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"SET > •??-. » > » ry > > * -- » > >> >_ ^ > >:> ^> » >"."»"5 >3> > >> > 5>> >: v>-2>3> -J**. ) r> 3 o > •■>- . nan i^JrS5P»,^ 3> > » > >^ > ^> > > >•» -> -•* > » -> ^> > > , >^ > > ? ■ >> > 3 > > » vjfc, -■» >> >: > ■> > - 1 f ■■*ff LIVES GEN. ULYSSES S. GRANT HON. HENRY WILSON, TOGETHER WITH SKETCHES OF REPUBLICAN CANDIDATES FOR CONGRESS IN INDIANA. / J By WILLIAM HORATIO BARNES, AUTHOR OF "THE HISTORY OF CONGRESS." AND A SKETCH OF GENERAL THOMAS M. BROWNE, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR OF INDIANA. By MAJOR JONATHAN W. GORDON. \\\\ $kt Stwl f 0riraiis. NEW YORK: W. H. BARNES, PUBLISHES, 3 7 PARK ROW, 1872. ?c* U v Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1872, by WILLIAM H. BARNES, in the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. CONTEN TS. Page ULYSSES S. GRANT 7 HENRY WILSON 23 THOMAS M. BROWNE 31 GODLOVE S. ORTH 37 WILLIAM WILLIAMS 42 JOHN P. C. SHANKS 45 MORTON C. HUNTER 51 JASPER PACKARD 54 JOHN COBURN 57 JAMES N. TYNER 61 ULYSSES S. GKAOT. ^JLYSSES S. GRANT was born in Mount Pleasant, Ohio, April 27, 1822. His parents were of Scotch extrac- J|W tion, and had settled in Ohio several years before the birth of their eldest son. He received his early education by attending at intervals the village school. The first book which his mother put into his hands after he had learned to read was Weems's Life of Washington, which made a deep impression upon his mind, as was evinced by his giving a Canadian cousin who visited him a sound thrashing for calling "Washington a rebel. On the first of July, 1839, at the age of seventeen, he entered the West Point Military Academy as a cadet. Owing to limited op- portunities for early preparation his course was by no means easy, but he applied himself diligently, making steady and satisfactory progress. In French, Drawing, and Mathematics he was very pro- ficient, and as a rider he was the best in the institution. He was popular with his comrades, who regarded him as a youth of marked common sense, who performed his duties quietly, without ostenta- tion or display. Having completed his four years' course, he graduated in 1843, at the age of twenty-one. He was immediately appointed to the Fourth Infantry, and in 18M was ordered to Texas to watch the Mexican army. In the spring of 1845 he shared in the glories of Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, and Monterey. At the battle of Molino del Rey, and during the remainder of the operations before the city of Mexico, he behaved with such gal- lantry that he was promoted to Brevet First Lieutenant, and for his courage at the battle of Chapultepec he was shortly afterward promoted to a Brevet Captaincy. Immediately after the close of the Mexican war Captain Grant returned to the United States, and shortly thereafter he married 8 ULYSSES S. GRANT. Miss Julia B. Dent, daughter of Colonel Frederick Dent, of St. Louis. In 1852 he was ordered to the Pacific Coast, and while serving in Oregon he was promoted to a full Captaincy. In 1854, finding a soldier's life wearisome in those wilds, he resigned his commission and returned to the East. His father-in-law having presented his wife with a farm near St. Louis, he built a log house upon it for his family, and applied himself with industry to the cultivation of the soil. After four years of constant, but not very profitable, labor he gave up^ farming, and removed to Galena, Illinois, where he became a partner with his father and a brother in the leather trade. He devoted himself to his new business with the same energy which had marked his career as a soldier and a farmer. The firm of " Grant & Sons " soon acquired an excellent reputation among business men throughout the State. When the national flag was fired on at Fort Sumter, Grant's patriotism and military ardor were aroused together. " I have served my country through one war," he said to a friend, " and, live or die, will serve her through this." He immediately began recruit- ing and drilling a company in the streets of Galena, and in four days after Lincoln's call for seventy-five thousand men he went with it to Springfield. Governor Yates, feeling the need of his military education and experience in organizing the army of volun- teers assembling at Springfield, at once appointed him Adjutant- General of the State. In this position his services were invaluable. It was soon evident that his military talents were of so high an order as to demand for him active service in the field. On the 15th day of June, 1861, he received a commission as Colonel of the Twenty-first Regiment of Illinois Volunteers. Information having been received that the guerillas of Missouri threatened Quincy, on the Mississippi, Grant was ordered to the exposed point, marching his regiment one hundred and twenty miles for lack of transporta- tion. From Quincy he was ordered to a point on the Missouri River to guard the Hannibal and Hudson Railroad. In this service- there was little opportunity for distinction, nevertheless he showed ULYSSES S. GRANT. 9 such efficiency that he was soon after promoted to the rank of Brigadier-General. In September General Grant was placed in command of the dis- trict of South-east Missouri, with his head-quarters at Cairo, Illinois. Hearing of Polk's intention of investing Paducah, Kentucky, he immediately fitted up an expedition, and on the 5th of September steamed down the river. He landed two regiments and a battery, and, without firing a shot, took possession of Paducah. He im- mediately issued a proclamation in which he urged the people to pursue their usual avocations without alarm, assuring them that he had come among them "not as an enemy but as a fellow- citizen." Satisfied that the enemy was gathering troops and supplies at Columbus for operations in Missouri, Grant, on the 6th of Novem- ber, embarked his forces, and dropped down to Island Number One, eleven miles above Columbus. The troops landed on the Missouri shore, and marched about three miles to Belmont, where the rebels occupied a camp strongly intrenched. Grant moved on their works, and while at the head of the skirmish line had his horse shot under him. The fight was very severe for about four hours, but finally General Grant ordered a charge, and drove the enemy through their encampment. Thousands of them took refuge on their transports, but many prisoners were taken, and all their artillery was captured. After this success, when 'General Grant was marching his forces back to the transports, he was intercepted by a large rebel force from Columbus who were confident of cutting off his return to the river. " We are surrounded," excitedly ex- claimed an aide riding up. " Yery well," said General Grant, " we must cut our way out as we cut our way in. We have whipped them once, and I think we can do it again." They did cut their way through thirteen regiments of infantry and three squadrons of cavalry. They regained their boats and returned to Cairo, after having taken one hundred and fifty prisoners, and de- stroyed much material of war. On the first of February, 1862, the War Department ordered 10 ULYSSES S. GRANT. the reduction of Fort Henry, on the Tennessee River, and Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland, for the purpose of establishing points of operation against Memphis, Columbus, and Nashville. This duty was assigned to General Grant, with a land force of seventeen thousand men, and to Commodore Foote, with a fleet of seventeen gunboats. Fort Henry with seventeen heavy guns, and garrisoned by twenty-eight hundred men, was captured on the 6th of February. Early on the morning of the 12th General Grant, with eight light batteries and a main column of fifteen thousand men, commenced his march to Fort Donelson, twelve miles across the country. Fort Donelson was situated on a rocky eminence which commanded the river for several miles above and below. Numerous batteries, pro- tected by strong works, threw thirty-two and sixty-four pound shot Bastions, rifle-pits, and abatis opposed every approach. Twenty thousand soldiers manned the works, commanded by Generals Buckner, Pillow, and Floyd. Before noon on the 12th the rebel pickets were driven in by Grant's advance, and before dark the fort was invested on all its land sides. The next day, with continuous skirmishing, the investment was drawn closer to the works. On the following day the enemy made a vigorous attack, which was re- pulsed. General Grant ordered a charge, which was vigorously made, and after a fierce struggle he gained a part of the intrench- ments. Under cover of the night two of the rebel generals, with as many of their troops as could be embarked on steamers, abandoned the fort and ascended the river. Early on the following morning General Buckner dispatched a note to General Grant proposing an armistice in which to consider terms of capitulation. General Grant replied, "No terms except unconditional and immediate sur- render can be accepted. I propose to move immediately on your works." Buckner made haste to accept the terms imposed. Ten thousand prisoners of war, sixty-five guns, seventeen thousand six hundred small arms, with an immense amount of military stores, fell into the hands of the victors. This brilliant victory, penetrating, as it did, the rebel line of de- fense west of the Alleghany Mountains, occasioned great rejoicing ULYSSES S. GRANT. 11 throughout the North. Secretary Stanton recommended General Grant for a Major-General's commission. President Lincoln nomi- nated him to the Senate the same day. The Senate at once con- firmed the - nomination. The new military district of Tennessee was now assigned him. The successful General did not rest idly upon his laurels. He took immediate possession of Nashville, on the Cumberland, but established his headquarters at Fort Henry, that he might also con- trol the Tennessee River. It was deemed important to dislodge a large force of the enemy concentrating at Corinth. For this pur- pose General Grant, with thirty-five thousand men, ascended the Tennessee River to Pittsburg Landing. There they were disem- barked to await the arrival of General Buell, who was marching from Nashville to join them with a force of forty thousand. Johnston, the rebel General, in command at Corinth, resolved to throw his whole force of seventy thousand men upon Grant and annihilate his army before he could be joined by Buell. Early on the morning of the 6th of April, 1862, the rebel army suddenly and unexpectedly attacked the Union troops. Although our forces fought with desperation, they were driven nearly three miles with dreadful carnage on both sides. Night terminated a day of disaster to the Union arms. The rebel general telegraphed the news of his success to Richmond. He had no doubt of an easy and complete victory on the morrow. General Grant, however, never despaired of the result. No thought of ultimate defeat seemed to enter his mind. During the night he reorganized his broken forces, and formed a new line of battle. Twenty thousand of General Buell's troops, arriving after dark, were placed in posi- tion for the coming conflict. Relying upon the remainder of BuelFs army for a reserve, he disposed all his available force for immediate action. With the dawn of day the national army along its whole line moved upon the astonished enemy with an impetu- osity inspired by confidence of victory. All day the conflict raged with terrific fury, and at night the discomfited foe retreated to their intrenchments at Corinth, having lost nearly twenty thousand 12 ULYSSES S. GRANT. men. General Grant's loss was over twelve thousand men. This victory, though costly, was of inestimable value to the Union cause, giving, as it did, our armies the key to a large extent of the southern country, and opening the Mississippi to Memphis. The Union forces then advanced to the siege of Corinth, where the enemy had strongly intrenched themselves. They abandoned the place before the advance of the national forces, who occupied their works. General Grant made Memphis his headquarters, when he took immediate and successful measures to suppress the crafty secessionists and unscrupulous traders who infested that city. He put negroes to useful employment, and in a short time, under his wise administration, order and security reigned. On the 17th of September General Grant made an advance on the enemy at Iuka. After a stubborn resistance they evacuated that place on the night of the 19th. On the 3d of October the enemy, number- ing forty thousand, attacked Grant's defenses at Corinth, but after a sanguinary conflict, lasting until noon of the 4th, the rebels re- treated, leaving their dead and wounded on the field. On the 8th of October General Grant received a congratulatory order from President Lincoln. Envious of the successful general, a few days after the victory of Corinth certain persons waited on President Lincoln and accused him of being a drunkard. After patiently listening to the story, he replied, "I wish all my generals would drink Grant's whisky." The next great military movement was made upon Vicksburg, where the enemy, strongly fortified, commanded the Mississippi. General Grant had full power given him to accomplish in his own way the capture of this stronghold. By a series of masterly move- ments he concentrated an army of fifty thousand men on the land side, in a line extending from the Yazoo above to the Mississippi below the town. Commodore Porter, with a fleet of sixty vessels carrying two hundred and eighty guns, and eight hundred men, was directed to co-operate from the river. The siege which followed was one of the most memorable in history. It began early in February, 1863, and during the months ULYSSES S. GRANT. 13 it was protracted scarcely a day passed without a sanguinary battle. Shot and shell from the gunboats and batteries compelled the in- habitants to burrow in the hillsides for security. Assaults by the national troops were repulsed with such terrible loss that it seemed the only hope of reducing the stronghold was in regular siege operations. In the progress of the siege a mine was dug under one of the most important batteries of the enemy and charged with two thousand pounds of powder. At length, on the 25th of June, 1865, the mine was ready to do its work of destruction: The ex- plosion was to be the signal for a simultaneous attack by land and water. At three o'clock in the afternoon the mine exploded, and immediately, over a line of twelve miles in length, the storm of battle opened upon the city with intense fury. But the defense was as determined as the assault, and the doomed city still held out. When General Grant was asked if he could take the place, he replied, " Certainly. I cannot tell exactly when I shall take the town, but I mean to stay here till I do, if it takes me thirty years." The final assault was to take place on the 4th of July, but on the day before a white flag appeared on the rebel works, and soon after two officers came out with a communication from Pemberton proposing an armistice for arranging terms of surrender. Grant replied that "unconditional surrender" only would be accepted. General Pemberton, hoping to obtain more favorable terms, urged a personal interview. The two generals met at three o'clock under an oak-tree less than two hundred feet from the rebel lines. Grant adhered to his demand, and the rebel commander, knowing that further resistance would be vain, after conferring with his officers accepted the terms imposed. At ten o'clock on the morning of the eighty-seventh anniversary of American Independence, white flags were raised along the rebel lines announcing their surrender. General Grant, with his staff, at the head of his army, entered the city and took possession of the works so gloriously won. The sur- render included one hundred and seventy-two cannon and over 14 ULYSSES S. GRANT. thirty thousand prisoners of war. The fall of Yicksburg was the most disastrous blow which had thus far been inflicted on the re- bellion. Its immediate effect was to open the Mississippi from Cairo to the Gulf. General Grant would have moved immediately upon Mobile, but he received orders from Washington to co-operate with General Banks in a movement upon Texas. Accordingly, on the 30th of August he left Vicksburg for New Orleans. In that city he was thrown from his horse, receiving injuries which disabled him for months. In East Tennessee affairs were not moving prosperously for the Union cause. The battle of Chickamauga had resulted in the loss to the national troops of sixteen thousand men. They took posi- tion behind their intrenchments at Chattanooga, their lines of communication were cut off, and they were threatened with de- struction by a rebel force of eighty thousand men. In this emer- gency General Grant was, on the 16th of October, 1863, assigned to the command of the Military Division of the Mississippi, in- cluding the Departments of the Ohio, the Cumberland, and the Tennessee. On the 19th of October he telegraphed to General Thomas, " Hold Chattanooga at all hazards. I will be there as soon as possible." On the evening of the 23d he entered Chat- tanooga, and his arrival at once put a new aspect upon affairs. At once he applied himself with immense energy to the work of making sure his lines of communication, hastening reinforcements, and securing supplies. "The enemy,'- said the " Kichmond En- quirer," " were out-fought at Chickamauga, but the present position of affairs looks as though we had been out-generaled at Chat- tanooga." General Sherman, with the Fifteenth Army Corps, had marched his army from the Mississippi as rapidly as possible. At midnight, on the 23d of November, he crossed the Tennessee, above Chat- tanooga, and took a position to attack the enemy's right north of Missionary Kidge. The next day General Hooker stormed Lookout Mountain, on the enemy's extreme left, and gained a brilliant ULYSSES S. GRANT. 15 victory in the memorable " battle above the clouds." The next day the battle was opened along the whole line, the main attack being at the center, from an elevation where General Grant took position. The Union forces, led by generals whose names have become immortal, fought with a patriotic ardor which has never been surpassed. For miles the mountains and valleys were ablaze with the lightning of battle. The conflict raged with terrific fury during all the hours of that memorable day, but when night came the national flag floated over all the works which the enemy had held with so much apparent security in the morning. General Grant telegraphed to Washington, " Lookout Mountain top, all the rifle-pits in Chattanooga Yalley, and Missionary Ridge entire, have been carried and are now held by us." This brilliant victory was one of the most decisive steps toward the final overthrow of the rebellion. The scale in the west turned irretrievably against the Confederacy when its armies were hurled from the summits of Look-out Mountain and Missionary Ridge. Still General Grant did not rest. He pursued the routed foe to- ward Atlanta, capturing thousands of prisoners, and securing im- mense supplies. General Grant had now three vast armies under his command, occupying over a thousand miles in extent. Feeling the weight of responsibilities resting upon him, he wished to acquaint himself personally with the condition of his command. In mid-winter, through storms and drifting snows which incumbered the mountain passes, on horseback he visited the outposts of his army through an extent of country from Knoxville, on the one hand, to St. Louis on the other. A grateful country honored the soldier whose vigorous blows had told so terribly on the rebellion. A resolution was passed in Con- gress presenting the thanks of that body to General Grant and the officers and soldiers under his command. A gold medal was ordered to be struck off and presented to General Grant. On the 4th of February, 1864, Congress revived the rank of Lieutenant- General, which was conferred upon General Grant. He was sum- 16 ULYSSES S. GRANT. moned to Washington to receive his credentials, and to enter upon the command of all the armies of the United States. As he made his rapid journey to the capital multitudes gathered at every rail- road station to catch a glimse of the man whose achievements sur- passed those of any other living General. He was received by President Lincoln with cordiality characteristic of a noble soul in which no spark of jealousy ever found a lodgment. On the 9th of March, in the executive mansion, in the presence of the Cabinet and other -distinguished persons, General Grant received his commission as Lieutenant-General. President Lincoln having uttered some appropriate words of congratulation, General Grant replied : " Mr. President, I accept this commission with gratitude for the high honor conferred. "With the aid of the noble armies who have fought in so many battles for our common country, it will be my earnest endeavor not to disappoint your expectations. I feel the full weight of the responsibility now devolving upon me. I know that if it is properly met it will be due to these armies, and above all to the favor of that Providence which leads both nations and men." General Grant now concentrated all his energies upon the work of crushing the rebellion and terminating the war by the destruc- tion of the rebel armies. He determined to concentrate the armies of the United States in a general attack upon the Confederate capital. The veteran Generals of the Union, with their splendid commands of tried soldiers, were assigned their several parts in the impending struggle. General Grant established his head-quarters with the army of the Potomac, which was encamped among the hills north of the Rapidan. Here he massed all his available forces preparatory to an attack upon General Lee, who occupied the south side of the river with as brave an army as ever went to battle. At midnight, on the third of May, 1864, General Grant left his camp with an army one hundred and fifty thousand strong, and crossed the Rapidan a few miles below the intrenchments of the ULYSSES S. GRANT. 17 enemy. In three columns the army penetrated the "Wilderness, hoping by a flank movement to gain the river of the enemy. At noon on the 5th General Lee, with an immense force, suddenly emerged from the forest, and fell upon the center of Grant's ex- tended line, hoping to cut it in two, and then destroy each part piece-meal. The battle raged with tremendous fury during the remainder of the day, and when night came no less than six thou- sand had fallen between the two armies on the bloody field. At the rising of the morrow's sun the battle was renewed. ]STo army ever had a braver or more determined foe. The forest was ablaze with the fire of battle in the face of the enemy, who contested every inch of ground, but by nightfall had been driven back two miles from where the battle opened in the morning. The third day of the battle of the Wilderness was distinguished by the retreat of the enemy toward his intrenchments near Spottsylvania Court- house. After a series of bloody battles extending through the en- tire day, the rebels reached their intrenchments in the night. Early on the following morning, which was Sunday, General Grant fell upon their works, and after a long day of battle the enemy were driven from their first line of intrenchments with the loss of twenty-five hundred prisoners. Monday, Tuesday, and Wednes- day the battle raged with constantly augmenting fury. The latter day was signalized by fourteen hours of unremitting battle, and at its close General Grant, after announcing to the Government the results achieved, added, " I propose to fight it out on this line if it takes all summer." During the night the national troops marched by another flank movement, and before dawn had gained a series of ridges two miles beyond the Spottsylvania Court house. But the enemy, ever on the alert, had already manned intrenchments before them which had previously been prepared to resist any such movement toward Kichmond. General Grant attacked their intrenchments, but they were too strong to be taken by assault. At night he sent a force of cavalry ten miles forward to seize a station on the Kichmond and Fredericksburg Kailroad, and in the morning the whole army 18 ULYSSES S. GRANT. followed. By this advance of General Grant the rebels were left nearly twelve miles in his rear. General Lee was alarmed. He feared that his line of communication might be cut off, and that General Grant might take the Confedederate capital without his being able to strike a blow in its defense. In haste he abandoned his position, and hastened toward another line of defense on the banks of the North Anna river. Both armies moved rapidly by parallel lines until they confronted each other on the banks of the North Anna, within forty miles of Richmond. Here Lee being too strongly intrenched to be successfully attacked, General Grant, concealing his purpose by a strong demonstration, marched rapidly to a point on the Pamunky river, within fourteen miles of Rich- mond. He crossed the Pamunky, and on "Wednesday morning, June 1, he was with his army at Cold Harbor face to face with the army of General Lee, now concentrated behind the defenses of Richmond. These works, bristling with guns, were achievements of the highest engineering skill, and were manned by hosts of brave and determined defenders. There followed a week of as deperate and determined fighting as the war had witnessed. Day after clay the brave battalions of the Union army were hurled against the rebels. It was evident that the time had not come for the capture of these works. The emergency displayed the resources of the Commanding General in devising and executing a movement bold as it was brilliant. Concealing his operations under a fire of skir- mishers, General Grant, with the mass of his army, commenced another flank movement. Descending the left bank of the Chicka- hoininy, he crossed it several miles below the enemy's lines, and by a rapid march reached the James River, and crossed it on pontoon bridges. By this brilliant movement he placed his forces in rear of Lee's army, south of Richmond. After effecting a junction with General Butler at Bermuda Hundred on the 15th of June, he crossed the Appomattox and commenced an attack on Petersburg. General Lee, startled at hearing the thunder of Grant's cannon far to the south of him, made haste to abandon his now useless ramparts and turn his army to the defense of Richmond in another ULYSSES S. GRANT. 19 quarter. A triple line of intrenchments reared for the defense of Petersburg were manned by soldiers who fought with the valor of desperation. After a terrible struggle the outer line was captured, with sixteen guns and three hundred prisoners. After two days more of bloody battle, whose scenes can never be adequately de- scribed, General Lee abandoned his second line, and concentrated all his strength for the defense of his inner works. In those three days of battle the Union Army lost ten thousand men in killed, wounded, and missing. It was evident that Petersburg, which was the key to Richmond, was defended by works so strong that they could only be taken by siege. Firmly, as in a vice, General Grant held the bulk of the rebel army, while General Sherman led a resistless host from Atlanta in a rapid and desolating march through Georgia and the Carolinas to co-operate with the army before the ramparts of Richmond. The Rebellion was tottering to its fall under the wise policy which placed General Grant at the head of the Armies of the United States. He comprehended the situation with the perception of a statesman and the intuition of a military genius, as the following extract from one of his official reports will show : " From an early period in the Rebellion I have been impressed with the idea that the active and continuous operations of all the troops that could be brought into the field, regardless of season and weather, was necessary to a speedy termination of the war. From the first I was firm in the conviction tHat no peace could be had that would be stable, and conducive to the happiness of the people, both North and South, until the military power of the Rebellion was entirely broken. I therefore determined, first, to use the greatest number of troops practicable against the armed force of the enemy, preventing him from using the same force at different seasons against first one and then another of our armies, and from the possibility of repose for refitting and producing necessary sup- plies for carrying on resistance; second, to hammer continuallv against the armed force of the enemy and his resources, until by mere attrition, if in no other way. there should be nothing left to 20 ULYSSES S. GRANT. him but an equal submission, with the loyal section of our common country, to the Constitution and laws of the land." Weeks and months rolled on, every day being signalized by im- portant military operations. General Grant was constantly making progress toward the end he kept continually in view — the destruc- tion of " the military power of the Rebellion." It was near the end of March, 1865. General Sherman having swept through the heart of the Confederacy, had turned his victorious soldiers north- ward, and formed a junction with forces sent by General Grant to meet him. It was evident that the days of the Rebellion were numbered. It was feared by General Grant that the beleaguered enemy might make his escape from Richmond, and protract for a time his hope- less struggle. Seeing indications of such a purpose on the part of General Lee, Grant hurled his whole army at once upon the rebel lines. For three days the battle raged with a fury which no previ- ous conflicts had surpassed. Lee was convinced that he could not resist the assault of another day, and on the night of the 3d of April fled, with the shattered remnants of his army. The National troops entered the abandoned works, and immediately the nation was electrified by the joyful news : " Richmond and Petersburg are ours. A third part of Lee's army is destroyed. For the remainder there is no escape." In anticipation of the flight of Lee from Richmond, General Grant had placed the Fifth Corps in such a position that it was thrown in front of the enemy, and thus cut off his retreat. Lee's army was now at the mercy of General Grant. The rebel troops were so hemmed in, and so exposed to shot and shell, that a few hours would have sufficed for their destruction. Sympathy for them induced General Grant to make the first advances, and urge General Lee to surrender and spare him the pain of destroying the heroic but misguided soldiers of the Rebellion. Lee asked the terms of surrender which would be accepted, and General Grant replied, " Peace being my first desire, there is but one condition I insist upon, namely, that the men surrendered shall be disqualified ULYSSES S. GRANT. 21 for taking up arms against the Government of the United States until properly exchanged." General Lee proposed an interview, that he and General Grant might confer upon the " restoration of peace." General Grant's reply indicates his wise perception of the only responsibility which rested upon him : "As I have no authority to treat on the subject of peace, the meeting proposed could lead to no good. I will state, however, General, that I am equally anxious for peace with yourself, and the whole Worth entertains the same feeling. The terms upon which peace may be had are well understood. By the South laying do we their arms they will hasten this most desirable event, save thou- sands of human lives, and hundreds of millions of property not yet destroyed." General Lee saw that delay or parley would serve no useful purpose with such a man. On the afternoon of the 9th of April he accepted the simple and decisive terms of surrender imposed by General Grant. All the material of war was to be given up, and the officers and men to give their parole not to serve against the United States until exchanged. Johnston surrendered to General Sherman a few days later. The great Rebellion was at an end. A grateful country acknowledged that the chief instru- ment in bringing about this happy result was General Ulysses S. Grant. His countrymen heaped honors upon him without parsi- mony. Congress revived the grade of General, which none had held since Washington, and on the 25th of July, 1865, this peer- less military rank was conferred upon General Grant. It soon became evident that it was the wish of the people to ele- vate him to the Presidency. On the 21st of May, 1868, the Re- publican Convention, assembled at Chicago, gave him a unanimous nomination as candidate for this high office. He accepted the nomination in apt and modest terms, closing with the words, " Let us have peace," which were accepted by a long distracted country as auspicious of better days. The twenty-six States which partici- pated in the election gave two hundred and fourteen electoral votes for Grant, and eighty for Seymour, the opposing candidate. f 22 ULYSSES S. GRANT. On the 4th of March, 1869, General Grant entered upon the duties of his high office. He surrounded himself with able counsel- ors, who were fully in accord with him in their purpose to give the country an honest, economical, and efficient administration of the Government. The administration is remarkable for the accomplishment of two results apparently incompatible with each other, and yet both most fortunate for the country — a great reduction of internal taxes and an immense diminution of the public debt. During the first three years of Grant's administration there was a total reduction of $130,460,580 taxes annually ; and yet, in the face of these reduc- tions, by an efficient and faithful administration of the revenue laws, and by an honest application of the money collected, the public debt has been diminished at the rate of more than one hundred millions of dollars a year, saving an annual outlay for interest of thirty-seven and one third millions. At the same time the public credit has been greatly strengthened. The price of American securities has constantly advanced, until they are equal in value to gold. The appreciation of our paper money is marked by the fall of gold from 132 in 1869 to 110 and 112 in 1872. In our foreign relations the affairs of the nation have been wisely administered. Important and threatening differences with foreign nations have been settled by treaty. A new and important prin- ciple has been introduced into our foreign intercourse, which prom- ises to settle differences between nations upon the principle of arbitration. This, it is believed, will secure the Government against the recurrence of war, and tend greatly to advance the civilization and happiness of mankind. All the great questions raised by the war have been settled. Emancipation, reconstruction, impartial suffrage, general amnesty, and civil service reform have all been secured, either by constitu- tional amendment or by provisions of law. All parties profess to acquiesce in these results. No considerable faction in any State continues to agitate for the overthrow of these measures, or to dis- pute the justice and wisdom of the Ecpublican policy. H ' 'trie HESTRY WILSON'. 'EKRY WILSON was born at Farmington, K H., Feb- ruary 16, 1812, of poor parentage. He was early appren- ticed to a farmer in his native town, with whom he contin- ued eleven years, during which period his school privileges, at dif- ferent intervals, amounted to about one year. He early formed a taste for reading, which he eagerly indulged on Sundays and even- ings by fire-light and moon-light. Thus, in the course of his eleven years' apprenticeship, he read about 1,000 volumes — mainly of his- tory and biography. On coming of age, young "Wilson left Farmington, and with all his possessions packed upon his back, walked to Natick, Mass., and hired himself to a shoemaker. Having learned the trade, and labored nearly three years, he returned to New Hampshire for the purpose ot securing an education. His educational career, however, was sud- denly arrested by the insolvency of the man to whom he had entrust- ed his money, and in 1838 he returned to Natick to resume his trade of shoemaking. Wilson was now twenty-six years of age, and up to this period his life had been mainly devoted to labor. It was in allusion to this that when, in 1858, he replied on the floor of Congress to the famous "mudsill" speech of Gov. Hammond of South Carolina, he gave ut- terance to these eloquent words : " Sir, I am the son of a hireling manual laborer, who, with the frosts of seventy winters on his brow, 'lives by daily labor.' I, too, have ' lived by daily labor.' I, too, have been a ' hireling manual la- borer.' Poverty cast its dark and chilling shadow over the home of 24 HENRY WILSON. ray childhood ; and want was sometimes there — an unbidden guest. At the age of ten years — to aid him who gave me being in keeping the gaunt specter from the hearth of the mother who bore me — I left the home of my boyhood, and went forth to earn my bread by ' daily labor.' " From his youth, Mr. "Wilson seems to have been deeply and perma nently imbued with the spirit of hostility to Slavery, and few men have dealt more numerous or heavy blows against the institution. His political career commenced in 1840. During this year he made upwards of sixty speeches in behalf of the election of Gen. Harrison. In the succeeding five years, he was three times elected a Representa- tive, and twice a Senator, to the Massachusetts legislature. Here his stern opposition to Slavery was at once apparent, and in 1845 he was selected, with the poet Whittier, to bear to Washington the great anti- slavery petition of Massachusetts against the annexation of Texas. In the same year he introduced in the legislature a resolution declar- ing the unalterable hostility of Massachusetts to the further extension and longer continuance of Slavery in America, and her fixed deter mination to use all constitutional and lawful means for its extinction. I lis speech on this occasion was pronounced by the leading anti-sla- very journals to be the fullest and most comprehensive on the Slavery question that had yet been made in any legislative body in the coun- try. The resolution was adopted by a large majority. Mr. Wilson was a delegate to the Whig National Convention of 184S, and on the rejection of the anti-slavery resolutions presented to that body, he withdrew from it, and was prominent in the organi- zation of the Free Soil party. In the following year he was chosen chairman of the Free Soil State Committee of Massachusetts — a post which he filled during four years. In 1850 he was again a member of the State legislature : and in 1851 and 1852 was a member of the Senate, and president of that body. He was also president of the Free Soil National Conzention at Pittsburg in 1852, and chairman of the National Committee. He was the Free Soil candidate for Con- gress in 1852. In 1853 and 1854 he was an unsuccessful candidate HENRY WILSON. 25 foi Governor of Massachusetts. In 1853 he was an active and influ- ential member of the Massachusetts Constitutional Convention. In 1855, was elected to the United States Senate to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Mr. Everett. Mr. Wilson took his seat in the Senate in February, 1855, and, by a "ote nearly unanimous, has been thrice re-elected to that office. As a Senator, he has been uniformly active, earnest, faithful, prominent, and influential, — invariably evincing an inflexible and fearless opposi- tion to Slavery and the slave-power. In his very first speech, made a few days after entering the Senate, he announced for himself and his anti-slavery friends their uncompromising position. " We mean, sir," said he, " to place in the councils of the Nation men who, in the words of Jefferson, have sworn on the altar of God eternal hostility to every kind of oppression over the mind and body of men." This was the key-note of Mr. Wilson's career in the Senate from that day to this. In the spring of 1856 occurred the assault upon Mr. Sumner by Preston S. Brooks of South Carolina. Mr. Wilson — whose fear- lessness is equal to his firmness and consistency — denounced this act as " brutal, murderous, and cowardly." These words, uttered on the floor of the Senate, drew forth a challenge from Mr. Brooks, which was declined by Wilson in terms' so just, dignified, and manly, as to secure the warm approval of all good and right-minded people. At the commencement of the rebellion, the Senate assigned to Mr. Wilson the Chairmanship of the Military Committee. In view of his protracted experience as a member of this committee, joined with his great energy and industry, probably no man in the Senate was more completely qualified for this most important post. In this committee originated most of the legislation for raising, organizing, and governing the armies, while thousands of nominations of officers of all grades were referred to it. The labors of Mr. Wilson, as chairman of the committee, were immense. Important legislation affecting the armies, and the thousands of nominations, could not but excite the liveliest interest of officers and their friends ; and they 26 HENRY WILSON. ever freely visited him, consulted with, and wrote to him. Private soldiers, too, ever felt at liberty to visit him, or write to him concern- ing their affairs. Thousands did so, and so promptly did he attend to their needs that they called him the " Soldier's Friend." As clearly as any man in the country, Mr. Wilson, at the com- mencement of the rebellion, discerned the reality and magnitude of the impending conflict. Hence, at the fall of Fort Sumter, when President Lincoln issued a call for 75,000 men, the clear-sighted Sen- ator advised that the call should be for 300,000 ; and immediately in- duced the Secretary of War to double the number of regiments assigned to Massachusetts. In the prompt forwarding of these troops Mr. Wilson was specially active. Throughout that spring, and until the meeting of Congress, July 4th, he was constantly occupying him- self at Washington, aiding the soldiers, working in the hospitals, and preparing the necessary military measures to be presented to the na- tional legislature. Congress assembled ; and, on the second day of the session, Mr. Wilson introduced several important bills relating to the military wants of the country, one of which was a bill authorizing the employ- ment of 500,000 volunteers for three years. Subsequently Mr. Wil- son introduced another bill authorizing the President to accept 500,- 000 volunteers additional to those already ordered to be employed. During this extra session, Mr. Wilson, as Chairman of the Military Committee, introduced other measures of great importance relating to the appointment of army officers, the purchase of arms and muni- tions of war, and increasing the pay of private soldiers, — all of which measures were enacted. In fact, such was his activity and ef- ficiency in presenting and urging forward plans for increasing and organizing the armies necessary to put down the rebellion, that Gen- eral Scott declared of Mr. Wilson that he " had done more work in that short session than all the chairmen of the military committees had done for the last twenty years." After the defeat at Bull Run, Mr. Wilson was earnestly solicited by Mr. Cameron, Mr. Seward, and Mr. Chase, to raise a regiment of in- HENRY WILSON. 27 fantry, a company of sharp-shooters, and a battery of artillery. Ac- cordingly, returning to Massachusetts, he issued a stirring appeal to the young men of the State, addressed several public meetings, and in forty days he succeeded in rallying 2,300 men. He was com- missioned colonel of the Twenty-second Regiment, and with his regi- ment, a company of sharp-shooters, and the third battery of artillery, he returned to Washington as colonel ; and afterwards, as aid on the staff of General McClellan, Mr. "Wilson served until the beginning of the following year, when pressing duties in Congress forced him to resign his military commission. Returning to his seat in the Senate, Mr. Wilson originated and carried through several measures of great importance to the interests of the army and the country. Among these was the passage of bills relating to courts-martial, allotment certificates, army-signal depart- ment, sutlers and their duties, the army medical department, en- couragement of enlistments, making free the wives and children of colored soldiers, a uniform system of army ambulances, increas- ing still further the pay of soldiers, establishing a national mili- tary and naval asylum for totally disabled officers and men of the volunteer forces, encouraging the employment of disabled and dis- charged soldiers, securing to colored soldiers equality of pay, and other wise and judicious provisions. Invariably true and constant in his sympathies for the down- trodden and oppressed, Mr. Wilson never once forgot the slave, for whose freedom and elevation he had consecrated his time and energies for more than a quarter of a century. He actively participated in the measures culminating in the anti-slavery amendment to the Consti- tution. He introduced the bill abolishing Slavery in the District of - Columbia, by which more than three thousand slaves were made free, and Slavery made for ever impossible in the capital of the Nation. He introduced a provision, which became a law, May 21, 1862, "provid- ing that persons of color in the District of Columbia should be sub- ject to the same laws to which white persons were subject ; that they should be tried for offenses against the laws in the same manner 28 HENRY WILSON. as white persons were tried ; and, if convicted, be liable to the same penalty, and no other, as would be inflicted upon white persons for the same crime." He introduced the amendment to the Militia Bill of 1795, which made negroes a part of the militia, and providing for the freedom of all such men of color as should be called into the ser- vice of the United States, as well as the freedom of their mothers, wives, and children. This, with one or two other measures of a kin- dred character, introduced by Mr. Wilson, and urged forward through much and persistent opposition, resulted in the freedom of nearly 100,000 slaves in Kentucky alone. After the close of the war, Mr. Wilson was no less active and in- fluential in procuring legislation for the suitable reduction of the army than he had been in originating measures for its creation. Making an extended tour through the Southern States, he delivered numerous able and instructive addresses on political and national topics, which had a marked effect in promoting practical reconstruction. It was in his place in the Senate, however, that he performed his most effective labors in promoting the great work of recon- struction. With the eye of a statesman he surveyed the field, and was among the first to discover the means necessary to accomplish the desired end. He saw that the foundation of enduring pros- perity to the South and peace to the country must be a guarantee of civil and political rights to the colored people, firmly imbedded in the Constitution. This having been accomplished, he favored the mildest measures which sound statesmanship could devise in the treatment of persons recently in rebellion. Though possessed of rare kindness of heart, he did not permit his emotions to blind him to the necessity of adopting such measures as would insure the country against a recurrence of the bloody tragedy of rebellion. During all his public life Mr. Wilson has always been bold and eloquent in the advocacy of measures tending to give employment to working-men, and open to them all possible chances for advance- ment He has been a strong advocate of homestead acts, of laws exempting from seizure the poor man's furniture and a portion of his wages, of laws abolishing imprisonment for debt, laws to open HENRY WILSON. 29 the public lands to actual settlers, and laws to reduce the hours of labor. He advocated the Eight Hour Law as likely to promote "the material, intellectual, and moral interests of the masses of the people, whose lot it was to toil for their subsistence." Of his more than thirteen hundred public speeches a large majority have been directly in the interests of the people who are doing the world's necessary work. His sympathies for the unfortunate have been manifested not only in word but in deed. He is said to have devoted a large portion of his salary as a Senator and his pay as an author to the relief of the soldier and the unfortunate. He would never have to do with gaius which were in any way wrung from the poor or the oppressed. While he was engaged in manufacturing shoes one of his Southern customers who had failed promised to compromise by paying fifty per cent of the indebtedness, but proposed to raise the money in part by the sale of his slaves. Wilson would not hear of this, but gave him a full discharge of the whole debt, requesting him never to send any dividend unless it could be done from money not obtained by the traffic in human beings. Mr. Wilson was among the first to declare himself in favor of General Grant as the Republican candidate for the Presidency in 1868. After the nomination he entered with great zeal into the canvass, and made some of the ablest speeches of the campaign. He gave the administration a steady and consistent support, not hesitating, however, in a spirit of candor, to criticise its mistakes. President Grant having been unanimously nominated for re-elec- tion by the Republican National Convention of 1872, the second place upon the ticket was assigned to Henry Wilson. This nom- ination was every-where received with approval by the party. In Wilson the} 7 believed they had a candidate who in every emergency would do honor to his party and the country. Mr. Wilson was married in 1840 to Miss Harriet M. Howe, of Natick, a young lady of intelligence, amiability, and beauty. Her early loss of health prevented her from taking an active part in society. She died, much lamented, in May, 1870, after a painful 30 HENRY WILSON. illness of several years. Their only child, Lieutenant Hamilton Wilson, of the army, died in Texas in 1866, at the age of twenty. In early life Mr. Wilson saw the lamentable effects of the use of alcoholic liquors as a beverage, in causing crime, and keeping the common people in their condition of poverty and degradation. He resolved to refrain entirely from their use, and to use his utmost in- fluence to induce others to do likewise. He founded the Congres- sional Temperance Society, and by its agency succeeded in saving more than one man of genius from degradation and ruin. In 1868 Mr. Wilson became a member of the Congregational Church. He has given much of his time, talent, and money in forwarding religious enterprises. The elements and traits of Chris- tian character which exist in him are not the products of a day, but the growth of years — are not ephemeral but enduring. Notwithstanding his cares aud labors in the field of politics, Mr. Wilson has accomplished more in literature than many who have made it a pursuit. He is the author of a " History of the Anti- slavery Measures of the Thirty-seventh and Thirty-eighth Con- gresses," and " History of the Reconstruction Measures of the Thirty- ninth Congress." His principal literary work is " The History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America," the first volume of which, recently published, has received the approval of the lead- ing critics in the country. In his personal character Mr. Wilson is without reproach. He possesses purity as stainless as when he entered politics, and integ- rity as unimpeachable as when first elected to office. He is one of the most practical of statesmen, and one of the most skillful of legis- lative tacticians. His forte is hard work — the simple and efficient means by which he has arisen from humble origin to his present high position. Yu4 THOMAS M. BROWNE. By Hon. Jonathan "W. Gordon. ~ENERAL THOMAS M. BROWNE, the Republican candidate for Governor of the State of Indiana, is a native of Ohio. He was born in the village of New Paris, in Preble County, April 19, 1830. , His father, John A. Browne, was a native of Bucks County, Pennsylvania, and his mother of Cane Ridge, Bourbon County, Kentucky. He remained with his parents, at New Paris, until the death of his mother, which occurred in 1843. That misfortune broke up his father's family, and he was apprenticed to Mr. Ralph M. Pomeroy, at that time a retail merchant in Spartansburg, Randolph County, Indiana. Leaving him there, his father removed to Grant County, Kentucky, where he died in the spring of the year 1865. The death of his mother, which cast him at so early an age among strangers, was not wholly without its compensations. The rare capacity, energy, and probity that formed the basis of the char- acter of Mr. Pomeroy did not fail to impress themselves upon the mind, and ultimately upon the life, of young Browne. In his capac- ity of general utility-boy about the store of Mr. Pomeroy he learned the rudiments of business — attention, method, energy, dispatch, and strict adherence to truth and honesty in all that he said and did. He learned more. He was brought into daily contact and communication with the people, and acquired a thorough knowl- edge of their modes of thought and action, which has been of in- finite advantage to him throughout his career as a professional and public man. Thoroughly impressed, from this early intercourse with the people, with the conviction of their general intelligence and honesty, he has endeavored to win their confidence by the ex- hibition of similar traits of character. His life has been faithfully devoted to acquiring an accurate knowledge of public affairs, and 32 THOMAS M. BROWNE. no man has more earnestly endeavored to promote the right than he, regardless of what might for the time being be esteemed the expedient. He remained with Mr. Pomeroy, at Spartansbnrg, until the spring of 1848, when he went to Winchester and commenced the study of law in the office of the Hon. William A. Peelle. While engaged in his legal studies he attended, during one short session, the Eandolph County Seminary. This was his only opportunity to acquire an education, except his casual and brief attendance on the village schools before coming to Winchester. Such has been his faithfulness in improving the foundations thus laid, that few per- sons who have not been acquainted with his early life and oppor- tunities would ever be led to think from their intercourse with him, either in public or private life, that he had not enjoyed the advantages of a liberal education and thorough culture. His care- ful and laborious industry, good taste, and strong common sense have made him ample atonement for the lack of early opportunity and training. Few public men in the State now possess a wider or more thorough legal, political, or general knowledge than he, and none are master of a better style for setting it forth to others. He is at once a clear, forcible, and elegant writer, and as an orator has few equals, and perhaps no superior, in Indiana. He was admitted to the bar of the circuit and inferior courts of the State in August, 1849, and to that of the Supreme Court in May, 1851. When it is remembered that these advances were the results of his professional attainments ascertained by judicial ex- amination, and not, as at present, a constitutional right secured to every voter, it will be manifest that he had diligently improved his brief novitiate. Nor was the seal of popular approval wanting to these early achievements in his professional career. In August, 1850, and before he was twenty-one years old, he was elected Prosecuting Attorney of Randolph County, in which position he served two years. After the adoption of the Constitution of 1851 the office became co-extensive with the judicial circuits; and, in 1S55, he was elected Prosecuting Attorney of the thirteenth THOMAS M. BROWNE. 33 Judicial Circuit. To this office lie was re-elected in 1857, and again in 1859, and during all the time he held it discharged its duties with marked ability and success. "When it is recollected that the bar of the circuit was at that time anions; the ablest of the State, this is, of itself, high praise. In the mean time, and even before his admission to the bar, he had married Miss Mary J. Austin, at New Paris, on the 18th of March, 1849. With her his home has been peaceful and happy. " The heart of her husband doth safely trust in her, so that he shall have no need of spoil." " In her tongue is the law of kindness." At the October election in 1862 he was elected to the Senate by the people of Randolph County, and took a leading part in its proceedings and debates during the ensuing session. His course and ability commanded the respect and confidence of the public, and won for him a reputation for fidelity to his principles and de- votion to his country even beyond the limits of the State. The correspondent of the " Cincinnati Gazette " thus describes him at this time : " Thomas M. Browne, Senator from Randolph, is a young man, well dressed, of sanguine complexion, an excellent speaker, and full of fun and irony. There is a vim about him that tells in a popular audience and brings down the house. Now a burst of eloquence surprises you, and now a streak of fun. At times a burst of indig- nation comes out that is startling. This young man will make his mark in our country yet." Immediately at the close of the session of 1863 he resigned his place as Senator, and entered with zeal and energy upon the graver and more trying duties of a soldier. He assisted in recruiting the Seventh Indiana Cavalry, was elected captain of Company B, and, before leaving the State for the field, was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. With his regiment he served in Western Ken- tucky, in Tennessee, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisiana, and Texas. He was in the raids of Generals Grierson and Smith through Ten- nessee and Mississippi. In the battle of Guntown, Mississippi, on the 10th of June, 1864, his horse was shot under him, and he was 34: TIIOMAS M. BROWNE. himself wounded. His commanding officer, by special order, com- mended both him and his command for gallant conduct in that action, and he was soon afterward promoted to the colonelcy of his regiment and received the rank of brigadier general by brevet, " for gallant and meritorious conduct," from the hand of President Lincoln. Advancing with, and often at the head of the column of law and liberty, he was at the close of the war in Texas, and during the winter of 1865-66, in command of the United States forces at Sherman, in the northern part of that State. In this posi- tion he was brought into frequent and interesting relations to the people of that section of the country, and while holding the reins of authority with firmness, did so with so much moderation, gentle- ness, and kindness, as to win "golden opinions from all sorts of people." His brief and limited administration there exemplified that " it is better far to rule by love than fear," and he returned to his home leaving in the "State of the lone star" many devoted friends among those whom he had lately met in the field as foes. Arriving at home he resumed the practice of his profession, and entered at once upon an extensive and profitable business. The people, always his friends, hastened to his support. But the state of the country, and of parties struggling for the ascendency in its government, would not suffer him to devote himself merely to his private affairs. He was soon drawn into politics again. The questions before the people were of such a character as to challenge the grave consideration of all thoughtful, patriotic men. He could not refuse them his most serious consideration. His fitness for their public discussion drew him to the platform, and from the fall of the Confederacy until the present moment he has been a consistent, firm, and zealous, but withal a moderate, supporter of the princi- ples, policy, and measures of the Republican party. In the great political contest of 1868 he was heard in almost every part of the State, and perhaps no public speaker left a more pleasing or en- during impression of himself upon the public mind than he. In this way, while simply performing in a conscientious way what he THOMAS M. BROWNE. 35 conceived to be his duty, he achieved a wide and lasting popu- larity. Soon after the inauguration of President Grant he was appointed to the office of District Attorney of the United States for the Dis- trict of Indiana, a position which he still holds. He has filled this position with distinguished ability, and established a high reputa- tion throughout the State as a sound lawyer and able advocate. By his devotion to the duties of his office, and a methodical arrange- ment of them, he has greatly promoted the public service, and while maintaining the laws and authority of the Government, has saved much money to its treasury that would otherwise have been lost. It was while pursuing the even tenor of his way as a citizen and officer of the Government that some friend mentioned his name in connection with the office of Governor of Indiana, a distinction at which, the writer has reason to know, he never had aimed, and of which it may be doubted whether he had ever so much as thought. Once publicly mentioned for the place, it soon became apparent that he would be selected. The young men of his party every-where were for him, and, without effort on his part, he was chosen by the Republican State Convention of Indiana, on the second ballot, as its standard-bearer in the ensuing political contest over two of the ablest and most deservedly popular men in the State — Godlove S. Orth and General Ben. Harrison. It was a proud day for the lonely orphan who had been left among strangers without means or friends at the age of thirteen, when that great Convention — the greatest in many respects that ever assembled in the State — calle him to the front and placed in his hands the battled-scarred flag of union, of law, and of liberty, and made him its bearer, and the guardian in the coming strife of all its glorious memories, its un- dying hopes, and " its honor's stainless folds." As he came forward that vast assembly was swept by the spirit of the deepest enthusi- asm, and greeted him with cheers and shouts that sprung spon- taneously from the hearts and lips of thousands made one by the same inspiration. When the tumult had a little subsided he ad- dressed the Convention as follows : 3 36 THOMAS M. BROWNE. " Gentlemen of the Convention : To say that I am sincerely thankful for the honor you have this day conferred upon me — that I am proud of this generous expression of your confidence — is to express but feebly the emotions with which this occasion over- whelms me. To be nominated to a position of so much impor- tance and dignity is indeed most flattering to the ambition of a young man. " But I accept the work you have assigned me, conscious of its responsibilities, and with a determination of devoting to it what- ever of energy and ability I possess. I know, and I feel what I say, that you might have confided the cause to the keeping of safer and abler hands than mine, but I promise you zeal in the advocacy of Republican principles, and the strictest fidelity in the perform- ance of every duty. It shall be my aim, indeed, my highest ambi- tion, to merit the great compliment you have paid me, and if in the past by eating meat I have offended my brother, I will eat no more meat while the world standeth. " Gentlemen, we must redeem Indiana. We can do it, and we will. Let us forget the dissensions that weaken us, and the divi- sions that have crippled us ; let us forget our personal disappoint- ments, and let us enter into the contest inspired and animated by the glory of our past achievements, and with a determination to conquer in the coming contest. " If we make but a united light we can march right over the in- trenchments of the enemy to a glorious victory, for the Republican party can point with pride to the work of its hand. It has written history for eternity. It has done that which the statesmen and the philosophers of the past omitted to do. It has put God in the Constitution by recognizing the rights of his creature, man. ' For inasmuch as ye did it unto the least of these, my brethren, ye have done it unto me,' is the language of the divine Lawgiver. " Gentlemen, let us go into the canvass confident that victory will greet us. " I should be very glad to speak further to you, but I am ad- monished that there is other work for the Convention to do." GODLOYE S. OETH. 'ODLOVE S. OETH is descended from a Moravian family which emigrated from one of the palatinates of the old Ger- man Empire to the colony of Pennsylvania about the year 1725, under the auspices of the celebrated missionary, Count Zinzen- dorf. He was born near Lebanon, Pennsylvania, April 22, 1817. After receiving such education as was afforded by the schools of his neighborhood, he spent a few years in attendance at Pennsylvania College, located at Gettysburgh, in which village he subsequently studied law in the office of Hon. James Cooper, and was admitted to the bar in March, 1839. An inclination to mingle in the new scenes and activities of the growing West, led Mr. Orth in that direction, and he located in La- fayette, Indiana, which has ever since continued his home. Here he at once entered upon the practice of the law, and soon won for him- self a reputation for ability and eloquence that placed him in the front rank of his profession. His debut as a political speaker occurred during the famous Har- rison campaign of 1840, in which he took an active part. The effi- ciency of his labors in the campaign gave him political prominence among his neighbors, and in 1843 he was nominated by the Whigs of Tippecanoe County as their candidate for State Senator and was elected in the face of a Democratic majority in the county. Though the youngest, he was recognized as one of the ablest members of the Senate, and before the close of his term was elected its President by an almost unanimous vote. In February, 1846, he was nominated by the Whig State Conven- tion for Lieutenant Governor, which position he declined, and at the urgent request of his constituents, he consented to become a candi- 38 GODLOVE S. ORTH. date for re-election to the Senate. He was again successful, and in 1846 entered upon his second term of three years in the Senate. During this term he was assigned to the important position of chair- man of the Judiciary Committee. This position was conferred by the President of the Senate, who was a Democrat — a rare instance of such a compliment being conferred upon a political opponent. In 1848 he was a candidate for presidential elector, on the Taylor and Fillmore ticket, and as such stumped the northern half of Indi- ana. Upon the close of his second term in the Senate, he withdrew for a time from public life and devoted himself to the practice of his profession, at all times, however, taking a deep interest in current politics, and identifying himself with those who were battling against the encroachments of slavery. In 1861 he was one of the five commissioners appointed by Gov- ernor Morton to represent Indiana in the Peace Congress. His ex- perience in that body satisfied him of the hopelessness of any com- promise with a power which spurned all overtures except such as were dictated by the Southern delegates, many of whom were then plotting the destruction of the Government. On the return of Mr. Orth from the Peace Congress, his neighbors requested him to address a large meeting of his fellow-citizens on the absorbing question of the hour. He complied, and told them plainly that he regarded a conflict as inevitable, and advised them to prepare for the emergency. The outbreak of hostilities at Charleston soon followed, and from that time forth he was zealously committed to the cause of the Union and the suppression of the rebellion, lending all his influence to the support of the administration in its vigorous prosecution of the war. In the summer of 1862, the southern portion of Indiana being threatened with a rebel invasion, the Governor made a call for vol- unteers to meet the emergency. The same day (Sunday) on which this call was issued, it was responded to by a public meeting in La- fayette, at which Mr. Orth closed an eloquent appeal by placing his own name the first upon the roll of volunteers — an example which GODLOVE S. ORTH. 39 was at ODce followed by about two hundred men, who elected him captain, and within twenty-four hours reported for duty at Indian- apolis. Mr. Orth was sent with his men to the Ohio River, and placed in command of the United States ram " Horner," on which he did duty, patrolling the river until his term of service expired. In October, 1862, he was elected a Representative in the Thirty- eighth Congress, his competitor being Hon. John Pettit, who had rep- resented the district for several years. On the organization of the House, Mr. Orth was assigned to duty on the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and the Committee on the Freedmen. It was during this Congress that the latter committee matured and reported the several measures of legislation in reference to that large class of people whom the war was daily transferring from slavery to freedom. Mr. Orth was identified with them as well as with the other new and reforma- tory measures of the Republican party. By his intelligent compre- hension of the great questions cast upon Congress, and by his able exposition of them at various times on the floor, he obtained high standing and commanding influence among his fellow-members. As a member of the Thirty-eighth Congress Mr. Orth had the en- viable opportunity of placing his name on the roll with those who voted for the memorable amendment abolishing slavery. While this amend- ment was under discussion, he advocated its adoption in a speech of much force and eloquence, predicting the future greatness of the Re- public, which should culminate in " the American flag floating over every foot of this continent, and the American Constitution' protect- ing every human being on its soil." In October, 1864, Mr. Orth was elected to the Thirty-ninth Con- gress. The prominent measure of this Congress was the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which was proposed to the different States for ratification, and this, more largely than any other, entered into the political canvass of 1866. The defection of President John- son and the consequent dissensions in the Republican party, made the campaign of 1866 more than usually important and exciting. The opposition felt much encouraged, and expected to carry enough 40 GODLOVE S. ORTH. of the doubtful Congressional Districts to give them control of the lower house of the ensuing Congress. Mr. Orth was unanimously nominated for re-election, and his district, always close and hotly contested, was now regarded as one which might be carried by the opposition. To effect this, all the elements of opposition, personal and political, were combined against him. The Democrats declined to make any nomination, and united with the " Johnsonized " Repub- licans in support of an " independent " candidate. The alliance had at its command large sums of money which was most liberally used ; it controlled the entire federal patronage of the district, and subordi- nated every other interest for the sole purpose of ensuring his defeat, but in vain. He was sustained by his constituents, and although elected by a reduced majority, the result was everywhere regarded as a splendid triumph for Mr. Orth.. In the Fortieth Congress to which he was thus elected, Mr. Orth followed to their logical conclusions the several measures already inaugurated by the Republican party. In 1868 he was again re-elected to Congress — 'the fourth time he was thus honored by his constituents. The honor was the more dis- tinguished from the fact that never before in his district had any one received so many successive elections to Congress. In the Fortieth Congress Mr. Orth introduced a series of resolutions in reference to the annexation of San Domingo, and on the 5th of April, 1869, made a speech in favor of their adoption, in which he maintained that territorial extension " strengthens our government, increases our wealth, and adds to our power and grandeur." When the death of Thaddeus Stevens was announced in the House of Representatives, Mr. Orth delivered one of the most eloquent eulogies pronounced on that occasion, closing with the words : " In all the coming years of time, so long as patriotism has a votary and freedom an advocate, his fame will be cherished, and while his countrymen linger around his consecrated grave their aspirations will ascend to Heaven that a kind Providence may- grant to our beloved country many more such men." GODLOVE S. ORTH. 41 In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Orth retained his position on the Committee on Foreign Affairs and as Chairman of the Com- mittee on Private Land Claims. Soon after the organization of this Congress the Committee on Foreign Affairs was charged by the House with the investigation of our " troubles in Paraguay," and Mr. Orth was appointed Chairman of the Sub-Committee to whom the subject was referred. After thorough and laborious investigation, Mr. Orth, on behalf of a majority of the Committee, submitted a voluminous report to the House, and after full discussion the House sustained the report, ordered Admirals Davis and Godon to be tried by Naval Court- Martial, and approved the course of the President and of Minister Washburne. The question of the recognition of "belligerency" in Cuba attracted at this time to a considerable extent the attention of the country and of Congress. The Committee on Foreign Affairs, to whom the subject was referred, was divided upon the course to be adopted by our Government, and Mr. Orth, on behalf of a minor- ity of the Committee, presented a report which was sustained by the House. During the discussion which ensued Mr. Orth said : I yield to no gentleman on the floor of this House in expressions of sympathy for any people who, suffering from oppression, are fighting for independence. It is an American sentiment that all men should be free. These generous impulses are part of our nature ; they are among the earliest impressions of our childhood ; we receive them in lineal descent from our Revolutionary ancestors ; they are the proud heiitage of every American. But personal sympathy must not be permitted to influence official action in derogation of the just rights of others. If my sympathy could give the Cubans independence and separate nationality they should have it before the going down of the sun. But, sir, when I am asked to entangle the Government in a controversy in which we have every thing to lose and nothing to gain, I cannot do it, I dare not do it, and I have the fullest confidence that this House will not do it. General Sehenck, Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, having resigned his seat in Congress to accept the appoint- ment of Minister to England, Mr. Orth was appointed a member of that Committee, and served as such to the end of this Congress. WILLIAM WILLIAMS. ! ILLIAM WILLIAMS was born in Pennsylvania, near Carlisle, May 11, 1821. When thirteen years old, his father with his family removed to Ohio, and thence, two years afterwards, to Kosciusco County, Indiana. His educational advantages were but slender, he having access only to common schools, which, especially in Indiana, at that time were very defective. Yet his ambition to improve the privileges which he had, added to his indomitable perseverance and severe application, more than coun- terbalanced his lack of school advantages and helped him to become respectable in scholarship. In his seventeenth year he commenced by himself the study of law, and two years afterwards passed a severe examination and was admitted to the bar. He immediately commenced the practice of his profession in Warsaw, Indiana, w r hich has since continued as his home. Almost simultaneously with entering upon law practice, he began to participate in political affairs, and, pending the presidential campaign of 1810, he entered the contest in behalf of the Whig can- didate with all the ardor and enthusiasm of youth, and by his speeches in numerous places, began to acquire an enviable reputation as a public speaker. Tims matters proceeded during several succeeding years, wherein the subject of our sketch was employing himself dili- gently in professional labors. In the campaigns of 1811 and 1818 he distinguished himself by his enthusiastic and able speeches in various portions of the State. During the latter campaign, he was nomin- ated and elected county-treasurer, and continued to sustain this office until 1852. In the canvass of this }ear for Governor and Lieut-Gover- nor, Mr. Williams was pitted against Ashbel P. Willard as a candi- WILLIAM WILLIAMS. 48 date for the latter office. The State had long been Democratic, while Mr. Willard, the rival candidate, was the idol of his party, and pos- sessed many personal advantages. A joint canvas's was determined on by the two champions, which was prosecuted with great enthusi- asm ; and although Mr. "Williams was defeated, yet his vote ex- ceeded that of his colleague, the "Whig candidate for governor, by about five thousand. This remarkable canvass having passed, Mr. Williams seems to have given much attention to mercantile pursuits, and railroad op- erations, most of which proved prosperous. As the war of the Rebellion came on he, with his characteristic activity, embarked in the cause of the Union. He was commissioned by Governor Morton with the rank of colonel, and placed in command of Camp Allen at Fort "Wayne. "Within thirty days, by his impassioned and eloquent speeches he succeeded in raising, arming, and equipping three full regiments of infantry, which were at once despatched to the field. No other instance of such celerity in rallying and equipping troops occurred in the "West during the war. In June, 1863, he joined Sherman's army in the South-west, continuing with it for more than two years, when he was honorably mustered out of the service. The great popularity of Col. "Williams, joined with his well-known ability as a debater, very naturally designated him as a candidate for Congress ; and in the spring of 1866 he was nominated by the Republicans of the Tenth District of Indiana, and elected. In the Fortieth Congress, he was made chairman of the Committee on Expenditures of the "War Department, and served on two or three other important committees. He introduced a bill exempting manu- facturing establishments, where gross receipts were less than five thousand dollars, from the Internal Revenue Tax, which was referred to the Committee of Ways and Means, and incorporated in the gen- eral bill as reported by them. He delivered a speech entitled "Democracy Exposed and Republicanism Vindicated," of which thirty thousand copies were subscribed for and distributed through- out the country. 44 WILLIAM WILLIAMS. In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Williams was a member of the Committee on the District of Columbia, and Chairman of the Com- mittee on Expenditures in the War Department. On the 20th. of December he introduced a resolution — That the Judiciary Committee be instructed to inquire into the constitutional power of Congress to legislate or to enact such laws as shall protect the great agricultural and other producing interests of the West, by limiting the rates of tariff on such productions from the West to the sea-board where said railways extend through two or more States, and to report the result of such inquiry to this House for further action. On the 29th of January following he made an elaborate speech, citing judicial decisions, in support of " the constitutional power of Congress to regulate the interstate commerce of the country." One of the great railroad monopolies of the country is thus held up to view : Mr. Speaker, in sight of your own capital is a practical solution of the effect of this doctrine that the Constitution, by reason of the right of eminent domain in the States, cannot charter or incorporate arteries of trade through and over which the commerce of the nation may pass. I mean the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad — a monopoly without soul, body, or parts purely spiritual. See this mighty monopoly, which has grown rich and impudent over the spoils stolen from the visitors and business men of the States who come here to legislate for your country or pay a visit to the tomb of Washington. Sir, at the city of Baltimore the traveler is met with the tax-gatherer of this monster monopoly, and he does not give you time to ask the question, " Is it lawful to pay tribute to Cesar?" but says, "Your thirty cents, sir, into the treasury-box of Garrett, or you shall not behold the capital of the nation." The tax-gatherer who stands in the great highway to the nation's capital is a man of extensive rotundity and brazen effrontery, and his name, as I have indicated, is Garrett. He says to every citizen, " You must pay thirty cents into my coffers or you cannot go to Washington." I fancy as he complacently places the proceeds of this larceny in his pocket I hear it sing as it reaches its destination at the bottom, "Fare- well, vain world ; I am going home." [Laughter.] That railroad corporation cannot do even as the publican. It does not even come before Congress and say " Have mercy on me, a sinner ;" but, like the Phar- isee, it stands in the temple and says, " I thank God I am not as others are ; I have received $3,000,000 capitation tax from the people, and paid not one cent to the General Government." And it is not like any other corporation in the country, for it was the only corporation in the country that refused to commute the fare of the soldiers who came patriotically to defend the Government, and to save even that road itself from destruction. Like Shylock, it always clam- ored for its pound of flesh, even when the country was bleeding at every pore. JOEDN t. C. SHARKS. J OHN P. C. SHANKS was bora at Martinsburg, Virginia, June IT, 1826. His paternal ancestors came from Ireland. His grandfather, Joseph Shanks, entered the Continental army immediately after the battle of Lexington, and served through the Eevolution, participating in the battle of Yorktown. His father, Michael Shanks, was a soldier in the war of 1812, and an elder brother served through the Mexican war. His father left the State of Virginia in 1839, on account of opposi- tion to slavery, and settled in the wilderness of Jay County, Indiana. The subject of this sketch had few advantages of schools, either in Virginia or in his forest home in the west. His parents being in lim- ited circumstances, struggling to make a home in a new country, their son participated in their labors, hardships, and privations. From his fifteenth to his seventeenth year he suffered intensely from an at- tack of rheumatism, much of his time being helpless, and while in this condition studied industriously under his father, who was a good scholar. Regaining his health, he pursued his studies during all the waking hours which were not occupied with the severest manual labor. He studied by fire-light at home, and by camp-fires in the woods. He read in the highway while driving his team, and carried his book when he plowed. He worked at the carpenter's trade in Michigan to earn money with which to pursue the study of law. In 1847 he commenced the study of law in his own county, working for his board, and devoting every third week of his time to labor for his father on the farm. He was admitted to practise law in 1850, and during that year was acting auditor of his county. In the autumn following he was 46 JOHN P. C. SHANKS. elected prosecuting attorney of the Circuit Court by the unanimous vote of both political parties. Upon his entrance upon the field of politics he was a Whig, and as such he was elected to the Legislature of Indiana in 1853. Two years later, the liquor question being an element in politics, he was defeated as an advocate of legal prohibition. In 1860 he was elected a Representative from Indiana to the Thirty-seventh Congress, and took his seat July 4, 1861, when Con- gress was assembled by proclamation of President Lincoln to take measures for the prosecution of the war. He voluntarily fought in the first battle of Bull Run, July 21, 1861, and by great efforts suc- ceeded in rallying a portion of the fugitives from the ill-fated field. For his conduct in that battle Mr. Shanks was appointed briga- dier-general by Mr. Lincoln, but declined, as he told the President, because " Bull Run demonstrated that promotions should be withheld until men proved themselves competent to command." He accepted an appointment on the staff of General Fremont, and served with him in Missouri. When that officer was relieved, Mr. Shanks re- mained with his successor, General Hunter, until the reassembling of Congress. On the 20th of December, 1861, Mr Shanks offered the following important resolution in the House of Representatives : Resolved, That the constitutional power to return fugitive slaves to their masters rests solely with the civil department of the government ; and that the order of the Secretary of War, under date of December 6, 1861, to General Wool, for the deliv- ery of a slave to Mr. Jessup, of Maryland, as well as all other military orders for the return of slaves, are assumptions of the military power over the civil law and the rights of the slave. This resolution, the first Congressional action against the return of slaves, was referred to the Judiciary Committee, and, eventually, in substance, was made an article of war. On the 4th of March, 1862, in a speech in Congress, Mr. Shanks vindicated General Fremont, and upheld his proclamation giving freedom to the slaves of rebels. At the close of that session of Congress he again served on General Fremont's staff, in his West Virginia campaign. JOHN P. C. SHANKS. 47 In the summer of 1863, Mr. Shanks raised the Seventh Indiana Regiment of volunteer cavalry, and on the 6th of December, was ordered with them from Indianapolis to the field. In the following February, he was breveted a brigadier-general for meritorious con- duct. Having given efficient service until some time after the sur- render of Lee and Johnston, he was mustered out in September, 1865, at Hempstead, Texas. He was breveted a major-general by the recommendation of Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War, as a matter of justice which he declared to be due so meritorious an officer. In 1866, Mr. Shanks was elected to the Fortieth Congress, during which he served on the Committees on the Militia and Indian Affairs. Soon after taking his seat, he introduced a resolution pro- viding for the appointment of a committee of five to investigate the treatment of Union prisoners. He was made chairman of the com- mittee thus provided for, and, after long and patient investigation, made an elaborate report, which is an important contribution to the history of the rebellion. Subsequently he delivered an address upon this subject before the Grand Army of the Republic full of valuable and interesting statistics. In this speech he said : " I hope that the high moral, political, and military position of our people will enable our government to procure the adoption in the laws of nations of a provision that captives in war shall not be personally retained as prisoners ; but shall, under flags of truce, be returned at the earliest possible time to their own lines o: vessels, and paroled until properly exchanged, so that the books of the com- missioners of exchange of the respective belligerents shall determine the relative advantages in captives, and thus the horrors and sacri- fices of prison-life be prevented." On the 26th of March, 1867, Mr. Shanks introduced a resolution instructing the Committee on Foreign Affairs to investigate the cause of the imprisonment for life of Rev. John McMahon, and what measures, if any, should be taken for his release. On the 9th of January following, the committee having made a report requesting the President to intercede with the Queen of Great Britain for the 48 JOHN P. C. SHANKS. speedy release of the prisoner, Mr. Shanks made an eloquent speech in support of the resolution, conclusively arguing the duty of our government to maintain the right of expatriation. He spoke in favor of the impeachment, and advocated the bill to declare forfeited the lands granted to certain Southern railroads. He spoke against the treaty by which the Osage Indian lands were allowed to be con- veyed to a corporation, to the detriment of actual settlers. In a speech on the suffrage amendment, he declared his opinion that an act of Congress would be sufficient to effect the object. " I have long thought," said he, " that it was not only in the power, but in the duty of Congress to protect the right of the elective franchise to all the people against any attempt by State or local legislation, or by force or fraud, to curtail, embarrass, or defeat its full and equal enjoy- ment by all adult citizens." On the 9th of December, 1868, Mr. Shanks introduced a resolu- tion, " That it is the duty of the government of the United States to acknowledge the existence of the provisional government of Crete aa an independent political state, and to treat with it as such." On the 7th of January following, he advocated this resolution in an able and eloquent speech, for which he received the thanks of the Greek and Cretan governments. He made an elaborate speech showing that the Union Pacific Railroad was not constructed according to law. He introduced a bill to distribute the number and rank of government employees among the several districts and territories. In a speech advocating the measure, he showed the inequalities that existed in the distribu- tion of the offices, maintaining that the matter was one of "very great importance to the people of the country, because from these offices, if equally represented from the various districts and ter- ritories, employees would go out to and correspond with the people of the different parts of the country, giving information touching what is going on in the departments and in the capital, thus keeping up a healthy channel of communication between the government and people, as valuable and faithful as though it went out from this House." JOHN P. C. SHANKS. 49 In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Shanks was Chairman of the Committee on the Militia, and a member of the Committee on Indian Affairs and on Freedmen's Affairs. Offering an amend- ment to a bill reported by Mr. Logan, to provide for furnishing artificial limbs to disabled soldiers, Mr. Shanks presented the fol- lowing interesting facts : I have obtained from the Commissioner of Pensions a statement showing the number of persons who would be entitled to receive assistance under my sub- stitute. There are 5,006 who have lost one arm, 33 have lost both arms, 4,627 have lost one leg, 42 have lost both legs, 21 have lost an arm and a leg, 2,516 have been afflicted with hernia, caused by service in the army, making a total of 12,245 persons who would be recipients under the substitute I have offered. I have offered this substitute from the Committee on the Militia for the bill reported from the Committee on Military Affairs for this reason especially. It will be recollected by the House that since the close of the war the War De- partment furnished artificial limbs to soldiers. It has not yet been five years, still you can hardly find in this country any person who now has an artificial limb so furnished to him. There is in the bill a proposition to pay these sol- diers in money, which would be well enough, but I think that is not what the Government desires. I think what the Government should desire to do is to place these persons as nearly as possible in the condition they were in before the war, at least to furnish them whenever necessary with artificial limbs free of expense. During the discussion of the bill to reduce the number of officers in the army Mr. Shanks submitted the following significant inter- rogatories : I would like to ask the gentleman from Pennsylvania whether he thinks it is any more unjust to muster out these officers than to muster out the colonels and captains and lieutenants who periled their lives bravely upon many a stricken battle-field in behalf of the people ? We mustered out all those offi- cers because the country did not need their services any further, and I have heard no good reason advanced why we should retain these officers when their services are no longer needed. Why did not the gentleman manifest his oppo- sition when it was proposed to muster out all those subordinate officers ? Why did he not manifest his affection then for those who served the country ? As a member of the Committee on Indian Affairs Mr. Shanks prepared a very elaborate report on the " Cherokee Neutral Lands in Kansas." This report embraces some fifty pages of printed mat- ter, and fully sets forth the history of the title to the Cherokee 50 JOHN P. C. SHANKS. Neutral Lands, and their " illegal and unjustifiable " transfer, to the prejudice of the interests of the United States and numerous settlers upon the lands. One of the most important conclusions arrived at in this report was that Congress " possesses the sole power to dispose of the public lands," which is fully developed in the following extract : Under monarchical governments concerned in discoveries in America such tracts of the country as the different nations laid claim to were held as the " property of the Crown." Grants or sales made by the Crown to other nations or to individuals passed the absolute title to the soil. In some cases, however, the title was retained in the Crown, and large tracts were leased by the Crown to companies or to private persons, as in the case of Georgia and some others. But under our republican form of government " the territory and other prop- erty belonging to the United States " is practically the property of the people. The Congress has from the foundation of our Government been regarded by the people as the guardian of the political and personal rights of the people, and as the custodian of the material interests of the nation. The framers of the Con- stitution, and the Conventions whose votes made it the fundamental law of the land, carefully provided (article 1, section 9) that " no money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law ;" and (article 1, section 7) that " all bills for raising revenues shall originate in the House of Representatives." Thus not only was the control of the purse of the nation placed in the hands of " Congress," but the people, jealous of the branch of that body least directly responsible to the people, placed that control very much more in the hands of their most direct agents, the members of the House of Representatives. No proposition to remove money from the pockets of the citizens directly or indirectly, and place it in the public treasury, can be constitutionally originated except by the lower House, and no money can constitutionally be removed from the public treasury for any purpose whatever without the concurrence of both Houses of Congress. Your committee insist that the power of " Congress " over the " territory " to which the United States holds the absolute, ultimate fee- simple title, and which has been shown, by quotations from the highest possible authorities on the subject, to include lands occupied by Indians as well as public lands not so occupied, is a power vested solely and exclusively in that department of our Government which is composed of the " Senate and House of Representatives," and that neither branch of Congress, acting separately, or in conjunction with any other department or officer of our Government, can by any process, direct or indirect, "dispose of" any portion of such "territory," in any way or manner whatever, without the express concurrence of the other branch of " Congress." The langMage of the Constitution is very plain on this subject. . . . Repeated decisions of the highest judicial tribunal of the land have defined the character of that power beyond a possible doubt. 77'UUtr^ U^/Q^t^ MOETOK C. HimTEK. 'ORTON C. HUNTER was torn at Yersailles, Indiana, February 5, 1825. He was educated at the Indiana Uni- jj^jr*^ versity, and in 1847 graduated in the Law Department. On the 26th of September, 1848, he was married to Miss Martha A. La Bertew, and soon after located in Bloomington for the practice of law. He immediately took a leading position among the members of the Bloomington bar, which in ability has always ranked as one of the foremost in the State. In politics he was a Whig, and cast his first vote for General Taylor for President in 1848. After the disintegra- tion of the Whig party he attached himself to the Republican organ- ization, and has since been a bold and successful advocate of its prin- ciples. In 1858 he was the Republican candidate for representative in the State legislature, and was elected by over three hundred majority in a county which had always been relied upon as strongly Demo- cratic. He was a leading member of the legislature, and gave shape to much of its most important legislation. In 1860 he was the Lin- coln elector for the Third District, which, after a thorough canvass, was carried for the Republicans by a large majority. In 1861 he was appointed by Governor Morton, brigadier-general of the fifth military district of Indiana, and for the purpose of organizing the militia therein he spent three months in canvassing the counties, neither charging nor receiving anything for pay or expenses. On the 19th of August, 1862, he was put in command of the mili- tary camp at Madison for the purpose of raising the 82d Indiana Regiment. He was commissioned colonel, and on the first of Septem- ber landed at Louisville, Kentucky, with his regiment fully armed and equipped. The regiment was placed in a brigade under command 4 52 MORTON C. HUNTER. of General Burbridge, and remained in the vicinity of Louisville just one month, marching from point to point to resist the Rebel General Kirby Smith who was then threatening the city. Subsequently Col. Hunter's regiment, as apart of the army under General Buell, marched through Kentucky in pursuit of Bragg's forces, and was at the battle of Perrysville. It took part in the battle of Stone River, in the fight at Hoover's Gap, and in the Tullahoma campaign which drove Gen- eral Bragg and his forces across the Cumberland River. The regi- ment next participated in the battle of Chickamauga. It was the first regiment that took position upon the memorable hill, the hold- ing of which in that battle saved the Union army. It was also in the fight at Brown's Ferry, which broke the rebel lines and opened communication by the Cumberland River with our army at Chatta- nooga, then in an almost starving condition. It was next in the storming of Mission Ridge, and, on the 2oth of February, 1863, was in the fight at Rocky-Face Ridge in which its lieutenant-colonel, Paul E. Slocum, was killed. On the 7th of May following, the regiment marched with the grand army under Major-General Sherman, and shared all the hardships, battles, and successes of the memorable campaign which won Atlanta, the great rebel stronghold of the south-west. At Atlanta Colonel Hunter took command of the 1st Brigade, 3d Division of the 14th Army Corps, and commanded it until the close of the war. He joined in Sherman's grand march to the sea, and in the arduous campaign through the Carolinas by way of Richmond to the national capital. He participated in the grand review at Washington on the 25th of May, 1865, after the surrender of the rebel armies. He was breveted brigadier-general for meritorious services. During the three years he was in the army he was away from his command but once, and that only for fourteen days to visit a sick member of his family. His command was always in the front when the fighting was done, never performing garrison or guard duty in the rear. In 1866 Mr. Hunter was the Republican candidate for Congress in the Third District of Indiana, and was elected by a majority of MORTON C. HUNTER. 53 096 votes, notwithstanding a heavy importation against him, his dis- trict bordering on Kentucky, and lying between the Second and Fourth Districts both of which were strongly Democratic. As a member of the Fortieth Congress, Mr. Hunter performed valuable service for his constituents and the country. On the 18th of December, 1867, he introduced an elaborate and carefully pre- pared bill " To provide internal revenue, to support the government, to pay interest on the public debt, and for other purposes," the great object of which was to relieve the industrial interests of the country from internal tax, and to place the same on luxuries and- the wealth of the country. This bill was referred to the Committee on Ways and Means, who subsequently reported 6ome of its material features in " a bill abolishing the tax on manufactures," and " a bill abolish- ing bonded warehouses," both of which were passed. He also in- troduced a bill " to fund the national debt, and for other purposes," which was referred to the same committee. A bill " to tax green- backs, and other national currency, by the States in like manner as other personal property " introduced by him was referred to the Com- mittee on Banking and Currency, the substance of which was re- ported upon favorably and is now the law. He was also the author of a bill granting pensions to the soldiers of 1812, and a certain class of soldiers of the Mexican war. He made but few speeches, but in these evinced profound thought and extensive research. His speech on finance was regarded as one of the ablest made on that subject. He is a man of fine physical development, being six feet in height and well proportioned. He is strictly temperate, never having used spirituous liquors nor tobacco in any form. Of excellent attainments, sound judgment, and untiring industry, he has fulfilled every public duty with honor to himself and satisfaction to his friends. JASPEE PACKARD. ^ASPER PACKARD was born in Trumbull (now Mahon ing) County, Ohio, February 1, 1832. His father was a hard-working farmer of that locality, who with his wife came from Western Pennsylvania and carved a home out of the wilderness. The subject of this sketch was the youngest of twelve children, and when but three years of age his parents moved to Indiana, settling again in the wilderness, again to make a home by hard and rugged labor. At that time there were few neighbors except Indians, and facilities for education were meager and im- perfect, but they were eagerly sought, and the usual alternation was kept up of three months' school in the winter and labor on the farm in the milder seasons. At the age of eighteen his father died, and the boy was thrown upon his own resources. Determining to secure an education, he labored in the harvest-field in summer and taught school in winter, keeping even with his classes in college. One year of his course of study was passed at Oberlin, Ohio, after which he entered Michigan University, and graduated in 1855. Marrying the same year, he engaged in teaching, together with his wife, whose companionship and helping hand were to him invalua- ble. He edited the La Porte Union during a part of 1859 and 1860, and having studied law he was admitted to the bar, and had just commenced the practice of his profession when the war of the Rebellion called him away from his chosen pursuit. Enlisting early as a private in the Forty-eighth Indiana Volunteers he was soon made First Lieutenant of his company. After the battles of Iuka and Corinth he was promoted to the captaincy of another company in the same regiment, which he commanded in the Ticks- HI JASPER PACKARD. 55 burg campaign and the battles at Chattanooga. At the attack on the fortifications of Yicksburg on the 22d of May, 1863, he was severely wounded in the face and was off duty for two months, the only time he lost during four years and a half of military service. Early in 1864 he was commissioned Lieutenant-Colonel of the One hundred and twenty-eighth Indiana Yolunteers, which regi- ment he commanded during the Atlanta campaign, the campaign against Hood in Tennessee, and in the operations of Schofield's com- mand in North Carolina, being further promoted to Colonel and brevetted Brigadier-General. His regiment was the last of the Indiana troops to be mustered out of the service, being on duty in North Carolina until April, 1866. Prior to his return home his friends had suggested his name as County Auditor, to which office he was elected in the ensuing October. At the State Convention in February, 1868, Mr. Pack- ard was appointed Presidential Elector for the Eleventh Indiana District, and he was prominently mentioned as a Republican can- didate for Congress in case Mr. Colfax should be nominated for Yice-President. This contingency occurring, Mr. Packard received the nomination for Congress, and engaged at once with untiring industry in the canvass. He spoke one hundred and six times in three months, and received a majority of twelve hundred and twenty-one, although the majority in the whole State was less than one thousand, the majority in the district two years before being something over two thousand, with a State majority of fourteen thousand. He was nominated for the Forty-second Congress almost by acclamation, and worked through the campaign with an earnest- ness and energy which did not permit apathy to endanger the success of the Republican ticket. He spoke eighty-five times in two months, and visited every neighborhood in an unusually large district. The fruit of this exertion was a majority four hundred greater in the district than in 1868, although the Democrats gained in the State thirty-five hundred. 56 JASPER PACKARD. Taking his seat as a Representative from Indiana in the Forty- first Congress, Mr. Packard was appointed a member of the Com- mittee on Military Affairs. His course has been characterized by quiet industry and strict attention to the duties of his position. The following extract from a newspaper communication, written in May, 1870, correctly presents his course as a Representative : " Since he has taken his seat as a member of the Forty-first Congress the same remarkable success has followed him, until it is conceded that no new member has made a brighter record than he. He is true to his party ; is always at his post ; he never misses a meeting of his Committee ; his name is recorded on every ballot ; he is prompt to answer every correspondent ; and attentive to every request, in season and out of season. Now securing an appropri- ation for our Michigan City harbor, then urging through a pension claim for a poor disabled soldier ; now speaking with earnest and eloquent words for the Republican Party, then securing the establishment of a new post-office for the accommodation of the people ; now presenting to the House a most convincing argument for the reduction of taxation, and always carefully attending to every duty imposed on him by the House, his Committees, the Departments, and his correspondents." Mr. Packard has seldom spoken in the House, except on matters which came from his Committee, and then briefly and to the point. His political record is one of consistent adherence to the Republi- can party. He cast his first vote for its first candidate for Presi- dent, and has since stood firmly by its leading members, because he believed them to be right. His most elaborate speech in the For- ty-first Congress was entitled, " The Republican Party, its Present Duties and Past Achievements, and Democratic Repudiation." " I have faith in the American people," he said in this speech, " and I should not dare to look my constituents in the face if I did not indignantly deny for them the charge that they are willing to repudiate one dollar of what they justly owe. I will not impute to them, or permit others to impute to them, such amazing dis- honesty." JOHST OOBUEN". 'OHN COBURN was born at Indianapolis, Indiana, October 27, 1825. His father was a native of Massachusetts, who settled in Indiana while it was yet a territory. The subject of this sketch enjoyed excellent advantages of early education in his native city, and subsequently attended Wabash College, where he graduated in 1846. He was employed a short time in the office of the clerk of the Supreme Court; studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 1850. During this and the following year he was a member of the State Legislature. Although one of the youngest members, and in the Whig minority, he took an active part in legis- lation. The Whigs in that Legislature voted in a body against resolutions approving the Clay Compromise of 1850 ; thus early showing themselves ready for the great Republican movement, in which some of them became leaders four years later. In 1856 Mr. Coburn was the Republican candidate for Congress, and conducted the canvass with such ability that his competitor, unable to answer his arguments, quit the stump soon after they had entered upon a series of joint discussions. Mr. Coburn received a much larger vote than the Republican candidates who were success- ful in the preceding and subsequent elections, but his opponent was declared elected, since it was vital to the success of the Buchanan presidential ticket in the State in November that the Central Con- gressional District should be carried for the Democrats in October. In 1853 Mr. Coburn engaged in the defense of Freeman, who, though never a slave, had been seized by a pretended owner from Kentucky under the Fugitive Slave Law. To find evidence for his 58 JOHN COBURN. client, Mr. Coburn went twice to Kentucky and made two journeys into Canada, and by great exertions succeeded in releasing him from the grasp of the kidnapper. Sympathy with the slave was at that time unpopular in Indiana, and Mr. Coburn lost business by reason of his efforts for Freeman. In 1857 he was counsel for the defence in another celebrated fugitive slave case. These two important cases attracted the attention of the whole country, and had an influ- ence in consolidating a majority in Indiana against the slaveholders in 1860. In 1858 Mr. Coburn was elected judge of the Court of Common Pleas. Soon after the election of Mr. Lincoln, when the plans of the rebels began to appear, many Republicans in Indiana were ready to consent to a peaceful withdrawal of the Southern States, in order to prevent loss of property and life. At this juncture a large mass meet- ing was addressed by Judge Coburn and Hon. Jonathan W. Gordon, who counselled uncompromising adherence to the Union against the treason of secession, and thus a sentiment was promoted at the State capital which did much to direct Indiana upon the course in which the State gained enduring honor in the war. Soon after the breaking out of hostilities, Mr. Coburn entered the military service, and was commissioned colonel of the 33d Regiment of Indiana Volunteers. In September, 1861, he left Indianapolis with his command, and marching into Kentucky was immediately in the midst of active service. With his regiment he bore the brunt of the battle of Wildcat, and did most of the fighting by which Zollicoffer's force was repulsed. Officers and men bore themselves with great cool- ness and valor, although the} 7 had never before been under fire. Thus the first battle of the army of the Cumberland was mainly fought by Col. Coburn's regiment, and the first man who fell in defence of the Union in Kentucky was private MoFadden of his command. Col. Coburn was given command of a brigade, participated in the movements which resulted in the taking of Cumberland Gap ; took part in operations in Tennessee, and finally was taken prisoner, with four hundred of his command, at Thompson's Station, on the 5th of JOHN COBURK. 59 March, 1863. Officers and men were treated with the utmost barbar- ity while on the way to Richmond, and after their incarceration in Libby Prison. " The iron-hearted monsters who had charge of the prisons," said Col. Coburn, in his report, " had no regard for suffering nor for human life." The prisoners were exchanged at City Point, Virginia, May 5, 1863, and were soon again in active service. During the spring and summer of 1864, Col. Coburn commanded a brigade in the great Atlanta campaign, participating with distin- guished honor in the battles at Resacca, New Hope Church, Golgotha Church, Culp's Farm, and Peach Tree Creek. On the 2d of September, 1864, the city of Atlanta was surrendered to Col. Coburn, who was met in the suburbs by the mayor, with a flag of truce. The officer who bore a prominent part in the first battle of the army of the Cumberland, had the honor to receive the sur- render of the last rebel stronghold in the West. His term of three years having expired, and the war in the West being virtually ended, he retired from the military service on the 25th of September, 1864. In March, 1865, he was appointed and confirmed Secretary of Mon- tana Territory, but declined the office. In the following October he was elected judge of the 5th Judicial Circuit of Indiana, an office which he accepted against his own inclinations, the duties of which, however, he performed in a manner highly satisfactory to a bar which is among the ablest in the United States. While upon the bench he was unanimously nominated by the Republicans as their candidate for Congress, and was elected in October, 1866. During the Fortieth Congress, Mr. Coburn was a member of the Committee on Public Expenditures and the Committee on Banking and Currency. At the short session of Congress, in July, 1867, he proposed an amendment to the Reconstruction acts, imposing penal- ties for offenses against the rights of voters in the late rebel States. This, if accepted, might have saved Congress the necessity of incor- porating similar provisions in an act to enforce the Fifteenth Amend- ment, which was passed so late as 1870. On the 2Sth of January, 1868, he addressed the House on the subject of Southern railroad-, gO JOHN CO BURN. in which he was the first to advocate in Congress certain necessary restrictions upon land grants to railroads. In an able legal and his- torical argument on impeachment, he maintained that Mr. Johnson's " whole history as President has been marked with usurpations of power and violations of rights." In February, 1868, he supported by a speech the bill for the redistribution of the currency, and in Janu- ary, 1869, he delivered an elaborate and eloquent speech on Finance, in which he showed the importance of funding the national debt and the folly of attempting to resume specie payment by legislation. He also addressed the House in opposition to the bill " to strengthen the public credit," in which he maintained that our national credit, so far from needing " strengthening " by legislation was " good, and growing better every day." JAMES K TYJSTER ^AMES N. TYNEE was born in Brookville, Indiana, January 17, 1826. His native town was earlier and better favored with educational facilities than most' other places in the States, and in one of its seminaries Mr. Tyner re- ceived an academic education. He studied law and engaged in the practice at Peru, a nourishing town on the Wabash and Erie Canal, and the terminus of one of the earliest railroads in the State. Mr. Tyner's first appearance in public life was as Secretary of the Indiana Senate, in which office he served for four consecutive sessions, commencing in 1857. He was a Presidential Elector in 1860. During five years, commencing in 1861, he was special agent of the Post-Office Department. He was elected a Eep- resentative from Indiana to the Forty-first Congress, as a Eepub- lican, at a special election held to fill the vacancy occasioned by the election of Hon. D. D. Pratt to the United States Senate, receiving a majority of three thousand two hundred and seventy- six votes. He was re-elected to the Forty-second Congress by a majority of nineteen hundred and sixty-four votes. In the Forty-first Congress Mr. Tyner served on the Committee on the Post-Office and Post-Eoads, and the Committee on Educa- tion and Labor. His speeches in the House, though few, were careful in statements of fact, accurate in statistics, and sound in reasoning. His first speech in the House, delivered February 5, 1870, on the Franking Privilege, was one Of the ablest arguments delivered on that question. He showed by carefully collated statistics that " the Postmaster-General had misled the people as to the co6t of the franking privilege," and yet he maintained that it ought to be abolished " because the people seem to demand it." LIVES OP GEN. ULYSSES S. GRANT AND HON. HENRY WILSON, TOGETHER WITH SKETCHES OF REPUBLICAN CANDIDATES FOR CONGRESS IN INDIANA. By WILLIAM HORATIO BARNES, AUTHOR OF "THE HISTORY OF CONGRESS." AND A SKETCH OP GENERAL THOMAS M. BROWNE, CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR OF INDIANA. By MAJOR JONATHAN W. GORDON. M\t\) $'m St«l |0rintits. NEW YORK: W. H. BARNES, PUBLISHER, 3 7 PARK ROW. 1872. j. »> > > 3R>>> > > > > 3> >:>■>'» "> - X» *>» * »» ~> > 5> "> > » >> » 3E> 5 > J> ». 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