^ THE ARTS COURSE AT MEDIEVAL UNIVER- SITIES WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO GRAMMAR AND RHETORIC A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the Univer- sity of Pennsylvania in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy BY LOUIS JOHN PAETOW CHAMPAIGN, ILLINOIS 1910 ^\H^ Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from The Library of Congress http://www.archive.org/details/artscourseatmedi01paet THE ARTS COURSE AT MEDIEVAL UNIVER- SITIES WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO GRAMMAR AND RHETORIC A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the Univer- sity of Pennsylvania in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy BY LOUIS JOHN PAETOW CHAMPAIGN. ILLINOIS 1910 Cxr^W^Z ^ Printed from the University Studies of the University cif Illinois, Vol. III. No. 7, January-, 1910. PREFACE. My acknowledgments are due above all to Professor (Miarles H. Haskius, of Harvard, formerly of the University of ^Visconsin, under whom this work was begun and who constantly aided me with encouragement and scholarly advice. For similar kind- nesses I am also indebted to Professors Arthur C. Rowland and Edward P. riieyuey of the University of Pennsylvania, and Dana C. ^lunro of the University of Wisconsin. Professors Lewis Flint Anderson, William Abbot Oldfather and Macellus M. Larson of the University of Illinois carefully read the manuscript. I wish to thank them for their valuable suggestions. During my stay in Paris, Professor Ch. V. Langlois of the University of Paris aided me very considerably in my work at the Sorbonne and at the vari- ous libraries of the city. With Professor C. Molinier of the Uni- versity of Toulouse I carried on a correspondence to wliich tliat gentlenmn devoted an amount of time, patience, and scholarly ro- searcli sucli as I sliould never liave expected from a total stranger. I am also especially indebted to Professor James Smith Eeid, who kindly gave me access to some manuscripts at Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, England, and to Vv alter M. Smith, Librarian of the University of Wisconsin, who helped to make my work easy and pleasant at Madison, Wisconsin. Louis J. Paetow. University of Illinois, UiiBANA, Illinois, Feb. 12, 1010. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I. The Neglect of the Ancient Classics at Medieval Universities 11-32 What the arts course did not contain, 11. The absence of the ancient classics, 11. The Twelfth Century Renaissance, 11. The classics at Chartres, 12; at Orleans, 13; at Paris, 15. John Gar- land and the classics at Paris, 16. The Battle of the Seven Arts by Henri d'Andeli, 19. Causes for the neglect of the classics, 20: — (i) Clerical feeling against profane literature, 20; (2) Pop- ularity of good medieval Latin literature, 23; (3) Renewed interest in science, 25 ; (4) Rise of medicine, law, and the ars dictaminis, 26; (5) Increasing popularity of logic, 29; Other pos- sible causes, 32. CHAPTER II. Grammar. Decline of the Study of the Language 33-66 Donatus and Priscian, 2>?)- The "old" and the "new gram- mar," 2i2)- The new grammars: — (i) the Doctrinale of Alex- ander of Villedieu, 2>^; (2) the Alexander, 38; (3) the Graecismus of Eberhard of Bethune, 38. Grammar at the University of Paris, 39. John Garland's criticism of the Doctrinale and Graecis- mus, 40. Roger Bacon, 44. Decline of grammar at Paris, 45. Grammar in Italy, 47. At the universities of southern France, 49. The grammar course at Toulouse, 49, and Perpignan, 51. Separ- ate faculty of grammar, and degrees in grammar, 55;. Decline of logic at Toulouse and increase of interest in grammar, 58. Humanism at universities: — Italy, 60; England and Germany, 61; Paris, 61 ; elsewhere in France 63. CHAPTER IIL Rhetoric. The "Business Course" at Medieval Universities 67-91 Rhetoric at the schools of the Middle Ages, 67. The old- fashioned rhetoric at medieval universities: — Paris, 68; other French universities, 69; Italy, 69; Oxford, 69. The new fashioned rhetoric, ars dictaminis, 70. Alberich of Monte-Cassino and his works, 72. Later manuals (the cursits), 73. The ars dictaminis at Ijologna, 74. Boncompagno, 74. Bene of Lucca and Guidn I'aba, 79. Apparent disappearance nf the iirs dictaminis, 80. Tiie ars notaria, 82. Rayncrius, 8j. Salathiel, in the basis of Latin translations of the books of Aristotle. T]) to about the end of the twelftli century only a xevy few of his works were known; but then came the influx of the "New Aristo- lle"' from the East and through Moorish S])aiii, and somi ilic western world possessed in translations almost all liis extant 'The following are the best special treatises on the seven liberal arts: — Meier, Die Sicbcn Freicu Kiinstc iiii Mittelaltcr : Parker, "The Seven Liberal Arts", English Historical Rcz'ic2^'. V, 417-461 ; Spccht, Gcsdiicltlc des l/nterrichtS7Vcscns ni Dcutschlaiul von dcii iiltcslcii /citcii his cur Miltc dcs drcizcJiiitcn Jahrliuiid- crts : Appuhn, Das 7 ri-i'iuiii itnd Quadiiriuiii in I'hcoric iind Pj'axis. Erster Theil — Das I'rivinin : Abelsnn, I'hc Scvoi Liberal .Iris. .•/ .Sliidy iu Mediaer'a! Culture. "At the universities the three higher faculties came to be theology, law, and medicine. The arts course was decidedly affected by this classification because to a considerable degree it was considered as merely iirc])aratory work for the higher faculties. (497) works." His books so fascinated that age that they formed the basis of almost all the instruction in the arts course at the medieval universities. Into a discussion of this major portion of the course I shall not enter. Its outward features have been fairly well depicted in the various histories of universities, and a deeper investigation into its method, aim and object leads into the realm of scholastic philosophy which is entirely beyond my scope.* During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries there was a dis- tinct revival of interest in science, one manifestation of which was the development of medicine.'"' This augured well for the develop- ment of the subjects of the gaadrivium and for a time they were borne along with the tide of the new intellectual movement. But it was not long before they sadly lagged behind and there was very little real scientific interest until the fifteenth century.*^ At Pari:^ and other French universities the quadrwium was almost entirely obscured during the latter thirteenth and the fourteenth cen- turies."^ At Oxford the theory and practice of the seven liberal 'On the introduction of the "New Aristotle" see especiallj', Mandonnet, Siger de Brabant, xvii-lxxiv; and Luquet, Aristotc et I'Universite de Paris pendant le Xllle siecle. ^For a typical but practically unknown program of the work done in the arts course at medieval universities see Appendix i. ^See below, p. 25. "Music occupies a somewhat unique position. Owing largely to its utility in the church service, it developed steadily during our period but mostly outside of the arts course at universities. Felder, Geschichte der Wissenscliaftlichcn Studien iin Franziskanerorden, 424; Abelson, The Seven Liberal Arts, 128. 'During the first half of the thirteenth centur}', preachers sometimes warned the students of Paris against devoting themselves too much to geometry and astronomy. (Haskins, in Anicr. Hist. Rev., X, 9 and 11.) A statute of 1215 still mentions the quadri^'iuni at the Uni\crsity of Paris. (Denifle et Chatelain. Chartu- lariuut, I, 78.) The statutes of 1255 say nothing more about it. (Chartiiiariuni, T, 278.) Some time before 1366 a bachelor about to be licensed was obliged to take oath that hf had heard one hundred lectures on mathematics, 'ilio faculty interpreted this to mean that he had read one whole book on the subject such as the De Sphaera Mundi of John of Tlolywood and had begun another {Chartiiiariuni, II, 678.). The statutes of 1366 simply require "some mathematical" books for the license (Chartulariuui. Ill, 145). In the year 1378 King Charles V appointed two masters of arts at the University of Paris who were to devote themselves (498) arts was someAvliat better preserved and the quadriviuiii was at all times more in vogue than at Paris but not to any considerable ex- tent.* In Italy it was not until late in the fourteenth century that scientific instruction became at all important at Bologna and other universities.^ No doubt much might still be done to make clearer the instruction in sciences at medieval universities on the basis of the quadrivium, or at least to explain more fully the causes for its neglect, but that task will not be attempted here. Of the seven liberal arts grammar and rhetoric alone are left, and they will constitute the main subjects of this investi- gation. On the face of it the quest seems barren enough, and indeed, we shall have to content ourselves with mere gleanings. Nevertheless the task will be worth while., for although the out- ward history of medieval universities as institutions is now very well known, we are still very far from comprehending the aim and object and general trend of the actual instruction which was given, and this is true especially of the arts course. In order to understand the revival of classical learning which was such an entirely to mathematics and astronomy but the venture did not succeed and thus not even mathematics ever rose to respectability at the great French university. CGiinther, Geschichte des niatlieiiiatischen Unterrichts im dentschen Mittelalter, 266; see also Thurot, De I'Orgauisation de I'Ejiseignemeut dans I'Universitc de Paris, 81.) *In the thirteenth century the IMinorite School at Oxford was exceptional for the stress it laid on scientific as well as literary studies. Felder, Geschichte der Wissenschaftlicheii Studien iiii ' Franziskanerorden, 417, 423-24. The university statutes of 1408 prescribed some mathematical books and in 1431 a candidate for ?. degree was required to have read a considerable number of books in all the seven arts including the quadrivium (Munimeitta Acadcjiiica, ed. Anstey, 241, 285. See also Rashdall, Universities, II, 455-458.) ^Little is known about the quadrivium at Bologna in the twelfth and thir- teenth centuries (Sarti-Fattorini, De Claris Archigymnasii Bononiensis Profcs- spribus, I, 584.). In 1383 a master was appointed whose sole business it was to teach arithmetic. (Giinther, Geschichte dcs mathematischeti Unterrichts, 220.) At Bologna, astrology was the name given to tlic whole scope of mathematical instruction. In 1405 a four years' course in arithmetic, geometry and astronomy was outlined which is remarkable for brcadtli and thoroughness (Malagola, Statuti dellc Univcrsita e dei Collegi dcllo Studio Bologncsc. 276. The pr(\grani is explained by Rashdall, Universities, I, 249.). (499) 10 important factor of the Kenaissance, it is absolutely necessary to know the history of the study of language and literature at medieval universities. Because of a lack of such understanding the revival of learning on the one hand and medieval culture on the other have often been sadly misinterpreted. We shall concentrate our attention upon the first two cen- turies of university history or very roughly to about 1350. The investigation will be almost wholly confined to the French uni- \ersities, esi)ecially Paris and Toulouse, and to liologna in Italy. Oxford and Cambridge did not differ very much from Paris and the first (xerman universities were not founded until the middle of the fourteenth century. It is not possible to name and characterize briefly the books vrliich have been used because a large number of them lie in fields other than history, such as philology, philosophy, law, literature and education. A critical bibliograjdiy is appended. (500) CHAPTER I. The Neglect of the Ancient Classics at Medieval Universities To a modern reader the arts course at medieval universities can be interpreted to some extent by a discussion of tlie things ir did not contain. There was an entire lack of experimental sciences, of modern languages as well as history and the other so-called social sciences, but the most remarkable omission was that of the ancient classics, especially the Latin classics.^ Since Latin was the language used for instruction in all tlie schools, the reading of the classics would not have been so ditticult as it is for us. Never- theless not one of them is prescribed in the statutes of the various universities of Europe of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The statutes furnish meagre information but all our other sources corroborate the well established truth that the ancient authors were almost entirely neglected at the medieval universities. This striking phenomenon has attracted much attention evei' since the rise of humanism in the fourteenth century. In account ing for it many serious writers have entirely misinterpreted medieval culture and education. Until recently the books dis- juissed the subject by dwelling upon the utter barrenness of classi- cal as well as of all other lay learning in the Middle Ages, and thus intimating that nothing better could have been expected from the work at the universities. Today no competent scholar would pronounce such a verdict. It has become custouuiry to speak of a "Twelfth Century Renaissance"- and it is now well established ^In this paper ancient classics will be used as synonymous with Latin classics for throughout our period, Greek, although studied by individuals like Robert Grosseteste and Roger Bacon, was almost wholly unknown in the schools. For a short but convenient bibliography on Greek in the Middle Ages see Taylor, The Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages, 361. Cf. also Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship, I, passim; Norden, Die Antike Kuiistprosa. IT, 666 note; Babler, Beitrdge zur Geschiclitc dcr latcinischcn Cjyaiitiiiatik iiu Miltrlaltcr, 67-73; Loomis, Medieval Hellenism. ""Medieval Renaissance" would be a better term because most of the move- ments which began in the eleventh and twelfth centuries did not culminate until the thirteenth centur}-. (oOl) 12 that an important phase of this earlier Eenaissance was a distinct revival of the ancient classics. It will serve our purpose to inves- ligate this movement in some detail. It is a well known fact that the ancient authors were not en- tirely forgotten at any time during the Middle Ages and that there were even periods of distinct revival as early as the time of Charle- magne and of the Ottos in Germany! These earlier movements, however, seem sporadic when compared with the revival in the twelfth century. Its home was northern France and our surest and most complete information in regard to it comes in shortly after the first crusade. ^'I see villages and towns fairly burn with eagerness in the study of grammar" writes Guibert of Nogent in the preface to his history of the crusade.'^ In another passage^ be says that the remarkable enthusiasm for grammar had sprung up during his life-time, for he remembered the day when even in the cities hardly anyone could be found who in learning could be compared with a mere hedgepriest of modern times (modenii iemporis. ) The center of the study of the classics was Chartres.-^ As early as the beginning of the eleventh century its schools gained renown under the learned bishop Fulbert (d. 1029). Ivo (d. 1115) was his next great successor and he was followed in the first half of the twelfth century by Bernard, Gilbert de la Porree, and Theodoric. During the period from 1090, when Ivo became bishop, until 1150, the approximate date of Theodoric's death, the schools of Chartres were at the lieight of their glory. A famous program of studies, the Eptateuclion of Theodoric, reveals how the seven liberal arts had broadened and deepened into a very comprehen- sive course of instruction.^ Especial attention was given to gram- mar which was studied in the broad sense in accordance with the °"Et villas video, urbes, ac oppida studiis fervere grammaticae." Gcsta dei per Francos in Recueil des Historiens des Croisadcs, Hist. Occidcittaitx, IV, Ii8; see also p. 120. Guibert died in 11 24. ■•Rashdall, Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, I, 32 and note 2. "Clerval, Les Ecoles de Chartres. Poole, Illustrations of the History of Med- ieval Thouyht, chs. IV and VII. "Clerval, Les Ecoles de Chartres, 222. (502) 13 (lefinition of Rabauus Maiirus who called it ''The art of explainiug poets and historians, the art of correct speaking and writing.'"' In a word, Chartres was a truly humanistic center where flour- ished the belles lettres based on a sympathetic study of the ancient classics. Its fame attracted many students, especially the Eng- lish, of whom there was a regular colon3^ Chief among them was John of Salisbury, who has left us a glowing picture of the breadth and thoroughness of the humanistic teaching of his master Bern- ard.^ John himself was an ardent admirer of Cicero. In his en- Ihusiasm he exclaims, "The Latin world produced no greater man than Cicero."^ Nobody has ever studied John of Salislmry without associating him with Petrarch, After 1150, however, the schools of Chartres declined rapidly, because they were eclipsed by those of Paris. Thereafter Orleans became the most famous seat of classical learning.^*^ We have less detailed knowledge about Orleans than about Chartres, but there is enough evidence to show that the humanists of Orleans were fa- mous until the middle of the thirteenth century. Meanwhile the universities were taking shape. The intelbn-- tual vigor of the twelfth century was finding its expression in these new splendid institutions of learning. We should expect (hat the classics would have had their share in the profit of this general mental uplift and that they would have found a still wider scope at the new universities especially at Paris wliich was in such close touch with Chartres and Orleans. But this was not to be, because that age developed other intellectual interests which crowded out the literary classical studies. All the greatest intel- "Specht, GescJiichte dcs Unlerrichtszvcsens, 86. Rabanus jMaurus (776-856) accepted Quintilian's (c. 35-95 A. D.) definition of grammar, "recte loquendi scientia, poetarum enarratio," Dc Iiistilulio Oral., T, c. I\^. Cf. Heron. Ocuz'rcs dc Henri d'Andcli, p. Ixviii. 'Mctalogicus, I, 24. Cf. Clcrval, p. 225, and Scliaarsclimidt, JoIuduics Sarcs- heriensis. ""Orbis nil halniit mains Cicerone Latinns." Ilnthcticus, line 1215, Migno, Pairologiae Lat., 199, 992. '"Delisle, "Les Ecoles d'Orleans au Douzieme et an Treizieme Siecle," in ./;/- iiuairr null, dc la Sac. dr I'llistoivc de France. W\ (1869'), 139-T54. (503) 14 lects were bending their best efforts toAvards dialectic, scholastic philosophy and theology, or the practical studies of law and medi- cine. Probably a university could never have arisen on a purely liumanistic basis. It required an Abelard and an Irnerius to lay the foundations of universities. From the very start, therefore, the classics were overshadowed at these new institutions by more popular studies. Nevertheless, for a long time they still held their own. At about the beginning of the thirteenth century various writers associated Orleans with the great universities of the day. "Let Paris be proud of her logic and Orleans of her authors" wrote the poet Matthew of Vendome who died about 1200." Two other writers, the poet Geoffrey de Yinsauf and tlie monk Helinand inform us that as Salerno was known for medicine, Bologna for law, Paris for arts, so Orleans was famous for its study of the ancient authors.^^ The English- man Alexander Neckam (1157-1217), who spent much time at Paris, bestowed unstinted praise upon Orleans and its humanistic instruction. These are his words, "Parnassus itself cannot com- pare with thee, Orleans; the double summit of Parnassus yields to thee. I think that in no other city the songs of the Muses, watched over with so much zeal, are better interpreted."^^ Evi- ""Parisius logicam sibi iactitet, Aurelianis Auctores : elegos Vindocinense solum." Poetical foniiulary, vv. 33-34, ed. Wattenbacli, in Sitzuiigshericlite d. Bayrischcii Akadciiiie, 1872. II, 571. Quoted by Norden. Die Aiitike Kiuistprosa, II, 726. '""In morbis sanat medici virtute Salernum Aegros. In causis Bononia legibus armat Nudos. Parisius dispensat in artibus illos Panes, unde cibat robustos. Aurelianis Educat in cunis autorum lacte tenellos." Geoffrey de Vinsauf, Poetria nova, vv. 1009 ff. (addressed to Pope Innocent III, (198-1216). Quoted by Delisle, "Les Ecoles d'Orleans," 144. Ed. Leyser, Hisforia Poetaruiii, 920, vv. 1009-1013. "Ecce quaerunt clerici Parisiis artcs liberales, Aurelianis auctores, Bononiae codices, Salerni pyxides, Toleti dacmones ct nusquam mores." Helinand, in a sermon before the students of the Ihiiversity of Toulouse in IJ29. (Often quoted, e. g. Norden, fie .liitike Kintstfrosa. IT, 726.^ ""Non se Parnassus tibi conferat, Auroli;uiis, Parnassi vertex cedet uterque tibi . (5041 15 dently these men believed that tlie classics would keep theii' rank fimoug the prominent intellectual pursuits of that day and that Orleans would be the seat of a university where humanistic studies would occupy the chief place in the curriculum. ^^ The study of the ancient authors was by no means contiued lo Orleans. Even at Paris they still flourished towards the end of llie twelfth century. The Welshman Gerald de Barri tells us that he studied and taught them there.^^ Sermons were still being l>reached before the students of Paris warning them against the dangers of the heathen literature of Kome.^*^ Peter of Blois wrote to a professor at the university of Paris: "Priscian and Cicero, Tiucan and Persius, these are your gods,"^^ An anonymous de- scriptive vocabulary of terms relating to the church, the court and learning preserved in a manuscript in the library of Gonville and Cains College, Cambridge, seems to throw a flood of light on the classical studies at Paris just before the opening of the thirteenth century. ^^ By means of a skillful examination of internal evi- dence, Professor Haskins has shown that in all probability the Carmina Pieridum, multo vigilata labore, Exponi nulla certius urbe reor." De laudibus divinae sapientiae, vv. 607-610, in De iiatiiris reritiit, ed. Wright, 454. (Quoted by Delisle," "Les Ecoles d'Orleans," 146.) "The following translation of an extract from a student's letter taken from the Sumiiia Magistri Guidonis (written probably at Orleans in the first half of the thirteenth century) will help to emphasize the fact that Orleans was known as a humanistic center : — "I have been a long time at Paris and I have learned from many testimonies that the knowledge of the authors redounds singularly to the honor of those who possess it. I have therefore come to Orleans with the in- tention of making some progress in this study, and I hope to succeed if I have the books." Delisle, "'Les Ecoles d'Orleans," 142. ^"Giraldus Cambrensis, Speciihttn Ecclesiae, Proociinmii. ed. Brewer, IV, 3; De Rebus a se Gestis. Ibid.. T, 23, 45. "See below, p. 21. "Petri Blesensis, Opera Oiiiuia. j\Iigne, Patrolngiae Lot.. 207, Epist. Y\, p. 18. "Haskins, "A List of Text-books from the Close of tiie Twelftli Century." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology. XX (igog), 75-94- Professor llaskins has edited (pp. 90-94) the most significant portion of the manuscript, that which deals with the learning of the time. He cites the vocabulary by its opening words, Sacerdds ad altarc acccssiirus. (505) 16 vocabulary was written by Alexander Neckam (1157-1217) who studied and taught at Paris many years between 1175 and 1195, and that for this and other reasons the j)icture which it gives of the learning of the day may with much probability be taken to reflect the work done at Paris. The most interesting portion of the vocabulary is a long list of books prescribed for every grade and subject of instruction : elementary work, the seven liberal arts and the higher branches of learning, medicine, law and theology. Along with the well known school books of the time, a very con- siderable number of classical authors are mentioned, such as Statius, Virgil, Lucan, Juvenal, Horace, Ovid, Sallust, Cicero, Martial, Petronius, Symmachus, Suetonius, Livy and Seneca. Al- though we cannot afflrm absolutely that the works of all these authors were regularly read at Paris, nevertheless this vocabulary clearly shows that about 1200 the study of the classics was still associated with the branches taught at the rising universities. Within the first half of the thirteenth century, however, inter- est in the classics waned rapidly. In 1234, John Garland, a pro- fessor of grammar at Paris, still warmly espoused the cause of Or- leans, but in the same breath he lamented that the ancient authors were being neglected. "Aid me," he writes, "illustrious poets, whom golden renown matches with gold, you whom the city of Orleans attracts from all the regions of the world, you, the glory of the fountain of Hippocrene. God has chosen joii to sustain the edifice of eloquence shaken to its very foundations ; for the Latin language is deca3ang, the green fields of the authors are withering and the jealous blast of Boreas has blighted the flowery mead- ows."i9 ""Vos vates magni quos aurea comparet auro Fama, favete mihi, quos Aurelianis ab urbe [sic] Orbe trahit toto, pegasei gloria fontis. Vos Deus elegit, per quos fundamina firma Astent eloquii studio succurrere, cujus Fundamenta labant : emarcet lingua latina, Autorum vernans exaruit area, pratum Florigerum boreas flatu livente perussit." ,'lrs lectoria ccclesiae (Accoitarius), Bruges MS. 456, fol. ~6 x°. This extract is also printed in Scheler, Lexicographic Latiiic du Xlle et dn Xllle Siccle, 9. (506) 17 Jolm Garland deserves to be rescued from obscurity. He Avas the last humanist or would-be humanist at the Universit}' of Paris in the thirteenth century. An Englishman by birth, he came to Paris, where he studied and taught until the great dispersion of the university in 1229. Then he went to Toulouse to become a professor of grammar at the newly founded university. Dissatis- fied with conditions there, he returned to Paris in 1232 and taught grammar until his death which probably occurred shortly after 1252.'^ He was a voluminous writer. A large number of his works are grammatical treatises. Most of them are still uiii)ub- lished and have never been examined critically. Even a hasty per- usual of his writings will satisf}' anybody' that he had little of the humanistic spirit which characterized John of Salisbury or Peter of Blois. In all probability he was but slightly ac- quainted with the ancient classics. Nevertheless he cham- pioned them as we have seen from the above quotation. In another work, the Morale Scholarium, written about 1240,-^ ""For accounts of his life and works see, Haureau, "Notices sur les oeuvres authentique ou supposees de Jean de Garlande," in Notices et Extraits, XXVII, pt. 2, 1-86 (1877) ; Wright (ed), De Triumphis Ecclesiae, Preface, (Roxburghe Club, 1856) ; Gatien-Arnoult, "Jean de Garlande," Revue de Toulouse, 23, (1866). 117 ff; article in Dictio)iary of National Biography ; Sandys, History of Classical Scholarship, I, 549 fif. ; Reichling, Das Doctrinale, passii)i, see Register, p. cxiii ; Haskins, "A List of Text-books from the Close of the Twelfth Century," in Har- vard Studies in Classical Philology, XX (1909), 76-78; Habel, "Johannes de Gar- l.MKlia," in Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft fiir deutsche Erziehnngsgeschichte, 1909. "'Bruges MS. 546, fol. 2 seq. ; Gonville and Caius, Cambridge MS. 385. pp. 302-316. Professor Haskins of Harvard has found a third manuscript copy of the Morale Sclwlariuin, Bodleian MS. Rawlinson G. 96, pp. 154-176, which I have not consulted. This work was written between 1238 and 1244. In it Odo is ad- dressed as chancellor; Bruges MS. 546, fol. 6 v° ; Gonville and Caius MS. 385, p. 312. Odo de Castro Radulphi (Eudcs de Chateau roux) was chancellor of Notre Dame 1238-1244; Dcnitlc ct Cliatelain, Chartularium Universitaiis Parisieusis, I. XX, note. The above date is rendered more certain by the fact that on the folio and page just referred to, there is a reference to a riot in Orleans in which several students were killed. Matthew Paris tells us that such a riot took place at Or- leans in 1236; see Denifle, Die Uuiversitiiten, I, 251, note 135; 260-261; 758, note 19. Denifle's conjecture that 1236 should be 1241-42 is wrong; see Rashdall, The I'nizrrsilies of Europe, IT, 141. note i. Professor Haskins has called my atten- (507) 18 lie again praised them and condemned sueli works as aimed at be- littling Helicon,^^ '^Wliere the authors flourish/' he says, probably having Orleans in mind, "the doctors profit by it and their writ- ings are much improved."^'* He singles out a certain Galfridus-* and a certain Galterus^^ for high praise as poets, calling tlie latter an athlete of Pallas, in name and in deed a poet.^^' Then he pleads for reform, the evil tendencies of the times should be checked while there is still time for it. He even suggests that a law should be passed to re-establish the ancient classics.^' Paris, however, was already too firmly attached to philosophy and the- ology to heed the advice of a pedantic grammarian like John (xar- land.2« tion to the fact that the Morale Scliolariuiii is mentioned in another work of John Garland, the Cojiiiiientarius Ciirialiuin (Bruges MS. 546, fol. 83; Gonville and Caius MS. 385, p. 2og), which was written in 1246. ""Nee .sunt scripta bona que diminuunt elicona," Bruges MS. 546, fol. 6 v° ; Gonville and Caius MS. 385, p. 209. The works he criticized were those of Alex- ander of Villedieu and Eberhard of Bethune. '^"Florent auctores et ab illis floridiores Fiunt doctores et lettris (sic) utiliores." Ibid. Denifle, Die Universitdteii, I, 758, note 19, has seen these lines and thinks they refer to Orleans, which is very probable. ''This may refer to Geofifrey de Vinsauf, the author of the Poetria Xoz'a dedi- cated to Pope Innocent III. "•■A gloss says "Anglicus magister." Is this 'Walter the Englishman' mentioned by Hervieux, Les Fabulistes Latins. I, 452? ''■'■Palladis atleta stat nomine reque poeta." //)/(/. "''Tlic emendetur error dum tempus habetur Lex talis detur id quod cecidit revocetur." Jbid. A gloss on the last of these lines in the Gonville and Caius ]\IS. explains, "ut antiqui lihri." "Mle himself had waxed enthusiastic in his praises of Paris where everything tliat Alliens, Aristotle, Plato and Galen had handed down was taught and espe- cially the sacred scriptures. Note that he here forgets to lament the absence of t!ie classics : "Parisius superis gaudens tamquam paradisus Phiiosophos alit egregios, ubi quicquid Athen.T. Quicquid Aristoteles, quicquid Plato vel (ialimus Ediderant, legitur ; ubi pascit pagina sacra Subtiles animas cclesti pane refectas." .4r.f Iccioria rcchwiar ( . Ici-rntnriii.K) , Bruges 'MS. 5.16, fol. 77 r°, (T23p- (50S) 19 His was the last plea for the classics which came from the walls of the great university of Paris. By the middle of the thir- teenth century the ancient authors had entirely lost the day. This is very clear from the famous French allegorical poem entitled the Battle of tlic Seven Arts, written about 1250 by the trrjuvere Henri d'Andeli.^^ Grammar, the champion of Orleans, supported by the humanists and the classic authors, goes out to battle against Logic of Paris who has gathered under her banner all the books and studies taught at that university. After a spirited en- gagement. Grammar is defeated and the Muse of Poetry goes into hiding. The author of the poem concludes with the optimistic re- flection that the next generation would surely see the futility of logic and return to the study of classical belles lettres. His ho])es were not to be realized. At the beginning of the fourteentli cen- tury even Orleans had forsaken them and was known only as the seat of a famous university of law. When Petrarch was a boy, tlie few students of arts who still studied at Orleans apparently had forgotten the ancient poets, and were lost in the "labyrintli of Aristotle.'''^" '■'"Heron. Oetiz'res dc Henri d'AndcIi. For references to other editions and ali- stracts of this poem see Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship. 1, 677, note 4. See also Andeli, La Querelle des Anciens et des Modenies an XHIe Siccle on la Bataille des F// Arts, Paris, 1875, a reprint from Jubinal, Oeuvres de Rutebeuf. ■''"Denifle, Die Eutstehung der Vniversitdten des Mittclaltcrs, I, 252, 262. Rashdall, Universities of Europe. II, pt. i, 147, 144, note i. Rashdall maintains that there was no regular faculty of arts at the University of Orleans "after the decay of the literary schools in the thirteenth century." This is contradicted by the following evidence. Fournier, Histoire de la Science du Droit, 65, has pointed out that there is a mention of the study of grammar and logic at Orleans in Dec. 1312 (Fournier, Statufs. I, 40, No. 40.). Another royal ordinance dated July, 1312. also speaks of the liberal arts at Orleans (Fournier. Statiits. I, ,^7, No. 37.). \ formulary of Treguier ( c. 1,^1,3-1316) proves beyond all doubt that the arts were taught at the university at that time. Several letters in it mention Orleans as a Stndiuui for literary studies. Grammar is named and at least three of the letters refer to the "labyrinth of Aristotle," which goes to show that dialectic flourished here as in all the rest of northern France. Whether the classics were still read as in the thirteenth century is somewhat doubtful, (^ne letter, however, i Xo. TU, Appendix) appeals to the "shining authority of the i)oets" ( iioet.iruni auctoritate lucida) ; Delisle, Lc Porinnhiirc dc I'rci/uicr. Seven of the letters referring to the (509) 20 We are now ready to consider more specifically the causes for the neglect of the classics at the universities. All too often the whole blame for it has been laid at the door of scholasticism, that magic term which has been used to explain such a multitude of sins. The explanation is not quite so simple. Many causes combined to bring about the decline. They will be considered un- der the following heads: (1) Strict clerical feeling against pro- fane and, in particular, indecent profane literature; (2) Popu- larity in the schools of good medieval Latin literature; (3) Re- newed interest in science; (4) Rise of the lucrative studies of medicine and law (including the ars dictajninis) ; (5) Increasing popularity of logic which led to scholastic philosophy and theology'. ( 1 ) Strict clerical feeling against profane literature. In the twelfth and thirteenth, as well as in all previous centuries of the Middle Ages, there cropped out again and again a strong clerical feeling against the classics, decrying them as useless and danger- ous heathen products. The denunciations came from both the regular and the secular clergy. • Thus Peter Comestor, who was chancellor of Notre Dame of Paris after 1164, preached that the arts are useful in so far as they help in the study of the Scriptures, but we must avoid the figments of the poets which are like the croaking of, frogs. ^^ Stories which recall that about Odo of Cluny who dreamed of Virgil as a beautiful vase full of vipers were still told about men in the twelfth century. Frederick, an abbot of a Frisian monastery (c. 1170) dearly loved his Persius, Juvenal, Virgil, Horace and Ovid in the days of his youth, but when he grew older he devoted himself wholly to the study and teaching of the Scriptures.^2 University of Orleans are also printed by Fournier, Les Statuts, III, 448-9, No. 1869. See also Cuissard, L'Etude du Grec a Orleans depuis le IXe siccle, 5. Delisle has called attention to a letter from a formulary of the early four- teenth century, in which a student of Orleans warns a friend not to come there to study the branches of the triviuni, which, he says, are badly taught. This would point to a decline of the arts at Orleans at that time. The letter is printed by Haskins, "Life of Medieval Students," Amer. Hist. Rcz'., Ill, 222, note 3. "Denifle, Die Entstehung der Universitdten, I, 684. ^'Mon. Germ. Hist. SS. XXIII, 583. Quoted by Michael, CiiltursHstandc dcs deiitscJien Volkes, II, 354. (510) 21 Nothing is more interesting in this connection than one of the illustrations of the Eortus Deliciarum designed by the abbess Her- rad of Landsperg for the edification of the nuns of Mont St. Odile in Alsace (1167-95). The picture is an allegorical representation of philosophy and the seven liberal arts which are recommended as having been invented by the Holy Spirit. Below these are four- seated figures who are writing under the inspiration of little black demons. The inscription reads, "These are poets or Magi, in- spired by the unclean spirit."^^ Alexander of Villedieu, a master at the University of Paris, strongly voiced the clerical opposition in this direct attack upon the humanists of Orleans (1199-1202), "Orleans teaches us to sac- rifice to the gods, pointing out the festivals of Faunus, of Jove, and of Bacchus. This is the pestiferous chair of learning, in which, according to the testimony of David, sits no holy man avoiding the baleful doctrine, which, as in Orleans, is like a disease spreading contagion among the multitude. Nothing should be read which is contrary to the Scriptures."^^ The following is a similar, although milder protest made by Jacques de Vitry (d. 1240) in a sermon before the students of the University of Paris : "In spite of the value of the art of .eloquence which we derive from the poets, properly called authors (aiic- tores), it is better to choose for our instruction those works which contain moral teaching, such as those of Cato, Theodulus, Avianus, ^^"Poete vel Magi, spiritu immundo instincti." The inscription continues, "Isti immundis spiritibus inspirati scribunt artem magicam et poetriam i. e. fabulosa commenta." This picture is reproduced in Sandys, A History of Classical Scholar- ship, I, 559; Steinhausen, Geschichte der Deutschcii Kultur, 279; and Cubberley, Syllabus on the History of Education, 86. '"'Sacrificare deis nos edocet xA.urelianis Indicens festum Fauni Tovis atque Liei. Hec est pestifera, David testante, cathedra. In qua non sedit vir sanctus, perniciosain Doctrinam fugiens, que, sicut habetur ibidem. Est quasi diffundens multis contagia morbus. Non decet ilia legi que sunt contraria legi." Ecclessiale. Prologue. P>ibl. Nat. MS. Lat. 14927, fol. 164. This portion of the pro- logue is printed by Thurot, Notices et Ext raits, XXII, pt. 2, 115. (511) 22 Prudentius, Prosper, Sedulius and above all the versified bible. Do not books of this kind suffice without turning to the historians and the poets for excitations which lead to debauch and vanity? Isidore tells us that it is not only in offering incense that we sacrifice to the demons but also in searching with eagerness the pagan fables and maxims; above all, his words apply to those who allow themselves to be drawn to such studies by pleasure or curiosity. Men of experience may cull from them some good thoughts and wise maxims, as gold may be found in the mud. . . . l>ut human life is already too short for him who confines himself to such learning as may be acquired without danger."'^'' Sermons often fall on deaf ears, but, as we shall see, the minds of those stud(Mits of Paris had already been molded by various other in- fluences so that it was eas}^ for them to do for once as their preach- er bade them.'^*' Time and time again protests also arose against the positively indecent literature of Rome. Throughout the Middle Ages there had been complaints on this score. Some men, like Rabanus Maurus, had been satisfied with a thorough purgation of all such works; others, on this account, were led to denounce pagan liter- ature of every description.'*'^ There is enough evidence to show that the evil often was very real in the medieval scliools.'*'' Some of the best disci])les of the famous schools of Tliartres, notably Peter of Blois (d. 1204), seriously injured the cause of the classics by Avriting light and scurrilous verses whicli tlie moralists of the age y>ointed to as the result of familiarity with the Roman poets."*^ Even in the anoymous vocabulary, ^aecnJof^ ad alfarr, de- scribed above, which so warmly recommends sucli a long list of ''"Scniio coram srolaribus. \V\h. Nat. MS. L.\t. 17509, fcis. 31. ,u'. This quota- tion is a translation from the rendering hy Lecoy de la Marche, La Chaire Fran- (aisc an Moyen Age, 474-475. ""Cf. Thurot, Notices ct F..vtraits, XXTT, pt. 2. ^\6 and nnte 2, for a few more examples of opposition of this kind. I'^^r the interesting views f^f a modern Roman Catholic theologian on the classics in the Middle Ages see Michael, CuUur- custande des deutschcn I'olkcs. Ill, .^18-319. "Specht, Geschichtc dcs VnlcrricJitS7i'Csci\s. 49-51. "Thurot, Xoticcs ct E.vtralts. XXTT, pt. 2, 112. '"Clcrval, Lcs Ecolcs de C'luivtres. 315-317. j (512) 23 Roman writers, a note of warning is sounded not to let the youths gather those flowers of literature among which a serpent lies hidden.^*^ Henri d'Andeli in his Battle of the Seven Arts confessed that the cause of the authors would have been stronger if it were not for the questionable fables taught in connection with them.^^ One of the reasons why Alexander of Villedieu wrote his famous grammar called the Doctrinale was to check the tendency to read objectionable literature in the schools. He directly attacked the elegies of Maximianus (about 600 A. D.)^^ and hoped that his new grammar, with its copious illustrative material, would drive the harmful trifles of Maximianus out of the school-rooms.^-^ (2) Popularity of good medieval Latin literature. Especial- ly in the twelfth century a good deal of excellent Latin literature was written which deservedly became popular. Just as the pagan poets were often crowded out of the schools by the early Christian poets such as Prudentius and Sedulius, so now the works of mod- ern authors frequently displaced the classics or at least were read ""Placuit tamen viris autenticis carmina amatoria cum satiris subducenda esse a manibus adolescentium, ac si eis dicitur, Qui legitis flores et humi nascencia fraga, frigidus, o pueri, fugite hinc, latet anguis in berba." Gonville and Caius, Cambridge MS. 385, p. 48. Now printed by Haskins in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, XX, 91. ^^"Lor chastiaus fust bien deffensables, S'il ne fust si garnis de fables Qu'il ajoingnent lor vanitez Par lor biaus mos en veritez." vv. 254-257, Heron, Oeuvres de Henri d'Andeli, 52. *^For Maximianus and his writings see Teuffel and Schwabe, History of Ro- man Literature, II, 550. The most recent edition with full bibliography is that by Webster, Tlie Elegies of Maxiniianus. Haase, De inedii aevi studiis philologicis. 20-24, thinks that works of this kind were tolerated because they were explained allegorically ; see Michael, Cnlturznstdnde. Ill, 286, note 3. ■""Quamvis haec non sit doctrina satis generalis Proderit ipsa tamen plus nugis Maximiani." Doctrinale, Procmiuiu, vv. 24-25. Alexander thus speaks of Maxiniianus : "lamque legent pueri pro nugis Maximiani Quae veteres sociis nolebant pandere caris." Ibid., vv. 3-4. Reichling, Das Doctrinale. Einleitung, xxxvii. (513) 24 side by side with tliem.'^^ Tliese were written in a style that resem- bled the spoken Latin current at the time and some of them had distinct literary value. Among them, the most renowned was the Alexaiidreis of Gautier de Lille (written 1170-1179), an epic poem of 5,461 hexa- meters recounting the deeds of Alexander the Great."*^ In most respects the poem is superior to the productions of its time. The style is good, the rules of prosody and metric are generally ob- served. The author reveals his acquaintance with Virgil, Lucan. Statius and Claudian. There is a wealth of allegory, with queer mingling of Christian and pagan elements but there is likewise much good imagery. The poem at once became popular. This is attested by the large number of manuscripts which have come down to us.'*''' In the thirteenth century it was used widely in the schools. Henry of Ghent (d. 1295) wrote that in his day the Alexaiidreis was read to sucli an extent that on its account the ancient poets were neglected.^^ In the fourteenth century it was still read in some universities of southern France.^^ The Tobias of Matthew of Vendome (d. c. 1200) was auotlier Latin epic poem popular as a school-book. It consists of 2,200 elegiac verses relating the history of the two biblical Tobits, father and son, and their wives, with many digressions and fre- (juent prayers put into the mouths of the characters.^^ This was neither as skillfully written nor was it as popular as the Alr.ran- dreis. In the Battle of tJie Seven Arts both these books are men- ^■'Thurot, Notices et Extraits, XXII, pt. 2, 113. '■'The best biography of Gautier is by Roersch, in Biograpliic Xatioiialc dc Bcl- [jiquc (1880-83), VII, S14. ■'"Reusens, Elciiioifs de Palcogniphic. 230-31, gives a facsimile of a page of the Alexaiidreis with glosses dating from the end of the thirteenth century. The glosses probably indicate that it was used as a school-book. ""Scripsit [Gautier] gesta Alcxandri Magni eleganti metro. Qui liber in scholis grammaticorum tantae dignitatis est hodie, ut prae ipso veterum poctarum lectio negligatur." De scriptoribus ccclcsiasticis. cap. 20. See Meier, Die Sicbcn Freien Kiinste, 29. ■■^See below, p. 55. '"Grober, Grundriss, II, pt. I, 394. and llistoirc LitU'rairc dc la France. XV. 424; XXII, 55-67. (514) 25 tioned together with the ancient classics."''' The Tobias was pre- scribed at the University of Perpignan in the fourteenth century. ^^ A good deal of excellent literature in the vernacular was also produced at this time, especially in France, but since none of it was ever admitted into the schools, where Latin alone prevailed, its rivalry with the classics is hard to trace.^^ (3) Renewed interest in science. The thirteenth century was distinctly an era of science. Contact with the East in general and the Mohammedans in particular, brought about especially by the Crusades, had quickened scientific interests in the West. Towards the end of the twelfth century the books of Aristotle on natural philosophy were introduced into Western Europe and became an important stimulus to scientific study and investiga- tion. At Chartres, the qiiadrivium as well as the trivium. was broadening out into a comprehensive course of study as may be learned from the famous Eptateuchon, which we have had oc- casion to mention before.^"^ During the first half of the thirteenth century the branches of the quadririnm were still fairly popular. Jacques de Yitry preached against them as vain learning in the same sermon in which he denounced the classics,^* Scholars dis- satisfied with the instruction in the sciences in Western Christen- dom travelled abroad to study. Towards the end of the twelftli century the Englishman Daniel de Morlai went to Spain to learn science from the famous Arab teachers at Toledo. ^^ The scientific ''"Lines 285 and 287. The Alexandreis is here referred to by its opening words, Cesta ducis Macedum; Heron, Oeuvres de Henri d\4iidc!i, S3- See also notes on page 164-167 of Heron. Here two other popular poems of tlic day are described, the Archithrcnius of Jean de Hauteville and the Auvaya or versified bible of Peter Riga, both of which arc mentioned in the Battle of the Scx'eit Arts, lines 283, 288; also a poem of Alain de Lille, the .■l)iti-Claudia>iHs ( cd. by Wright, Satirical Poets. 11,268-428). '''See below, p. 54. '■'It is interesting to note that about 1200 a certain Guillaume le clerc of Nor- mandy put the bonks of Tobit into French verse. Griiber, Cnoidriss. IT, pt. I, 656. ""Clerval, Les Ecoles de Chartres, 223. ^Seniw eoram scoUiribus. Quoted by Dciiitlo, Die riiii'ersitiileii. 1, 100. "Gasquet, "English Scholarship in the Thirtcciith Century," Puhliit Reviezi.'. 1^,3. 359- See also Rashdall, I'liiz'ersities in the Middle .Uies. \. 242. ,^23. and IT, (515) 26 trend of the age may be seen in the Avorks of Alexander Neckam and Albert the Great, but above all in those of Roger Bacon, the jidvocate of experimental science and in many ways the most re- markable man of the thirteenth century.''*' There must have been many minor lights in science like that Peter of Maricourt whom Roger Bacon met at Paris and whom he described as a true ex- perimental scientist." Unfortunately, this scientific movement did not bear much fruit in tlie work of medieval universities, but while it was in its vigor it helped to detract interest from classic literature.^^ (4) Rise of the hwrative studies of medicine and hue (iit- chiding the nrs dictaminis) . Medicine and law as practical 338, n. 3. Caesar of Heisterbach (1222) in his Dialogns luiraculorum says that young people in order to learn Nigroiiiantia usually go to Toledo. Giinther, Geschichte des mathematischen Unterrichts, 203, n. 2. °"For Roger Bacon and the scientific movement of the thirteenth century in general see especially Bridges, The Opus Majus of Roger Bacon: Brewer, Fr. Bacon Opera; Charles, Roger Bacon; Pouchet, Histoire des Sciences Nafurelles an Moyen Age ; Allbutt, Science and Medieval Thought : Gasquet, "English Scholar- ship in the Thirteenth Century," Dublin Review, 123, 356; Parrott, Roger Bacon: Le Clerc, Histoire Littcraire de la France, XX, 227-252; Felder, Geschichte der WissenschaftVichen Studien i)n Franciskancrorden, see index and foot-notes for bibliography; Narbey, "Le Moine Roger Bacon et le Mouvement Scientilique au Xllle Siecle," in Rev. des Questions Historiques. XXXV, 115-165; Lalande, "His- toire des Sciences. La Physique du Moyen Age," in Rev. dc Synthcsc Historiquc, VII, 191-218; see foot-notes for bibliography. "Rogeri Baconis, Opus Tertiuni. cap. xiii, ed. Brewer, 43. '^"Gasquet, "English Scholarship," Dublin Reviexv, 123, 373, writes: "X'ow with- cut any doubt at all, the spirit of the thirteenth century was essentially scientific. . . . I tut this great characteristic of the thirteenth century was purchased at a liricc. Looking back to the previous age and comparing the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, we can hardly fail to see that the price paid was the sacrifice of literature in its higliest and truest sense; a great price indeed for after all it must be rc- mcml)crcd that literature is the supreme and fullest expression of all the highest powers of man. We have only to look, ior example, at the writings of John of Salisbury and Peter of Blois and set tlicm by the side of those — say of Albert the Great, or Alexander of Hale.s — to sec that the former are really classical in tiiought and expression as compared with the latter." No doubt there is a grain of truth in this statement, but to account for the decline of belles lettres solely by the great interest in science is a very narrow view of this important intellectual movement. (■M6) 27 studies rose to such importance that they became the foundation stones of many large universities. Indeed, civil or canon law, or both, were taught at all medieval universities whereas not even one-half of them had a faculty of theology.'*'^ These branches exercised great attraction by the prospect of pecuniary gain which they held out to students. Hence in their eagerness to study law or medicine they not only neglected the ancient authors but often failed to acquire the necessary elements of grammar. The Battle of the Seven Liberal Arts speaks of the physicians tind the chirurgeons of Paris as enemies of the good old authors.''" The competition of law with the classics is especially apparent, even at Paris where law was never of paramount importance. (Jerald de Barri, who studied and taught at Paris in his youth, in his old age (after 1200) lamented the craze for law as one of the most serious causes for the neglect of letters. ''Some," he says (quoting Radulphus Belvacensis), ''are so superficial, that, throwing aside literature, the works of poets, namely of [classical] authors, and those of philosophers, presume to ad- vance from the very rudiments of the arts, that is, from Donatus and Cato, immediately to law, not only to the civil but even to ca- non law."^^ He recalls that once he heard a certain professor at Paris proclaim before a multitude of students that the evil days had come which the sibyl had foretold in her prophecy, "The days will come, woe to them, when law will obliterate the study of letters."^^ If such was the effect of law on literary studies at ■""Denifle, Die Uiiiversitdten, I, 696, 703. "Vv. 99-129, Heron, Oeiivres de Henri d'Andeli, 46. ""Alii superseminati, qui et superficiales dici possunt, qui, praetermissa litcra- tura, poetarum scilicet auctorum, philosophorum, et artium fundamento, statim a Donato et Catone [a primary latin reader] ad leges non solum humanas, sed etiam divinas, se transfere praesumunt." Giraldus Cambrensis, Gemma Ecclesiastics, cap XXXVII (De literaturae defectu ex Icc/mii luDnantinun et logiccs abiisii /tot'c;:- iente), ed. Brewer, II, 348-49. "^"Causam tanti defectus huius et tarn generalis banc esse noveritis, quod liter- aturae radicem et fundamentum eatenus inconcussum leges imperiales in regnis oc- ciduis jam propemodum, immo praeter modum, hodie suffocarunt. Tempus enini de quo Sibyllae vaticinium olim mcntionem fecit (quod magistrum Monorviuin, (f>17) 28 Paris^'^ what must it have been at the great law univeisity, Bo- logna! The absence of the classics at that famous Italian uni- versity during tlie thirteenth century must in the first instance be attributed to the overwhelming importance of law. We have already seen how Orleans, renowned for classics in the first half of the thirteenth century, in the fourteenth was known only for law. Closely related to law, although not a part of it, was another competitor of the ancient classics, namely the ars dictaimnis or the art of writing letters and formal documents, which will be dealt witli fully in the third chapter. This too was a lucrative study since it prepared its votaries for positions in the chanceries of church and state. At Bologna it gradually usurped almost the whole field of the arts. In France also it became very pop- principalem Petri Abulardi discipulum et rhetorem incomparabilem, eximium in auditorio suo, Parisiis coram multitudine scholarium recitantem audivimus et plang- entem, damnisque futuris valde compatientem), iam advenit, erat autem vaticinium tale : 'Venient dies, vae illis, quibus leges obliterabunt scientiam literarum.' " Speculum Ecclesiae, Prooe»iiu)ii, ed. Brewer, IV, 7. This passage was partly re- stored from the quotation of it made by A. Wood, Antiq. Uiiiver. Oxon., p. 54. The Speculum' w3iS written c. 1220. This prophecy of the Sibyl, Giraldus had referred to before in his Gemma, ed. Brewer, II, 349, "Episcopus autem ille, de quo nunc ultimo locuti sumus [Radulphus Belvacensis] inter superficiales numerari potuit, cujusmodi hodie multos novimus propter leges Justinianas, quae literaturam, urgente cupiditatis et ambitionis incommodo, adeo in multis jam suffocarunt, quod magis- trum Mainerium (sic) in auditorio scholse suae Parisius dicentem, et damna sui temporis plangentem, audivi, vaticinium illud Sibillae vere nostris diebus esse com- pletum, hoc scilicet : 'Venient dies, et vae illis, quibus leges obliterabunt scientiam literarum.' " See also Langlois, Questions d'Histoire et d'Enseignement, 16. ""In the Battle of the Seven Arts both civil and canon law rode proudly on horseback thus showing their superiority over the arts : "La Loi chevaucha richement Et Decret orguilleusement Sor trestoutes les autres ars," vv. 65-68, Pleron, Ocin'rcs de Henri d'Andeli, 45. The study of civil law was prohibited at Paris in 1219 by Pope Honorius III (Denifle et Chatelain, Chartularium, I, 92), but it is not probable that this prohibi- tion was ever obeyed absolutely. The above lines would argue that civil law was flourishing at Paris about 1250 when this poem was written. (518) 29 ular. In a model letter, Avliich comes from the diocese of Or- leans, one student advises another to abandon the profitless and even harmful pursuit of poetry and to hasten to take up the ars dictaminis which holds out such fair prospects of worldly suc- cess.^^ Another letter tells how a student intends to turn even from theology temporarily in order to pursue the popular ars dictaminis. Ponce de Provence, a famous itinerant professor of the art, came to Orleans about 1250 promising his students that he would pass by the fables of the authors and lead them directly to that pearl of knowledge, the ars dictaminis.^^ (5) Increasing popularity of logic ivhich led to scholastic philosophy and theology. After all, however, the most important cause of the decline of the classics and of purely literary jjursuits generally, was the rise of dialectics to undisputed eminence among the arts. This is true especially because the reign of Aristotle became most absolute in northern France where the humanistic tendencies had been strongest. At first there was no active antagonism between dialectics and the authors. Abelard himeslf had a high regard for the achieve- ments of classical times and probably first awakened in his fa- mous pupil, John of Salisbury, a due sense of the importance of ancient literature.*^^ But the interest in speculative thinking became too absorbing to allow the study of the authors to remain important. By gradual stages it simply monopolized the field of "^"Amico suo carissimo, C, dilectus et compatriota suus, B., magis utilibus minus utilia posthabere. Vir discretus honesta sequitur et ea maxime que majorem fructum prestare debeant et honorem. Quos ducit mollicies etatis insipide et infelix lascivia, theatrales, se conferunt ad meretriculas et cum molli versiculo nimisque tenero pruritus generant auditori cuilibet. . . . Vero enim vero qui dictandi secuntur scientiam, ad reges veniunt et prelatis ecclesie traduntur a regibus, ad honores ecclesiasticos interventus sui potentia promovendi." Valois, De Arte Scri- bcndi Epistolas, 25-26. """'Incipiunt dictamina magistri Poncii. Universis scolaribus qui decorari cupiunt epistolaris dictaminis scientia gloriosa P. Magister in dictamine salutem ot neglectis actorum fabulis ad margaritam dictaminis properare." Thurot, Notices ct Extraits, XXII, pt. 2, 39. °°Schaarschniidt, Johannes Saresberie)isis, 64, 82. (519) 30 the arts in the north of Europe and the classical literary tenden- cies of Chartres and Orleans died a death of sheer starvation. The change, however, did not take place without strong pro- tests from many sides. Examples of such protests might be mul- tiplied almost endlessly. The works of Jolm of Salisbury are full of sane and vigorous denunciations of the foolish warfare of mere words without a previous foundation in real learning. He was not a humanist to the extent that he roundly condemned scholastic philosophy. Far from it, for he spent most of his life in just such dialectical and tlieological pursuits as engaged his great master Abelard. What distinguished him frcmi most of liis (•ontemi)()rarie.s was that throughout his career he maintained that a thorough acquaintance with the liberal arts, including the classics, was absolutely necessary as a basis for higher learning.''" He therefore lamented that students praised only Aristotle and despised Cicero.'^^ Nevertheless he was still hopeful and be- lieved firmly that lie could convince his contemporaries of the value of literary studies.^** Next to John of Salisbury, Peter of Blois was the best rep- resentative of the humanistic tendency in education during the twelfth century. In many of his letters he championed the cause of a broad training in grammar and the authors as a preparation "'"Nam sicut gladius Herculis in manu Pygmaei, aut pumilionis, ineffax est ; et idem in manu Achillis aut Hectoris, ad modum fulminis universa prosternit ; sic dialectica, si aliarum disciplinarum vigore destituatur, quodammodo manca est et inutilis fere." Metalogiciis, lib. II, cap. IX, Migne, Patrologiae Lot.. 199, 866. "^''Ut juvenis discat plurima, pauca legat, Laudet Aristotelem solum, spernit Ciceronem Et quicquid Latiis Graecia capta dedit, Conspuit in leges, vilescit physica, quaevis Littera sordescit, logica sola placet. LL Non tamen ista placet, ut earn quis scire laboret. Si quis credatur logicus, hoc satis est." ""For numerous other examples from the works of John of Salisbury see. Schaarschmidt, Johannes Saresbericnsis ; Clerval, Lcs Ecoles de Chartres; Poole, Illustrations of the History of Medieval Tlioiifilit. cli. VII; Krey, "John of Salis- bury's Altitude Towards the Classics." (520) 31 for dialectic and theology. Writing to the archdeacon of Nantes (c. 1160) concerning the education of his two nephews, Peter says, "You say that William has a quicker and sharper mind, be- cause, having neglected the study of grammar and the authors, he flew to the cunning of the logicians where he learned dialectic not as he should have done, in books, but in tablets and note- books. In such is not the foundation of learning and the subtlety whicli you praise is harmful to many."'*^ John of Hauteville. writing in tlie second half of the twelfth century, complained that many passed as wise men at Paris, who, when they had just tasted wisdom, thought they had exhausted it and swelled with pride because of this little learning."^ In a lugubrious letter to tlie Poj)e., the pessimistic Stephen, bishop of Tournay, thus com- plained about the decline of liberal studies: "Beardless youths sit in the chairs of the old professors and they who are scarcely pupils are anxious to be called masters. . . . Neglecting the rules of the arts and discarding the books of good authority, with their sophistications they catch flies of senseless verbiage as in the webs of spiders.""^ In his book "On the Nature of Things" Alex- ander Neckam (d. 1217) has a long chapter on the seven arts in ""Willelmum predicas subtilioris vene et acutioris ingenii, eo quod grammatice el auctorum scientia pretermisso volavit ad versutias logicorum, ubi non in libris, sicut solet, dialecticam didicit, sed in scedulis et quaternis. Non est in talibus fundamentum scientie litteralis, multisque perniciosa est ista subtilitas, quam ex- tollis." Epistolae No. loi, Migne, Patrologiae Lat., 207, 311. Also in Denifle et Chatelain, Chartularium, I, 28. ""At sunt philosophi qui nudum nomen et umbram Numinis arripiunt, qui vix libasse Minervam Exhausisse putant, tenuisque scientia pectus Erigit." Johannes de Altavilla, Archithrenius, ed. Wright, Satirical Poets (Rolls Series), I, 289. '""Ve duo predicta sunt, et ecce restat tertium ve : facultates quas liberales appellant amissa libertate pristina in tantam servitutem devocantur, ut comatuli adolescentes earum magisteria impudentes usurpent, et in cathedra seniorum sedeant imberbes, et qui nondum norunt esse discipuli laborant ut nominentur mag- istri. . . Omissis regulis artium abjectisque libris autenticis artifiicum muscas in- anium verbulorum sophisniatibus suis tamquam aranearum tendiculis includunt." Denifle et Chatelain, Chartularium, I, 48. This letter was written between 1 192-1203. (521) 32 which he sharply satirizes the craze for dialectical disputations at Paris, and deplores the decline of interest in literature.'" Gerald de Barri (d. 1223) likewise took a very determined stand in this matter and pointed out that the over-emphasis on dialectics was in large measure the cause of the decline of the ancient lit- erature. He told many an amusing tale to warn his contempo- raries of the error of their ways but his witticisms were not ap- preciated until two centuries after his death.'^^ We have seen that about the middle of the thirteenth cen- tury, the trouvere Henri d'Andeli, in his Battle of the Seven Arts, defending the classics as taught at Orleans, still took a vigorous fling at Logic enthroned at Paris. But as the century advanced the protests ceased and for almost a hundred years the dominance of Aristotle was absolute and unassailed.''^ Such are the definable causes which led to neglect of the classics at the medieval universities. There may have been other causes, less tangible but of considerable weight. It should be remembered that the twelfth and thirteenth centuries comprised an era of great material development. In many ways a "back- woods" Europe was being transformed into a Europe with large well-built cities and highways for travel and commerce. This practical, feverishly active commercial age did not create the best conditions for purely humanistic pursuits. It is always well worth while to reflect upon the bearing which general condi- tions of life may have upon such a particular subject as we have in hand.^^ "Alexander Neckam, De Natttris Rerum, cap. CLXXIII, ed. Wright (Rolls Series), 283-307. "Giraldi Cambrensis, Gemma Ecclesiastica, II, cap. XXXVII, ed. Wright (Rolls Series), II, 348-357- "It should not be forgotten, however, that as late as about 1270 Roger Bacon niade vigorous although ineffective protests against the excesses of the worship of Aristotelian logic: e. g. in his Conipendiuni Sttidii Philosophiae, ed. Brewer, 469-473. See below, p. 44. "For survivals of the study of the classics during the barren century from about 1225-1325 see Appendix II. (522) CHAPTER II. Grammar. Decline of the Study op Language Until the rise of universities grammar was the most impor- tant of the seven liberal arts. For centuries it had been taught chiefly on the basis of the famous text-books of Donatus and Priscian. Donatus was a teacher of gTammar in Rome about 350 A. D. He wrote two text-books, a primary grammar, the ars minor, and a larger treatise, the ars grammatica, of which how- ever only the third part, the so-called Barbarismus, was read wide- ly, Priscian taught grammar at Constantinople about 500 A. D. and published his lectures as the institutionum grammaticarum lihri XVIII. This grammar was designed for advanced students. The first sixteen of these books came to be known as Prise ianus maior. They deal with the eight parts of speech. The last two books, which treat of syntax, were called Priscianus minor. From these and other manuals the rules of the Latin lan- guage had been taught in the medieval schools very much as the Romans had learned them. Donatus and Priscian had at times been modified and adapted to the needs and ideals of the Christian schools but not to any considerable extent. With the twelfth century there came such a marked change that thenceforward we may with justice distinguish between the "old" and the "new grammar."^ It was natural that grammar should have its share in the general intellectual uplift of this cen- tury. In some respects it profited from the changes which were coming about. Donatus and Priscian had been written for stu- dents whose native tongue was Latin. They therefore treated many things in a manner ill-adapted for boys who learned it as a foreign language. Thus little had been done to supply the neces- sary general rules of syntax. One of the best contributions of 'Thurot, Notices et Extraits de divers Mantiscrits Latins pour servir a I'His- toire des Doctrines Grammaticales an Moyen Age in Notices et Extraits des Manu- scrits de la Bibliotheqiie Nationale, XXII, pt. 2, 60, 89. (523) 34 the ^'new grammar" was a system of syntax so well constructed that its principles were adopted by the humanists and are still in vogue even today.- More latitude also was given to the prac- tice of explaining the Latin rules in the vulgar tongue. This was especially true in lower work but it likewise was employed in teaching the texts used at universities.-^ The Italians were fore- most in popularizing this mode of instruction.^ A somewhat curious new element was the verse form in which grammars were now written. A veritable craze for versifying pre- vailed during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. No doubt it would be as difficult to explain this phenomenon as it would to state just why dialectic became so very popular in the same per- iod. AVhatever may have been the causes therefor, it is known that almost every species of literary production occasionally appeared in verse. In the twelfth century we meet with rhymed charters.'* Chronicles were written more and more frequently in metrical form.*^ Matthew of Vendome (d. c. 1200) composed a metrical formulary for letter writing.'^ Sermons were sometimes thrown into poetical form or rhythmical prose.^ The Aurora of Peter of Kiga (d. 1209) , often referred to as the versified bible, was extreme- ly popular.^ Quite naturally, grammar Avas soon drawn into the same current especially since it was believed that rhyme and metre were helps to the memory. As early as 1150 Peter Helias, a teacher at Paris, wrote a brief summary of Latin grammar in ^Reichling, Das Doctrinale des Alexander de Villa-Dei, Einleitung, xii-xv. '''Reichling, Das Doctrinale, Einleitung, Ix ; Delisle, Mditre Yon, in Histoire Litteraire de la France, XXXI, 4. ^Thurot, Notices et Extraits, XXII, pt. 2, 92. "Giry, Manuel de Diplomatique, 453. "Meier, Die Sieben Freien Kiinste, 28. Wiilker, Grundriss der aiigelsiichsisclicu Literatur, 338, cites examples of this kind in Anglo Saxon chronicles of the loth and nth centuries. 'Wattenbach, "Poetischer Briefsteller von M. v. Vendome," in Sitciiiigsbcrichfc der Bayrischen Akademie (1872,) II, 570. Bernard Sylvester of Tours, c. 1158. wrote a Suiniiia Dicfaininuiii in verse; Sandys, .■/ History of Classical Scholarship. I, 514. 'Lecoy de la Marche, La Cliaire Fran^aise, 479. "Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship, 530. (524) 35 Itexameters,^" Practically all the new text-books which now ap- peared were in verse form. Priscian began to lose ground partly because his work was in prose — hence attempts were made to bring him up to date in this respect. A manuscript in the Bibliotheque Rationale contains a versified Priscianus ma tor which was used at the Sorbonne.^^ The following gloss, found in one of the new grammars, clearly states the demands of those times : "The me- trical form which this author follows is better than prose which Priscian uses, and for these reasons: the metrical form can be more easily comprehended, it is more elegant, is briefer, and can be remembered more easily. "^^ A much more important change was effected by the influence of scholasticism which gradually transformed grammar into a speculative study. Instead of referring to examples from the best l^atin literature to explain a doubtful point, the grammarians now preferred to solve the matter by the rules of logic.^"^ Priscian could not satisfy these new requirements. The situation is thus summed up in a gloss to one of the new text-books: ''Since Priscian did not teach grammar by every possible means, the value of his books is greatly diminished. Thus he gives many constructions without assigning reasons for them, relying solely on tlie authority of the ancient grammarians. Therefore he should not teacli, because those only should teach who give reasons for Avhat they say."^^ Tlie influence of the dialectical method went so far that even disputations in grammar were sometimes "Meier, Die Sieben Freien Kiinste. 15. "Fierville, Une Grainniairc Latine incdite du XIIIc Sicdc, Avant Propos, vi, note 2, and vii. ^"Sermo metricits, quern scquitiir actor iste, ad plura sc habet quam prosaicus, ((uem sequitur Priscianus et hoc ita probatur ; sermo metricus utilius factus est ad faciliorem acceptionem, ad venustam et lucidam brevitatem et ad memoriam firm- iorcm." Wrobel, Eberhardi Bethunicnsis Graecisiiiiis. Pracfatio, ix. '■'Reichling, Das Doctrinah, Einleitung, xi. ""Cum Priscianus non docuerit grammaticam per onincni modum sciondi pos- sibilem, in eo sua doctrina est valde diminuta. Unde constructiones multas dicit, (|uarum tamen causas non assignat, sed solum eas declarat per auctoritates anti- quorum grammaticorum. Propter quod non docet, quia ilii tantum docent, qui causas snorum dictorum assignant." Wrobel, Eberhardi Bethunieiisis Graecisiiius, Prae- fatio, ix. (525) 36 lield at universities.^^ Duns Scotus (c. 1300) actually wrote a ^'gramnuitica sp^culativa."^ ^ The greatest calamity, however, which befell grammar in this age was the woeful decline of literature. In the first chapter it was demonstrated how largely logic was responsible for this, but that there were also many other causes. Grammar now lost the lieritage which the Romans had bestowed on her when they handed her over to the barbarians as the foremost among the seven liberal arts. Throughout the earlier middle ages she had preserved this birthright and at times a very comprehensive and liberal course in classical and Christian literature had been taught as a part of "grammar'' in the medieval schools. But, with the rise of universities, purely literary pursuits were crowded to the wnll and grammar was sheared and maimed until nothing was h'^ft except the technical rules of language and even they were taught badly. It was deplorable that even a man like Vincent of Beauvais (d. 1264) who w^as so well versed in the classics^ ^ should have regarded their use in connection with grammar as merely incidental, to be resorted to as a pastime by those who chose to read them.^^ However, this decline of grammar was very gradual and there are some interesting episodes in the telling of the tale. Leaving unmentioned several minor works which were never prescribed at universities,^'' the epoch-making new grammars were the Doctrinalc of Alexander of Villedieu and the Graccismiif^ of Eberhard of Bethune. As his name indicates, Alexander was born in the little village '"Fournier, Les Staints et Privileges des Uitivcrsitcs Fnvii^aises, II, 678. This is an example from Pcrpignan (1380-90?) See below, p. 53. "Appuhn, Das Triviuni, 43. "Sec Appendix If, below, p. loi. ""Aliud (so. genus scripturarum) eorum, quae appendicia sunt artium et in aliqua extra philosophiam materia versantur, ut sunt carmina poetarum, comoediae et tragoediae, fabulae quoquc et historiae. . . . Deinde caetera, si vacant, legantur, quia plus aliquando delectare solent seriis admista ludicra." Quoted by Appuhn, Das Trivitim, 18, n. 2. "Thnrot, Notices et Extraits, XXII, pt. 2, 16-27, 96. (526) 37 of Villedieu near Avranches in Normandy.^" The date of his birth is not known. It is quite certain, however, that he studied at Paris for a considerable period, probably some time within the last two decades of the twelfth century just when the uni- versity was being molded. Together with two companions, Alex- ander diligently attended lectures, especially those on Priscian and other grammarians, and thus collected voluminous notes. These the three students began to put into metrical form. When one of his companions died and the other was called to England, Alexander remained in possession of the material which the three had gathered. Soon he was called away from Paris to teach the nephews of the Bishop of Dol.^^ Pleased with the progress of the children, the bishop suggested to Alexander that he write a systematic text-book of grammar for the instruction of the two boys. He folloAved this advice and, drawing upon the materials which he had gathered at Paris, wrote his tsiUiousDoctrinale.^^ The Doctrinale was written in 1199.^^ It is in verse through- out, comprising 2,645 leonine hexameters. The author himself divided it into twelve chapters which in the fourteenth century were usually grouped into three parts: (1) etj^mology, (2) syntax, (3) quantit}^, accent and figures of speech. It improved upon Priscian especially in its chapters on syntax. Its verse form in itself gave it popularity in an age so partial to poetic expres- sion. Already in the thirteenth century its spread was rapid, al- though we have very little definite information until the four- teenth. It gradually crept into the universities where it tended to ^"The best account of Alexander of Villedieu is by Reichling, Das Doctrinale, Einleitung (1893). A much earlier work is that of Thurot, De Alexaiidri de Villa Dei Doctrinali eiusque fatis (1850), which is still very useful. It should be supple- mented by what the author says in Notices et E.vtraits, XXII, pt. 2, passim. "'Not his "grandchildren" as Reichling has it. See G. Paris in Romania, XXIII, 589, n. 2. "'Reichling, Das Doctrinale, Einleitung, xx-xxiv, gathered the above details about the life of Alexander from various glosses of the Doctrinale. Since perhaps all these glosses were written after the death of Alexander they may not be trustworthy in every detail. See one of them in Thurot, Notices et E.vtraits, XXII, pt. 2, 511. ^"Reichling, Das Doctrinale, Einleitung, xxxvii. (527) 38 diminish the importance of Priscian or to drive liini out alto- gether. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the DoctrinaJe was the universal grammar of nearly all Europe.^^ Reichling describes 250 manuscript copies and 295 printed ones which still exist and his list is by no means exhaustive.^"^ This alone would tell the story of the enormous popularity of the work. Towards the end of the fifteenth century, however, the humanists began to turn their attention to this universal darling of the schools. The movement began in Italy and then spread into Germany and France and the northern countries. At first at- tempts were made to emend the old standard text-book. Some (>f his critics gave Alexander credit for considerable ingenuity but soon he was roundly condemned everywhere and with the tjpening of the sixteenth century the reign of the Doctriualc. the rex harharorum, was over.^** Although Alexander wrote other grammatical works, none of them ever attracted much attention. It is very probable, how- ever, that he was the author of a text-book called Alexander. which was read at Toulouse and other universities of southern France and which hitherto has been entirely unnoticed.-' The Graeeismus of Eberhard of Bethune is usually mentioned along with the DoctrinaJe and was used almost as widely.-^ It Jippeared in 1212.^'' Like the Doctrinale it also was written in liexameter verse. Its peculiar name was derived from the chap- ter which treats of Greek etymology. Although Eberhard him- self did not know Greek,**" he thus supplied a need which had grown up from the fact that through the Vulgate and the Churcli leathers nuuiy Greek as well as Hebrew words and constructions ■'Thurot, Notices et Extraits, XX IT, pt. 2, 93. '"^"'Reichling, Das Doctriualc, cxxi, clxix. See sonio additions made by Del- isle, "Alexandre de Villedicu et Guillanme le IMoine." in Bib!, dc I'licolc dcs Charles LXII, 158. '"'"Reichling, Das Doctrinale, Einleitung, Ixxxiii. See how sharply Reichling criticizes the humanistic grammarians, p. cvi. "Tor a full discussion of this mysterious text-book see Appendix III. "''Wrobel, (ed.) Eberhardi Bethunieiisis Graeeismus. ^Reichling, Das Doctrinale, Einleitung, Ixxxiii. '"Meier, Die Sieben Freicii Kiiiistc, 15. (528) 39 liacl crept into the medieval Latin which demanded elucidation.^' The Graecismus also contains ordinary grammatical material like tlie parts of speech and rules of metre. Many additions and in- terpolations were made so that it is difficult to determine just how much was originally Eberhard's own work.^^ On the whole the Graecismus is more advanced than the Doctrinale which it supplements especially in its chapters on Greek words and Latin synonyms.^^. So 'much fqr the history of the new tendencies in grammar and the new text-books. Their influence was important in shap- ing the work in grammar at the universities. For the University of Paris, the statutes give extremely little information on the subject of grammar. In 1215 there were pre- scribed the '^two Priscians or at least one of them."^^ Thereafter, until 1366, the mere mention of Priscian, usually both the maior and minor, is all that can be gleaned.^^ Nevertheless, the history of grammar even at Paris is not so lifeless and barren as an exam- ination of the statutes would indicate. We learn from Gerald de Barri that towards the close of the twelftli century grammar still held an important place at Paris.^*^ During the first half of the thirteenth century there was still enough interest in the sub- ject to cause some stir at Paris when the Doctrinale and the Graecismus were beginning to attract attention. Our sources of information are the writings of the grammarian John Garland. "Reichling, Das Doctrinale, Einleitung, x. ^^Babler, Beitrage, los; Thurot, Notices et Extraits, XXII, pt. 2, loi. "^Babler, Beitrage, 102. ^'Denifle et Chatelain, Clwrfnhiriuiii, I, 78. ''Denifle et Chatelain, Cliartulariuiii, I, 13S (A. D. 1231) ; 228 (A. D. 1252) ; 278 (A. D. 125s) ; II, 678 (before 1366). ^"Giraldus Cambrensis, Speculum Ecclesiae, cd. Brewer, IV, 3, 7. The aiioiiy mous Vocabulary of Gonville and Caius College MS. 385, p. 52 (See above, p. 15) gives the following program for grammar : "Gramatice daturus operam audiat et legat Barbarismum Donati et Prisciani mains volnmen cum lihro constructionum — et Remigium et Priscianum de metris et de ponderibus et duodecim versibus Virgilii et Priscianum de accentibus quem tamen multi negant editum esse a Prisciano in- ' spiciat diligenter." (529) 40 A short sketch of his life has alread}^ been given.^'^ Of his many works his chief grammatical treatises must now engage our attention.'^^'* They are the Clavis compendii, the Compendiuni f/rammatice, and the Acceiitarius.^^ They are all in metrical form. The Compendium grammatice contains about 4000 lines, being much longer therefore than the Doctrinale of Alexander of Villedieu which has only 2645. The Clavis compendii which, as its title indicates, was designed as an introduction to the Com- pendium, is about half as long, whereas the Accentariiis is still briefer. No one has ever studied these works thoroughly. To those who have glanced at them or read extracts from them they have seemed exceedingly pedantic and obscure.^*^' That criticism cer- tainly seems to be merited; yet before final judgment is passed on these books they should be compared carefully with works like the Doctrinale and the Graccisnius. It is to be hoped that this will be done soon.*^ Whatever may be the verdict as regards the value of the ^'See above, p. 17. ■""None of those that will be mentioned have ever been published. The most im- portant MSS. in which they have been preserved are now at Bruges and at Cam- bridge, England. See the bibliography of MSS. below. Also Scheler, Lexicog- graphie Latine du Xlle et du XIIIc Siccle. ■""These works are extant in the following manuscript copies : Clavis coiii- pciidii. (i) Bruges MS. 546, fos. 25 r° — 42 v° ; (2) Gonville and Caius College MS. 136, p. 166 fif; (3) Ibid., MS. 385, p. 271 ff. Compendium grammatice, (i) Gonville and Caius College MS. 385, p. 211 ff; (2) Ibid., MS. 593, p. 54 ff ; (3) Bruges MS. 546, fos. 89 r° — 145 v°, (here wrongly entitled Ars vcrsificatoria). Acceutarius, (i) Gonville and Caius College MS. 385, p. 68 f f ; (2) Bruges MS. 546, fos. 53 v° — 77 r° (entitled Ars lectoria ccclcsiae.) '"Scheler, Lexicographic Latine du XI I e ct du XIIIc Siccle. 48, speaks of the C!a7'is compendii as a "lourde composition." See also Haureau, Xoticcs ct Ex- traits. XXVII, pt. 2, I ; and Haskins, "A List of Textbooks from the Close of the Twelfth Century," in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology. XX (1909), 77. "As early as 1867, Scheler. Lexicographic Latine du Xlle et du XIIIc Siccle. , 18. wrote: ''personne encore, que je sachc, ne s'cst impose la tachc de jeter un pcu plus de lumicrc sur la carriere pedagogique et sur rcnsemblc des travaux si varies de ce fecond ecrivain. Une etude approfondie sur Garlande, envisage au point de vue de I'etat des lettres ct d'organisation de renseigncment au 136 siecle, trouverait dang la poussiere des bibliothcqucs encore do nombreuses sources d'i'iformation." (530) 41 grammatical works of Joliii Garland, it is safe to say that lie must have been prominent in his day as a teacher at the univer- sities of Paris and Toulouse. Roger Bacon had heard him lec- ture and Avrote approvingly of liim whereas he thouglit Alexander of Villedieu was not a worthy authority.^- His activities as a writer and teacher show that there still was a good deal of live interest in grammar at Paris during the first half of the thirteenth century. That the Doctrinale and the Graecismus Avere well known is plain from the fact that John Garland tried hard to supplant them or at least correct and supplement them by his own books. A gloss to the Accentarius (Ars lectoria) explains that this work was written on account of tlie ignorance which prevailed be- cause of the neglect of the ancient classics; two modern books, the Graecismus and the Doctrinale had been written to teach cor- rect grammar but they had done it so inefficiently that the autlior liad taken it upon himself to sup])lement tliem and for that rea- son had written the Compendium, the Claris compendii and this Accentarius.^'^ The truth of this gloss (wliich may of course have been written by the author himself) is more than borne out by various passages in his works. In liis Aloralc ^Schohn-iiun described in the previous clmpter^^ he has a long paragrapli of warning against certain useless modern books wliich turn out to be tlie Doctrinule "Roger Bacon, Couipcndium Stiidii. ed. Brewer, 453, 477. On p. 477 he criti- cizes the grammarian Brito for quoting Alexander, "(luia numquam fiiit dignus auc- loritate." ■'■'"Causa principalis est duplex, scilicet amicitia, altera moderni temporis igno- rantia propter lapsum autorum. quia ut evitarentur vitia in comniuni scrmone et vitia soloecismi, conati sunt duo nicMlerni anclores, videlicet Graecismus et Doctrin- ale, tradere doctrinam declinandi, construcndi, breves et longas cognoscendi ct recle secundum acccntum pronuntiandi. et diffiniendi figuras ad grannnalicam perlinentes, qui tamcn omnia iiisufficienter tecerunt, nnde ad corum suppletioneni artifex liuius operis c|Ui)d i)r(i manihus liabenuis, quoddam opus composuit quod compendium in- titulavit et hoc praesens opus ah ipso dependens, et aliud opus quod eliam clavem compendii intitulavit." Bruges MS. 546, fol. 53 v°. Quoted hy Scheler. Lcxicv- (jraphic Latinc, 50. "•^Sec above, p. 17, (531) 42 and Oraecismus.^^ He says that the former closes the way to true knowledge, that its diction is faulty and verbose, that it impedes the quickwitted and does not teach students the real difficulties of language;^*' as for the Graecismus, it is a menda- cious guide for Greek Avords, since even its Latin is as turgid as the isthmian mountain."''^ For milk, both offer poison to the boys.*^ ' In the Clavis compendii a systematic criticism of the Doctri- iialc and Graecis7nus is undertaken. The third part of the work is devoted to that purpose^ '^ and we find in it such chapters as "Hie ostendum mendacia grecismi,"^° and "De correctionibus super doctrinale."^^ Time and again John warns his students against the mistakes of Alexander of Villedieu and promises to correct them.^^ His favorite epithet for the Graecismus is "men- dax." In one obscure passage he even calls the DoctrinalG and the Graecismus the "little twin apes."^^ ^■^The heading of the paragraph reads: "Persuadco ad libros philosophicos prop- ter quedam moderna scripta inutilia ad laudem cancellarii." Morale Scholariuiii, Gonville and Caius College MS. 385, p. 312; Bruges MS. 546, fol. 6 v°. ^""Doctrinale viam claudens ad philosophiam Non gerit egregiam Hnguam sed tautologiam Tardat preproperos nee ducit ad ardua cleros." Ibid. ""Mendax grecismus est grecis philosophismus Quando latinismus turget mons velud ismus." Ibid. (Above mons the Gonville and Caius College MS. has the following gloss: "est mons stans inter egeum mare et ionium mare.") ■'""Virus quod trutinant pucris pro lacte propinant." Ibid. '""Tcrtius emendat quedam tibi scripta moderna." Claz'is compendii, Bruges MS. 546, fol. 25 v° ; Gonville and Caius College MSS. 385, p. 271 ; 136, p. 166. '^"Bruges MS. 546, fol. 27 r°. '"Ibid, fol. 30 v°. '"'""Post prcdicta ntivuni xideas dilcclc laborcni Tn (loctrinali res est \'iciosa rccenti De nuiltis pauca corrcctis hie ego pono De quibus d iuvcnis nicrito duhitare fatcris." Ibid. "''"Ipsa que gramatice prostat laterata capillos, De doctrinali de grescismo referamus ; Que per eos scripta nuilto meliora fugamus .Simioli gemini cunctos vicere gigantes (532) 43 The Compendium grammatice^^ also devotes much attention to the new text-books of Alexander and Eberhard. True, the fiuthor tells his readers that some credit should be given the Doctrinale and the Graecismiis for the few good things they have done for grammar; but when an old tree has died it should b^ plucked out roots and all so that the works of one generation may not obstruct the progress of the next. This John jDroposes to do and in his new Compendium promises to sow acceptable grammatical seed and to correct the above antiquated text- books.^^ Not content with criticizing the DorfrinaJc in liis own works, John undertook to emend it. At least three copies of this emended Doctrinale are extant today — all in manuscripts of the thirteenth century. ^*^ According to Reichling this emendation was very Tamquam ridiculo monstro sua terga parantes." Clavis compendii. Gonville and Caius College, MSS. 136, p. 171; 385, p 274; Bruges, MS. 546, fol. 27 r°. "This book seems to have been written between 1218 and 1236. Philippus is mentioned as chancellor (Gonville and Caius College MSS. 385, p. 211; 593, p. 54). Philippe de Greve (Philippus de Greve) was chancellor of the University of Paris 1218-1236 (Denifle et Chatelain, Chartularium, I, xx; Haskins, in Aiiier. Hist. Rev. X, 7 note). He died in 1236 {Chartularium^ I, 162; Valois, Guillaume d'Auvergne, 34.). Probably the work was written much nearer 1236 than 1218, for, several lines above on the MS. pages just referred to, John seems to speak of himself as an old man ("Ibo senex ad doctores"). °°"Illis in rebus paucis quas cernere queras Est inventori grecismus gratia danda Et doctrinalis. Quo quedam silva recedit Sed tibi proposui resides avellere stirpes Ne lapsum faciant natis vestigia patrum, Granaque grata seram que multiplicentur in usum Fautor apolinii redit in breve corrigiturque Plic doctrinalis liber et grecismus auctor." Compendium grammatice, Gonville and Caius College ]\ISS. 385, p. 211; 593, p. 54. For some detailed criticism of the Graecismus and Doctrinale sec Gonville and Caius College MS. 385, pp. 243-248; Bruges MS. 546, fol. 121 r°, ff. '''"Reichling, Das Doctrinale, Einleitung, Hii. Haureau, Notices et E.vtraits. XXVII, pt. 2, 86 (criticizing Thurot), contends that John Garland never attempted to emend the Doctrinale. Tliis opinion is of course unti.'nal)lo in the li^ht of llie above facts. (533) 44 thorough and comprehensive, even more so than the many simi- lar attempts made b}'^ the humanists of the fifteenth century. Nevertlieless, it never became popular. The Doctrinale in almost its original dress was soon to find its way into nearly every school and university in Europe; whereas this emended edition as well as John's own grammatical works were almost entirely forgotten. Perhaps the writings of Jolm Garland are so worthless that they fully merit even more profound oblivion tlian has been their lot. That cannot be decided until competent scholars have ex- jMuined them closely. But even if John shall be definitely pro- nounced a bad poet and a bad grammarian as compared with liis contemporaries, he nevertheless will always remain an inter- esting figure in the early history of the University of Paris. He at least stood for reform and for improvement in literary form jind expression in an age which was fast becoming wholly indif- ferent to good style and good literature. John Bale (1495-1563) said of him (perhaps, however, with something of the sneer of the humanist) : "Hence he was held to be a famous rhetorician and poet in that century of hopeless blindness when the arts de- generated from all purity of expression."^'^ Sulpicius, the first humanistic grammarian, expressed sur- prise that in times past nobody had undertaken to write a new grammar but that all had preferred to follow blindl}" the worth- less Doctrinale.^^ Such a task John Garland had really under- taken, but he seems not to have aroused even a single critic or rival. His contemijoraries simply had lost all interest in deep and appreciative study of language and literature. ■ One other voice there was crying in the wilderness. It is not strange that it should have been that of Roger Bacon whose fate it was to cliam]>iou so many worthy but losing causes. He wrote about 127U and deplored that in spite of the almost feverish mental activity of the previous forty years, error and ignorance had never been greater. With remarkable breadth of view he "Unde rhetor ac poeta insignis habebatur in eo corruptissimae caccitatis sae- culo cum degenenarent artes a1) omni sermonis piiritate." Quoted by Rockinger, Briefsteller uiid Foniiclbiiclicr, I, 486. '^^'^Reicliling, Das Doctrinale, Einleitung, Ixxxvi. It would be an interesting study to compare the grammars of John Garland and that of Sulpicius. (534) 45 called for reform in the study of grammar in its widest sense, for imx3royemeut of style and better appreciation of ancient lit- erature.^*^ He even went much further than this and insisted that the study of Greek, Hebrew, Arabic and Chaldaean was absolutel}^ necessary for a thorough knowledge of Latin and for an understanding of iiristotle and the Scriptures.^'^ There is no indication, however, that his ideas along these lines made the least impression on university work.*^^ After the death of John Garland (somewhat after 1252) very little more can be said about grammar at the great univer- sity of France. Logic and philosophy now held full sway in the arts course. Until 1366 not another reference to the Doctrinal e and Graecismus can be found in connection with Paris. Not a word more about the works of John Garland. There is no trace of the ancient classics until the second half of the fourteenth ^"Charles, Roger Bacon, ii8 ff., 124. The following quotation from Bacon's Greek Graiiniiar shows his independent method in the study of language and inci- dentally also his knowledge of the ancient classics : "Capio quidem maxime sequi istos, Bedam, Priscianum, Donatum [notice that he does not mention the authors of the Doctrinale or the Graecisums^, Servium, Lucanum, luvenalem, Stachium, Hora- cium, Persium, luvencum, Aratorem, Prudencium, Paulinum, Prosperum, Sedulium, Isidorum, Plinium, quia hi sunt de antiquioribus et certioribus et qui plus sciverunt de greco et per consequens de grammatica latinorum. Huguccionem vero et Papiam non recipio nisi ubi alij confirmant eos, quia in pluribus erronei sunt, quia nescier- imt grecum. Et Britonem in tractatu suo de vocalibus grammaticis nolo sequi in aliquo, quia ubique errat, vel dubia dicit vel vana, vel probaciones legitimas non affert sui capitis stulticia obstinatus." The Greek Grammar of Roger Bacon and a fragment of his Hebrew Grammar, ed. Nolan-Hirsch, 37. (Quoted by Felder, Geschichte der Wissenschaftlichen Studien im Franziskanerorden, 416, n. 8.). ^"Opiis Mains, pt. Ill, ed. Bridges, I, 66. Also passim in this and the other works of Roger Bacon. See also especially Felder, Geschichte der Wissenschaft- lichen Studien im Franziskanerorden, 413. "Unless perhaps an echo of them may be found in the provisions of the Coun- cil of Vienne, 1312, that at the universities of Paris, Oxford, Bologna and Salam- anca there should be established chairs for the teaching of Hebrew, Greek, Arabic and Chaldaean, two for each language. The only avowed object was to prepare students for missionary work. Denifle et Chatelain, Chartiilarium, II, 154. That this decree did not become a dead letter (Thurot, De I' Organisation de VEnseigne- ment dans VUniversitc de Paris, 85, says it did) may be gathered from Denifle et Chatelain, Chartulariiim, II, 293. (535) 46 century/'^ Apparently Priscian alone remained. His books are the only grammar texts prescribed in the statutes of 1252 and 1255. '^■^ But even Priscian was not studied seriously as is evident from the oaths, dating some time before 136G, which bachelors in arts were obliged to take when they came up for their license. Among other tilings they were to swear that they had read both Prisciaiis, but that oath miglit be dispensed with.''"' Likewise they must take oath tliat the}^ liad studied at Paris in the faculty of arts for three years, but it was understood that this signified arts iDHhout grammar.^'^ Thus grammar was considered as scarcely belonging to the more serious work of the arts course. The statutes of 1366 are still plainer; Priscian is not mentioned at all; it is stipulated that candidates for the bachelor's degree in arts must be well versed in grammar and must have heard the Doctrinale and the Graecismus — the first mention of these books in the statutes of the university. It was sufficient however if the candidates had read them in any other university or even in any other school where grammar was taught.*"''^ Indeed, most of such instruction was done in the lesser schools of Paris.°' Thus grammar now was hardly more than an entrance requirement to the important work of the arts course which consisted of logic and philosophy. This woeful decline in the study of grammar at Paris and other northern universities naturally produced a proportionate "'See below, p. 6i. ""Denifle et Chatelain, Chartidarhim, I, 228, 278. '^'"'Primo, quod audivistis Priscianum majorem et Priscianum minorem seniel orcHnarie et bis cursorie, vel e contra {De 'Slo dispciisatur)." Denifle e' Cliateiain, CJiartulariiim, II, 678. """Item, quod studuistis Parisius in facultate artium per tres annos {Per facul- tatein fuit interpretatum quod istud intelligitnr absque grainatica, ct quod sufficit fuisse [studuisseF] per duos annos coDiplete, et aftiiigerc tertiuin)." Ibid. """Item statuimus auctoritate predicta quod scolares antequam ad detcrminan- dum in artibus adniittantur, congrue sint in grammatica edocti, et Doctrinale et Grecismum audiverint; dummodo in studiis aut aliis locis, ubi grammaticalia didi- cerint, dicti libri legentur." Denifle et Chatelain, Chartidarhim, III, 145. "'Thurot, De V Organisation de I'Enseignement dans VUniversitc de Paris. 93; Rashdall, Universities. IT, 597; Denifle et Chatelain, Chartularium, III, 51, 658. (536) 47 decline in the purity and elegance of spoken and written Latin. Already toward the middle of the thirteenth century the logicians of Paris had been taunted by the author of the Battle of the Seven Arts for their corrupt style."^ Denifle has shown how the neglect of grammar, including the ancient classics, led to a marked de- terioration in the style of the charters which issued from the University of Paris especially during the first seventy years of the fourteenth century.'^'' Giry has made the same observation in regard to the language of charters in general^" In northern Europe, during the century roughly from 1250 to 1350, the study of language and literature was at its very lowest ebb.'^^ In Italy the decline of grammar was due chiefly to the popu- larity of law and the ars dictaminis as will be shown at length in the next chapter."^- While the ars dictaminis was at its height in the first half of the thirteenth century, grammar was sadly eclipsed at Bologna, but even at that time it was not neglected entirely. "'Logic sent a messenger to the camp of Grammar to arrange terms of peace; but his speech was so faulty that he could scarcely be understood and hence his proposals were not listened to. However, Logic comforted him and took him back into her high tower to continue to teach him to fly while he was still but learning to walk. "Mes Logique le conforta, En sa haute tor Ten porta, Si li voloit fere voler Aingois que il peiist aler." vv. 394-397 ; Heron, Oeuvres de Henri d'Andeli, 57. '■"Denifle et Chatelain, Cliartnlarium, HI, Introductio, x. '"Giry, Manuel de Diplomatique, 462. "The conditions at Paris were representative of those everywhere north of the Loire River and in England. To be sure at Oxford and especially at the Fran- ciscan School there, men like Robert Grosseteste, Thomas and Adam Marsh and Roger Bacon stood awhile for quite opposite tendencies — but long before the end of the thirteenth century their disciples had been drawn into the current of Paris. Felder, Geschichte der Wissenschaftlichen Studien im Franziskanerordcn, 412, 423-24. '"Thurot lays rather too much stress on this when he says, "En resume, la gram- maire, en Italic, tout en recevant du nord sa terminologie et ses doctrines, a ete cultivee en vue d'un but tout pratique ; elle a ete subordonnee a I'art d'ecrire des lettres, qui etait lui-meme une annexe de I'etude du droit," Notices et Exiraits, XXII, pt. 2, 93- (537) 48 Thus a certain master Bene was emploj^ecl in 1218 to teacli gram- mar at Bologna.'^ "^ Although he was much interested in tlie pop- ular ars dictaminis, and even wrote a manual of it, nevertheless he gained fame chiefly as a grammarian.'^ By the statutes of the city of Bologna in 1250, masters in grammar were exempted from military service just as were the doctors of law."^ During the second half of that century, when the ars (lictamiuis had lost some of its prestige, there were many distinguished professors of grammar at BolognaJ^ An additional proof of a rather healthy interest in grammar in northern Italy has been furnished lately by the discovery of the Compendium Grammaticae written in the last half of the thirteenth century by an Italian named Caesar.' ' Unlike the new grammars of northern Europe, the Compendium is in prose. Throughout, in method and often in form, it is based upon Priscian. Illustrations are taken from Sallust, Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Lucan and Juvenal. The author knew the Doc- trinale and (Iraecismus very well but he rarely follows them. In many ways he improved upon the former; indeed, his book was designed to compete with it.^* The Compimdium was even used at the University of Paris '^^ and the fact that several copies of it liaA^e come down to us shows that it must have been quite popu- lar.^" Caesar's manual well illustrates the practical tendencies in grammar as taught by the Italians. The methods of the school- "Sarti-Fattorini, De Claris Archigymnasii Bononiensis Professoribus, II, 240. "Gaudenzi, "Sulle Opere dei Dettatori Bolognesi," in Bulleftino deU'lstitiito Storico Italiano, No. 14 (1895), 153. "Denifle, Die Universitdten, I, 205. '"Sarti-Fattorini, De Claris Archigymnasii Boitoiiiciisis Professoribus, I, 606-07, names especially Gerardus Cremonensis, Gerardus de Amandola, Bonacius Bergo- mas and Johannes Andreae. "Fierville, Une Grammaire Latiiie iiiedite du Xllle Siccle. See especially pp. X and xxvi of the Avant-Propos for a discussion of the authorship of the work. It must have been written after 1252 for it contains modified extracts from the Snimiia Dictaiiiiiiis of Ponce of Provence which was written in that year. See p. 116. "Fierville, xv-xxvi. "Fierville, vi. *°Fierville, viii. (538) 49 men never got a firm foothold in the peninsula and therefore speculative grammar did not find favor as in the north of Eiirope.^^ Unfortunately, not much can be learned about the actual work in grammar done at the Italian universities. The Statutes of Bologna reveal that it was considered a distinct branch of the arts course as were philosophy, astrology, logic and rhetoric.^- Stu- dents might graduate in any one of these or in several or all of them;^^ hence there were special students and even doctors in grammar.^^ At the beginning of the fifteenth centur}- candi^ dates for promotion in grammar were examined in Priscianiis maior and mi nor. '^^' That may have been all that was done in grammar at IJologna, but probably here as elsewhere the history of the work in the arts course can not be read from the statutes alone. It may safely be said however that there was nothing remarkable, nothing that had not been excelled in good schools during the century before the rise of universities. On the whole it appears that grammar fared almost as badly in Italian univer- sities as in those of northern Europe. At the universities of southern France we meet with some interesting exceptional conditions in the study of grammar. Here the influence of Aristotle was not so dominant as in the north and law and medicine occupied a higher position. Perhaps also in this land of the troubadours a stronger literary instinct helped to prevent metaphysics from comj)letely overriding the study of language. Whatever may have been the causes, grammar flour- ished here more than it did anywhere else in Europe. The statutes of the University of Toulouse furnish the best data. When this institution was founded in 1229, an interesting ^^Thurot, Notices et Extraits, XXII, pt. 2, 91-92. Thurot calls attention to the fact that the most popular dictionaries of the Middle Ages came from Italy and that Italian grammarians translated many words and phrases into the vulgar tongue. ^'Malagola, Statviti delle Univcrsita e dei CoUegi dello Studio BoJogncsc, 2S7. See also Rashdall, Universities, I, 211 ^'Malagola, Statuti, 488-89. ''Malagola, Statuti, 257. ''Malagola, Statuti, 488. (539) 50 circular letter was sent out as an advertisement.^^ It merely mentions the different subjects that were to be taught but among these grammar is named separately along with theology, Aris- totelian logic and philosophy, church music, civil law and medi- cine. Fourteen masters were provided for ; in theology four, two in law, six in the liberal arts (i. e. in logic and philosophy), and two in grammar. The salary of the masters in logic was twen- ty "marks" per year, that of the masters in grammar ten "marks."^'^ Thus at tlie very beginning grammar obtained an independent standing at Toulouse such as it probably did not have at Paris even at this early date.^^ Until 1328 nothing more definite can be learned regarding grammar at Toulouse. In that year a statute was drawn up containing a program of lectures for the masters in grammar. This proposed simply to regulate existing customs, therefore the books prescribed had been read at Toulouse before 1328 but liow long before it is impossible to say^^ The program was as follows : In the morning during the winter, after having conducted ^"Fournier, Statuts, I, 439 ; also in Denifle et Chatelain, Chartulariuin, I, 129. "Fournier, Statuts, I, 441. '*^John Garland was one of these first two masters in grammar. One is tempted to conjecture that the good start which grammar got at Toulouse was due to his influence. '""Item, cum secundum usum et consuetudinem studii Tholosani et magistrorum tam in artibus quam in grammatica, sint pro lecturis totius anni tarn ordinariis quam extraordinariis certi libri ordinati, et de artistis tantum est in statuto, [see appendix I], et etiam grammatici in yeme legere debeant de mane, post determinationem sui proverbii cum questionibus, Priscianum majorem et immediate postea de Doctrinali et post de Alexandro, et post comestionem, post declarationem puerorum faciendam per bacallarium principalem et repetitionem lectionum, habeant dicti magistri in grammatica tempore hiemali in nonis legere de Ebrardo, de Historiis Alexandri et Hympnis et de Metrificatura, in horis et temporibus per eos ordinatis et consuetis, et in vacationibus Nativitatis Domini habeant legere predicti magistri Actores et Compotum manualem; et in estate, loco Prisciani majoris, de mane legant de Rc- gimine et de Constructione et postea unam lectionem doctrinalis de Declinationibus a principio inchoando et continuando a principio Alexandri, et continuare habeant de cetero lectionem Ebrardi, sic quod Ebrardus finitus sit revoluto toto hyemis tem- pore et estate." Fournier, Statuts, I, 501. (540) 51 a grammatical lesson on proverbs, the masters in grammar were to lecture on Priscianus maior, and immediately after on the Doc- trinale and Alexander. After the midday meal when a recitation had been held by the principal bachelor and the lectures had been repeated, the masters were to teach in winter, Ehrardus, the Historiae Alexan- dria Hympni and Metrificatura. During the Christmas vacation they were to teach the Adores and Compotus. In summer, in place of Priscianus maior, they were to read the eighth, ninth and first chapters of the Doctrinale, namely de Regimine, de Constructione and de Declinationihiis. Besides, they Avere to continue Alexander and finish Ehrardiis. Much later statutes of the University of Toulouse, dated 1426 and 1489, still mention the Doctrinale, Ehrardus, Alexander and Priscianus maior as the grammatical books in common use at the university^°. At Perpignan, about 1380-1390, a course in grammar was given very similar to that outlined above.'^^ The standard books here as at Toulouse were the Doctrinale, Ehrardiis, Alexander and Priscian if there was any demand for him. Besides, masters taught Compotus and Hymni. Bachelors reading in ^'lectorio minori'' taught the auctores which are here defined as ^'Ckitlionem, "''See below, p. 59. ""Item, magistri legentes grammaticalia teneantur complere Doctrinale, Ebrcardmii et Alcxandrum in festo Sancti Johannis, et teneantur legerc compotum, ymnos, temporibus consuetis. Et teneantur facere duo proverbia de mane et duo de vespere, et probare nomina vel verba [legendo vel ....] de mane et de vespere, et etiam reaudire a scolaribus de vespere lectiones consuetas ab ipsis de mane lectas ; et Priscianum legere si fuerint audientes. Item baccallarii legentes in lectorio minori Icgant auctores consuetos, videlicet : Cathonem, Contentum ct Thobiain, et teneantur facere duo proverbia de mane et duo de vespere et reaudire lectiones lectas et probare nomina et verba in proverbiis supradictis. Item statuimus insuper quod scolares audientes tam logicam quam grammaticam habeant ad minus ter vel bis in septimana disputare, magistro presente. Et si in materia disputata aliquod fuerit dubium, illud magister habeat declarare." Fournier, Statuts, II, 678. (541) 52 Conteut'iim et Tobiani/- Masters as well as bachelors were also obliged to compose proverbs and to explain the grammatical acci- dents of the nouns and verbs found in them. Provision was made for daily recitations and two or three times a week the students, in the presence of masters, were obliged to hold disputations on grammatical subjects. In all probability a course very much like that at Toulouse and Perpignan was given at other universities of southern France. The statutes yield meagre information but masters in grammar are mentioned at the universities of Cahors''- and Or- ange,'''^ and in inventories of tlie goods of students of Avignon most of the above grammatical books are listed. '^^ Even at the northern university of Orleans masters and scholars in grammar are spoken of in a statute of the year 1312.^^ At about the same time the Doctrinale and Cato were in use there. ^^ The above details show that at least at the universities of Toulouse and Perpignan the study of grammar was an important branch in the curriculum. True, the ancient classics were not read, but the amount of grammatical instruction was comparative- ly large. A rr.siiinv with explanations will be necessary to make the course perfectly clear. The chief books were the famous Doctrhiale and Graecis- ■inii.s.^'' They had probably been introduced into Toulouse long before 1328 when the statutes first mention them. A manuscript at Amiens (No. 427) contains a commentary on the Doctrinale copied at Toulouse in 1291.''^ The third standard grammatical text was the Ale.mndrr which i)r()babl3' was tlie "(ilossarif'' of Alexander of Villedieu designed to supplement his DoclriiKiJc.^'-^ "'l<"ouniicr, Staliils, II, 544 (A. D. 1343) ; 547 (A. D. 1367). "■■'Fournier, Statnts, II, 718 (A. D. 1365). "'Foiirnier, Statnts, II, 453-61 (A. D. 1459). "M-'ournier, Statnts, I, 40. ""Delisle, Le Formiilaire de Trcgiiicr, Appendicc, No. X. See also Haskins, in /liiicr. Hist. Rev., HI, 220, note 3. "See above, p. 36. "'^Journal des Savants, Nov. 1894, P- 7o6. "'See above, p. 38, and Appendix III. (542) 5.3 The fourtli regular text-book was Priscianus maior. There are clear indications however that Priscian was dropping into the background. The Toulouse program (1328) provided that it was not to be read in the summer term but that in its stead the first, eighth, and ninth chapters of the Doctrinale were to be substitut- ed. Now the eighth and ninth chapters treat of syntax, and w^e have seen that it was exactly in syntax that Priscian was weak and the Doctrinale especially strong.^ This is a good illustration of the wa,y in which the old standard text-book was crowded out by the new partly because the latter better supplied the current demands. Towards the close of the fourteenth cen- tury Priscian was so unpopular at Perpignan that he was to be read only "if there were any hearers." A little further along in tlie same document it is prescribed that students in grammar should hold disputations, showing how completely grammar had come into the domain of dialectic. Priscian pro- vided no food for the speculative method whereas in the gram- mars of Alexander of Villedieu and Eberhard of Bethune there was an abundance of it. Add to all this that the old text-book was in prose whereas the new ones were in the popular form of verse and it is not surprising that Priscian rapidly lost ground even in these southern universities where grammar was studied mostly seriousl}^ According to ancient custom some reading was done in con- nection witii the study of technical grammar. The Toulouse statutes simply mention '^"Actores^' or authors. In twelfth cen- tury documents actorcs or auctores" can be safely translated "^classical authors," but in tlie course of tlie thirteenth century tlie word obtained a very restricted meaning'''. Light is tlirinvn on the "Actores" of Toulouse by the program of Perpignan in which the ''auctorcs (■oii.'2>Z- "'"'Respondeo id in aliis partibus etiam plerumque fieri. Vidi ego in studio Parisiaco sepe Tullianam publice legi rhetoricam, sepe item privatim, nonnunquam etiam Aristotelicam, poeteque summi et optimi Virgilius atque Terentius illic etiam sepe leguntur." Denifle et Chatelain, Cliartulariiiiii, III, Introductio, xi. "■"Denifle et Chatelain, Chartulariuni, III, Introductio, xii. "^Voigt, Die Wiederbelehung, II, 348, 355. (552) 63 University of Paris slipped bacli into tlie old rut and the human- istic movement came to a sudden end. Even before 1400, the letters and statutes of the university were again written in a deplorable style. In the second half of the fifteenth century William Fichet, who was rector of the university in 1467, stood forth as a rather solitary champion of good Latin and of the classics. In the morning he taught theology and philosophy, in the afternoon rhetoric and the humanities. His manual on rhet- oric was an epoch-making book in France.^*^ He saw a future full of promise. Writing to a friend in 1472 he described how everj^body at Paris had been ignorant of Cicero and of good Latin when he came to the University, but that now a new epoch had begun. That year Fichet left for Italy and with him departed the enthusiasm for belles lettres.^''^ It is said that the theologian Dullardus was wont to say to Fichet: "The better grammarian you are, the worse dialectician and theologian."^^ An edict of king Louis XI in 1473 recalled to the masters and students of Paris that Pope Gregory the Great had long ago warned the youth against the sweet bewitching orations of Cicero, which Viarning, the king thought, should still be heeded.^^ As a whole the university did give heed and closed its doors to the influences from Italy. At Paris the full tide of humanism did not set in until the foundation of the College de France in 1530.^*^ T Very little can be said about the universities of southern France in spite of the fact that formal grammar became more and more popular there. At Perpignan, towards the close of the fourteenth century, "poets'' are mentioned in addition to gram- ■''"Larousse, Grand Dictionnaire. "Lavisse, Histoire de France, IV, pt. 2, 443. °^"quanto eris melior grammaticus, tanto pejor dialecticus et theologus", Thurot, De Alex, de Villa Dei Doctrinali, 61. ''"Norden, Die Antike Kimstprosa, II, 726, note. ""Lavisse, Histoire de France, V, pt. i, 291-95. For sporadic attempts to in- troduce the study of Greek and oriental languages see Thurot, De rOrganisation de I'Enseigneiucnt dans I'Vnivcrsitc dc Paris, 85. (553) 64 inarians and artists.*^^ About the same time, in an inventory of the goods of a student of the same university are listed a copy of Dante, several works of Ovid and Sallust.''^ In a similar in- ventory of the goods of a student at Avignon, dated 1459, appear various works of Ovid, copies of Virgil, Juvenal and Seneca and the Famous Women of Boccaccio.*'^ Near the close of the fif- teenth century, in 1496, we at length come upon a true human- istic course in arts at the University of Montpellier. It is an outline of work which was offered by John Dionysius, a master of arts.*^^ ■""quod nullus phisicus, poeta, gramaticus vel artista, exceptis pueris qui nondum etatis sue annum XIIII compleverunt," etc. Fournier, Statuts, II, 674 [XXXV] (1 380-1 390?). ''Tournier, Statuts, II, 690. "Tournier, Statuts, II, 453-58. °*"Secuntur libri quos proponit Johannes Dionisius, magister artium, inter - pretari. In philosophia : Gorgium in octo libris phisicorum, vel, si melius videatur, in hiis qui sunt De generatione, De anima metheorum. [sic. Probably should read', De aniina, MetJieorum.] In logica : Parvum Gorgium, declarationibus magistri Johannis Dorp, Guillermi Okam, Petri de Alhaco, Alberii de Saxonia adhibitis. In gramaticalibus : Alexandrum in quattuor partibus, commento, ex hiis que a Laurentio de Valla, Sericio, Prisciano, Donate assistuntur [adhibito.] In arte oratoria : Terentium ante prandium, ut consuevit ; vespere, Virgilium in Eneyde, vel Julium De officiis, Juvenalem, Persum, secundum optionem dominorum consuluni et audientium capacitatem. Item, quamcumque interpretetur, vult Perotum interpretari De dictandis tpistolis, tamquam maxime necessarium juvenibus, et sine quo quemquam juvenum perquam difficile est congrue loqui. Item, vult habere baccallarium expertum et expertissimum quern invenire poterit in gramaticalibus, qui insistat in formandis partibus, in declinationilnis dictionum, et aliis moribus, lectionibus autorum, et in proverbiis coniponendis, et leget Boecium. Quumquc ipse Dyonisius velit, vi assuetus est in suis redditionibus Terentii, 554) 65 In philosopliy and logic, instead of a long list of Aristotle'x works, we find what seem to be mere commentaries on his works on Physics, The Soul and Meteorics by a certain George, prob- ably George of Trebizond (c. 1395-1484) together with a book on logic perhaps by the same author.'^"' In addition, there are to be read the works of William Ockham, together with his fol- lowers John Dori^, Pierre d'Ailly and Albert of Saxony w^ho rev- olutionized scholastic thought in the fourteenth century.°^ Grammar was still to be taught from the Doetrinale of Alexander of Villedieu although b}^ this time humanists in Italy and Ger- many were waging bitter war against it.*'^ Dionysius however proposed to supplement it from Priscian and Donatus and also from the treatises of Laurentius Valla w^ho had recently attacked violently the Latinity of scholasticism.*^^ The chief innovation in this program was the stress laid upon the ars orator ia, which was broadly the art of teaching elegance in speaking and writing Latin. Terence, Virgil, Cicero, Juvenal and Boethius were pro- posed as a basis for this work, as well as Perotus on the art of letter-writing,''^'' The Latin language was to be taught by direct methods, by dwelling upon the parts of si)eech, on declensions, conjugations and correct reading of the authors.'^^ Virgilii et Julii nullam dictionem intellectu difficilem pretermittere, quin declinet vel conjuget. Item, in redditionibus Peroti dictare epistolas, ut consuetum est, nam ipsa epistolarum dictatio maximum est proverbiorum componendorum exercitium." Fournier, Statuts, II, 278. "Tor George of Trebizond, one of the staunchest defenders of Aristotelianism against the then prevalent Platonism, see Voigt, Die Wiederbelehimg, II, 137-143, and M. de Wulf, Histoire de la Philosophie Medievale, 498, 500. ""For a discussion of "Ockhamism" see M. de Wulf, Histoire de la Philosophie Medievale, 444-59. '^'Reichling, Das Doetrinale, Einleitung, Ixxxiii. '"'I cannot identify "Sericius." Is it Sulpicius? """Perotus" is probably Niccolo Perotti (1430-1480), one of the most celebrated humanists of his century. Voigt, Die Wiederhelebung, II, 133-137. '"Contrast with this program one which was drawn up in 1494 for the nortliern University of Angers, and which is still the old stereotyped course very similar to that of Paris in the thirteenth century or to that of Toulouse outlined in Ap- pendix I. Fournier, Statnts, I, 427. (555) 66 This particular program, coming so late in the fifteenth cen- tury, is permeated with a genuine humanistic flavor; but it is an almost isolated exception which proves the rule that the med- ieval universities had very little to do with the humanistic move- ment of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. (556) CHAPTER III. Ehetoric. the "Business Course'^ at Medieval Universities Of all the seven liberal arts, rhetoric met with the strangest vicissitudes at medieval universities. In Roman times it had been primarily the art of eloquence and as such had had a great vogue, for by means of it a man might rise to eminence as a public speaker in forum or Senate. Throughout the Middle Ages there never was a great demand for able public speakers and therefore rhetoric in the old sense of the word was systemat- ically neglected. Some realized that the rules of eloquence might aid the preacher in the pulpit; but the general opinion was that the word of God should be preached plainly and simply and did not need the embellishment of the rhetoricians. Then again, preaching never became very important in the service of the Church until the thirteenth century. When dialectics had risen to great importance at universities there was enough speaking in public but the disputations of students and masters were ap- plauded for acuteness of the reasoning and not for elegance of diction. In regard to universities of law the same may be said about the pleadings of the lawj^ers. Deprived almost absolutely of its most important function, that of training for eloquence, rhetoric lost much of its individ- uality. Its doctrines were often merged with those of gram- mar; thus, in the Graecismiis of Eberhard there is a chax^ter on the colorcs rhctorici} Frequently it is difficult to draw the line between grammatical and rhetorical instruction. At best the latter was usually but a branch auxiliary to grammar and dialectic. It is not surprising tlierefore to tiud that very little of the old formal medieval rhetoric was taught at the universities. At ^Appuhn, Das Triviuiii, 86. (557) 68 the end of the twelfth centurj^, it was more popular at Paris than it was to be later when the university was fully developed. Ger- ald of Barri says that as a student at Paris (c. 1170) he distin- guished himself especially in rhetoric.^ Seven years later, he lectured there on canon law and ascribed his success partly to the fact that he employed rhetorical finish in liis delivery .^ The anonymous vocabulary, Sacerdos ad altare accessiif'us,'^ names the following books for rhetoric: Cicero's De Inventione, Dc Oratore, and the pseudo Ciceronian ad Herennium; Quintilian's Institutes and the pseudo Quintilian Dcclamationes (or Causae).^ This is a rather remarkable program for rhetoric. Even the course at Chartres, when the schools there were at the height of their fame, did not offer so much solid rhetorical instruction.^ Quintilian's Institutes are not often met with in the schools of the Middle Ages. The earliest statute (1215) prescribing work at the Uni- versity of Paris already indicates that rhetoric would occupy but an inferior place in the arts course. It was to be read on festival days and the only books mentioned are the fourth book of the Topics of Boethius and the BarharismusJ Later statutes ^Giraldus Cainbrensis, De rebus a se gestis, ed. Brewer, I, 23. '"Adeo namque vivas legum et canonum rationes introductas rhetor icis per- suasionibus adjuvabat; adeoque tam verborum schematibus atque coloribus quam sententiarum medullis causas adornabat, dictaque philosophorum et auctorum miro artificio inserta locis congruis adaptabat." Dc rebus a sc gestis, ed. Brewer, I, 45. ■'See above, p. 15. ""In rethorica educandus Icgat primam Tulii rcthoricam et libruni ad Herrcn- iiim et Tullium de oratore ct causas Quintiliani et Quintilianum de oratoris in- ■stitutione." Gonvillc and Cains College MS. 385, p. 53. Now printed, Haskins, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, XX, 92. "Clerval, Les Ecoles de Chartres, 222. The books mentioned are: (i) Cicer- onis, De inventione rhetorica libri 2; (2) Rhctoricorniu ad Ilcrciuiiiiin lihri 4; (3) Ciceronis De partitione oratoria dialogus; (4) J. Scvcriani Syiitoinata ac prcccpta arlis rhetoricae ; (5) Capellae Dc rhetorica libri 5. See however p. 2,^1,. '"Non legant in fcstivis diebus nisi Philosophos et Rhetoricas ct Quadruvalia ct Barbarisiiium, et Ethicam, si placet; et quartum Topicortun." Denifle et Chate- iain, Chartulariuin, I, 78. For the Barbarisintts see above, p. 33. Since its sub- ject matter was the figures of speech it was usually classed under rhetoric. In the (558) 69 add nothing; however it is possible and even probable that in this, as well as in all subjects, books were read which are not mentioned in the statutes. In the second half of the fourteenth century tlie study of rhetoric Avas revived as we have learned from Nicolas of Clemanges.^ On the whole however it is safe to say that formal rhetoric was as badly neglected at Paris as was grammar. The same was even more true in other French universities. At Toulouse, for example, where a good deal of stress was laid on grammar, not a trace can be found of instruction in old-fash- ioned rhetoric. At Bologna and in Italy generally it suffered especially in the thirteenth centur}^, as we shall see, but began to prosper again early in the fourteenth. The establishment of a special chair in rhetoric at Bologna in 1321 has been noted.^ The in- formation in the statutes is very meagre but we learn that early in the fifteenth centurj^ there were distinct examinations and graduations in rhetoric. The books mentioned are the De Inven- tionc of Cicero, the pseudo Ciceronian ad Herennium and a Gom- pendlum, by Fra Guidotto of Bologna.^ ° At Oxford, at about the same time (1431), the Rhetoric of Battle of the Seven Arts the Bardarisiinis is spoken of as having deserted the camp of Grammar to fight on the side of Logic : "dant Barbarime Qui chevauchoit soi cinquantime. S'ert il homme lige Gramaire Des meillors genz de son aumaire, Mes il maintenoit cele guerre, Qu'el pais Logique avoit terre. Par trahison estoit tornez Por ce qu'il ert de Poitou nez." T^enri d'Andeli, Bataillc des .VII. Ars, vv. 232-239. Heron, Oeuvrcs de Henri d' A II deli, 51-52. ^See above, p. 62. "See above, p. 60. ^"Malagola, Statiiti delle Universitd e dei CoUegi dcllo Studio Bolognese, 48S, and note 3. (559) 70 Aristotle, the fourth book of the Topics of Boethius and the yova Rhetorica of Cicero ( probably ad Herennium) were read.^^ There can remain no doubt that the study of formal rhetoric did not flourish at the universities even as much as it had done in the best schools of the early Middle Ages. But there was one phase of rhetoric which was developed in a remarkable way at the universities. The art of writing well and ornately had always constituted a part of rhetoric although the Roman manuals had naturally subordinated it to the art of speaking. Although orators did not flourish in the Middle x\ges there were better opportunities for a man skillful in the use of the pen, that is, one who could write correctly letters and other important documents. Now throughout the earlier Middle Ages the elements of tlie Roman law were taught as a part of rhetoric in which a distinction had always been made between the genus demonstrativum, deliherativum and mdiciale}" When law be- came an independent and important branch of learning at the universities and thus broke loose entirely from rhetoric, it re- acted upon and helped to develop the art of writing until that too became a separate branch of education quite distinct from the old formal rhetoric. This new art became known as the dicta men prosaicum or ars dictaminis^ and was recognized at some uni- versities as a distinct branch of instruction. So important did it become that in some places it usurped the whole field of rhetoric and often was simply called by that name.^^ In its earliest and widest sense dictamen signified the art of composition, both in prose and poetry.^'* As a rule, three kinds of composition were distinguished, metric verse, rhythmic verse, "Rashdall, Universities, II, 457. "Fitting, Die Anfdiige der Rechtssclnilc ru Boloijiia. 15. "For bibliographies on the subject see Haskins, "Life of Medieval Students," Ainer. Hist. Rev. Ill, 204, n. 2; Abelson, The Seven Liberal Arts, 61, n. i ; Molinier, Sources de I'Histoire de France, II, 204. "Thurot, Notices ct Extraits, XXII, pt. 2, 91, and note 3. (560) 71 and prose.^^ At all time.s such exerci>ses in comj)osition, espe- cially in verse, had formed a part of grammatical and rhetorical instruction, ^^ but in an age when few could write at all the practical value of the dictamen prosaicum, which consisted main- ly in writing letters and documents, soon asserted itself. In the early centuries of the Middle Ages numerous collec- tions of model letters and public documents were in common us(\^^ M is sufficient to mention the Variae of Cassiodorus of which the sixth and seventh books were actuall}^ designed to present models, and the famous Formulae Marculft of the seventh century. The art of drawing up documents with the help of such collections had been taught in some monastery and cathedral schools and in the various chanceries. It was not, however, until the latter half of the eleventh century' that this art was regarded as a distinct discipline. The (ITS dicta i)ii)iif^ as a separate branch of instruction had its origin in Italy. There, and especially in Lombardy, the study of grammar and rhetoric and the schools in which they were taught had had a continuous existence, with occasional periods of bloom. ^^ The growing business in the ecclesiastical and lay chan- ceries helped to develop and support the new art of dictamen. In Italy tlie notaries had always been largely laymen and their busi- ness had l)een one of profit and honor.^^ Thus a widespread in- terest was won for the new ars dicta uii it is Avliich jnore and more adapted itself to tlie practical needs of the professional notary. The investiture struggle greatly increased the l)usiness of the ""Dictaminum autem alia sunt metrica. alia rithmica, alia prosaica," Alberici cassinensis rationcs dictaiidi. Rockinger, Briefsfcller, I, 9. During the later Middle Ages and until the rise of humanism, rhythmic signified rhymed verse whereas metric was blank verse. Zarncke, "Zwei Mittel- alterliche Abhandlungen iiber den Bau rythmischer Verse," in Berichfc . . . dcr k. Sdchsischen Gesellscliaft der Wissenschaften, Lpz. (1871), XXIII, 35. "Specht, Gcschichte des Uiiterrichtsivcseiis, 113. "Bresslau, Urkundenlehre, I, 608. ^'Rockinger, "IJber die Ars dictandi und die Sunimac dictaniinum in Italicn" in S it sung sberi elite der k. k. Akad. Miinchcn (1861), I, 103 and Giesebrecht, De Litterarum Studiis apud Italos. ^"Bresslau, Urkundenlehre, I, 624. (561) 72 papal curia, the imperial chancery and those of the great clerics. The growing autonomy of the Italian city-states also necessitated much correspondence between city and city and between the cities and the Emperor and the Pope. To all this must be added the potent influence of tlie study of Roman law and the rise of the great law universities. Tlie growing ars dictaminis soon be- came the handmaid of law and the hand-books of dictameii gave an increasing amount of space to the rules for drawing up legal papers and even to the elementary principles of law. Irnerius, the first famous professor of Roman law at Bologna, Avrote a tract, now lost, for the use of notaries, the Formulariua TaheJ- liomim.^'^It is not surprising, therefore, to find that the ars dic- taminis originated in Italy and that it reached its fullest develop- ment at Bologna. Alberich of Monte-Cassino, who lived in tliat fam(»us monas- tery in the second half of the eleventh century, may be consid- ered as the founder of tlie new art. Before his time there liad l)een collections of letters and formularies enough, but tliey con- sisted of mere models with scarcely any comments or explana- tions.-^ Tlie books of Alberich were the first real manuals of instruction in the art of writing letters and official acts.-- ITis Rationcs dictandi taught the famous division of a letter into five parts, salutatio, hcnevolentiae captatio, uarnifio, pctitio, con- clusio. This doctrine was accepted and elaborated by all future writers and teachers and did much to give form and substance to the new art. The books of Alberich also included a mass of grammatical and rhetorical instruction, ahvnys, liowcvcr, witli due regard to practical needs. Scarcely any complete letters were as yet given as models for illustration; only brief extracts were inserted here and there to illustrate i)'*i'^i^*i^l'^i' lioints. His books were of value chiefly for priA^ate corres]>oud(Mice. The rules and percepts for drawing uj) ])rivileges of popes and kiiigx ""Rockingcr, "IJhcr die Ars Dictandi," 120. "'Bresslan, Vrkitndcjilchrc, 624. "RockinRcr, Bricfslcllcr, 1, Einlcitung, xxxii and passim. Extracts from two of Alherich's works, the Ralioncs dictandi and the Brei'iariuiii dc dictaviine ai'C licre printed, pp. 9-46. (562) 73 were somewhat faulty, showing that the author had but a very superficial knowledge about such official acts. After Alberich there came a regular succession of writers and teachers of the ars dictaminis in Itah^ and elsewhere. Tlie art was modified and adapted to growing needs. In the first- place, the form of the manuals was altered. More attention was devoted to the illustrative material; every manual now sought to give a fair number of examples of each form of correspondence and each official act. Such examples were drawn from earlier formularies, from archives and chanceries, or were simply in- vented. Then it became customary to divide a manual into two parts : first, a discussion of the theory and rules of the art, and second, a collection of models, classified according to their con- tent. There was infinite variety in tlu^ form of the various man- uals, depending on tlieir particular purpose, and on tlie caprice of their authors. Later manuals considered more and more the practical needs of the lay and ecclesiastical chanceries and thus an in- creased amount of space was given to purely official acts of all kinds. The object was to train men for lucrative positions at the Roman curia, the courts of kings and princes and liigher ecclesiastics or in the chanceries of tlie cities. Such work re- quired considerable special training. It was necessary to learn the charter hand which at all times was different from the ordi- nary book-hand;-^ also the rules of the cursits or the rhythmic cadence of phrases employed in drawing up important acts.^^ The mirsus was revived at the papal curia in the twelfth century and soon spread from there to the chanceries of cardinals, arcli- bishops, bishops and even to lay courts. All these matters were "^"alia enim manus requiritur in quaternis scribendis ct alia in cpistolis. plnrcs enim scriptores, qui honam et compctentem forniant literani in quaternis, nullo modo vel vix sciunt habilitare manum ad epistolas scribendas." Conrad de Mure, Summa de arte prosandi; Rockinger, Brief stcller, 439. Quoted by Giry, Manuel de Diplomatique, 513, n. 2. "^Norden, Die Antikc Kjinstprosa, II, 924, gives a good bibliography on the subject; see especially, Valois, "Etude sur le rhythme des bulles pontificales," in Bihl. de I'Ecole des Chartes, XLTI (1881) 161, 257; Giry, Manuel de Diplomatique. 455; Bresslau, Urkundenlehre, 588; Thurot, Notices et Extraits, XXII, pt. 2, 480. (563) 74 treated in the text-books of the ars dictaminis which appeared in the later twelfth and in the thirteenth century. The art was be- coming eminently practical. It became even more so wlien it adapted itself closely to the rising study of Roman law. Tlie manuals devoted an increasing amount of attention to tlie draw- ing up of legal papers and some even contained chapters on the theory of laAv. Thus the Rhetorica novissima of Boncompagno begins with a chapter on the origin of law.^'^ This process of specialization went on until in the tliirteentli century text-books were written which taught only such matters as would be es- sential to a practising notary. These can no longer be classed under ars dictaminis for they are strictly manuals of the ars notaria of which more will be said later. In Italy, its native soil, the ars dictaminis readied its fullest development at the University of Bologna. Although its study liad been widespread in Italy since the end of the eleventli cen- tury, its recorded history as a branch of study at Bologna does not begin until about 1200.-'"' At that time the Englishman Geof- frey of Vinsauf taught tlie liberal arts tliere.^' He is the author of the fiimous Ars foctria which ranks him among the best poets of the time.^s While at Bologna he also wrote an Ars dicta )niiiiacon, were anxious to improve upon these books and in general to infuse a healtliier (582) 98 spirit into the instruction of grammar by going back to the study of ancient literature; but they could not arouse their contempo- raries who were so much more interested in other studies that they Avere satisfied to leave grammar in whatever condition it hap- pened to be. The study of language consequently entered upon a woeful decline at the University of Paris whicli can be seen in the bad style of the writings which emanated from it in the later thir- teenth and most of the fourteenth century. At Italian univer- sities the situation was not much better. Exceptional conditions prevailed at the universities of southern France, especially at Toulouse and Perpignan. Here tlie study of grammar was fostered better than anywhere else in Europe, although unfortunately nothing was done to improve tlie substance and method of instruction. At these universities there was a separate faculty in grammar and regular degrees \vere given in that subject, important facts which have not been duly realized and emphasized by any historian of universities. Tlie course in grammar was comparatively broad and included many books and subjects which were not touched upon at other universities. One of these grammatical books was the enigmati- cal Alexander which I have endeavored to identify with the '^Glossary-' of Alexander of Villedieu. The records show that towards the end of the fourteenth and in the fifteenth century in- terest in Aristotelian logic and philosophy fell off at Toiil(»use whereas grammar became much more popular. However, it Avas still the old traditional grammar of the thirteenth century and no effort was made to improve it by incorporating humanism which was now spreading over all western Europe. A study of humanism at other universities showed that these great medieval institutions had very little share in the revival of classical learn- ing. The study of rhetoric as outlined by Cicero and Quiuti]iau never flourislied during the Middle Ages. Hence the old-fash- ioned rhetoric was almost wliolly neglettted in tlie arts course of all medieval universities. The increasing business relations in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries especially in Italy, led to a (583) 94 remarkable development of one phase of rhetoric, the art of writ- ing letters and public documents. The influence of the study of law hastened specialization along this line until at Bologna there were separate courses in tlie ars dictaminis and ars notaria whicli directly prepared students for a large variety of positions which in our day would range from that of a stenographer to a secre- tary of state. Owing largely to the interest in this practical work, grammar and formal rhetoric were for a time almost crowded out at Bologna. From Italy, the ars dictaminis spread to most of the universities of France, although here the art never gained a firm foothold. The history of the transformation of rhetoric illustrates the practical or professional nature of most of the instruction at medieval universities. Tlie ideal of culture for its own sake, as exemplified by Petrarch, as well as the ideal of advancing knowledge by investigation, as advocated by Abelard and Roger Bacon, never found favor at medieval universities. They existed largel,y for the interpretation and transmission of existing knowledge and i)rincipally such knowledge as had prac- tical value in fitting for the professions and for positions in the l)usiiiess world. The main theme of this treatise has been to show just how and why the stud}^ of language and literature was neglected especially during the century before Petrarch. To comprehend tlie revival of learning it is essential to understand that exactly during this century, when the medieval universities were at the height of their glory, tlie study of the classics languished infinite- ly more than during any other period in the ^Middle Ages. Al- though it be granted that Petrarch was the "morning star of tiie .Renaissance," it must not be forgotten that in liis advocacy of the study of the ancient classics he shone forth so clearly, not alone by his own brilliance, but chiefly because it happened to be darkest just before the daAvn. (584) APPENDIX I. A Time-Table of Lectures in the Arts Course of the Univer- sity OF Toulouse^ 1309. The following time-table was sanctioned by the faculty of arts of the University of Toulouse in 1309 in order to avoid con- flicts and disputes between masters and bachelors. At Toulouse there was a special faculty of grammar and another in arts,^ hence no grammatical books are included except the Prisclanus minor which for some unknown reason was taught in the arts course. The program of studies consists almost wholly of the books of Aristotle and is practically identical with the programs of the University of Paris,^ but nevertheless it is unique in that it speci- fies the exact years and periods of the day when the various books were to be taught.^ The academic year at Toulouse was divided into two terms, a winter term extending from the feast of St. Luke, October 18th, to that of St. Jolm the Baptist, June 24th ; the summer term from June 21th to October 18th. The chief books were taken up in tlie winter term and during the first liours of the morning. It will be noticed that the first two periods of the morning were reserved for the masters who gave the important ordinary lectures. The third, fourth, fifth and sixth periods^, that is, ^See above, p. 55. "For the statutes of 1215, 1252, 1254, 1366 and 1452. prescribing the work in the arts course at Paris see Rashdall, Universities, I, 433 ff. ''In his valuable little school-book, Readings in the History of Education, Mediaeval Universities, Cambridge, 1909, Professor Arthur O. Norton of Harvard prints a time-table of lectures of the Faculty of Fine Arts at Leipzig, 1519 (pp. 132-4). He says he could not find an earlier document of that kind. This one of Toulouse antedates that of Leipzig by more than two centuries and gives a much better picture of the medieval course in arts. (585) 96 until about three o'clock, were occupied by the various exercises of the bachelors, who were what we should call assistants and in- structors at our universities. After three o'clock came the ex- traordinary^ lectures of the masters and bachelors on the books of Aristotle on natural philosophy.^ In addition to the regular lecture work a very important part of the exercises was the weekly disputation lield by the masters not later than the beginning of the sixth period or about three o'clock. While the disputation was going on all other work in the faculty of arts was suspended and all the bachelors and repetitores were obliged to attend. In Lent some slight changes were made in the program. Dur- ing the fourth period the baclielors were to hold conferences or do such other things as tlie masters saw fit. The lectures of the bachelors on the ''New Logic" which ordinarily came at the sixth period, were to begin immediately after the midday meal and were to extend to the beginning of the seventh period. After that, masters only were to give extraordinary lectures. The dis- putations during Lent must begin immediately after the mid- day meal. The following is the statute from whicli this tabulation lias been made. 1309. 10 AVRIL. — STATUTS DE la FACULTfi DES ARTS.^ Noverint universi, quod cum dissentio verteretur inter magis- tros, bacallarios et scolares universos artium in studio Tolosano, super disputationibus, determinationibus, ac etiam super lectura librorum infrascriptorum, de modo et hora legendi et lectiones magistrorum repetendi, religiosus vir et discretus dominus prior de Buseto, doctor decretorum, rector dicti studii, de assensu et voluntate totius Universitatis, commisit diflfliniendam et deter- minandam dictam dissensionem religiosis ac discretis viris lec- toribus fratrum Predicatorum, fratum Minorum, et fratrum ^See Molinier, "Etude sur I'Organisation de I'Universite de Toulouse," in Devic et Vaissette, Histoire Gencrale de Laiigiiedoc, VII, 604-605. Tournier, Statuts, I, p. 465, no. 542. (586) A Time-Tablb op Lectures in the Arts Course of the University op Toulouse, 1309. Periods 1st Year 2nd Year 3rd Year 4th Year 1st Prior and Posterior Anali/tics.' Topics. Sophistical Refutations. Same as first year.' Same as sec- ond year.'^ CO Ethics (first five books). Ethics (last five books) . 0)} the Soul. Ethics w a s again begun and so on in rotation. 2nd 1 § laagoge of Porphyry. Gatff/ories. On Inter-relation. Priscian Minor. Same' Same Same 11 CO Six Principles of Gilbert de la Porree. Divisions of Boethius, or first three books of his Topics. Priscian to be finished. Same'' Same Same 3rd Period Just after tlie lectures of tiie masters certain bachelors, appointed for the purpose, reviewed the work given by the masters in the morning. Two groups of bachelors were appointed to do this work, one from the beginning of the winter term to Easter, and the other from Easter to the end of the summer term. 4tli Period' No scheduled work. It is possible that extraordinary lectures by bachelors on Priscian and the "Old Logic," for which no definite period is specified, were given at this time. Mid-day Meal 5th Time set apart for conferences of the bachelors o for doing other things which the Period masters might designate. 6th Period" Topics. Prior and 22-S Sophistical Refutations. Posterior Ancflytics. Same as first year.'' Same as second year." Phi/sics. Oh Generation and Destruc- On the Heavens Metaphi/sics. tion. and the Earth. 1. Sfn.se atid Sensible Meteories. s ■' / Things. >, .2 1 2. Memory and Recollec- Z " '=3 \ tion. 2-S P 8. Sleep and Waking. 7th ■S-o ^. ' 4. Longevity and Sliori- Period E3 c c ca Ch 1 li redness. 1 5. Life and Death. 6. Respiration and Expi- ration. g \ 7. Youth and Old Age. On the Cause of the Motion >< of Animals. On the Loroniotion of Animals. 'Unless otherwise indicated the books are Aristotle's. ^Thusthe " New Logic" was completed every two years. Tlie terms "New" and "Old Logic" were invented in the Middle Ages. The "New Logic" included the Prior and Posterior Analyt- ics, Topics and HopltisHcal KcfiUallons. The "Old Logic" always comprised the Isagoye of Porphyry, the Caleyories and (hi fnferprelalhn. With these were sometimes included the Dirisions and Topics of Boethius and even the Sir Principles of Gilbert de la Porr^-e. (Denifle et Chatelain, Chartularium, 1, 228, 278.) =Thus the "Old Logic" would be finished each year. •iThat there was such a period we see from the following special regulation in regard to Lent: " In Quadragesima tamen totum tempus, quod est post repetitiones lectionum usque ad commestionem, sit bacallariorum ad conferendum et alia faciendum." 'The sixth period began at nones, hence about three o'clock. The statute does not name the exact hour when lectures began in the morning, but it was probably about six o'clock, the usual open- ing hour at most medieval universities. It seems that the various periods were something over an hour in length. The seventh period was not limited; it was simply all the time after the close of the sixth. . "These lectures were to begin not later than the second school day after All Samts Day (November 1). 'For the distinction between "ordinary" and "extraordinary" lectures see Eashdall, Vnirersities, I, 207-208; 426-27. These extraordinary lectures of the seventh period were to begin at the latest on the first school day after All Saints Day (November 1). "The "Parva Naturalia" also included On Dreams and Prophesying in Sleep which however was prac- tically never read at medieval universities. The "Parva Naturalia" were considered appendices to the book On the Soul. »Thu8 the bachelors also finished the "New Logic" in two years but alternated with the masters in the books read. 97 Beate Marie de Carmelo. Qui, liabito tractatu diligenti, commimi utilitate inspecta, ad diffiniendum, determinandum et statuen- dum inviolabiliter, sub pena V solidorum tolosauorum Universi- tati predicte applicanda pro qualibet contradictione sen defectu in aliqua infrascriptorum syndico, Universitatis nomine ipsius stip- ulanti, in moduni qui sequitur processerunt. I. Ad promotionem et commodum dicti studii Tolosani dif- flnimus ac statuimus, quod in uno anno, a festo beati Luce evan- geliste usque ad festum beati Joliannis Baptiste, legantur in mane libri Priorum et Posteriorum Aristotelis, alio vero anno libri Topicorum Aristotelis et libri Elenchorum, et sic continue ])V0- cedatur singulis annis. Libros tamen, qui eodem anno debent legi, diversis annis alternatim incipiendo, a festo beati Joliannis usque ad festum beati Luce. Legantur uno anno quinque libri Ethicorum, et alio anno alii quinque per ordinem, et tertio anno liber de Anima. Delude sicut prius circulando procedatur ])re^ dictos libros legendo complete. II. Item, statuimus, quod post lectionem matutinam, a festo beati Luce usque ad festum beati Joliannis, legantur singu- lis annis complete prinio tres libri veteris Logice, delude Pris- cianus minor. A festo beati Joliannis usque ad festum beati liUce, legantur dicta hora libri sex Principiorum cum libro Di- visionum Boecii vel cum tribus primis libris Topicorum Boecii per ordinem, cum hoc complendo, si quid de Prissciano minori incompletum remanserit in ordinario procedenti. III. Item, immediate post lectiones magistrorum legantur tractatus de mane per bacallarios a magistris deputatos bis solum in anno, scilicet semel a festo beati Luce usque ad festum Pascbe, et semel ab octabis Pasche usque ad festum beati Luce, si tamen in festo Pasche fuerint completi ; ita quod, postquam tractatus in principio yemis incepti fuerint, de cetero non incipiantur iterum in paschali tempore, donee completi fuerint pro yeine terminati. IV. Item, de physica reali legantur extraordinarie complete libri qui sequuntur per magistros regentes in dicto studio sen per alios suflflcientes magistros sen bacalarios a magistris regenti- bus ad hoc deputatos. — Primo anno legatur liber Phisicorum. — (587) 98 Secundo anno liber de Generatione et corruptione, et primi libri naturales qui sequntur, scilicet liber de Sensu et de sensato, liber de Memoria et reniiniscentia, liber de Sompno et de vigilia, liber de Causis longitudinis et brevitatis vite, liber de Morte et vita, respiratione et expiratione, juventute et senectute, liber de Causa motus animalium, liber de Progressu animalium. Et isti qui spectant ad secundum annum sunt de forma ]3ositi loco quorum- dam aliorum, qui modicum utilitatis videbantur habere. — Tertio anno legantur libri de Celo et mundo, Metheororum. — Quarto anno Metaphisica Aristotelis. Deinde sicut prius in quolibet quadriennio circulando procedatur. Et ad tardius magistri ten- enantur incipere dictos libros singulis annis prima die legibili post festum Omnium Sanctorum. V. Item, bacallarii, qui per magistros singulis annis ad hoc deputentur, teneantur quolibet anno coniX)lete legere illos libros de nova Logica, qui pro anno non spectant ad ordinarium magis- trorum, scilicet uno anno librum Topicorum Aristotelis et librum Elencorum, alio vero anno librum Priorum et Posteriorum, ut proficere ac studere cogantur; et ad tardius teneantur incipere dictos libros secunda die legibili post festum Omnium Sanctorum, (^uilibet autem audientium dictos libros nove Logice a bacallariis antedictis teneatur eisdem pro salario solvere, pro libro Topicor- um VIII denarios turonenses; pro libro Elencorum IIII denarios turonenses; pro libro Priorum VI denarios turonenses; pro libro Posteriorum sex denarios turonenses; ita tamen quod, quamvis dicti scolares predictos denarios non solverent, nichilominus dicti bacallarii ad predictos legendos et comj)lendos modo premisso, sub pena prius posita, teneantur. VI. Item, dicti bacallarii teneantur legere Logicam veterem quolibet anno, quando Priscianum minorem in suo extraordi- nario finiverint, in hora eadem in qua dictum Priscianum lege- bant. VII. Item, totum tempus, quod est post commestionem usque ad primam pulsationem none, tempore non quadragesimali, sit bacallariorum ad conferendum vel alia faciendum, que sibi et magistris utilia vidcbuntur. Totiur. vero tem])us a ju'ima pulsa- (588) 99 tioue none nsqne ad pnlsationem extraordinarii doctornm legnni, assignetur bacallariis ad legendnm de nova Logica. Totum vero .sequens tempns cedat lectnre extraordinarie magistrorum. In (Quadragesima tamen totnm tempus, quod est post repetitiones lectionmn usque ad commestionem, sit bacallariorum ad conferen- dum et alia faciendum, que sibi et magistris utilia videbuntur. liectura vero bacallariorum de nova Logica liabeat tempus im- mediate post commestionem usque ad pnlsationem extraordinarii doctornm. Totum vero sequens tempus cadat lecture magistror- um. Nee magistri lioram bacallariorum seu scolares horam magis- trorum impedire presumant, nee alios actus a predictis sub dicta pena prefatis lioris exercere. VIII. Item, cum legetur lectio de Pliisica reali (vel) libri consimilis deputati a magistris, ut eis affectuosius ac diligentius intentatur, cum etiam legetur lectio de nova Logica per aliquem bacallariorum in liora prius bacallariis assignata, nullus alius actus in eisdem scolis nee aliis ejusdem facultatis exerceatur, nisi lectio de consimili libro. IX. Item, pro lectura realis pliisice tribuatur quolibet anno certa sumnia recompensanda nmgistro legenti, si solum uniis legerit, vel pluribus si plures realeni phisicam legerint. Que summa ab omnibus baccallariis et repetitoribus necnon etiam a scolaribus pro reali pliisica audienda sufficientibus colligatur, quando magistro legenti placuerit, per aliquos ab eodem ad hoc deputatos quolibet yeme, cum magister librorum phisice incep- erit, et dicta summa eidem magistro tribuatur, scilicet a (juolibet predictorum audientium seu non audientium, audire tamen suffi- cientium II solidus turonensium. Ad (pios solvendos omnes pre- dicti per rectorem, si oportuerit, compellantur. Nee diet! magis- tri facere possint gratiam dictis bacallariis, repetitoribus vel scolaribus super predictis II solidis turonensibus, nisi inipoten- tiani propter paupertatem allegent, quani teneantur asserere, fide data. X. Item, magistri in artibus teneantur disputare ad minus semel in septimana, incipiendo disputationem ad tardius in prima pulsatione none, si tempus quadragesimale non fuerit, in Quad- (589) 100 ragesima vero statim post comestionem. Et in tota ilia die post ceptam disputationem, nullns alius actus in eisdem scolis nee in aliis ejusdem facultatis exerceatur, quousque disputatio com- pleta fuerit; et disputationi magistrali bacallarii et repetitores teneantur interesse complete, nisi causa rationabilis eos excuset, ut per hoc ipsi proflciant et scolares exemplo eorum ad simile inclinentur. XI. Item, quilibet magistrorum determinet questionem quam disputabit, antequam iterum clisputet. Bacallarii vero et repetitores teneantur interesse determinationi complete, nisi ex- cusationem legitimam liabeant, ne determinationes propter defec- tum audientium omittantur, [ct cetera.] (590) APPENDIX II. Survivals of the Ancient Classics, circa 1225 to 1325. The following are some illustrations to show that in spite of the general decadence of the classics during this period they Avero still known and read by some students and savants in iso- liited places throughout western Europe. I. France. (1) In France the most interesting of such solitary classi- cists was Vincent of Beauvais, a Dominican monk (d. 1261). He had exceptional opportunities for the study of the classics for he was tutor of the children of King Louis IX and collected for his own use a large number of manuscripts in the library of the Sainte-Chapelle at Paris. Whatever may have been the spirit in which he studied the ancient authors, his wide acquaintance with them cannot be denied. It is astounding to read the list of books of antiquity which he quotes or mentions in his vast encyclopaedia, the Speculum Aluudi} (2) Etienne de Bourbon was also a Dominican monk who had been a student at Paris about 1220 and who wrote about 1260. From his Avorks it is evident that he was acquainted with at least the following authors: Cicero, Pliny the Elder, Seneca. Macrobius, Ovid and Lucan.- (3) At the Bibliotheque Xationale, MS. Lat. 17003, is a codex of the thirteenth centurj^ originally from Notre Dame whicli is a kind of antliology containing extracts from many ^Boutaric, "Vincent de Beauvais et la Connaissance de I'Antiquite Classiquc an Treizieme Siecle," in Rev. des Quest. Hist., XVII, S-57. "Lecoy de la Marche (ed.), Anecdotes Historiqucs . . . d'Eticiiiie de Bourbon. p. xiv. (591) 102 clasyical aiitliory, such as Ovid, Horace, Juvenal, Persiiis, Mar- tial, Petronins, Virgil, Terence, Sallust, Cicero, Quintilian, Sen- eca, Plautus, Anlus Gelliiis, Caesar and Suetonius." MS. Lat. 13582, fol. 164-1(>7 (IStli century or first half of the 14th) also contains such extracts. Whether these had any connection witli the University of Paris in the thirteenth century is hard to tell. In 1276 the University of Paris issued a decrcQ that all mas- ters and bachelors were forbidden to read in private any books except logical and grammatical works.^ This may have been aimed against tlie reading of the classics but more probably it was to be a safeguard against heresies such as the Averroism of Siger de Brabant and his followers."* (4) At Toulouse there is a student's note-book of the thir- teenth century containing comments on the first book of the Georgics of Virgil and on a fragment of Seneca. No name or place is given.*' (5) The pseudo-lloetliius, Dc Disciplhm l^cJioJar'nim, a tract written by a monk of Brabant in the thirteenth century, and which mentions the University of Paris, recommends to students the following authors: Seneca, Lucan, Virgil, Statins, Horace. Persius and Ovid/ II. Germany. (1) There is reason for believing that at Erfurt in Ger- many there was a classical school something like that at Or- leans.- Nicolaus de P)ibera, a cleric at Erfurt, in his Carmen satirionih (1281-1283), mentions the following classical authors: Ovid, Juvenal, Terence, Horace, Persius, Plautus, Virgil and 'Delisle, Inventaire des MSS. Latins de Notre Dame et d'aiitrcs Fonds, ~s. See also Philologns, 27 (1868), 152-157; Wollflin, "Eine neue Handschrift des Tibull." ^Denifle et Chatelain, Cliartitlariiun, I, 538. ^See Mandonnet, Siger de Brabant. "Catalogue General des MSS. Tome VII, Paris, 1885, p. 459, no. 811 (I 324). ^Printed in Migne, Patrologiae Lat. 64, 1223-1238. Teuffel and Schwabe, His- tory of Roman Literature, II, 515. Dcnifle, Die Universitdten, I, 759, n. 20. '■'Denifle, Die Universitdten, I, 404, 408, 758, n. 19, 761. (592) 103 Lucan." Very probably Henri d'Andeli in his Battle of the Seven Arts was thinking of Erfurt when he says toward the end of his poem that in Germany the classics still had a home.^" (2) The Lahorinthus, a poem written probably before 1250, but after 1212, recites a large number of classical writers with whom the author, a school-master, was familiar.^ ^ The Lahorin- thus is usually ascribed to Eberhard of Bethune, the author of tlie Graecismus (1212), but Thurot believed he had found suffi- cient evidence to prove that the Eberhard who wrote the Labor- intJiys was a German.^- (3) In 1280, Hugo of Trimberg, a school-master of Bam- berg, wrote his Registruin midtoriim aiictorum. a long list of books with which he says he was familiar.^ ^ He names the fol- lowing classical writers: Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Sallust, Cicero, pTuvenal, Persius, Seneca, Lucan, Statins and Terence, and tries to arouse enthusiasm for them because he says that in his day they have been neglected.^ ^ (4) Conrad of Mure was canon and chief eantor of the "Nicolai de Bibera, Cannen Satiricuiu, (ed., Th. Fischer), vv. 35-44. These lines have been conveniently reprinted by Gottlieb, Uber Mittelalterlichc Bibli- olheken, 446. ""Li Breton & li Alemant Font encore .]. poi son commant." vv. 446-47, Heron, Oeuvres de Henri d'Andeli, 59. ^'^Laborintus, Tertius Tractatus, de J^ersificatione ; Leyser, Historia Poefaniui ei Poematum Medii Aevi, 825-831. This extract has been reprinted in Fabricius, Bibliotheca Latina Mediae et Infiiuae Aetatis, II, 487, but more conveniently in Gott- lieb, iJber Mittelalterliche Blbliothekeu, 443. See also Franke, Znr Gcschichtc dcr Lateinischen Schiilpoesie, 23. ^'Thurot, "Documents relatif a I'histoire de la poesie latine au moyen age," in Couiptes reiidus Acad, des Inscript. et Belles Lettres. (1870), p. 259. Grober. Gnindriss, II, pt. I, 389, accepts his conclusion as stated by Haureau, Notices ct Extraits de quelques Manuscrits Latins de la Bibl. Nat.. IV, 281. "Hugo von Trimberg, Registruin Multornni Anctoniin (ed. Huemer). ""Per experientiam rcrum tamen cerno Crebris cogitatibus metunique discerno. Quod omne vetus studium perit accedente moderno." (Praefatio), vv. 28-30. Huemer, 15. (593) 104 i-liiircli of Zurich about 1275. In his FahiiJarius he discusses the fables of the ancient poets in alphabetical order and discloses a remarkable acquaintance with classical literature. ^^ III. England. r (1) Roger Bacon (d. 1292 or 1294), although an English- man, spent ]nuch of his life in France. He had read at least from Servius, Lucan, Juvenal, Statins, Horace and Persius, and in all probability was well versed in many other classical books.^'" (2) In the British Museum there is a chronicle of the his- tory of the Avorld, dated 1270, ^^•hich cites a remarkably large number of classical authors. ^^ (3) Ralph de Diceto, Dean of St. Pauls of London, (d. 1302), in his Ahhrcriationc.'^ Chroiiiconon, published in the Rolls Series, refers to the following classical authors: Caesar, Sue- tonius, Solinus, Florus, Apuleius, Virgil, Lucan, ^Martial, Statins, Claudian and Vegetius.^^ (4) Nicholas Trivet (12587-1328), an historian and pliilolo- gist who had been a student at Oxford and Paris, commented on Livy, Valerius Maximus, Juvenal, Seneca and Ovid.^" (5) Walter Burley (1275-1345?) was fairly well ac(iuaint- ed with Cicero and other ancient authors.^" (6) Tlie fauHms bibliophile, Richard of Bury (1281-1346). knew most of the books of classical writers as is clear from his ^"Rockinger, Briefsteller nnd Fonnclbiiclier, I, 405. ^"The Greek Gram mar of Roger Bacon, ed. Nolan-lHrsch, 37. See also above, P- 45. n. 59- "Cod. Brit. Mus. Addit. 11413 mcmbr. saec. XV. Gottlieb, Ubcr Miltelaltcrliclie Bibliotheken, 446. "Radulfi de Diceto Decani Lundonieiisis Opera l/istorira. Jbbrc-viatinnes Chron- icorum, Vol. I, 3-263, cd. Stubbs, 1876. See also Gottlieb, Ubcr Miftclalfcrlichc Bibliotheken. 447. ^"Hisfoire Lilfcraire de la France. XXTV. 393. Dictionary of Xational Biocj- raphy. ■"Pictiouiiry of Xational Biography. Voigt, Die Jt'icderbclebung dcs Classi^- cheii Altcrthums. 1, 27- (594) 105 Philohiblion. He met Petrarch at Aviguoii in 1333 but he never shared Petrarcli's great enthusiasm for the classics.-^ IV. Italy. During this period the classics were neglected in Italy about as much as elsewhere. The trouvere Henri d'Andeli, who knew only lawyers and dlctatores from Lombardy, saw no hope for the ancient authors in Italy.^^ Nevertheless, here as well as in the rest of Europe, the classics were studied by some, long- before the days of Petrarch. The renowned Italian poet Jacob of Todi (d. 1306) in his Rmunzia del Mondo said a sad farewell to his beloved classics, especially the sweet melody of Cicero.^^ He was the contemporary of men like Albertino Mussato, Bru- netto Latini, Dante, and other well-known precursors of the Ital- ian revival of classical learning.-^ In conclusion it may be noted that the well-known Latin student songs, the so-called Carnuna Bnrand. many of whicli date from the thirteentli century, are full of classical allusions and humanistic feeling.-^ "^Voigt, Die Wiederbelebimg. II, 248. ""Li Breton & li Alemant Font encore .j. poi son commant ; Mes se li Lombart le tenoient, Icil le par estrangleroient." vv. 446-49, Heron, Oetivres de Henri d'Andcli. 59. "'"lassovi le scritture antichc, die mi eran cotanto amiche, et le Tulliane rubriche, che mi fean tal melodia/' Norden, Die Antike Kunstprosa. II, 738. ^Korting, Gcschichtc dcr Litcratur Italiciis. Ill, 302 ff: Norden, Die Aniikc Kuiisfprosa, II, 736-7Tig', Voigt, Die ]Viederbelcbniui. I, 11-19; Sand\'S, A History of Classical Scholarshit>, I, 610-616. ^"Carmina Biirana. ed. Schmeller, Stuttgart, 1847. 3rd ed. 1894. Selected poems translated into English In- Symonds, in Wine. IJ'oiiicii and Song: see also the bilv liography appended in Symonds, and ]\[(>]inicr, Sources de I'lfistoirc de France. II, 210. (595) APPENDIX III. The Text-Book '^' Alexander'^ Used at Toulouse and Other Universities of Southern France. The writings of Alexander of Villedieu have caused a great deal of diflfleulty. Thurot and Reichling, in the works cited above, p. 37, n. 20, have done much to clarify- matters but many hard problems still remain. It is rather strange that the bt)ok called Alexander, which is the topic of discussion here, has never attracted the attention of these and other scholars, for its very name suggests Alexander of Villedieu. It will be necessar}^ to discuss in detail some of his known works. Soon after the appearance of the Doctriuale he composed another metrical work, the EccJesiale, which treats of the art of determining church festivals, of ritual, canon law and other ecclesiastical matters. It is not a grammatical book and there- fore does not concern us except as a factor in determining other data.^ The author himself says in one of his writings that lie drew the material for both the Doctriuale and the EvcJesiale from a previous work of his own.- He probably referred to the ency- clopaedic work wliich he began with his two companions at Paris."^ In the prologue to tlie Doctriuale it is suggested tliat it should be read after the Mpliahetum luiiuis and then, wlioever 'Reichling, Das Doctriuale, Einleitung, xxxviii. The unique MS. of the Ecdcsialc is at the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS. Lat. 14927. ""Quae doctrinale sunt scripta vel ecclesiali Libro cuncta fere fuerunt contcnta priore." From the so-called Alphahetum mains quoted by Thurot, Dc Alcxandri dc Villa Dei Doctriitali, 14, from Bibl. Nat. MS. Lat. 7682 /\, fol. 88. ''See above, p. ;}/. (596) 107 wished to continue reading the books of Alexander, should read his Alphabetum mains} Evidentl}'^, then, Alexander had writ- ten two other works which he called Alphahetum minus and maius respectively.^ About the former nothing further is known except its mcip'it cited by one of the glossators of the Doctrinale.^ The Alphabetum mains i)robably was that portion of the large encyclopaedic work above mentioned {-p. 37) which dealt with grammar.^ It was in prose and, as we have just seen, had furnished the chief materials for the Doctrinale. Later, Alex- ander set about transforming even the Alphahetum mains into verse form, at least in part. Such materials as were already in- corporated in the Doctrinale or the Ecclesiale were omitted in this new work. Today two manuscripts are extant which have the title Alphahetum maius, one at Paris^ and the other at Bruges.^ Both plainly state that Alexander of Villedieu is the author. Unfor- tunately I have been unable to compare the MSS. closely but they seem to be very similar. That at Bruges is carefully writ- ten and apparently is somewhat longer than the one at Paris. The^'^ Alphahetum maius'' of these two MSS. is in the form of a glossary. It contains, however, not merely the definitions of words but also synonyms and all the grammatical accidents of a word as case, gender, declination, together with its derivation.^ "^ ^"Post Alphabetum minus haec doctrina legetur; Inde leget maius, mea qui documenta sequetur ; Iste fere totus liber est extractus ab illo." Doctrinale, Prooeiniiun, vv. 26-28, Reichling, Das Doctrinale, 8. "For an interesting gloss on the Doctrinale, dated 1301, which takes up the question of these two books and shows that they cannot be the grammars of Donatus and Priscian, see Delisle, "Maitre Yon," in Hisfoire Littcraire dc la France, XXXI, 7. "Reichling, Das Doctrinale, Einleitung, xxxv. 'Reichling, Das Doctri)iale, Einleitung, xxxiii. 'Bibl. Nat. MS. Lat. 7682 A, fol. 88 ff. (13th cent.). 'Bruges MS. 544 (probably also 13th century). "See the Prologue, vv. 44-70, the most significant portions of wliich have been printed from the Paris MS. by Thurot. De '4le.Yandri de Villa Dei Docirinali, 13. (597) 108 It seems to have been designed as a hand-book and dictionaiy to supplement the Doctrinale. A lengthy prologue in verse explains the nature of the ^"^ Glossary/' The author says that it does not differ much from an earlier book of his except that the greater part of it is in verse whereas the former is in prose.^^ After the prologue comes the dictionary arranged alphabetically in such a way that vowels come first and the consonants follow, thus: a, e, i, o, u, b, c, d, f, etc. The first fifty lines or more are in regu- lar verse form with the words defined written in the margin.^ ^ After that, throughout the remainder of the work, most of the definitions are in ])rose, but scattered all through are some in verse, like tlie following defining the seven liberal arts: "Tres sunt gramatica dialectica retoricamque lunge, magistralis has tres trivium vocat usus lungis arismetice geometriam subit inde Musica quadrivium tibi perficit astronomia."^^ It seems as if Alexander realized that it would not be feasible to try to write all or even most of his '' Glossanf' in verse and that therefore he resorted to tliat form only here and there. Indeed, as we have just seen, he had stated in the prologue tlmt he would employ it only so far as he saw fit. Perha]js, too, he was not able to carry out his original intentions and therefore incorporat- ed verbatim into this new work much of the earlier prose treatise. Although both manuscripts of the ''GJossurff' call it tlie Al- phahetum maiits nevertheless this title gives rise to difficulties. We have seen tliat Alexander had thus named the prose work which served as the basis for this semi-metrical glossary. It is ""Istius est operis eadem sententia primo ; Sed tamen in verbis multum variatur ab illo ; Prosaque quod dat ibi, volo versibus hie reserari Ex magna parte, prout esse videbo necesse, Auxilioque metri poterit levins retineri " Quoted by Tliurot, Dc Alex, dc ]'. D. Doctriiiali, 13. ''The Bruges manuscript has about ^7 more such lines than the manuscript at Paris. '■'Bruges MS. 544, see under the words ortcs libcralcs. Where such dcrmi- tions in verse occur the word defined is usually found in the margin except when the defmition consists of one line only. (59S) 109 of course possible tliat lie gave to the ''Glossarif' as we have it the same title which the prose work had had and called them both Alphahetitm maius}'^ However, in the prologue to the ''Glossary'' he does not give it a name although he named both the Doctrinale and Ecclcsiale in their prefaces. Two glosses of the Doctrinale, one dating from the thirteenth centurj^, call the "Glos- sm^y'' of Alexander, the Correptio Prisciani, because, they say, it corrects Priscian in many places.^ ^^ This would make it seem probable that the ''Glossary"' had no definite name because Alex- ander himself had not given it one and that the title Alphahetum makis of our manuscripts was arbitrarily affixed to them by the scribes.^*^ "This is Reichling's theory. Das Doctrinale. Einleitung, xxxiii. ^^Reichling, Das Doctrinale, Einleitung, xxxiv ; Thurot, Notices et Extraits, XXII, pt. 2, 511. "Thurot and Reichling do not agree as regards the Alphabetiiin tnaitis. THurot, De Alex., 16, believes that it was the large encyclopaedic prose work from which the Doctrinale, the Ecclesiale zwd the metrical "Glossary" were all drawn. The "Glossary" found in the Paris MS. 7682 A and entitled Alphabetum mains he thinks has been falsely named. He regards the great bulk of it as a mere abridge- ment of the original metrical "Glossary" (which he considers lost) of which some verses have here and there been retained. Although he briefly mentions the Bruges MS. (Notices et Extraits, XXII, pt. 2, 30, quoting from Laude, Catalogue des Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque de Brtiges, 477) and speaks of its title as "evidemment fautif," he probably never saw it. Reichling, Das Doctrinale, Einleitung, xxxiii, holds that the original Alpha- betum mains, which Alexander mentions in the Doctrinale, was not the large en- cyclopaedic work, but simply that portion of it which pertained to grammar alone ; that from this prose Alphabetum Alexander wrote the metrical "Glossary" which he likewise called Alphahetum mains; that the MS. 7682 A of Paris contains only the prologue and a small fragment of the versified "Glossary" (referring to the fifty odd lines of solid verse following the prologue), the rest of the Paris MS. being the untouched portion of the original prose Alpliahetum niaiiis. He does not mention the Bruges MS., having overlooked the brief notice of it given by Thurot. On p. xxxiv he criticizes Thurot for having overlooked the greater portion of the Paris MS., which criticism is misdirected for Thurot, Not. et Extr., Ti6, expressly states that he considers that portion an abridgement in prose of the metrical "Glossary," several verses of the original having been retained. Aly opinitHi is that the two MSS. in question contain the "Glossary" in the shape in which Alexander left it, partly prose, partly verse. The Bruges copy seems to ])c a revised and a bettor edition. .\s stated in the text. T ap,ree with (599) 110 It will be well to summarize the works of Alexander thus far discussed : (1) An encyclopaedic prose work from which the material for the other books was drawn. This is not known to be extant today. (2) The Alphaheium mains in prose, which contained those portions of the previous work that pertained to grammar. It also has not come down to us. (3) The famous Doctrinale in verse drawn largely from the Alphabet um maius. (4) The Eccleskile, also in verse. Not a grammatical treatise. (5) The AJphahctiDii in'uui-s, an elementary treatise on grammar whicli has been lost. (6) A ''Glossary''- or grammatical dictionary partly in verse, based on the prose Alphahetum mains. It is preserved in two MSS., one at Paris, the other at Bruges, both of which give it tlie title Alphahetum mains. No name, however, was assigned to it by the author himself in the prologue or conclusion of the work. Two glosses of the Doctrinale refer to it as the Correptio Prisciaiii. The title, therefore, is doubtful.^" Both Thurot and Eeichling point out that although the Doc- trinale became so very popular, all the other writings of Alex- ander had fallen into almost complete oblivion as early as the middle of the thirteenth century. ^^ So little was known of tliem that commentators on the Doctrinale often identified the Alpha- hetum minus and maius with Donatus and Priscian respective- ]y.^^ Thurot (as against Reichling) that the work has been given a false title, with- out however subscribing to his reasons therefor. The superscription in the Bruges MS. — Mag. Alexandri Alphahetum vialus — ^was plainly added by a later hand. The two MSS. deserve a closer study which would probably help to solve the rela- tionship between the original Alphabetu>n maius and the semi -metrical "Glossary.'' "Alexander wrote a few more minor works but they do not concern us here. See Reichling, Das Doctrinale, Einleitung, xli. '^Thurot, Notices et Extraits, XXII, pt. 2, 29: Reichling. Das Dnrtriiialc. Ein- leitung, xl. "See above, p. 107, n. 5. (600) Ill There is, however, reason to believe that the "GJossarif of Alexander was used extensively during the fourteenth and fif- teenth centuries at some universities of southern France. The program of study for the University of Toulouse, dated 1328, prescribed the following books for instruction in gram- mar: Priscian, Doctrinale, Alexander and Ehrardus.-^ The same quartette is mentioned in statutes of the University of Perpignan^^ and in several other statutes of Totilouse. Very j)robably Alexander is the name of a text-book of grammar or the author of such a book. The natural inference would be that the Alexander was the famotis Doctrinale, were it not that that work of Alexander of Villedieu is included in the list. The book Alexander is also listed in several inventories of students' books coming from the universities of Toulouse,^^ Perpignan,-" and Avignon,^^ all of which goes to show that it must have been in common use at those universities of southern France. Beyond these meagre notices nothing more can be learned about the enigmatical Alexander. There is a bare possibilit}^ that it refers to the Alexander of Gautier de Lille.-'' However, according to the program of Toulouse just referred to, the mas- ters in grammar were to read Priscian, the Doctrinale and Alex- ander in the morning and in the afternoon Ehrardus, de Histor'n>i Alexandria etc.^*' It seems altogether probable that the phrase, de Historiis Alexandri, refers to the Alexandreis of Gautier and that therefore another explanation must be sought to determine the identity of our Alexander. May not the text-book Alexander have been the "Glossary"' ^"Fournier, Stattits, I, 501. By Ebrardtis is meant the Graecismns of Eberharcl of Bethune. See above, pp. 50 ff. "'Fournier, Statiits, II, 678. "Fournier, Statiits, I, 794 [67] (A. D. I435)- ''Fournier, Statuts, II, 689 (A. D. c. 1400). 'Tournier, Statiits, II, 458 [140], 460 [35] (A. D. 1453). °''See above, p. 24. Pierre Vidal, Ilistoirc dc la J'Ule dc Pcrpicjiiaii. 293, hap- pening upon the title Alexander in an inventory of hooks says, note 2, "C'est sans doute le roman d'Alexandre, ou la Geste d'Alissnndre, attribuee a Thomas de Kent." '"See above, p. 50. (601) 112 of Alexander of Villedieu as found today in the MSS. of Paris and J^ruges and there named Alphaljctum mmus? Althougli all the evidence is circumstantial there is much in favor of this hypothe- sis. In all probability the Alexander was some kind of a gram- matical treatise since it is always mentioned along with the well- known grammars Prisciaii, the Doctrinale and the Graecismus. It has been shown that the '^Glossary'' of Alexander of Villedieu did not have a definite title. In the south of France the}^ may well have called it simply Ale.i-andcr after the author of the well- known Doctrinale. The passage has already been quoted in which Alexander of Villedieu advises his readers to supplement the Doctrinale by his Alphahetnm mains.-'' Since the ''Glo.smrjf in question was drawn almost entirel}^ from that prose work it surely in like manner was designed to supplement the Doctrinale. Now in the programs of both Toulouse and Perpignan, the lec- tures on the Doctrinale preceded those on the Alexander which seems to indicate that the latter was to amplify the former. In the universities of southern France grammar was studied more extensively than in any other part of Europe which may account for the fact that the Alexander was read there and not elsewhere. It may therefore be assumed with a high degree of probabil- ity that in addition to the Doctrinale the ^'Glo.^.^ari/^' of Alexander of Villedieu called Alexander, was an important grammatical text-book at some medieval universities.^^ "'See above, p. 107, n. 4. ■''I take this opportunity to thank again Professor C. Molinier of the Univer- sity of Toulouse who has done me the favor of searching at Toulouse for MSS of the Alexander but without success. (602) BIBLIOGRAPHY I. PRIMARY SOURCES. I. Manuscript Sources Alexander of Villedieu. Alphabetuiii Maius (so-called), (i) Bibliotheque Na- tionale, MS. Lat. 7682 A, fol. 88 ff., "Incipit maius alphabetum magistri alex- ander villa dei de expositionibus dictionum." (2) Bruges MS. 544. "Magis- tri Alexandri Alphabetum maius" (written by a later hand). Alexander of Villedieu. Ecclesialc. Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. Lat. 14,927, fol. 164 v° ff. John Garland. Clavis coiiipendii. (i) Bruges MS. 546, fos. 25 r°-42 v° ; (2) Gonville and Caius College MS. 136, p. 166 ff; (3) Ibid., MS. 385, p. 271 ff. John Garland. Compendium grainmatice. (i) Gonville and Caius College MS. 38s, p. 211 ff; (2) Ibid., MS. 593, P- 54 ff; (3) Bruges MS. 546, fos. 89 r°-i45 v°, (here wrongly entitled "Ais versificatoria.") John Garland. — Accentarius. (i) Gonville and Caius College MS. 385, p. 68 ff; (2) Bruges MS. 546, fos. 53 \° -77 r° (entitled, Ars lectoria ecclesiae). John Garland. Morale Scholariujii. (i) Bruges MS. 546, fos. 2-12 r° ; (2) Gonville and Caius College MS. 385, pp. 302-316; (3) Bodleian. MS. Rawlin- son G. 96, pp. 154-176. (This third copy I have not seen). John Garland. Parisiana poetria. Bruges MS. 546, fos. 149-174 v°. "Incipit Parisiana poetria magistri Johannis anglici de Garlandia de arte prosaica. metrica et rithmica et sumitur titulus a prima fronte libri." Anonymous Vocabulary. Its incipit reads, Sacerdos ad altare occessurus. Gon- ville and Caius College MS. 385, pp. 7-67. On title page wrongly ascribed to John Garland by a later hand, thus : "Dictionarius magistri Johannis de Gar- landia cum commento." 2. Printed Sources. Alexander Neckam. De Natiiris Renuu, ed. by T. Wright, London, 1863 (Rolls Series). Since Alexander Neckam was one of the great intellectual lights at Paris in the last quarter of the twelfth century his works are valuable for that critical period when universities were taking definite form. Much must still be done to make all his l)ooks accessible. The work that has been done is cited by Haskins, "A List of Text-Books from the Close of the Twelfth Centun,-," in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, XX ( 1909), 79 n. 3. (603) 114 Alexander of Villedieu. Das Doctrinale des Alexander de Villa Dei, ed. by D. Reichling, Berlin, 1893 (In Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica, XII). The standard critical edition of this famous grammatical text-book, accompanied by an excellent introduction and a list of MSS. and printed editions. This list is by no means complete and many additions have al- ready been made by scholars, especially Delisle of Paris. See the very thorough revievir by G. Paris in Romania, XXIII (1894), 588-594. AuvRAY, L. "Documents Orleanais du Xlle et du Xllle Siecle extraits du Formu- laire de Bernard de Meung," Orleans, 1892. Extract from Memoires de la Socicte Archeologique de I'Orleanais, XXIII. Throw^s light on the early history of the ars dictaniinis at Orleans. Bacon Roger. Opera quaedam hactenus inedita, ed. by J. S. Brewer, London, 1859, (Rolls Series No. 15). Contains the Opus tertiniii, Opus minus, Compendium philosophiae, with a good introduction. Was instrumental in arousing interest in Roger Bacon which has grown steadily ever since. Bacon^ Roger. Opera quaedam hactenus inedita, ed. by J. S. Brewer, London, 1859. Oxford, 1897. New ed. (1900) with a supplementary volume containing "Re- vised Text of First Three Parts ; Corrections ; Emendations ; and Additional Notes." The standard edition of Bacon's most important work, with an in troduction and a fine abstract in English. Bacon, Roger. The Greek Grammar of Roger Bacon and a Fragment of His Hehrezv Grammar, ed. by E. Nolan, and S. A. Hirsch. Cambridge Univer- sity Press, 1902. Sheds new light on Bacon's attempt to revive the study of Greek, Hebrew and Arabic and to encourage a deeper study of Latin language and literature. Brewer, J. and Bridges, J. See Bacon. Cae.sar of Heisterbach. Dialogus Miraculorum, ed. by Strange, 2 Vols. Paris, 1851. This and other collections of stories or exenipla designed especially for the use of preachers, illustrate many phases of the intellectual life of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. I shall here mention two other fa- mous collections; (i) Exempla of Jacques de Vitry, ed. by T. F. Crane, London, 1890; (2) Anecdotes Historiques . . . d'Etiennc de Bourbon, ed. by Lecoy de la Marche, Paris, 1877, and for further literature on the sub- ject refer to the excellent bibliography by Haskins, in Anicr. Hist. Rez., X, 4, n. 2. Carmina Burana. Lateinische und Deutsche Lieder und Gedichte eiucr Hand- schrift des XHI .fahrhniiderts. ed. by J. A. Schmeller, 3rd ed. Breslau, 1894. The first edition appeared in Bihliothek des Literarischcn Fcreijis in Stuttgart, XVT (1847), 1-275. (604) 115 This renowned collection of medieval Latin student songs shows how classical knowledge and humanistic feeling persisted among the students in an age when the classics were being neglected in the schools. For Eng- lish translations of the choicest songs see Sj'monds, Wine Women and Song, 1884; a new cheaper edition by Chatto and Windus, London, has appeared in 1907. For the most convenient bibliographies on Goliardic literature see p. 206 of this last edition of Symonds, and Molinier, Sources de I'Histoire de France, II, 210. Conrad of Hirschau. Conradi Hirsaugensis Dialogus super auctores sive Didas- coloii. Wiirzburg, 1889. Conrad of Hirschau lived about 1070-1150 and in this work drew up a remarkably long list of classical authors which is valuable for a study of twelfth century humanism. CoRNUTUS. Die Disticha Cornuti, audi Cornutus odcr Distiginni dcs Joh. v. Gar- landia genannt, iind der Scholiast Cornutus mit deni text des Cornutus anti- quus mid novus. Program der Kgl. Studien Anstalt, Strassburg. ed. by H. Liebl. Straubing, 1888. One of the popular Latin reading books which were called actores from the thirteenth century onward. It is usually ascribed to John Garland. Delisle^ L. Le Formulaire de Trcguier et les Ecolicrs Bretons dcs Ecoles d'Or- leans au Coininenceinent du XlVe Siccle. Orleans, 1890. Also found in Mem. de la Societc Archcol. — hist, de I'Orleanais, XXIII (1892), 41-64, and in a somewhat abridged form in Histoire Litteraire de la France, XXXI (1893), 25 This formulary (Delisle prints in an appendix those letters which refer to the University of Orleans) reveals a large number of new facts about the arts at Orleans during the early fourteenth century. Denifle, H. et Chatelain, A. Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis sub Aus- piciis^ Cousilii Generalis Facultatum Parisiensium ex Diversis Bibliothecis Tabularisque Collegit et cum Authenticis Chartis Contulit H. D. Auxiliante Aem. Chatelain. I, 1200-1286; II, 1286-1350; III, 1350-1394; IV, 1394-1452. Paris, 1889-1897. Aucfariuin Chartularii Vni-vcrsitatis Parisiensis. Liber Procura- torum N^ationis Anglicanae { Aleniaiiiae) in Uniz'crsitate Parisiensis. T, 1333-1406; II, 1406-1466. Paris, 1894 and 1897. This monumental collection of the medieval statutes pertaining to the great French university is the crowning work of the fine scholarship of Denifle. It has l^een much used but not exhausted by all the subsequent writers on medieval universities. Denifle, LT. "Die Statuten der Juristen-LTniversitat Bologna 1317-1347, und deren VerhJiltniss zu jenen Paduas, Perugias und Florenz," in Archil' fi'ir I.ilcraiur- und Kirchengeschichte, III (1887), ^96-397. .•\ preliminary piece of reediting of the sources for Bologna which has since been carried to completion liy Italian scholars, (605) 116 Devic^ C. et Vaissette, J. Histoire Gcncrale dc Languedoc. Toulouse, 1872 ff. 15 Vols. The monumental history of southern France consisting of original sources, notes and running accounts. Vol. VII, 434-619, contains the "Statuts et Privileges de I'Universite de Toulouse (1233-1436)," which have since been republished with many additions by Fournier, Statuts, I. Du Cange, C. Glossarium Mediae et Infimae Latinitatis. Niorti, 1883-87. 10 Vols. The latest editon of this indispensable dictionary of medieval Latin. Eberhard of Bethune. Eberhardus Bethuniensis Graecisiiius. Ad fidem librorum manu scriptorum recensuit, lectionum varietatem adiecit, indices locupletissi- mos et imaginem codicis Melicensis photolithographicam addidit Prof. Dr. Joh. Wrobel. Vratislaviae, 1887. (Corpus graiiniiaticorum medii aevi, Vol. I). This latest edition of the Graecismus is by no means so well edited as the Doctrinale by Reichling. Eberhard. Laborinthus. In Leyser, P., Historia Poetanim et Poeiiiatuiii Medii Aevi, 795-854- This poem which throws much light on the study of the classics dur- ing the thirteenth century is usually ascribed to Eberhard of Bethune, but the author was a German monk named Eberhard. Fjerville, Ch. Une Grammaire Latine Inedite du Xllle Siccle. Paris, 1886. The finding of this grammar, which was written in northern Italy during the second half of the thirteenth century by a certain Caesar, has occasioned a revision of pur knowledge of the teaching of grammar in Italy during that century. Fournier, M. Les Statuts et Privileges des Uitiversitcs Frangaises dcpiiis Icur Fondation jusqu'en 1789. 4 Vols. Paris, 1890-94. This was an ambitious attempt to do for all the other French univer- sities what Denifle was doing for Paris in his Chartulariuiii. The Statuts were edited hastily, which left much room for criticism of all kinds. Denifle and Fournier engaged in a pen-battle on this subject. See Denifle, Les Universites Frangaises au Moyen Age. Avis a M. Marcel Fournier, Paris, 1892. On the whole, this collection has not been utilized by scholars to such advantage as has the Chartulariuiii of Paris. Friedlander, E. and Malagola, C. (eds.) Acta Nationis Gcnnanicac Vniversi- tatis Bononiensis. Berlin, T887. Supplements the Statuti by Malagola. GAUDENzr, A. Statuti [dellc Socicta] del Populo di Bologna de Scculo XIII. 2 Vols. Rome, 1888, 1896. Often the statutes of the city afford glimpses of conditions at the University of Bologna. Gerald de Barrt. Giraldi Cambrensis Opera, ed. by J. S. Brewer. (Rolls Series No. 21). 8 Vols. London, 1861 ff. (606) 117 Although Gerald de Barri was a native of Wales he spent most of his time at Paris and Oxford. He wrote freely about himself and about the intellectual conditions of the days when the great universities were young. His works most useful for our purpose are: (i) De Gestis Giraldi, Vol. I ; (2) Gemma Ecclesiae, Vol. H ; (3) Speculum Ecclesiae, Vol. IV. Germain, A. Cartulaire dc I'Universitc de Moiifpeilier. 1890. These and additional documents relating to the University of IMont- pcllicr are now more conveniently found in Fournier, Statuts. GuERARD, (ed.). Cartulaire de Noire-Dame de Paris. 4 Vols. Paris, 1850 ff. In Collection des Cartulaires de FraJice, Tome IV ff, in CoUectio)i de Docu- ments Incdifs sur I'Histoire de France. This cartulary gives some information about the schools on the is- land of the Seine in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Halm, C. F. fed). Rhetores Latini Minores. Leipzig, 1863. Contains most of the books on formal rhetoric used in the Middle Ages. It is a collection like that of Keil for grammar. Haskins, C. H. "A list of Text-books from the Close of the Twelfth Century." in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, XX (1909), 75-94. Edits the most interesting portion of a treatise giving a list of text books, including many of the ancient classics. It has hitherto been ascribed to John Garland, but from internal evidence Professor Haskins has shown that the tract was in all probability written by Alexander Neckam and reflects conditions at Paris towards the close of the twelfth century. Haureau, B. Notices et E.vtraits de Onelqucs Maniiscrits Latins de la Bibliothc-quc Natio)iale. 6 Vols. Paris, 1890-93. The chief purpose is to bring to light authors of anonymous manu- scripts. Contains many extracts. An invaluable mine of information sup- plementing the Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliotlicque Nationale et Autres Bibliotlicques. Henri d'ANPELi. Oeuvres de Henri d'Andeli. Trouz'cre Normaiid dii NHIe Sicclc. Publiees avec Introduction, Variantes, Notes et Glossaire par A. Heron, for the Societe Rouennaise de Bibliophiles. Rouen, 1880. (Limited edition.) Contains the latest and best edition of The Battle of the Se'Z'vn Arts, a poem which is full of information about the studies at Paris and Orleans about the middle of the thirteenth century. See review by G. Paris in Romania, XI, 137. It supersedes the older edition of the poem by Tubinal. A. Oeuvres Co)nplcfcs de Ruteheuf. 2 Vols. Paris, 1839; 2nd ed. in 3 Vols., Paris, 1874-75. The poem is found in Vol. Ill (Additions.) It was reprinted by Jubinal in a rare little pamphlet entitled La Ouerellc des Ancicns et des Modernes an NHIe Siccle on La Bataille des VH Arts. Paris (F. Henri), 1875. (607) 118 Heron, A. See Henri d'Andeli. Hugo of Trimberg. Regisfruiii Multorum Auctonini, ed. by J. Huemer. Wien. 1888 (Holder). Also found in Sitzungsberichte der Philologisch-Historischeii Classe der k. Akademie der Wissenschaften. Wien, CXVI, I Heft, 145 (1888). A remarkable list of books, including many ancient classics, drawn up by a German schoolmaster in 1280. Jean de Hauteville. Johannis de x\ltavilla Architremius, ed by T. Wright, Anglo-Latin Satirical Poets, I, 240-392. The author of this poem, a Frenchman who spent most of his time in England, gives us some interesting details about the life and work at the University of Paris early in the thirteenth century. John Garland. Johannis de Garlandia De Triumphis Ecclesiae (Latin Poem of the 13th Cent.), ed. by T. Wright. London, 1856. (Roxburghe Club). The best known work of John Garland. Gives us a few facts about his life and the political history of his time, but of no further value for our purpose. An analysis of the poem by Le Clerc ma}^ be found in Histoire Litteraire de la France, XXH, 79-95. John Garland. Poetria Magistri Johannis Anglici de Arte Prosayca, Metrica et Rithniica, in Romanische Forschungen, XHI (1902), 833-956, ed by G. Mari. The portion on "Rithmica" is omitted having been previously edited by Mari in his book, / Trattati Mediezmli de Ritmica Latina, Milano, 1899, 35-80. Rock- inger, Briefsteller, I, 485, also prints extracts from the Poetria. This is a work of John Garland on the ars dictaminis. It is similar to the Parsiana poetria noted among the manuscript sources above. The latter seems to be a more extended work than this printed by Mari. John Garland. Johannis de Garlandia Opuscula, in Migne, Patrologiae Lat., 150, 1575 ff. Contains the Opus Syiionynniiii and fragments of other minor works of John Garland. John Garland. Dictionarius. Li Scheler, Lexicographic ; which see. John of Salisbury. Johannes Saresberiensis Opera Omnia.- Migne, Patrologiae I^at., 199. Paris, 1855. An older edtion of his works is Giles, J. A., Joannis Saresberiensis Opera Omnia, 5 Vols. Oxford, 1848. The works of John of Salisbury are the best sources for the study of the humanism of the twelfth century. The Policraticiis has just been re- edited by C. Webb, Clarendon Press, 1909. Keil, LI. G. T. Grauunatici Latiiii. 7 Vols. Lipsiae, 1855-80 Vols. II and III contain the works of Priscian; Vol. IV those of Donatus. Langlois, Ch. V. "Formulaires de Lettres du Xlle. du Xllle, et du XlVe Siecle;" six articles in Notices et E.vf raits, (i) XXXIV, pt. L 1-32; (2) Ibid.. 305-322: (3 and 4) Ibid., pt. 11, T-29; (5) XXXV, pt. II, 409-434; (6) Ibid.. 79>3-830. Contain collections of material, with introductions, for a history of the (608) 119 ais dictainiiiis in France. The third article, referring to Orleans, is espe- cially valuable. Levser, Polycarpus. Historia Poetaruiii ct Poematiim Medii Aevi. Halae-Mag- deburgi, 1721. A new edition with no changes except on title-page, in 1741. Prints some poems in full and many extracts. Although very old this plump little volume is still indispensable especially for a study of the. Latin poets of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Malagola, C. Statuti delle Vuiversita e dei Collegi dello Studio Bologncsc. Bologna, 1888. Contains the statutes of the University of Bologna, well edited. Mari, G. See John Garland. Matthew Paris. IMatthaei Parisiensis Chronica Majora. 7 Vols., ed. by H. R. Luard, London, 1872 (Rolls Series). This famous chronicle often throws side-lights on intellectual condi- tions on the continent as well as in England during the first half of the thirteenth century. Maximianus. T]ie Elegies of Maxiniiaiius, ed. by R. Webster. The Princeton Press, 1900. The most recent edition with full bibliography to previous editions. The Elegies were written about 600 A. D. and became very popular in the medieval schools, but were often attacked because of their indecencies as for example by Alexander of Villedieu in his Doctrinalc. Muniinenta Academica. or Dociiiuents relative to Acadonical Life and Studies at Oxford, ed. by H. Anstey. 2 Vols., London, 1868. (Rolls Series No. 50). The original documents illustrative of academical and clerical life and studies at Oxford during the Middle Ages. With a lengthy introduction. NicoLAt DE BiBERA. Camieii Satiricuin. ed. by Th. Fischer, in Geschichtsqucllcn der Provins Sachsen. Erstcr Band, Erfurte'' Denknidler, Halle, 1870. A source for the study of the classics in Germany during the thir- teenth centur}'. NoLAN-HiR.scH. See Bacon. N'otices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliothcque Xationale et Aufres Bibti- otJicques. Publics par 1' Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. 2i7 Vols. Paris, 1787-1902. Indexes in Vols. 15 and 30. Those volumes of tliis splendid collection which were especially use- ful arc quoted separately under the ni>mes of their authors. Peter of Blois. Petri Blesensis Opera Omnia. Migne, Patrologiae Lat.. 207. The letters of Peter of Blois are good sources for the humanism of the twelfth century. P.suEDO Boethtus. De Disci f Una Scholariuni. Migne. Patrologiae Lat., 64, 1223-1238. .Far from being written by P.oethius tliis tract was composed in the (609) 120 thirteenth century. It has references to the study of the ancient classics. The University of Paris is mentioned in it. Ralph de Diceto. Radulfi de Diceto Decani Lundoniensis Opera Historica Ab- breviationes Chronicorum. Ed. by W. Stubbs, 1876 (Rolls Series). Reveals exceptional acquaintance with classical books in England about 1300. Ranieri da Perugia. Ars Notaria, ed. by A. Gaudenzi. Bologna, 1890. The earliest of the famous text-books on the ars notaria which flour- ished at the University of Bologna in the thirteenth century. Well edited. Reichling, D. See Alexander of Villedieu. Rockinger, L. Briefsteller iind Foriiielbiicher des Elften bis Vierselintcn Jahrhiuiderts. II Abtheilungen. In Qiiellen zur Bayerischeii mid Dcutschcii Gescliichte. Neunter Band. IMiinchen, 1863-64. Still the best collection of sources for the study of the ars dictaiiiinis. Preceded by a valuable but very diffuse and pedantic introduction. ScHELER, M. A. Lexicographic Latine du Xlle et du Xllle Siccle. Trois Trai'fcs de Jean de Garlande, Alexandre Neckam, et Adam du Pctit-Pont. Leipzig, 1867. Also in Jahrbuch fiir Romanische und Englische Literatnr, von L. Lemcke, VI, 141-162. In a discussion based upon the Dictionarius, the de uteiisiliuni nonii- nibus and Adae Parvipontani of these authors, Scheler presents much new information and makes several good suggestions in regard to the study of the language and literature of the thirteenth century. ScHEPPS, G. See Conrad of Hirschau. Thurot, Ch. Notices et Extraits de divers MSS. Latins pour servir a I'Histoirc des Doctrines Grannnaticales an May en Age. In Notices et Extraits des Manu- scrits dc la Bibliotheque Nationale, XXII, pt. 2. Paris, 1868. A masterpiece of its kind which has served ever since its publication as an important basis for all subsequent works on the study of grammar in the Middle Ages. Wkicht, T. (ed.) Anglo-Latin Satirical Poets. 2 Vols. London, 1872 (Rolls Series). Contains many of the important Latin poems written especially in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, e. g. John of Hauteville's Archi- thrcnius and Alain dc Lille's Anii Chmdianus. VVrobel, J. See Eberhard of Bcthune, (610) 121 II. SECONDARY WORKS. Abelson, p. The Seven Liberal Arts. A Study in Medieval Culture. X. Y., 1906. A doctor's thesis, Columbia University. The most recent treatment of this subject. Contains many new contributions. The author had not seen Appuhn, Das Trivium, and Clerval, Les Ecoles de Chartres. Allbutt, T. C. Science and Medieval Thought. The Harveian Oration, Oct. 18. 1900. London, 1901. A summary of, rather than a contribution to the subject. Appuhn, A. Das Trivium und Quadriviuin in Theorie und Praxis. I Theil, Das Trivium. Erlangen, 1900. A doctor's thesis, University of Erlangen. Pt. II has never ap- peared. The author relies a good deal upon Specht, Geschichte des Un- terrichtsxvesens. but also exhibits a great deal of independent research. Babler, J. J. Beitrdgc zur Geschichte der Lateinischen Gramniatik im Mittelalfer. Halle, 1885. Supplements Thurot, Notices et Extraits, XXII, pt. 2. Barnard, H. An Account of Universities and other Institutions of Superior In- struction in Different Countries. (National Education, Pt. III). Revised ed. Hartford, 1873. Contains translations and reprints, such as (p. 271) "The Universi- ties of the Middle Ages," a translation of Savigny, F. C, Geschichte des Roinischen Rechts im Mittelalter, III, 152-419; and (p. 321) "Universities — Past and Present," a translation of Dollinger, Die Universitdten Sonst und Jetzt. BouRGAiN, L. La Chaire Frangaise an Xlle Siecle, d'aprcs les MSS. Paris, 1879. This book is not so good as Lecoy de la Marche, La Chaire Fran- gaise au Moyen Age. wliich treats the thirteenth century more particularly. These two books on preaching in the Middle Ages have made a vast con- tribution to our knowledge of medieval culture. For the utilization of sermons as sources for university life, see Haskins, ''The Universitj- of Paris in the Sermons of the Thirteenth Century," Amer. Hist. Rev., X, 1-27. BoUTARic, E. J'incent dc Bcauvais, et la Connaissauce de VAntiquitc Classiquc an Treizicnie Siecle. Paris, 1875. Also found in Revue des Questions Histori- ques, XVII, 5-57. The best study of Vincent of Beauvais' knowledge of the ancient classics. Bresslau, H. Handbuch der Vrkundcnlchre fiir Deutschland und Italicn. T, Leip- zig, 1889. For our purpose this splendid manual is useful especially for its sketch of the ars dictaminis and ars notaria. Only one volume has ap- peared. (611) 122 BuDiNSKi, A. Die Universitat Paris uiid die Fremden an derselben im Mittelalter. Berlin, 1876. Reveals the remarkably large number of famous foreign profes- sors and students at the University of Paris. A piece of work that should he followed up for this and other medieval universities. Cantor, M. Vorlesungen iiber Geschichte der Mathematik. 3 Vols. 2nd edition. Leipzig, 1894-1900. The most authoritative general history of mathematics. Vols, i (to 1200) and II (1200-1668) fall within our period. Carre, G. L'Eiueigueinent Secoiidaire a Troves, du Moyeii Age a la Revolution. Paris, 1888. I have had occasion to mention this study which is one of many books of its kind tracing the history of secondary education in various French towns down to 1789. Catalogue General des MSS. des Bibliothcques des Departments. Paris, 1855. Catalogue General des MSS. des Dibliotheques Publiques de France. Paris, i886- 1892. Charles, E. Roger Bacon, sa Vic, ses Ouvrages, ses Doctrines. Bordeaux, 1861. Although old it is still the best biography. Chevalier, U. Repertoire des Sources Historique du Moyen Age. Bio-biblio- graphie. 2 Vols. New edition. Paris, 1905-1907. Clark, V. S. Studies in the Latin of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. X. Y., 1900. A doctor's thesis, Columbia University. Interesting, but covers too wide a field. Clerval, a. Les Ecoles de Chartres au Moyen Age, du I'e an XI'Ic Siecle. Paris, 1895. An excellent monograph on an important subject. Clerval has utilized an enormous amount of unpublished material which throws light on many things of general interest in the intellectual history of the Middle Ages. C^JiMPARETTi, D. I'ergil in the Middle Ages. Tr. by E. Benecke. London, 180S. Presented in a somewhat popular style but scholarly. Studies of the fortunes of other classical books during the Middle Ages would be wel conic. See below, under Manitius. CoAir.WRE, G. Abelard and the Origin and Farly Flistory of rniz'crsilies. X. Y., 1902. .'\ text for schools or for general readers. CuissARi), C. L'Ftude du Grec a Orleans depuis le IXe Siecle jusqu'an Milieu du Xl'IIIc Siecle. Orleans, 1883. In addition to its special topic it throws sonic light on otlier condi- tions of the schools at Orleans, especially in the critical twelfth and thir- teenth centuries. Delegue, R. L'Cniversitc de Paris (1224-1244). Paris. 1902. A short contribution to the external history of the university, (612) 123 Delisle, L. "Les Ecoles d'Orleans an Xlle et au Xllle Siecle," in Aiiuuaire Bul- letin de la Socictc de I'Histoire de France, VII (1869), 139-147. A short but very important study because it revealed the existence of schools at Orleans where the ancient classics and the ars dicta 111 i)iis flour- ished in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Delisle, L. "Alexandre de Villedieu et Guillaume le Moine de Villedieu," in Bibliothcqne de I'Ecole des Chartes. LV (1894), 488 ff. See also LVII (1901), 158 ff. Delisle here describes some manuscripts of the Doctrinale of Alex- ander of Villedieu which Reichling had overlooked. Delisle, L. "Maitre Yon, Grammarien," in Histoire Litteraire de la France, XXXI (1893), 1-21. Prints (on p. 7) a gloss on the Doctrinale which throws light on the works of Alexander of Villedieu. Delisle, L. "Notice sur une Sumnia Dictaininis jadis conservee a Beauvais," in Notices et Extraits, XXXVI, pt. i (1899), 171-205. Contains a good introduction on the ars dictaininis. Delisle, L. "X^ote sur le Dictanien de Poncius Provincialis," in Bulletin de la Soc. Archcol. de I'Orleanais, IV (1862-67), 42. Throws light on the itinerant dictator Ponce of Provence at Toulouse and elsewhere. Delisle, L. Inventaire des MSS. de I'Abbaye de St. Victor conserves a la Bibli- othcque Iniperiale sous les Nunicros 14232-15175, Bonds Latins. Paris, 1869. Delisle, L. Ini'enfaire des MSS. Latins de Xotrc-Danie et d'autres Fonds con- serz'cs a la Bibliothcque Nationale sons les Nos. 16719-18613. Paris, 1871. Delisle, L. Inventaire des MSS. de la Sorbonne, conserves a la Bibliothcque Ini- periale sous les Nos. 15176-16718. Paris, 1870. These inventories are useful for a study of the books, especially the ancient classics, extant at Paris during the Middle Ages. Dexiele, p. H. Die Entstehung der Universitaten des Mittelalters bis 1400. Vol. I. Berlin, 1885. The epoch-making book in the history of medieval universities. A second volume has never appeared. DeWulf, M. Histoire de la Philosopliie Mcdievale. Louvain, 1900. 2nd en- larged edition, 1905. English tr. by Coffey, P. LTistory of Mediaeval Phil- osophy. Longmans, Green & Co. 1910. In form a text-book, but on the whole the best brief account of medieval philosophy. Excellent bibliographies. DeWulf himself has brought the English translation up to date. DeWulf. M. Introduction a la Philosopliie Nco-Scolastique. Louvain and Paris. 1904. English translation by Coffey, P. Scholasticism Old and Xcw. An Introduction to .'scholastic Philosophy Medieval and Modc-n. Dublin and Lon- don, 1907. (613) 124 Contains a remarkable plea for medieval scholasticism, claiming that like Gothic architecture it has been too long neglected because of the sneers of the humanists. Dictionary of National Biography. Ed. by L. Stephen, and S. Lee. 66 Vols. 1885-1901. New cheaper edition, 1909. Du BouLAY, C. E. Historia Universitatis Parisiensis a Carolo M. ad nostra Tein- pora. 6 Vols. Paris, 1665-73. Until superseded by the works of Denifle and Rashdall, this remained the standard history of the great French university. It contains a vast amount of learned lore, ill-arranged however and full of mistakes. Duchesne, L. "Note sur I'Origine du 'ciirsus' ou Rythmic Prosaique," in Bihl. dc VEcole des Charles, L (1889), 161 ff. Ebert, a. Allgemeine Geschichte der Literaiur des Mitfelalters iiii Abendlandc. 3 Vols. Leipzig, 1874-1887. This is usually considered the standard work on medieval literature but it is growing decidedly antiquated and must be checked up constantly by Grober, Sandys, etc. Eckstein^ F. A. Lateinischer Unterricht, in Schmid, Eitcykloplidie des gesamintcn Er^iehungs und Unterrichtszvesens, IV, 204-405. Necessarily brief, but accurate within its limits and accompanied by good bibliographies. Fabricius, J. A. Bibliotheca Latiiia Mediae et Iiifiiiuie ct Aetatis. 6 Vols. Ham- burgi, 1734-46. New edition, 6 Vols, in 3, Pativi, 1754. This old encyclopaedic history of medieval writers is still very useful. Feeder, H. Geschichte der Wissenschaftlichen Studien iiii Franziskancrorden bis uin die Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts. Freiburg im Breisgau, 1904. The latest, most extended and best treatment of the learning of the Minorites in the thirteenth century and their relations with the univer- sities. See especially the third division. Valuable also for the author's appreciation of Robert Grosseteste and Roger Bacon. Fitting, H. Die Anfdnge der Rechtsschule su Bologna. Berlin and Leipzig. rS88. Written on the occasion of the 800th anniversary of the University of Bologna. Useful for our purpose especially for the light cast on the study of law in connection with rhetoric throughout the early Middle Ages. FouLQUES DE ViLLARET, Mlle de. "L'Enscignement des Lettres et des Sciences dans rOrleanais jusqu" a la Fondation de I'Universite d'Orleans," in Mciiioircs dc la Socictc Archeologique et Historique de I'Orlcanais, XIV (1875), 299 fif. One of the earliest studies calling attention to the great importance of Orleans in the intellectual history of northern France during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Much new material has been found since the appearance of this article. Fournier, p. Lcs Officialitcs an Moycn Age; Etudes sur I'Organisation, la (614) 125 Competence et la Procedure des Tribunaus Ecclesiastiques Ordinaires en France, 1 180-1328, 1880. Pt. I, ch. VI, contains an interesting account of notaries at work in the chanceries of church and state. This book is out of print and rather difficult to obtain. FouRNiER, M. Histoire de la Science du Droit en France. 3 Vols. Paris, 1892. Vol. Ill contains an account of French universities and the teaching of law in France in the Middle Ages. FouRNiER, M. "Les Bibliotheques des Colleges de I'Universite de Toulouse," in Bibl. de I'Ecole des Charles, LI (1890), 443-476. FouRNiER, M. "La Bibliotheque de I'Universite d'Orleans," in Noiivelle Revue Historiqiie de Droit Franqais (1890), 143 fif. Such special studies of medieval libraries are all too few at present. These articles should be brought in conjunction with Gottlieb, Uber Mit- telalterliche Bibliotheken, which see, and Becker, G. Catalogi Biblio- thecarum Antiqui. Bonn, 1885. Franke, K. Zur Geschichte der Lateinischen Schulpoesie des XII and XIII JahrliundertSj Miinchen, 1879. Valuable for a study of the ancient classics during these centuries. Gasquet, F. a. "English Scholarship in the Thirteenth Century,'' in The Dublin Revieiv, 123 (1898), 356-373- Discusses especially John of Salisbury, Robert Grosseteste and Roger Bacon. Upholds that the thirteenth century was essentially scientific. The importance of the date 1204 (establishment of the Latin Kingdom in Con- stantinople) for the study of Greek in the West is much exaggerated. Gatien-Arnoult. "Jean de Garlande" in Revue de Toulouse, XXIII (1866), 177- 237- One of the earliest papers which called attention to the importance of the life and work of John Garland. Gaudenzi, a. "Sulla Cronologia delle Opera dei Dettatori Bolognesi da Buon- compagno a Bene di Lucca," in Bullettino del' Istituto Stcrico Italiano. No. 14 Roma (1895), 85-174. The most recent special account of the ars dicta )ninis at Bologna. Although concerned chiefly with the chronology of the life and works of the chief dictatores, Boncompagno, Guido Faba and Bene, Gaudenzi con- tributes also a good deal to the general history of the art. Ghtrardacci. Delia Historia di Bologna. 2 Parts. Bologna, 1596. 1657. This old history of the city of Bologna is full of authentic material on the great law university. Gtesebrecht, G. De Litterarum Studiis apud Ifalos. Berolini, 1845. Was valuable for calling attention especially to tlie study of the classics. in Italy before Petrarch. (615) 126 GiRY, A. Manuel de Dit>lotnatiqiie. Paris, 1894. Useful for the study of the ars dictajiiiiiis and ars notavia. See es- pecially Book V, Les Chancelleries, and Book VI, Ch. I, Les Xotaires Publics. Gottlieb, T. Uber Mittelalterliche Bihliotheken. Leipzig, 1890. Contains brief descriptions of the contents of catalogues of medieval libraries. Although the author says that he has made but a beginning in this work, his book is very solid and useful. However, a good deal more must be done along this line before we can judge accurately the knowledge of the ancient classics during the Middle Ages. See above under Fournier, M. "La Bibliotheque de I'Univ. de Orleans." Graf, A. Roma nella Memoria e iiellc Iiiimagitiazioni del Medio Evo. 2 Vols. Torino, 1882-3. Reveals a good deal of humanistic feeling in the Middle Ages before the time of Petrarch. Grober, G. Grniidriss der Rouianlschen Pliilologie. 2 Vols., 4 parts. Strassburg, 1 888- 1 902. Vol. n, Pt. I, 97-432, contains a survey of Latin literature from the middle of the sixth century to 1350. A standard work famous for its accuracy. GuNTHER, S. Geschichte des Matheniatischeu Unterriclits iin Deutschen Mitfel- alter bis sum Jalire 1525. Berlin, 1887. (Monumeiita Germaniae Paedagog- ica, III). Very scholarly. In its special field it decidedly amplifies Cantor, Vorlesungen, which see. Habel. "Johannes de Garlandia," in Mitteilungen der Gesellschafl fiir deutsche ErziehiingsgescJiichte, 1909. Haskins, C. H. "Life of Medieval Students as Seen in Their Letters," in Amer- ican Historical Re-i'le-a'. Ill, 203-229. Professor Haskins has been very successful in utilizing the numerous extant but for the most part unpublished collections of forms for student letters. Incidentally, in the foot-notes, there are many bibliographical references useful for a study of the ars dictaminis. Haskins, C. H. "The LIniversity of Paris in the Sermons of the Thirteenth Century," in American Historical Revieiv, X (1904), 1-27. See above under Bourgain. PIaupt, M. "Uber das Registrum iimltorurn auctorum von Hugo von Trimberg V. J. 1280)," in Bcricht der Berliner Akademie der Wissenschaften aus dem J (I lire 1854, T 42- 1 64. See above under Hugo of Trimberg. Hahreau, M. "Notices sur les Oeuvres Authentique ou Supposees dc Jean de (iarlande," in Xaticcs ct Pxtraits, XXVIT, pt. 2 (1869), 1-86. Still the best critical study of the works of John Garland. ((3I6) 127 Haureau, B. Histoire de Philosofhie Scolastique. 3 Vols. Paris, 1872-80. Has not been wholly superseded as the standard history of scholasti- cism. Consult, however, the books of De Wulf. Heeren, a. H. L. Geschichtc der Classischen Literatur ini Miftelalter. 2 Vols. Gottingen, 1822. This book which was so useful in the past is practically superseded now by special works of more recent date. Hervieux, L. Les Fabulistes Latins depuis le Siecle d'Augnste jusqu'a la Fin dn Moyen Age. 5 Vols. Paris, 1893-1899. The most recent and by far the best work on the subject. Valuable for extended accounts of certain readers containing fables which were popular in the schools of the Middle Ages and were taught in connec- tion with grammar. The most important of the original texts appear in full. Histoire Litfcraire de la France. Ouvrage commence par des religieux Benedic- tins de la Congregation de St. Maur (to Vol. XI), et continue par des mem- bres de I'lnstitut (from Vol. XII to date). ^^ Vols. Paris, 1733-1906. The monumental literary history of France by many authors, still in progress of publication. Naturally portions of the earlier volumes have long since gone out of date, but the work as a whole will probably never cease to be useful. JouRDAiN, A. Reclierches Critiques sur I'Age et I'Origine des Traductions Latines d'Aristote, et sur les Coinnientaires Grecs on Arabes eniploycs par les Doc- teurs Scolastique. Paris, 1819. 2nd ed. 1843. This book revolutionized ideas about the influence of the works of Aristotle in the Middle Ages. It has been supplemented but not entirely supplanted. See especially Mandonnet, Siger de Brabant. For a recent bibliography of books on translations of philosophical and scientific works (mostly those of Aristotle) from the Arabic, see Haskins, "A List of Text-Books," in Harvard Studies in Classical Philology. XX (1909), 86, n. I. JouRDAiN, Ch. Excursions Historiques et Philosophiques a tracers le Moyen Age. Paris, 1888. Contains various articles on Aristotle in the Middle Ages, one on Roger Bacon, etc. Kammel, O. "Die Universitaten im Mittelalter," in Schmid, Geschichtc der Er::iehnng. Stuttgart, 1892, II, pt. i, 334-548. A general account based largely on the best secondary authorities. Kaufman, G. Die Geschichtc der deutschen Universitaten. 2 Vols. Stuttgart, 1886, 1896. The standard special work on German universities in the ]\liddle Ages. (617) 128 KoRTiNG^ G. Geschichte der Literatiir Italiens im Zeitalter der Renaissance. 3 Vols. Leipzig, 1884. Vol. Ill is devoted entirely to the medieval precursors of the Italian Renaissance. Krey, a. C. "John of Salisbury's Attitude towards the Classics," in Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters, Madison. Vol. XVI, Part II (1909), 948-987- A master's thesis. University of Wisconsin. It supplements Schaar- Schmidt, Johannes Saresheriensis. Laisne, a. M. "Notice Biographique sur Alexandre de Villedieu," in Menwires de la Socicte d'Archeologie, de Litterature, Sciences et Arts d'Avranches, II (1856). One of the earliest special studies on Alexander of Villedieu which have helped to rescue him from obscurity. Lalande, a. "Histoire des Sciences. La Physique du Moyen Age," in Revue dc Synthase Historique, VII (1903), 191-218. For a good bibliography of physics and sciences in general in the Middle Ages consult the foot-notes, passim. Langlois, Ch. V. Questions d'Histoire et d'Enseignement. Paris, 1902. Contains six essays, the first of which is one on the universities of the Middle Ages. Although it is but a general sketch it is full of new and sound suggestions. Langlois, Ch. V. "L'Eloquence sacree au Moyen Age," in Revue des Deu.v Mondes, No. 115 (1893), 170-201. A good summary on the historical value of medieval sermons. See above, under Bourgain. Laude, p. J. Catalogue des Manuscrits de la Bihliotheque de Bruges. Bruges, 1859. The library at Bruges contains many of the works of John Garland and Alexander of Villedieu, which are listed and described in this cata- log. Lavisse, E. (ed). Histoire de France depuis les Origines jusqu'a la Revolution. Paris, 1903 ff. Many vols. In process of publication. Lavisse et Rambaud. (eds). Histoire Gcnerale. 12 Vols. Paris, 1893-1901. These well-known French manuals are useful for our purpose es- pecially because of their convenient bibliographies. Le ClerCj V. Discours sur I'Etat des Lettres en France au 14^ Siecle. Paris, 1865. This excellent study of fourteenth century literature in France has been separately printed from Histoire Littcraire de la France, XXIV, 1-602. Lecov de la Marche, a. La Chaire Fran^-aise au Moyen Age. Paris, 186S. 2nd ed. 1886. (618) 129 See above under Bourgain. Pt. Ill, ch. V, 450-467, treats of stu- dents and education; Ch. VI, 467-491, of letters, sciences and arts. Legrand d'Aussy. "La Bataille des Sept Arts, Fiction Critique et Satirique," in Notices et Extraits, V, 496-510. An extended abstract of Henri d'Andeli's Battle of the Seven Arts, with notes and comments, which are not all reliable. LooMis, Louise R. Medieval Hellenism. Lancaster, Pa., 1906. A doctor's thesis, Columbia University. A general sketch covering rather hastily the whole Middle Ages preparatory for a work on the study of Greek during the Italian Renaissance. Apparently the author did not see Cuissard, L' Etude du Grec a Orleans (see above), and Tou- gard, L'Hellenisine dans les Ecrivains du Moyeii Age. Paris, 1886. LosERTH, J. GeschicJite des Spdteren Mittelalters, von 1197 bis 1492. Miinchen and Berlin, 1903. In Handhuch der Mittelalterliclien und Neueren Geschichte, von Below und Meinecke. Abth. II. Politische Geschichte. Although a political history, its bibliographies are sometimes valuable for a history of medieval culture. LucHAiRE, A. L'Universite de Paris sous Philip le Bel. Paris, 1899. A short sketch on the political history of the university. LuouET, G. H. Aristote et I'Universite de Paris pendant les XlJIe Siecle. Paris, 1904. Also in Bibliotheque de L'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Section des Sci- ences Religieuses, XVI, 2. The most recent contribution to the history of the introduction of the "New Aristotle" into the University of Paris. This is a preparatory study for a history of the works of Aristotle in the Middle Ages upon which the author is working. Lyte, M. a History of the University of Oxford from the earliest Times to the Year 1530. London, 1886. A general popular account. Maitland, S. R. The Dark Ages: — Essays Illustrating the State of Religion a)id Literature. London, 1844. Newest edition, 1890. Although named "The Dark Ages" this book has done much to dispel this term which has led to so many misconceptions about the culture of the Middle Ages. Maitre^ L. Les Ecoles Episcopates et Monastiqnes dc POccident dcpuis Charle- magne jusqu'd Philip pe-AugustQ. Paris, 1866. Has been practically superseded by Specht, Gescliichte des Unter- richtszvesens, which see below. Malagola, C. / Ret tori delle Universita dello Studio Bolognesc. Bologna, 1SS7. A contribution to the history of the ars diclamiiiis at Bologna by one of the foremost historians of that university. Mandonnet, p. Siger de Brabant et L'Avcrroisine Latin an XUIc Sicclc. Fri- bourg (Suisse), 1899. (619) 130 For our purposes this excellent monograph is valuable especially for the first few chapters which contain a history of the introduction of the "New Aristotle" into western Christendom. Manitius, M. "Beitrage zur Geschichte Romischer Dichter im Mittelalter," a series of articles in PhUologus, XLVII-LVI and Supplement VII, 758-66. These are some valuable preliminary studies which will be useful for future historians of the classics in the Middle Ages. See above under Comparetti. Marshall, T. "The Life and Writings of Roger Bacon," and "The Philosophy of Roger Bacon," in Westminster Review, LXXXI (1864), 1-14; 227-2^2. These two articles were written partly in the nature of reviews of the following books on Roger Bacon which had then but recently appeared : Brewer, Rogeri Bacon, Opera: Charles, Roger Bacon; and Pouchet, His- toire des Sciences^Naturelles au Moyen Age, which see. Masius, H. "Die Erziehung im Mittelalter," in Schmid, Geschichte der Ersie- hiiiig, Stuttgart, 1892, IT, pt. i, 94-333. An account in nature similar to that of Kamel, ''Die Uniz'ersitdten," which see above. Meier, G. Die Siehen freien Kiiuste im Mittelalter. Einsiedeln, 1885-1887. Pro- gramme des Benediktiner Stiftes Maria-Einsiedeln. i Heft (Trivium). 1885- 86; 2 Heft (Quadrivium), 1886-87. Although a mere "Programme" this little study is full of new side lights on the seven liberal arts. Michael, E. Culturcustd)ide des Deutschen J'olkes zcdhreiid des Dreizehntoi Jahrhunderts. 3 Vols. Freiburg, 1897-1903. Michael is an ultra Roman Catholic. The work is based upon very extended research in the sources. Molinier, a. Les Sources de I'Histoire de France. Premiere Partie. Origines- 1494. 6 Vols. Paris, 1901-1906. Molinier, A. "Etude sur I'Organisation de I'Universite de Toulouse, au Quatorzieme et au Quinzieme Siecle (1309-1450)," in Devic et Vaissette, His- toire Generale de Langiiedoc, VII, 570-608. An extensive note written on the basis of the documents on the Uni- versity of Toulouse published in that same volume. MoRAND. "Questions d'Histoire Litteraire au Sujet du Doctrinale," in Rez'iie des Societcs Sai'antes des Departeinents, Xllle Serie, II, (Paris, 1863), 50-59- Brought out a few new facts to supplement Thurot, De Alexandri dc Villa Dei Doctrinali, which see. Mortreuil, J. A. R. L'A)icie)iiic Bihliothcque de I'Abbaye dc St. Victor. ]\Iar- seilles, 1854. Prints a list of books of this monastery (1195-1198) which probably faithfully reflects the studies pursued at that time at Marseilles. The list includes a fair number of Latin classics. (620) 181 MuLLiNGER, J. B. Unh'ersify of Cambridge from the Earliest Times. Cambridge, 1888. Comes down to the middle of the sixteenth century. JMuNRO, D. C. "The Attitude of the Western Church toward the Study of the Latin Classics in the Early Middle Ages," in A}uerican Society of Church History, VIII (1897). MuNRO, D. C. "The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century," in Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 1906, Vol. I, 43-50. A short but very suggestive paper read before the American Histor- ical Association. Narbey, C. "Le Moine Roger Bacon et le Mouvement Scientirtque au XI He Siecle," in Revue de Questions Historiques, XXXV (1884), 115-165. A long general account but based largely on the sources. Neudecker, K. J. Das Doctrinale des Alexanders de Villa Dei und dcr Latcin- ischcr Unterricht ivdhrend des Spdteren Mittelaltcrs in Deutschland. Pro- gramme der Stadt. Realschule zu Pirma, 1885. Based largely on Thurot, Notices et Extraits, XXII, pt. 2, and now entirely superseded by Reichling, Das Doctrinale. X'oRDEN. E. Die Antike Kunstprosa vom 6ten Jahrhundert vor Christus his in die Zeit der Renaissance. 2 Vols. Leipzig, 1898. Our period is comprised in the second volume. A remarkably good estimate of the classics during the Middle Ages. Attempts to bridge the gap which apparently cuts Petrarch off from the centuries which precede him. Unlike many classical philologists, Xorden has taken the trouble to acquaint himself directly with the important medieval sources. NovATi, F. L'Influsso del Pensiero Latino Sopra la Cii'iltd lialiana del Medio Evo. 2nd edition. Milano, 1899. See chapter VIII for the ars dictaminis. Paetow, L. J. "The Neglect of the Ancient Classics at the Early Medieval L^ni- versities" in Transactions of the JVisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters, XVI, Pt. i (1908), 311-319. Contains the gist of the first chapter of this book. Parker H. ''The Seven Liberal .A.rts," in English Llistorical Rcviciv, V (1890), 417-461. The special object of this article is to trace the origin of the medieval seven liberal arts. Parrot, A. Roger Bacon, sa Perso)inc, son Genie, scs Oeiiz'res ct scs Contempo- rains. Paris, 1894. A brief eulogistic account. Paul.sen, F. Geschichte des Gelehrten I'nterrichts auf den Dciitschci: Schiilcn und Universitiiten I'om Ausgang des Mittelaltcrs bis zur Gcgemcart. Mit Besonderer Riicksicht auf den Klassischen L^nterricht. 2 Vols. Leipzig, 1885. 2iid ed. 1896. (621) LIBRARY OF CONGRESS it i| I I i 022 164 644 7 132 '' TU. first chapter of Vol. I is a valuable review of medieval univer- sitielbut "e sLt^lnts in regard to the substance and aim of u.struct.on are often too sweeping. classical studies at Chartres. POUCH J FA. His,oire ies Sciences Na.ureHe, au Moyen A,e. .« AWcri le Gr.ni e,scn E,^,u. Pans ,853. ^^ ^^^^^^^^^.^^ ^,^^_,^,^ ,, ^,i,„. portance of Albert the Great at the expense of Roger Bacoa R,.H„.l. H. T„e Un^ersmes of Europe » ike MiUlc A,es. . Vols. Oxford, *'■ The standard history of tnedieval universities. Rashdall had the ad- tain. A new edition would be welcome. A-~in„,^; iind die summae dictaniinis in Italien," m '" ""■ still the very best account of the ars dicta.ninis and ars nofaria in '' v'r A Historv of Criticism and Literary Taste in Europe from the Saintsbury, G. a Mistoiy "J ^ Fdinbureh and London, 1900. Earliest Texts to tke Present Day 3^0 -^d^^^ C^.^.^.^„, Neces- The first volume deals with Classical ana mcu '^Zll'L of ""mLI A,cs. Can*rid.e, ,903. Seeond ed.fon revtsed and enlarged, 1906. reference because hitherto there An exceedingly serv.ceahlc booh of f -■« .^ ^^,^„^ - "-" ™ ^"1,:r';:: h";* the raZ scathm. review of the rate. It «as -"'d. ° "7=^"'=^,, ,^, .4„„,in»- .fo..r,,«; of PIMog.. « first edition by Hamilton, G. L.. ni tne volume have ap- :rLrh\hf.h:tstrf i:zi:tri:i.^. of t. revival of learning to the nineteenth century. s..,...™... .. -«-«-— ':;:"'x':^:s:t:.;;ar;^: A7 iwgw ad Saeculum XIV. bononiae, i// "^- our best source of infornrat.on about the great nrasters of the ancient University of Bologna. _ nff/.; ,//,■,- - Vols in 4. Hei- SAViGNV. F. Geschichte des Romlschen Rechts w, M,ttelaltu. . Vol.. delberg, 1838-51. (622) 133 This pioneer work of the history of Roman law in the Middle Ages cleared up many points in connection with the great law universities of Europe. ScHAARscHMiDT, C. Joliaiiiies Savesberieiisis nacli Lebeii uiid Studien, Scliriftcn und Philosophie. Leipzig, 1862. Still the best general biography of John of Salisbury. Smith, J. J. A Catalogue of the MSS. in the Library of Gonville and Cains Col- lege. Cambridge, 1849. Useful for a description of the numerous works of John Garland which are preserved in this college library of Cambridge University. Specht, F. a. Geschichte des Unterrichtswesens in Deutschland von den Aeltestcn Zeiten bis cnr Mitte des Dreisehnten J ahrhunderts. Stuttgart, 1885. Although written with special reference to Germany, this little book is the best general account of medieval education up to the founding of universities. Based on a study of sources throughout. Stein HAUSEN, G. Geschichte der Deutschen Kultiir. Leipzig, 1904. Of the very numerous books of its kind this is the best succinct ac- count of German culture. It comes down to modern times. The volume is handsomely bound and is full of excellent illustrations. SuTER, H. Die Matheinatik anf den Universitdten des Mittelalters. (Festschrift der Kantonschule zu Ziirich). Zurich, 1887. Owing to its special character, this book finds room enough beside the works of Cantor and Giinther mentioned above. Sutter, C. Aus Leben und Schriften des Magister Buoncoinpagno. Freiburg i. B. und Leipzig, 1894. Depicts the personality of Boncompagno very well but gives a very inadequate idea of the ars dictaminis which he taught. It should be checked up constantly by the article of Gaudenzi described above. Taylor, H. O. The Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages. X. Y., 1903. Sec- ond edition. This excellent little book contains but little that touches our period. Tavlor, H. O. "A Mediaeval Humanist: Some Letters of Hildebert of Levar- din," in Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 1906, Vol, i, 51-60. Teuffel, W. S. and Schwabe. History of Roman Literatnrc. Translated from the 5th German edition by G. Warn 2 Vols. London and Cambridge, 1900. This standard history of Roman Literature comes down to about 800 A. D. Thurot, C. Dc I'Organisation dc I'Enseigncmcnt dans I'Unii'ersitc dc Paris an Moyen Age. Paris and Besangon, 1850. This is a doctor's thesis. University of Paris, and was a remarkable piece of work for its time. It is still useful today. Thurot, C. De .lle.vaiidri de Jllla Dei Doctrinali Eiusquc Palis. Paris, 1850. This companion monograph to the above was scarcely le.i,s brilliant (623) / ; LIBRARY 134 and once again brought Alexander of Villedien intrj notice after he had been shelved for centuries by the humanists. It should be supplemented by what the author has himself added or corrected in Notices et Extraits. XXII, pt. 2. It cannot be wholly discarded even now that Reichling has furnished such a tine study of Alexander in Das Doctrinale. Thl'kot. "Documents Relatif a I'Histoire de la Poesie Latine au Moyen Age," in Cuniptes Rendns de VAcadnnie des Inscriptions, VI (1870), 259-269. Produces strong evidence that Eberhard of Bethune did not write the Labyrinthiis. TiR.M'.o.sc'Hi, G. St aria deUa Letteratura Italiana. 11 Vols. IMilano, 1823. In a smaller compass this work is for Italy what the Histoirc Littcr- airc dc la France is for France. ToKK.xcA, ]■". "Al Proposito del Graecismus di Eberhardi di Bethune," in Rivista Critica dcUa Letteratura Italiana. Anno V, 93 ff. Roma-Firenze. 188S. Valoks, N. De Arte Scribcndi Epistolas apiid Gallicos Mcdii Acvi Scriptorcs Rhetoresve. Paris, 1880. This doctor's thesis. University of Paris, is still the best general ac- count of the ars dictaininis in France. Valoks^ N. ''Etude sur le Rythme des Bulles Pontilicales" in Bihliothcqnc dc I'Ecole des Charles, XLII (1881), 161 ff. and 257. .■\ very important contribution on the subject of the cursiis. Valt.hn, E. V. The Origin and Early Development of the Encjlish I'niirrsitics to the Close of the Thirteenth Coitiiry. A study in Institutional History. University of Missouri Studies, Social Science Series, Vol. II, Xo. 2 (Aug., 1908). '1 he introductory chapter on mediexal culture contains nothing new. V'liiAi.. Ilisloirc de hi I'ille dc I'crpi(/na)i. Paris, 1897. It is the best history of the city and is quoted because it contains some references to the early history of the Uni\'ersity of Perpignan. VoicT. K. "Das Erstc Lese1)uch des Triviums in don Kloster- und Stiftsschulen des Mittelalters," in Mifteiluiif/oi der Gesellscltaft fi'ir Deutsche Erziehuiu/ und .Schulf/cschichtc. Jahrgang 1, Hefl I (Berlin, 1891). 42-53. .An interesting account of the Cato. Aesop and .Iznanus so extensive- ly read in me(lie\-al schools. VoicT. G. /^;V W'icdcrbclcluinti des Classischcn . Illerlhnnis. 2 Vols. 3rd ed. Berlin, i8()3. This excellent wurk on the re\'i\al of learning is valuable for us especially for its account of the sjioriidic re\i\al of classical letters at the University of Paris in the fourteenth century. In the iniroduetory ch.ip- ter Voigt takes a narrow view of the study oi the classics during tlie Middle Ages. ■\CH, W. /)((.s- Schrift7^'eseii ini Mitlclallcr. Ueipzig. 1871. 3rd ed. 1806. ' ' ' Useful for a studv of the ars dictamiitis. CO Z I^H Hollinger Corp. pH8.5