%. ./ "\,^^' ^' % ./ % 4^ % 0^ ^ c> C- \. ■&' \ .** .*^ '\.'^^ / % '^ C' ■^^ / C: % \ ^^c?' ^AO^ <$- °<. Ht^ Cy / ^ c^ \ 4 ./ \ .^■•*■ \.^ "^^-d* ,^^°- %.,^^ ■:>• "'^J-^ ^^^°- -^-PrA .y a> ■-«. %.^" .#%. ^.S^' '\..^^ .#% . _aN^ ^^ ,. ^ ■ -. , <- a-A O, %.^x^^' ^"^^ ■t/>. ,^' rO 9=. ".■ -^'^. ,,..,..,. ./% , ... , ,^ ^^d« »!f^ "--• %<^'' ^^d< % -^ .4 o^ «f -^^ .4 o. ^^0^ ^^./' / ^ ^''"^%1'"^' .. - ^^Adi A n. "^^ o^ ^^d< Q- '' /. v-^ \ j5 <5^, "^^rl^ '^o'< '^^d^ « ^^ .,N^ ^^^^-^ ■"^z- ./o, ,^^ uried the bodies of Christian and Strother. Wilbarger spent the day in alternate watching and dozing till, late in the evening, completely ex- hausted, having crawled to a stump from which a more extended view was obtained, he was sinking into a despairing slumber, when the rumbling of horses' feet fell upon his ear. He arose and now beheld his deliverers. When, after quite a search, they discovered the ghastly object — a mass of blood — they involuntarily halted, seeing which he beckoned and flually called : " Come on, friends ; it is Wilbarger." They came up, even then hesi- tating, for he was disfigured beyond recognition. GEN. PJDWARD BURLESON. INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 25 He begged for water! water! which was promptly famished. He was wrapped in the sheet, placed on Mr. Hornsby's horse and that gentleman, mounting behind, held him in his arms, and thus, slowly, he was borne to the house, to be embraced with a mother's warmth by her who had seen him in the vision. The great loss of blood prevented febrile ten- dencies, and, under good nursing, Mr. Wilbarger recovered his usual health ; but the scalp having taken with it the inner membrane, followed by two days' exposure to the sun, never healed. The dome of the skull remained bare, onlj' protected by arti- ficial covering. For eleven years he enjoyed health, prospered and accumulated a handsome estate. At the end of that time the skull rapidly decayed, exposed the brain, brought on delirium, and in a few weeks, just before the assurance of annexation and in the twelfth year from his calamity, his soul went to join that of his waiting sister Margaret in that abode " where the wicked cease from troubling and the weary are at rest." Recalling the days of childhood, when the writer often sat upon his lap and received many evidences of his kindly nature, it is a pleasure to state that in 1858 he enjoyed and embraced the opportunity of honoring his memory by naming the county of Wilbarger jointly for him and his brother Matthias, a surveyor. John Wilbarger, one of the sons of Josiah, while a ranger, was killed by Indians in the Nueces countrj', in 1847. Events in 1833 and 1835 — Campaigns of Oldham, Coleman, John H. Moore, Williamson, Burleson, Coheen — Fate of Canoma — Choctaw Tom— The Toncahuas. In the year 1833, a stranger from the United States, named Reed, spent several days at Tenox- titlau, Falls of the Brazos, now in the lower part of Falls Count}'. There were at that time seven friendly Toncahua Indians at the place, with whom Reed made an exchange of horses. The Indians concluded they had been cheated and pretended to leave; but secreted themselves and, on the second day afterwards, lying in ambush, they killed Reed as he was leaving the vicinity on his return to the United States, and made prize of his horse and baggage. Canoma, a faithful and friendly Indian, was the chief of a small band of Caddos, and passed much of his time with or near the Americans at the Falls. He was then in the vicinity. He took seven of his tribe and pursued the Toncahuas. On 'the eighth daj' he returned, bearing as trophies seven scalps. Reed's horse and baggage, receiving substantial commendation from the settlers. In the spring of 1835 the faithful Canoma was still about Tenoxtitlan. There were various indi- cations of intended hostilit}' by the wild tribes, but it was mainly towards the people on the Colorado. The wild Indians, as is well known to those conver- sant with that period, considered the people of the two rivers as separate tribes. The people at the Falls, to avert an outbreak, employed Canoma to go among the savages and endeavor to bring them in for the purpose of making a treaty and of recov- ering two children of Mr. Moss, then prisoners in their hands. Canoma, leaving two of bis children as hostages, undertook the mission and visited several tribes. On returning he reported that those he had seen were willing to treat with the Brazos people ; but that about half were bitterly opposed to forming friendly relations with the Coloradians, and that at that moment a descent was being made on Bastrop on that river by a party of the irreconcilables. The people at the Falls immediatel}' dispatched Samuel McFall to advise the people of that infant settlement of their danger. Before he reached his destination the Indians had entered the settlement, murdered a wagoner, stolen several horses and left, and Col. Edward Burleson, in command of a small party, was in pursuit. In the meantime, some travelers lost their horses at the Falls and employed Canoma to follow and recover them. Canoma, with his wife and son, armed with a written certification of his fidelity to the whites, trailed the horses in the direction of and nearly to the three forks of Little river, and re- covered them. On his return with these American 2(5 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. horses, Burleson and party fell in with him, but were not aware of his faithful character. He ex- hibited his credentials, with which Burleson was dis- posed to be satisfied ; but his men, alread}' incensed, and finding Canoma in possession of the horses under such suspicious circumstances, gave rein to unreasoning exasperation. They killed him and his son, leaving his wife to get in alone, which she lost no time in doing. She reported these unfortunate facts precisely as they had transpired, and as the}' were ever lamented by the chivalrous and kind- hearted Burleson. This intensely incensed the remainder of Cano- ma's party, who were still at the Falls. Choctaw Tom, the principal man left among them, stated that thej' did not blame the people at the Falls, but that all the Indians would now make war on the Coloradians, and, with all the baud, left for the Indian country. Soon after this, in consequence of some depreda- tions; Maj. Oldham raised a company of twenty- five men in Washington, and made a successful attack an the Keechi village, on the Trinify, now in Leon County. He routed them, killed a number and captured a considerable number of horses and all their camp equipage. Immediately after this, Capt. Robert M. Cole- man, of Bastrop, with twenty-five men, three of whom were Brazos men well known to many of the Indians, made a campaign against the Tehuacanos, at the famous springs of that name now in Lime- stone County. He crossed the Brazos at Washing- ton on the 4th of July, 1835. He was not discovered till near the village. The Indians manifested stubborn courage. A severe engage- ment ensued, but in the end, though killing a considerable number of Indians, Coleman was com- pelled to retreat — having one man killed and four wounded. The enemy were too numerous for so small a party ; and it was believed that their recog- nilion of the three Brazos men among their assail- ants, stimulated their courage and exasperated them against the settlers on that river, as they were already towards those on the Colorado. Coleman fell back upon Parker's fort, two and a half miles above the present town of Groesbeck, and sent in an express, calling for an augmentation of force to chastise the enemy. Three companies were immediately raised — one commanded by Capt. Robert M. Williamson (the gifted, dauntless and eloquent three-legged Willie of the popular legends), one by Capt. Coheen and a third by Dr. George W. Barnett. Col. .John H. Moore was given chief command and Josepli C. Neill (a soldier at the Horseshoe) was made adjutant. They joined Coleman at the fort and rapidly- advanced upon the Tehuacanos at the springs ; but the wily red man had discovered them and fled. The}' then scoured the country up the Trinity as far as the forks, near the subsequent site of Dallas, then passed over to and down the Brazos, crossing it where old Fort Graham stands, without encoun- tering more than five or six Indians on several occasions. They, however, killed one warrior and made prisoners of several women and children. One of the women, after her capture, killed her own child, for which she was immediately shot. Without any other event of moment the command leisurely returned to the settlements. [Note. Maj. Oldham was afterwards one of the Mier prisoners. Dr. Barnett, from Tennessee, at 37 years of age, on the second day of the next March (1836), signed the Declaration of Texian Independence. He served as a senator for a num- ber of years and then moved to the western part of Gonzales County, where, in the latest Indian raid ever made into that section, he was killed while alone, by the savages. The names of Robert M. Williamson and John H. Moore are too intimatelj' identified with our history to justify farther notice here. As a Lieutenant-Colonel at San Jacinto, Joseph C. Neill was severely wounded. Robert M. Coleman was Ijorn and reared in that portion of Christian County, Kentucky, which afterwards be- came Trigg County. He came to Texas in 1830. He, too, at the age of 37, signed the Declaration of Independence and, fifty- one days later, com- manded a company at San Jacinto. He was drowned at the mouth of the Brazos in 1837. In 1839 his wife and 13 year-old-son were killed at their frontier home in Webber's prairie, on the Colorado, and another son carried into captivity by the Indians, never to be restored to civilization. Two little girls, concealed under the floor by their heroic child brother before his fall, were saved. Henry Bridger, a j'oung man, then just from Cole County, Missouri, afterwards my neighbor and close friend in several campaigns and battles — modest as a maiden, fearless as a tiger — also a Mier pris- oner, saw his first service in this campaign of Col. Moore. Sam McFall, the bearer of the warning from the Falls to Bastrop, from choice went on foot. He was six feet and three inches high, lean, lithe and audacious. He was the greatest footman ever known in Texas, and made the distance in shorter time than a saddle horse could have done. He became famous among the Mier prisoners at Perote, 1843-4, by feigning lunacy and stampeding whenever harnessed to one of the little Mexican carts for hauling stone, a task forced upon his comrades, but from which he escaped as a "lunatico." He died in McLennan County some years ago, lamented as an exemplar of true, inborn nobility of soul and dauntless courage.] INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 27 The Attempted Settlement of Beales' Rio Grande Colony in 1834— Its Failure and the Sad Fate of Some of the Col- onists — Twelve Murdered — Mrs. Horn and Two Sons and Mrs. Harris Carried into Captivity — 1834 to 1836. Before narrating the painful scenes attending the attempt to form a colony of Europeans and Americans on the Rio Grande, about thirty miles above the present town of Eagle Pass, begun in New York in November, 1833, and terminating in bitter failure and the slaughter of a portion of the colonists on the 2d of April, 1836, a few precedent facts are condensed, for the more intelligent and comprehensive understanding of the subject. Dr. John Charles Beales, born in Aldborough, Suffolk County, England, March 20, 1804, went to Mexico, and, in 1830, married the widow of Richard Exter, an English merchant in that country. She was a Mexican lady, her maiden name having been Maria Dolores Soto. Prior to his death Mr. Exter had become associated in certain empresario con- tracts for introducing colonists into northern or rather New Mexico with Stephen Julian Wilson, an English naturalized citizen of Mexico. In 1832 Dr. Beales and Jose Manuel Roquella obtained from the State of Coahuila and Texas the right to settle colonists in the following described limits: — Beginning at the intersection of latitude 32° north with longitude 102° west from London, the same being the southwest corner of a tract peti- tioned for by Col. Reuben Ross ; thence west on the parallel of latitude 32° to the eastern limit of New Mexico ; thence north on the line dividing New Mexico and the provinces (the State) of Coa- huila and Texas, to a point twent}' leagues (52f miles) south of the Arkansas river; thence east to longitude 102°, on the west boundary (reallj' the northwest corner) of the tract petitioned for by Col. Reuben Ross ;^ thence south to the place of beginning. Beales and Roquella employed Mr. A. Le Grand, an American, to survey and mark the boundaries of this territory- and divide it into twelve or more blocks. Le Grand, with an escort and proper outfit, arrived on the ground from Santa Fe, and established the initial point, after a series of observations, on the 27th of June, 1833. From that date till the 30th of October, he was activelj' engaged in the work, running lines north, south. east and west over most of the large territory. In the night, eight inches of snow fell, and on the 30th, after several days' examination of its topog- rapliy, he was at the base of the mountain called b3" the Mexicans " La Sierra Oscura." Here, for the time being, he abandoned the work and pro- ceeded to Santa Fe to report to his employers. Extracts from that report form the base for these statements. Neither Beales and Roquella nor Col. Reuben Ross ever proceeded farther in these enter- prises ; but it is worthy of note that Le Grand pre- ceded Capt. R. B. Marcy, U. S. A., twenty-six years in the exploration and survey of the upper waters of the Colorado, Brazos, Red, Canadian and Washita rivers, a field in which Capt. Marcy has worn the honors of first explorer from the dates of his two expeditions, respectively, in 1849 and 1853. Le Grand's notes are quite full, noting the cross- ing of every stream in all his 1800 to 2000 miles in his subdivision of that large territory into dis- tricts or blocks numbered 1 to 12. Le Grand, in his diary, states that on the 14th of August: " We fell in with a partj' of Riana In- dians, who informed us they were on their way to Santa Fe, for the purpose of treating with the government. We sent by them a cop}- of our jour- nal to this date." On the 20th of August they visited a large en- campment of Comanche Indians, who were friendly and traded with them. On the night of September 10th, in the country between the Arkansas and Canadian, Ave of the party — Kimble, Bois, Caseboth, Boring and Ryon— deserted, taking with them all but four of Le Grand's horses. On the 21st of September, near the northeast corner of the tract they saw, to the west, a large body of Indians. This was probably in " No Man's Land," now near the northeast corner of Sherman County, Texas. On the night of September 27th, twenty miles west of the northeast corner, and therefore near the northwest corner of Sherman County, they were attacked by a body of Snake Indians. The 28 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. action wa? short but furious. Tlie Indians, evi- dently expecting to surprise and slaughter the party while asleep, left nine warriors dead on the ground. But the victors paid dearly for the triumph ; they lost three killed, McCrummins, Weathers and Jones, and Thompson was slightly wounded. They buried the dead on the 28th and remained on the ground till the 29th. The country over which this party cari-ied the compass and chain, between June 27th and October 30th, 183.3, measuring on the ground about eighteen hundred miles, covers about the western half of the present misnamed Texas Panhandle, the eastern portion (or a strip thereof) of the present New Mexico, the western portion of "No Man's Land," and south of the Panhandle to latitude 32. The initial or southeast corner (the intersection of longitude 102 with latitude 32), judging by our present maps, was in the vicinity of the present town of Midland, on the Texas and Pacific Eailwaj', but Le Grand's observations must necessarily have been imperfect and fixed the point erroneously. It was, however, sixteen miles south of what he called throughout the '"Red river of Texas," meaning the Colorado or Pasigono, while he designates as "Red river" the stream still so called. This large territory is now settled and being settled bj' stock raisers, with a. decided tendency towards farming pursuits. The writer of this, through the press of Texas, ever since 1872, has contended that in due time Northwest Texas, from the Pacific road to latitude 3()° 30', notwithstanding consid- erable districts of worthless land, would become the seat of an independent and robust agricultural population. It is now being verified. BEALES COLONY ON THE KID OKANDE. Dr. Beales secured in his own name a right to settle a colony extending from the Nueces to the Rio Grande and lying above the road from San Antonio to Laredo. Next above, extending north to latitude 32°, was a similar privilege granted to John L. Woodbury, which expired, as did similar concessions to Dr. James Grant, a Scotchman naturalized and married in Mexico (the same who was killed by the Mexican army on ils march to Texas, in Februar}^ 1836, in what is known as the Johnson and Grant expedition, beyond the Nueces river), and various others. Dr. Beales entered into some sort of partnership with Grant for settling colonists on the Rio Grande and Nueces' tract, and then, with Grant's approval, while re- taining his official position as empresario, or con- tractor with the State, formed in New York an association styled the " Rio Grande and Texas Land Company," for the purpose of raising meaus to encourage immigration to the colony from France, Ireland, England and Germany, in- cluding also Americans. Mr. Egerton, an English surveyor, was sent out first to examine the lands and select a site for locating a town, and the first immigrants. He performed that service and returned to New York in the summer of 1833. The Rio Grande and Texas Land Company organ- ized on a basis of capital " divided into 800 shares, each containing ten thousand acres, besides sur- plus lands." Certificate No. 407, issued in New York, July 11, 1834, signed, Isaac A. Johnson, trustee ; Samuel Sawyer, secretary, and J. C. Beales, empresario, with a miniature map of the lands, was transmitted to me as a present or memento, as the case might be, in the j-ear 1874, by my relative, Hon. Wm. Jessop Ward, of Baltimore, and now lies before me. As a matter of fact, Beales, like all other empresarios under the Mexican colonization laws, contracted or got permission to introduce a specified number of immigrants (800 in this case) and was to receive a given amount of premium land in fee simple to himself for each hundred families so introduced. Otherwise he had no right to or interest in the lands, and all lands not taken up by immigrants as headrights, or awarded him as premiums within a certain term of years from the date of the contract, remained, as before, public domain of the State. Hence the habit generally adopted by writers and map-makers of styling these districts of country ^^ grants" to A., B. or C. was and ever has been a misnomer. They were in reality only permits. The first, and so far as known or believed, the only body of immigrants introduced by Dr. Beales, sailed with him from New York, in the schooner Amos Wright, Capt. Monroe, November 11th, 1833. The party consisted of fifty-nine souls, men, women and children, but how many of each class cannot be stated. On the Gth of December. 1833, the Amos Wright entered Aransas bay, finding nine feet of water on the bar; on the 12th they disembarked and pitched their tents on the beach at Copano and there remaineil till .January 3, 1834, finding there only a Mexican coast-guard consisting of a corporal and two men. On the loth of December Don Jose Maria Cosio, collector of customs, came down from Goliad (the ancient La Bahia), and passed their papers and goods as correct and was both courteous and kind. Throughout the remainder of December, January and February there were rapidly succeed- ing wet and cold northers, indicating one of the INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 29 most inclement winters known to tlie inhabitants — flooding tlie coast prairies and causing great dis- comfort to tlie strangers, who, liowever, feasted abundantly on wild game, fish and water fowl. On the 20th Dr. Beales, his servant, Marcelino, and Mr. Power started to Goliad to see the Alcalde, Don Miguel Aldrete, and procure teams for trans- portation, the roads being so flooded that, although the distance was only about fortj' miles, they did not arrive till the 22d. Returning with animals to draw their vehicles, they arrived at Copano late on the 31st of December, having halted, both in going and returning, at the Irish settlement of Power's and Hewetson's infant colony, at the old mission of Refugio. (This colonj' had for empresarios Mr. James Power and Dr. James Hewetson, both well known in the subsequent history of that sorely desolated section. ) The party left Copano on the 3d of January, 1834, and after numerous vexatious and minor accidents, arrived at Goliad, crossed and encamped on the east bank of the San Antonio river on the 16th, having thus left behind them the level and flooded coast lauds. Dr. Beales notes that, while at Goliad, " some of the foreigners in the town, the lowest class of the Americans, behaved ex- ceedingly ill, endeavoring, by all means in their power, to seduce my families away." But onl}- one man left, and he secured his old Majordomo (overseer or manager), John Quinn, and a Mexican with his wife and four children, to accompany the party. He also notes that on Sunday' (19th) a Carancahua Indian child was baptized by the priest in Goliad, for which the collector's wife, Senora Cosio, stood godmother. On the 20th of January, with freshly purchased oxen, they left for San Antonio and, after much trouble and cold weather, arrived there on the 6th of Februar3\ A few miles below that place (a fact stated by Mrs. Horn, but not found in Beales' diarj') they found Mr. Smith, a stranger from the United States, lying b3' the roadside, terribly wounded, and with him a dead Mexican, while two others of his Mexican escort had escaped severely wounded. They had had a desperate fight with a small party of Indians who had left Mr. Smith as dead. Dr. Beales, both as physician and good Samaritan, gave him every possible attention and convej^ed him to San Antonio, where he lingered for a time and died after the colonists left that place. While there a j'oung German couple in the parly were married, but their names are not given. On the 18th of February, with fifteen carts and wagons, the colonists left San Antonio for the Rio Grande. On the 28th they crossed the Nueces and for the first time entered the lauds designated as Beales' Colony. Mr. Little carved upon a large tree on the west bank — " Los Primeros colonos de la Villa de Dolores pasaron el 28 de Febrero, 1834," which being rendered into Eng- lish is: "The first colonists of the village of Dolores passed here on the 28th of Februaiy, 1834," many of them, alas, never to pass again. On the 2d of March Mr. Egerton went forward to Presidio de Rio Grande to examine the route, and returned at midnight with the information that the best route was to cross the river at that point, travel up on the west side and recross to the pro- posed locality of Dolores, on the Las Moras creek, which is below the present town of Del Rio and ten or twelve miles from the northeast side of the Rio Grande. They crossed the river on the 5th and on the 6tli entered the Presidio, about five miles from it. Slowly moving up on the west side, hy a some- what circuitous route and crossing a little river called bj' Dr. Beales " Rio Escondido," the same sometimes called Rio Chico, or Little river, which enters the Rio Grande a few miles below Eagle Pass, they recrossed to the east side of the Rio Grande on the 12th and were again on the colony lands. Here they fell in with five Shawnee Indian trappers, two of whom spoke English and were not only ver^' friendly, but became of service for some time in killing game. Other Shawnee trappers frequently visited them. Here Beales left a portion of the freight, guarded by Addicks and two Mexicans, and on the 14th traveled up the couutiy about fifteen miles to a creek called " El Sancillo," or " El Sauz." On the 16th of March, a few miles above the latter stream, they arrived at the site of the proposed village of Dolores, on the Las Moras creek, as before stated said to be ten or twelve miles from the Rio Grande. The name "Dolores" was doubtless bestowed bj' Doctor Beales in honor of his absent wife. Preparations were at once undertaken to form tents, huts and cabins, by cleaning out a thicket and building a brush wall around it as a fortifica- tion against the wild Indians who then, as for gen- erations before and for Mly years afterwards, were a terror to the Mexican population on that frontier. On the 30th, Dr. Beales was unexpectedly com- pelled to go to Matamoras, three or four hundred miles, to cash his drafts, having failed to do so in Monelova. It was a grave disappointment, as money was essential to meet the wants of the peo- ple. Beyond this date his notes are inaccessible and subsequent events are gleaned dimly from other sources. It must suffice to sav that without irri- 30 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. gation the colonists, in the remainder of 1834 and all of 1835, failed to raise crops and, though guarded part of the time by a company of Mexi- cans employed for that purpose, were ever uneasy lest they should be attacked by the savages. As time passed dissatisfaction arose and the colonists in small parties left the settlement, at one time four families leaving, all probably to the Mexican towns of Monclova, Santa Rosa and San Fernando, but of their ultimate fate no information is at hand. From Mrs. Horn's narrative it is learned that after many had left and sometime in the winter of 1835-6, a new settlement of seven men and a boy (their nationality not being given), some thirty or forty miles distant, while two of the men were absent for a few hours, "was attacked. Four of the men and the boy were killed — the fiflh man left for dead and all of them scalped. The wounded man, much mutilated, was conveyed to San Fernando, about twenty miles distant, one arm amputated, and, scalpless, he recovered, only to exist as an object of pity and charity. This last calamity determined all the remainder, excepting Mr. Power and seven others, to abandon the country and return to the gulf and their native lands. Power and party went to San Fernando, in vain to await the arrival of other immigrants. What became of them is not known. This brings us to the sad story of the murder of the twelve colonists and the captivity of Mrs. Harris, Mrs. Horn and two children. Mrs. Horn has been several times mentioned in this narrative and before proceeding with it, her history previous to leaving New York, on the Amos Wright, November 11th, 1833, maybe briefly stated from her own notes. The youngest of ten children of a Mr. Newton, she was born in 1809 in Huntingdon, sixtjr miles north of London, her parents being respectable and sincerely pious people. When three years old she was left fatherless. Her mother successfully fulfilled her doubled mission and trained all her children in the strictest prin- ciples of virtue and religion. At the age of eighteen this baby daughter, on the 14th of October, 1827, in St. James church, Clerkenwell, Loudon, married Mr. John Horn, who proved to be all, as husband and father, that her heart desired. They settled in Arlington, No. 2 Moon street, Giles Square, London. Her mother resided with her till her death late in 1830. Mr. Horn was well established in mercantile Inisiness in a small establishment. Soon after this many English people of small means were migrating to America to improve their condition. Mr. Horn was seized with the same desire and, after due deliberation. they sailed from Loudon, July 20, 1833, in the ship, Samuel Robinson, Capt. Griswold (or Chriswold), and arrived in New York on the 27th of August. They took lodgings at 237 Madison street, and Mr. Horn procured a satisfactory clerkship with Mr. John McKibben. About this time Dr. Beales, from Mexico, was in New York preparing for the colonization trip to the Rio Grande, already described. Omitting many strange incidents and forebodings of evil — pre- sentiments, as generally expressed — on the part of Mrs. Horn, they sailed on the voyage as has been narrated, November 11th, 1833. On the 10th of March 1836, the disconsolate party which we are now to follow, left Dolores with the intention of reaching the coast by way of San Patricio, on the lower Nueces. It consisted of eleven men, including Mr. Horn, his wife and two little sons, John and Joseph, and Mr. Harris, his wife and girl baby, about three months old, prob- ably the only child born at Dolores — in all fifteen souls. To the Nueces, by slow marches, they traveled without a road. Santa Anna's invading hosts had but recently passed from the Rio Grande on the Laredo and Matamoras routes, to San Antonio and Goliad. The Alamo had fallen four days before this journey began and Fannin sur- rendered near Goliad nine days after their depart- ure, but these ill-fated colonists knew of neither event. They only knew that the Mexicans were invading Texas under the banner of extermination to the Americans, and they dreaded falling into their hands almost as much as they dreaded the wild savages. They remained on the Nueces, near a road supposed to lead to San Patricio, several days, protected by thickets, and while there saw the trains and heard the guns of detachments of Mexican soldiers, doubtless guarding supply trains following Santa Anna to San Antonio. They resumed their march from the Nueces, on the San Patricio trail, on the 2d of April. Early in the afternoon of the 4th, they encamped at a large lake, containing fine fish. Not loqg after- wards, while the men were occupied in various wa3-s and none on guard, they were suddenly attacked b}^ fifty or sixty mounted Indians, who, meeting no resistance, instantly murdered nine of the men, seized the two ladies and three children, plundered the wagons and then proceeded to their main camp, the entire party being about 400, in an extensive chaparral, two or three miles distant. Here they remained till next morning, tying the ladies' hands, feet and arms, so tight as to be extremely painful. Next morning, before starting, a savage brute amused his fellows by tossing the infant of Mrs. INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 31 Hai-ris in the air and letting it fall to the ground till it was killed. Next they brought into the pres- ence of the ladies, Mr. Harris and a young Ger- man, whom the}' had supposed to be dead, but who were only wounded. Compelling the heart- broken wife, and the already widowed Mrs. Horn to look on, they shot arrows and plunged lances into the two men until they were dead, all the while yelling horrid shouts of exultation. The mind directing the pen recording this atrocious exercise of savage demonisin, as it has recorded and yet has to record innumerable others, involuntarilj- reverts with inexpressible disgust to the sickening twaddle of that school of self-righteous American humani- tarians, who utter eloquent nonsense about the noble savage and moral suasion, and dainty food at public expense, as the onl}' things needful to render him a lamb-like Christian. In New York in 1870, I wrote for Putnam's Magazine an article exposing the misapplied philanthropy on that subject — then upheld for gain by many villainous Indian agents, contractors and licensed traders, and many misinformed good people — contending that the only road to civilization to these inhuman monsters, was to whip them into fear of American power ; then concentrate them into communities ; and after this to treat them with humanity, honesty and fair- ness. The magazine in question, while admitting the correctness of the positions assumed, had not the courage to publish an article so in antagonism to the mistaken and oftentimes mock philanthropy, just then holding high carnival in the eastern section of the Union. For some time before her capture Mrs. Harris had been suffering greatly from a rising in her breast, from which her infant was denied nourish- ment, and had been tenderly cared for b}' Mrs. Horn. Though the little innocent was now dead, the mother, in addition to brutal treatment other- wise, suffered excruciatingly in her breast, the heartless wretches for days not allowing Mrs. Horn to dress it. But finally she was permitted to do so and had the sagacity to dress and cover it with a pouliice of cactus leaves, than which few things are better. Its effect was excellent. Both ladies almost, and the little boys entirel}', denuded of clothing, their bodies blistered and the skin peeled off, causing intense suffering. From the scene of slaughter the savages traversed the country between the lower Nueces and the lower Rio Grande, killing all who came within their power. They came upon the body of a man apparently dead for about a month, which, from Mrs. Horn's statement, 1 have no doubt was that of Dr. James Grant, the Scotchman, previously mentioned as associated with Dr. Beales, who was killed by Mexican cavalry, near the Agua Dnlce creek, 20 or 30 miles beyond the Nueces, March 2, 1836, some distance from the spot where his men were slain, he and Col. Reuben R. Brown, having been chased four or five miles, from their party. Grant killed and Brown captured, to be imprisoned in Matamoras till the following December, when he and Samuel W. McKneel}', who was captured in San Patricio by the same party, escaped and made their waj' into the settlements of Texas — Brown ever since living at the mouth of the Brazos and commanding a Confederate regiment in the civil war, and McKneelj' deceased in 1889 atTexarkana, Texas. The}' also passed the bodies of those killed at the original point of attack, the Indians saying they were "Tivos," or Americans. This event, together with the night surprise at San Patricio, the killing of some, the capture of others and the escape of Col. Frank W. Johnson, Daniel J. Toler, John H. Love and James M. Miller, was the dis- astrous termination of what is known in Texian history as the Johnson and Grant expedition, part of a wild and disorganizing series of measures set on foot or countenanced and encouraged by the faction-ridden council of the provisional govern- ment of Texas, against the wise and inflexible opposition of Governor Henry Smith and Gen Sam Houston, and culminating in the surrender and subsequent slaughter of Fannin and nearly 400 noble and chivalrous men. During this raid in that section the Indians caught and killed a very genteel, well-dressed Mex- ican, then surrounded and entered his house, kill- ing his young wife and two little children, and then rushed upon a neighboring house, killing two men near it and one inside. At another time along a road, they waylaid and murdered a handsomely dressed Mexican and his servant. At another a portion of them rushed across a creek when, through the timber, Mrs. Horn saw them advanc- ing upon a man, who exclaimed " Stand back ! stand back!" but seemed to have no arms. Numerous guns fired, all apparently by the Indians, when all the party, four or five in number, lay dead upon the ground. So far as Mrs. Horn could determine they were all Americans. This occurrence and the surrounding facts, considering the locality and the fact that no party of Americans could have been there from choice, can only be explained on the hypothesis that these men had escaped from prison in Matamoras, and, without arms, were endeavor- ing to return to Texas. If so, their fate was never known in Texas, for only through these two cap- 32 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. live ladies could it have been made known and this tbey had no opportunity of doing excepting after their recovery and through the narrative from which these facts are collected. Neither was ever afterwards in the settled parts of Texas, and indeed never were before, excepting on the trip from Copano, via Goliad and San Antonio, to the Rio Grande. On another occasion, after traveling for a short distance on a large road, evidently leading to Matamoras, they arrived near a rancho, near a lake of water. The main body halted and a part advanced upon the house which, though near, could not be seen by the captive ladies, but they heard the fight going on, firing and defiant shouts, for a considerable time, when the Indians I'eturned, bearing two of their comrades severely wounded, and showing that they had been defeated and feared pursuit. They left the road and traveled rapidly till night, and then made no fire. On the following day they moved in haste, as if apprehensive of attack. They made no halt till night, and then for the first time in two days, allowed the prisoners water and a small quantity of meat. After two hours' travel nest morning, to the amazement of the captives, they arrived at the spot where their husbands and friends had been murdered and where their naked l)odies still la\', untouched since they left them, and only blackened in appearance. The little boys, John and Joseph, at once i-ecognized their father, and poured forth such wails as to soften anj' but a Iirutal, savage heart. They soon passed on to the spot where lay the bodies of Mr. Harris and tlie young German, who, Mrs. Horn says, fell upon his face and knees and was still in that position, Ijeing the only one not stripped of his clothing. Startnig next morning b}' a different route from that first pursued, thej' traveled rapidly for three days and reached the spot near where they had killed the little Mexican and his family and had secreted the plunder taken from his house and the other victims of their barbarity. This, Mrs. Horn thought, was on the 18th day of April, 1836, being the fifteenth day of their captivity. This being but three dajs before the battle of San Jacinto, when the entire American population of Texas "was on, or east of the Trinity, abundantly accounts for the fact that these bloody tragedies never become known in Texas; though, as will be shown farther on, they accidentally came to my knowledge in the year 1839, while in Missouri. Gathering and packing their secreted spoils, the savages separated into three parties of about equal numbers and traveled with all possible speed till about the middle of June, about two months. Much of the way was over rough, stony ground, pro- visions scarce, long intervals without water, the sun on the bare heads and naked bodies of the captives, very hot, and their sufferings were great. The ladies were in two different parties. The narrative of Mrs. Horn, during her entire captivity, abounds in recitals of cruelties towards herself, her children and Mrs. Harris, involving hunger, thirst, menial labor, stripes, etc., though gradually' lessened as time passed. To follow them in detail would become monotonous repetition. As a rather extreme illustration the following facts transpired ou this long march of about two months from extreme Southwest Texas to (it is supposed) the head waters of the Arkansas. Much of the route, as before stated, was over rough and stony ground, "cut up by steep and nearly impassable ravines, with deep and dangerous fords." (This is Mrs. Harris' language and aptly applies to the head waters of the Nueces, Guadalupe, the Conchos and the sources of the Colorado, Brazos and Red rivers, through which they neces- sarily passed. ) At one of these deep fords, little Joseph Horn slipped from his mule while ascending the bank and fell back into the water. When he had nearly extricated himself, a burly savage, en- raged at the accident, pierced him in the face with a lance with such force as to throw him into deep and rapid water and inflict a severe wound just be- low the eye. Not one of the demons offered remon- strance or assistance, but all seemed to exult iu the brutal scene. The little sufferer, however, caught a projecting bush and succeeded in reaching the bank, bleeding like a slaughtered animal. The distracted mother upbraided the wretch for his con- duct, in return for which he made the child travel on foot and drive a mule the remainder of the day. When they halted for the night he called Mrs. Horn to him. With a knife in one hand and a whip in the other, he gave her an unmerciful thrashing, butin this as in all her afflictions, she says : "I have cast myself at His feet whom I have ever been taught to trust and adore, and it is to Him I owe it that I was sustained in the fiery trials. When the savage monster had done whipping me, he took his knife and literally sawed the hair from my head. It was quite long and when he completed the oper- ation, he tied it to his own as an ornament, and, I suppose, wears it yet. At this time we had tasted no food for two days, and in hearing of the moans of my starving children, bound, as on ever}- night, with cords, I laid down, and mothers may judge, if they can, the measure of my repose. The next day INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 33 a wild horse was killed and we were allowed to par- take of the flesh." The next day, sa3's the captive lady, they came to a deep, rapid stream. The mules had to swim and the banks were so steep that the riders had to dismount in the edge of the water to enable them to ascend. They then soon came to the base of a mountain which it was difHcult to ascend. Arriv- ing at the summit, they halted, when a few of the Indians returned to the stream with the two little bo3's and enjoj'ed the barbaric sport of throwing the little creatures in till life would be almost extinct. Reviving them, the}' would repeat the torture and this was done time and again. Finally they rejoined the party on the mountain, the chil- dren being unable to stand, partially unconscious and presenting a pitiable spectacle. Their bodies were distended from engorgement with water and Joseph's wounded face was terribly swollen. Water came from their stomachs in gurgles. Let Eastern humanitarians bear in mind that this was in the spring of 1836, before the Comanches had any just pretense for hostility towards the people of Texas (however much they may have had in regai'd to the Mexicans), and that this narrative comes not from a Texian, but from a refined En- glish lady, deeply imbued with that spirit of reli- gion whose great pillars are " Faith, Hope and Charity." My soul sickens in retrospective con- templation of that (to the uninformed) somewhat plausible gush of philanthropy, which indulges in the Pharisaical " I am holier than thou " hypocrisy at home, but soars abroad to lift up the most inferior and barbaric races of men ! — a fanaticism which is ever blind to natural truth and common sense on such subjects — ever the fomentor of strife rather than fraternity among its own people — and which is never enjojing the maximum of self- righteousness unless intermeddling with the affairs and convictions of other people. Referring to the stream and mountain just de- scribed and the probable time, in the absence of dates, together with a knowledge of the topography of the country, and an evidently dry period, as no mention is made in this part of the narrative of rain or mud, it is quite certain that the stream was the Big Wichita (the Ouichita of the French. ) The description, in view of ,all the facts, admirably applies to it and to none other. On the night of this day, after traveling through the afternoon, for the first time Mrs. Horn was allowed the use of her arms, though still bound around the ankles. After this little unusual hap- pened on the journey, till the three parties again united. Mrs. Harris, when they met, seemed barely to exist. The meeting of the captive ladies was a mournful renewal of their sorrows. Mrs. H.'s breasts, though improved, were not well and her general health was bad, from which, with the want of food and water, she had suffered much. The whole band of four hundred then traveled together several days, till one day Mrs. Horn, being in front and her children in the rear, she discovered that those behind her were diverging in separate parties. She never again saw her little sons together, though, as will be seen, she saw them separately. They soon afterwards reached the lodges of the baud she was with, and, three days later, she was taken to the lodge of the Indian who claimed her. There were three branches of the family, in separate tents. In one was an old woman and her two daughters, one being a widow; in another was the son of the old woman and his wife and five sons, to whom Mrs. Horn belonged ; and in the third was a son- in-law of the old woman. The mistress of Mrs. H. was the personification of savagery, and abused her captive often with blows and stones, till, in des- peration Mrs. Horn asserted her rights by counter- blows and stones and this rendered the cowardly' brute less tyrannical. She was employed con- stantly by daj' in dressing buffalo robes and deer skins and converting them into garments and moc- casins. She was thrown much with an old woman who constituted a remarkable exception to the general brutality of the tribe. In the language of the captive lady: "She contributed general!}- by her acts of kindness and soothing manners, to reconcile me to my fate. But she had a daughter who was the very reverse of all that was amiable and seemed never at ease unless engaged in some way in indulging her ill-humor towards me. But, as if bj' heaven's interposition, it was not long till I so won the old woman's confidence that in all matters of controversy between her daughter and myself, she adopted my statement and decided in my favor." Omitting Mrs. Horn's mental tortures on ac- count of her children, she avers that the sufferings of Mrs. Harris were much greater than her own. That lady could not brook the idea of menial service to such demons and fared badly. They were often near together and were allowed occa- sionally to meet and mingle their tears of anguish. Mrs. Harris, generally, was starved to such a degree that she availed herself of every opportunity to get a mite of meat, however small, through Mrs. Horn. In about two months two little Mexican boy prisoners told her a little white boy had arrived near by with his captors and told them his mother was a prisoner somewhere in the country. By per- 34 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. missiou she went to see him and foimd her little Joseph, who, painted and his head shaven except- ing a tuft on the crown, recognized her at a distance and ran to her overflowing with cries and tears of joy. She was allowed to remain with him only half an hour. 1 draw the veil over the heartrending scene of their separation. It was four months before she heard of John, her elder son, and then she saw him passing with a party, but was not allowed to go to him. But some time later, when the different bands congre- gated for buffalo hunting, she was allowed to see him. Time passed and dates cannot be given, but Mrs. Horn records that "some of Capt. Coffee's men came to trade with the Indians and found me." They were Americans and made every effort to buy her, but in vain. On leaving, they said they would report to Capt. Coffee and if any one could assist these captives he could and laould. Soon afterwards he came in person and offered the Indians any amount in goods or money ; but with- out avail. Mrs. Horn says: "He expressed the deepest concern at his disappohitment and wept over me as he gave me clothing and divided his scanty supply of flour with me and my children, which he took the pains to carry to them himself. It is, if possible, with a deeper interest that I record this tribute of gratitude to Capt. Coffee be- cause, since my strange deliverance, I have been pained to learn that he has been charged with supineness and indifference on the subject ; but I can assure the reader that nothing can be more un- just. Mrs. Harris was equally the object of his solicitude. The meeting with this friend in the deep recesses of savage wilds was indeed like water to a thirsty soul ; and the parting under such cloomy forebodings opened anew the fountain of grief in my heart. It was to me as the icy seal of death fixed upon the only glimmering ray of hope, and my heart seemed to die within me, as the form of him whom I had fondly anticipated as my deliv- ering angel, disappeared in the distance." (The noble-hearted gentleman thus embalmed in the pure heart of that daughter of sorrow, was Holland Coffee, the founder of Coffee's Trading House, on Red river, a few miles above Denison. He was a member of the Texian Congress in 1838, a valuable and courageous man on the frontier and, to the regret of the country, was killed a few years later in a difficulty, the particulars of which are not at this time remembered. Col. Coffee, formerly of Southwest IMissouri, but for many years of Geort^etown, Texas, is a brother of the deceased.) Soon after this there was so great a scarcity of meat that some of the Indians nearly starved. Little John managed to send his mother smaU portions of his allowance and when, not a great while later, she saw him for the last time, he was rejoiced to learn she had received them. He had been sick and had sore throat, but she was only allowed a short interview with him. Soon after this little Joseph's party camped near her and she was permitted to spend nearly a day with him. He had a new owner and said he was then treated kindly. His mistress, who was a young Mexican, had been captured witii her brother, and remained with them, while her brother, by some means, had been restored to his people. He was one of the hired guard at the unfortunate settlement of Dolores, where Jose|jh knew him and learned the story of his captivity and that his sister was still with the savages. By acci- dent this woman learned these facts from Joseph, who, to convince her, showed how her brother walked, he being lame. This coincidence estab- lished a bond of union between the two, greatly to Joseph's advantage. As the shades of evening approached the little fellow piteously clung to his mother, who, for the last time, folded him in her arms and commended his soul to that beneficent God in whose goodness and mercy she implicity trusted. Some time in June, 1837, a little over fourteen months after their capture, a party of Mexican traders visited the camp and bought Mrs. Harris. In this work of mercy they were the employes of that large-hearted Santa Fe trader, who had pre- viously ransomed and restored Mrs. Rachel Plummcr to her people, Mr. William Donoho, of whom more will hereafter be said. They tried in vain to buy Mrs. Horn. Although near each other she was not allowed to see Mrs. Harris before her departure, but rejoiced at her liberation. They had often mingled their tears together and had been mutual comforters. Of this separation Mrs. Horn wrote: "Now left a lonely exile in the bonds of savage slavery, haunted by night and by day with the image pf my murdered husband, and tortured continually' by an undying solicitude for my dear little ones, my life was little else than unmitigated misery, and the God of Heaven only knows why and how it is that I am still alive." After the departure of Mrs. Harris the Indians traveled to and fro almost continually for about three months, without any remarkable occurrence. At the end of this time they were within two days' travel of San Miguel, a village on the Pecos, in eastern New Mexico. Here an Indian girl told Mrs. Horn that she was to be sold to people who lived in houses. She did not believe it and cared INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 35 but little, indeed dreaded lest thereby she might never see her children, but hope suggested that as a prisoner she might never again see them, while her redemption might be followed by theirs. A great many Indians had here congregated. Her old woman friend, in reply to her questions, told her she was to be sold, wept bitterly and applied to her neck and arms a peculiar red paint, symbolic of undying friendship. They started early next morning and traveled till dark, encamping near a pond. They started before day next morning and soon reached a river, necessarily the Pecos or ancient Puerco, which they forded, and soon arrived at a small town on its margin, where they encamped for the I'emainder of the day. The inhabitants visited the camp from curiosity, among them a man who spoke broken English, who asked if Mrs. Horn was for sale and was answered affirmatively by her owner. He then gave her to understand that if he bought her he expected her to remain with him, to which, with the feelings of a pure woman, she promptly replied that she did not wish to exchange her miserable condition for a worse one. He offered two horses for her, how- ever, but they were declined. Finding he could not buy her, he told her that in San Miguel there was a rich American merchant, named Benjamin Hill, who would probably buy her. Her mistress seemed anxious that she should fall into American hands, and she was herself of course intenselj^ anxious to do so. They reached San Miguel on the next daj' and encamped there. She soon conveyed, through an old woman of the place, a message to Mr. Hill. He promptly appeared and asked her if she knew Mrs. Harris, and if she had two children among the Indians. Being answered in the affirmative, he said: "You are the woman I have heard of," and added, " I suppose you would be happy to get away from these people." "I answered in the affirmative, when he bid the wretched captive ' Good morning,' and deliberately walked off without uttering another word, and m}' throbbing bosom swelled with unut- terable anguish as he disappeared." For two days longer she remained in excruciating suspense as to her fate. Mr. Hill neither visited nor sent her anything, while the Mexicans were very kind (it shouldbe understood that, while at Dolores, she and her two little boys had learned to speak Spanish and this was to her advantage now, as it had been among her captors, more or less of whom spoke that language.) On the morning of the third day the Indians be- gan preparations for leaving, and when three-fourths of the animals were packed and some had left, a good-hearted Mexican appeared and offered to buy Mrs. Horn, but was told it was too late. The ap- plicant insisted, exhibited four beautiful bridles and invited the Indian owning her to go with her to his house, near by. He consented. In passing Hill's store on the way, her mistress, knowing she pre- ferred passing into American hands, persuaded her to enter it. Mr. Hill offered a wortliless old horse for her, and then refused to give some red and blue cloth, which the Indians fancied, for her. They then went to the Mexican's house and he gave for her two fine horses, the four fine bridles, two fine blankets, two looking glasses, two knives, some tobacco, powder and balls, articles then of very great cost. She sa3's : "I subsequently learned that for my ransom I was indebted to the benevo- lent heart of an American gentleman, a trader, then absent, who had authorized this Mexican to pur- chase us at any cost, and had made himself respon- sible for the same. Had I the name of m^' bene- factor I would gratefully record it in letters of gold and preserve it as a precious memento of his truly Christian philanthropy." It will be shown in the sequel that the noble heart, to which the ransomed captive paid homage, pulsated in the manly breast of Mr. William Douoho, then of Santa Fe, but a Missourian, and afterwards of Clarksville, Texas, where his only surviving child, Mr. James B. Donoho, yet resides. His widow died there in 1880, preceded by him in 1845. The redemption of this daughter of multiplied sorrows occurred, as stated, at San Miguel, New Mexico, on the 19th of September, 1837 — one year, five months and fifteen da3^s after her capture on the 4th of April, 1836, on the Nueces river. On the 21st, much to her surprise, Mr. Hill sent a servant requesting her to remove to his house. This she refused. The servant came a second time, saying, in the name of his master, that if she did not go he would compel her to do so. A trial was had and she was awarded to Hill. She re- mained in his service as a servant, fed on mush and milk and denied a seat at the luxurious table of himself and mistress till the 2d of November. A generous-hearted gentlemen named Smith, residing sixty miles distant iu the mines, hearing of her situation, sent the necessary means and escort to have her taken to his place for temporary protection. She left on the 2d and arrived at Mr. Smith's on the 4th. The grateful heart thus notes the change: "The contrast between this and the house I had left exhibited the difference between a servant and a guest, between the cold heart that would coin the tears of helpless misery into gold 30 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. to swell a miser's store, and the generous bestowal of heavenly friendship which, in its zeal to relieve the woes of suffering humanity, gives sacred attestation that it springs from the bosom of ' Him who, though He was rich, j^et for our sakes became poor that we, through His poverty, might become rich.' " Her stay at the home of Mr. Smith was a daily repetition of kindnesses, and she enjoyed all that was possible in view of the ever present grief over her slaughtered husband and captive children. In February 1838, she received a sympathetic letter from Texas, accompanied with presents in clothing, from Messrs. Workman and Rowland, Missourians, so long honorably known as Santa Fe traders and merchants, whose families were then residing in Taos. They advised her to defer leav- ing for Independence till they could make another effort to recover her children and invited her to re- pair, as their guest, to Taos, to await events, pro- vided the means for her doing so, placing her under the protection of Mr. Kinkiudall (probabl3' Kuy- kendall, but I follow her spelling of the name). " But," she records, " friends were multiplying around me, who seemed to vie with each other in their endeavors to meet my wants. Other means presented themselves, and I was favored with the compauj^ of a lad^- and Dr. Waldo." She left Mr. Smith and the mines on the 4lh of March, 1838, and after traveling in snow and over rocks and mountains part of the way, arrived at Taos on the 10th. From that time till the 22d of August, her time was about equally divided between the families of Messrs. Workman and Rowland, who bestowed upon her everj' kindness. She now learned that these gentlemen had for- merly sent out a company to recover herself and Mrs. Harris, who had fallen in with a different tribe of Indians and lost several of their number in a fight. Her friend, Mr. Smith, had performed a similar service and when far out his guide faltered, causing such suffering as to cause several deaths from hunger, while some survived by drinking the blood of their mules. While Mrs. Horn remained with them these gentlemen endeavored through two trading parties, to recover her children, but failed. A report came in that little John had frozen to death, holding horses at night; but it was not believed by many. Mrs. Harris and Mrs. Plummer reached Missouri under the protection of Mrs. Donoho. On the 2d of August, all efforts to recover her children having failed, leaving only the hope that others might succeed, Mrs. Horn left in the train and under the protection of Messrs. Workman and Rowland. She was the only lady in the paity. Nothing unusual transpired on the journey of 700 or 800 miles, and on the last day of September, 1838, they arrived at Independence, Missouri. Oa the 6th of October, she reached the hospitable home of Mr. David Workman at " New " Franklin. This closes the narrative as written by Mrs. Horn soon after she reached Missouri and before she met Mr. Donoho. Her facts have been faithfully followed, omitting the repetition of her sufferings and correcting her dates in two cases where her memory was at fault. She sailed from New York on the 11th of November, 1833, a year earlier than stated by her, hence arrived at Dolores a year earlier, and consequently remained there two years instead of one, for it is absolutely certain that she arrived there in March, 1834, and left there in March, 1836. I have been able also, from her notes, to approximate localities and routes men- tioned by her, from long acquaintance with much of the country over which she traveled. Mr. Donoho, in company with his wife — a lady of precious memory' in Clarksville, Texas, from the close of 1839 till her death in 1880 — conveyed Mrs. Plummer (one of the captives taken at Parker's Fort, May 19, 1836), and Mrs. Harris, from Santa Fe to Missouri in the autumn of 1837. He escorted Mrs. Plummer to her people in Texas, left his wife and Mrs. Harris with his mother-in-law, Mrs. Lucy Dodson in Pulaski Count}', Missouri, and then hastened back to Santa Fe to look after his property and business, for he had hurried away because of a sudden outbreak of hostilities between the New Mexicans and Indians formerly- friendly, and this is the reason he was not present to take personal charge of Mrs. Horn on her recovery at San Miguel. When he reached Santa Fe Mrs. Horn had left Taos for Independence. Closing his business in Santa Fe, he left the place permanenth* and rejoined his family at Mrs. Dodsou's. Mrs. Horn then, for the first time, met him and remained several months with his famil}*. Prior to this her narrative had been written, and she still saw little of him, he being much absent on business. Mrs. Harris had relatives in Texas but shrunk from the idea of going there ; and hearing of other kindred near Boonville, Missouri, joined them and soon died from the expos- ures and abuse undergone while a prisoner. Mrs. Horn soon died from the same causes, while on a visit, though her home was with Mrs. Dodson. Both ladies were covered with barbaric scars — their vital organs were impaired — and they fell the victims of the accursed cruelty known only to savage brutes. Mr. William Donoho was a son of Kentucky, born in 1798. His wife, a Teuuesseean, and INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 37 daughter of Dr. James Dodsou, married him in Missouri, in 1831, where their first child was born. From 1833 till the close of 1838, they lived in Santa Fe, where the second daughter, born in 1835, and their first son, born in 1837 (now Mr. J. B. Don- oho, of Clarksville, the only survivor of six chil- dren), were the two first American children born in Santa Fe. Mr. Donoho permanentlj' settled at Clarksville, Texas, late in 1839 and died there in 1845. In verification of the facts not stated by Mrs. Horn, because, when writing, they were unknown to her, I have the statements of Dr. William Dod- son and Mrs. Luc}- Estes, of Camden County, Mis- souri, brother and sister of Mrs. Donoho, who were with all the parties for nearly a year after they reached Missouri. A copy of Mrs. Horn's memoir came into my possession in 1839, when it had just been issued and so remained till accidentally lost many years later, believed to have been the only copy ever in Texas. The events described by her were never otherwise known in Texas and have never been be- fore published in the State. This is not strange. Beales' Colony was neither in Texas at that date, nor in anywise connected with the American col- onies or settlements in Texas. It was in Coahuila, though now in the limits of Texas. When its short life terminated in dispersion and the butchery of the retreating party on the Nueces, the Mexican army covered every roadway leading to the in- habited part of Texas, before whom the entire population had fled east. None were left to re- count the closing tragedy excepting the two unfortunate and (as attested by all who subse- quently knew them), refined Christian ladies whose travails and sorrows have been chronicled, both of whom, as shown, died soon after liberation, and neither of whom ever after saw Texas. Fortunately, through the efforts of Mr. James B. Donoho, of Clarksville, and his uncle. Dr. Dod- son, and aunt, Mrs. Estes, of Missouri, I have been placed in possession of a manixscript copy of Mrs. Horn's narrative, made by a little school girl in Missouri in 1839 — afterwards Mrs. D. B. Dod- son, and now long deceased. Accompanying its transmission, on the 5lh of February, 1887, Mr. James B. Donoho says : — "As it had always been a desire with me to some time visit the place of my birth, in the summer of 1885, with my wife and children, I visited Santa Fe, finding no little pleasure in identifying land- marks of which I had heard my mother so often speak, being m3^self an infant when we left there. I had no trouble in identifying the house in which my second sister and self were born, as it cornered on the plaza and is now known as the Exchange Hotel. While there it was settled that my sister, born in 1835, and myself, born in 1837, were the first Americans born in Santa Fe, a distinction (if such it can be called) previously claimed for one born there in 1838." The novelty of this historj^, unknown to the peo- ple of Texas at the time of its occurrence, has moved me to extra diligence in search of the truth and the whole truth in its elucidation. As a deli- cate and patriotic duty it has been faithfullj^ per- formed in justice to the memory of the strangely united daughters of England and America, and of those lion-hearted yet noble-breasted American gentlemen, Messrs. Donoho, Workman, Rowland and Smith, by no means omitting Mrs. Donoho, Mrs. Dodson and children, nor yet the poor old Comanche woman — a pearl among swine — who looked in pity upon the stricken widow, mother and captive. Lamenting my inabihty to state the fate of Uttle John and Joseph, and trusting that those to come after us may realize the cost in blood through which Texas was won to civilization, to enlightened freedom and to a knowledge of that religion by which it is taught that — " Charity suffereth long and is kind — « * » beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things, and endureth all things," I do not regret the labor it has cost me to collect the materials for this sketch. 38 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. The Heroic Taylor Family of the Three Forks of Little River — 1835. lu the autumn of 1835 the outermost habitation on the waters of Little river was that of the Taylor famil}'. It stood about three miles southeast of where Belton is, a mile or so east of the Leon river and three miles or more above the mouth of that stream. The junction of the Leon, Lampasas and Salado constitutes the localit}' known as the " Three Forks of Little River," the latter stream being the San Andres of the Mexicans as well as of the early settlers of Texas. This change of name is not the only one wrought in that locality, for the names " Lampasas " (water lily) and "Sal- ado " (saltish) were also most inappropriately exchanged, the originals being characteristic of the two streams, while the swap makes descriptive nonsense. At an earlier period the same incon- gruous change occurred in the names of the " Brazos " and " Colorado " rivers. The home of the Taylors consisted of two long cabins with a covered passage between. The family consisted of Mr. and Mrs. Taylor, two youthful sons and two daughters. One of the latter, Miss Frazier, was a daughter of Mrs. Tay- lor by a former husband, and afterwards the wife of George W. Chapman, of Bell County. In the night of November 12th, 1835, eleven Indians attacked the house. The parents and girls were in one room — the boj's in the other. The door to the family room, made of riven boards, was a foot too short, leaving an open space at the top. The first indication of the presence of the enemj' was the warning of a faithful dog, which was speedily killed in Ihe yard. This was followed by a burly warrior trying to force the door, at the same time in English demanding to know how many men were in the house, a supply of tobacco and the surrender of the family. By the bright moonlight they could be distinctly seeu. Mrs. Taylor defiantly answered, " No tobacco, no sur- render," and Mr. Taylor answered there were ten men in the house. The assailant pronounced the latter statement false, when Taylor, through a crack, gave him a severe thrust in the stomach with a board, which caused his hasty retreat, whereupon Mrs. Taylor threw open the door, commanding the boj'S to hasten in across the hall, which they did, escaping a flight of balls and arrows. The door was then fastened, a table set against it, and on it the smallest boy, a child of onlj' twelve years, was mounted with a gun and instructed to shoot through the space over the door whenever an Indian appeared. There were not many bullets on hand, and the girls supplied that want by moulding more. Taylor, his wife and larger son, watched through cracks in the walls to shoot as opportunity might occur. Very soon a warrior entered the passageway to assault the door, when the twelve years' "kid," to use a cant phrase in use to-day, shot him unto death. A second warrior rushed in to drag his dead comrade away, but Mr. Taylor shot him, so that he fell, not dead but helpless, across his red brother. These two admonitions rendered the assailants more cautious. They resolved to- effect by fire that which seemed too hazardous by direct attack. The}' set the now vacated room on fire at the further end and amid their demoniac yells the flames ascended to the roof and made rapid progress along the boards, soon igniting those covering the hallway. Suspended to beams was a large amount of fat bear meat. The burning roof soon began to cook the meat, and blazing sheets of the oil fell upon the wounded savage, who writhed aud hideously yelled, but was powerless to extri- cate himself from the tortune. Mrs. Taylor had no sympathj' for the wretch, but, peeping through a crack, expressed her feelings by exclaiming: " Howl! you yellow brute! Your meat is not fit for hogs, but we'll roast you for the wolves! " As the fire was reaching the roof of the besieged room, Mr. Taylor was great!}' dispirited, seeming to regard their fate as sealed ; but his heroic wife, thinking not of herself, but of her children, rose equal to the occasion, declaring that they would whip the enemy aud all be saved. From a table she was enabled to reach the boards forming the roof. Throwing down the weight poles, there being no uails in the boards, she threw down enough boards in advance of the fire to create an empty space. There was a large quantity of milk in the house and a small barrel of home-made vinegar. These fluids were passed up to her by her daughters, and with them she extinguished the fire. In doing so her head aud chest formed a target for the enemy ; but while several arrows and balls rent her clothing, she was iu nowise wounded. While these matters were transpiring, Mr. Taylor and the elder son each wounded a savage in the QUANAH PAUKKR. INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 39 yard. Having accomplished iier hazardous mission, Mrs. Taylor resumed the floor, and soon discovered an Indian in the outer chimney corner, endeavoring to start a fire and peering through a considerable hole burnt through the "dirt and wooden" jam. Seizing a wooden shovel, she threw into his face and bosom a shovelful of live coals and embers, causing him to retreat, uttering the most agonizing screams, to which she responded " Take that, you yellow scoundrel!" It was said afterwards that her warm and hasty application destroyed his eye- sight. After these disasters the enemy held a brief con- sultation and realized the fact that of their group of eleven, two were dead and partially barbecued, two were severely wounded, and one was at least temporarily blind under the "heroic" oculistical treatment of Mrs Taylor. What was said by them, one to another, is not known ; but the}- retired without further obtrusion upon the peace and dignity of that outpost in the missionary field of civilization. An hour later the family deemed it prudent to retire to the river bottom, and next morning fol- lowed it down to the fort. A small party of men then repaired to the scene of conflict and found the preceding narrative verified in every essential. The dead Indians were there, and everything remained as left by the family. Excepting Mrs. Chapman, all of that familj' long since passed away. Before the Civil War I personally knew Brown Taylor, one of the sons, then a quiet, modest joung man, carrying in his breast the disease destined to cut short his days — consumption. This all happened more than fifty years ago. To-daj' two large towns, Belton and Temple, and half a dozen small ones, and two trunk line rail- roads are almost in sight of the spot. Fall of Parker's Fort in 1836 — The Killed, Wounded and Cap- tured — Van Dorn's Victory in 1858 — Recovery of Cynthia Ann Parker — Quanah Parker, the Comanche Chief. In the fall of 1833 the Parker family came from Cole County, Illinois, to East Texas — one or two came a little earlier and some a little later. The elder Parker was a native of Virginia, resided for a time in Georgia, but chiefly reared his familj' in Bedford County, Tennessee, whence, in 1818, he removed to Illinois. The family, with perhaps one exception, belonged to one branch of the primitive Baptist Church, commonly designated as Two Seed Baptists. Parker's Fort, or block-bouse, a mile west of the Navasota creek and two and a half northwesterly from the present town of Groesbeck, in Limestone County, was established in 1834, with accessions afterwards up to the revolution in the fall of 1835. At the time of the attack upon it. May 19, 183G, it was occupied by Elder John Parker, patriarch of the family, and his wife, his son, James W. Parker, wife, four single children and his daughter, Mrs. Rachel Plummer, her husband, L. T. M. Plummer, and infant son, 15 months old ; Mrs. Sarah Nixon, another daughter, and her husband, L. D. Nixon; Silas M. Parker (another son of Elder John), his wife and four children ; Benjamin F. Parker, an unmarried son of the Elder; Mrs. Nixon, Sr., mother of Mrs. James W. Parker ; Mrs. Elizabeth Kellogg, daughter of Mrs. Nixon ; Mrs. Duty ; Samuel M. Frost, wife and children ; G. E. Dwight, wife and children;' David Faulkenberrj', his son Evan, Silas H. Bates and Abram Anglin, a j'outh of nineteen years. The latter four sometimes slept in the fort and sometimes in their cabins on their farms, perhaps two miles distant. They, however, were in the fort on the night of May 18th. On the morning of May 19th, James W. Parker and Nixon repaired to their field, a mile dis- tant, on the Navasota. The two Faulkenberrys, Bates and Anglin went to their fields, a mile further and a little below. About 9 a. m. several hundred Indians appeared in the prairie, about three hundred yards, halted, and hoisted a white flag. Benjamin F. Parker went over to them, had a talk and returned, expressing the opinion that the Indians intended to fight ; but added that he would 40 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. go back and try to avert it. His brother Silas remonstrated, but he persisted in going, and was immediately surrounded and killed ; whereupon the whole force sent forth terrific yells, and charged upon the works, the occupants numbering but three men, wholly unprepared for defense. Cries and confusion reigned. They killed Silas M. Parker on the outside of the fort, while he was bravely fight- ing to save Mrs. Plummer. They knocked Mrs. Pluramer down with a hoe and made her captive. Elder John Parker, wife and Mrs. Kellogg attempted to escape, and got about three-fourths of a mile, when they were overtaken, and driven back near to the fort, where the old gentleman was stripped, murdered and scalped. They stripped and speared Mrs. Parker, leaving her as dead — but she revived, as will be seen further on. Mrs. Kellogg remained captive. When the Indians first appeared, Mrs. Sarah Nixon hastened to the field to advise her father, husband and Plummer. Plummer hastened down to inform the Faulkenberr3's, Bates and Anglin. David Faulkenberry was first met and started im- mediately to the fort. The others followed as soon as found by Plummer. J. W. Parker and Nixon started to the fort, but the former met his family on the way, and took them to the Navasota bottom. Nixon, though unarmed, continued on to- ward the fort, and met Mrs. Lucy, wife of the dead Silas Parker, with her four children, just as she was overtaken by the Indians. They compelled her to lift behind two mounted warriors her nine- 3'ear-old daughter, Cynthia Ann, and her little boy, John. The foot Indians took her and her two younger children back to the fort, Nixon following. On arriving, she passed around and Nixon through the fort. Just as the Indians were about to kill Nixon, David Faulkenberry appeared with his rifle, and caused them to fall back. Nixon then hurried away to find his wife, and soon overtook Dwight, with his own and Frost's family. Dwight met J. W. Parker and went with him to his hiding-place in the bottom. Faulkenberry, thus left with Mrs. Silas Parker and her two children, bade her follow him. With the infant in her arms and the other child held by the hand, she obeyed. The Indians made several feints, but were held in check by the brave man's rifle. One warrior dashed up so near that Mrs. Parker's faithful dog siezed his pony by the nose, whereupon both horse and rider somersaulted, alighting on their backs in a ditch. At this time Silas Bates, Abram Anglin and Evan Faulkenberry, armed, and Plummer, un- armed, came up. They passed through Silas Parker's field, when Plummer, as if aroused from a dream, demanded to know what had become of his wife and child. Armed only with the butcher knife of Abram Anglin, he left the party in search of his wife, and was seen no more for six days. The Indians made no further assault. During the assault on the fort, Samuel M. Frost and his son Eobert fell while heroically defending the women and children inside the stockade. The result so far was: — Killed — Elder John Parker, Benjamin F. Parker, Silas M. Parker, Samuel M. Frost and his son Robert. AVounded dangerously — Mrs. John Parker and Mrs. Duty. Captured — Mrs. Elizabeth Kellogg, Cynthia Ann and John, children of Silas M. Parker, Mrs. Rachel Plummer and infant James Pratt Plummer. The Faulkenberrys, Bates and Anglin, with Mrs. Parker and children, secreted themselves in a small creek bottom. On the way they were met and joined by Seth Bates, father of Silas, and Mr. Lunn, also an old man. Whether they had slept in the fort or in the cabins during the previous night all accounts fail to say. Elisha Anglin was the father of Abram, but his whereabouts do not appear in any of the accounts. At twilight Abram Anglin and Evan Faulkenberry started back to the fort. On reaching Elisha Anglin's cabin, they found old mother Parker covered with blood and nearly naked. They secreted her and went on to the fort, where they found no one alive, but found $106.50 where the old lady had secreted the money under a book. They returned and conducted her to those in the bottom, where they also found Nixon, who had failed to find his wife, for, as he ought to have known, she was with her father. On the next morning. Bates, Anglin and E. Faulkenberry went back to the fort, secured five horses and provisions and the party in the bottom were thus enabled to reach Fort Houston without material suffering. Fort Houston, an asjdum on this as on many other occasions, stood on what has been for many years the field of a wise statesman, a chivalrous soldier and an incorruptible patriot — John H. Reagan — two miles west of Palestine. After six days of starvation, with their clothing torn into shreds, their bodies lacerated with briars and thorns, the women and children with unshod and bleeding feet, the party of James W. Parker — 2 men, 19 women and children — reached Tinnin's, at the old San Antonio and Nacogdoches crossing of the Navasota. Being informed of their approach, Messrs. Carter aud Courtney, with five horses, met INDIAX WARS A^D PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 41 them some miles away, and thus enabled the women and children to ride. The few people around, though but returned to their deserted homes after the victory of San Jacinto, shared all they had of food and clothing with them. Plum- mer, after six days of wanderings, joined the party the same day. In due time the members of the party located temporarily as best suited the respective families. A party from Fort Houston went up and buried the dead. The experienced frontiersman of later days will be struck with the apparent lack of leadership or organization among the settlers. Had they existed, combined with proper signals, there can be little doubt but that the Indians would have been held at bay. THE CAPTIVES. Mrs. Kellogg fell into the hands of the Keechis, from whom, six months after her capture, she was purchased by some Delawares, who carried her into Nacogdoches and delivered her to Gen. Hous- ton, who paid them $150.00, the amount they had paid and all they asked. On the way thence to Fort Houston, escorted by J. W. Parker and others, a hostile Indian was slightly wounded and temporarily disabled by a Mr. Smith. Mrs. Kel- logg instantly recognized him as the savage who had scalped the patriarch, Elder John Parker, whereupon, without judge, jury or court-martial, or even dallying with Judge Lynch, he was invol- untarily hastened on to the happy hunting-ground of his fathers. Mrs. Rachel Plummer, after a brutal captivity through the agency of some Mexican Santa Fe traders, was ransomed by a noble-hearted Amer- ican merchant of that place, Mr. William Donoho. She was purchased in the Rocky Mountains so far north of Santa Fe that seventeen days were con- sumed in reaching that place. She was at once made a member of her benefactor's family, after a captivity of one and a half years. She, ere long, accompanied Mr. and Mrs. Donoho to Independ- ence, Missouri, and in due time embraced her brother-in-law, Nixon, and by him was escorted back to her people. On the 19th of February, 1838, she reached her father's house, exactly twenty-one months from her capture. She had never seen her infant son, James P., since soon after their capture, and knew nothing of his fate. She wrote, or dictated au account of her sufferings and observations among the savages, and died on the 19th of February, 18.39. About six months after her capture she gave birth to a child, but it was cruelly murdered in her presence. As remark- able coincidences it may be stated that she was born on the 19th, married on the 19th, captured on the 19th, released on the 19th, reached Independence on the 19th, arrived at home on the 19th, and died on the 19th of the month. Her child, James Pratt Plummer, was ransomed and taken to Fort Gibson late in 1842, and reached home in February, in 1843, in charge of his grand- father. He became a respected citizen of Ander- son County. This still left in captivity Cynthia Ann and John Parker, who, as subsequently learned, were held by separate bands. John grew to manhood and became a warrior. In a raid into Mexico he captured a Mexican girl and made her his wife. Afterwards he was seized with small-pox. His tribe fled in dismay, taking his wife and leaving him alone to die ; but she escaped from them and returned to nurse him. He recovered and in dis- gust quit the Indians to go and live with his wife's people, which he did, and when the civil war broke out, he joined a Mexican company in tiie Confed- erate service. He, however, refused to leave the soil of Texas and would, under no circumstance, cross the Sabine into Louisiana. He was still liv- ing across the Rio Grande a few years ago, but up to that time had never visited any of his Texas cousins. RECOVERY OF CYNTHIA ANN PARKER. From May 19th, 1836, to December 18th, 1800, was twenty-four years and seven months. Add to this nine years, her age when captured, and, at the latter date Cynthia Ann Parker was in her thirty- fourth year. During that quarter of a century no reliable tidings had ever been received of her. She had long been given up as dead or irretriev- ably lost to civilization. As a prelude to her reclamation, a few other important events may be narrated. When, in 1858, Major Earl Van Dorn, United States dragoons, was about leaving Fort Belknap on his famous campaign against the hostile tribes, Lawrence Sullivan Ross (the Gen. " Sul " Ross, a household favorite throughout Texas to-day), then a frontier Texas youth of eighteen, had just returned for vacation from college. He raised and took command of 135 friendly Waco, Tehuacano, Toncahua and Caddo Indians and tendered their services to Van Dorn, which were gladly accepted. He was sent in advance to " spy out the land," the troops and supply trains following. Reaching the Wichita mountains, Ross sent a confidential Waco and Tehuacano to the Wichita village, 75 miles east of the Washita river, hoping to learn where the 42 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. hostile Comanches were. On approaching he village these two scouts, to their surprise, found that Buffalo Hump and his band of Comanches, against whom Van Dorn's expedition was intended, were there, trading and gambling with the Wichitas. The scouts lay concealed till night, then stole two Comanche horses and hastily rei'oined Ross with the tidings. With some difficulty Ross convinced Van Dorn of the reliability of the scouts and persuaded him to deflect his course and make a forced march for the village. At sunrise, on the first day of October, they struck the village as a whirlwind, almost annihilating Buffalo Hump and his power- ful band, capturing horses, tents, equipage and numerous prisoners, among whom was the white girl, " Lizzie," never recognized or claimed by kindred, but adopted, educated and tenderly reared bj' Gen. Ross and subsequently married and died ill California. Van Dorn was dangerously wounded ; as was also Ross, by a rifle ball, whose youthful gallantry was such that every United States otfleer, while yet on the Ijattle field, signed a petition to the President to commission him as an officer in the regular army, and he soon received from Gen. Winfield Scott a most complimentary official recog- nition of his wise and dauntless bearing. Graduating at college a year later (in 1859), in 1860 and till secession occurred in the beginning of 18f)l, young Ross was kept, more or less, in the frontier service. In the fall of 1860, under the commission of G6vernor Sam Houston, he was stationed near Fort Belknap, in command of a com- pany of rangers. Late in November a band of Comanches raided Parker County, committed serious depredations and retreated witli many horses, creat- ing great excitement among the sparsely settled inhabitants. Ross, in command of a party of his own men, a sergeant and twenty United States cavalry, placed at his service by Capt. N. G. Evans, commanding at Camp Cooper, and seventy citizens from Palo Pinto County, under Capt. Jack Curington, followed the marauders a few days later. Early on the 18th of December near some cedar mountains, on the head waters of Pease river, they suddenl3' came upon an Indian village, which the occupants, with their horses already packed, were about leaving. Curington's compan}' was several miles behind, and twenty of the rangers were on foot, leading their broken-down horses, the only food for them for several days having been the bark and sprigs of young eottonwoods. With the dragoons and only twenty of his own men, seeing that he was undiscovered, Ross charged the camp, completely surprising the Indians. In less than half an hour he had complete possession of the camp, their supplies and 350 horses, besides killing many. Two Indians, mounted, attempted to escape to the mountains, about six miles distant. Lieut. Thomas Killiher pursued one ; Ross and Lieut. Somerville followed the other. Somerville's heavy weight soon caused his horse to fail, and Ross pur- sued alone till, in about two miles, he came up with Mohee, chief of the band. After a short combat, Ross triumphed in the death of his adversary, securing his lance, shield, quiver and head-dress, all of which remain to the present time among similar trophies in the State collection at Austin. Very soon Lieut. Killiher joined him in charge of the Indian he had followed, who proved to be a woman, with her girl child, about two and a half years old. On the way back a Comanche boy was picked up by Lieut. Sublett. Ross took charge of him, and he grew up at Waco, bearing the name of Pease, suggested doubtless by the locality of his capture. It soon became evident that the captured woman was an American, and through a Mexican interpre- ter it became equally certain that she had been cap- tured in childhood — that her husband had been killed in the fight, and that she had two little boys elsewhere among the band to which she belonged. Ross, from all the facts, suspected that she might be one of the long missing Parker children, and on reaching the settlements, sent for the venerable Isaac Parker, of Tarrant County, son and brother respectively of those killed at the Fort in 1836. On his arrival it was soon made manifest that the captured woman was Cynthia Ann Parker, as per- fectly an Indian in habit as if she had been so born. She recognized her name when distinctly pro- nounced by her uncle ; otherwise she knew not an I^nglish word. She sought every opportunity to escape, and had to be closely watched for some time. Her uncle brought herself and child into his home— then took them to Austin, where the secession convention was in session. Mrs. John Henry Brown and Mrs. N. C. Raymond interested themselves in her, dressed her neatly, and on one occasion took her into the gallery of the hall while the convention was in session. They soon realized that she was greatly alarmed by the belief that the assemblage was a council of chiefs, sitting in judg- ment on her life. Mrs. Brown beckoned to her husband, who was a member of the convention, who appeared and succeeded in reassuring her that she was among friends. Gradually her mother tongue came back, and with it occasional incidents of her childhood, includ- ing a recognition of the venerable Mr. Anglin and perhaps one or two others. She proved to be a INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 4S sensible and comely woman, and died at her brother's in Anderson County, in 1870, preceded a short time by her sprightly little daughter, " Prairie Flower." One of the little sons of Cynthia Ann died some years later. The other, now known as Capt. Quanah Parker, born, as he informed me, at Wich- ita Falls, in 1854, is a popular and trustworthy chief of the Comanches, on their reservation in the Indian Territory'. He speaks English, is consider- ably advanced in civilization, and owns a ranch with considerable live stock and a small farm — withal a fine looking and dignified son of the plains. Thus ended the sad story begun May 19th, 1836. Various detached accounts have been given of it. Some years ago I wrote it up from the best data at command. Since then I have used every effort to get more complete details from those best informed, and am persuaded that this narrative states cor- rectly every material fact connected with it. Note.' Elder Daniel Parker, a man of strong mental powers, a son of Elder John, does not figure in these events. He signed the Declaration of In- dependence in 1836, and preached to his people till his death in Anderson County, in 1845. Ex-Rep- resentative Ben. F. Parker is his son and successor in preaching at the same place. Isaac Parker, before named, another son, long represented Hous- ton and Anderson Counties in the Senate and House, and in 1855 represented Tarrant County. He died in 1884, not far from eighty-eight years of age. Isaac D. Parker of Tarrant is his son. The Break-up in Bell County in 1836 — Death of Davidson and Crouch — The Childers Family — Orville T.Tyler — Walker, Monroe, Smith, Etc.— 1836. When the invasion of Santa Anna occurred, from January to April, 1836, there were a few newly located settlers on Little river, now in Bell County. The}' retreated ea%t, as did the entire population west of the Trinity. Some of these settlers went into the army till after the victory at San Jacinto on the 21st of April. Some of them, immediately after that triumph, with the family of Gouldsby Childers, returned to their deserted homes. During the pre- vious winter each head of a familj' and one or two single men had cleared about four acres of ground on his own land and had planted corn before the retreat. To cultivate this corn and thus have bread was the immediate incentive to an early return. Gouldsby Childers had his cabin and little field on his own league on Little river. Robert Davidson's cabin and league were a little above on the river, both being on the north side. Orville T. Tyler's league, cabin and cornSeld were on the west side of the Leon in the three forks of Little river, its limits extending to within a mile of the present town of Belton. Wm. Taylor's league was oppo- site that of Tyler, but his cornfield was on the other land. At this time Henry Walker, Mr. Mon- roe, and James (Camel Back) Smith had also returned to their abandoned homes, in the edge of the prairie, about eight miles east of the present town of Cameron, in Milam County, their cabins being only about a hundred yards apart. This was the same James Smith who, in October, 1838, escaped, so severely wounded, from the Surveyor's Fight, in sight of the present town of Dawson, in Navarro County, as narrated in the chapter on that subject. Nashville, on the Brazos, near the mouth of Little river, was then the nearest settlement and refuge to these people, and the families of those who returned to cultivate their corn in the new settlement, remained in that now extinct village. • The massacre at Parker's Fort on the Navasota, occurred on the 19th of May. In the month of June, but on what day of the month cannot be stated, two young men named John Beal and Jack Hopson, arrived as messengers from Nashville to advise these people of their great peril, as large bodies of hostile Indians were known to be maraud- ing in the country. On receipt of this intelli- gence immediate preparations were made to retreat in a body to Nashville. Their only vehicle was a wagon to be drawn by a single pair of oxen. They had a few horses but not enough to mount the whole party. The entire part}' consisted of Capt. Gouldsby Childers, his wife, sons, Robert (now living at Temple), Frank (17 years of age, and 44 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. killed in Erath's fight with the Indians, on Big Elm, in the same section, in January, 1837), William and Prior Childers, small boys ; his two grown daughters, Katherine (afterwards Mrs. E. Lawrence Stickney); Amanda (afterwards Mrs. John E. Craddock, and still living in Bell County) ; and Caroline, eight years old (now the widow of Orville T. Tyler and the mother of George W. Tyler, liv- ing in Belton), the whole family consisting of nine souls — also an old man named Rhoads, living with the Childers family, Shackleford, Orville T. Tyler, Parson Crouch and Robert Davidson (whose families were in Nashville), Ezekiel Roberson and the two messengers, John Beal and Jack Hopson — total souls, seventeen, of whom eleven were able to bear arms, though Mr. Rhoads was old and infirm. On the evening of the first day they arrived and encamped at the house of Henry Walker, where the families of Monroe and Smith had already taken refuge. It was expected that these three families would join them in the march next morn- ing ; but they were not ready, and the original party, when morning came, moved on. When two or three miles southeast of Walker's house, on the road to Nashville, via Smith's crossing of Little river, Davidson and Crouch being about three hun- dred, and Capt. Childers about one hundred yards ahead and two or three men perhaps two hundred yards behind, driving a few cattle, the latter discov- ered about two hundred mounted warriors advanc- ing from the rear at full speed. They gave the alarm and rushed forward to the wagon. Capt. Childers, yelling to Crouch and Davidson, hastened back. They reached the wagon barely in time to present a bold front to the advancing savages and cause them to change their charge into an encircle- ment of the apparently doomed party ; but in accomplishing this purpose the enemy discovered Blessrs. Crouch and Davidson seeking to rejoin their companions. This diverted their attention from the main party to the two unfortunate gentle- men, who, seeing the impossibility of their attempt, endeavored to escape by flight, but being poorly mounted, were speedily surrounded, killed and scalped. Then followed great excitement among the Indian?, apparently quarreling over the dispo- sition of the scalps and effects of the two gentle- men. This enabled the main party to reach a grove of timber about four hundred yards distant, where they turned the oxen loose, and only sought to save their lives. At this critical crisis and just as the savages were returning to renew the attack, Beal and Hopson, who had won the friendship of all by coming as messengers, and by their conduct up to that moment, made their escape from what seemed certain death. For a little while the Indians galloped around them, yelling, firing and by every artifice seeking to draw a fire from the little band ; but thej' pre- sented a bold front and fired not a gun. Shackle- ford could speak the Indian tongue and challenged them to charge and come to close quarters, but the Indians evidently believed they had pistols and extra arms in the wagons and failed to approach nearer than a hundred yards and soon withdrew. In close order, the besieged retreated changing their route to the raft, four or five miles distant, on Little river, on which they crossed, swimming their horses. Carolina Childers, the child of eight, rode behind her future husband, Orville T. Tyler, who had a lame foot and was compelled to ride, while others, for want of horses, were compelled to travel on foot. They doubted not the attack would be renewed at some more favorable spot, but it was not. Thus they traveled till night and encamped. They reached Nashville late next day. During the next day Smith, Monroe and Walker, with their families, arrived. Immediately on leav- ing the former party the Indians had attacked the three families in Walker's house and kept up a fire all day without wounding either of the defenders, who fired deliberately through port-holes whenever opportunity appeared. While not assured of kill- ing a single Indian, they were perfectly certain of having wounded a considerable number. As night came on, the Indians retired, and as soon as satis- fied of their departure, the three families left for Nashville, and arrived without further molestation. Note. Robert Davidson was a man of intelli- gence and merit, and was the father of Wilson T. Davidson and Mrs. Harvey Smith of Belton, Mrs. Francis T. Duffau of Austin, and Justus Davidson of Galveston, all of whom have so lived in the intervening fifty-one j'ears as to reflect honor on their slaughtered father. Of the family of Mr. Crouch I have no knowledge. Mrs. Stickney died in Coryell County, December 24, 1880. Prior Childers died in Falls County in 18G7 or 1868. William Childers died in the Confederate army in 1864, having served from the beginning of the war. O. T. Tyler was born in Massachusetts, August 28, 1810; landed in Texas in February, 1835; married Caroline Childers in 18.50 ; was the first chief-justice of Coryell County, and filled various other public stations; and full of years and the honors of a well-spent life, died at his elegant home in Belton, April 17th, 1886. His son. Senator George W. Tyler, of Belton, was the first white child born in Coryell County. INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 45 The Murder of the Douglas and Dougherty Families — 1836. The month of March, 1836, ranks overwhelmingly as the bloodiest and yet, in one respect, the brightest in the annals of Texas. On the second day of that month, at Washington on the Brazos, the chosen delegates of the people, fifty-two being present, unanimously declared Texas to be a free, sovereign and independent Republic, according to Gen. Sam Houston, their most distinguished colleague, the opportunity of subscribing his name to the solemn declaration, the second of its kind iu the. history of the human family, on his birthday, an event not dreamed of by his noble mother when in Rockbridge County, Virginia, on the second day of March, 1793, she first clasped him to her bosom. On the 4th of March, Gen. Houston was elected commander-in- chief of the armies of the Republic, as he had been in the previous November of the armies of the Pro- visional, or inchoate, government. On the 11th, Henry Smith, the Provisional Governor, one of the grandest characters adorning the history of Texas and to whom more than to any one man, the cause of Independence was indebted for its triumph, sur- rendered his functions to the representatives of the people. On the 2d, Dr. Grant and his partj^ beyond the Nueces, were slaughtered by Urrea's dra- goons, one man only escaping massacre, to be held long in Mexican dungeons and then escape, to survive at least fifty-five years, with the fervent hope by hosts of friends that he may yet be spared many years to see a commercial city arise where he has resided for over half a centurj'. The veteran gentleman referred to is Col. Reuben R. Brown, of Velasco, at the mouth of the Brazos. On the 6lh the Alamo and its 182 defenders went down to immortality under the oft-repulsed but surging columns of Santa Anna. On the 19th Fannin capitulated to Urrea on the plains of Coleto. On the 27th be and his followers, to the number of about 480, were massacred in cold blood, under the specific orders of that arch traitor and apostate to liberty, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, whose life, twenty-four days later, when a prisoner in their hands, was spared through a magnanimity unsur- passed in the world's history, by the lion-hearted defenders of a people then and ever since, by prej- udiced fanatics and superficial scribblers, charac- terized as largely composed of outlaws and quasi- barbarians, instead of being representatives, as they were, of the highest type of American chivalry, American civilization and American libertv. While these grand events were transpiring, the American settlers on the Guadalupe, the Lavaca and farther east were removing their families east- wardly, flying from the legions of Santa Anna as from wild beasts. Many had no vehicles and used horses, oxen, sleds or whatever could be improvised to transport the women, children, bedding and food. Among those thus situated were two isolated families, living on Douglas' or Clark's creek, about twelve miles southwest of Hallettsville, in Lavaca County. These were John Douglas, wife and children, and Dougherty, a widower, with three children. The parents were natives of Ireland, but had lived and probably married in Cambria County, Pennsylvania, where their children were born and from which they came to Texas in 1832. They were worthy and useful citizens, and lived together. Thej' prepared sleds on which to transport their effects, but when these were com- pleted the few people in that section had already left for the east. On the morning of the 4th of March Augustine Douglas, aged fifteen, and Thad- eus Douglas, aged thirteen, were sent out by their father to find and bring in the oxen designed to draw the sleds. Returning in the afternoon, at a short distance from home, they saw that the cabins were on fire, and heard such screams and war whoops as to admonish them that their parents and kindred were being butchered ; but they were unarmed and powerless and realized that to save their own lives they must seek a hiding-place. This they found in a thicket near by, and there remained concealed till night. When dark came they cautiously approached the smoldering ruins and found that the savages had left. A brief examination revealed to them the dead and scalped bodies of their father, mother, sister and little brother and of Mr. Dougherty, one son and two daughters, lying naked in the yard — eight souls thus brutally snatched from earth. Imagination, especially when assured that those two boys were noted for gentle and affectionate natures, as per- sonally known to the writer for a number of years, may depict the forlorn anguish piercing their young hearts. It was a scene over which angels weep. There were scarcely an3'thing more than paths, and few of them, through that section. Augustine had some idea as to courses, and speedily deter- mined on a policy. With his little brother he pro- ceeded to the little settlement in the vicinity of 46 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. where Hallettsville is, but found that every one liad retreated. The^' then followed the Lavaca down about thirty-five miles to where their older sister, tiie wife of Capt. John McHenry, and a few others lived — but found that all had been gone some time. They then took the old Atascosita road from Goliad which crossed the Colorado a few miles below where Columbia is. Near the Colo- rado, almost starved to death, they fell in with some Mexican scouts and were conducted to the camp of the Mexican general, Adrian Woll, a Frenchman, who could speak English and to whom they narrated iheir sad story. Woll received them kindlj' and had all needful care taken of them. In a few days the boys were taken by a Frenchman named Auguste, a traitor to Texas, to his place on Cummins' creek, where he had collected a lot of negroes and a great many cattle belonging to the retreating citizens, from which he was supplying Gen. "WoU with beef at enormous prices. The 21st of April passed and San Jacinto was won. Very soon the Mexicans began preparations for retreat. Auguste, mounting Augustine Douglas on a fine horse, sent him down to learn when Woll could start. In the meantime a party of Texians, headed by Alison York, who had heard of Auguste' s thieving den, hurried forward to chastise him before lie could leave the country with his boot}'. He punished them severely, all who could fleeing into the bottom and thence to Woll's camp. When York's party opened fire, little Thadeus Douglas, not understanding the cause, fled down the road and in about a mile met his brother returning from Woll's camp on Auguste's fine horse. With equal prudence and financial skill they determined to save both themselves and the horse. Thadeus mount- ing behind, they started at double quick for the Brazos. They had not traveled many miles, how- ever, when they met the gallant Capt. Henry W. Karnes, at the head of some cavalry, from whom they learned for the first time, of the victory of San Jacinto, and that they yet would see their only sur- viving sister and brother-in-law, Capt. and Mrs. McHenr}'. In writing of tliis incident in De Bow's Review of December, 1853, eighteen years after its occurrence, I used this language : — "These boys, thus rendered objects of sym- pathjT, formed a link in the legends of the old Texians, and still reside on the Lavaca, much re- spected for their courage and moral deportment." It is a still greater pleasure to say now that they ever after bore honorable characters. One of the brothers died some years ago, and the other in 1889. The noble old patriot in three revolu- tions — Mexico in 1820, South America in 1822, and Texas in 1835 — preceded by gallant conduct at New Orleans in 1815, when only sixteen years old — the honest, brave and ever true son of Erin's . isle, Capt. John McHenry, died in 1885, leaving a memory sweetly embalmed in many thousand hearts. Erath's Fight, January 7, 1837. Among the brave and useful men on the Brazos frontier from 1835 till that frontier receded far up the river, conspicuously appears the name of the venerable Capt. George B. Erath. He was born in Austria. His first services were in Col. John H. Moore's expedition for the relief of Capt. Robert M. Coleman, to the Tehuacano Hill country, in July, 1835. Though green from the land of the Hnpsburgs, he won a character for daring courage in his first engagement, leading in the charge and gaining the soubriquet of " The Flying Dutchman." His second experience was on the field of San Ja- cinto, April 21, 1836. In the summer of that year he located at Nasiiville, at the falls of the Brazos, and ever after resided in that vicinity and McLen- nan county. As surveyor and ranger for ten years or more he had many adventures and was in many skirmishes and engagements with the Indians. He served. in the Congress of the Republic, and after- wards in the one or the other house of the Legisla- ture, at intervals, till 1865. His third engagement as a soldier occurred on the 7th of January, 1837, on Elm creek, in Milam County. At that time Lieut. Curtis com- manded a small company of illy equipped rangers at a little fort at the three forks of Little river, in Bell County, subsisting chiefly on wild meat and honey. Erath, as a lieutenant, was first there and erected several cabins, but on the arrival of Curtis he became the ranking oflicer. INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 47 A man arriving at the fort reported a fresh " foot " Indian trail twelve miles east and bearing towards the settlements below. It was agreed that Erath should pursue them. He started on the morning of the 6th with thirteen men and boys, nearly half being on foot. Three of the number were volunteers for the trip, and eleven were sol- diers, viz. : Lishley (a stranger), Robert CLilders (now living at Temple) and Frank Childers, his boy-brother, volunteers ; the soldiers were Lieut. Erath, Sergt. McLochlan, Lee R. Davis, David Clark, Empson Thompson, Jack Gross, Jack Houston, and four boys, viz. : Lewis Moore, Morris Moore, John Folks and Green McCoy, a boy from Gonzales. They traveled twenty- three miles east, striking the trail and finding that it was made by about a hundred Indians on foot. At night they heard the Indians, who were encamped in the bottom, on the bank of Elm creek, eight miles west of the present town of Cameron, in Milam County. They remained quiet till nearly day- light, then, after securing their horses, cautiously approached along ravines and the bed of the creek till they secured a position under the bank within twenty-five yards of the yet unsuspecting savages, who very soon began to move about and kindle their fires. When it was sufficiently light each man and boy took deliberate aim and about ten Indians tumbled over. With revolvers (then unknown), they could easily have routed the whole band. But each one had to reload by the old process. During the interval the Indians seized their guns, there not being a bow among them, and, realizing the small number of their assailants, jumped behind trees and fought furiously. Some of them entered the creek below to enfilade Erath's position, and this compelled a retreat to the opposite bank, in accom- plishing which David Clark was killed and Frank Childers wounded. Erath continued to retreat by alternation, one half of the men covering the retreat of the other half for thirty or forty yards at a time, so that half of the guns were alternately loaded and fired. The bottom favored this plan till they reached their horses at the edge of the prairie. On the way, Frank Childers, finding his life ebbing, reached a secluded spot on one side, sat down by a tree against which his gun rested, and there expired, but was not discovered by the enemy, who, instead of continuing the fight, returned to their camp and began a dismal howl over their own dead. There were numerous narrow escapes, balls out- ting the clothes of nearly every man. One broke McLochlan's ramrod, another the lock of his gun, a third bursted his powder horn, a fourth passed through his coat and a fifth through the handker- chief worn as a turban on his head. At that time the families of Neil McLennan and his sons-in-law were living eight miles distant. The men were ab- sent, and, but for this attack of the bold " Flying Dutchman," the women and children would have fallen easy victims to the savages. A month later one of McLennan's young negroes was carried into captivity by them. David Clark was past middle age and was a son of Capt. Christopher Clark, of near Troy, Lincoln County, Missouri, known to the writer of these sketches from his infancy. Green McCoy was a maternal nephew of Clark and a paternal nephew of Jesse McCoy, who fell in the Alamo. The Childers brothers were maternal uncles of George W. Tyler, the first child born (in 1854) in Coryell County. Capt. Erath, Robert Childers and Lewis Moore, of McLennan County, are the only survivors of this episode of nearly fifty-two years ago. Of the whole party, men and boys, every one through life bore a good character. They were in truth of the " salt of the earth " and " pillars of strength " on the frontier. The Surveyors' Fight in Navarro County, in October, 1838. At this date the long since abandoned village of " Old " Franklin, situated in the post oaks between where Bryan and Calvert now stand, was the extreme outside settlement, omitting a few families in the Brazos valley, in the vicinity of Marlin, and was the county seat of the original Robertson County, with its immense unsettled territory. including the west half of Dallas County and terri- tory north and west of it. It was a rendezvous for both surveying parties and volunteers on expe- ditions against the Indians. Its male population was much larger than the female, and embraced a number of men of more or less note for intelligence and courage. Among these were Dr. Georcre W. INDIAN WABS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. Hill, long a senator and once in President Houston's Cabinet, for whom Hill County was named ; Capt. Eli Chandler, a brave frontiersman ; E. L. R Wheelock, Cavitt Armstrong, the father of the Cavitt family of later times, and others. There was a great desire on the part of both dis- charged soldiers and other citizens who had just re- ceived bounty and head-right certificates for land to have them located and the land surveyed. In the early summer of 1838, near Richland creek, twelve or fourteen miles southerly from Corsicana, three men belonging to a surveying party were surprised and killed. Their names were Barry, Holland, and William F. Sparks, a land locator from Nacog- doches. The remainder of the party, too weak for defense against the number of the savages, cau- tiously and successfully eluded them and returned home. Early in October of the same year William F. Henderson, for many years since an estimable citizen of Corsicana, fitted out a surveying party to locate lands in what is now the southwest por- tion of Navarro County. He and his assistant each had a compass. The entire party consisted of twenty-four men and one boy, and was under the command of Capt. Neill. The party arrived on the field of their labors and encamped at a spring or water hole about two mile northwest of what after that expedition was and ever since has been known as Battle creek. Here they met with a large body of Indians, chiefly Kickapoos, but embracing some of several tribes, who were encamped in the vicinity, killing buffalo. They professed friendship, but mani- fested decided opposition to having the lands sur- veyed, assuring the party that if they persisted the Comanches and lonies would kill them. But it was believed their design was only to frighten them awaj'. After a day or two a trial of the compasses was made, when it was found one of the needles had lost its magnetism and would not work. William M. Love, afterward a well-known citizen of Navarro County, and a Mr. Jackson were sent back to Franklin for a magnet to recharge the needle, thus reducing the party to twenty- three. Early on the following morning Henderson ran a line for a mile or so, more or less Indians following and intently watching the manipulation of the compass, one of them remarking: "It is God's eye." The part)', after a satisfactory trial, returned to camp for breakfast, and after that was over, returned to, and were about resuming their work, when from a ravine, about forty yards dis- tant, they were fired upon by about fifty Indians. The men, led by Capt. Neill, at once charged upon them, but in doing so, discovered about a hundred warriors rushing to aid those in the ravine from the timber behind them. At the same time about the same number of mounted Indians charged them from the prairie in their rear. Neill retreated under heavy fire to the head of a branch in the prairie with banks four or five feet high. There was some brush and a few trees ; but seventy-five yards below them was another cluster, of which the enemy took possession. This was between !) and 10 o'clock a. m., and there the besieged were held under a fluctuating fire until midnight. Every one who exposed himself to view was killed or wounded. Euclid M. Cox for an hour stood behind a lone tree on the bank doing much execu- tion, but was finally shot through the spine, upon which Waller P. Lane, afterwards a distinguished Brigadier-general in the Confederate arm}-, jumped upon the bank and dragged him into the ravine, in which he died soon afterwards. A man named Davis, from San Augustine, having a fine horse, attempted to escape through the line of Indians strung in a circle around the little band, but he was killed in sight of his comrades. A band of mounted Indians, not participating in the fight, collected on an elevation just out of gunshot, and repeatedly called out, " Come to Kickapoo! Kick- apoo good Indian! " and by gesticulations mani- fested friendship, in which our men placed no possible confidence ; but among them was Mr. Spikes, a feeble old man of eighty-two years, who said his days were few at best, and as he could not see to shoot he would test their sincerity. He mounted and rode up to them and was mercilessly butchered. Night brought no relief or cessation of the attack, and a number of our men were dead in the ravine. The moon shone brightly until midnight. But when it sank below the horizon, the survivors determined to make an effort to reach the timber on a brushy branch leading into a creek heavily covered with thickets and trees, and dis- tant hardly half a mile. Three horses yet lived, and on these the wounded were placed, and the fiery ordeal began. The enemy pressed on the rear and both flanks. The wounded were speedily shot from their horses. Capt. Neill was wounded and immediately lifted on one of the horses, but both fell an instant later. A hundred yards from the brush Walter P. Lane was shot in the leg, below the knee, shattering, but not breaking the bone. He entered the brush with Henderson and Burton. Mr. William Smith entered at another place alone, and Mr. Violet at still a different place, terril)!y wounded, and at the same instant another man escaped in like manner. Once under INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 49 cover, in the dark, each lone man, and the group of three, felt the necessity of perfect silence. Each stealthily and cautiously moved as he or they thought best, and the fate of neither became known to the other until all had reached the settle- ments. Smith, severely wounded, traveled by night and lay secreted by day till he reached the settlements on the Brazos, distant over forty miles. The unnamed man, slightly wounded, escaped eastwardly and succeeded, after much suffering, in reaching the settlements. Henderson, Lane and Burton found lodgment in a deep ravine lead- ing to the creek. Lane became so weak from the loss of blood that Henderson tore up his shirt to stanch and bandage the wound, and succeeded in the effort. Passing down some distance, they heard the Indians in pursuit, and ascended the bank and lay in brush with their guns cocked. The pursuers passed within three or four feet but failed to discover them. About an hour before day they reached the creek and traveled down to a muddy pool of water. On a log they crawled onto a little island densely matted with brush, under which they lay concealed all day. They repeatedly heard the Indians, but remained undis- covered. When night came as an angel of mercy, throwing its mantle over them, they emerged from their hiding place ; but when Lane rose up, the agony from his splintered leg was so great that he swooned. On recovering consciousness he found that Burton, probably considering his condition hopeless, was urging Henderson to abandon him ; but that great-hearted son of Tennessee spurned the suggestion. The idea inspired Lane with indignation and the courage of desperation. In words more emphatic than mild he told Burton to go, and declared for himself that he could, and with the help of God and William F. Henderson, would make the trip. By the zigzag route they traveled it was about thirty miles to Tehuacano springs. They traveled, as a matter of course, very slowly, and chiefly by night, Lane hobbling on one leg, supported by Henderson. For two days and nights after leaving their covert they had neither food nor drink. Their sufferings were great and their clothing torn into rags. On the third daj', being the fourth from their first assault by the enemy, they reached the springs named, where three Kickapoos were found with their families. At first they appeared distant and sus- picious, and demanded of them where and how they came to be in such condition. Henderson promptly answered that their party, from which they had become separated, had been attacked by Comanches and lonies, and that they, in their dis- tress, had l)een hoping to fall in with some friendly Kickapoos. This diplomacy', however remote from the truth, had the desired effect. One of the red men thereupon lighted his pipe, took a few whiffs, and passed it to Henderson, saying, "Smoke! Kickapoo good Indian!" All smoked. Provis- ions were offered, and the women bathed, dressed and bandaged Lane's leg. Henderson then offered his rifle to one of them if he would allow Lane to ride his horse into Franklin. After some hesita- tion he assented, and they started on ; but during the next day, below Parker's abandoned fort, hearing a gunshot not far off (which proved to belong to another party of Kickapoos, but were not seen), the Indian became uneasy and left them, taking both his pony and the rifle. It should be stated that Lane's gun had been left where they began their march, at the little island, simply because of his inability to carry it ; hence Bur- ton's gun was now their last remaining weapon. But now, after the departure of the Indian, they were gladdened by meeting Love and Jackson, returning with the magnet, ignorant, of course, of the terrible calamity that had fallen upon their comrades. Lane was mounted on one of their horses, and they hurried on to Franklin, arriving there without further adventure. A party was speedily organized at Franklin to go to the scene and bury the dead. On their way out at Tehuacano springs, by the merest accident, they came upon Mr. Violet in a most pitiable and perishing condition. His thigh had been broken, and for six days, without food or water, excepting uncooked grasshoppers, he had crawled on his hands and knees, over grass and rocks and through brush, about twenty-five miles, in an air line, but much more, in fact, by his serpentine wanderings in a section with which he was unacquainted. His arrival at the springs was a providential interposi- tion, but for which, accompanied by that of the relief party, his doom would have been speedy and inevitable. Two men were detailed to escort him back to Franklin, to friends, to gentle nursing, and finally to restoration of healih, all of which were repaid by his conduct as a good citizen in after life. The company continued on to the battle-ground, collected and buried the remains of the seventeen victims of savage fury, near a lone tree. It mav well be conceived that heroic courage and action were displayed by this little party of twentj'- three, encircled by at least three hundred Indians — not wild Comanches with bows and arrows, but the far more formidable Kickapoos and kindred asso- ciates, armed with rifles. It was ascertained after- 50 I^WTAy ^VAKS axd pioneers of texas. warils that they had sustained a loss in killed equal to double the number of the Texians, besides many wounded. It was believed that Euclid M. Cos, before receiving his death wound, killed eight or ten. The Surveyors' Fight ranks, in stubborn courage and carnage, with the bloodiest in our history — with Bowie's San Saba fight in 1831, Bird's victory and death in Bell County in 1839, and Hays' mountain fight in 1844, and others illustrating sim- ilar courage and destructiveness. THE SLAIN. Of the twenty-three men in the fight seventeen were killed, viz. : Euclid M. Cox, Thomas Barton, Samuel Allen, — Ingraham, — Davis, J. Hard, Asa T. Mitchell, J. Neal or Neill, William Tremier, — Spikes, J. Bullock, N. Barker, A. Houston, P. M. Jones, James Jones, David Clark, and one whose name is not remembered. Those who escaped were William F. Henderson, Walter P. Lane, wounded as described, and Bur- ton, who escaped together; Violet, wounded as de- scribed ; William Smith, severely wounded in the shoulder; and the man slightly wounded, who escaped towards the east — 6. Messrs. Love and Jackson, though not in the fight, justly deserve to be classed with the party, as they were on hazard- ous duty and performed it well, besides relieving Lane and then participating in the interment of the dead. In the year 1885, John P. and Rev. Fred Cox, sons of Euclid, at their own cost, erected, under the shadow of that lone tree, a handsome and befit- ting monument, on which is carved the names of .all who were slain and all who escaped, excepting that one of each class whose names are missing. The tree and monument, inclosed by a neat fence, one mile west of Dawson, Narvarro County, are in plain view of the Texas and St. Louis railroad. Note. This William Smith, prior to this dis- astrous contest, but at what precise date cannot be stated, but believed to have been in the winter of 1837-8, lived in the Brazos bottom. The Indians became so bad that he determined to move, and for that purpose placed his effects in his wagon in his yard, but before starting his house was at- tacked. He barred his door and through cracks between the logs fired whenever he could, nearly alwa3's striking an Indian, but all his reserve ammunition had been placed in the wagon and the supply in his pouch was nearly exhausted, when Mrs. Smith opened the door, rushed to the wagon, secured the powder and lead and rushed back. Balls and arrows whizzed all about her but she escaped with slight wounds and immediately began moulding bullets. She thought not of herself but of her little children. Honored forever be the pioneer mothers of Texas and thrice honored be such as Mrs. Smith. It was my pleasure after- wards, personally, to know- her and some of her children, and to serve on the Southwestern frontier with her fearless husband, an honest Christian man. One of their sons was the late Prof. Smith of Salado College, a son worthy of such parents. Mr. Smith crippled so many of his assailants that they retired, leaving him master of the situation, when he removed farther into the settlements. There is one fact in connection with this affair that, as a Texian, I blush to state. There was an able-bodied man in Mr. Smith's house all the time who slunk away as the veriest craven, taking refuge under the bed, while the heroic father and mother " fought the good fight and kept the faith." I have not his name and if it were known to me would not publish it, as it may be borne by others of heroic hearts, and injustice might be done ; besides, the subsequent life of that man must have been a continuing torture. Karnes' Fight on the Arroyo Seco, August 10, 1838. Prom the beginning of 1837, lo his death in August, 1840, Henry W. Karnes, a citizen of San Antonio, stood as a pillar of strength and wall of defense to the Southwestern frontier. He was ever ready to meet danger, and often commanded small bodies of volunteers in search or pursuit of hostile Indians. He had numerous skirmishes and minor encounters with them and was almost invariably successful. In the summer of 1838, in command of twenty- one fearless volunteers, while halting on the Arroyo Seco, west of the Medina, and on the 10th day of August, he was suddenly and furiously assailed by two hundred mounted Comanehes ; but, ever alert and prepared for danger, in the twinkling of an eye his horses were secured and his men stationed in their front, somewhat protected by a ravine and chaparral, and fired in alternate platoons, b}' which INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 51 one-third of their guns were always loaded to meet the attaeli at close quarters. Their aim was deadly and warriors were rapidly tumbled to the ground. Yet, knowing they were ten to one against the Texians, the Comanches were not willing to give up the contest till over twenty of their number lay dead, and doubtless as many more were wounded. Col. Karnes, in his intense and unselfish desire to both save and encourage his men, greatly exposed himself and was severely wounded, this being the only casualty to his party, though nearly all his horses were more or less wounded. It was a gal- lant and successful defense against immense odds, and served to cement more closely the already strong ties that bound the modest but ever faitliful and fearless Karnes to the hearts of the people of San Antonio and the whole Southwest. Living, fighting and dying in the country without family or kindred ; leaving no trace on paper indicating his long and faitliful service ; largely winning achieve- ments of which neither official nor private record was kept ; though personally having had very slight acquaintance with him, it has ever been to the writer a sincere pleasure to rescue from oblivion his many gallant deeds, and place his memory where it right- fully belongs in the galaxy composed of the truest, best, most unselfish and bravest men who wrought for Texas at any time between 1821 and 1846. The Captivity of the Putman and Lockhart Children in 1838. In the summer of 1837, succeeding the great exodus of 1836, Mr. Andrew Lockhart returned to his frontier home on the west side of the Guad- alupe, and nearly opposite the present consider- able town of Cuero, in DeWitt County. He was accompanied, or soon joined, by Mitchell Putman, with his wife and several children. Mr. Putman was a man of good character, and had been honor- ably discharged from the army oiter having served a full term and being in the battle of San Jacinto. The two families temporarily lived in the same yard. When the pecans began ripening in the fall, the children of both families frequented the bottom near by to gather those delicious nuts, which, of course, were highly prized at a time when nearly all, and oftentimes all, the food attainable was wild meat, indigenous nuts and fruit. On one occasion, in October, 1838, Matilda, daughter of Mr. Lockhart, aged about thirteen, and three of Mr. Putman's children, a small girl, a boy of four and a girl of two and a half years, left home in search of pecans. The hours flew by — night came, and through its weary hours parental hearts throbbed with anguish. Signal fires were lighted, horns blown and guns fired — the few accessible settlers were notified, but the morning sun rose upon two disconsolate house- holds. The four children, as time revealed, had been cunningly surprised, awed into silence, and swiftly borne away by a party of wild Indians. Pursuit was impracticable. There were not men enough in the country and the families neeiled nightly'protection at home. Mr. Lockhart, more able to do so than Mr. Put- man, made every effort to recover his daughter and the other children. For this purpose he accompa- nied Col. John H. Moore on expeditions into the mountains in both 1838 and 1839. In one of these expeditions Col. Moore made a daylight attack on a large hostile village on the San Saba, or rather just as day was dawning. Despite the remon- strances of others the resolute seeker of his lost child rushed ahead of all others, exclaiming in stentorian voice: "Matilda Lockhart! Oh, my child ! if you are here run to me. I am your father! " He continued so to shout, and, dear reader, Matilda heard and recognized that loved voice repeatedly ; but the moment the fight opened she was lashed into a run by squaws and speedily driven into the recesses of thickets. So time passed, the stricken father seizing upon every hope, however faint, to recover his child. Negotiations were opened with the hostiles, by direction of President Lamar, in the winter of 1839-40, seeking a restoration of all our captive children, and there was known to be quite a number among them. The wily foe betrayed the cunning and dissimulation of their race from the first. They promised much in two or. three interviews, but performed little. During the spring of 1840 the little boy of Mr. Putman was brought in and restored to his parents. The elder daughter was not heard of until during 52 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. the late war, in 1864, twenty-seven years after her captivity, when she was providentially restored to her family at Gonzales, and it happened in this wise : Judge John R. Chenault, of Southwest Missouri, who had, in former years, been an Indian agent west of that State, refugeed to Gonzales, where he had kindred. In his family was a girl he had in that day recovered from the Indians, and educated. She was identified beyond doubt as the missing daughter of Mr. Putinan and resumed her place among her kindred. Judge Chenault died several 3'ears since, a citizen of Dallas Count}'. In fulfillment of one of their violated promises to bring in all the prisoners they had, the warriors only brought in one poor woman, who had been cruelly treated throughout her captivity — her body burnt in small spots all over — and this was Matilda Lockhart. Restored to her family and adorned in civilized costume, she speedily developed into one of the prettiest and most lovely women in the surround- ing country, becoming a great favorite, distin- guished alike for modesty, sprightliness, and affectionate devotion to her kindred and friends. A few years later a cold contracted at a night party, fastened upon her lungs, and speedily closed her life, to the regret of the whole surrounding country. The story, from her own lips, of the cruelties practiced upon her throughout her cap- tivity, would fill a small volume, the reason for which was unknown to her and unesplainable at home. Temporary brutality to captives is common among the wild tribes, but in a little while the young are treated as other children. This leaves the little girl of Mi'. Putman alone to account for. She was two and a half years old when she was captured in 1838. Another party of warriors in the spring of 1840, brought in and delivered up at San Antonio a little girl of about five, but who could not or would not tell where she was captured, and no one there from her appearance, could imagine her to be one of the lost children of whom he had any information. The child could not speak a word of English and was wild — afraid of every white person — and tried on every occasion to run away. The military authorities were perplexed and knew not how to keep or how to dispose of her. Here, again, came providential interposition. The District Court was in session, the now lamented Judge John Hemphill presiding for the first time. In attendance as a lawyer was his pre- decessor, Judge James W. Robinson, who then lived two miles above Gonzales, and one mile below him lived Arch Gipson, whose wife was a daughter of Mitchell Putman, and a sister of the missing little girl. Hearing of the child he examined her closel}', trusting she might show some family re- semblance to Mrs. Gipson, whom he knew well and whose father lived onlj- fifteen miles from Gonzales. He could recognize no resemblance, but deter- mined to take the little stranger home with him, for, as he assured the writer, he had a presenti- ment that she was the Putman child, and had a very sympathetic nature. He, Judge Hemphill and John R. Cunningham (a brilliant star, eclipsed in death as a Mexican prisoner two years later), made the trip on horseback together, the little wild crea- ture alternating behind them. The)' exhausted every means of gentling and winning her, but in vain. It was necessary to tie her in camp at night and watch her closely by day. In this plight they arrived at Judge Robinson's house as dinner was about ready, and the Judge learned that Mrs. Gip- son was very feeble from recent illness. He deemed it prudent to approach her cautiously about the child, and to this end, after dinner he rode for- ward, alone, leaving the other gentlemen to follow a little later with the child who, up to that time, had not spoken an English word. Judge Robinson gently related all the facts to Mrs. Gipson, said it could not be her sister, but thought it would be more satisfactory to let her see in person and had therefore brought the little thing, adding: " Be quiet, it will be here very soon." The gentlemen soon rode up to the j'ard fence, the child behind Judge Hemphill, on a very tall horse. I quote b}' memory the indelible words given me by Judge Robinson a few days after- wards: — "Despite my urgent caution Mrs. Gipson, from her first realization that a recovered child was near at hand, presented the strangest appearance I ever saw in woman, before or since. She seemed, feeble as she was, to skip more as a bird than as a person, her eyes indescribably bright, and her lips tightly closed — but she uttered not a word. As the horsemen arrived she skipped over the fence, and with an expression which language cannot describe, she stood as if transfixed, peering up into the little face on horseback. Never before nor since have I watched any living thing as I watched that child at that moment. As if moved b)' irresistible power, the instant it looked into Mrs. Gipson's face it seemed startled as from a slumber, threw up its little head as if to collect its mind, and with a second piercing look, sprang from the horse with outstretched arms, clasping Mrs. Gipson around the neck, piteously exclaim- INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 53 Dg: 'Sister, sister!'" And tears of joy mingled with audible sobs fell from three of the most distinguished men of Texas, all long since gathered to their fathers — Cunningham in Mexi- can bondage in 1842, Robinson in Southern Cali- fornia about 1850, and Hemphill in the Confederate Senate in 1862. But when such tears flow do not the angels sing piuans around the throne of Him who took little children "up in His arms, put His hands upon them and blessed them ! " Texas Independence — A Glimpse at the First Capitals, Harris- burg, Galveston, Velasco, Columbia, the First Real Capital, Houston, and Austin, the First Permanent Capital. Independence was declared in a log cabin, with- out glass in its windows, in the now almost extinct town of Washington-on-lhe-Brazos, on the second day of March, 1836. The government ad interim, then established, with David G. Burnet as Presi- dent, and Lorenzo de Zavala as Vice-president, first organized at Harrisburg, but soon fled from Santa Anna's army down to the barren island of Galveston, where it remained till a short time after the battle of San Jacinto, when it moved to Velasco, at the mouth of the Brazos. After the first election under the Republic, President Burnet, by proclamation, assembled the First Congress, President and Vice- president, at the town of Columbia, on the Brazos, on the 3d of October, 1836. No other place in Texas, at the time (excepting, perhaps, Nacog- doches, in the extreme east), had suflicient house room to meet the emergency. There was in Columbia a large two-story house, divided in the center by a wide hall and stairway into large rooms above and below — one on each side of the hall, and an ell containing several rooms. It had been erected and occupied in 1832-3 by Capt. Henry S. Brown, father of the author, and in it he died on July 26, 1834, his attending phj'sician being Dr. Anson Jones, afterwards the last President of the Republic. This building was torn down early in 1888. In this building tlie First Congress of the Repub- lic of Texas assembled under President Burnet's proclamation on the third of October, 1836. In it on the 22d of the same month, President Burnet delivered his farewell message, and at the same time Sam Houston, as first constitutional Presi- dent, and Mirabeau B. Lamar, as Vice-president, took the oath of office and delivered their inaugural addresses. In it all of the first Cabinet took the oath of office, viz. : Stephen F. Austin as Secre- tary of State (died on the 27th of December fol- lowing) ; Ex-Governor Henry Smith, as Secretary of the Treasury (died in the mountains of Cali- fornia, March 4, 1851) ; Thomas J. Rusk, as Secre- tarj' of War (resigned a few weeks later and was succeeded by William S. Fisher, who died in 1845, while Gen. Rusk died in 1857) ; and Samuel Rhoads Fisher, as Secretary of the Navy (who died in 1839.) A portion of the officers were in other buildings and for a time one House of the Congress occupied a different building. In this really first Capitol of Texas were enacted all the original laws for organizing the Republic and its counties, and the afterwards famous law defining its boundaries, the western line of which was the Rio Grande del Norte from its source to its en- trance into the Gulf of Mexico; and in it Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, then a distinguished member of the United States Senate, was received as the guest of the infant nation. From Columbia the capital was moved to the new town of Houston in the spring of 1837. From Houston it was removed to the newly planned frontier town of Austin in October, 1839, and here is where I propose to locate what follows. The government was established at Austin in October, 1839. Mirabeau B. Lamar, one of the truest knights of chivalry that ever figured on Texas soil, was President ; David G. Burnet, the embodi- ment of integrity — learned and experienced — was Vice-president ; Abner S. Lipscomb, one of the trio who subsequently gave fame to the judicial decisions of Texas, was Secretary of State ; Albert Sidney Johnston, the great soldier and 54 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. patriot who fell at Sbiloh on the Gtb of April, 1862, was Secretary of War ; Louis P. Cooke, who died of cholera at Brownsville in 1849, and had been a student at West Point, was Secretary of the Navy ; Dr. James H. Starr, of Nacogdoches, was Secretary of the Treasury ; John Rice Jones was Postmaster- General ; John P. Borden was Commissioner of the Land Office ; Thomas J. Rusk was Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, the Associates being the Dis- trict Judges of the Republic; James Webb was Attorney-General; Asa Brigham, Treasurer; E. Lawrence Sticknej', Stock Commissioner ; Wm. G. Cooke, Quartermaster-General ; Hugh McLeod, Adjutant-General; Wm. L. Cazneau, Commissary- General ; Jacob Snively, Paymaster-General ; Peter H. Bell (afterwards Governor), Inspector- General; Edward Burleson was Colonel command- ing the regular army ; Charles DeMorse was Fund Commissioner, or something of that sort. These men arrived in Austin as the government, in September and October, 1839. Austin was the outside settlement on the Colorado and so remained until annexation was perfected on the 19th of February, 1846. Through those six years it remained exposed to the forays of all the hostile Indians in upper Texas, from which manj' valuable lives were lost and quite a number of women and children carried into savage captivity. Just com- pleting my eighteenth year, I became a denizen of Austin at its birth, setting type on one of the two newspapers then started, and so remained for a considerable time, in which it was my privilege to make the personal acquaintance of each of the gentlemen named as officials of the government, and ever after to enjoy the friendship of nearly' all of them, the exceptions arising from earl}' and per- manent separation by distance. No new town, in this or any other country, ever began its existence with a larger ratio of educated, talented and honorable men, especially of young men. A few of the latter now, in the fiftieth year afterwards, still live there. Among them are James H. Raymond, John M. Swisher, Joseph Lee, James F. Johnson, James M. Swisher, Fenwick Smith, Wm. S. Hotchkiss. Among those known or be- lieved to be living elsewhere, are Henry H. Collier, in Canada; *Thomas Gales Forster, in Cincinnati; Wm. B. Billingsly, in Bastrop; Archibald C. Hyde, of Uvalde County (the first postmaster and one of the first justices of the peace at Austin) ; John P. Borden, of Colorado County ; Gen. Geo. W. Morgan, of Mount Vernon, Ohio (then Captain in the Texian arm}') ; *Rev. Joseph A. Clark, living at Thorp's Spring, and founder of Ad Ran College ; Parry W. Humphries, of Aransas Pass ; John Adriance, in Columbia; Ales. T. Gayle, Jackson County ; and ex-Governor Bell, living in North Carolina. Of those who are dead I recall George J. Durham, who died in 1869 ; James M. Ogdeu, Thos. L. Jones and *Martin C. Wing, all of whom drew black beans and were put to death in Mexico, March 25, 1843 ; Capt. Ben. Johnson, killed by Mexicans near the Nueces soon afterwards; — -Dodson and — Black, killed by Indians opposite Austin, in 1842; Henry W. Raglan, Richard H. Hord, died in Kentucky; George D. Biggar, Capt. Joseph Daniels, died in San Francisco in 1885; M. H. Nicholson, *Joel Miner, *Alexander Area, *William Clark, Ambrose B. Patlison, died in Onondaga Hollow, N. Y. ; Maj. George W. Bonnell (editor, and killed as one of the guard at Mier, December 26, 1842) ; *James Glasscock (a Mier prisoner) ; * — McClelland, died in Tyler; *William Carleton, Wm. H. Murrah, Alex. C. McFarlane, George K. Teulon (editor), died in Calcutta; Maj. Samuel Whiting (founder of the first paper in Austin), died in New Jersey; Rev. Edward L. Fontaine, died in Mississippi; John B. Ransom (poet), accidentally killed in 1841 ; John W. Lann, died a Santa Fe prisoner ; Thos. Ward and Col. Thomas Wm. Ward, Dr. Richard F. Brenham (killed in the rescue of the Mier prisoners at Salado, Mexi- co, February — 1843); Horace L. Upshur, M. H. Beatty, M. P. Woodhouse, Wm. H. H. Johnson, James W. Smith (first Judge of Travis Count}'), killed by Indians in sight of Austin, in 1843; Harvey Smith died in Bell County ; Thomas W. Smith (their father), killed by Indians near Austin in 1841 ; Francis P. Morris, died a dis- tinguished Methodist preacher in Missouri ; *W. D. Mims, Dr. Moses Johnson (first Mayor of Austin), died in Lavaca ; Charles Schoolfield, killed by Indians ; Henry J. Jewett, Judge Luckett, Alfred W. Luckett, Wm. W. Thompson, died in Arizona; Wayne Barton (the first sheriff), killed in Washington County in 1844; Capt. James G. Swisher, "George W. Noble, died in Mobile ; Mus- grove Evans, Charles Mason (respectively first and second Auditors), James Newcomb, L. Vancleve, Capt. Mark B. Lewis, killed in 1843 ; Jesse C. Tannehill, Jacob M. Harrell, Wm. Hornsby, Na- thaniel Townsend, Samuel Browning, Capt. Stephen Crosby, Abner H. Cook, Alfred D. Coombs, Neri Chamberlain, Joseph Cecil (both arms shot off), Massillon Farley, John Green, Joseph Harrell, Anderson Harrell, Mrs. Angelina Eberly, died in Kentucky ; Mrs. Eliza B. Logan, Mrs. Anna C. * All those marked thus *, including myself, were priuters. lyniAX WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. Luckett, R. D. McAnelly, Nelson Merrill, A. B. McGill, B. D. Noble, Dr. Joseph VV. Robertson, Mrs. Ann T. J. Wooldridge, Moses Wells, Joseph Waples, Thos. G. Western, Michael Ziller, Charles R. Sossaman, Martin Moore, Charles De Morse. These names, drawn from memory, in a very large sense, apply to persons who then or subsequently became widely known in the public service — • in- deed, in their respective spheres valuable men in the country. Of course I can only recall a portion of those entitled to honorable mention in an article of this character. Gathered together from all parts of the Union, and a few from Europe, their bones are widely asunder, at least as far as from New York to San Francisco, and one in China. The then future of Austin, seemingly bright, was invisibly portentous of evil. On the capture of San Antonio by Mexicans, in March, 1842, Austin was abandoned as the seat of government, and so remained for four years, or until February, 1846. Many of the inhabitants thereupon left their homes, and with a greatly depleted population, the town ■was left open to savage attacks from the north, east and west. Their trials and deprivations were great. The day of comparative deliverance came when, in connection with annexation, the govern- ment was returned to Austin, from which period the place slowly grew until railroads reached it, since which lime its increase in population, wealth and costly edifices has been rapid, until, with ample public buildings, and four State asj'lums, and a State House pronounced equal in grandeur and appointments to any in the Union, it is regarded with pride by the State and admiration by stran- gers as one of the most charming and beautiful of State capitals of the Union. Though jierhaps the youngest of its self-governing inhabitants at the time of its birth, it was my privilege on numerous subsequent occasions, covering a period of twenty years, to represent other portions of the State in its deliberative bodies assembled there, and I have never ceased to feel a deep interest in its prosperity. Hence, on this fifty-third anniver- sary of Texian independence, and in the fiftieth of the life of our State capital, with the utmost sin- cerity, I can and do salute thee, oh! thou dearly won but beautiful city of the Colorado, and would gladly embrace each of its survivors of fifty years ago — male and female — and their children and grandchildren as well, were it practicable to do so. May the God of our fathers be their God and bless them. A Succession of Tragedies in Houston and Anderson Counties Death of the Faulkenberrys — Cordova's Rebellion — A Bloody Skirmish— Battle of Kickapoo — Slaughter and Cremation at John Edens' House — Butchery of the Campbell Family — 1836 to 1841 — Etc., Etc. In the account of the fall of Parker's fort, prom- inent mention was made of David Faulkenberry, his son Evan, a youth, and Abram Anglin, a boy of eighteen. They with others of the defeated party temporarily located at Fort Houston, as before stated, a mile or two west of where Palestine now stands. In the fall of 1836 these three, with Columbus Anderson (one account gives this name as Andrews), went down to the Trinity to the point since known as Bonner's ferry, crossed to the west bank for the purpose of hunting, lay down under the bank and all fell asleep. James Hunter was in the vicinity also, but remained on the east bank. While gathering nuts near by he heard the guns and yells of Indians, and hastening to the river, witnessed a portion of the scene. At the first fire Columbus Anderson received a death wound, but swam the river, crawled about two miles and died. David Faulkenberry, also mortally wounded, swam over, crawled about two hundred yards and died. Both of these men had pulled grass and made a bed on which to die. A bullet passed through Abram Anglin' s powder horn and into his thigh, carrying fragments of the 56 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. horn, but he swam the river, climbed its banjj, mounted behind Hunter, and escaped, to live till 1875 or 1S76, when he died, in the vicinity of his first home, near Parker's fort. Of Evan Faulken- berry no trace was ever found. The Indians after- wards said that he fought like a demon, killed two of their number, wounded a third, and when scalped and almost cloven asunder, jerked from them, plunged into the river and about midway sank to appear no more — adding another to the list of heroic boys who have died for Texas. Honored be his memory! The dead were buried the next day. THE MEXICAN REBELLION. At the time of the revolution there was a consid- erable resident Mexican population in and around Nacogdoches. About the first of September, 1838, Jose Cordova, at the head of about two hundred of these people, aided bj- Juan Flores, Juan Cruz and John Norris, rose in rebellion and pitched camp on the Angelina, about twenty miles southwest of Nacogdoches. Joined by renegade Indians, they began a system of murder and pillage among the thinly scattered settlers. They soon murdered the brothers, Matthew and Charles Roberts, and Mr. Finley, their relative. Speedily, Gen. Thomas J. Rusk, at the head of six hundred volunteers, was in the field. Cordova retired to the village of "The Bowl," Chief of the Cherokees, and sought, unsuccessfully, to form an alliance with him ; but succeeded in attaching to his standard some of the more desperate of the Cherokees and Cooshattas. In a day or two he moved to the Kickapoo village, now in the northeast corner of Anderson County, and succeeded in winning that band to his cause. Rusk followed their line of retreat to the Killough settlement, some forty miles farther. He became convinced of his inability to overhaul them ; also, that they had left the country, and returned home, disbanding his forces. BATTLE OF KIOKAPOO. Rusk had scarcely disbanded his men, when the numerous family of Killough was inhumanly butch- ered by this motley confederation of Mexicans and Indians, wliich alarmed and incensed the people exposed to their forays. The bugle blast of Rusk soon re-assembled his disbanded followers. Maj. Leonard H. Mabbitt then had a small force at Fort Houston. Rusk directed hira to unite with him at what is now known as the Duty place, four miles west of the Neches. Mabbitt, reinforced by some volunteers of the vicinity under Capt. W. T. Sad- dler, started to the rendezvous. On the march, six miles from Fort Houston, a number of Mabbitt's men, a mile or more in rear of the command, were surprised by an attack of Indians and Mexicans, led by Flores and Cruz. A sharp skirmish ensued, in which the little band displayed great gallantry, but before Mabbitt came to their rescue, Bullock, Wright and J. W. Carpenter were killed, and two men, McKenzie and Webb, were wounded. The enemy, on seeing Mabbitt's approach, precipitately fled. This occurred on the 11th or 12th of Octo- ber, 1838. The dead were buried. Only one Indian was left on the field, but several were killed. On the 13th a spy company was organized, under Capt. James E. Box, and on tlie 14th Mabbitt re- newed his march for a junction with Rusk. On the afternoon of the 15th a few Indians were seen pass- ing the abandoned Kickapoo village, evidently carrying meat to Cordova. Gen. Rusk soon arrived, his united force being about seven hundred men. It was nearly night, and he pitched camp on a spot chosen as well to prevent surprise as for de- fense. At dawn on the l(5th, Rusk was furiously assailed by about nine hundred Kickapoos, Delawares, lonies, Caddos, Cooshattas, a few Cherokees, and Cordova with his Mexicans. Indians fell within forty or fifty feet of the lines. Many were killed, and after an engagement of not exceeding an hour, the enemj' fled in every direction, seeking safety in the dense forest. The assaults were most severe on the companies of Box, Snively, Bradshaw, Saddler and Mabbitt's command ; but owing to the sagacity of Rusk in the selection of a defensive position, his loss was only one man, James Hall, mortally wound- ed, and twenty-five wounded more or less severel3', among whom were Dr. E. J. DeBard, afterwards of Palestine, John Murchison, J. J. Ware, Triplett Gates, and twentj'-one others. It was a signal defeat of Cordova and his evil-inspired desire for vengeance upon a people who had committed no act to justify such a savage resolve. He retired to Mexico, and thence essayed to gratify his malignant hatred by a raid, under Flores, in the following year, which was badly whipped by Burleson, six or eight miles from where Seguin stands, and virtually destroyed by the gallant Capt. James O. Rice, in the vicinity' of the present town of Round Rock, on the Brushj', in Williamson County. His last attempt to satisfy his thirst for revenge was in the Mexican invasion of September, 1842, in command of a band of Mexican desperadoes and Carrizo Indians. In the battle of Salado, on the 18th of that month, a yager ball, sent by John Lowe, standing within three feet of where I stood, after a flight of about ninety yards, crushed his arm from wrist to elbow and INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 57 passed through his heart. This, however, is digression. The wounded of Gen. Rusii were borne on litters back to Fort Houston. Hall survived about twenty days — the other twenty-five recovered. THE TERRIBLE TRAGEDY AT JOHN EDENS' HOUSE. When the citizens of that locality volunteered under Capt. W. T. Saddler, a soldier of San Jacinto, to acconapany Maj. Mabbitt in the Cordova-Kicka- poo expedition, the families of several of the party were removed for safety to the house of Mr. John Edens, an old man, and there left under the protec- tion of that gentleman and three otlier old men, viz.: James Madden, Martin Murchison (father of John, wounded at Kiekapoo), and Elisha Jloore, then a prospector from Alabama. The other per- sons in the house were Mrs. John Edens and daughter Emily, Mrs. John Murchison, Mrs. W. T. Saddler, her daughter, Mrs. James Madden, and two little sons, aged seven and nine years, Mrs. Robert Madden, and daughter Mary, and a negro woman of sixty years, named Betsey or Patsey. This is the same place on which Judge D. H. Edens afterwards lived, in Houston County, and on which he died. The ladies occupied one of the two rooms and the men the other, a covered passageway separating them. On the fatal night, about the 19lh of October, after all the inmates had retired, the house was attacked b}' Indians. The assault was made on the room occupied by the ladies and children. The savages broke down the door and rushed in, using knives and tomahawks. Mrs. Murchison and her daughter, Mrs. Saddler, were instantly killed. Mrs. John Edens, mortally wounded, escaped from the room and crossed two fences to die in the adjoining field. Of Mary, daughter of Robert Madden ; Emily, daughter of John Edens, each three years old, and the two little sons of James Madden, no tidings were ever heard. Whether carried into captivity or burned to ashes, was never known, but every presumption is in favor of the latter. The room was speedily set on fire. The men durst not open the door into the passage. Mrs. Robert Madden, dangerously wounded, rushed into the room of the men, falling on a bed. One by one, or, rather, two by two, the four men ran the gauntlet and escaped, supposing all the others were dead. Early in the assault Patsey (or Betsey), seized a little girl of John Edens', yet living, the beloved wife of James Duke, swiftly bore her to the house of Mr. Davis, a mile and a half distant, and then, moved by an inspiration that should embalm her memory in every generous heart, as swiftly returned as an angel of mercy to any who might survive. She arrived in time to enter the rapidly consuming house and rescue the unconscious Mrs. Robert Madden, but an instant before the roof fell in. Placing her on her own bed, in her unmolested cabin in the yard, she sought elsewhere for deeds of mercy, and found Mrs. James Madden, utterly helpless, under the eaves of the crumbling walls, and doomed to speedy cremation. She gently bore her to the same refuge, and by them watched, bathed, poul- ticed and nursed — aye, prayed ! — till the morrow brought succor. However lowly and humble the gifts of the daughters of Ham, every Southron, born and reared among them, will recognize in this touching manifestation of humanity and affection elements witli which he has been more or less familiar since his childhood. Honored be the memory and cherished be the saintly fidelity of this humble servant woman. Mrs. James Madden, thus rescued from the flames, bore upon her person three ghastly wounds from a tomahawk, one severing her collar bone, two ribs cut asunder near the spine, and a horrible gash in the back. But it is gratifying to record that both of these wounded ladies recovered, and in 1883, were yet living near Augusta, Houston County, ob'ects of affectionate esteem by their neighbors. On the day following this horrid slaughter, the volunteers — the husbands and neighbors of the victims — returned from the battle of Kiekapoo, in time to perform the last rites to the fallen and to nurse the wounded. The late venerable Capt. William Y. Lacey, of Palestine, Robert Madden, Elder Daniel Parker, and others of the Edens and other old families of that vicinity were among them. ANOTHER BLOODT TRAGEDY MURDEK OF MRS. CAMP- BELL, HER SON AND DADGHTER. In the year 1837, Charles C. Campbell arrived in the vicinity of Fort Houston, and settled on what is now called Town creek, three miles west of Pal- estine. His family consisted of himself, wife and five children — Malathiel, a youth of twenty; Pa- melia, aged seventeen ; Hulda, fourteen ; Fountain, eleven ; George, four, and two negro men. They labored faithfully, built cabins, opened a field, and in 1838J made a bountiful crop. In February, 1839, Mr. Campbell sickened and died. During a bright moon, about a week later, in the same month, soon after the family had re- tired, the house was suddenly attacked by a party 58 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. of Indians. The only weapon in the house was an okl rifle with a defective flint lock. AVilh this Mala- thiel heroically endeavored to defend his mother and her children. The negro men. Laving no means of defense, managed to escape. Mrs. Campbell caused Pamelia. the elder daughter, to take refuge under the puncheon floor, with her little brother George, enjoining upon her silence as the only means of saving herself and the child. The son soon found that the gun lock refused to work, and the mother sought to ignite the powder with a brand of fire, but in doing so stood so near the door that an Indian, forcing it slightly ajar and thrusting in his arm, nearly severed her arm from her body. The door was then forced open, the Indians rushed in, and iu a moment tomahawked unto death Mrs. Campbell, Huldah and Fountain. Malathiel, knife in hand, sprang from the room into the yard, but was speedily slain by those outside. While these things were being enacted in the house Pamelia, with little George, steallhil3' emeiged from her hid- ing place and nearly escaped unobserved ; but just as she was entering a thicket near by, an arrow struck the back of her head, but fortunatel}' it glanced around without entering the skull, and she soon reached Fort Houston to report her desola- tion. The Indians robbed the house of its contents, including six feather-beds (leaving the feathers, however), a keg of powder, four hundred silver dollars, and a considerable amount of paper money, which, like the feathers, was cast to the winds. At daylight the bloody demons crossed the Trinity eight miles awaj-, and were thus beyond pursuit by the small available force at hand ; for the west side of the river at that time teemed with hostile savages. Pamelia Campbell, thus spared and since de- prived by death of the little brother she saved, yet lives, the last of her family, respected and beloved, the wife or widow of Mr. Moore, living on Cedar creek, Anderson County. THE LAST RAID. The last raid in that vicinity was by one account in 1841, by another in 1843, but both agree as to the facts. A small party of Indians stole some horses. They were pursued by Wm. Frost, who escaped from the Parker's Fort disaster in 1836, and three others. They came upon the Indians while they were swimming the Trinity at West Point. Frost fired, killing an Indian, on reaching the bank a little in advance of the others, but was instantly shot dead by a warrior already on the opposite bank. The other three men poured a volley into the enemy yet under the bank and in the liver. Four were killed, when the remainder fled, leaving the horses in the hands of the pursuers. In 1837 there was a severe encounter in Maine's prairie, Anderson County, but the particulars are not before me, nor are those attending the butchery of the Killough family, which led to the battle of Kickapoo, and was one of the impelling causes of the expulsion of the Cherokees and associate bands from the countr3'. In the accounts here given some conflicting state- ments are sought to be reconciled. The unrecorded memory of most old men, untrained in the habits of preserving historical events, is often at fault. Unfamiliar with the localities, it is believed that substantial accuracy is attained in this con- densed account of these successive and sanguinary events, illuminating the path of blood through which that interesting portion of our beloved State was transferred from barbarism to civilization. Some Reminiscences — First Anniversary Ball in the Republic of Texas, and other Items of Interest. The following relating to the first anniversary celebration of Texian Independence and the battle of San Jacinto, respectively given at Washington, March 2d, 1837, and at the newly laid out town of Houston, April 21, 1837, will doubtless interest the reader. The invitation to the first or Independence ball ran thus : — Washington, 28th February, 1837.^ — The pleas- ure of your company is respectfully solicited at a party to be given in Washington on Thursday, 2d INDIAN- WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 59 March, to celebrate the birthday of our national independence. Devereau J. Woodlief, Thos. Gay, R. Stevenson, W. B. Scates, Asa Hosey, James R. Cook, W. W. Hill, J. C. Hunt, Thos. P. Shapard, managers. All these nine now sleep with their fathers. Mr. Scales, the last to die a few years since, was a signer of the Declaration of Independence ; Wood- lief was terribly wounded at San Jacinto; the gal- lant James R. Cook, a lieutenant at San Jacinto and a colonel under Somervell in 1842—1:3, was killed in a momentary difficulty about the first of April, 1843, a deeply lamented occurrence. For a description of the ball in Houston credit is due the gifted pen of a lady survivor of the scene, then little more than a child : — "Following the impulses common to humanity, as the 21st of April, 1837, drew near, the patriotic citizens of Texas, with the memory of San .Jacinto still fresh in their minds and appreciating the ad- vantages resulting from it, resolved that the event should be celebrated at the capital of the Republic, which this victory had made possil)le, and which had been most appropriately named for him who wore the laurel. The city of Houston was at that time a mere name, or at best a camp in the woods. While tents and temporary structures of clapboards and pine poles were scattered here and there near the banks of the bayou, the substantial log house of the pioneer was rare, or altogether wanting, it being the intention of the builders soon to replace what the needs of the hour demanded, with buildings fitted to adorn the capital of a great Republic. "The site of the capitol had been selected where now stands the fine hotel bearing its name, but the materials for its construction had not yet arrived from Maine. There was, however, a large two- story building about half finished on the spot now occupied by T. W. House's bank. It was the property of the firm of Kelsey & Hubbard, and, having been tendered for the free use of the public on this occasion, men worked night and day that it might at least have floor, walls and roof, which were indeed the chief essentials of a dancing hall. As there was neither time nor material at hand for ceiling or laying the second floor, a canopy of green boughs was spread over the beams to do away with the unpleasant effect of skeleton timbers and great space between floor and pointed roof. " Chandeliers were suspended from the beams overhead, but they resembled the glittering orna- ment of to-day in naught save use for which they were intended. Made of wood, with sockets to hold the sperm candles, and distributed at regular distances, each pendant comprised of five or six lights, which shed a dim radiance, but alas, a liberal spattering of sperm upon the dancers beneath. The floor being twenty-five feet wide, by fifty feet in length, could easily accommodate several cotil- lions, and, although the citizens of Houston were very few, all the space was required for the large number who came from Brazoria, Columbia, San Felipe, Harrisburg and all the adjacent country. Ladies and gentlemen came in parties on horseback, distances of fifty and sixty miles, accompanied by men servants and ladies' maids, who had in charge the elegant ball costumes for the important occa- sion. From Harrisburg they came in large row boats, that mode of conveyance being preferable to a horseback ride through the thick under- growth, for at that time there was nothing more than a bridle path to guide the traveler between the two places. " Capt. Mosley Baker, a captain at San Jacinto, and one of Houston's first citizens, was living with his wife and child (now Mrs. Fannie Darden), in a small house built of clapboards ; the house com- prised one large room designed to serve as parlor, bed-room and dining-room, and a small shed-room at the back. The floor, or rather the lack of the floor, in the large apartment, was concealed by a carpet, which gave an air of comfort contrasting strongly with the surroundings. " As the time for going to the ball drew near, which was as soon as convenient after dark, several persons assembled at Capt. Baker's for the purpose of going together. These were Gen. Houston, Frank R. Lubbock, afterwards Governor, and his wife, John Birdsall (soon after Attorney-General), and Mary Jane Harris (the surviving widow of Andrew Briscoe.) Gen. Houston was Mrs. Baker's escort, Capt. Baker having gone to see that some lady friends were provided for. When this party approached the ball room, where dancing had already begun, the music, which was rendered by a violin, bass viol and fife, immediately struck up ' Hail to the Chief,' the dancers withdrew to each side of the hall, and the whole party. Gen. Houston and Mrs. Baker leading, and maids bringing up the rear, marched to the upper end of the room. Hav- ing here laid aside wraps, and exchanged black slippers for white ones, for there was no dressing room, they were ready to join in the dance, which was soon resumed. A new cotillion was formed by the party who had just entered, with the addition of another couple, whose names are not preserved, and Mr. Jacob Cruger took the place of Mr. Bird- sail, who did not dance. Gen. Houston and Mrs. Baker were partners, Mrs. Lubbock and Mr. Cru- ger, and Mr. Lubbock and Miss Harris. Then 60 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. were the solemn figures of tbe stately cotillion exe- cuted with care and precision, the grave balancing steps, the dos-a-dos, and others to test the nimble- ness and grace of dancers. " Gen. Houston, the President, was of course the hero of tbe day, and his dress on this occasion was unique and somewhat striking. His ruffled shirt, scarlet cassimere waistcoat and suit of black silk velvet, corded with gold, was admirably adapted to set off his fine, tall figure ; his boots, with short, red tops, were laced and folded down in such a way as to reach but little above the ankles, and were finished at the heels with silver spurs. The spurs were, of course, quite a useless adornment, but they were in those days so commonly worn as to seem almost a part of the boots. The weakness of Gen. Houston's ankle, resulting from the wound, was his reason for substituting boots for the slip- pers, then universally worn by gentlemen for dan- cing. "Mrs. Baker's dress of white satin, with black lace overdress, corresponded in elegance with that of her fscort, and the dresses of most of the other ladies were likewise rich and tasteful. Some wore white mull, with satin trimmings; others were dressed in white and colored satins, but naturally in so large an assembly, gathered from many differ- ent places, there was great variety in the quality of costumes. All, however, wore their dresses short, cut low in the neck, sleeves generally short, and all wore ornaments or flowers or feathers in their hair, some flowers of Mexican manufacture being partic- ularly noticeable, on account of their beauty and rarety. " But one event occurred to mar the happiness of the evening. Whilst all were dancing merrily, the sad news arrived that the brother of the Misses Cooper, who were at the time on the floor, had been killed by Indians at some point on the Colorado river. Although the young ladies were strangers to most of those present, earnest expressions of sym- pathy were heard on all sides, and the pleasure of their_imraediate friends was of course destroyed. " At about midnight the signal for supper was given, and the dancers marched over to the hotel of Capt. Ben Fort Smith, which stood near the middle of the block now occupied by the Hutchins House. This building consisted of two very large rooms. built of pine poles, laid up like a log house, with a long shed extending the full length of the rooms. Under this shed, quite innocent of floor or carpet, the supper was spread ; the tempting turkeys, veni- son, cakes, etc., displaj'ed in rich profusion ; the excellent coffee and sparkling wines invited all to partake freely, and soon the witt}' toast and hearty laugh went round. "Returning to the ball room, dancing was re- sumed with renewed zest, and continued until the energy of the musicians began to flag, and the prompter failed to call out the figures with his ac- customed gusto ; then the cotillion gave place to the time-honored Virginia reel, and by the time each couple had enjoyed the privilege of " going down the middle," daylight began to dawn, parting salutations were exchanged, and the throng of dan- cers separated, many of them never to meet again. " Ere long the memory of San Jacinto's first ball was laid away among the mementos of the dead, which, being withdrawn from their obscurity only on each recurring anniversary, continue to retain their freshness even after fifty years have flown. " Of all the merry company who participated in that festival, only a few are known to be living at the present day. They are ex-Governor Lubbock, Mrs. Wynns, Mrs. Mary J. Briscoe and Mrs. Fannie Darden." Addenda. In January, 188G, the following an- cient item in a Nashville paper, announcing the death of Noah W. Ludlow, the old theatrical man- ager, appeared, viz. : — "In Jul}', 1818, in Nashville, an amateur per- formance of Home's tragedy of Douglas was given, in which Mr. Ludlow appeared as Old Norval. There were remarkable men in that performance. The manager of the amateur club was Gen. Jno. H. Eaton, afterward Secretary of War during Gen. Jackson's presidential term. Lieut. Sam. Houston, afterward Gen. Sam Houston, of San Jacinto fame, played Glenalvon; Wm. S. Fulton, afterward Gov- ernor of Arkansas, was the young Norval ; E. H. Foster, later United States Senator from Tennessee, was a member of the club, and the part of Lord Randolph was taken by W. C. Dunlap, who, in 18.39, was a member of Congress from Tennessee. Gen. Andrew Jackson was an honorary member of the same dramatic club." INDIAN WABS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 61 Death of Capt. Robert M. Coleman in 1837— Murder of " Mrs. Coleman and her Heroic Boy" and the Battle of Brushy in 1839. Robert M. Coleman, a native of Trigg County, Kentucly, born in 1799, is elsewhere mentioned in connection witli the expedition under himself first, and Col. John H. Moore, secondly, into the Tehuacano Hill region, in 1835. He was a gallant man, courageous and impetuous, and settled on the Colorado, near Bastrop, io 1830. He was in the siege of Bexar, in the fall of 1835, signed the Declaration of Independence on the second of March, 1836, and commanded a company at San Jacinto, on the 21st of April, his wife and children being then among tiie refugees east of the Trinit)'. In the summer of 1837, while on a mission to Velasco, at the mouth of the Brazos, he was drowned while bathing in the river. This was justly deplored as a great loss to the frontier of the country. He left, besides his wife, three sons and two daughters. Mrs. Coleman returned to their former home in what was called Wells' prairie, a prolongation of the lower end of Webber's prairie, perhaps twelve miles above Bastrop, her nearest neighbors being the late Geo. W. Davis and Dr. J. W. Eobertiion, of Austin, and one or two others. Her cabin and little field stood in the lower point of a small prairie, closely flanked on the east, west and south by dense bottom timber, the onl3' approach being through the prairie on the north, and it was very narrow. She and her sons made a small crop there in 1838. On the 18th of February, 1839, while Mrs. Coleman and four of her children were emplo3'ed a short distance from the cabin, a large body of Indians, estimated at from two to three hundred, suddenly emerged from the timber, and with the wildest yells, rushed towards them. They fled to the cabin and all reached it except Thomas, a child of five years, who was captured, never more to return to his kindred though occasionally heard of many jears later as a Comanche warrior. At the moment of the attack James Coleman and — Rogers were farther away, separated from the others by the Indians, and being powerless, es- caped down the bottom to notify the people below. As Mrs. Coleman reached the door of the cabin, Albert and the two little-girls entered, when, missing little Thomas, she halted to look for him. It was but for an instant, but long enough for an arrow to pierce her throat. In the throes of death she sprang inside. Albert closed acd barred the door, and she sank to the floor, speedily to expire. Albert was a boy under fifteen years of age, but a worth}' son of his brave sire. There being two or three guns in the cabin, he made a heroic figlit, holding the enemy at bay for some time, certainly killing four of their number; in the meantime raising a puncheon, causing his two little sisters to get under the floor, replacing the puncheon, and enjoining upon them, whether he survived or perished, to make no noise until sure that white men called them. Soon after this he received a fatal wound. As life ebbed he sank down, re- peated his former injunction to his little sisters, then, pillowing his head on his mother's pulseless bosom, died. A year later, in the Congress of Texas, my youthful heart was electrified on hear- ing the old patriot, William Menefee, of Colorado, in a speech on the "Cherokee Land Bill," utter an eloquent apostrophe to " Mrs. Coleman and her heroic boy." For some reason, doubtless under the impression that there were other men in the house, the Indians withdrew. They next appeared at the house of Dr. RDbertson, captured seven negroes and, the doctor being absent, robbed the house. At twilight John D. Anderson, a youth who lived within a few miles (afterwards distinguished as a lawyer and an orator), rode to the cabin and called the children by name. They recognized his voice and answered. He then raised a puncheon and released them. Remounting, with one before and one behind him, he conveyed them to Geo. W. Davis' house, where the families of the vicinity had assembled for safety — possibly at a different house, but Mr. Davis remained in charge of the guard left to protect the women and children. Speedily two squads of men assembled at the locality — twenty-five under Capt. Joseph Burleson and twenty-seven commanded by Capt. James Rogers. Thus, fifty-two in number, they pursued the savages in a northerly direction. On the next forenoon, near a place since called Post Oak Island and three or four miles north of Brushy creek, they 62 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. came in sight of tlie enemy, who, all being on foot, sought to reach the thicket on a branch, somewhat between the parties. To prevent this a charge was ordered to cut them off, and if need be, occupy the thicket as a base of defense ; but some of the men hesitated, while others advanced. Skirmishing began, confusion ensued, followed by a disorderly retreat, some men gallantly dismounting time and again, to hold the enemy in check. In this engage- ment Capt. Joseph Burleson was killed, while dis- mounted and trying to save the daj'. The horse of W. W. (afterward Captain) Wallace escaped and was caught and mounted by an Indian. A. .J. Haynie, seeing this, gallantly took Mr. Wallace up behind him and thus saved his life. The whole party, notwithstanding the disorder, halted on reaching Brushy. While remaining in a state of indecision, Gen. Edward Burleson (of whom Joseph was a brother) came up with thirty-two men. All submitted at once to his experienced leadership. Ruorganizing the force, with Capt. Jesse Billingsley commanding a portion, he moved forward, and about the middle of the afternoon found the Indians in a strong position, along a crescent-shaped branch, partly protected by high banks, and the whole hidden by brush. Burleson led one party into the ravine above and Billingsey the other into it below the Indians, intending to approach each way and drive the enemy out. But each party found an inter- vening, open and flat expansion of the ravine, in passing which they would be exposed to an enfilad- ing fire from an invisible enemy. Hence this plan was abandoned and a random skirmish kept up until night, a considerable number of Indians being killed, as evidenced by their lamentations, as they retreated as soon as shielded by darkness. Burle- son camped on the ground. The next day, on litters, the dead and Mr. Gilleland were carried homeward, the latter to die in a few days. The men of Bastrop were ever famed for gal- lantry, and many were the regrets and heart-burn- ings among themselves in connection with the first engagement of the day ; but ample amends were made on other fields to atone for that untoward event. Doubtless interesting facts are omitted. Those given were derived long ago from participants, sup- plemented by a few points derived at a later day from Mr. A. D. Adkisson, who was also one of the number. For several years succeeding the raids into and around Bastrop, stealing horses, and killing, some- times one and sometimes two or three persons, were so frequent that their narration would seem monotonous. In most cases these depredations were committed by small parties early in the night, and by sunrise they would be far away, rendering pursuit useless. They were years of anguish, sorely testing the courage and fortitude of as courageous a people as ever settled in a wilderness. Cordova's Rebellion in 1838-9 — Rusk's Defeat of the Kicka- poos — Burleson's Defeat of Cordova — Rice's Defeat of Flores — Death of Flores and Cordova — Capt. Matthew Caldwell. At the close of 1837, and in the first eight or nine months of 1838, Gen. Vicente Filisola was in command of Northern Mexico, with headquarters in Matamoros. He undertook, by various well- planned artifices, to win to Mexico the friendship of all the Indians in Texas, including the Cherokees and their associate bands, and unite them in a per- sistent war on Texas. Through emissaries passing above the settlements he communicated with the Cherokees and others, and with a number of Mexi- can citizens, in and around Nacogdoches, and suc- ceeded in enlisting many of them in his schemes. The most conspicuous of these Mexicans, as devel- oped in the progress of events, was Vicente Cor- dova, an old resident of Nacogdoches, from which the affair has generally been called " Cordova's rebellion," but there were others actively engaged with him, some bearing American names, as Nat Norris and Joshua Robertson, and Mexicans named Juan Jose Rodriguez, Carlos Morales, Juan Santos INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 63 Coy, Jose Vicenti Micheli, Jose Ariola, and An- tonio Corda. Tbe first outbreak occurred on tlie 4tli of August, 1838, wliena party of Americans who liad pursued and recovered some stolen liorses from a Mexican settlement in Nacogdoches County, were flred upon on their return trip and one of their number lulled. Tiie trail of the assailants was followed and found to be large and made by Mexicans. On the 7th Gen. Rusk was informed that over a hundred Mexicans, headed by Cordova and Norris, were encamped on the Angelina. He immediately re- cruited a company of sixty volunteers and posted them at the lower ford of that stream. The enemy were then on the west side. On the 10th it was reported that about 300 Indians had joined Cor- dova. On the same day President Houston, then in Nacogdocbes, who bad issued a proclamation to the immigrants, received a letter signed by the per- sons wiiose names have been given, disavowing allegiance to Texas and claiming to be citizens of Mexico. Cordova, on the 10th, moved up towards the Cherokee Nation. Maj. H. W. Augustin was detailed to follow his trail, while Gen. Rusk moved directly towards the village of Bowles, the head chief of the Cherokees, believing Cordova had gone there; but, on reaching the Saline, it was found that lie had moved rapidly in the direction of the Upper Trinity, while the great body of his followers had dispersed. To the Upper Trinity and Brazos, he went and remained till March, 1839, in constant communication with the wild Indians, urging them to a relentless war on Texas, burning and destroying. the homes and property of the settlers, of course with the deadly horrors of their mode of warfare, and promising them, under the instructions of Gen. Filisola first, and his succes- sor, Gen. Valentino Canalizo, secondly, protection under the Mexican government and fee simple rights to the respective territories occupied by them. He sent communications to the generals named, and also to Manuel Flores, in Blatamoros, charged with diplomatic duties, towards the Indians of Texas, urging Flores to meet with him for con- ference and a more definite understanding. In the meantime a combination of these lawless Mexicans and Indians committed depredations on the settlements to such a degree that Gen. Rusk raised two hundred volunteers and moved against them. On the 14th of October, 1838, he arrived at Fort Houston, and learning that the enemy were in force at the Kickapoo village (now in Anderson County), he moved in that direction. At daylight on the 16th he attacked them and after a short, but hot engagement, charged them, upon which they fled with precipitation and were pursued for some distance. Eleven warriors were left dead, and, of course, a much larger number were wounded. Rusk bad eleven men wounded, but none killed. The winter passed without further report from Cordova, who was, however, exerting all his powers to unite all the Indian tribes in a destructive war- fare on Texas. On the 27th of February, 1839, Gen. Canalizo, who had succeeded Filisola in command at Mata- moros, sent instructions to Cordova, the same in substance as had already been given to Flores, detailing the manner of procedure and direiiting the pledges and promises to be made to the Indians. Both instructions embraced messages from Canalizo to the chiefs of the Caddos, Seminoles, Biloxies, Cherokees, Kickapoos, Brazos, Tebuacanos and other tribes, in which he enjoined them to keep at a goodly distance from the frontier of the United States, — a policy dictated by fear of retribution from that country. Of all the tribes named the Caddos were the only ones who dwelt along that border and, in consequence of acts attributed to them, in November, 1838, Gen. Rusk captured and disarmed a portion of the tribe and delivered them to their Atnerican agent in Shreveport, where they made a treaty, promis- ing pacific behavior until peace should be made between Texas and the remainder of their people. CORDOVA EN ROUTE TO JIATAMOROS. In his zeal to confer directly with Flores and Canalizo, Cordova resolved to go in person to Matamoros. From his temporary abiding place on the Upper Trinity, with an escort of about seventy- five Mexicans, Indians and negroes, he set forth in March, 1839. On the 27th of that month, his camp was discovered at the foot of the mountains, north of and not far from where the city of Austin now stands. The news was speedily conveyed to Col. Burleson at Bastrop, and in a little while that ever-ready, noble and lion-hearled defender of his country found himself at the head of eighty of his Colorado neighbors, as reliable and gallant citizen soldiers as ever existed in Texas. Surmising the probable route of Cordova, Col. Burleson bore west till he struck his trail and, finding it but a few hours old, followed it as rapidly as his horses could travel till late in the afternoon of the 29th, when his scouts reported Cordova near by, unaware of the danger in his rear. Burleson increased his pace and came up with the enemy in an open body of post oaks about six miles east, or 64 INDIAN WAES AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. probably nearer southeast, from Seguin, on the Guadalupe. Yoakum says the enemy fled at the first fire. He was misinformed. Cordova promptly formed his men, and, shielded by the large trees of the forest, made a stubborn resistance. Bur- leson dismounted a portion of bis men, who also fought from the trees for some time. Finally see- ing some of the enemy wavering, Burleson charged them, when they broke and were hotlj' pursued about two miles into the Guadalupe bottom, which they entered as twilight approached. Further pur- suit was impossible at night and Burleson bore up the valley six miles to Seguin, to protect the few farnilies resident there against a possible attack by the discomfited foe. The conduct of Gen. Bur- leson in this whole affair, but especially during the engagement in the post oaks, was marked by unusual zeal and gallantry. The lamented John D. Anderson, OwenB. Hardeman, Wm. H. Magill and other participants often narrated to me, the writer, then a youth, how gloriously their loved chief bore himself on the occasion. All the Bastrop people loved Burleson as a father. Cordova lost over twenty-five in killed, fully one-third of his follow- ers, Burleson lost none by death, but had several wounded. PURSUIT OF COKDOVA BY CALDWELL. At the time of this occurrence Capt. Matthew Caldwell, of Gonzales, one of the best known and most useful frontier leaders Texas ever had, was in command of a company of six montiis' rangers, under a law of the previous winter. A portion of the company, under First Lieut. James Camp- bell, were stationed in the embryo hamlet of Seguin. The other portion, nnder Caldwell, was located on the Guadalupe, fourteen miles above Gonzales and eighteen miles below Seguin, but when the news reached them of this affair, during the night succeeding Cordova's defeat, Capt. Caldwell was in Gonzales and Second Lieut. Canoh C. Colley was in command of the camp. He instantly dispatched a messenger, who readied Caldwell before daylight. The latter soon sent word among the yet sleeping villagers, calling for volunteers to join him by sunrise. Quite a number were promptlj' on hand, among whom were Ben McCuUoch and others of approved gallantry. Traveling rapidly, the camp was soon reached and, everything being in readiness, Capt. Caldwell lost no time in uniting with Campbell at Seguin, so that in about thirty-six hours after Burleson had driven Cordova into the Guadalupe bottom, Cald- well, with his own united company (omitting the necessary camp guards), and the volunteer citizens referred to, sought, found and followed the trail of Cordova. But when Cordova, succeeding his defeat, reached the river, he found it impracticable to ford it and, during the night, returned to the up- lands, made a detour to the east of Seguin, and struck the river five miles above, where, at day- light, March 30th, and at the edge of the bottom, he accidentally surprised and attacked five of Lieut. Campbell's men returning from a scout, and encamped for the night. These men were James M. Day, Thomas R. Nichols, John W. Nichols, D. M. Poor and David Reynolds. Always on the alert, though surprised at such an hour by men using fire-arms only, indicating a foe other than wild Indians, they fought so fiercely as to hold their as- sailants in check sufl[iciently to enable them to reach a dense thicket and escape death, though each one was severely wounded. They lost their horses and everything excepting their arms. Seeing Cordova move on up the river, they continued down about five miles to Seguin, and when Caldwell arrived early next morning gave him this information. Besides those from Gonzales Caldwell was joined at Seguin by Ezekiel Smith, Sr., Peter D. Ander- son and French Smith, George W. Nichols, Sr., William Clinton, H. G. Henderson, Doctor Henry, Frederick Happell, George H. Gray and possibly two or three others. Caldwell pursued Cordova, crossing the Guad- alupe where New Braunfels stands, through the highlands north of and around San Antonio and thence westerlj- or northwesterly to the Old Pre- sidio de Rio Grande road, where it crosses the Rio Frio and along that road to the Nueces. It was evident from the "signs" that he had gained nothing in distance on the retreating chief who would easily cross the Rio Grande thirty or forty miles ahead. Hence farther pursuit was futile and Caldwell returned, following the road to San Antonio. He had started without provisions, rely- ing upon wild game; but Cordova's party had, for the moment, frightened wild animals from the line of march and after a serpentine route of a hundred and sixty miles through hills, the men were in need of food and became much more so before traveling a hundred and ten additional miles to San Antonio. Arriving there, however, the whole town welcomed them with open arms. In a note to the author written August 24, 1887, more than forty-eight years later, Gen. Henry E. McCulloch, who was a private in Caldwell's Company, says: "The hospitable people of that blood-stained old town, gave us a warm reception and the best dinner pos- INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 65 sible in tlieir then condition, over whicli the lieroic and ever lamented Coi. Henry W. Karnes pre- sided. Tliey also furni«lied supplies to meet our wants until we readied our respective encamp- ments." On the way out Caldwell passed at different points wounded horses abandoned by Cordova. One such, in the mountains, severely wounded, attracted the experienced eye of Ben McCulloch as a valuable horse, if he could be restored to sound- ness. On leaving San Antonio for home by per- mission of Capt. Caldwell, with a single companion, he went in search of the horse. He found him, and bj' slow marches took him home, where, under good treatment, he entirely recovered, to become famous as " Old Pike," McCulloch's pet and favorite as long as he lived — a fast racer of rich chestnut color, sixteen hands high, faultless in disposition and one of the most sagacious horses ever known in the country. The tips of his ears had been split for about an inch, proving his former ownership by one of the Indian tribes. Another coincidence may be stated, viz., that returning from a brief campaign in June, 1841, when at a farm house (that of Mrs. Sophia Jones), eight miles from Gonzales, the rifle of an old man named Triplett, lying across his lap on horseback, with the rod in the barrel, accidentally fired, driving the ramrod into Old Pike's shoulder blade, not over four feet distant. McCulloch was on him at the time and the writer of this, just dis- mounted, stood within ten feet. The venerable Mrs. Jones (mother of the four brothers, William E., Augustus H., Russell and Isham G. Jones), wept over the scene as she gazed upon the noble animal in his agonizing pain, and strong men wept at what they supposed to be the death scene of Old Pike. But it was not so. He was taken in charge by Mrs. Jones ; the fragments of the shat- tered ramrod, one by one, extracted, healthy sup- puration brought about ; and, after about three months' careful nursing, everyone in that section rejoiced to know that Old Pike " was himself again." In a chase after tsvo Mexican scouts, between the Nueces and Laredo, in the Somervell expedition, in December, 1842, in a field of per- haps twenty-five horses, Flacco, the Lipan chief, slightly led, closely followed by Ha^'s on the horse presented him by Leonard W. Grace, and Ben McCulloch, on Old Pike. Both Mexicans were captured. PURSUIT AND DEATH OF MANUEL FLORES. Bearing in mind what has been said of Cordova's correspondence with Manuel Flores, the Mexican Indian agent in Matamoros, and his desire to have a conference with that personage, it remains, in the regular order of events, to say that Flores, ignorant of the calamitous defeat of Cordova (on the 29th of March, 1839), set forth from Mata- moros probably in the last days of April, to meet Cordova and the Indian tribes wherever they might be found, on the upper Brazos, Trinity or east of the latter. He had an escort of about thirty Indians and Mexicans, supplies of ammuni- tion for his allies and all his official papers from Filisola and Canalizo, to which reference has been made, empowering him to treat with the Indians so as to secure their united friend- ship for Mexico and combined hostility to Texas. His march was necessHrily slow. On the 14th of May, he crossed the road between Seguin and San Antonio, having committed several depredations on and near the route, and on the loth crossed the Guadalupe at the old Nacogdoches ford. He was discovered near the Colorado not far above where Austin was laid out later in the same year. Lieut. James O. Rice, a gallant young ranger, in command of seventeen men, fell upon his trail, pursued, overhauled and assailed him on Brushy creek (not the San Gabriel as stated by Yoakum), in the edge of Williamson County. Flores en- deavored to make a stand, but Rice rushed for- ward with such impetuosity as to throw the enemy into confusion and flight. Flores and two others were left dead upon the ground, and fully half of those who escaped were wounded. Rice captured and carried in one hundred horses and mules, three hundred pounds of powder, a large amount of shot, balls, lead, etc., and all the correspond- ence in possession of Flores, which revealed the whole plot for the destruction of the frontier people of Texas, to be followed up by the devast- ation of the whole country. The destruction of the whole demoniacal scheme, it will be seen, was accomplished by a train of what must be esteemed providential occurrences. THE FATE OF VICENTE CORDOVA. Cordova, after these admonitions, never returned to East or North Texas, but remained on the Rio Grande. In September, 1842, in command of a small band of his renegade Mexicans and Indians, he accompanied the Mexican General, Adrian Woll, in his expedition against San Antonio, and was in the battle of Salado, on Sunday the 18th of that month. While Woll fought in front, Cordova led his band below the Texian position on the creek and reached a d'-y ravine where it entered the timbered bottom, at right angles with the corner of the creek. 66 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. At intervals were small thickets on the ravine, with open spaces between. Cordova, in the nearest open space to the bottom and about ninety yards to the right of my company, when in the act of firing, was shot dead by John Lowe, who belonged to the adjoining company on our right and stood about thirty feet from me, while I was loading my gun. I watched the affair closely, fearing that one of our. men might fall from Cordova's fire. There could, at the instant, be no mistake about it. Others saw the same ; but no one knew it was Cor- dova till his men were driven from the position by Lieut. John K. Baker of Cameron's Company, when old Vasquez, a New Madrid Spaniard in our com- mand, recognized him, as did others later. And thus perished Cordova, Flores, and largely, but Ijy no means entirely, their schemes for uniting the Indians against the people of Texas. The great invasion of 1840, and other inroads were a part of the fruit springing from the intrigues of Filisola and Canalizo. These entire facts, in their connection and rela- tion to each other, have never before been pub- lished ; and while some minor details have been omitted, it is believed every material fact has been correctly stated. In subsequent years contradictory statements were made as to the manner of Cordova's death, or rather, as to who killed him. I simply state the absolute truth as I distinctly saw the fact. The ball ran nearly the whole length of the arm, hori- zontally supporting his gun, and then entered his breast, causing instant death. I stated the fact openly- and repeatedly on the ground after the battle and no one then asserted differently. Caldwell's Company of six months' men, while failing to have any engagement, rendered valuable service in protecting the settlers, including Gonzales and Seguin, on the Guadalupe, the San Marcos and La Vaca. In the summer of 1839, Capt. Caldwell also furnished and commanded an escort to Ben McCulloch in surveying and opening a wagon road from Gonzales to the proposed new capital of Texas, then being laid out at Austin, the course, from the court house at Gonzales, being N. 17° W., and the distance, by actual measurement, fifty-five and one- fourth miles. Referring back to numerous trips made on that route from soon after its opening in 1839 to the last one in 1869, the writer has ever been of the impression that (outside of mountains and swamps), it was the longest road for its meas- ured length, he ever traveled. The Expulsion of the Cherokees from Texas in 1839. When the revolution against Mexico broke out in Texas in September, 1835, all of what is now called North Texas, excepting small settlements in the present territory of Bowie, Red river and the northeast corner of Lamar counties, was without a single white inhabitant. It was a wilderness occu- pied or traversed at will by wild Indians. The Caddos, more or less treacherous, and sometimes committing depredations, occupied the country around Caddo and Soda lakes, partly in Texas and partly in Louisiana. The heart of East Texas, as now defined, was then the home of one branch of the Cherokees and their twelve associate bands, the Shawuees, Kickapoos, Delawares and others who had entered the country from the United States from about 1820 to 1835. It has been shown in previous chapters that in 1822 three of their chisfs visited the city of Mexico to secure a grant of laad and failed: how in 1826, two of their best and most talented men, John Dunn Hunter and • — Fields, visited that capital on a similar mission and failed, returning soured against the Mexican gov- ernment ; how, in the autumn of that year, in con- sequence of that failure, they united with Col. Haden Edwards, himself outraged by Mexican in- justice, as the head of a colony, in opposition to the Mexican government, in what was known as the Fredonian war, and how, being seduced from their alliance with Edwards through the promises of Ellis P. Bean, as an agent of Mexico, they turned upon and murdered Hunter and Fields, their truest and best friends, and joined the Mexi- can soldiery to drive the Americans from Nacog- doches and Edwards' colony. So, when the revolution of 1835 burst forth, the provisional government of Texas, through Gen. Sam. Houston and Col. Jno. Forbes, commissioners, in February, 1836, formed a treaty with them, conceding them certain territory and securing their neutrality, so far as paper stipulations could do it. I2^^DIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 67 But it was soon suspected that Mexicans were among tliem, and when it became known that the whole population west of the Trioity must flee to the east of that stream, if not to and across the Sabine, perhaps two or three thousand men — hus- bands, fathers and sons — were deterred from join- ing Gen. Houston's little band of three hundred at Gonzales, in its retreat, from March 13th to April 20th, to the plains of San Jacinto. It was a fear- ful moment. Being appealed to, on the ground that these were United States Indians, Gen. Edmund P. Gaines, the commander at Fort Jessup, near Natchitoches, Louisiana, encamped a regiment of dragoons on the east bank of the Sabine, which was readily understood by the Indians to mean that if they murdered a single Texian family, these dragoons would cross that river and be hurled upon them. This had the desired effect. Again, in the early summer of 1836, when a second and much more formidable invasion of Texas seemed imminent, it became known that Mexican emissaries were again among these In- dians, and great apprehensions were felt of their rising in arms as the Mexicans advanced. Presi- dent David G. Burnet, on the 28th of June, at the suggestion of Stephen F. Austin, who had arrived at Velasco on the 26th from the United States, addressed a letter to Gen. Gaines, asking him for the time being, to station a force at Nacogdoches, to overawe the Indians. Austin also wrote him of the emergenc}'. That noble and humane old soldier and patriot assumed the responsibility and dis- patched Col. Whistler with a regiment of dragoons to take post at Nacogdoches. This had the desired effect on the Indians. The Mexican invasion did not occur, and the crisis passed. But the seeds of suspicion and discord between the whites and Indians still existed. Isolated mur- ders and lesser outrages began to show themselves soon afterwards. The Pearce family, the numer- ous family of the Killoughs and numerous others were ruthlessly murdered. Gen. Houston, who had great influence with the Cherokees, interposed his potential voice to allay the excitement and preserve the peace. In , 1838, Vicente Cordova headed an insur- rection of the Mexicans of Nacogdoches and took position in the Cherokee country, — and sustained more or less by that tribe, and joined by a few of them, greatly incensed the whites against them. In November, 1838, Gen. Rusk fought and defeated a strong force of Kickapoo and other Indians. Gen. Houston retired from his first presidential term in December, and was succeeded by Gen. Mirabeau B. Lamar, who was in deep sympathy with the people, and had probably brought with him from Georgia a measure of prejudice against those who had fought and slain his kindred and fellow-citizens in that State. President Lamar resolved on the removal of these people from the heart of East Texas, and their return to their kindred west of Arkansas — by force if necessary. He desired to pay them for their improvements and other losses. He ap- pointed Vice-president David G. Burnet, Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston, Secretary of War, Hugh McLeod, Adjutant-general, and Gen. Thomas J. Rusk to meet and treat with them for their peace- ful removal ; but if that failed then they were to be expelled by force. To be prepared for the latter contingency, he ordered Col. Edward Burleson, then in command of the regular army, to march from Austin to the appointed rendezvous in the Cherokee country, with two companies of regulars and the volunteer companies of Capts. James Ownsby and Mark B. Lewis, about two hundred strong, and commanded by Maj. William J. Jones, still living at Virginia Point, opposite Gal- veston. On the ground they found the com- missioners and about the same time Gen. Kelsey H. Douglas arrived with several hundred East Texas militia and took chief command. Burleson took with him also Capt. Placido, with forty Toncahua warriors. After three days' negotiation terms were verbally agreed upon. The Indians were to leave the country for a consideration. The second day fol- lowing was fixed for signing the treaty. But the Indians did not appear. The rendezvous was ten miles from their settlements. Scouts sent out returned reporting the Indians in force moving off. It turned out that Bowles, the principal chief, had been finessing for time to assemble all his warriors and surprise the whites by a superior force. His reinforcements not arriving in time, he had begun falling back to meet them. Col. Burleson was ordered to lead the pursuit. He pressed forward rapidly and late in the afternoon (it being July 16th, 1839), came up with them and had a. severe engagement, partly in a small prairie and partly in heavy timber, into which Burleson drove them, when night came on and our troops encamped. I now quote from the narrative of Maj. Wm. J. Jones, who was under Burleson in the first as well as the last engagement on the 17th of July. He says: — " It soon became apparent that the reinforce- ments looked for by Bowles had not reached him and that he was falling back to meet them. This he succeeded in accomplishing next morning (the G8 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 17th daj' of July), at the Delaware village, now in Clierokee Couut^', occup}'ing an eminence in the open post oaks, with the heavily timbered bottom of the Neches in their immediate rear. When our forces overtook them the main bodj' of the enemy were in full sight occupying tiie eminence where the village was located, while a detachment was posted in a ravine, tortuous in its course, and was intended to conceal their movements towards our rear, with a view to throw themselves between our men and their horses. But the watchful eye of Col. Burleson, who well understood the Indian tactics, discovered this movement in good time, when he ordered his entire force of three hundred men to charge and drive the Indians from their place of concealment. Although the weather was extremely hot and the men all famished for water, lliis order was executed with promptness, routing the Indians and driving them baclv towards the village, surrounded by fences and cornfields. Oen. Rusk, with all the force (about 400) of East Texas under his immediate* command, had in the meantime advanced upon the enemy's front and kept them so hotly engaged in defense of their women and children that no reinforcement could be spared from that quarter for the support of those who had been driven from the ravine. When they retreated upon the main body, their entire force was terrorized and fell back in great disorder upon the cornfields, then in full bearing, and the dense timber of the river bottom. It was here that Bowles evinced the most desperate intrepidity, and made several unavailing efforts to rally his trusted warriors. * * * It was in his third and last effort to restore his broken and disordered ranks, that he met his death, mounted upon a very fine sorrel horse, with blaze face and four white feet. He was shot in the back, near the spine, with a musket ball and three buckshot. He breathed a short while only after his fall. * • » " After this defeat and the loss of their great and trusted chief," the Indians disappeared, in the jungles of the Neches and, as best they could, in squads, retreated up the country, the larger por- tion finally joining their countrymen west of Arkansas; but as will be seen a band of them led by John Bowles (son of the deceased chief) and Egg, en route to Mexico, were defeated, these two leaders killed and twenty-seven women and children captured, near the mouth of the San Saba, on Christmas day, 1839, by Col. Burleson. These cap- tives were afterwards sent to the Cherokee Nation, The victory at the Delaware village freed East Texas of those Indians. It had become an imper- ative necessity to the safet}' and population of the country. Yet let it not be understood that all of RIGHT was with the whites and all of wrong with the Indians — for that would be false and unjust, and neither should stain our history. From their standpoint the Cherokees believed they had a moral, an equitable, and, at least, a quasi-legal right to the country, and such is truth. But be- tween Mexican emissaries on the one hand, mis- chievous Indians on the other and the grasping desire of the unprincipled land grabbers for their territory, one wrong produced a counter wrong until blood flowed and women and children were sacrificed by the more lawless of the Indians, and we have seen the result. All the Indians were not bad, nor were all the whites good. Their expul- sion, thus resolved into the necessity of self-preser- vation, is not without shades of sorrow. But it has been ever thus where advancing civilization and its opposite have been brought into juxtaposition for the mastery. But to return to the l)attle-field of Delaware vil- lage. Many heroic actions were performed. Vice- president Burnet, Gen. Johnston and Adjt.-Gen. McLeod were each wounded, but not dangerously so. Maj. David S. Kaufman, of the militia (afterwards the distinguished congressman), was shot in the cheek. Capt. S. W. Jordan, of the regulars (afterwards, by his retreat in October, 1840, from Saltillo, styled the Xenophon of his age), was severely wounded when Bowles was killed, and one of his privates, with " buck and ball," says Maj. Jones, " had the credit of killing Bowles." [In a letter dated Nacogdoches, July 27, 1885. Mr. C. N. Bell, who was in the fight under Capt. Robert Smith, and is vouched for as a man of in- tegrity, says: " Chief Bowles was wounded in the battle, and after this Capt. Smith and I found him. He was sitting in the edge of a little prairie on the Neches river. The chief asked for no quarter. He had a holster of pistols, a sword and a bowie knife. Under the circumstances the captain was compelled to shoot him, as the chief did not surren- der nor ask for quarter. Smith put his pistol right to his head and shot him dead, and of course had no use for the sword." So says Mr. Bell, but the in- quisitive mind will fail to see the compulsive neces- sity of killing the disabled chief when his slayer was enabled " to put his pistol right to his head and shoot him dead." I well remember in those daj^s, however, that the names of half a dozen men were paraded as the champions, who, under as man\' different circumstances, had killed Bowles.] In this battle young Wirt Adams was the Adjutant of Maj. Jones' battalion. He was the distinguished INDIAN WAES AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 69 Mississippi Confederate General who was killed in some sort of personal difficulty a year or two j'ears ago. Michael Chavaliier, subsequently distinguished as a Texas ranger, drew his maiden sword in this fight. Maj. Henry W. Augustine, of San Augustine, was severely wounded in it. Charles A. Ogsbury, now of Cuero, was a gallant member of Capt. Owns- by's Company. John H. Reagan,* then a youth, recently arrived in the countr}', was in the hottest of the engagement, and now sits in the Senate of the United States. David Rusk, standing six feet six in his stocking feet, was there, as valiant as on San Jacinto's field. The ever true, ever cool and ever fearless Burleson covered himself with glory and by his side rode the stately and never faltering chief, Capt. Placido, who would have faced "devils and demons dire" rather than forsake his friend and beau ideal of warriors, "Col. Woorleson," as he always pronounced the name. I cannot give a list of casualties, but the number of wounded was large — of killed small. Col. Burleson's Christmas Fight in 1839 — Death of Chiefs John Bowles and the " Egg." After the double defeat of the Cherokees in East Texas, in the battle of July 16th and 17lh, the whereabouts of those Indians was unknown for a considerable time. Doubtless a considerable por- tion of them sought and found refuge among their kindred on the north side of the Arkansas, where Texas had long desired them to be. The death of their great chief, Col. Bowles, or "The Bowl," as his people designated him — the man who had been their Moses for many years — had divided their counsels and scattered them. But a considerable body remained intact under the lead of the younger chiefs, John Bowles, son of the deceased, and "The Egg." In the autumn of 1839, these, with their followers, undertook to pass across the coun- try, above the settlements, into Mexico, from which they could harass our Northwestern frontier with impunity and find both refuge and protection beyond the Rio Grande and among our national foes. At that time it happened that Col. Edward Bur- leson, then of the regular army, with a body of regulars, a few volunteers and Lipan and Toncahua Indians as scouts, was on a winter campaign against the hostile tribes in the upper country, between the Brazos and the Colorado rivers. On the evening of December 23d, 1839, when about twenty-five miles (easterly) from Pecan bayou, the scouts reported the discovery of a large trail of horses and cattle, bearing south towards * Since above was written, resigned from United States Senate, and is now a member of the Texas State Railroad Commission. the Colorado river. On the following day Col. Bur- leson changed his course and followed the trail. On the morning of the 25th, Christmas day, the scouts returned and reported an encampment of Indians about twelve miles distant, on the west bank of the Colorado and about three miles below the mouth of the San Saba. (This was presumably the identical spot from which Capts. Kuykendall and Henry S. Brown drove the Indians ten years before in 1829.) Fearing discovery if he waited for a night attack, Col. Burleson determined to move forward as rapidly as possible, starting at 9 a. m. By great caution and the cunning of his Indian guides he succeeded in crossing the river a short distance above the encampment without being discovered. When discovered within a few hundred yards of the camp, a messenger met them and proposed a parley. Col. Burleson did not wish to fire if they would surrender ; but perceiving their messenger was being detained, the Indians opened a brisk fire from a ravine in rear of their camp, which was promptly returned by Company B. under Capt. Clendenin, which formed under cover of some trees and fallen timber; while the remainder of the command moved to the right in order to flank their left or surround them ; but before this could be executed, our advance charged and the enemy gave way, and a running fight took place for two miles, our whole force pursuing. Favored by a rocky precipitous ravine, and a dense cedar brake, the warriors chiefly escaped, but their loss was great. Among the seven warriors left dead on the field were the Chiefs John Bowles and " The 70 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. Egg." The whole of their camp equipage, horses and cattle, one man, five women and nineteen children fell into the hands of the victors. Among the prisoners were the motiier, three children and two sisters of John Bowles. Our loss was one Toncahua wounded and the brave Capt. Lynch of the volunteers killed — shot dead while charging among the foremost of the advance. The prisoners were sent under a guard com- manded by Lieut. Moran to Austin, together with important papers found in the cam|i. Col. Burleson made his official report next day to Gen. Albert Sydney Johnston, Secretary of War, from which these details are derived. He then continued his original march, scouring the country up Pecan bayou, thence across to the Leon and down the country. Several bodies of Indians were discovered by the scouts — one being large — but tiiey fled and avoided the troops. Two soldiers deserted on the trip, and both were killed by the hostiles. Among others in this expedition were Col. Wm. S. Fisher, Maj. Wyatt, the gallant Capt. Matthew Caldwell, Lieut. Lewis, Dr. Booker and Dr. (then Capt.) J. P. B. Jan- uary, who died in Victoria, Texas, a worthy sur- vivor of the men of '36. A few months later, after an amicable under- standing, the prisoners were sent to their kindred in the Cherokee Nation, west of Arkansas. Bird's Victory and Death in 1839. In 1839 the savages, flushed with many trophies, became exceedingly bold, and were constantly committing depredations. The settlers on the upper Brazos, Colorado and Trinity called upon the government for some measure of relief and protection. Under an Act of the Congress in the beginning of that year several companies of three months' rangers were called out. The fraction of a company, thirty-four men, recruited in Houston, and under the command of Lieut. William G. Evans, marched from that city and reached Fort Milam the 3d of April, 1839. This fort, situated two miles from the present town of Marlin, had been built by Capt. Joseph Daniels, with the Milam Guards, a volunteer company, also from Houston. William H. Weaver was Orderly Sergeant of Evans' Company. Evans was directed to afford all the protection in his power to the settlers. A company of fifty-nine men from Fort Bend and Austin counties, was mustered into the ser- vice for three months, on the 21st of April, 1839, under the command of Capt. John Bird, and reached Fort Milam on tlie 6th of May. Capt. Bird, as senior officer, took command of both com- panies, but leaving Evans in the fort, he quartered in some deserted houses on the spot where Marlin now stands. Nothing special transpired for some little time, but their provisions gave out, and the men were compelled to subsist on wild meat alone. This occasioned some murmurs and seven men became mutinous, insomuch, as, in the opinion of Bird, to demand a court-martial ; but there were not officers enough to constitute such a tribunal, and after their arrest he determined to send them under guard to Col. Burleson, at Bastrop. For this pur- pose twelve men were detailed under First-Lieut. James Irvine. At the same time Bird detailed twelve men, including Sergt. Weaver, from Evans' command, to strengthen his own company, and determined to bear company with the prisoners on a portion of the route towards Bastrop. They reached the deserted fort on Little river on the night of the 25th of June and camped. Next morning, leaving Lieut. Wm. R. Allen in charge, Bird and Nathan Brookshire accompanied the guard and prisoners for a few miles on their route and then retraced their steps towards the fort. On the way, they came upon three Indians, skin- ning a buffalo, routed them and captured a horse loaded with meat. About 9 o'clock a. m., and during Bird's ab- sence, a small party of Indians, on the chase, ran a gang of buffaloes very near the fort, but so soon as they discovered the Americans they retreated north over the roiling prairie. Sergt. Weaver was anxious to pursue them, but Allen refused, lest by so doing they should expose Bird and Brookshire. So soon as the latter arrived, and were informed of what had been seen. Bird directed an examination into the condition of their arms, INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 71 and ordered " To horse," and a rapid march in the direction the Indians had gone, leaving two men in the fort as guard. In about four miles they came in view of fifteen or twenty Indians and chased without overhauling Ihcm. The enemy were well mounted and could easily elude them, but seemed only to avoid gun-shot distance, and continued at a moderate speed on the same course, through the broken prairie. Now and then, a sin- gle Indian would dart off in advance of his com- rades and disappear, and after pursuing them some four or five miles small parties of well mounted Indians would frequently appear and join the first body ; but still the retreat and the pursuit were continued. After traveling some twelve miles in this way, through the prairie, the Indian force had been ma- terially augmented, and they halted and formed on the summit of a high ridge. Bird immediately ordered a charge, which was firmly met by the enemy and they came into close quarters and hot work. As they mingled with the Indians on the elevated ridge, one of Bird's men, pointing to the next ridge beyond, sang out: "Look yonder, boys! What a crowd of Indians! " and the little band of forty-five men beheld several hundred mounted warriors advancing at full speed. They immediately surrounded our men and poured a heavy fire among them. The intrepid Weaver directed Capt. Bird's attention to a ravine two hun- dred 3'ards distant and at the base of the hill, as an advantageous position. Bird, preserving the ut- most composure amid the shower of bullets and arrows, ordered his men to dismount, and leading their horses in solid column, to cut their way down to the position named. Cutting their way as best they could, they reached the head of the little ravine and made a lodgment for both men and horses, but a man named H. M. C. Hall, who had persisted in remaining on his horse, was mortally wounded in dismounting on the bank. This ravine was in the open prairie with a ridge gradually ascending from its head and on either side, reaching the principal elevations at from two hundred and fifty to three hundred yards. For about eighty yards the ravine had washed out into a channel, and then expanded into a flat surface. Such localities are com- mon in the rolling prairies of Texas. The party having thus secured this, the only defensible point within their reach, the enemy collected to the number of about six hundred on the ridge, stripped for battle and hoisted a beautiful flag of blue and red, perhaps the trophy of some precious victory. Sounding a whistle they mounted and at a gentle and beautifully regular gallop in single file, they commenced encircling Bird and his little band, using their shields with great dexterity. Passing round the head of the ravine then turning in front of the Texian line, at about thirty yards — • a trial always the most critical to men attacked by supe- rior numbers, and one, too, that created among Bird's men a death-like silence and doubtless tested every nerve — the leading chief saluted them with: "How do you do? How do you do?" repeated by a number of his followers. At that moment, says one of the party, my heart rose to my throat and I felt like I could outrun a race-horse and I thought all the rest felt just as I did. But, just as the chief had repeated the salutation the third time, William Winkler, a Dutchman, presented his rifle with as much self-composure as if he had been shooting a beef, at the same time responding: " I dosh tolerably well ; how dosh you do, God tarn you! " He fired, and as the chief fell, he con- tinued: " jVbro, how dosh you do, you tam red rascal ! " Not another word had been uttered up to that moment, but the dare-devil impromptu of the iron-nerved Winkler operated as an electric battery, and our men opened on the enemy with loud and defiant hurrahs — the spell was broken, and not a man among them but felt himself a hero. Their first fire, however, from the intensity of the ordeal, did little execution, and in the charge, Thomas Gay fell dead in the ditch, from a rifle liall. Recoiling under the fire, the Indians again formed on the bill and remained about twenty minutes, when a second charge was made in the same order, but in which they made a complete circuit around the Texians dealing a heavy fire among them. But the nerves of the inspirited defenders had now be- come steady and their aim was unerring — they brought a goodly number of their assailants to the ground. They paid bitterly for it, however, in the loss of the fearless Weaver, who received a death ball in the head, and of Jesse E. Nash, who was killed by an arrow, while Lieut. Allen and George W. Hensell were severely wounded and disabled ; and as the enemy fell back a second time, Capt. Bird jumped on to the bank to encourage his men; but only to close his career on earth. He was shot through the heart with an arrow by an Indian at the extraordinary distance of two hundred yards — the best arrow shot known in the annals of Indian warfare, and one that would seem incredible to those who are not familiar with their skill in shoot- ing by elevation. They were now left without an officer. Nathan Brookshire, who had served in the Creek war under Jackson, was the oldest man iu the companj', and 72 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. at the suggestion of Samuel A. Blain, was unani- mously called upon to assume the command. He assented, and requited the confidence reposed in a most gallant manner. For the third time, after a brief delay on the ridge, the enemy came down in full force, with ter- rific yells, and an apparent determination to triumph or sacrifice themselves. They advanced with impet- uosity to the very brink of the ditch, and, recoiling under the most telling fire from our brave boys, they would rally again and again with great firmness. Dozens of them fell within twenty or thirty feet of our rifles — almost every shot killed or wounded an Indian. Brookshire's stentorian voice was heard through the lines in words of inspiring counsel. The stand made by the enemy was trul}' desperate; but the death-dealing havoc of the white man, fight- ing for victory or death, was too galling for the red man, battling for his ancient hunting-grounds, and after a prolonged contest, they withdrew with sullen stubbornness to the same position on the ridge, leav- ing many of their comrades on the field. It was now drawing towards night, and our men, wearied with the hard day's woik, and not wishing to pro- voke a feeling of desperation among the discom- fited foe, concluded it would be unwise to hurrah any more, as they had done, unless in resisting a charge. The Indians drew up into a compact mass on the ridge and were vehemently addressed by their prin- cipal chief, mounted on a beautiful horse and wearing on his head a buffalo skin cap, with the horns attached. It was manifest, from his manner and gesticulations, that he was urging his braves to another and last desperate struggle for victory — but it would not do. The crowd was defeated. But not so with their heroic chief. Failing to nerve the mass, he resolved to lead the few who might follow him. With not exceeding twelve warriors, as the forlorn hope, and proudly waving defiance at his people, he made one of the most daring assaults in our history, charging within a few paces of our lines, fired, and wheeling his horse, threw his shield over his shoulders, leaving his head and neck only exposed. At this moment, the chivalrous young James W. Robinett sent a ball through his neck, causing instant death, ex- claiming, as the chief fell, "Shout boys! I struck him where his neck and shoulders join! " A tre- mendous hurrah was the response. The Indians on the hill side, spectators of the scene, seeing their great war chief fall within thirty feet of the Amer- icans, seemed instantly possessed by a reckless frenzy to recover his body ; and with headlong impetuosity, rushed down and surrounded the dead chief, apparently heedless of their own dan- ger, while our elated heroes poured among them awful havoc, every ball telling upon some one of the huge and compact mass. This struggle was short, but deadly. They bore away the martyred chief, but paid a dear reckoning for the privilege. It was now sunset. The enemy had counted our men — they knew their own force — and so confident were they of perfect victory, that they were careful not to kill our horses, only one of which fell. But they were sadly mistaken — they were defeated with great loss, and as the sun was closing the daj^ they slowly and sullenly moved off, uttering that peculiar guttural howl — that solemn, Indian wail — which all old Indian fighters understand. Brookshire, having no provisions and his heroic men being exhausted from the intense labors of the day, thought it prudent to fall back upon the fort the same night. Hall, Allen and Hensell were carried in, the former djing soon after reaching there. The next day Brookshire sent a runner to Nashville, fifty miles. On the second day, his provisions exhausted, he moved the company also to Nashville. Mr. Thompson received them with open arms and feasted them with the best he had. Brookshire made a brief report of the battle to the Government, and was retained in command till their three months' term of service expired, with- out any other important incident. " Bird's Vic- tor}'," as this battle has been termed, spread a gloom among the Indians, the first serious repulse the wild tribes had received for some time, and its effect was long felt. I have before me copies of the muster rolls of both Bird's and Evans' companies, in which are designated those who were in the battle, excepting one person. The list does not show who composed the prisoners or guard. Lieut. Irvine and L. M. H. Washington, however, were two of the guards. As the muster rolls have been burnt in the Adjutant- General's ofHce, these rolls are the more important and may be preserved in this sketch. The names are classed and hereto appended. bird's COMPANr. Those known to be in the fight were: John Bird, Captain ; Wm. R. Allen, Second Lieutenant ; Wm. P. Sharp, Second Sergeant; Wm. P. Bird, First Corporal. Privates: Nathan Brookshire (Captain after Bird's death), William Badgett, James Brookshire, Tillman C. Fort, James Hensley, William Hensley, H. M. C. Hall, J. H. Hughes, A. J. Ivey, Edward Jocelyn, Lewis Kleberg, Green B. Lynch, Jesse E. Nash, Jonathan Peters, William GEN. BEN. MoCULLOCH. INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 73 Peters, E. Rector, Milton Bradford, Warren Hast- ings, T. W. Lightfoot, G. W. Pentecost, Eli Fore- man, A. G. Parker, Daniel Bradle\', Geo. W. Hensel, Benj. P. Ku3-ger, John D. Thompson, Joseph H. Slack, Thomas Bradford — 32 and one omitted — say 33. Left in charge of the fort, Joseph S. Marsh and F. G. Woordward — 2. Ab- sent (as before stated, including the man in the fight not remembered), James Irvine, First Lieuten- ant. Privates: Bela Vickery, Wm. Blair, Second Corporal, George Allen, Wm. Ayres, Joshua O. Blair, Lewis L. Hunter, W. Hickson, Neil Me- Crarey, J. D. Marshall, James Martin, J. W. Stoddard, Henry Verm, Joseph H. Barnard, Stephen Goodman, M. J. Hannon, C. Beisner, Jackson E. Burdick, James M. Moreton, .Joseph McGuines, Wm. J. Hodge, Charles Waller, L. M. H. Washington, John Atkinson, Joshua O. Blair — 25. LIEDT. EVANS' COMPANY. Those in the fight were: William H. Weaver, First Sergeant ; Samuel A. Blain, Second Corporal; Privates: Thomas Gay, Charles M. Gevin, W. W. Hanman, Robert Mills, Thomas S. Menefee, H. A. Powers, James M. Robinett, John Romann, William Winkler, Thos. Robinett— 12. Those left at Fort Milam were: Wm. G. Evans, First Lieutenant; J. O. Butler, Second Sergeant; Thos. Brown, First Corporal ; A. Bettinger, Musician ; Piivates: Charles Ball, Littleton Brown, Grafton H. Boatler, D. W. Collins, Joseph Flippen, Abner Frost, James Hickey, Hezekiah Joner, John Kirk, Laben Mene- fee, Jarrett Menefee, Thomas J. Miller, Frederick Pool, Washington Rhodes, Jarrett Ridgway, John St. Clair, John Weston, Thomas A: Menefee — 22. Joseph Mayor crippled and left in Houston — total company, 35. RECAPITULATION. Bird's men in the battle 33 Evans' " " " 12—45 Bird's men not in the fight 26 Evans' " •' " " 22—48 Aggregate force of both commands 93 The classification of the names was made by one of those in the battle, from memory. It may pos- sibly be slightly incorrect in that particular; but the rolls of each company as mustered in are official. Ben McCulloch's Peach Creek Fight in 1839. Among the survivors of that day, it is remem- bered as a fact and b}' those of a later day, as a tradition, that in February, 1839, there fell through- out South and Southwest Texas, the most destruc- tive sleet ever known in the country. Great trees were bereft of limbs and tops by the immense weight of ice, and bottoms, previously open and free of underbrush, were simply choked toimpassa- bility by fallen timber. The cold period continued for ten or twelve days, while ice and snow, shielded from the sun, lay upon the ground for a much longer period. This occurred in the latter half of February, 1839, in the same year but several months before Austin, or rather the land upon which it stands, was selected as the future seat of government. At that time Ben McCulloch, who had entered Texas just in time to command a gun at San Jacinto, was a young man in his twenty-eighth year residing at Gonzales, having been joined by his brother, Henry E., his junior by several years. during the preceding year. At the same time the Toncahua tribe of Indians were encamped at the junction of Peach and Sandy creeks, about fifteen miles northeast of Gonzales. Just prior to this great sleet Ben McCulloch had made an agreement with a portion of the Toncahuas to join him and such white men as he could secure in a winter expedition against the hostile Indians above. The sleet postponed the enterprise and, when the weather partially resumed its usual temperature, it was difficult to enlist either whites or Indians in the contemplated enterprise. Both dreaded a recurrence of the storm. But following Moore's San Saba trip and in hope of recovering Matilda Lockhart and the Putman children, Mc- Culloch deemed that an auspicious time to make such a trip, and about the first of March left the Toncahua village for the mountains. The party consisted of five white men — Ben McCulloch, Wil- son Randall, John D. Wolfin, David Henson and Henry E. McCulloch — and thirty-five Toncahua 74 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. warriors commanded by their well-linown and wily old chief, " Capt. Jim Kerr," a name that he assumed in 1826 as an evidence of his friendship for the first settler of Gonzales, after that gentle- man had been broken up by other Indians in July of that j'ear. The medicine man of the party was Chico. On the second day out and on the head waters of Peach creek, they struck a fresh trail of foot Indians, bearing directly for Gonzales. This, of course, changed their plans. Duty to their threat- ened neighbors demanded that they should follow and break up this invading party. They followed the trail rapidly for three or four hours and then came in sight of the enemy, who promptly entered an almost impenetrable thicket bordering a branch and in a post oak country. The hostiles, concealed from view, had every advantage, and every attempt to reach a point from which they could be seen or fired upon was ex- posing the party attempting it to the fire of the unseen enemj'. Several hours passed in which occasional shots were fired. From the first Capt. Jim refused to enter or allow his men to enter the thicket, saying the dangei was too great and Ton- cahuas too scarce to run such hazards. One of his men, however, from behind the only tree well situated for defense, was killed, the only loss sus- tained by the attacking party. Finally, impatient of delay and dreading the approach of night, McCulloch got a promise from Capt. Jim to so place his men around the lower end of the thicket as to kill any who might attempt to escape, while he, his brother, Randall and Henson would crawl through it from the upper end. Wolfln declined a ticket in what he regarded as so dangerous a lot- tery. Slowly they moved, observing every possible precaution till — " one by one " — each of the four killed an Indian and two or three others were wounded. The assailed Indians fired many shots and arrows, but seemed doomed to failure. In thickets nothing is so effective as liie rifle ball. Finally the survivors of the enemy (nine of an original thirteen) emerged in the branch at the lower end of the thicket and were allowed by Capt. Jim to escape. When the whites effected an exit the enemy was beyond reach, sheltered in a j'et larger thicket. This closed the campaign. The Toncahuas, scalping the four dead hostiles, felt impelled by a patriotic sense of dut}' to hasten home and celebrate their victory. They fleeced off portions of the thighs and breasts of the dead and all started in ; but they soon stopped on the way and went through most of the mystic ceremonies attending a war dance, thoroughly commingling weird wails over their fallen comrade with their wild and equally weird exultations over their fallen foes. This cere- mon}^ over, they hastened home to repeat the savage scenes with increased ferocity. McCulloch and party, more leisurely, returned to Gonzales, to be welcomed by the people who had thus been pro- tected from a night attack by the discomfited invaders. Such inroads by foot Indians almost invariably resulted in the loss of numerous horses, and one or more — alas! sometimes many — lives to the settlers. This was forty-eight and a half years ago ; yet, as I write this, on the 19th day of August, 1887, Henry E. McCulloch, hale, well-preserved and spot- less before his countrymen, is my guest at the ex-Confederate reunion in Dallas, and verifies the accuracy of this narrative. Our friendship began later in that same year, and every succeeding year has been an additional record of time, attesting a friendship lacking but eighteen months of ha f a century. After 1839 his name is interwoven with the hazards of the Southwestern frontier, as Texas ranger — private, lieutenant and captain — down to annexation in 1846 ; then a captain in and after the Mexican war under the United States ; later as the first Confederate colonel in Texas, and from April, 1862, to the close of the war, as a brigadier- general in the Confederate army. Moore's Defeat on the San Saba, 1839. In consequence of the repeated and continued inroads of the Indians through 18.37 and 1838, at the close of the latter year Col. John. H. Moore, of Fayette, already distinguished alike for gallantry and patriotism, determined to chastise them. Call- ing for volunteers from the thinly settled country around him, he succeeded in raising a force of fifty- five whites, forty-two Lipan and twelve Toncahua Indians, an aggregate of one hundred and nine. Col. Castro, chief of the Lipans, commanded his ly^DIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. 75 warriors, assisted by the rising and ever faithful young chief, Flacco, whose memory is honored, and whose subsequent perfidious fate is and ever has been deplored by every pioneer of Texas. Among this little troup of whites was Mr. Andrew Lockhart, of the Guadalupe, impelled by an agonizing desire to rescue his beautiful little daughter, Matilda, who had been captured with the four Putman children near bis home. Her final recovery, at the time of the Council House fight in San Antonio, on the 19th of March, 18-10, is narrated in another chapter. The advance scouts reported to Col. Moore the discovery of a large Comanche encampment, with many horses, on the San Saba river, yet the sequel showed that they failed to realize its magnitude in numbers. With adroit caution that experienced frontiers- man, by a night march, arrived in the vicinity be- fore the dawn of day, on the 12th of February, 1839, a clear, frosty morning. They were in a favored position for surprising the foe, and wholly undiscovered. At a given signal every man un- derstood his duty. Castro, with a portion of the Indians, was to stampede the horses grazing in the valley and rush with them beyond recovery. The whites and remaining Indians were to charge, with- out noise, upon the village. The horses of the dismounted men of both colors were left tied a mile in the rear in a ravine. As light sufficiently appeared to distinguish friend from foe, the signal was given. With thirty of his people the wily old Castro soon had a thousand or more loose horses thundering over hill and dale towards the south. Flacco, with twelve Lipans and the twelve Toncahuas, remained with Moore. The combined force left, numbering seventy-nine, rushed upon the buffalo tents, firing whenever an Indian was seen. Many were killed in the first onset. But almost instantly the camp was in motion, the warriors, as if by magic, rush- ing together and fighting ; the women and children wildly fleeing to the coverts of the bottom and neighboring thickets. It was at this moment, amid the screams, yells and war-whoops resounding through the valley, that Mr. Lockhart plunged forward in advance of his comrades, calling aloud: " Matilda! if you are here, run to me! Your father calls!" And though yet too dim to see every word pierced the child's heart as she recog- nized her father's wailing voice, while she was lashed into a run with the retreating squaws. The contest was fierce and bloody, till, as the sunlight came, Col. Moore realized that he had only struck and well-nigh destroyed the fighting strength of the lower end of a long and powerful encampment. The enraged savages from above came pouring down in such numbers as to threaten the annihilation of their assailants. Re- treat became a necessity, demanding the utmost courage and strictest discipline. But not a man wavered. For the time being the stentorian voice of their stalwart and iron-nerved leader was a law unto all. Detailing some to bear the wounded, with the others Moore covered them on either flank, and stubbornly fought his way back to the ravine in which his horses had been left, to find that every animal had already been mounted by a Comanche, and was then curveting around them. All that remained possible was to fight on the defensive from the position thus secured, and this was done with such effect that, after a prolonged contest, the enemy ceased to assault. Excepting occasional shots at long range by a few of the most daring warriors, extending into the next day, the discomfited assailants were allowed to wend their weary way homewards. Imagine such a paity, 150 miles from home, afoot, with a hundred miles of the way through mountains, and six of their comrades so wounded as to perish in the wilder- ness, or be transported on litters home by their fellows. Such was the condition of six of the number. They were William M. Eastland (spared then to draw a black bean and be murdered by the accursed order of Santa Anna in 1843) ; S. S. B. Fields, a lawyer of La Grange ; James Manor, Felix Taylor, — Lefflngwell, and — Martin, the latter of whom died soon after reaching home. Cicero Rufus Perry was a sixteen-year-old boy in this ordeal. Gonzalvo Wood was also one of the number. After much suffering the party reached home, pre- ceded by Castro with the captured horses, which the cunning old fox chiefly appropriated to his own tribe. Col. Moore, in his victorious destruction of a Comanche town high up the Colorado in 1840, made terrible reclamation for the trials and adver- sities of this expedition. 76 INDIAN WARS AND PIONEERS OF TEXAS. The Famous Council House Fight in San Antonio, March 19, 1840 — A Bloody Tragedy — Off icial Details. From the retreat of the people before Santa Anna in the spring of 1836, clown to the close of 1839, the Comanches and other wild tribes had depredated along our entire line of frontier, steal- ing horses, killing men, and carrying into captivity women and children, more especially the latter, for they often murdered the women also. On several occasions, as at Houston in 1837, and perhaps twice at San Antonio, they had made quasi- treaties, promising peace and good behavior, but on receiving presents and leaving for home they uniformly broke faith and committe