly and faithfully, Henhy Watkins Allen. The following editorial greeting appeared in Allen's paper, Dec. 25th, 1866 : " CHRISTMAS COMES BUT ONCE A YEAPw." Before this issue of our paper readies most of our readers, tlie anniver- sary of our Lord and Saviour will have arrived. It is a day of rejoicing for the rich and tlie poor, the bond and the free, in all Christian lands, and even tlie captive in his lonely cell, if not permitted to participate in the festivities of this sacred and joyous occasion, will have pleasure in the recollections of the past. Christmas day ! On this day how many young hearts wiU leap with joy ! how many mothers and fathers will call round them their children, and, kneeling before the throne of the great Jehovah, thank Him for His continued blessings ! how many %vidows, clad in weeds of mourning, will gather their little ones close to them, and in humble supplication com- mune with the God of the fatherless ! how many exiles in foreign lands wiU kneel in prayer and ask their Heavenly Father to protect their wives and children, and their dear, dear friends far away ! On last Christmas we were seated in our executive chair, the chief mag- istrate of the great State of Louisiana — the Governor of a noble constitu- ency of lovely women and brave men. The Christmas before that we were a Brigadier-General in the field. On the next previous Christmas we were confined to our bed, given up to die, and suffering all the agonies of terrible wounds. To-day we are in this great city, editing this humble paper, and coining our brain into daily bread ; but, thank God, in good health — as it were rejuvenated — and now enjoying the hospitalities of the good and gene- rous people of Mexico. 15 838 eecolleCtions of . God bless the exiles, wlierever tliey may be, in this wide world of sor- row ; and may they, on the coming Christmas day, with grateful hearts thank all who have been kind to them in the land of the stranger. That heaven may bless our native land, and bind up the bruised and broken hearts, and dry every mourner's tear — is our sincere, our fervent prayer. City of Mexico, Jan. 1st, 1865. My dear Madam : I send to-day by a friend three packages of , and slips that you asked for, and a long letter for you. My friend will mail them in Havana. In the mean time, I send you this line by mail. Do you get Avearied of my fre- quent epistles ? I am afraid sometimes you may ; but I hope not. I write not only to gratify my own selfish heart, but to provoke your replies, which are so valuable to me. How good you are to write so often and so frankly ! I am so grateful to you ! I laughed heartily over your descrip- tion of . The political position is rather lugu- brious ! It is well that you are amiable, with such a sense of humor, such power of satire, and so much learning as you have crammed in that little head of yours ! This has been a great day in Mexico ; for I, like all others, have spent the day visiting, and am now (8 o'clock at night) very tired. I have been to the British Minister's, to Marshal Bazaine's, to Count De Nones,' and other places, till my poor wounded limbs ache terribly. Please send me a letter every month for publication. Don't be too severe in your criticisms on my poor versis to the Empress. You know I am afraid of your laughing satire! The Mexicans liked my poetry ; they say it " is good f but as they are not finished English scholars, I have some misgivings. I doiiH know. My dear friend, I am writing for breads and am happy to inform you that I am making a living, a good, respect- able living. I think I have obtained the respect and confidence of the people of this great city. The Empress has been very kind ; and I felt every line of the verses, ''Hf they do limp.'''' She is a great woman ; every one loves her. * * * I am keeping house ; my printers are living with me. We have Mexican HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 339 servants, and I am learning to speak the language. I give English lessons, which helps me to get along. Yes ; I have " lived for iceeJcs on 25 cents — one meal — per diem." Who told you ? But that is all over now ; don't fret about it. How could I complain, "and tell you of it .^" how could you aid me ? As to what Buckner says about the climate, I can understand ; it is delightful, though ! I mn going away — going to Paris in May. My wounds trouble me greatly. If you should ever meet Miss • again, please say to her that I. have no matrimonial engagement with the lady she mentioned, nor with any other. My dear friend, what would I do with a wife ? I can hardly support myself in my exile. I always thought that marriage a mistake, ill-judged. I am sorry about it : I liked them both. But it is all a lottery, and who draws a prize is lucky indeed. This is the carnival season in Mexico ; the city is lilled with maskers, and music of all kinds. I send you a flower, and a piece of Cortes' " Tree of weeping /" it is a huge cypress-tree. What lovely paintings you would make of these flowers! You would make a book superior to your Louisiana one. I am very impatient to get " The Illumination," that song of Moore's. I like it so much ! and, illustrated by your skilful pencil, how valuable it will be ! Last evening, I went to hear the opera of Martha, when, at tlie close, "The Last Rose of Summer" was sung. I had to quit the theatre, almost in tears ; associations were too strong for me. It carried me back to Louisiana. * * * * If you should see " Vallery," tell him " howdy' " for me. He is a faithful and good servant, honest and true. Ever yours, H. W. A. " I have just had a letter from Sandidge. What a friend he is ! Give Governor H my regards. I am delighted to see him a director of the Citizens' Bank. The right man in the right place. If there ever was an honest man^ Governor H 340 RECOLLECTIONS OF is one. I have made the acquaintance of but few ladies — I have no time : with me, it is work, work, work ; my daily bread depends on it. My paper is a success, but does not bring in much money yet ; but my wants are few, and I am comparatively happy. Don't worry about me — you can't help me. They say I will get relief m Paris. I am going to try it. Yes ! the Vv'omen are " like the Havanese^^ they are many of them " very fit," but at the same time pretty. " Don't I remem- ber old Mrs. Commonfort ?" Of course I do, and the pretty girl with the dark eyes, and fire-flies. How little I dreamed, in those days of sunshine, I should be here an exile in their native land ! The British Minister (Mr. Scarlett), has been very kind to me. I have received many courtesies at his hands. Thanks for the clippings from the iDCipers. How considerate you are I My regards to your good husband. Ever your friend, Henry W. Allen, Vera Cruz, March loth, 1880. My dear Friend : Your letters of February 16th, 18th, and 22d, with enclosed clippings from the New Orleans press, and letters for friends at Carlotta, all came safely to hand to-day. Many thanko for the same. I have already forwarded the extracts to the city of Mexico, to my paper. By the way, I regret so much you don't get the Mexican Times regularly. I know it would please you to have it. * * * * I return to the city of Mexico to-morrow, — in a few days will start for Europe. I go to consult a surgeon about my wounds, for I suffer a great deal, and there seems no remedy. I do not know how long I shall be gone. It will depend on circum- stances ; but after the surgeon gets through with me, I am determined to visit Jerusalem and the Holy Land, if possible, before I return. You shall receive letters from me written on the banks of the "Jordan flood." " Sweet fields beyond tlie swelling flood, Stand dressed in living green." HENRY TV ATKINS ALLEN. Bil Don't you remember the hymn ? I have a strange, romantic longing to bathe in the waters of that river, and to stand where Moses stood, and " view the promised Land." I always had this desire. Do you think it is superstitious? I am pretty certain you sympathize with me ; so I don't fear your laughing. I am- anticipating great pleasure in writing you the longest letters from all the interesting places. My paper will go on as usual. I will correspond w^ith it, and also with the . My signature is . By this means I get the money to travel. Mr. pays me so much per letter. This is a secret. Under this pay^ I hope to be able to travel twelve months, after getting through with tlie surgeon. I have received the letters you wrote about, but for a long time have had none from . When you write to Dr. Martin again, say to him that I have written him often since I left, and that I write him again to-day. There is an opera here at pre- sent — last night we had the Trovatore. There are so many pleasant recollections connected Avith it, tliat I enjoyed it very much. May Heaven bless and preserve you, my dear friend, is the prayer of Yours truly, H. W. A. P. S. — I shall send you a wooden cross made out of cedar of Lebanon, for your mantel-piece. You will like that. Vera Cruz, March 16th, 1860. Immigration is setting in fast to Mexico, in earnest. Every vessel brings many passengers as emigrants, from Tennessee, Georgia, Mississippi, Louisiana, South Carolina, and Missouri. There is land enougli for all the South, but they are slow in surveyiPig it ; and all those w^ho come here should bring some money. I fear there will be much misery among those colo- nists who come here without money. They had better stay at home. I am here for a few days on business. I find this a very agreeable place. Fish and oysters very good. I write 342 RECOLLECTIONS OF this sitting in the window of my hotel, which looks out upon the sea. The view is beautiful. Old ocean roaring at my feet, and the great castle in front, keeping " watch and ward" in the deep blue sea. I shall be in Havana very shortly — shall expect letters there. We had Lucia di Lammermoor last night, and the melancholy music still rings in my ears, " Fra poco— me, ri- covero." How sad it is ! * * * I have just received a package of books from New York ; among them Poe's works. I opened it at the Raven. I find myself continually repeating this verse, — its melancholy senti- ment is most agreeable to me at times : " Be that word our sign of parting, bird or fiend, I shrieked, upstarting — Get thee back into the Tempest and the Night's Plutonian shore ! Leave no black plume as a token of that lie thy soul hath spoken ! Leave my loneliness unbroken. Quit the bust above my door — Take thy beak from out my heart, and take thy form from off my door ! Quoth the Raven, Never more." What a strange thing it is ! You can get my book of Travels from and , if you want it. Adios. H. W. A. Vera Cruz, March 17th. " I leave to-morrow, for my home in the grand old city of the Montezumas : will write you from thence. Adieu — God pre- serve you. I read 's letter you enclosed, with m.uch plea- sure, and no little amusement — it is so like Am, and he is so unlike anyoodif else. Oh ! dulce, dulce Domum ! But I re- ceive much kindness here : I ought to be very grateful. I am. My sanctum in Mexico is the headquarters of all Americans. I do not expect to be permitted to return, but I shall live and die an American citizen^ Whilst in Europe, in 1859, Allen purchased some valuable jewels — sleeve-buttons and studs, each composed of a single soli- taire diamond. He told me of them, in Paris, laughing at himself for being guilty of the folly of spending three thousand dollars HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 3i3 in such " vai)i trifles y" but it proved a very wise investment for him. In the early part of the Confederate War — ^just be- fore he was going into a figlit — a friend called at his tent, who was^o quit tlie country and go to Cuba. As they were about to part, Allen suddenly recollected his set of diamonds, — took them out of his sleeves and shirt-bosom, and gave them, with his watch and some other valuables, to this friend, saying : " I am going into a fight, — I may be killed. I don't want the Yankees to get these. Take care of them for me ; and if I am killed, keep them for my sake." The friend took them. After Allen reached Mexico, and could communicate with Cuba, of course hisjewels were restored to him. These jewels, with the contributions from his friends in Louisiana, and I suppose something realized in Mexico by his paper, or in speculation, gave him a small fund to begin life with anew. But for some time he suffered a great deal from privation and want of means, immediately after his arrival in Mexico. He wrote me fre- quently, that there was abundant opportunity to make money, in almost any way, in Mexico, ''^ if one had a small capital to begin with.^'' " There is scarcely any thing that a skilful, ingenious man cannot accumulate means rapidly in, here." " Tell Mr. , with a very small capital he can make a for- tune in a few years." " Don't let anybody come without a little money ; but, with a little, one can soon make a great deal," He had some idea of investing a portion of his small capital in a vineyard near the city of Mexico, a share of which was offered him on very low terms, by a Confederate soldier turned vine-grower. I think he did so. All the Americans in Mexico were eager to aid him, in any way in their power. They saw how gallantly and unweariedly he breasted with his weak frame the adverse tide of fortune ; how indefatigably he labored ; how frugal and self-denying and liberal he was. Everybody was wiliii'.g 1<> oive him a helping baud. His paper was a suc- cess. It had been attempted several times before Allen under- 344 EE COLLECTIONS OF took it ; but an English paper liad never been permanently established in Mexico. Few persons anticipated success for Allen, when, in the necessities of his condition, he agreed to conduct such a journal. He had excellent judgment in investments and all the mys- teries of trade and financiering, — qualities which, with his ex- aggerated sense of honor and his incorruptible integrity, made him a rarely efficient and valuable political economist. Had his physical strength been equal to the demands his resolute will iiau eiiercy exacted of it, laere is little doubt, had his life been prolonged, tiiac he wuuid have fulfilled the promise he calmly, and, as I wrote him, "so boastfully''' made in one of his letters to me : " Let them take my fortune^ 1 can onake another.^'' In November, 18C5, he wrote to his friend, Colonel D , very cheerfully, though, at this time, he was struggling with both pain and poverty. Colonel D , who was much troubled about him, had proposed to make a collection in the State for his benefit. Allen remonstrates with him : " Don't trouble yourself about raising a fund for me. I can work. I can live. I know there are many who would desire to help me that are not able, — the country is so ruined. I now labor twelve hours a-day over this newspaper, and am a happier man for it !" In a postscript to the same letter, he says : " The leys are giviiig loay. I suffer a good deal from the reopening of my old wounds. I think I will be compelled to have one ampu- tated:' I took one of his letters, in which he described the state of his v.-Qi^nus, and placed it in the Ir^nds of iJr. Vv'arren Stone, the famous Southern surgeon. Dr. Stone wrote a very kind letter to Allen, advising against amputation, and recom- mending him to consult a surgeon, a friend of Dr. Stone's, then in Mexico. Allen was very grateful to Dr. Stone for his friendly interest in him ; spoke of it several times, in his letters to me, with much feeling. He wrote veiy carefully of politics, either American or Mexican. He believed that Maximilian HE:N'Ky WATKINS ALLEN. 345 , would be able to maintain himself. He thought a strong gov- "ernment best for Mexico. He considered Maximilian a very able man. As far as my personal knowledge goes, these were the opinions of nearly all the Southern people. Being an agri- cultural people, it is our interest to avoid disquiet and fanaticism in every way. It has always been our interest. Therefore, we are a patient people, contrary to the generally accepted belief of the Southern '•'• fire-eating T We do net like change. Our modes of life and thought are slow and old-fashioned. We have in our best circles much of the stately Spanish and French ceremony — none of the Puritan restlessness. If our men are sensitive and full of " vain chivalry, ^^ it is always, with them, a blow or defence according to the fixed rules of the Code of Honor. We therefore think any government, even despotism, better than anarchy or lawlessness ; so we approved of an empire for Mexico, if the 3fexicans desired one. Besides, Maximilian alone had ever shown towards ns the slightest sympathy. He did but little for our exiles; but he spoke to them kindly, and allowed them to attempt to make a living in Mexico. They were grateful, and so are we — their friends at home. Writing to him of my fears of a war with Mexico, on ac- count of the Monroe doctrine, on the part of the United States, and the consequent overthrow of the empire, which interested me only so far as it concerned the exiles, Allen replied, " that he did not anticipate war. The empire was probably secure against that, so long as France and Austria sustained it. He anticipated rather internal trouble from want of money, the finances were in such a low state. If any thing produced a failure, it would be want of money on the part of Maximilian." " Solon disait qu'il n'avait pas decrete aux Atheniens les meil- leures lois possibles, mais seulement celles qui leur convenaient le mieux. II y a tel peuple auquel il faut de mauvaises lois. Au reste, celles-ci ne sont mauvaises que par rapport a de meil- leures nations : c'est Texacte convenance des lois avec les ca- racteres^d'un peuple qui les rend utiles. Ainsi le despotisme 15^ 346 RECOLLECTIO^^S OF pent paraitre fort bon aiix Indes, mais uii gouvernement re- publicain y causerait peut-etre le coiuble des bouleverseiuens.'' One can readily apply these words to the condition of Mex- ico. A strong government appears almost necessary there. If Maximilian can't govern it, the United States will have to ; for it is and must remain a most wretched country in its per- petual anarchy of attempted self or partisan government. In October, 1865, there was an attempt made to elect Allen again to the gubernatorial office. As may be seen, from his own letters, he had no cognizance of this effort, as he had not^ until after that tlme^ received a single line from the United /States, except in iny letters I was in Maryland at the time, and knew nothing of the movement until after my return South, in November. His friends quashed the effort determinately, regarding it as disastrous to the reorganization of the State, and injurious to iVllen, being calculated to increase prejudice against him in Vv^ashington city. Allen thanked his friends for putting down the movement ; though now I think, perhaps, we made a mistake both for the State and our friend, who would have returned instantly, if elected, which he undoubtedly would have been, and would have been reconciled, as Governor Humphries and others have been. It would have been better lor Louisiana under his wise and efficient administration, and he would not have been killed by over-work, suffering, and an iingenial climate. To THE People of Louisiana. New Orleans, October 19, 1865. Fellow-Citizens— The friends of Ex-Governor Henry Watkins Allen, at an informal meeting, held in this city, with the full conviction that their course will be absolutely approved and endorsed not only by him- self, but by the people at larije, have announced him as a candidate for Governor of the State of Louisiana at the ensuing November elec- tion. You, our fellow-citizens, are well acquainted with Henry Watkins Allen. You know liis dignity of soul, his talents, his services, his sacri- HENEY WATKINS ALLEN". 347 fices, the pure manhood and lofty chivalry that has governed every act of his past career, whether on the tented field or in an administrative capacity. You know him to be as true as steel, able, faithful, patriotic, and accomplished. Knowing these facts, we do not see that a lengthy recapitulation of his services is at all necessary. The mere statement that he is a candidate for Governor, is not only its own argument and il- lustration, but it will, we are firmly convinced, be deemed amply sufficient to induce a large majority of the voters of this State to cast their suffrages in his favor. Fellow-citizens ! Governor Allen is now an exile from home, kindred, and friends — from the State he has served so long and faithfully, and loved so well — although his return is anticipated within a few weeks. Ruined in his private fortunes, crippled in his limbs, but with a heart as proud, as noble, as unsullied, as ever beat within the breast of a human being, what a compliment, what a testimonial of gratitude it would be to elect him to the first office in the commonwealth ! The people of Louis- iana owe this to themselves, to him, to the country. The debt of grati- tude they are under could not be as well discharged in any other way. The idea that Governor Allen is ineligible, on account of the various positions he has held, wdiich will be sedulously circulated among you, is entirely erroneous. Henry W. Allen labors vmder no disabilities which will prevent him from filling the office of Governor. The taking of the oath of allegiance will qualify him to occupy any State office. He re- quires neither Presidential pardon nor amnesty. In illustration of this, in order to dissipate all doubts in the premises, we will simply mention that the Governor-elect of Mississippi, the brave and gallant General Benjamin G. Humphreys, will be inaugurated into office before this reaches you, although, at the latest dates, the official documents, con- taining his pardon, had not been received at the capital of our sister State. These being the facts of the case, we invoke our fellow-citizens, without reference to parties, nominees, or nominations, tt rally round the stand- ard of Henry W. Allen, and elect him to the Chief Magistracy of Louis- iana. It can be done, should be done, and must be done. In a few days, his friends in New Orleans expect to address you fur- ther on this subject; and, in conclusion, all they have to say is, that Henry Watkins Allen will serve as Governor of Louisiana if elected, all reports circulated by interested parties to the contrary notwithstanding. T. A. BARTLETTE, President. Vice-Preddents—3. G. Clarke, J. T. Baldwin, E. A. Rossy, M. D., H. W, Reynolds, J. C. Wingard, George M. Beamau, C. W. White, Henry 348 RECOLLECTIONS OF Crean, W. IL Wells, Benj. R. Coleman, of Claiborne, A. J. Wagner, W. S. Grayson, of Ouacliita. Secretary — Jolin W. Overall. Corresponding Secretaries — Charles Deranco, J. H. Turner, F. Lance Du Free. Hexry Watkixs Allex. We regret exceedingly, at this time, that some of the friends of this distinguished gentleman have thought proper to place him before the people for Governor, at the ensuing election. ^V'e allovr no man living to hold Henry W. Allen in any higher esteem than we do. We knew him intimately, both in the field and the executive chamber — as a soldier and a statesman. We knew him as the friend of the soldier, and the protector of the citizen. As a man of noble impulses and high intellect- ual attainments, together with his indomitable energy, one might search the country over to find his peer. Yet, with this high appreciation of his character, we are utterly opposed to his election at this crisis. We oppose it on the ground that it is impolitic, and that it would jeopardize the rehabilitation of this State, by giving the Radicals an axe to chop our own heads off. To a reasonable mind, there can be no doubt, that if he were elected G overnor at this time, that the radical press of the north would raise a great hue-and-cry about the disloyalty of Louisiana, she having elected an exiled ex-rebel Governor. We oppose his election, again, on the grounds that it would be doing our present executive great injustice, and through him. President Johnson. We all know in what high esteem the Frer-idout holds Governor Wells, and what he has done for us through him, and what he expects us to do in return, without placing any vexatious diflSculties in his way. We do not go so far as to say, that we think the President would not pardon Mr. Allen, if elected ; but we do think this, that it is asking too much of him at this time. No doubt exists in our mind but what the President would pardon Henry W. Allen as a private citizen, and would take pleasure in doing it, provided he was in this country at the time of making the application. As it is, the President has his hands full, and it is ill-timed and ill-advised to ask him to strain another point. Primary meetings have been held all over the State, in which Governor Wells' course has been highly approved, and resolutions passed, pledged to his support. For the above reasons, we shall not vote for Henry W. Allen. We have no means of knowing who his particular friends are, who placed his name before the people, but we have good reasons for knowing that some of his most intimato HEN'EY WATKINS ALLEN. 3:1-9 friends have witlidrawn it, as v/ill be seen by tlie following extracts from the New Orleans Star. The first is from E, W. Halsey, well known to our citizens as Governor Allen's private Secretary, when Governor of this State : New Orleans, October 17, 1865. Editoh Southern Star — Sir: I observe that some person or persoli^5 unknown have published an unsigned announcement of Henry W. Allen, as a candidate for the office of Governor, at tlie ensuing election. Tliis has been done without the Icnowledge of the very worthy and distin- guished nominee, who is now in the city of Mexico, whither he went some months ago in search of rest, for his shattered limbs, of respite from the burden- some toil of public service, and of restoration of his liealth, which care, and wounds, and hard work, in camp and in council, had greatly impaired. A-t the time of his departure, he neither wished nor intended to return to Louisiana until after the lapse of a considerable period, nor until the objects of his journey had been accomplished. He will he surprised at the sudden, spas.T.odio, and very unaccountable nomination, made in a manner so obscure and peculiar. After two conventions, representing parties, have assembled and adjourned without nominating him, the anonymous call of the writer of the advertisement referred to, will seem a little strange to the heroic exile. My past relations with Governor Allen, and my knowledge of his views and wishes, will warrant me in saying that the nomination so made will meet with liis decided disapproval. A fitting time will come to put forth that honored name for the suffrages of his admiring countrymen. In awaiting that time, his true friends will restrain their impatience, sensible as they are of his certain election to any position for which he may be offered. But on the other hand, it is very doubtful whether the unanimous votes of the adiuiring people of Louis- iana would induce liim to accept the Governorship under the so-called constitu- tion of 1864. With great respect, your obedient servant, E. \V. Halsey. The names signed to the following card are among the most intimate and warmest friends of Mr. Allen : New Orleans, October 17, 1865. The undersigned, intimate, personal, and political friends of Governor Henry "VV. Allen, believing that his announcement as a candidate for the gubernatorial office is made without his knowledge and consent, and that the same, under the present aspect of affairs, is extretnely ill-timed, impolitic, and injudicious, take the responsibility of doing what they are confident Governor Allen would do, if personally present, and hereby declare the use of his name, in this con- nection, to be unauthorized, and withdraw it. W. D. Winter, J. V. Duralde, J. M. Taylor, E. Mcllhenny, Wm. A. Austin, M. D., Richard Nugent, John H. New, Edwin L. Jewell, B. Haralson, J. M. Bradford, Duncan S. Cage, B. Chinn, Alexander Barrow, M. Favrot. 350 RECOLLECTIONS OF The New Orleans Crescent, of the 24th ult., in speaking of Henry W. Allen, in connection with the Governorship of this State, says : *' For our own part, we yield to none in our respect, and esteem, and ad- miration for Henry W. Allen; and precisely because we entertain those sentiments we should be unwilling to see liis name and his fame sacrificed to the unreasonable impulses of inconsiderate, even if sincere, friends. We be- lieve that our people ought to vote for Governor Wells, because, from the pecu- liar circumstances in which he is placed. Governor Wells is the man by far the best qualified, in connection with President Johnson, to solve the problem of tlie political rehabilitation of Louisiana. That is by far the most important question before us. Lideed, it is the only question at this moment. To elect Ex-Governor Allen would so seriously complicate this problem, it would throw so many and so perplexing obstacles in the way, that its favorable solution might be indefinitely postponed. No one can see this result more clearly than Henry W. Allen himself; and no one would more profoundly and heartily de- precate it than he would. So far, then, from its being an evidence of friend- ship towards him to vote for him, such a course, we are sure, would incur his most decided reprobation. His worst enemy could not do him a greater injury now than to thrust him into the gubernatorial office, and thereby to identify this loved and admired son of Louisiana with a movement which, if it is not intentionally factious and disorganizing, is, at least, imprudent and mis- chievous." General II. W. Allen. The Young Men's National Democratic Association adopted the follow- ing preamble and resolutions at their meeting on Tuesday night : Whereas, The Young Men's National Democratic Association is convinced that the honored name of Henry W. Allen, in connection with the candidacy for Governor of this State in the present election, is being used without his knowledge, authority, or consent ; and Whereas, We believe that his name has been so brought forward by his ene- mies, and by the enemies of the National Democratic party, for the purpose of distracting and dividing its counsels, without any hope or desire of his election, but for the sole purpose of perpetrating a fraud upon the people of the State, by putting his name at the head of the Conservative Union ticket, and thereby obtaining votes for said ticket in remote parts of the State where its sinister ends and aims are not properly understood : Resolved, That while we yield to none in admiration of the character of Henry W. Allen, and look forward with pride and hope to the day when he will re- turn from his exile, and receive at the hands of a grateful people whatever of honor they may have to bestow ; yet we reprobate the use of his name, under HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 351 the present circumstances, as unwise, unjust, and unautliorized, and as hostile in intent and etfect to the true interests of the Deniocrutic party of the State' of Louisiana, and, above all, of Henry W. Allen himself. Resolved, That we warn all true friends of Henry W. Allen— among whom we are proud to be ranked — not to be entrapped by this " weak invention of the enemy,*' but to follow the counsel of Beauregard and Hays, and every other man in the State who might be supposed to have the interests of Henry \V. Allen at heart, and stand by the whole Democratic ticket. Resolved, That we await with impatience the time, not far distant, when we shall hear the voice of Henry W. Allen himself reprobating this insidious at- tempt to use him in his absence as a tool to further the ends of a selfish clique, with whose object he woald be the last to sympathize. Fred. N. Ogden, Pres. C. E. Fenner, Vice-Pres. J. E. Austin, Sec'y. H. M. Isaacson, Treas. N. T. N. Eobinson, L. L. Conrad, F. C. Zacharie, H. Bonnabel, Charles J. Howell, Wra. H. Cook, Jr., James K. Currell, E. S. Drew, M. D. Jos. Murphy, A. P. Simpson, Walter H. Rogers, D. C. Byerly, John F. Gruber James G. Gernon, Gabriel Correjolles, Thomas S. Maxwell, Frank Clarke, George H. Law, H. S. Cary, Richard C. Bond, James McCloskey, F. A. Earhart, Cartrigiit Eustice, W. J. Kelley, L. R. Simmons, Paul B. Leeds, George W. Simpson, Jeff. D. Van Benthuyseu, P. G. Mohan, B. F. Jonas, W. C. D. Vaught, W. P. Harper? S. S. Batchelor, L. L. Levy, T. L. Macon, Charles N. Morse, Francis Rawle, E. G. Gottschalk, John Wood, J. Wood Breedlove, Anthony Sambola, A. P. Beers, C. W. Culbertson, James Purviance, Thomas J. Dnggan, John C. Sinnott. City op Mexico, March 26, 1866. My dear Colonel — Your letter, enclosing the copy of one directed by you to President Johnson, has just been received on my return from Vera Cruz. The sentiments of true friend- ship therein contained are not only very refreshing, but truly grateful to my feelings in this land of the exile. I have never in my life met one to whom I have formed a greater attach- ment. Your friendships, I see, are as lasting as the grave and S52 RECOLLECTIONS OF as pure and disinterested as were ever implanted in mortal breast. My severest pang was in parting with you. Permit me, my dear friend, to thank you most sincerely for the deep interest you have taken in my welfare, and for the letter writ- ten to President Johnson. It is certainly my wish to return to the United States, and I would do so to-morrow, if I could with honor and safety, for I am still devoted to Louisiana and lier people; but I have long since given up all hopes of return- ing, as I have been advised that in my case the matter had been decided against me ; therefore I am making my arrange- ments to live permanently abroad, without any hope of ever seeing' my old and beloved friends again. It is my present in- tention to go to Paris in May, to have an operation performed on my wounds, which give me great pain. I am promised a permanent cure by going to a Paris surgeon. Write me to this city till 20th April, and afterwards to Paris. Please remember me kindly to Mr. Spyker, also to your family. With the hope that you may succeed in your new enterprise, and that God may bless you and yours, I am. Colonel, Yery truly your friend, Hexry W. Allen. P. S. — You are at liberty to say this to my friends, " That loherer.er I may be, in Europe, Asia, or Africa, Mexico or South America, and your letter should reach me, permitting my hon- orable and safe return, I will turn my steps homeward, and obey with a cheerful and a joyous heart the call of the good people of Louisiana." H, W. A. Letter from Governor Allen to a Colored Servant. The following touching and characteristic letter will be read with interest : To Vallery : City of Mexico, April 4, 1866. I have just received a letter from Mr. Texada, in Avhich he mentions your name, informing me that you were working at the State-House, and doing well. I am very glad to hear it, for you deserve to do well. I am also glad to hear that you have not forgotten me, for I think of you very HENRY WATKINS ALLEX. 353 often, not only as my faithful sei-vant in former days, but as my compan. ion in arms, and on the battle-field. God bless you, Vallery. I don't know that I shall ever see you again, for it is possible I may never return. I am now just about starting on a long and painful journey to Paris, to see if I can't get well. I would like so much to have you along to assist me and cheer me up in my exile, but I have not the means to pay your expenses. You must be temperate, and prudent, and industrious, and save your money. If I am ever a rich man again, I will help you and make you comfortable for life. If you should see any of our people again, tell them that I send them all my love. I hope in God that I shall meet them all once more. Good-bye, Vallery. Remember my advice. You were ever true to me, and I will never, never forget your services. God bless you. Truly your friend Henry W. Allex. City of Mexico, April 2d, 186G. My dear Friend — I avail myself of the departure of Col- onel , of New Orleans, to write you this. He has been to Mexico to look about for land for himself and relatives, and re- turns without accomplishing his purpose. This I much regret, for he would have been a great accession to our colony. Many come out here, and return dissatisfied. I don't blame them, for with all your drawbacks, there are a thousand more comforts in the States than here. Those who have comfortable homes in Louisiana, should never leave them. Since I wrote you last, nothing of interest has transpired. We have just got through with Holy Week, and, my dear friend, such mummery you nev- er saw or heard of! For two days no carriage nor horse could appear in the streets ; no amusements of ;uiy kind could be indulged in : this was on Holy Thursday and Friday. But on Sunday we had bull-fights, and operas, and theatres in full blast ! ! ! I have, however, gotten used to all these things. Mexico is, I believe, the only country where living representa- tions of the Crucifixion are given. On Friday we had a naked Indian on the cross, as Jesus Christ ! The Indian was tied be- tween two others, representing the thieves ! This tableau was surrounded by others representing the Roman centurion and soldiers, with Pontius Pilate, dressed up, on his throne. 354: RECOLLECTIONS OF All this mummery pleases the people very much, but the burn- ing of Judas seemed to delight them much more. I took a trip to Vera Cruz and Cordova a week or two since, but did not enjoy the trip much, as I became sick, and sullered very much ; am still quite unwell, and suffering ter- ribly from dyspepsia. I hope to get off during this month, and will write you from Havana. Judge P. is well, and push- ing finely ahead with his coffee-farm : he blacks his own shoes, and feeds and curries his own horse. He expects his wife and daughter in the fall. My regards to Mr. . Believe me. Very truly, your sincere friend, Hexry "W. Allen. P. S. The only recreation here is to go to the theatre or opera, or some show at night. The semi-barbarous people have no higher conception of social amusement : when I am able, I go too, but it grows wearisome. I would give the world, if I had it, to listen an hour to intellectual conversation ! ! City of Mexico, April 7th, 1866. My dear Mrs. Your letters of 1st and 6th March, with their enclosures, letters for Judge , etc., have been duly r& ceived. I am glad you like that little poem, " The Beggar's Pe tition," which was published in my paper. It was well re- ceived here, and complimented by her Majesty^ the Empress. And now that it receives your approbation, I am satisfied. I read the letters to , as you requested, and forwarded them to him to-day. My health has become wretched; I do not Jcnoio tchat a loell day is. The cUinate is too cool In this high altitude no one perspires without most violent exercise. Then the air is so rarefied that I cannot get my breath easily, at night, which disturbs my sleeping. As I wrote you, I am promised a permanent cure for my w^ounds, and all other ills, by going to a celebrated Doctor in Paris. I will leave this city dur- ing this month. Write me no more letters to Mexico. I will write you from Paris. I regret that my time has been so occu- pied that I could not prosecute my Spanish studies as I desired. HENRY WATKTNS ALLEN. 355 I have, however, made some progress, and now speak the lan- guage a little, and read it much better. ***** */r * I am now finishing Buckle's " Civilization of England." It is a wonderful book. If you have not already read it (and what book is there that you have not read ?) I recommend it to you. A good Catholic Priest from Louisiana — a chaplain in our old C. S. army — comes to see me very often, and we discuss jt9o^e?n- ics very freely. I gather much information from this learned and good man. A newspaper, however, is a jealous spouse, and exacts every attention to itself. I have labored faithfully and zealously as an Editor for eight months, and look forward with great pleasure to the time when I shall have a good holiday. In relation to my returning, it is useless for you, my dear friend, or any one else, to press this matter on Mr. Johnson. A parole I will gladly accept, but I would not beg for pardon at the hands of any mor- tal power. I bend the knee only to God. I don't think I have done wrong. I would like to return home, and would be a law-abiding citizen, if I could; but I hear the matter has been decided against me. My friend. Colonel Sandidge, of Shreve- port, sent me, a few days since, a copy of a letter which he had written to the President in my behalf. I replied, that when- ever I could return with honor and safety, I would do so most cheerfully ; and so I will / I am more than anxious to see the good people of Louisiana, who have honored me so much. At the same time, my dear friend, I must live, I nucst xGorh ! and make my arrangements for the future, without waiting any longer. Good-bye : my regards to Mr. , and to your Uncle John, when you write him ; he is a noble specimen of humanity. — I hope we may meet again. Truly your friend, Henry W. Allen. We have some American celebrities here. General has a most accomplished daughter. Slie is just out from England. She has the very finest voice out of Italy. She is a prodigy, and sings better than any Prima Donna I ever heard. Mr. Gray- 856 RECOLLECTIONS OF son, frcm Louisiana, is here, painting the Birds of Mexico. Ho is equal to Audubon. The Empress patronizes him, and will, at her own expense, publish his work. Young Chapman, the son of the American painter, now in Rome, is here, busily engaged in sketching the ruins of Mexico. He bids fair to rival his gifted father. H. W. A. I shall positively be in Paris on the 1st of June. Write me there, care of I have written you a long, long letter, and no doubt annoyed you excesi^ively, by its scrambling style ; you will pardon it, as it is the last for many weeks ! Truly yours, H. W. A. This was the last letter from his hand. The last, not only " for weeks," but for Eternity. The higher and truer life was fast approaching, to lift the poor suffering exile far above all human ills ; to free him from his arduous struggles for daily bread — from the burning of fever — and the melancholy toss- ings upon his couch of jDain. His overw^orked, maimed, weary, halting step, was drawing near to its place of deep re- pose. Time, and its petty interests, were soon to fade upon his tired, closing eyes. Not upon the banks of the earthly Jor- dan, not in its holy floods, would he bathe his pilgrim-frame. But in the resplendent city, the heavenly Salem, he would shortly find glorious rest, and peace, and joy ; and be reunited with the spirits who had loved him dearest, in the changeful earth-life. In November, 18G5, as Governor Welles had shown great magnanimity and kindness of feeling towards Governor Moore, who had been his personal enemy for many years (political feuds run high in Rapides), — being throwm in social intercourse with Governor Welles, I took an opportunity to ask him to extend the same assurances to Allen, and to another friend of mine at Carlotta, an exile from Louisiana, that he had so gen- HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 357 eroiislj done to Moore. After some delay, lie sent me a very courteous note, urging the return of , but concluding : "As for Governor H. W. Allen, I cannot advise his immediate re- turn, for reaso7is that I am not at liberty to communicate to any one in direct communication vnth liimr I forwarded this letter to Allen. It prevented his making any application for parole. I endeavored, in vain, to discover the peculiar circumstances connected with the case of Ex-Governor Allen, which could render him more obnoxious than any other Confederate leader in the South, to the Government. Becom- ing convinced that if the truth was fully known to President Johnson, and to the people, this prejudice, which I was sure was founded solely on political enmities and personal jealous- ies, would be done away, I yielded to the solicitations of Governor Allen's friends, seconded by his own expressed de- sire, and began to draw up a brief sketch of his life, and his career as a man, a citizen, a soldier, and a politician, which I knew could only redound to his honor and good fame, — though, in the frankness of a truthful biography, I feared I would necessarily be obliged to say many things that might perhaps vex and annoy my friend, who was by no means [»er- fect. Yet I was willing to trust the nobleness of his soul, and v/rite what would benefit him, even while it might wound his extreme susceptibility. Such was the origin of this biogra- phical sketch ; which I have had to re-write and amplify since his death. City of Mexico, February 10th, 18G6. My DEA.R H. : Your letter of the 20th January is just re- ceived, enclosing a memoir of Stonewall Jackson, by Mrs. . I shall publish it in the Mexican Times with the greatest plea- sure. What a wonderful woman she is ! How learned, how gentle, and kind, and warm-hearted ! Well, ray dear friend, I have read, with tears of gratitude, your entreaty for me to re- turn to Louisiana. I would cheerfully do so, for I know that my friends are true and sincere but I cannot until I am as- 358 EECOLLECTIONS OF sured of a pardon, or a guarantee is given that I shall not be cast into prison, or otherwise persecuted. As much as I love Louisiana and her people, I would not voluntarily go into a loathsome prison, and be compelled to get on my knees and ask for pardon, for the privilege of seeing my old friends again 31 rs. D writes me that there is no hope of my heing per- initted to return. I therefore shall make my arrangements to reside permanently abroad : still, I shall never expatriate myself, but shall live and die an American citizen. On the 8th of April, I will be in Havana on my way to Paris, in order to have an operation performed on my wounded limbs, for I am suffering tortures every day. I have written to Colonel to meet me with a few friends on that day in Havana. My paper will go on, under the charge of an able and discreet editor. I have sent you many copies of the Times, and hope they have gone safe to hand. My dear H , I often feel sad and depressed, although I have such a buoyant disposition ; you will say, " as the hart pants for the water-brook," so must I earnestly long for the land of devoted friends. I have, how- ever, so much to do, my time is so thoroughly occupied, that the " melancholy mood" soon passes ofll I send you several copies of my paper to-day. * * * * Our good friend, Mrs. D , writes me that she proposes to write my life. Now, my dear friend, I must ask the favor that you will review and correct the work before publication. Mrs. D will be delighted to have your assistance ; you have known me so intimately, so well, that I feel that my reputation, which must now go down to posterity, will be safer in your hands than in those of any other. Our friends in exile here are all making a living. Some farming, some employed on the railroad, some in counting-houses, stores, &c., &c. All, I am glad to say, are conducting themselves very properly, and are highly esteemed by the Mexicans. The colony at Cordova bids fair to do well. Judge is the agent of'the Govern- ment there, and is well satisfied with his prospects for a fortune. I consider this empire perfectly secure, France, and Spain, HENEY W ATKINS ALLEN. 359 and Austria can't back out. Their honor is at stake. Your people are not prepared to go to war at present ; for the South, although overwhelmed, is not conquered. The spirit of the people cannot be subdued, although they willingly accept the new order of things, and will act in good faith. However, it is useless to disguise the fact, there is no good feeling between the two sections of the country. They can never again love one another, unless the persecuting spirit of the Radicals should give way to better feelings on their part. Adieu : may God bless you. Your sincere friend, Henry W. Allen. The request made of this friend, by Governor Allen (at my instance^) will be scrupulously complied with. This manuscript will be placed in his hands, and will, doubtlessly, be honestly su- pervised. Whenever Governor Allen speaks, in his letters, of accepting " a pardon," he means an amnesty^ or parole, not a special pardon, which he never asked for — nor I, for him. It can be seen from this letter, what influences prevailed, at this time, to prevent Governor Allen's return to Louisiana. The impression was made upon me that he could not return^ with- out danger of arrest, and I wrote him so. He relied the more upon this information from me, because I had so resolutely opposed his quitting the State in the beginning, and, he knew, was very desirous that he, and all our exiles, should return, as soon as possible, to their "homes. I can only acknowledge, with bitter regret, this false impression produced upon my mind by the words of Governor Welles, and others, I believed sincere friends of ex-Governor Allen. EX-GOVERNOR ALLEN TO HORACE GREELEY. [From the Augusta Sentinel, 25th.] To Horace Greeley, Esq., Editor of the Neio York Tribune : Sir : In your valuable paper of the 22d ult., and in subsequent num- bers, we are pained to see several articles written against the unfortunate exiles from the United States. We think it a very unfair, ongenerous 360 RECOLLECTIONS OF and unkind spirit. The men of whom you have spoken so flippantly and so lightl}^ are many of them of your age, and deserve, to say the least, a respectful notice at your hands. We regret this the more, Mr. Greeley, because we always believed you to be honest in your political views, and above the miserable prejudices of the hour. That, while differing in political opinions from your brethren of the South, you had manliness enough to attribute to them equal sincerity of purpose. You upbraid us and abuse us for quitting our native land and coming to Mexico, when you knew very well that there was full many a Federal prison "gaping to receive us." When we left our country, all the Governors of the se- ceded States had either been arrested, or orders to that effect had been issued. It was also generally believed that every Confederate general and statesman would be arrested and turned over to the tender mercies of a court-martial. We can safely say that if a guarantee had been held out that we would not have been disturbed, none of us would have expa- triated ourselves. You, Sir, would have done just as we did, unless you had been desirous of wearing the martyr's crown. You first abuse us for being rebels, and then denounce us for settling in Mexico. Where else, in the name of Heaven, could we go? AYe could not go North, nor East, nor "West ; we were compelled to come South, as the only outlet for those who would seek refuge in a foreign land. When the Irish, Canadian and Cuban patriots — when the Hungarian, Polish, and Italian exiles fled to your shores, you. Sir, have opened you heart, and with true Christian philanthropy, you have extended to them your warmest sym- pathy ; but when your own countrymen, stripped of all their earthly goods, are expatriated, and laboring with their own hands for an hum- ble li\dng — for bread with which to keep life afloat — strange to say, you can find in your heart no sympathy, no word of encouragement — but rather the cold sarcasm and the ribald jest. We have been very kindly received by the Emperor Maximilian and the Empress Carlotta. They have permitted us, poor and penniless, to remain in this Empire, and to breathe the fresh, pure air of the lovely climate. They have exhibited to us the same generous sympathy which you and your government have ever shown to all «xiles from foreign lands. For this we are deeply sensible, and will ever feel grateful to their Majesties. Still, none of us have entered into the military service of the Empire. To our personal knowledge, many have applied for service, but the Emperor has invariably declined. Out of the large number of Confederates now in this Empire none are heard to denounce their native land. There are no juntas or secret gatherings to plot against the land of their birth. You have never seen, nor never will see in this paper — the Mexican Times — an editorial denouncing the United States Govern- HENRY WATKIITS ALLEK. 861 ment. Now, Mr. Greeley, wliy can't you let us alone ? Sir, Christian charity, common decency and fair play would say, " Let tliem alone : wa are free of them : let them live and die in peace." We have never in jured you ; we don't know you ; we have no desire even to form your ac- quaintance ; but we hegyou to let us alone. We know that you hate us, and that if you had the power, you would not only persecute us to death in this world, but consign us to that lake in the next, " which burneth with fire and brimstone forever!" The man who has once been a slaveholder, and a rebel, can never enter " your heaven." In this very charitable judgment of yours, we believe that the Christian world will beg leave to respectfally differ ; for in their opinion George Washington and Stonewall Jackson stand to-day as well justified in the sight of Almighty God, as George the III. or Abraham Lincoln. We believe that the soldiers of the Federal and Confederate armies, who fell in battle or died of disease, will stand at the bar of God and be judged alike, irrespective of their political tenets. You, sir, havo arrived at the age allotted by the Psalmist, and must, in the general order of things, be soon gathered to your fathers. You will die rich — rolling in wealth, while the unfortunate men^ whom you daily abuee, Vv^ill leave behind them scarcely enough to secure a decent burial. We say that the time will soon come when you shall die and be bu- ried. We will meet, for each must appear before the Great Judge, to an- swer for the sins committed on this earth. You will stand forth as the wealthy Mr. Greeley, with a copy of the late Tribune — the work of your long life — and you will thank God that you are not like the rebel slave- holder, at whom you will point with scorn and contempt. We will ap- pear with our broken sword in hand, and kneel for pardon at the mercy- seat. God will judge us both. Now, Mr. Greeley, we must part tiU that great day — the day of wrath — when we shall meet face to face. There was once in the classic land of the East, a prophetess who foretold the downfall of her native land, but her countrymen refused to believe her until too late, when her proph- ecy was accomplished. She said " The day shall come — that great avenging day— "When Troy's proud glory in the dust shall lay : When Priam'.s power and Priam's self shall fall, And one prodigious ruin swallow all." The text is in Homer ; you can make your own commentary. We have Been the aged grandsire, not like Belisarius, begging in the streets, but working with his own hands for his daily broad ; we havo seen the 16 382 EECOLLECTIONS OF' noble, middle-aged soldier, -svlxo had faced death on a hundred battle- fields, toiling- from " early morn to dewy eve," to earn a few dollars to send back to his yomig wife and babes. We have seen men who had filled high political stations and been aa honor to their country, submit, without a murmur, to all the discomforts of cruel poverty and exile. We have seen the brave exile stretched upon his dying bed, and as his hour of dissolution approached, we have witnessed his tears of affection, and heard his farewell words and messages sent to kindred and friends in fatherland. But for all this you have no sympathy. You will answer with a ribald sneer, or a " fool-born jest." You may have been right in suppressing the Revolution, but no man or woman who has one particle of C'hristian charity left in his or her bosom, will sustain you in persecu- ting the conquered South, or pursuing with such vindictive hate the pa- triot exiles. We have the honor to subscribe ourselves, respectfully, your obedient servant, Henry Watkins x\llp:n. Alarmed at his increasing sufifering and ill-health, and know- ing the desire of the people of Louisiana that he should re- turn to them, and his longing love for his own country, — which evidently grew deeper and deeper as the sorrows of sickness and exile pressed more and more upon him, — I determined to take some of his letters and have them placed in the hands of President Johnson, in order to relieve Governor Allen from the reproach of contumacy and violent personal antagonism, which I was aware had been brought against him, and preju- diced the authorities in regard to him. I took some of his letters, which are included among those published in this col- lection, and had them given to my friend, Mr. Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, who promised to place them in the hands of the President of the United States, asking at the same time a parole for Ex-Governor Allen. I received the kindest assurance from Mr. Johnson, to whom I now desire to express my own obligations, and those of the friends of Ex- Governor Allen, for his sympathy and interest in this matter. My letters, enclosing these hopeful assurances of a speedy per- mission to return home, never reached my friend — he died before they could arrive at their destination. L'homme se HENRY WATKINS ALI^N. 863 propose, mais Dieu dispose! Perhaps it was better so! His life, had it been continued, might have been complicated, and more troubled. He could scarcely have kept out of political life had he returned to Louisiana, and that career is very sad now for Southern patriots ! Allen said once : " Death is not a welcome messenger at any time, or in any shape. The Arabs have a parting bene- diction : 'May you die at home among your friends!' It is hard even thus to die ; but, oh ! how much more painful it is while those we love the dearest are widely removed from us !" It was his own fate he so sadly prefigured. But he did not die alone y he had kind men about him — exiles like himself — to minister to his simple wants, and to smooth, with trembling hands, the hard pillow of Death. When sick in London, in 1859, Allen wrote of his illness there: "In a strange land, far away from home, from kindred, and from friends, the heart yearns for even one familiar, kind face. If ever friendship's hand is w\anted, it is then. If ever affec- tion's smile is needed, then, oh, then, is the time." The Confederate Exiles gathered around his couch. An aged Louisiana planter, Mr. Le Blanc, nursed him with all the tenderness of a father. Major Edwards tells the rest : " City of Mexico, July 18th, 1866. *' My dear Madam : " Your letter, dated May 30th, is just received, and I hasten to reply to it. I can assure you nothing could give me more pleasure than to answer the questions you have asked, and to gratify one of whom Governor Allen always spoke in the highest and warmest terms. " Governor Allen named me his executor — that is, he desired that I should continue the publication of the paper, and fulfil his obligations with the Government. This I am doing to the best of my ability. * * h^ * * " I think he knew he was going to die, although he never al- 36i . EECOLLECTIOKS OF Indcd to it. For nearly a month, he became gradually weaker and weaker, suffering all tlie pain and all the irritation of acute gastritis. I was witli him when he died — had been with him during liis entire residence in Mexico. He was perfectly calm duiing his wliole illness; talked very little about himself, and very little about any thing. He left no particular messages to any one but to mo. Many and many times, before his death, he would speak of you, Madam, with warm interest and affec- tion. He spoke of Louisiana, his many friends, and took the greatest interest in hearing of their prosj^erity and success. " His lungs were not affected, nor did he complain much of his wounds. His physicians think it Avas a breaking down of the whole system, which culminated at last in a severe inflam- mation of the stomach. His death was very unexpected to every one, but his natm-ally vigorous constitution had been destroyed almost completely by exposure and terrible wounds. * * * « ^ ^ ^. "Captain Thompson, of Louisiana, Colonel Broadwell, of New Orleans, Major Laurence, of Missouri, and myself, waited upon him night and day. One of us was in his room all the time — we never left him alone. " All that the devotion of friends, the science of medicine, and the influence of money could do, was done — but done in vain. One bright, mild, tropical Sunday morning, with the soft whisperings of the breeze, and the chiming of the cathe- dral bells coming in through the half-opened window, he breathed his last. One short, sharp struggle, and all was over. % ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ "The stars of his rank, a silver goblet, and one or two other little remembrances I have given to Judge Perkins, at Cordova, M'ho, before I had received your letter, asked me for them, that he might send them to you." Henry W. Allen died in the City of Mexico, on Sunday, April 22d, at 11 o'clock, a. si. HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. . 865 PTe -'.vns biiiiocl in his gray iinilbrm. He roqiiestcd Mfijoi* Edwards to use tlie little means he had in Mexico to carry out the oblio-.'itions he Imd contracted in establishing his paper, considering liiniself bound to meet these responsibilities as far as lay in his power. There was about ten thousand dollars, which all belonged to the paper. Governor Allen died poor. One of the wisest of modern poets has beautifully said: " Om* birtli is but a sleep and a forgetting. TIae soul that rises with us, our life's star, Ha'tli liad elsewhere its setting. And Cometh from a&r ; Not in entire forgetfulness, And not in utter nakedness, But trailing clouds of glory, do we come From God, who is our home : Heaven lies about us in our infancy ! Shades of the prison-house begin to close Upon the growing boy, But he beholds the light, and whence it flows — He sees it in his joy : The youth, who daily from the East Must travel still, is Nature's priest. And by the vision splendid Is on his way attended : At length the man perceives it die away. And fade into the light of common clay." This is very true of most men, but with Allen it was not so. The " vision splendid" never faded or died out with him ! In all the struggles of his chequered career, in all the trials of prosperity and wealth, in all the hardening strife of human vanity and ambition, in all the heavy responsibilities which were devolved upon him, in all liis intercourse with men, in which he so often experienced envy, and coldness, and ingrati- tude, in all the ve,xations of poverty, in all the sadness of ban- ishment and exile in a foreign land, in all the sorrow of a patriot weeping over a ruined country and a destroyed people, — he never lost his faith in man and in God ! Trusting, see RECOLLECTIONS OP believing, hoping to the Inst, in humanity, in truth, in goodness, in Divine love, he passed without bitterness, with resigna- tion, though with regret, from an earth that was ever dear to him, loving still, and still beloved, to the realization of the truth of "the splendid vision," the only, the real ///e, "the consciousli/ eternal /" To ayacpov ! To KaXov I In an old military note-book, which he seems to have kept in 1862, marked with his name and that of his regiment, I find a few leaves scored with bits of prose and verse, which give some idea of the coloring of his solitary musings, when in the midst of the bustle of camp. There are several copious extracts from the Liturgy of the Episcopal Church, such as the Confession of Sins, the Lord's Prayer, followed by the pleading words of the Prodigal Son, "I will arise and goto my Fatiier, and will say unto Him, Father, I have sinned against heaven, and before thee, and am no more worthy to be called thy son." This sentiment he repeated in one of the last letters I received from him, al- luding to a little poem of his, that T liked— a slight thing, only •worthy of remark from the tenderness of the sentiment ex- pressed in it, which I insert here, not to be criticized, but simply as being characteristic. The Beggar's Petitioit. The night was dark — the ^vind was cold. As up Francisco's street we went. A beggar, shiv'ring in his rags, On us a piteous look lie bent ; He spoke in moaning, whining phrase, And begged for alms, so very sad. He said, oh ! Seiior, pity me — " Seiloj' ds me caridad." Still en we went, and next we saw A woman with her little child ; And as the mother begged for bread. The little thing upon us smiled ; i i HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 367 ,; :i It seemed to us, as if 'twould say, i " My motlicr slie is almost dead. Oh, Seiior, pity, pity her — " SeFior, de me caridad." i Our hearts were softened at the sight — The heggar-mother and her child — : She seemed so wan, so thin, so white, I And still the infant on us smiled. We -pwi, our hands into our j^urse. We gave the woman all we had, And as we passed away, she said, I " lie hendito sea su caridad." \ Reader, you and I some day ; Must rest beneath the grassy sod ; I Our spirits will ascend above. To meet, perhaps, an angry God ; ■ And when the Book of Life is ope'd, i That shows our acts both good and bad, 1 Oh, then in anguish we will say, < " SeTior, de me caridad." \ City op Mexico, Jan. 20, 1866. I On the pnges of tins note-book, there are one or two verses from Mrs. Hemnns' Casabianca, several mournfal ones from Gray's Elegy, and the following lines : J " The glories of our birth and state ] Are shadows, not substantial things ; : There is no armor against Fate, 1 Death lays his icy hands on kings. I Sceptre and crown ] Must tumble down, j And in the dust be equal made < With the poor crooked scythe and spade. j Some men with sword may reap the field, ] And plant fresh laurels Avhere they kill ; \ But their strong nerves at last must yield — They tame but one another still ; ! Early or late i They stoop to Fate, ; S68 EECOLLECTIONS OP And must give up tlieir murmtiring breath When they, pale captives, creep to death. The garlands wither on your brows. Then boast no more your mighty dust : Upon Death's purple altar now, See where the victim-victor bleeds. All hands must come To the cold tomb. Only the actions of the just Smell sweet and blossom in the dust." ** Teach me to feel another's woe. To hide the fault I see : That mercy I to others show. That mercy show to me." Allen's sense of religion was so high, that he proposed to Colonel Sandiclge, when he formed his Gubernatorial house- hold, to have iamily prayers, — offering to read the service him- self every day. But thinking it might be irksome to some of his household, he abandoned the idea. He had profoundest respect for all the prescribed aids to leading a moral and Chris- tian life. A lady writing me from New Orleans, who had recently come from Texas, where, in our refugee life, she had grown familiar with Governor Allen and his universal charities, gives me the following anecdote, which I permit her to narrate in her own words : " Could I see you, I would give you an interesting anecdota illustrative of the goodness of your friend, Governor Allen ; but perhaps I can write it, without, however, conveying the effect of the gesticulations and grief which accompanied the words of the actor. Last week, walking down the street, I met a poor woman with a basket containing about a quart of plums. She stopped me and entreated me to buy them of her. I did not want them, and was passing on, when she entreated me so pitifully to take them, that I stopped again irresolute. The woman now went on to say that she had a sick husband, and HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 369 she v\MS very anxious to buy a little tea and bread to take him. She was so enger, and, apparently, honest, tliat I hesitated, tliougli not in tlie habit of listening to street-beggars, I did not want the plums, but I gave her a small piece of money. Slie thanked me most warmly, and then said : ' If you please, perhaps, ma'am, you could tell me some way to get a letter sent to Governor Allen, in 3Iexico P ' Governor Allen ! Wliy, poor woman, he is dead ! — been dead some time !' * Oh, Lord ! Lord !' she cried, and fell on her knees in sudden grief, tears streaming down her cheeks, wringing her hands, 'then I don't know what to do ! My last friend is gone. Unless he prays to God in heaven to send us help, I don't know what to do !' " Then she went on to say, ' Oh, madam, he was the saviour often of us poor women, in my neighborhood, while our hus- bands were in the army. Every one of theirs was killed, and mine was brought home a cripple, and is confined to his bed for life, because he was shot in tlie back, and his spine is hurt. Before Governor Allen went to Mexico, he had supplies sent us all, and gave us some money, and now he is dead — gone to heaven ! Oh, Lord ! Lord !' She rocked herself on her knees ; her lamentations were most piteous. I need not tell you, who know ray high admiration of the noble man whose death she wept, that my own tears were falling as fast as hers, by this time. I gave her some more money. Her grief was so great, she was going home without the necessaries for her hushand, until I reminded her of it. She told me she and her husband were both members of the English Church. I advised her to apply for aid to one of the rectors in the city, giving an ad- dress. She went off weeping." In an oration upon Governor Allen's death, Judge Land re- lated the following anecdote : "I was in the p]xecutive office, in company with two or three other gentlemen, when a large, fleshy, uninteresting looking female made her appearance. She was, she said, the wife of a a Confederate soldier, Avhom she had not seen for a long time, as he was on duty in Virginia, or some other distant point ; 370 RECOLLECTIONS OF had several young children, ^vho, with herself, were in deep distress for want of the necessaries of life. She closed by ask- ing the Governor to give her an order n[)on the State Commis- sary and State store for such articles as she most needed. The Governor stated, in reply, that lier husband was not in* State service, and that he could not give her relief, at least in his offi- cial capacity ; that a great many similar cases came before him every day, and that it was impossible for liim to relieve the wants of all. He advised her to get work, and she would soon have the means of support, etc. On this refusal the woman burst into tears, got up, and left the office. The Governor sat perfectly silent for a short time, seeming to have something on his mind that was not very agreeable. We all endeavored to engage him in conversation, but our effi)rts were in vain, he ■was still silent. At length, addressing one of the young men acting as page, he said: 'Follow that woman, and request her to walk back to the office.' In a iew moments the young man appeared with the woman. She wore a sorrowful countenance, and there were signs of deep distress. ' Make out,' said he, to one of the secretaries, ' an order upon the State Commissary for six months' rations for this woman and her family,' at the same time, with great tenderness and delicacy, asking the woman her name. The rations included bacon, flour, corn- meal, rice, sugar, molasses, etc. At the same time he directed an order to be made out for such drygoods as she might at the time require ; to finish the good work, he pulled out fifty dollars and gave her. And in order that the woman should get the articles as soon as possible, and without trouble, he ordered one of the young men to go with her, and see that she was promptly attended to. The woman was very thankful, and the Governor resumed his usual cheerful and agreeable manner, but he made no remark whatever about the woman. It is well known to every one that was much about the Execu- tive offices, that the Governor had a severe trial of his patience and good temper, as he was beset from morning until night by all sorts of characters, asking all sorts of favors. I used to np:>:RY watkixs allen. 871 hear one of the young men in tl»e office say that no one sliort of the })atience of Job could endure the trials of tlie Governoi'. He would liave to sit for hours, and listen to the tale of some uninteresting old woman ; he was importuned for cotton and wool cards ; he was asked for this favor and that favor, and in all sorts of ways and in every variety of manner he was an- noyed and troubled by every variety of character." Two days and a half after the death of Governor Allen, Mr. Le Blanc, who had nursed hini so faithfully in his last moments, exhausted by grief and fatigue, died, and was buried by tlie side of the friend he liad loved, and followed so soon to "the better land." On the receipt of the intelligence of Allen's death, the people of Louisiana expressed much feeling of grief and disappointment. Meetings were held in New Orleans, and a committee organ- ized to request his remains to be restored to his sorrowing State. Every mark of respect that affection could prompt was eagerly offered to his memory in all parts of the State. The following correspondence explains itself; New Orleans, La., May 18, 1866. General J. Banhhead Mngruder : Sir — The death of Henry Watkins Allen, late Confederate Governor of Louisiana, being annou^ced here, a meeting was held at the St. Charles Hotel, last evening, to provide for the removal of his remains to Louis- iana. A copy of the proceedings is enclosed. Being requested by the meeting to correspond with some friend of Governor Allen in the city of Mexico, I write to you for the information which his friends desire to obtain. They wish to know when the municipal authorities and clergy of the city will permit the body to be disinterred and removed, and the proper steps to be taken in order to obtain such permission, with the view of sending an agent or committee at the proper time. It is the universal desire of the people of Louisiana to pay some fitting- tribute to the memory of him who, when living, was loved and honored by them for his generosity, his spotless integrity, his bravery, and for his untiring efforts to relieve the distress of the people. They admired in him the general and hospitable citizen, the honest and pains-taking legislator, the chivairic and efficient soldier, and the energetic, pure, magnanimous, and most capable cliief magistrate. Dia- 873 EECOLLECTIONS OP appointed in their clierislied hope of his speedy return, and deeply pained by the news of his death, they now earnestly desire that his hattle- Ecarred corpse may be brought home, and buried where his mourning countrywomen may strew their flowers, and where his brother heroes may raise his monument. Your aid and counsel in this matter will be duly appreciated and gratefully remembered. Yours very respectfully, E. W. Halset, Secretary, etc. Mexico, May 29, 1866. To Mr. E. W. Halsey, New Orleans, La. : Sir — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of tho 18th inst., informing me of the universal desire of the people of Louis- iana to pay some fitting tribute to the memory of our friend, the gallant and noble Allen, ex-Confederate Governor of that State, and requesting me to obtain and forward all the information necessary for the disinter- ment and safe removal by his friends of the sacred remains to New Orleans. I am much gratified that yon, representing, as secretary of the meet- ing, the sentiment of those who assembled at the St. Charles, to do honor to the gallant dead, should have addressed yourself to me, as none loved him more warmly during life, or mourned him more sincerely in death than myself. I feel a melancholy pleasure, therefore, in participating, though from a distance, with my beloved countrymen of Louisiana and New Orleans, in assisting, however slightly, in doing honor to the memory of one who so sincerely loved, so heroically defended, and so sadly sufiered for his country. The moment I received your communication, I called in person upon tho proper officer, tho Prefecto Politico, of this city, and delivered the letters of his excellency the Governor of Louisiana, and his honor the Mayor of New Orleans. An extraordinary mail leaves in an hour for the British steamer at Vera Cruz, and I hasten to enclose his answer in Spanish, not having time to translate it. It will be seen that after taking certain precautions, which are de- Bcribed, and which are of easy execution, there will be no difficulty or obstacle to the removal of the remains. A metallic coffin can be procured here. If one be sent from New Orleans there will be much delay, uncertainty, and expense of transporting it from Vera Cruz to this city, particularly during the rainy season. The body can be sent down by a wagon-train, escorted by whomsoever may be sent from New Orleans ; or I might procure from Marshal Bazaine, to HENRY WATKINS ALLEN. 8T3 wliora our deceased friend was well known personally, an escort of lionor, taking advantage of the first convoy wliicli may go from here to Vera Cruz, after the arrival of whomsoever may be sent to Mexico to rc- cslvo and attend to the remains. If no one be sent, I will transact the whole business, and send a trustworthy person with the body to New Orleans, if it be desired. I would offer to pay all the expenses, but I am sorry to say that it is far beyond my means, or any which I can command. Should the friends of the deceased desire that I should carry out their wishes here, it will be necessary that funds to enable me to do it be placed to my credit. The Prefecto Politico of the city of Mexico requests me to say that he will avail himself of an early occasion to acknowledge properly the com- munications with which he has been honored by his excellency the Gov- ernor 01 Louisiana, and his honor the Mayor of New Orleans. Begging that you will offer my sympathy in their bereavement, to the friends who are thus manifesting their respect for the memory of a sin- cere patriot, who died, though in poverty and exile, esteemed by all, I have the honor to remain, with respect and regard. Your obedient servant, J. Bankhead Magrxjder, P. S. — Governor Allen's remains are enclosed in a wooden cofiin, and repose in the American burying-ground near this city. Since writing the above, I have been officially informed that they cannot be removed until October next, for sanitary reasons. It would be well, however, to have all things in readiness on the ar- rival of the committee, if one be sent. It will cost, as I am just informed, about $300 to disinter the body, dis- infect it by official physicians, and put it into a zinc or copper coffin. In order that the removal may take place soon, which I think better, I will apply to the ministry and let you know by next mail. J. B. M. [Translation.] Mexico, 28th of May, 1866. Sir — Pressure of time will not allow of my replying by this opporttmity to the communications of the Governor of Louisiana, which you were pleased to forward to me yesterday, the 27th inst., with your attentive letter of that date. I shall with pleasure take the first opportunity of doing so. In the mean time I have to assure you that there will be no difficulty whatever about the exhumation of the body of the late Henry W. Allen, formerly Governor of Louisiana, always provided that the con- ditions prescribed in the permit which I have the honor herewith to send. 374 RECOLLECTIONS OF be observed, as those directed by tlie Board of Ilealtli, whom, as was my duty, I consulted upon tlie subject. I have the honor to subscribe myself. General, your obedient servant, M. A. CAMPErvO. Gen. J. Eankhejid MagruJer. [Translation. 1 No. 4492.] The Political Prefect, in conformity with the decision of the Central Board of Healtli, has been pleased to grant the necessary permit for the exhumation of the body of the late Henry W. Allen, the following con- ditions being observed : 1st. Under the direction of a proper ofTicer employed by those interested, and provided always that the body shculd be in a coffin and zinc case, two holes shall bo made in the top of the tomb, one above, and one belovv' ; additional care being taken if the body should be in a wooden case. 2d. Through the upper hole shall be passed a tube for the introduc- tion of chlorine, which shall be at once evolved by the process of Guyton de Morveau, under the direction of the said officer. 3d. After this famigation shall have been carried on for some time, the top of the tomb shall be removed and the coffin shall be taken up, a new one being in readiness to receive it, without its being opened. 4th. The coffins being thus disposed of, they shall be covered with tar- paulin closely adhering to the wood, so that not the smallest space of the joints shall be uncovered, In virtue whereof, carrying out the present order of the Political Pre- fect, for the purposes desired, at the same time giving the requisite author- ity to the officer employed for the exhumation, after this shall have been concluded he shall give to the said Board of Health an account of the re- sult of the act. Charles Zayala, General of the Prefecture. The line of steamers from Vera Cruz to Xew Orleans offered the use of any of their vessels to transport the honored remains to New Orleans free of charge. An appropriate place of burial will be selected, and the a.shes of Henry W. Allen will rest in the land he loved, suffered, and died for in exile and poverty ! I have followed with tireless hand the life-history of my noble friend from his cradle to his grave. My task of affection and patriotism is now ended. HENRY W ATKINS ALLEN. 375 With a sorrowful but not hopeless henrt, I breathe the three- fold vale, sighed only over graves — the farewell for all Time — but, God be praised, «o^ /or Eternity ! For tlie iaiih of the Christian sends forward bright gleams, piercing even the daik gloom of mortal dust and decay; and still, with constant love and grateful remembrance, we may pray lor our friend, com- mending his soul to Him who is the " God of the Living, not the dead." *' Eternal rest grant mito him, O Lord, and let thy per- petual light shine upon him!" Amen ! FINIS, APPENDIX. MESSAGE OF GOV. HENRY W. ALLEN, TO THE LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE OF L0UI3LVXA. — DELIVERED AT SHREVEPORT, JANUARY 2GtH, 1864. Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Bepresentdthes : The Constitution requires that the Governor shall, from time to time, give to the General Assembly information respecting the situation of the State, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he may deem expedient. I now proceed to comply with that duty. MILITARY. I recommend that the Executive be authorized immediately to call into the field, and to officer, a regiment to consist of five hundred jnounted men (to be increased to one thousand, if necessary), to be called " The State Guard." In many of the border Parishes of this State, there is neither military nor civil law, and crimes are daily committed with im- punity. The Confederate authorities cannot correct these evils, and the Executive is at present powerless. It would be the especial duty of this force to arrest all offenders against the laws, and generally to act as con- servators of the peace. In times like these, the Executive should always liave in hand a strong equadron to protect the citizens against bands of lawless men, and follow up crime with certain punishment. With five hundred mounted men, well officered, armed and equipped, more good service can be rendered the State than with the entire militia. The present militia law is a nullity, there being no method provided for its enforcement. It is certainly the duty of every citizen, rich or poor, old or young, when his country is invaded, to rally in the defence of that country. Our people are all ready and willing to do this ; but they have a natural aversion to going into camps of instruction. Besides, the 378 APPENbix. policy of the country evidently demands that they should stay at home and raise crops, and prepare clothing for the army. No la^v in any Government can he well executed, unless it meets pop- ular approbation. I submit to your superior intelligence the synopsis of a bill, the details of wliich shall be cheerfully communicated to your Military Committees ; 1st. Enroll every able-bodied white male in the State, between the ages of fifteen and fifty-five. 2d. Arm and equip every enrolled man ; and until arms can be had, repair those now in the hands of the people. 8d. Give the Executive full power to call out the militia or any part thereof — provided they shall not be kept in the field longer than sixty days at a time. 4th. Adopt the Army Regulations and Articles of War of the Confede- racy, as far as practicable, for the government of the militia. It is not intended by this bill, that the militia shall ever be called to the field as regular troops. They are to be kept at home, and held in readiness for the purpose of checking the raids and incursions of the enemy, by land or water. The repeal of the substitute law by Congress will greatly reduce the militia of the State : still, that militia, by the bill proposed, can be rendered very efiicient, at little cost to the State. INTOXICATING LIQXJOES. The General Assembly, at its last session, very wisely enacted a law prohibiting the distillation of intoxicating liquors, except from fruit. This had a most salutary efiect. There is still a crying evil in our midst. We are importing daily from neighboring States large quantities of alco- holic poison. The efiect of this poison upon the community is most lam- entable. I need go no further than this capital, or show you the long record of crime brought on by intoxication. In the army it is worse — nine-tenths of the arrests and punishments are caused from intoxicating liquors. I therefore urgently recommend that you enact a law prohibit- ing, under severe penalties, the importation or sale of intoxicating liquors in this State, except for medicinal purposes. The fathers and moth- ers of this State will " rise up and call you blessed," for such a law ; and the good people generally will hail it with delight : for it will save many a gallant young soldier from punishment and disgrace, and, in these reck- less times, give peace and quiet and security to all. " Lead us not into temptation," is the Saviour's prayer. Then, take this tempting poison from before our young men. . The use of ardent spirits is a luxury — nothing more, nothing less ; and our patriotic people will most cheerfully dispense with that luxury during the war. Besides, the trade now car- APPENDIX. 379 ricd on in liquors is diverting a large capital into improper cliannels, wliicl), instead of Leing used for the good of tlie country, is flooding the laud witL poison, and death, and crime in all its horrid shapes. It may be urged that such a law will be a dead-letter on the statute- book. To this I will simply reply, that if you should, in your wisdom, see proper to enact such a law as here suggested, it shall be executed. soldiers' wives and soldiehs' families. Liberal appropriations should be made for the soldiers' wives, and the widows of those gallant men who have fallen in our service. In my In- augural Address, I fully set forth their claims to your protecting care. The Executive should be authorized to make an arrangement with the commanding General of this Department, for the purchase of government corn ; which should be distributed from the several depots of the State, in such quantities as will supply the wants of these deserving ladies, and their children. Their husbands are either in the army, or have died as brave soldiers for us. It is, therefore, the sacred duty of the State to pro- vide for their families. IMPRESSMENT ACT. In every portion of the State, the people are complaining most bitterly of the manner in which the Act of Congress, known as the " Impressment Act," is executed. The duty of the officer who impresses private prop- erty is plainly laid down, and a severe penalty is denounced against all who do not comply with the provisions of the law. In numerous instan- ces, no appraisement whatever has been made — no facts legally ascer- tained, in regard to the necessities of the family ; but, uotAvithstanding the protests of the injured parties, the Confederate officers have, in a per- emptory and insolent manner, taken the property, simply leaving their receipts for the same. This must be stopped. It shall be stopped. It has ia a great measure estranged many good citizens, who have ever looked upon our army as the protectors of the country, and the conserva- tors of the laws, and not as an armed mob, who daily break the very laws they are specially ordered to execute. The Executive is naturally looked to for protection. You should therefore enact a law, punishing by im- prisonment in the State Penitentiary, any oflicer, non-commissioned offi- cer or private, or other person acting or purporting to act under author- ity from the Confederate States, who shall seize, take, or impress i)roperty in this State, contrary to the laws made and provided by Congress. In order that the people may know their rights and redress their wrongs, five hundred copies of the " Impressment Act" should be published and distributed among the parochial authorities of the State, 380 APPENinx. WOUNDED AND DISABLED SOLDIERS. As yet tlie Congress of tlie Confederacy lias not passed a " pension act." "SVc have many wounded and disabled soldiers, who have been discharged from the army, and are now wandering from parish to parish, living up on the charities of the public. It is our sacred duty to take care of these disabled veterans. They have given to their country health, youth, and manhood — all but life itself. Many have left their limbs upon the field, and are now unable to earn a living for themselves. They are emphat- ically the children of the State, and must be protected and provided for in this their hour of need. I recommend that you enact a law giving to each soldier who enlisted from this State, and who has been wounded or disabled in the service of the State or Confederacy, the sum of eleven dollars per month, to be paid every two months. In order to carry out the provisions of this act, a Commissioner should be appointed — a bonded officer — whose duty it should be to make a record of all the wounded and disabled soldiers of the State — to draw, upon his own war- rant, the several amounts that may be due each one, and remit or pay over the same without any expense to the recipients of this act. COTTON-CARDS AND MEDICHTES. One million of dollars, or so much thereof as may be necessary, should be appropriated for the purchase of cotton-cards, by a commissioner. And when purchased, they should be distributed by him among the ladies of the State for personal use — in order that every white female in Louisi- ana, above the age of eighteen, shall receive a pair of cotton-cards free of cost and charges. We have no power-looms or spinning-machines in the State. The raw material is carded and spun, and warped and woven all by hand. This immense labor is cheerfully performed by our fair coun- trywomen. Their cards wear out in course of time, and must be re placed. They cost sixty dollars a pair. I appeal to you, gentlemen of the Legislature, as the guardians of the people, to come to the relief of your mothers and sisters, who toil unceasingly to clothe the soldier and the citizen. With grateful hearts they will accept this donation, and it will cheer them on amid all their trials, to more patriotic exertions, if pos- sible, in behalf of our holy cause. An appropriation of five hundred thousand dollars should be made for the purchase of medicines, by a commissioner appointed by the Governor — and when purchased, they should be distributed to the practising phy- Eicians of the State, who shall, under bonds, be required to administer the same at cost and charges to their patients, I am receiving letters continually from the most respectable physicians, informing me that their APPEin)IX. 38 1 patients are suffering for medicines. I cannot urge upon you too strongly tills appropriation. The physicians ask it — all classes in the community call for it — humanity itself demands it. JUDICIARY. Wherever the enemy has not taken possession of our territory, tho Cour'iS are regularly held and justice dispensed to all. There have been but few conflicts with the military authorities, and whenever they have occurred, I am happy to state that the Courts have been respected and their decisions cheerfully acquiesced in by the Commanding Generals. In some parishes of the State no Courts are held, and crime is frequently committed with impunity. I recommend that you enact a law authoriz- ing the removal of all persons arrested for any crime or misdemeanor, from these parishes to any parish in tho State, for trial, where the Courts are held regularly. CURIIENCT OF THE STATE. I recommend that you enact a law that all persons holding the State Treasury Notes shall be permitted, in a given time, to come forward and receive State bonds for the same, payable in twenty years after peace is declared, and drawing sis per cent, per annum interest — interest payable annually in Confederate Treasury Notes. I further recommend that whenever the State shall require funds to meet its ordinary expenses or your appropriations, the Executive shall be auihorized to cause to be is- sued the bonds of the State, conditioned as you may prescribe, which bonds shall be negotiated with the authorities of the Confederate Govern- ment, or other parties, for their Treasury Notes. My object is to with- draw entirely from circulation State notes, and in lieu thereof substitute those of the Confederacy. I further recommend that all corporations bo compelled to call in their issues of notes, and redeem the same within ninety days, and that the Treasurer of the State be required to issue five hundred thousand dollars in change notes, from ten cents up to one dol- lar. At present the merchants and shopkeepers, bakers and butchers, have on hand a large amount of uncurrent parish paper, and the citizen who takes a journey through the State returns home with his pockets filled with this ununiform currency. This should not be the case. It can be easily remedied by the. passage of the above Acts. The change notes can be made redeemable at the Treasurer's oflice, in Confederate notes, when the sum of ten dollars is presented. During the continuance of the war, I do not deem it advisable that the State taxes should bo collected by compulsory process. Many persona 383 APPENDIX. havo not tlic means of paying their taxes, particularly the refugees from home and those who reside in tlie border parishes. The sheriffs will find it difficult, in some of the parishes, to give bond, and, in the unsettled condition of the country, it will be unsafe to deposit the taxes with irre- sponsible parties. For this reason the State Treasurer should be author- ized and required to receive and receipt for all taxes that may be volun- tarily paid in by any person who may have been legally assessed. FREE PERSOXS OP COLOR. I fully endorse most of the recommendations made to the General As- sembly by my worthy predecessor ; but doubt the propriety of touching the laws of the State, giving to free persons of color the privilege of tes- tifying as witnesses in our courts of justice. They are mostly natives of the State — were raised in our midst — and are entitled to our protec- tion. They are generally a quiet, peaceable, and industrious population. Many have acquired wealth and respectability, and are good and loyal citizens in every respect. They have suffered heavily in this war, and, in many instances, have been made the special objects of brutal treat- ment by the enemy. I know of no case on record wherein the cause of justice has suffered, or the public has in any manner received detriment, by the observance of these laws. Instead of disturbing them, they should be protected in all their legal and constitutional rights, and be required to bear the burdens of this war equally with our fellow-citizens. I there- fore recommend that every able-bodied, free, colored male, in this State, between the ages of fifteen and fifty-five, be enrolled and held subject to the orders of the Executive, to be employed by the State in shops and manufacturing establishments, and to perform such other duties as may be assigned them by the Executive. INTERNAL RESOURCES. There never has been a geological survey of the State, and conse- quently no one knows its hidden wealth. I am credibly infonned that large quantities of lignite, iron, lead, and the sulphates are to be found in the northern parishes. The iron ore is said to be very rich, containing, it is reported, sixty per cent. I respectfully call these facts to your atten- tion, and recommend that the Executive be authorized to send competent and experienced persons to examine thoroughly into these matters. If it should be found that we have these valuable minerals in abundance, then the Executive should be clothed with discretionary powers to give to the people their immediate benefit. Our noble sister State, Texas, has done much towards developing her resources. Her Legislature has made the APPENDIX. 383 most liberal appropriations, and her citizens are now mining Avitli great success. To her alone we must lock now for all the iron we use. Of all tlic metals, it is the most important. Both the civil and military depart- ments require it in large quantities, and without it our fields cannot be cultivated, nor our armies put in motion. I shall take great pleasure in meeting your joint Committees, who may be intrusted with this impor- tant subject, and give them much valuable information. •WHAT DEPRECIATES CONFEDERATE MONEY ?-HOW 13 THE MATTER TO BE REMEDIED ? When we reflect and look carefully into this grave subject, we will find that Confederate Treasury Notes are not so much depreciated as many seem to think. Confederate money was never intended to be used in foreign countries. It was issued as a cui-rency — a circulating medium for this Confederacy alone — as such, it has answered its purposes, under all the circumstances, very well. So long as we have an army of three hun- dred thousand men to pay, and feed, and clothe, and arm, and equip — so long as every State is a military encampment, and every village a barrack for soldiers — so long as we make war upon the immense scale that we are now compelled to adopt, there must be a very large circulation of some kind of money. This cannot be prevented. Contraction of that circulation at present will not reduce the price of any one article now most needed in the community. To-day, in Louisiana, land and corn are just as cheap as they were before the war. Why ? Because there is plenty in the market. Negroes, and horses, and cattle are about three times as high. Why ? Because the market is not so well supplied as heretofore. Nails, and axes, and cooking utensils are almost worth their weight in gold. Why ? Because there are none for sale. If it were possible to reduce the currency to one hundred Confederate dollars in this Department, a pound of nails could not be bought for that sum of money. Why ? Because they are not to be had at any price. Let us carry this argument out a little further. A bushel of corn is worth to-day, in the market, two dollars. It will make one gallon of whiskey, and that gal- lon of whiskey is worth one hundred dollars ! Why ? Not because the Confederate money is so bad, but because the bad whiskey is so scarce. A pound of cotton can be purchased for twenty cents — in the same mar- ket a yard of calico will bring ten dollars ! Not because Confederate money is worthless, for it buys the cotton, but simply because we have no manufactories of cotton cloth in the State. My belief is, that, all things considered, we have carried on this great struggle for three years very well with Confederate money. I shall not inflict upon you a long essay upon the currency, nor advise that Confederate notes shidl or shall not 384: APPEl^DIX. bs made a legal tender. This is not the panacea for our troubles. Tins will not reduce liig-li prices in articles of prime necessity. The only method, in my judgment, to benefit the currency, is to follow the exam- ple that has been set us by Texas. Encourage manufactories of all kinds. Bend all your energies to the manufacturing of every article needed at home or in the field. If zeal and activity and sleepless energy will aid yoiv, you shall havo my hearty support. Call into requisition every idle man and woman in the State, who wants work. If necessary, take every fifth negro woman, and put her at the loom, and take every fifth negro man and put him into the shop, and, in a few short months, you will find a far difierent state of things. Ploughs and hoes and axes and cooking utensils, shoes and boots, and hats and clothing of every kind, will all be as cheap as they were before the war began. Stock the market well with these necessary articles, and then Confederate money will buy as much as gold and silver did in former days. I am fully aware that too much Confederate money is now in circula- tion. The taxes will absorb a large amount, and it is hoped that Con- gress will, at its present session, make provision for a further curtailment. But whatever action Congress shall take in the premises, let us do our duty. You are the guardians of the currency of this State. Call in every dollar of State money ; that will be so much good done in the right di- rection. Let the currency be uniform. Let there be no invidious com- parisons between State and Confederate notes. Then turn your earnest attention to manufactories of every kind. Start the hammer and the loom. Let the furnace smoke and anvil ring. Stimulate capitalists to embark in these industrial pursuits at home ; for while the blockade stands you cannot get such articles as you now need so much, unless you make them yourselves. If one-half of the capital that has been sent to foreign lands, in running the blockade, had been invested in manufacto- ries at home, our country would be this day in a far better condition. I, therefore, finally, recommend that you establish " a Mining and Manu- facturing Bureau" (to which may be attached a Laboratory for preparing indigenous medicines), and place at its head men of intelligence, of en- ergy, and undoubted honesty. This is a great undertaking ; but we are a great people, and should be equal to any emergency. On the field wo are the equals of any in the world. Let us learn a lesson from the enemy, and profit by their example. They manufacture every thing at home. It is not too late for us to begin. We have immense resources. We can save the currency and the country. We will. It rests with you to say it shall be done. It is my sincere desire that your deliberations may be harmonious, and APPENDIX. 385 that all your actions in behalf of the State of Louisiana shall be guided by wisdom from on High. Henry W. Allen, Governor of the State of Louisiana. SnREVEPOKT, La., January 26, 18G4. GOVERXOR AlLEX AND MISSOURI. Marshall, Texas, 22d Feb., 1865. Editor of the Caddo Gazette : Sm— At the suggestion of several Missourians, I ask you to publish the subjoined correspondence. Confident of the ultimate redemption of our State, we exiles of Missouri will not forget kindness shown us by our Confederate brethren ; and the name of Henry Watkins Allen will be as a household word througliout her limits. I am, sir, very respectfully yours, Thos. C. Reynolds. Marshall, Texas, 1st Feb., 1S65. To Bis Excellency II. W. Allen., Governor of the State of Louisiana: Sir— I embraced an early opportunity on my return from Missouri last De- cember, to thank you in person for the generous contributions of the noble people of Louisiana, at your invitation, during the last summer and fall, in aid of the gallant Missourians in the Confederate armies. It is again my pleasant duty to thank you for the language, as eloquent as it is terf^e, in which you allude to them in your late annual message to the legisla- ture of your State. As the constitutional Executive of the oppressed people of Missouri, I beg leave to assure you, and through you your constituents, that the munificent aid and liberal hospitality of Louisiana to Missouri's soldiers are as gleams of the brightest sunshine amid the gloom of their long and weary exile from their cherished homes. From personal intercourse with them I know that they fully appreciate the many kindnesses shown them by Louis- ianians, and especially by yourself, their warm-hearted and public-spirited Governor. You generously assure those patriotic soldiers that ".the citizens of Louisiana Lave adopted them." They could have no nobler or better fosterage ; of its excellence you yourself, once a ^Missourian, are an illustrious example. But Missouri does not surrender her interest in you : she claims, with pride, that the qualities which developed in the genial atmosphere of the sunny South, have given you an enviable national reputation for foresight, ability, energy, and patriotism, received their earliest culture in her own clime. \Yith Beritiments of the highest esteem, I have the honor to be, sir, Very respectfully, your obedient servant, Thos. C. Rey>'old3, Governor of the State of Missouri. 17 886 APPENDIX. Executive Office, ) Shreveport, La., Feb. Dth, 1865.) His Excellency Thomas C. Eej/nolds^ G(rcernor of Missouri : Dear Siu — Your very kind letter of tlie 1st instant, tendering me your thanks, in the name of your State, for my humble efforts in behalf of the gal- lant and patriotic Missourian.'?, is received. It is, sir, my only regret that I have not had it in my power to do more for those who have done so much for our sacred cause. Whenever I find a Missourian, he is my brother. I shall extend to him the right hand of friendship, and stand by him with all the as- sistance at my command. With assurance of my highest regard, I am. Governor, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Henry W. Allen, Governor of Louisiana. Letter of instruction to Colonel , who was engaged to go to Louis- iana for State service. Colonel .* Sir— To carry out the idea and purpose of your return to Louisiana, I have to suggest that you make yourself fully acquainted with such branches of me- chanical business as may, under your superintendence, and with our means, be established and carried on in Louisiana. Of things that may be useful I will mention : the construciion of furnaces and rolUng-mills for the reducimi of scrap-i?'on mto bars ; of pig-iron into malleahU or icrought-iron ; rf irorii brass, and copper into wire ; of machines fur making nails and tacks ; spinning-machines, reducing the raw seed-cotton into spun-yarn ; machines for making cotton-rolls i turning canteens of wood ; making and turn- ing %oood.en water-buckets ; machines for rifling cannon. The turning of canteens and water-buckets has been carried on in Columbus, Georgia, by Colonel N , who will give you any assistance or information. In the same town you will find machines for making nails, making spades, shovels, fry-pans, buttons, knitting socks, etc., etc. If you are in Mobile, it might be well to see a small machine invented by G. S , living on F street, between M and N. H streets (the machine was at Campbell's Cotton Press), and made lieads to spikes for boat and ship building. E. B , of Manchester (near Eichmond), has a foundry and machine-shop, and has made nail-machines for the " Old Dominion Iron Works." We are anxious to have machines to make cotton-cards, but unless we can make the wire for them, don't see how they conld be made very useful, but think there will be no difficulty in our putting up the spinning-machine alluded to — if no wire-cloth is used in their construction : with enough of them, cotton- cards would not be used. In Louisiana we have a few of such spinning-ma- chines. I have seen excellent ones made by Peirce, of Cincinnati, Ohio. To do all this, expenses necessarily incurred will be paid by the State, and I APPENDIX. 387 leave in your hands one thousand dollars in interest-bcarinsr notes, and will place, either m Montgomery or Mobile, of which you will be informed, an ad- ditional sum of four thousand dollars, to be used in defraying expenses, and buying outfit to carry yourself and family to Louisiana, next fall or winter, wdien you may be ready,— your travelling outfit becoming the property of the State on arrival there, Avhen you will be employed at the rate of pay you are now receiving from the State of South Carolina. And, in the mean time, should your present compensation be reduced by such time as may be required to carry out the object herein stated, it will be made good by the Governor of Louisiana. New Okleans, Marcli 1st, 1864. j[7ie Ladies of Neio Orleans, to Ms Excellency H. W. Allen, Governor of Louisiana : With beating hearts have v7q read your greeting to the citizens and ladies of New Orleans. Its manly and independent tone, sends a glad thrill through every vein, and all eyes will watch eagerly for the spring- time, which shall shed light and joy, after this "winter of our discon- tent." It is almost happiness to know, that outside of this iron thraldom, " wherewith v/e are darkly hound," there are brave hearts, and stalwart arms, to battle for our glorious cause, not as a desperate, and hopeless one, but with strong and earnest confidence in its success, and stern determina- tion to be a free and independent people, upon whose proud escutcheon shall rest no spot, no blemish, to mar its purity. God in his mercy grant us no long-deferred heart-sickening hope, but a speedy sight of the gray- coats, which, though coarse and threadbare, are more precious to lis than the gorgeous purple and fine linen of tlie East. But if distant the day, still will we strive to be patient and cheerful under our trials, and with God's help will do our part, praying with fervent heart for " the time when the singing-birds shall come, and the voice of the turtle be heard in our land ;" for then " shall break forth with joy, and sing together," the waste places of Louisiana, for the Lord sliall have comforted and redeem- ed his people. Office Vice-Consul of France, Baton Rouge, La., May 28th, 1862. ! Commodore Farragiit, Commanding U. S. Navy, off Baton Rouge : Sir — In temporary absence of the Mayor of Baton Rouge, and in the recess of the Council of the same City, I am rquested and authorized by the citizens to say, the attack which was made on one of your small boats this morning, and the subsequent firing on one of your vessels, were made by a troop of mounted men from the country. Tlie citizens, therefore, wish that the city may not be held responsible, 388 APPElfDIX. and thousands of unprotected women and children exposed to the dan- gers of a cannonade and bombardment, and driven from their homes, in consequence of proceedings which they could not control. As early as possible, no doubt, the authorities, or the citizens, will send a communi- cation to the Rangers, urging them to avoid compromising the safety of the women and children, and the security of the property of the city, by skirmishing with your forces within the city limits. In the mean- while it is hoped and expected, that hereafter, should you deem it proper to cannonade or bombard the city, you will give timely notice for the withdrawal of the women and children, and all non-combatants." With high respect, I remain sir, your obedient servant, L. BONKECAGE, Vice-Consul de France. The following reply was sent to the Consul by Commodore Farragut : I U. S. Flag-Ship Hartford, AT ANCHOR OFF BATON EODGE. ■ To the Vice-Consul of France, Baton Rouge : Sir— In reply to your communication of this morning, I have to state, that no one could have been more surprised than myself at the wanton attack made upon my small unarmed boat, with an officer and four boys, while attempting to land at the foot of one of your streets. I felt assured, at the time, that it must be the act of some lawless band, as I had re- ceived assurance from the Mayor and Council, and even from many of the citizens of Baton Rouge, that every effort would be made by them to pre- serve order, and prevent any overt act that might in any way compro- mise their town. Hence you may easily imagine my surprise at the salu- tation we received this morning. Notwithstanding the provocation, how- ever, I did every thing in my power to avoid the destruction of either life or property, of the citizens of Baton Rouge. I endeavored, as far as prac- ticable, to inflict the punishment Avhere it was due. Should there be no further attack upon us, there will bo no necessity for my firing upon the town ; but I cannot promise that when attacked I will not return the fire ; but you may be assured that if time and opportu- nity is given, you shall have due notice for the removal of the women and children. I am, very respectfully, sir, Your obedient servant, D. G. Farragut, Flag-officer Western Gulf Blockading Squadron. APPENDIX. 389 [Copy.] You will deliver to Mr. James E. Terrell, U. S. Treasury Agent, all books, papers, and records in j'our hands, of tlie Confederate Treasury De- partment, or affecting in any way tlie State cotton. Mr. Terrell will re- ceipt you for tlie same. (Signed) F. J. Heekok, Major-General. Shbeveport, June 7th, 18G5. Received of J. M. Sandidge, one box, said to contain all the papers ap- pertaining to purchase of cotton in the State of Louisiana, by the agents of theso-called Confederate States Government. (Signed) J. E. Terrell. The papers referred to by Mr. Belknap are in my possession, as they were received by Governor Allen. It was supposed that these evidences of indebtedness would be turned over to any party representing the State authorities succeeding Governor Allen ; but if such course is inad- missible, an order from the proper military authorities of the U. S. wiU direct what disposition shall be made of them. (Signed) 3 no. M. Sandidge. THE MEXICAN TII>IES. We find in the Mexican Times of the 10th February a very interesting article from the pen of Governor Allen, entitled " The Ptomance of War." The Governor says, that after the capture of New Orleans a brigade of Federal troops was sent up to Baton Rouge, and thence to his excellency's^ plantation, Allendale, to quarter upon the country. He describes the colonel commanding this brigade as a good soldier, who controlled his troops as well as volunteer troops could be controlled, and permitted no such acts as Butler encouraged to be performed within his jurisdiction. But the Governor complains that the Federal colonel, on leaving his premises, took away with him a very fine white saddle-horse, and a new English double-barrel gun. The brigade was sent up to assist in the at- tack on Vicksburg, under the command of General Williams. Failing in this, it was sent back to Baton Rouge, where, a few weeks afterwards, it was engaged in one of the bloodiest battles of the war — the battle of Baton Rouge, fought August 5, ISGo. General Williams was killed here, and the chivalrous Allen pays his memory a glowing tribute. The Gov- ernor must describe the colonel and the white horse in his own words : " During the fight we met this same colonel, commanding Ms brigade, mounted on his (our) white horse. 890 APPENDIX. " We charged liim with our command, captured Lis guns, and swept the field before us. We fell, unfortunately, as we thought, and as both armies thought, mortally wounded. Our brigade halted with victory in their own hands, and fell back without a leader. This Federal officer saw it all, rallied his men, and returned and carried off his abandoned guns — Nims' battery. " A few weeks afterwards a kind friend visited us, several miles back from Baton Rouge, where we were lingering between life and death, and said that he was going to New Orleans, and asked if he could serve us. We told him all we wanted was ajar of prunes, and a little tea and loaf- sagar. " On his arrival in New Orleans he was immediately surrounded by Federal officers, to learn the news from Baton Rouge, and, among other things, they did us the honor of inquiring whether we could possibly live with both legs shot away. " Our friend told them that it was a very bad case, but that our sur- geons had some little hope for our recovery. Among the party was the colonel. He asked if he could serve us in any manner. Our friend handed him our memorandum, and told him that he was going then to fill it. The colonel very generously insisted on taking charge of this mat- ter, and did not only send us the articles so much needed, but at the same time sent us the following message : " ' Tell Colonel Allen that I admire him for his bravery ; that I saw him fall at the battle of Baton Rouge while leading his brigade gallantly in the fight, and would have gone to his assistance, but it was rather too hot just then. Say to him that I took his horse from his plantation as a military necessity, but that, as God is my judge, when the war is over, I will return him his horse, or one equally as good.' " Grovernor Allen now addresses a letter to this officer, and asks him, if entirely convenient, to return the horse and gun. He says he has lost two hundred thousand dollars in the war, which he cheerfully offers up as a sacrifice towards paying off the nati(ma. debt. The remainder of this letter is so vivacious and feeling, so characteristic of the noble, lion-hearted Allen, that we give it in extenso : " We, poor Confederate exiles, are very forgiving. We have long since forgiven every man in the United States of America, Horace Greeley and all, except Beast Butler, and, since Grant has killed him off, we are try- ing hard to forgive him, too. We fear we never will, for he is such a black-hearted, cowardly villain. Now, colonel, send me the horse and gun ; I am not going to fight anybody any more ; my fighting days are past and gone glimmering and (you know the rest). I have lost all taste for such sport. The only fights I assist at now are the bull-fights. APPENDIX. 391 Tliey are very exciting, and my sympathies are always with the bull. When I get my little ranche, it will be so pleasant to ride my own horse that I once was accustomed to ride in former days over my beautiful plantation, now ruined and gone. As to the gun, I will promise you that it shall never be used except against the parrots and the monkeys, the lions and the tigers, that infest the jungles near my little ranche. " The emperor and empress have been very kind to all Americans, whether from the North or South. If any thing, the Northern men have received the preference", for they have gotten all the fat contracts, and many of them will make large fortunes. The Confederates are settling down on ranches, and have gone to hard work. Old men, who once gov- erned great States, or commanded large armies, can be daily seen clear- ing away the briers and the brakes, preparing the land for the coffee, sugar, and tobacco-plants. " Some of them who had an annual income of thousands of dollars, are now working in this city at fifty dollars per month. And still Horace Greeley abuses them ! Colonel, don't you think this is unkind in Hor- ace ? Poor, demented old man ! We never did him any harm. We have no desire to injure him in any way whatever. Why, if he were to marry with a black woman, and become the father of a goodly number of black (no, yellow) children, we would not say one word against him — de gustibusnon est cUspntandum. "And now, colonel, adieu. We shall never meet again on this earth ; but we shall meet in the courts above. When I reflect upon the great number of human beings who were slain on both sides in the late civil war, in which you and I took an humble part — when I think of the privates lying in their cold and bloody graves by the side of their com- manders, all feelings of hatred and revenge die within me, and I invol- untarily turn my thoughts to that great day when we shall appear be- fore the Great Judge of the universe. Let no mortal man say who was right or who was wrong. Bury that question forever, and leave it to God. There were great and good men engaged in that unfortunate strife, the latchets of whose shoes neither you nor I are worthy to un- loose. " If an exile, robbed of all his property and maimed terribly by Fed- eral cannon, could advise, he would say, bury forever your ancient quar- rels, let there be mutual concessions, mutual forbearance — the North and thi3 South can never separate. It has been effectually tried. Cease your bickerings. Let not the North look with suspicion upon her conquered brethren. Give them back, at once, without reservation, all their liber- ties, all their constitutional rights, and let both parties bury in the deep- est sea of oblivion all envy, all hate, all revenge. Dry the mourner's 392 APPENDIX. tears — bind up the bruised hearts, and assist each, other in repairing their fortunes. In this noble and holy work my heart wiU be with you, and not only mine, but the heart of every Confederate who is now a wanderer in foreign lands. '•' Yours is a great country — the greatest on the earth. God grant that it may continue to prosper. " As for myself, I will say I have no favors to ask at the hands of mor- tal man. I wiU never kneel to human power and beg for pardon. It is to one Being alone, the great God who rules the universe, that I will beg for mercy, through which at last I hope to enter the Celestial City. " I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, " Henry W. Allen, •' Late Brigadier-General C. S. A." A TEIBUTE TO THE MEMORY OF HENRV VT. ALLEN. Fair Southland ! once more from the shadows of gloom- Which around and above thee yet silently loom, Let the voice of thy anguish, sepulchral and dread, Ee-echo a dirge for thy glorious dead 1 Another bright gem has been torn from thy crown, And a luminous star from thy sky has gone down; For lier slumbering exile his country will mourn, For one of her bravest and noblest is gone. Let the land of his love twine his chaplet of fame, And the harp of the minstrel vibrate to his name ; While the South shall emblazon it deep on the scroll Where the future the deeds of the past must unroll. Unfurl our lost banner to droop o'er his grave, One hour o'er his breast let the crimson cross wave ; He fought for it — died for it— oh ! let iL be Still the dead hero's emblem of " sv/eot liberty." We have laid it aside with tlie hopes of the past, And we furled it for aye, when we furled it at last : Then may we not sadly its torn fragments rear To fold them around our loved warrior's bier ? APPENDIX. 393 Ye breezes that sigh througli each tropical grove Which circles the beautiful home of his love, Breathe boftly and low, in yoar happiest tone, The name of the Exile we gloried to own. Oil ! Allen-, thy virtues will live in our hearts, While thy noble example fresh courage imparts To hope for the best though the darkest night reign, And rise from the midnight to noontide again. And shall not our dead still look down to approve Tiie laurels which we for their brows have enwove ? And their memory awaken new life and new birth In the land to us dearest of realms of the earth. Then adieu to thee, Allkn ! the bravest and best ! May the clods of the valley lie light on thy breast ! When the Spring shall return with her brightness and bloom, "We'll strew o'er thee flowers of the richest perfume. Louisiana laments thee, her favorite son, Mississippi will mourn thee as one of her own ; Our sons and our daughters, the rich and tlie poor, Shall grieve for the lost, we may welcome no more. Essie. TO THE MEMORY Of the lamejifed Gov. Henry Watkiiis Allen. Inscribed to the noble icomen of Louisiana. By Col. A. M. HoWy. As sinks the sun along the Arctic skies. And his last ray in purple twilight dies, A sadness deepens o'er the lonely soul Of those dark dwellers round the icy pole ; Eyes brim with tears, the heart with sorrow thrills, As night descends upon their frozen hills. So wept, and felt we, when the saddened breeze Sighed from the Exile's home beyond the seas, And murmuring whispered to his native shore That her bright sun had set, to rise no jnore. Why weeps that maiden ? why in gloom she roves ? Nor heeds the fragrance of her orange groves I Why rests a sadness on that iron brow ? A tear— that eye had never known till now. 394 APPEXJDIX. Why stops the child at play ? tliree Aprils old, | And earth and air a solemn stillness hold ? j And why does grief extend its darkened pall i And universal sorrow sadden all ? i — What ! weep not for him ! whose deeds sublime i Are rolled with grand music on tlie breeze of time^ i A Sun in Glory's firmament hath set, But in its dying rays we linger yet. (That splendid sun that lit the Southern sky, ' Warmed every heart, and kindled every eye ; No spot appeared upon its golden zone, No borrowed light — its radiance all its own : Spread to the distant worlds its piercing beam, j Or touched the modest violet on the stream ; j Kissed every tear-drop from the tender flower, •' That bent its leaves beneath the storm's rude power : * Unclasped the ice-bands from tlie snowy hills, | Called the hushed music from the voiceless rills, j Awak'd the spring-buds from their sleep of death, I To breathe the fragrance of their spicy breath ; I To paint the cheerless fields and faded bowers, In all the loveliness of summer hours.) '1 Who would not feel, when such a sun had set, '^ The deepest sorrows of a long regret ? j Oh, Allen ! if within your lonely grave — Where summer's tropic blooms forever wave — The sounds of Southern woe that now we hear. Could pierce its portals to thy spirit car. In one broad, deep Confederate voice 'twould rise. And half repay thee for thy sacrifice. If solemn griefs be ours, how doubly great Thy grief shall be, our mourning sister State ! He was thy son, whose purity and fame ■ Gave splendid lustre to your owai bright name. But glorious deeds like his, not thine alone. Fame proudly spread them with her trumpet tone. Till every pulse was fired, and heart was stirred. When Allen's great and glorious name was heard. Oh ! for some mighty hand that would aspire To sweep the golden chords of Southern lyre ; To breathe her own great names in martial song. And point the brave and true in Fame's proud throng. Oh ! who shall estimate the greatness lost. Or tell the virtues that adorned him most: APPENDIX. 895 The civic Chieftiiin of a mined Stale — Once proudly prosperous and truly great — , Now echoed but to hostile armies' tread, A boundless waste where desolation spread One cheerless shadow o'er the land, and there Starvation's cries were mingled with despair. The trembling ship that fiercely storms assail, And helpless staggers to the rushing gale, Turns boldly to the waves that would o'erwhelm, When the undaunted pilot takes the helm. So with tremendous might this master's hand Stayed dread destruction's march upon the land, Touched the State corpse of credit, and it rose In sinewed strength, a giant on his foes. The barren fields again were decked in bloom, The anvil echoed to the whirring loom ; Ilis sails of commerce whitened in the breeze. Despite the watchful sentries of the seas, — Keturned through dangers witii their smiling store, To clothe the naked and to feed the poor ; And grateful tears in sorrowing eyes were born. As golden plenty filled her crescent horn. When hearts grew faint, in danger's darkest hour, A new demand was made on Ai.len's power. His wondrous eloquence was deeply breathed, And Hope, with confidence, her brow enwreathed; He swept with mighty hand on passion's lyre. His words were edged with patriot ic fire ; Though sunk in cowardice, or ribbed in steel, Ko heart but answered to his great appeal ; His willijig car heard tales of deep distress. His ready hand gave to the wronged, redress. True to the last— did all that man could dare — To shield the helpless was his latest care ! True to the last — from heaven's meridian height Saw Glory's Southern Sun sink down in night I True to the last— as sorrow's tear-drop fell, To broken hearts he bade a last farewell ! True to the last — he saw the last act close. And sought in foreign lands a long repose. In foreign lands that lonely Exile sleeps — No eye of love its faithful vigil keeps. By strangers' hands alone his eyes were closed. By strangers' hands his mangled limbs composed. 396 APPENDIX. By strangers' hands liis shroud or martial gray — That shone resj^lendent in the Soiithern fray — Was wrapped, oh ! warmly o'er his noble breast ; — "Within its folds. more calmly will he rest — Meet type, to clothe in gray, his manly form. Alike undaunted they had met the storm, Alike their stainless purity had kept, Alike will bo remembered, loved, and wept, Alike in tears and silence laid away. Alike immortal in their mouldering clay. Bat, noble Louisiana, on thy breast Thy Hero's ashes shall at last find rest ; Thy hands, in love, are reached beyond the wave ; That thy proud city shall contain his grave. Oh ! let thy noble daughters' tender care A fitting burial for their Chief prepare. And bear him lovingly with pensive tread, To the dim city of the silent dead, "Where vines shall clasp, and fragrant flowers bloom, In sweet profusion o'er great Allen's tomb ; "While raised on high the marble pyramid Shall tell, beneath the hero's dust is hid, And on its polished snrfoce richly spread These God-like virtues of the noble dead : Oh ! Death, within thy halls of rest, Keceive this great and noble guest 1 By broken hearts was ne'er conveyed, To hands of thine, a nobler shade. AflFoction's hands have reared this trust, — To guard a hero's sacred dust — Memorial of as pure a man As blessed the earth since time began. His laurels bright, the honors claim Of Christian, Statesman, "Warrior's name ; In halls of wisdom wisely great, A master in the grave debate ; In battle-field the first to lead— A tower of strength in day of need. On him did justice never frown, His brow wore Duty's iron crown, And Honor gave him, from bis birth, A mountain- majesty of worth ; While mercy smiles, recounting o'er His boundless blessings to the poor. Bleep, Hero, sleep ! rest. Patriot, rest ! Among the hearts that loved thee beat APPENDIX. 397 Long as the sun on high shall burn "We'll bend -with reverence o'er thy urn, And tears of love, till Time's last day, Bball consecrate thy hallowed clay I Galveston, Texas, June 5, 1S6G. LEAVES FROM THE JOUBNAL OF A LADY, NEAR PORT GIBSON, MISSISSIPPI, KEPT DURING grant's MARCH UPON VICKSBURG, Xia GRAND GULF AND PORT GIBSON. This journal was kept by a lady who lived near Grand Gulf. Slie was an intimate friend of the writer of this work, and of Ex-Governor Allen — one of the most distinguished women of the South, both in intellect, education, and social position. At the time of the advance of General Grant down Lake Saint Joseph, she sent her three young daughters (one of them widowed during the war) out of the way of the army, feeling that she and their aged father [they were both over three-score years of age] were unable to protect, in their secluded home, these young, beautiful, helpless women. This diary was kept for their gratification. As a favor, I was permitted to extract these pages, which I append here, thinking the simple, artless story of the sorrow and privation so nobly endured by this patriotic lady, may not be without interest and value to the future historian of this terrible war. FiLIA. May 7th, 1863. — I ought to have commenced this long since, but I have been in such a whirl and excitement it has been out of the question to write. You know, my dear children, that on Friday, the 1st of INIay, there was a battle fought at Parkenson's Hill, and one, the night before, at " Magnolia Church," being, in fact, one long and continued fight — Poor Bowen trying his best to keep oflf the Yankees with his few troops. You also know General Tracy was killed. You all left me on Saturday, May 2d, at 11 o'clock, a. m. It was very desolate and forlorn after yow left, but I was thankful you got away, and both your father and myself have great reasons to bless God Almighty for his great mercy in i)ex- mitting you to leave as you did. Just as we were going to dinner. Captain Simmons made his appearance, ate very heartily, and left imme- diately. He had had nothing to eat for thirty-six hours, was then on tlie wing with the wagons and the few men left at " Camp Devereux," to join his command. He bade me good-bye, and remarked, that he hoped I S98 APPENDIX. miglit not Lave a Yankee Captain to dinner the next day. To wliicTi I replied, lie miglit dine here, but not with me. Dirty and soiled as he was, he looked very handsome — he had not heard of the Colonel for three days. Just at sundown, up drove an ambulance, and out got Mrs. General Bowen, baby, and servant, escorted by stuttering, squinting, Captain N , in spite of his very extraordinary mode of speech — never heard any thing like it — except the man in New Orleans father describes, and he is different. Well, we supped, talked, and went to bed. I liked Mrs. Bowen very much — she wanted to go on, but N would not, but proposed to start early. Just at daybreak I awoke your father, there was a strange voice on tlie gallery. It proved to be Mr. McQ- for his horse. It roused us all, and well it did. In less than half an hour, madam, baby, and all, were skedaddling up the Jackson road, and no doubt got off. The Vv^hole Yankee force v/as coming up, and we were getting across Big Black. The Yankees, not less than 20,000 men to 100,000, well appointed in every particular. Elsie and I determined to tie up bars and bedclothes, and try to save them if we could ; and v/hiist thus employed we heard a noise, and all at once the whole lot Avas filled with Confederate soldiers — they sprung up like bees. " Get behind the hedge," was the order, " and be ready to fire." I walked out on the front gallery, and said, "Who are you?" "Rebels, madam, real honest rebels." "All right, go ahead, and God help you." Just then the Captain called to your father, and said : " Take your family out of the house, we must fight right here." It was a very large skirmish- ing party, protecting Bowen and the brave Missourians who ^vere getting over Big Black. The Yankees planted cannon just inside of our " Vicks- burg gate," and it is a miracle we were not used up. Well, father gave the word, and we " skedaddled," 'way back into the hollow, down by the branch that goes into Kinmason's Creek. After staying there one and a half hours, we were sent for. The General commanding, McPherson, an Ohio man, ordered us up. Dave came for us. I did not want to go, but father said there was no help, and Jack and Elsie, who were along, ad\T.sed policy. " Master," said Jack, " true, I'm nothing but a nigger, but take my advice and don't anger them, they are as thick as black- berries, and ugly looking customers." Home we came. General McPherson's Division had possession of the premises, not by hundreds, but by thousands. It has since proved that General Smith's Division had the skirmish, then went on to Grand Gulf. General McPherson honored us by making his headquarters. They must open every door, pillaged every place. Found the whiskey, two five-gallon demijohns, and two gallons old F , and the box the girls packed. The demijohn of old F we saw taken in to the General! Ordered dinner, which appendix'. 399 Elsie refused to cook, but eventually aided their cooks. They had had nothing to eat for thirty-six hours, and were as ravenous as wolves. They opened the dining-room closet with a hatchet, stole all the table- linen there — not much, I'm happy to say. General McPherson disclaimed the whole proceeding, so I went into the parlor myself, and asked him to protect the cellars ; there was no food or liquor there now, it had all been stolen, simply the wearing apparel of the family, and especially ladies and children. He went and cleared the cellar, but by the time he reached the parlor the thieves were all in again. He did not care to protect it, or he would have placed a guard there. The officers may say what they please, but they wink at and authorize this plundering and thieving. Every thing stolen out of Ed's trunk — cleaned out, except his scarf and gloves — papers, books, every thing. Sidney's also cleaned out. At last George Carpenter said : " Missus, let the boys save some," and of course I acquiesced. So Jndge, Hays, Elsie, and George went to work. They filled the large new clothes-basket. I sat at my front dressing-room window and hauled it in, emptying it right on the floor, receiving, what it took Randal and Jack to lift upon the window — how my arms did ache ! but in that way I secured most of the clotlies. The room was a sight — elegant silks, lace shawls, chemises, baby clothes, etc. The Doctor's linseys safe, but all my black dresses are gone, including my splendid black watered silk. I complaiaed aloud of the vandalism of destroying the clothing and keepsakes and little knick- nacks of women and children. An officer, who was coolly washing his hands at my washstand and using my towel, observed, " Why, my dear madam, your own servants were the first in the cellar, and piloted the men there ; and that very woman who is so attentive, and so assiduously fanning you, made up a large bundle, and I saw her carry it off myself.' ' The " woman," being Mary, replied, '"' she did try to save some things, but they were for her old mistress ;" but the mistress has not seen them. ** You were not the only one. There were several others, among them a very tall, big woman," whom you may recognize ! I had no difficulty in recognizing the honest Martha. All your mementoes of bygone days are stolen — every thing, nearly, gone. Jane's desk was taken right before my eyes. The man, an Illinbisian, tried to buy it, but I declined. *' Well, suppose I choose to take it ?" " Do so ; I can't prevent your stealing. If God's command is not obeyed, I can't expect you to mind me." " But I don't want to take it that way ; please sell it." " I can't ; it is not mine ; it belongs to one of my daughters." " Where are they ?" " That is none of your business — far away from here, thank God !" He went away, but presently he came back, looked round, did not see me, and carried off the desk. It v/as, apparently, empty. I burned every 400 APPENDIX. paper I could lay my hands on. They were thrown into my window with the clothing — mine as well as yours, a few of the Doctor's, none of A. 's, very few of. A . I have her desk safe. I cried over my dear E.'s and R.'s letters. I hated to burn them, but father advised it, for I could not carry them about me, and they would be stolen. I have saved the Waverleys, A.'s commonplace-book, a miniature (glass all broken), many Bibles — there are enough in the house to make us better people. The Shakespeares are safe, so far. Well, General McPherson and staff dined comfortably at my table, Jjut not with me, and about five o'clock P. M. left, and at sundown the place was pretty clear. They watered and fed their beasts right in the lot, several hundreds, and the whole division camped and fed in and around the yard. They tore up and destroyed all the paj)ers in the office, cut a part out of the large map, tore up the sheets, stole every blanket they could find, carried away nearly all the books, even the Dictionary, left the Encyclopedias — nothing came amiss — the house was literally gutted, up stairs and down. My room alone un- touched, and here they rifled the wardrobes before I got up from the woods. Strange to say, left father's assortment of boots and shoes. Tell A we worked hard for the Yanks, for they took all the lint and bandages, went to the medicine closet, stole the morphine, quinine, Dovers-powder, opium, etc., but never saw the old basket behind the door, as good luck would have it. I had a long talk with them ; all deny fighting for the negro, but all tamper with them, and h^ld out inducements for the negro to leave. The garden is stripped — this was Sunday's performance. These had not discovered the front cellar — it was still safe, with its store of salt, molasses, peas, and rice. We passed a quiet night, but not an easy one, certainly. Monday, May 4th. — Osterhaus' Division, scum of St. Louis, camped in the big field. " All the corn ruined in the field, and nearly all con- sumed in the granaries. They tramped through the house everywhere, all hungry as wolves. Came to father and asked for molasses. He told them he had none, that he was stripped, and had not been in the cellars. They said he had molasses, that the negroes told them so. Iv^r. J told them he did not know what he had, or had not, they held the place themselves. Presently a loud crash, and whoop and hurrahs. Stove in the door, the heads, and away went molasses and sugar. They took every pan, pitcher, cup, bucket, to carry it off. Brought a wagon and loaded it up. . I here sat by dear old father, looking on. They finished the meal. Wc had none to eat. Nancy sent me a little. Elsie, faithful and true, and Jack and Emma very attentive. Eddeus, about 11 o'clock, left as waiter to a Dutch Colonel. General Osterhaus' Di- vision still there, and Hovev's Division of Illinois, Indiana, and Oliio APPENDIX. 401 men come — bad enoiigli, but much more decent than the Dutch. They told Elsie " I was a Northern woman, and that had saved the house and my room." Well, this rummaging went on all day, and stealing, we depending on the servants for food, and they providing comfortably for us, even Harriet bringing me up a chicken. All day you could hear the rifles, shooting hogs. To-day they report four left ; don't know if any sheep. Buggies, carts, wagons, every horse, even Flirt, leaving the colt, except old Fanny, who would not move, and who is nearly foaling — she is wandering round the yard. In the afternoon I saw a man with the English saddle, and Edward's cavalry saddle. I went up to him and said, " By what authority do you take away those saddles, as we are under General Hovey's protection, and have been under General Mc- Pherson's ?" " I have an order." " Show it to me." I read it, put it in my pocket, and said: "Take the saddles." "I want the order," "I won't give it to you — this is my receipt that your Colonel has taken my saddles." He ripped and ranted; he would have that order if I was not a woman, and he would be d — r-d if he would not set fire to the house. " Do so, it will only be in keeping with the rest of your v/ork." He went off cursing. About dark, General E. B. Carr, whose head- quarters were at Mclntyre's, arrived. Your father told him Ed. had felt hurt about some transactions about horses. Carr said : " Let me go uj) and talk to him." He explained the matter, left his orderly to protect the house, took the saddle order. Next morning he sent a guard of four men, which protected my room and the dressing-room — but powerless to restrain these vandals. Still, we were less anxious on account of fire. Hogs and sheep still being killed and cleaned right here by the cistern, on the house-lot. Emma discovers " Priscilla" in the Carpenter shop. Bayonet through the picture ! Watches a chance and brings it in. Face not touched. We hang it up and bring in mother's and hang in spare ■ room. This is Tuesday, 5th May. Major-Gen. McClernand asks leave to make " A " his headquarters. Graciously granted, for the protection is very desirable. Came, took possession, much surprised and delighted at the comfortable prospect ; sorry they did not know of it before ; been at Jones' and poor Johnny's, who is also cleaned out. Bring their servants, food, etc. ; well they did ; much more considerate and decent than ]Mc- Pherson ; had Edden's table put on the gallery, eat there ; had a turkey they had stolen somewhere for supper ; all in less than an hour. Com- ing and going and fussing generally; but we keep on one end of the gallery. Introduced to a young fellow by name Rigley ; comes from Philadelphia ; inquired about Col. Bache, knows him well and knov/s Mrs. Bache and her friend Mrs. L ; find out a good deal ; he and a Mr. 402 APPEXMX. Mason made a reconnoissance at Thompson's Hill ; told liim lie was seen lie was surprised, I know ; had a good deal of pleasant and agreeable talk ; learned particulars of the battle of Port Gibson. Mr. Mason intro-^ duced, but presently disappeared ; told Rigley he was ashamed " to look that old lady in the face ; she bore it so well, was so independent, he re- spected her." These people came Sunday night, stayed Wednesday, left Thursday ; all the troops went, leaving a couple of tents with commis- sary stores. I told father I had listened till midnight trying to hear what was going on; something in the wind; some lingered here a while after the rest had gone ; presently Messrs. Mason and Rigley re- turned, and asked permission to stay all night ; which we were glad of. They had their own provisions, would my woman cook it ? 1 told Mr. R if he had asked me that question before 10 A. m. Sunday, I could have answered ; now he must negotiate his own business. But the wo- man Elsie was a good-natured, laithful creature, and I dare say she would, if she thought it would protect us. About 9 o'clock P. M. a great light in the direction of Watson's ; thought the house and gin were on fire. I went to the corner of the gallery and spoke pretty plainly of their destroying them — whose wife has had a strange Yankee woman there for several years, nursing her tenderly, in consumption. Sent for her sister, paying her salary besides. Such doings won't stop this unholy war ; whilst there is a man, woman, or child, we will fight. Mason went into the dining-room, and Rigley came towards me, " Mason can't stand you ;" he says, " it is all true, and he is ashamed of it." " I am glad to hear it ; if more of you felt so — and many of you do, but are compelled by cir- cumstances to go on — this unholy war would end." It proved to be Mr. W 's cotton, that he had set on fire himself. I do wish ours %cas turnt ! The two engineers are gone ; Taggart, fi-om Philadelphia, sent me some hard biscuit, a couple lbs. of sure enough coflfee, and a little tea- Father likes the crackers. The Commissary from Philadelphia used to know his kinsfolks ; lived at the corner of 6th and Walnut ; after they went I walked into the parlor, found a common sword, gave it to Taggart, who presently returned, and returned it, saying in an undertone, " Be back in a day or two, and then the fellow that owns this won't believe your story, but will do you some mischief." " A wink is as good as a nod." I said, thank you, and he went his way. I had folded and placed all the clothing and put it away in my bath-tub, the big Warton box, and numer- ous baskets. I called Elsie, and asked Avhat we should do to save this wearing apparel ; all those dear little children's clothes are here, and we can't buy more. At last I said, suppose we make them into beds ; and it was so resolved. They are now just sewed up in sheets, then in poor Sidney's carpets, and I had hardly got them oil' the lot before the Sixth APPENDIX. 403 Missouri Cavalry, Colonel Wriglit, six hundred strong, rode up, having been pushed forward by our friend, A^'irt Adams. This brings me to Thursday night. Colonel Wright took the dining-room, and is tliere now, at the time I am penning this. 1 P. M., Sth May. — The soldiers slept on their arms, and the white- folks in their clothes — bag packed and ready for a move — of course not very comfortable. Wright and your father talked a good deal, and he says, all the way from Port Gibson they skirmished, and that he camped on Smith's place — Adams' old camping-ground — Wednesday night, but his forces were very tired, and .so were Adams'. I forgot to say, that we burned all the bridges, after the fight, in Port Gibson, but the Yanks soon put them to rights, as only the woodwork was injured, but it kept them back and enabled our troops to get over Big Black. We had four or five divisions, but after the fight Generals Bowen and Green did the most of the fighting. Tracy's was too late, although he took part and was killed. General Grant made his headquarters at Mrs. Bagnal's. General Carr, first at Watson's and then at JMcIntyre's. I hear the bugle, they are ordered off. I expect Adams on their flank. " Well, Colonel Wright, who do you think I shall have for guest to-night ?" said your father. " Is there any chance of my old friend, "Wirt Adams ?" " I should not Tdo surprised, sir, such are the chances of war." He says, in Missouri it is the worst of civil war ; his wife and children were turned into the road, and the house burned before her eyes. One of the men of Hovey's Division, who seemed quite intelligent, had a good deal of talk ; we asked him about Port Gibson — he acted as Provost Marshal — but they ordered them there too late. The Murdochs had left, and there they had destroyed every thing ; all the little ornaments, beautiful, rare things they stole, and what they could not take they destroyed. He saw Mrs. • , they remained ; and Miss did some big talking. Mrs. P and Mary left on Thursday morning for Mobile. C and E left also, and no doubt their dwellings are pillaged. Poor Mrs. P sent her melodeon to Mr. B , and then got into the carriage, w^hich broke down soon after she left. I heard of her from a soldier, who mentioned Dr. D , w^ho remained in his house, was pleasant to all, and no ono hurt him. Mrs. S was seen Saturday afternoon in Port Gibson. They have not left the widow W any thing. Mrs. McG got a permit to keep her buggy and horse ; she has nothing left. I gave her a cotton comfort, and she went to hunt Grant to get a permit to get meal for her little children. Old Mr. H met Mr. W , and begged him, with tears, to give him a piece of meat he had in his hands, which I am happy to say he did ! Wc don't suffer at all ; by turns the negroes have 401 APPEN9IX. given me a chicken of what is left. They said truly, " I might better have them than those wild beasts." The last thing Eddens did was to save some meat for me. He slept in the spare room Sunday night, and Monday at noon he had quit our service. We have three or four pieces of meat, hid by the servants, and that is our wealth. Parker, Sol. Mordt, Jim Crow, Is&iali, and Wadloo, have quit us, but the rest are here, and very attentive and willing. Hester and Co., George Carpenter and Maria, have i^roved very faithful. Kia Jane has a box of house- linen, and has managed to keep it. Eandal has been great help and true. Kate has a bed. She walked over to see General Hovey, and told him how they had stolen her things, and told him " they came to rob the negroes, not protect them." John Smith true. I can prove nothing against Fanny but that she was among the first to come up and be here when I came from the woods. I\Ionday I set Hester and Martha to pack up the clothes. I could not move about my room. I said to Martha, " you have not been over honest, but I can hardly think you could treat me so at such a time ;" and being weary I sat down in my room. Pres- ently Elsie came in with a large bundle, and said : " Don't ask any ques- tions." I put it under the bed ; it proved to have Jane's silk dress, two new shirts of father's, Ap's new linen and muslin, and some other articles. I put them away, and desired Mrs. Polk to make herself scarce. About an hour after Wright left, which was three P. M., we observed a great cloud of dust on the Gulf road. But before I go further let me say, that when McClernand arrived he had with him fifteen Confederate prisoners, among them Bartlett and Soursby. The former told your father, that C had telegraphed from Rocky Springs to the Doctor '• that you were coming." It was a great relief to both of us. God grant you are safe, though no part of the country is safe, and if we are whipped at Vicksburg we are pretty well done for. Here, we are in the dark, can't liea.r any thing, can't go anywhere — neither horse, or mule, nor wagon, or cart — and it is most fortunate you have teams and carriage with you, they are now all we have. Tell both the George's their wives have been good and faithful. We gave part of our breakfast to B and S , and father* spoke to one of McClernand's officers, who got meat and meal and gave it to Elsie, who cooked it and took it to the other prisoners. The guard said they had not seen any thing like that — they wished she would cook for them. This is the anniversary of our dear Ed's death — murdered by these very vandals ! ' We may truly now comprehend that portion of the Lord's Prayer, " Give us this day our daily bread." I have a small piece of corn-bread in the closet, and a little piece of baco^ about two inches thick ; but we do not suffer, for your father bears up most wonderfully, for it is hard to see every thing snatched away, right before APPENDIX. 405 your eyes, and he over threescore years old. Both clicerful and getting on bravely — like Dicken's " Oli, tlie devil, never say die." Now for the cloud of dust. It was General Sherman's Coi'ps, composed of three divisions ; two went by the back road to Rocky Springs, Tuttle's came by us, and if ever the out-pourings of jails and every thing mean and low, these men certainly were the quintessence of rascality — as Elsie says, " Lousy, dirty beasts." It began about five p. m. When they came, all the best glass and china were safe, and a good deal of the rest. I had persuaded father to roll up the two pictures, Ijut mother would not roll, so I laid her flat among the silk comforts, in one of the beds, and sent this one to Kate's house. The other was put on a stick, and Kate came up to-day to say, " they had tried to take it from her, and had pulled the stick out, but she held on to the picture and^^ tliem !" The beds are all safe at the quarters. The box of house-linen Kia reports being opened, and Ed's tools taken out, and she let them have them for peace-sake, but then she sat on it, and said her husband was away, and it was his box, and they should not rob her. I have a few mean ones down there, who tell what they know, and implicate the faithful ones, and the servants liave had a hard time. They have forced them to Avork for them, though some of them pay prettry liberally with their old greenbacks. These men went into the parlor and broke up the old desk — which had stood the St. Domingo insurrection — aU to pieces — destroyed every thing. As soon as McCler- nand's troops left, Elsie and Emma and I gathered aU the best cliina and glass, and put it into the spare-room closet, gathered up all the books that were strewn about, and put in the closet, but did not attemj^t to clean up. These last demons burst open the places, took whatever they wanted to carry molasses in, with them, and broke up as much of the pest as they could. " Bang, bang !" Colonel Coffey's picture has a hole through each eye! I have not been up stairs, but am told every thing is gone ; even the little red cups belonging to INIary, which were in the top of the closet. A 's basket is safe at the quarters found in " Para- dise." B 's trunk, where all the letters were, opened and robbed — even the little old card-case is stolen. Well, the whooping and banging on the piano, yells and cursing, continued. Bang, at one of my doors — I would go to it, talk, reason, go away. Bang, at another — go to that. Presently the outside dressing-room door burst in. I opened my room door, it is full of ugly-looking customers — they have discovered a little meal, a few pounds of sugar Kandal saved me, and one jar of lard, and all the soap, which I had packed in a box — one hundred and fifty pounds of Castile — and every thing is turned out of jars and closet. The room dismal, my leghorn straw mashed down, the room full of molasses, lard, 1-06 APPEI^IX, wliat not. The Avliole house just so — nothing left hut my room. Words cannot describe the noise and confusion, the oaths and execrations. Some decent ones trying to prevent and restrain them. " They are d d old rebels, ought all to be killed, and the house burnt !" Ser- vants afraid to come up. Did not see Elsie or Jack all day. Friday night some of them sent Jack for water, and then tried to abuse both Elsie and Emma — who has stayed with Elsie all along. The latter screamed so it brought Jack back, who called the pickets, and the devils skedaddled. After all the mischief was done. General Sherman sent a guard to protect the property, on the representation of some of his olBcers. Some of them talk beautifully, but the majority of them are all alike. It is a war of extermination, and many openly declare it, and are not ashamed to confess -it, but glory in it. After the arrival of the guard we were tolerably quiet. Saturday, by six o'clock, Tuttle's Di\dsion are gone, leaving the guard. Colonel Mudd, of McClernand's staff, drove up in Mr. Owen's carriage (saving it for him). Your father showed him the house. Seemed sorry. Told the teamsters to stay here as long as they could and keep off all stragglers. They did so. Thousands and thousands of men have passed, and they magnify their number of course — but before this Tuttle's Di- vision came. Old Lane, who has served in Europe, said, not more than 20,000 had passed, but I have no doubt whatever but they have at least 100,000 men with them. They are going up the Jackson road to Big Black bridge. Some think they will have a fight there. They themselves dread it. I have listened to their talk, and their " only hope is in num- bers." I have argued with them Scripturally and Constitutionally, and, except the rabble, they are heartily tired of the whole affair. Some of Sherman's told me of the robbing and thieving in Port Gibson. One of them said : "Ain't you a Union woman ?" "No." "What are youf " Why, a real old cantakerous rebel." " Good for you, I believe in hold- ing up to your own opinions." I repacked the medicines Sunday night. I was afraid to keep them in the house, so sent them to Elsie's quarter. They got them, and I now have no cupping instruments or cups, and all my best medicines are gone to comfort these Yankees — except the calomel and Dovers powder, every thing is gone. How I ^^'ish that cotton was burnt ! I hate they should get it. If I could I would fire it, and I know 1 would rather have seen the house burnt, with all its contents, than witnessed what I have seen and gone through — nor are we safe yet. I think it doubtful if this house remains. B house is burned to ashes. " Routhwood" also. I talk to the men when I find a decent one, and find out all I can. A decent straggler has just gone, he came from Hard Times. Doctor quite well, he says, and his house turned into a hospital. APPENDIX. 407 But tliis man repudiates the negro question. He tliinks they must re- main where they are, and be held in bondage, and that " the army woukl strike if they thought they were fighting for any thing but the Union." He says, " from Milliken's Bend to Hard Times there is scarcely a house lefr," gutted, if not burnt, and mostly burnt. 2 r. M., Sunday. — All quiet as yet, but we see the cloud again, wagons, and stores, and ammunition. We have just eaten our dinner as if we were stealing it — a little bacon and corn-bread, and Emma found a few peas. It is cooked at the quarters and brought up stealthily, for they threaten the servants if they feed us ! and we lock all the doors whilst we eat what will keep body and soul together ! Wc still have some tea, not a drop of liquor left. I wish I had a little for father ! They say Isaiah and Wadloo were forced away, and I rather think it is true. They carried Dan up to Rocky Springs yesterday, but he was back this morning. They took Jim to Big Black, but he gave them the slip. Poor things, I pity them ! One man asked Emma to go with him and nurse his children. She declined. He asked her where her father and mother were ? She replied she never had a father, and her mother died when she was a baby. " Then who brought you up f " My old Miss." " Then stick to her !" said the man. " I mean to," said Emma, *' for I don't think much of you white folks." I had gathered all the Bibles in a box, but those vandals have stolen them all except Alice's, which I had in my room. I am using it ; it has given me much com- fort. I have also J.'s common one." The fins-covered ones are all gone. What such rascals want with Bibles I can't tell. The weather warmer. I wish it would get hot — hot, though I do suffer and have no clothes, and am tired of my extra garments, as I sleep in my corset ready for a run. The commissary's coffee was stolen out of the dressing-room. I never tasted it. We keep the , for what can we expect ? Well, I can't be thankful enough, nor father either, that you were all away — that we think you safe and out of harm's way. God be praised ! We would have been powerless to save you. One or two of the officers asked us if we did not have daughters. " Yes, away from home." " Very fortu- nate, madam ; happy they are not here. When did they leave ?" " Time enough to reach their destination." Hem ! no m.ore out of this child ! They have inquired of the servants, and boast " they will come up with you yet." It is very terrible ! General Smith sent one of his aids on Thursday v/ith two gold watches — one is O.'s, the other I do not know, though the seal is a griffin's head — stolen out of our cellar. Monday, May 11. — All continues quiet. We hear the men visit the quarters, and are still tampering with the negroes. No one at work ; there is nothing to work with — not a mule or horse left — even old Fanny 408 APPEI^DIX. was ridden ofT Saturday evening. Yesterday tlie quiet was almost pain- ful. Every tiling looks so desolate and so very dirty ; no one to clear away ; and I don't know that it is e-spedient, for if more come tkey can see what others have done. To-day Bony Martin and Albert, accompa- nied by H. M., were here. They were hunting mules and stock. Mrs. M. was unmolested in the house. They took cattle, and robbed her of food, but did not make a smash of it, as here. The girls were actually in the carriage to go away, but got out and determined to stay with their mother. P.'s gutted just like ours — W.'s also — Stamp's distillery burned down, and his whiskey stolen — house not molested. Bony gave us good news—" Port Hudson not evacuated." I think father feels a little better. I know I do. No Feds, in Port Gibson. Wirt Adams drove them out, and then went on rejoicing. He could not come this way, as he would have been captured. The people in Port Gibson suflering for food. The country people can't go in, can't grind, have no mules, and some of them have no corn. The Martin negroes have determined to stay at home and work the crop — ours seem paralyzed. Eisy, particu- larly, is crushed, afraid to come up here ; and, if she comes, to stay. I have forgotten to mention the cats. " Jessie"* did not make his appear- ance until the Thursday after you left. That day and early Friday he was about and on my bed. When the fuss began, he disappeared. I saw him to-day, but he ran immediately into the cellar. " Martha" has not been home at all. Even " Dixie" was away for days, but the last two she has been with me. " Polly" has been a great charge. Many of -the Yankees wanted to biiy her, but I keep her near me. She sleeps in my room, and sits on the Lauriamandi-tree very silent — does not talk either night or day. " Jinny" also lives in my room, which may be truly called a menagerie. The many cats— Dixie, Jacot, Jot, Jinny, and Poll — they all keep close quarters, and seem secure. I can hear nothing of Mr. James Maury. We hear Adams fought right by their gate, but don't know if it is true. Father won't leave me, even if he had a horse, though I'm not afraid. I want him to go find out the news. The Yanks have Grand Gulf, and their sick and wounded are there. Tuesday, May 12. — " All quiet along the Potomac last night ;" lovely morning, father depressed, makes me very anxious, nothing to do but dv,'ell on our present deplorable condition, and what we must do for the future. What is to become of us ? He will be like Dr. Coxe, die from fret ; but he, poor man, had great cause — his only son against him. We are all united in this respect. Wednesday, I»Iay 13. — Yesterday Frank Blair's Division came up — • Pot cat. APPENDIX. 409 camped at the forks of the road. Our position gives us great trouble. Claimed protection, at father's request, for the little that is left. All quiet — came late and went early — no stragglers. Sent Randcy across the country to P. G. People suffering for food in Port Gibson. That ia what the Yankees want, to starve us out. C, E., and H., all gone to Ala- bama. Troops that have passed said to be 50,000. Mrs. M. in town — her house gutted like ours. Jinny taken prisoner and sent up the river ; John H. same ; much damage done in town, but mail and telegraph in operation to Hazelhurst. Another battle at Fredericksburg. We have whipped them, but, alas ! not routed them. Father wants me to think about what I am going to do — we must work for our living — gets mad when I say I think we will remain here. He don't see a ray of light any- where. I still hopeful. If Johnson could only rout Rosecrans, then flank Vicksburg ! Elsy still faithful, feeds us, and does what she can ; Ria Jane too ; Bowlegs very attentive. More of my property at the quarters than I have at the house ; know where a good deal is, but am powerless to act. Emma beginning to tire of waiting on me, did not come up at noon ; Nancy not true. I do not say any thing to them one way or the other, take what they choose to do, and finish the rest my- self. Elegant lace handkerchief brought out of the dust in the cellar unharmed, also ten collars, all dirty. Emma says one belongs to Mr. S. ; knows too much for me to offend her. Martha I don't see, nor Jane or Fanny either. Pistols and rifles in tlie hands of the negroes at the quar- ters. Poor things ! I feel sorry for them. They are not to blame, and if we succeed they must return to their work and place, and I trust to an sJl-merciful God that we may, though these brutes and vandals outnum- ber us, I fear. I think I feel as Robinson Crusoe must have felt, and will have to get a stick and make notches for the days of the week. Thursday, May 14. — The silence and monotony is terrible, very hard to bear, only broken by dear father's anticipations of more trouble and what we are to do. As dear Ned used to say, " quien sabe ?" Two ofii- cers of General Ross' Division just passed through, came in at the Gulf gate and through the i^lace to Jackson road; wanted a drink of milk, gave water ; milk scarce, seldom have any. They tell us Richmond is in the liands of the Yankees. I did not believe it, he did not seem sure of it himself. We are very anxious about Frank. They have had a terribls battle at Fredericksburg again — God grant he is spared — and what for ? This General Ross is the Ft. Pemberton man of happy memory. The weather seems to favor them ; rainy, cloudy, and cool. Emma brought Ady and Hester up tx>day, and cleaned up around the house ; looks very much better ; the mire worried me. I hate dirt ! Friday, 3 p. m. — All quiet ; very bad news to-day ; Mr. Lake sent a 410 APPEIS^filX. man down ; all gone from there ; every thing carried off. We are liter- ally wiped out. It goes very hard with me ; all my dear children's silver gone ; the likenesses of those who are asleep — ail, all gone ! Why is it ? What have we done, that we are so severely pnnished ? Very much troubled ; Edward's sash and six pairs of new gloves taken out of my wardrobe. I am afraid Emma has done this ; don't feel as if I could trust any one but Elsy ; she feeds and takes care of me. My children must never forget or desert her ; and if she should leave us, remember she has tried to do right, and led to do wrong. The day is very long. Father is depressed ; trying to put the office to rights ; been at it for three days. Saturday, May 1G. — Lovely day, pleasant and cool, favorable to our enemies. It would seem that God was on their side ; no hot weather as yet ; no news, for what the negroes and Yanks bring is not reliable. More troops passing on the back road. " Still they come ;" but the old feUow thinks, all told, not more than 40,000 have passed ; I think 60,000 at least. Father gone to see the McGs. ; she is very sick, poor thing, with her little baby, and every thing taken from her. Jones gone to town to-day to gain news, letters, and papers, if he can. Oh, so quiet and lonesome I can't stay here alone. Zimmerman wi*ote beautifully on " Solitude," but it is not to my taste. Father is very much depressed ; neither sleep nor food nourish him. To a man of his peculiar tempera- ment this is a terrible blow; thinks we are God-forsaken; don't agree with him ; He has been merciful to spare our children, gracious to have spared them the sight of all I have gone through ; our household idols all destroyed, or stolen, which is worse. Wise John Perkins, to burn down his own premises, and not see them defiled ! God have mercy upon us, and do unto these wretches as they have done us. I have not yet learned to turn my cheek when I am struck. Sdxday, May 17. — Another lovely day. Jones returned ; papers to 5th instant from Richmond ; no more papers ; all stopped ; Federals at Clin' ton ; fighting yesterday at Jackson ; suppose they have taken it ; still hope they have not, but father says I can't look ahead ; several letters from Frank, all old, up to the 28th of April ; no news of the fight at Fredericksburg ; vary anxious ; letters from Joe E. to J. ; one from Sallift S. to A. ; one from B. R. to me. She is in Mobile ; D. at Lake City, Florida ; could not live in Richmond. I wish I could write to her, but no mails ; every thing very qiiiet ; Sunday, and quiet enough ; negroes off visiting ; Emma gone on a visit, and may not return before to-morrow ; great doings. I wish we could hear about the army, and what they are doing at Jackson. Monday, 18th. — Another lovely day ; all in the favor of the Yankees ; George Carpenter returned from Grand Gulf; can hear nothing of his APPENDIX. 411 sons, but did hear that Je5 was on his way home on foot ; why, we can't imagine, it makes us anxious ; have reason to think the hands will all leave ; only a question of time, they are not quite ready ; Elsy still true ; but Jack doubtful. She is very attentive and kind, and does all she can to make us comfortable ; went up stairs to day ; it is terrible ; and our ne- groes have done the most part of it ; not a looking-glass or piece of china left ; every thing in confusion. I have oflfercd to hire the woman to clean up and give fifty cents a day ; she declines. Elsy will begin by herself to-morrow ; for if any thing should turn up, the rooms are not habitable. I think, before I would stand another such rout, I would fire the house myself. If we could only hear what the Feds are doing 1 Dear Father no hope of success ; rather vexed at me, because I am moro hopeful, and will eat my dinner and trust to a merciful Providence. He is still sorting the papers on the office floor, and turning the negroes all away visiting to-day, and every thing very quiet. I wonder will JeJBT go with his faithfal spouse, Martha. I have always thought Jeff and Elsy would prove true. And if not too much bothered, I still think she will stay, Thdksday, May 19th.— Guns sound at Vicksburg— What will be our fate ? God only knows. Oh, that He may cause us to be successful, and aid our arms in this terrible strife. Have been cleaning the spare room table from grease and molasses. Am impatient to get my things from the quarters, believing that our servants will all leave, and they wOl be safer here than down there. I am going to destroy the letters received by Jones. D 's address is care of Brigadier-General Finuigan, General Beauregard's command. Lake City. I have a long letter from B ; her direction, care of General Thomas P. Butler, Mobile. Frank's letters of April 10th, 28th to Ac, also 10th to A, & 19th to me, all burnt— it is safer. Our anxiety is scarcely bearable, ^^'ill the Yankees whip us at Vicksburg, and what will become of us ? A nice letter from Sallie ; she is at Miss Pegram's, Richmond. I am so glad she is at school, Helen still at her Avriting in the Department — must be a fine girl, so young and so in- dependent. The quiet nearly kills me. If we could only hear what is going on ! Wednesday, May 20th. — Made no entry. May 21. — Was very sorry yesterday. Elsy cleaning out the filth of the parlors, and Ria in the kitchen with Harriet for an assistant. Then I got Judge to shake the carpets, and take the dust off from the mats ; neither mats or carpets will be usable unless scoured. Most of my bed- ding brought up, but pillows and bolsters were missing. Some of the la- dies of color demurred at my asking for my own things. Mrs. Adams very loud. It all went on at the Cabins, and I was deaf ; but they have stolen 412 APPENDIX. to tlieir very hearts' content ; who ^yonders, when their liberators set them the example ? The men are far more respectful and obliging than the women ; the latter refuse to come and w^ork, one and all of them, except Eia, Jane and Kate, whom I did not ask. This morning I had wheat biscuit for my breakfast. Elsy sent me a plateful, and Kate G , all very nice. Yesterday Father told Maria she must roast him a turkey for his dinner, and get him a turtle soup ; the old thing laughed, and went off and cooked him bacon and greens, rice and green peas. Harriet Bays he is not ready to leave his home and comforts — They must show him where to go and how to live. He says Parker, Isaiah, Wadloo, were all three forced away — ^he saw them go. George has been to Grand Gulf, but can't find his boys. I think they went with the Army to Jack- son. A poor wounded Confederate stayed here last night : got here about 3 P. M. had walked from Port Gibson round by Mr. Alpin's gin — was shot in the thigh — he belonged to Tracy's Brigade ; we put him in the cabin and fed him ; last night gave him a pone of bread ; he did not want meat, he was very weary and sore, but rested and better at bed-time. This morning by day he was off, and good for us he was, for the blue-coats were at the gate, inquiring if we had one here. Fortunately they talked to Harry, who assured them that no one was here, or had been here. They told Harry if we harbored one, they would burn every building on the place. What can we do ? If a uounded " Yankee" asked for help Ithould give it, much more to a Confederate. She heard their talk, and yesterday she wanted us to send the man away, but neither your father nor I would consent. We are beginning to reap the fruits of misrule, or rather no rule at all. Last evening Jack and oldDabney had a very bad quarrel ; axes were used, and murder threatened, and this morning Jack still very angry — and Elsy says it is not over. Jim Boly flourishes a pistol ; and not until Hai-ry threatened to send for the pickets did they give it up. Jack had found a mule and a mare. Dabney had took them to grind with, and then took no care to secure them. They of course went off, and the Yankees got them — that was the cause of the quarrel. " Father" still, sorting papers, burning and saving what is needed, but all the most valuable ones are gone. Our loss at Mr. Lake's, is very sad. I continue to mourn for it, more for my children than myself. I think my poor Apo will grieve for her husband's tilings. Mrs. Pierson's things have escaped in the most wonderful manner. I cannot understand it. I wish we had packed away our own things ourselves. " Mother John- eon" weeping for her kittens ; this morning early, she brought three dead kittens to my back door— strange she cannot raise them. The Yanks have our Doctor, who says they die of" trismus nascentum." I wish I could hear about them. Sent Bob to get advice ostensibly, but APPENDIX. 413 in fact to get news. The H.'s at Mrs, R 's, all cleaned out ; tlie two Marys still stay and help her — would corns to see me if she could. Father got a St. Louis paper ; Hooker has had a severe repulse. If we only could hear ahout Frank ! / tJiink Ids death would kill your Father, t1h6 last soil ! A beautiful corn season, and no one to work it — what aro we to do for food, if we cannot cultivate the soil ? Father beginning to think it is God's will that the Institution should be wiped out, for every thing favors them ; the weather so cool and pleasant, enabling them to fight and endure. Friday, 22d May.— All quiet, no news— very anxious and very dull. Elsy very attentive ; paid Emma one dollar, and desired her to stay away — ^very lazy and not respectful — would rather do my own work than be so bothered— she is going fast to destruction — sent word to Martha to take her in hand. Satubday, 23d May.— Every thing very quiet, no news that is reli- able ; hear we have retaken Jackson — hope so. Sunday, 24th May. — Lovely weather ; heavy firing in the direction of Vicksburg — all in the dark, and in our loneliness makes us more anxious. Monday, 25th May. — Heavy firing again to-day; ceased about 11 a. m. Warmer than it has been ; very lonely and sad. Imsh Iims with the children. Father so depressed. May 26th. — Heavy firing again until noon. Wm. McG and old H came over ; the former had been looking for a box buried in tho woods ; found the place, but no box ; how could he expect it, hid by a negro boy, and yet my drawer, fuU of silver, is still safe and hid by Elsy, They left nothing at McG 's, not even a pillow, and she was in bed. The Suggs people are doing their own work. Father and sons taking the plough, and mother and daughters the wash-tub — hurrah for them ! better than fretting and sitting down in the dirt. No news. Wednesday, May 27th. — Cannonading very heavy ; began early. Elsio says was going all night ; did not hear it ; now ten o'clock, and still very heavy. The negroes bring all manner of stories. Old Dabney been to Grand Gulf; sent me a loaf of bread, real mean Yankee stuff. The rheu- matism well, now, that _he is free and can walk to the Gulf and back ; had a pony, left it at Mrs. L 's, he says, and walked from there. I wish I had known he was going, but they do not even do that much. I suppose they would not think they were free if they told us where tlicy went. I do not care ; they do not annoy me, and I do not trouble them. I think, in time, we shaU lose them all, if we lose Vicksburg. Back of Mr. Martin Pattison's, the people are at work as usual. I think if Father would call them all up and tell those to go who mean to, and the rest to go to work, they would do it. I am told J did it, and very few left ; 414 APrENDIX. they have gone to work. Negro meetings