PRESENTEn BY /y/c^ 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
THE ADMIRABLE CRICHTON 
 From an engraving by J. Hall after Moses Griffith 
 Travelled in 1577, at the age of seventeen, and won the admiration of foreigners by his 
 wit and swordsmanship 
 
English Travellers of the 
 Renaissance 
 
 BY 
 
 CLARE HOWARD 
 
 Submitted in partial fulfillment of 
 the requirements for the degree of 
 Doctor of Philosophy, in the Faculty 
 of Philosophy, Columbia University. 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 BY CLARE HOWARD 
 
 LONDON : JOHN LANE, THE BODLEY HEAD 
 NEW YORK : JOHN LANE COMPANY 
 TORONTO : BELL & COCKBURN MCMXIV 
 

 Gut 
 
 fES is (3(4 
 
 TumbuU &' Spears, Printers^ Edinburgh 
 
PREFACE 
 
 THIS essay was written in 1 908-1 910 
 while I was studying at Oxford as 
 Fellow of the Society of American 
 Women in London. Material on the subject of 
 travel in any century is apparently inexhaustible, 
 and one could write many books on the subject 
 without duplicating sources. The following aims 
 no further than to describe one phase of Renais- 
 sance travel in clear and sharp outline, with 
 sufficient illustration to embellish but not to clog 
 the main ideas. 
 
 In the preparation of this book I incurred many 
 debts of gratitude. I would thank the staff of 
 the Bodleian, especially Mr W. H. B. Somerset, 
 for their kindness during the two years I was 
 working in the library of Oxford University ; and 
 Dr Perlbach, Abteilungsdirektor of the Konigliche 
 Bibliothek at Berlin, who forwarded to me some 
 helpful information concerning the early German 
 books of instructions for travellers ; and Professor 
 Clark S. Northup, of Cornell University, for 
 similar aid. To Mr George Whale I am 
 indebted for the use of his transcript of Sloane 
 
PREFACE 
 
 MS. 1 8 13, and to my friend Miss M. E. 
 Marshall, of the Board of Trade, for the generous 
 gift of her leisure hours in reading for me in the 
 British Museum after the sea had divided me 
 from that treasure-house of information. 
 
 I would like to acknowledge with thanks the 
 kind advice of Sir Walter Raleigh and Sir Sidney- 
 Lee, whose generosity in giving time and scholar- 
 ship many students besides myself are in a position 
 to appreciate. Mr L. Pearsall Smith, from whose 
 work on the Life and Letters of Sir Henry 
 Wotton I have drawn copiously, gave me also 
 courteous personal assistance. 
 
 To the Faculty of the English Department at 
 Columbia University I owe the gratitude of one 
 who has received her earliest inclination to scholar- 
 ship from their teachings. I am under heavy 
 obligations to Professor A. H. Thorndike and 
 Professor G. P. Krapp for their corrections and 
 suggestions in the proof-sheets of this book, and 
 to Professor W. P. Trent for continued help and 
 encouragement throughout my studies at Columbia 
 and elsewhere. 
 
 Above all, I wish to emphasize the aid of 
 Professor C. H. Firth, of Oxford University, 
 vi 
 
PREFACE 
 
 whose sympathy and comprehension of the diffi- 
 culties of a beginner in the field he so nobly 
 commands can be understood only by those, like 
 myself, who come to Oxford aspiring and alone. 
 I wish this essay were a more worthy result of 
 his influence. 
 
 CLARE HOWARD 
 
 Barnard College, New York 
 October 19 1 3 
 
 Vll 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 AMONG the many didactic books which 
 flooded England in the sixteenth and 
 seventeenth centuries were certain 
 essays on travel. Some of these have never been 
 brought to light since their publication more than 
 three hundred years ago, or been mentioned by 
 the few writers who have interested themselves in 
 the literature of this subject. In the collections of 
 voyages andf explorations, so often garnered, these 
 have found^no place. Most of them are very rare, 
 and have never been reprinted. Yet they do not 
 deserve to be thus overlooked, and in several ways 
 this survey of them will, I think, be useful for 
 students of literature. 
 
 They reveal a widespread custom among 
 Elizabethan and Jacobean gentlemen, of com- 
 pleting their education by travel. There are 
 scattered allusions to this practice, in contemporary 
 social documents : Anthony a Wood frequently 
 explains how such an Oxonian " travelled beyond 
 seas and returned a compleat Person," — but no- 
 where is this ideal of a cosmopolitan education so 
 explicitly set forth as it is in these essays. 
 Addressed to the intending tourist, they are in no 
 sense to be confused with guide-books or itineraries. 
 
 ix 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 They are discussions of the benefits of travel, 
 admonitions and warnings, arranged to put the 
 traveller in the proper attitude of mind towards 
 his great task of self-development. Taken in 
 chronological order they outline for us the life of 
 the travelling student. 
 
 Beginning with the end of the sixteenth century 
 when travel became the fashion, as the only means 
 of acquiring modern languages and modern history, 
 as well as those physical accomplishments and 
 social graces by which a young man won his way 
 at Court, they trace his evolution up to the time 
 when it had no longer any serious motive ; that 
 is, when the chairs of modern history and modern 
 languages were founded at the English universities, 
 and when, with the fall of the Stuarts, the Court 
 ceased to be the arbiter of men's fortunes. In the 
 course of this evolution they show us many phases 
 of continental influence in England ; how Italian 
 immorality infected young imaginations, how the 
 Jesuits won travellers to their religion, how France 
 became the model of deportment, what were the 
 origins of the Grand Tour, and so forth. 
 
 That these directions for travel were not isolated 
 oddities of literature, but were the expression of a 
 widespread ideal of the English gentry, I have 
 tried to show in the following study. The essays 
 can hardly be appreciated without support from 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 biography and history, and for that reason I have 
 introduced some concrete illustrations of the sort of 
 traveller to vv^hom the books were addressed. If I 
 have not always quoted the " Instructions " fully, 
 it is because they repeat one another on some 
 points. My plan has been to comment on what- 
 ever in each book was new, or showed the evolu- 
 tion of travel for study's sake. 
 
 The result, I hope, will serve to show something 
 of the cosmopolitanism of English society in the 
 sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ; of the closer 
 contact which held between England and the 
 Continent, while England was not yet great and 
 self-sufficient ; of times when her soldiers of low 
 and high degree went to seek their fortunes in the 
 Low Countries, and her merchants journeyed in 
 person to conduct business with Italy ; when a 
 steady stream of Roman Catholics and exiles for 
 political reasons trooped to France or Flanders for 
 years together. 
 
 These discussions of the art of travel are relics 
 of an age when Englishmen, next to the Germans, 
 were known for the greatest travellers among all 
 nations. In the same boat-load with merchants, 
 spies, exiles, and diplomats from England sailed 
 the young gentleman fresh from his university, to 
 complete his education by a look at the most 
 civilized countries of the world. He approached 
 
 xi 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 the Continent with an inquiring, open mind, eager 
 to learn, quick to imitate the refinements and ideas 
 of countries older than his own. For the same 
 purpose that now takes American students to 
 England, or Japanese students to America, the 
 English striplings once journeyed to France, com- 
 paring governments and manners, watching every- 
 thing, noting everything, and coming home to 
 benefit their country by new ideas. 
 
 I hope, also, that a review of these forgotten 
 volumes may lend an added pleasure to the reading 
 of books greater than themselves in Elizabethan 
 literature. One cannot fully appreciate the satire 
 of Amorphus's claim to be " so sublimated and 
 refined by travel," and to have " drunk in the 
 spirit of beauty in some eight score and eighteen 
 princes' courts where I have resided," ^ unless 
 one has read of the benefits of travel as expounded 
 by the current Instructions for Travellers ; nor the 
 dialogues between Sir Politick- Would-be and Pere- 
 grine in Volpone^ or the Fox. Shakespeare, too, in 
 The Two Gentlemen of Verona^ has taken bodily 
 the arguments of the Elizabethan orations in 
 praise of travel : 
 
 " Some to the warres, to try their fortune there ; 
 Some, to discover Islands farre away ; 
 Some, to the studious Universities ; 
 
 1 Ben Jonson, Cynthia! s Revels, Act i. Sc. I. 
 
 xii 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 For any, or for all these exercises, 
 
 He said, thou Proteus, your sonne was meet ; 
 
 And did request me, to importune you 
 
 To let him spend his time no more at home ; 
 
 Which would be great impeachment to his age. 
 
 In having knowne no travaile in his youth. 
 
 (Antonio) Nor need'st thou much importune me to that 
 
 Whereon, this month I have been hamering, 
 
 I have considered well, his losse of time, 
 
 And how he cannot be a perfect man. 
 
 Not being tryed, and tutored in the world ; 
 
 Experience is by industry atchiev'd. 
 
 And perfected by the swift course of time." 
 
 (Act I. Sc. iii.) 
 
 Xlll 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Beginnings of Travel for Culture . . 3 
 
 Pilgrimages at the close of the Middle Ages — New 
 objects for travel in the fifteenth century — Humanism — 
 Diplomatic ambition — Linguistic acquirement. 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 The High Purpose of the Elizabethan Traveller 20 
 
 Developmentof the individual — Benefit to the Common- 
 wealth — First books addressed to travellers. 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 Some Cynical Aspersions upon the Benefits of 
 
 Travel ........ 50 
 
 The Italianate Englishman. 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 Perils for Protestant Travellers ... 72 
 
 The Inquisition — The Jesuits — Penalties of recusancy. 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 The Influence of the French Academies . loi 
 
 France the arbiter of manners in the seventeenth 
 century — Riding the great horse — Attempts to establish 
 academies in England — Why travellers neglected Spain. 
 b XV 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Grand Tour ....... 141 
 
 Origin of the term — Governors for young travellers — 
 Expenses of travel, 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 The Decadence of the Grand Tour . . 178 
 
 The decline of the courtier — Foundation of chairs of 
 Modern History and Modern Languages at Oxford and 
 Cambridge — Englishmen become self-sufficient — Books 
 of travel become common — Advent of the Romantic 
 traveller who travels for scenery. 
 
 Bibliography ....... 205 
 
 Index . . 227 
 
 XVI 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 The Admirable Crichton .... Frontispiece 
 
 From an envra-uinv by J. Hall, after Moses Griffith 
 
 facing page 
 
 Edward De Vere, Seventeenth Earl of Oxford . i6 
 
 From an en^ra-ving by J. Brozvn, after G. P, Harding 
 
 Francis Manners, Sixth Earl of Rutland . . 38 
 Dudley North, Third Baron North ... 48 
 
 From a print of an original picture in the collection »f the Earl of Guildford 
 
 John Harington, Second Baron Harington of 
 
 EXTON ........ 80 
 
 Fencing . . . . . . . . .104 
 
 Dancing ......... 114 
 
 An illustration from " Niiov: Inventione di Balli" an Italian book of 
 instructions in dancinrr much prized by James I, 
 
 Sketching on the Shores of Lake Avernus in 
 
 1610 134 
 
 Tennis as played in Paris in 1632 . . . 144 
 
 Sir Thomas Killigrew . . . , .164 
 
 From a contemporarii caricature 
 
 Riding the Great Horse, as taught by Antoine 
 
 Pluvinel, the Riding-Master of Louis XIIL . 186 
 
 From " Le Maneige Royal " by Antoine Pluvinel, 1624 
 
 An Eruption of Mount Vesuvius . . .194 
 
 xvii 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
Chapter I 
 
 THE BEGINNINGS OF TRAVEL FOR 
 CULTURE 
 
 OF the many social impulses that were 
 influenced by the Renaissance, by that 
 " new lernynge which runnythe all the 
 world over now-a-days," the love of travel 
 received a notable modification. This very old 
 instinct to go far, far away had in the Middle 
 Ages found sanction, dignity and justification in 
 the performance of pilgrimages. It is open to 
 doubt whether the number of the truly pious 
 would ever have filled so many ships to Port 
 Jaffa had not their ranks been swelled by the 
 restless, the adventurous, the wanderers of all 
 classes. 
 
 Towards the sixteenth century, when curiosity 
 about things human was an ever stronger under- 
 current in England, pilgrimages were particularly 
 popular. In 1434, Henry VI. granted licences 
 to 2433 pilgrims to the shrine of St James of 
 Compostella alone.^ The numbers were so large 
 that the control of their transportation became a 
 coveted business enterprise. " Pilgrims at this 
 time were really an article of exportation," says 
 
 1 Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd Series, i. i lo, note. 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Sir Henry Ellis, in commenting on a letter of the 
 Earl of Oxford to Henry VI., asking for a licence 
 for a ship of which he was owner, to carry 
 pilgrims. " Ships were every year loaded from 
 different ports with cargoes of these deluded 
 wanderers, who carried with them large sums of 
 money to defray the expenses of their journey." ^ 
 
 Among the earliest books printed in England 
 was Informacon for Pylgrymes unto the Holy 
 Londe^ by Wynkin de Worde, one which ran to 
 three editions,^ an almost exact copy of William 
 Wey's " prevysyoun " (provision) for a journey 
 eastwards.^ The tone and content of this Infor- 
 macon differ very little from the later Directions 
 for Travellers which are the subject of our study. 
 The advice given shows that the ordinary pilgrim 
 thought, not of the ascetic advantages of the 
 voyage, or of simply arriving in safety at his 
 holy destination, but of making the trip in the 
 highest possible degree of personal comfort and 
 pleasure. He is advised to take with him two 
 barrels of wine (" For yf ye wolde geve xx 
 dukates for a barrel ye shall none have after that 
 ye passe moche Venyse ") ; to buy orange-ginger, 
 almonds, rice, figs, cloves, maces and loaf sugar 
 
 1 Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd Series, i. no, note. 
 
 2 In c. 1498, 1 5 15, and 1524. 
 
 3 Itineraries of William Wey, Printed for the Roxburghe Club from 
 the original MS. in the Bodleian Library, 1857, pp. 153-154. 
 
 4 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 also, to eke out the fare the ship will provide. 
 And this although he is to make the patron swear, 
 before the pilgrim sets foot in the galley, that he 
 will serve " hote meete twice at two meals a day." 
 He whom we are wont to think of as a poor 
 wanderer, with no possessions but his grey cloak 
 and his staff, is warned not to embark for the 
 Holy Land without carrying with him " a lytell 
 cawdron, a fryenge panne, dysshes, platers, cuppes 
 of glasse ... a fether bed, a matrasse, a pylawe, 
 two payre sheets and a quylte" ... a cage for 
 half a dozen of hens or chickens to have with you 
 in the ship, and finally, half a bushel of " myle 
 sede" to feed the chickens. Far from being 
 encouraged to exercise a humble and abnegatory 
 spirit on the voyage, he is to be at pains to secure 
 a berth in the middle of the ship, and not to mind 
 paying fifty ducats for to be in a good honest 
 place, " to have your ease in the galey and also to 
 be cherysshed." Still more unchristian are the in- 
 junctions to run ahead of one's fellows, on landing, 
 in order to get the best quarters at the inn, and 
 first turn at the dinner provided ; and above all, 
 at Port Jaffa, to secure the best ass, " for ye 
 shall paye no more for the best than for the 
 worste." 
 
 But while this book was being published, new 
 forces were at hand which were to strip the thin 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 disguise of piety from pilgrims of this sort. The 
 Colloquies of Erasmus appeared before the third 
 edition of Informacon for Pylgrymes^ and exploded 
 the idea that it was the height of piety to have 
 seen Jerusalem. It was nothing but the love of 
 change, Erasmus declared, that made old bishops 
 run over huge spaces of sea and land to reach 
 Jerusalem. The noblemen who flocked thither 
 had better be looking after their estates, and 
 married men after their wives. Young men and 
 women travelled " non sine gravi discrimine morum 
 et integritatis." Pilgrimages were a dissipation. 
 Some people went again and again and did 
 nothing else all their lives long.^ The only satis- 
 faction they looked for or received was entertain- 
 ment to themselves and their friends by their 
 remarkable adventures, and ability to shine at 
 dinner-tables by recounting their travels.^ There 
 was no harm in going sometimes, but it was not 
 pious. And people could spend their time, money 
 and pains on something which was truly pious.^ 
 
 It was only a few years after this that that 
 pupil of Erasmus and his friends, King Henry the 
 Eighth, who startled Europe by the way he not 
 only received new ideas but acted upon them, 
 
 1 Familiarlum Colloquiorum Opus. Basilese, 1542. De utilUate collo- 
 quiorum, ad lector em. 
 
 2 Ibid. De voiis temere susceptis, fol. 15. 
 ^ Ibid. Ad lee tor em. 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 swept away the shrines, burned our Lady of 
 Walsingham and prosecuted " the holy bhsful 
 martyr" Thomas a Becket for fraudulent pre- 
 tensions.^ 
 
 But a new object for travel was springing up 
 and filling the leading minds of the sixteenth 
 century — the desire of learning, at first hand, the 
 best that was being thought and said in the world. 
 Humanism was the new power, the new channel 
 into which men were turning in the days when 
 " our naturell, yong, lusty and coragious prynce 
 and sovrayne lord King Herre the Eighth entered 
 into the flower of pleasaunt youthe." ^ And as 
 the scientific spirit or the socialistic spirit can give 
 to the permanent instincts of the world a new zest, 
 so the Renaissance passion for self-expansion and 
 for education gave to the old road a new mirage. 
 
 All through the fifteenth century the universities 
 of Italy, pre-eminent since their foundation for 
 secular studies, had been gaining reputation by 
 their off^er of a wider education than the threadbare 
 discussions of the schoolmen. The discovery and 
 revival in the fifteenth century of Greek literature, 
 which had stirred Italian society so profoundly, 
 gave to the universities a northward-spreading 
 fame. Northern scholars, like Rudolf Agricola, 
 
 ^ Lord Campbell, Lives of the Lord Chancellors, i. 95. 
 *G. Cavendish, Life of Wolsey. Kelmscott Press, 1893. 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 hurried south to find congenial air at the centre 
 of intellectual life. That professional humanists 
 could not do without the stamp of true culture 
 which an Italian degree gave to them, Erasmus, 
 observer of all things, notes in the year 1500 to 
 the Lady of Veer : 
 
 " Two things, I feel, are very necessary : one 
 that I go to Italy, to gain for my poor learning 
 some authority from the celebrity of the place; 
 the other, that I take the degree of Doctor ; both 
 senseless, to be sure. For people do not straight- 
 way change their minds because they cross the 
 sea, as Horace says, nor will the shadow of an 
 impressive name make me a whit more learned. . . 
 but we must put on the lion's skin to prove our 
 ability to those who judge a man by his title and 
 not by his books, which in truth they do not 
 understand." ^ 
 
 Although Erasmus despised degree-hunting, it 
 is well known that he felt the power of Italy. 
 He was tempted to remain in Rome for ever, by 
 reason of the company he found there. " What a 
 sky and fields, what libraries and pleasant walks 
 and sweet confabulation with the learned . , . " ^ 
 
 1 Opera (MDCCIIL), Tom. iii., Ep. xcii. (Annae Bersalae, 
 Principi Verianae). 
 
 2 " Quid caelum, quos agros, quas bibliothecas, quas ambulationes, 
 quam mellitas eruditorum hominum confabulationes, quot mundi lumina 
 . . . reliquerim." Ep. cxxxvi. 
 
 8 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 he exclaims, in afterwards recalling that paradise 
 of scholars. There was, for instance, the Cardinal 
 Grimani, who begged Erasmus to share his life . . . 
 and books.^ And there was Aldus Manutius. We 
 get a glimpse of the Venetian printing-house when 
 Aldus and Erasmus worked together : Erasmus 
 sitting writing regardless of the noise of printers, 
 while Aldus breathlessly reads proof, admiring 
 every word. " We were so busy," says Erasmus, 
 " we scarce had time to scratch our ears." ^ 
 
 It was this charm of intellectual companionship 
 which started the whole stream of travel animi causa. 
 Whoever had keen wits, an agile mind, imagina- 
 tion, yearned for Italy. There enlightened spirits 
 struck sparks from one another. Young and 
 ardent minds in England and in Germany found 
 an escape from the dull and melancholy grimness 
 of their uneducated elders — purely practical fight- 
 ing-men, whose ideals were fixed on a petrified 
 code of life. 
 
 I need not explain how Englishmen first felt 
 this charm of urbane civilization. The travels 
 of Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, of Gunthorpe, 
 Flemming, Grey and Free, have been recently 
 described by Mr Einstein in The Italian Renais- 
 sance in England. As for Italian journeys of 
 
 1 Ep. mclxxv. 
 
 2 Opera (MDCCIII.) Tom. ix. 1137. 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Selling, Grocyn, Latimer, Tunstall, Colet and 
 Lily, of that extraordinary group of scholars who 
 transformed Oxford by the introduction of Greek 
 ideals and gave to it the peculiar distinction which 
 is still shining, I mention them only to suggest 
 that they are the source of the Renaissance respect 
 for a foreign education, and the founders of the 
 fashion which, in its popular spreadings, we will 
 attempt to trace. They all studied in Italy, and 
 brought home nothing but good. For to scholar- 
 ship they joined a native force of character which 
 gave a most felicitous introduction to England 
 of the fine things of the mind which they brought 
 home with them. By their example they gave 
 an impetus to travel for education's sake which 
 lesser men could never have done. 
 
 Though through Grocyn, Linacre and Tun- 
 stall, Greek was better taught in England than 
 in Italy, according to Erasmus,^ at the time Henry 
 VIII. came to the throne, the idea of Italy as 
 the goal of scholars persisted. Rich churchmen, 
 patrons of letters, launched promising students on 
 to the Continent to give them a complete educa- 
 tion ; as Richard Fox, Founder of Corpus Christi, 
 sent Edward Wotton to Padua, " to improve his 
 learning and chiefly to learn Greek," ^ or Thomas 
 
 1 Ep. ccclxiii. 
 
 2 Letters and Papers of Henry VIII., vol. iv., Part I., No. 4. 
 
 10 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Langton, Bishop of Winchester, supported Richard 
 Pace at the same university.^ To Reginald Pole, 
 the scholar's life in Italy made so strong an appeal 
 that he could never be reclaimed by Henry VIII. 
 Shunning all implication in the tumult of the 
 political world, he slipped back to Padua, and 
 there surrounded himself with friends, — " singular 
 fellows, such as ever absented themselves from 
 the court, desiring to live holily." ^ To his 
 household at Padua gravitated other English 
 students fond of " good company and the 
 love of learned men " ; Thomas Lupset,^ the 
 confidant of Erasmus and Richard Pace ; Thomas 
 Winter,* Wolsey's reputed natural son ; Thomas 
 Starkey,^ the historian ; George Lily,^ son of the 
 grammarian ; Michael Throgmorton, and Richard 
 Morison,^ ambassador-to-be. 
 
 There were other elements that contributed to 
 the growth of travel besides the desire to become 
 exquisitely learned. The ambition of Henry 
 
 ^ Richard Pace, De Fructu qui ex Doctr'tna PercipUur (15 17), 
 p. 27. 
 
 ^ Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd Series, vol. i. 65, Archbishop Cranmer 
 to Henry VIII. 
 
 •5 Becatelli, Vita Reginaldi Poll. Latin version of Andreas 
 Dudithius, Venetiis, 1558. 
 
 4 MS. Cotton, Nero, B. f. 118. 
 
 5 Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd Series, vol. i. 54. 
 ® Wood's AthentE Oxonienses, ed. Bliss. 
 
 ' Letters and Papers of Henry VIIL, vol. ix.. No. lOi. 
 
 I I 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 VIII. to be a power in European politics opened 
 the liveliest intercourse with the Continent. It 
 was soon found that a special combination of 
 qualities was needed in the ambassadors to carry- 
 out his aspirations. Churchmen, like the un- 
 grateful Pole, for whose education he had gener- 
 ously subscribed, were often unpliable to his views 
 of the Pope ; a good old English gentleman, 
 though devoted, might be like Sir Robert Wing- 
 field, simple, unsophisticated, and the laughing- 
 stock of foreigners.^ A courtier, such as Lord 
 Rochford, who could play tennis, make verses, 
 and become "intime" at the court of Francis I., 
 could not hold his own in disputes of papal 
 authority with highly educated ecclesiastics."^ 
 Hence it came about that the choice of an 
 ambassador fell more and more upon men of 
 sound education who also knew something of 
 foreign countries : such as Sir Thomas Wyatt, or 
 Sir Richard Wingfield, of Cambridge and Gray's 
 Inn, who had studied at Ferrara ^ ; Sir Nicholas 
 Wotton, who had lived in Perugia, and graduated 
 doctor of civil and canon law"^; or Anthony St 
 Lieger, who, according to Lloyd, " when twelve 
 
 1 J. S. Brewer, Reign of Henry VIII., vol. i. 117-147. 
 
 2 Bapst, Edmond, Deux GenUlshommes-Poetes de la cour de 
 Henry VIII., Paris, 1 891, pp. 26, 60. 
 
 3 Letters and Papers of Henry VIII., vol. ii., Part I., No. 2149. 
 * Ibid., vol. xi., No. 60; vol. xv., No. 581. 
 
 12 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 years of age was sent for his grammar learning 
 with his tutor into France, for his carriage into 
 Italy, for his philosophy to Cambridge, for his 
 law to Gray's Inn : and for that which completed 
 all, the government of himself, to court ; where 
 his debonairness and freedom took with the king, 
 as his solidity and wisdom with the Cardinal." ^ 
 Sometimes Henry was even at pains to pick out 
 and send abroad promising university students 
 with a view to training them especially for 
 diplomacy. On one of his visits to Oxford he 
 was impressed with the comely presence and 
 flowing expression of John Mason, who, though 
 the son of a cowherd, was notable at the uni- 
 versity for his " polite and majestick speaking." 
 
 King Henry disposed of him in foreign parts, 
 to add practical experience to his speculative 
 studies, and paid for his education out of the king's 
 Privy Purse, as we see by the royal expenses for Sep- 
 tember 1530. Among such items as ";^8, i8s. to 
 Hanybell Zinzano, for drinks and other medicines 
 for the King's Horses " ; and, " 20s. to the fellow 
 with the dancing dog," is the entry of " a year's 
 exhibition to Mason, the King's scholar at Paris, 
 ;^3, 6s. 8d."^ 
 
 Another educational investment of the King's 
 
 1 D. Lloyd, State Worthies^ vol, i. 1 05. 
 
 2 Letters and Papers of Henry VIII., vol. v. p. 751. 
 
 13 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 was Thomas Smith, afterwards as excellent an 
 ambassador as Mason, whom he supported at 
 Cambridge, and according to Camden, at riper 
 years made choice of to be sent into Italy. " For 
 even till our days," says Camden under the year 
 1577, "certain young men of promising hopes, 
 out of both Universities, have been maintained in 
 foreign countries, at the King's charge, for the 
 more complete polishing of their Parts and 
 Studies." ^ The diplomatic career thus opened to 
 young courtiers, if they proved themselves fit for 
 service by experience in foreign countries, was 
 therefore as strong a motive for travel as the 
 desire to reach the source of humanism. 
 
 This again merged into the pursuit of a still 
 more informal education — the sort which comes 
 from "seeing the world." The marriage of 
 Mary Tudor to Louis XII., and later the subtle 
 bond of humanism and high spirits which existed 
 between Francis I. and his " very dear and well- 
 beloved good brother, cousin and gossip, perpetual 
 ally and perfect friend," Henry the Eighth, led a 
 good many of Henry's courtiers to attend the 
 French court at one time or another — particularly 
 the most dashing favourites, and leaders of fashion, 
 the "friskers," as Andrew Boorde calls them,^ 
 
 ^ Camden, History of England, 
 
 2 In the First Boke of the Introduction of Knowledge, 1547. 
 
 14 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 such as Charles Brandon, George Boleyn, Francis 
 Bryan, Nicholas Carew, or Henry Fitzroy. 
 With any ambassador went a bevy of young 
 gentlemen, who on their return diffused a certain 
 mysterious sophistication which was the envy of 
 home-keeping youth. According to Hall, when 
 they came back to England they were " all French 
 in eating and drinking and apparel, yea, and in 
 the French vices and brags : so that all the estates 
 of England were by them laughed at, the ladies 
 and gentlewomen were dispraised, and nothing by 
 them was praised, but if it were after the French 
 turn." ^ From this time on young courtiers 
 pressed into the train of an ambassador in order 
 to see the world and become like Ann Boleyn's 
 captivating brother, or Elizabeth's favourite, the 
 Earl of Oxford, or whatever gallant was con- 
 spicuous at court for foreign graces. 
 
 There was still another contributory element to 
 the growth of travel, one which touched diplomats, 
 scholars, and courtiers — the necessity of learning 
 modern languages. By the middle of the six- 
 teenth century Latin was no longer sufficient for 
 intercourse between educated people. In the most 
 civilized countries the vernacular had been elevated 
 to the dignity of the classical tongues by being 
 made the literary vehicle of such poets as Politian 
 
 1 Hall's Life of Henry VIII.^ ed. Whibley, 1904, vol. i. 175. 
 
 15 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 and Bembo, Ronsard and Du Bellay. A ver- 
 nacular literature of great beauty, too important 
 to be overlooked, began to spring up on all sides. 
 One could no longer keep abreast of the best 
 thought without a knowledge of modern languages. 
 More powerful than any academic leanings was 
 the Renaissance curiosity about man, which could 
 not be satisfied through the knowledge of Latin 
 only. Hardly anyone but churchmen talked 
 Latin in familiar conversation with one. When 
 a man visited foreign courts and wished to enter 
 into social intercourse with ladies and fashion- 
 ables, or move freely among soldiers, or settle a 
 bill with an inn-keeper, he found that he sorely 
 needed the language of the country. So by the 
 time we reach the reign of Edward VL, we find 
 Thomas Hoby, a typical young gentleman of the 
 period, making in his diary entries such as these : 
 " Removed to the middes of Italy, to have a better 
 knowledge of ye tongue and to see Tuscany." 
 " Went to Sicily both to have a sight of the country 
 and also to absent myself for a while out of 
 Englishmenne's companie for the tung's sake." ^ 
 Roger Ascham a year or two later writes from 
 Germany that one of the chief advantages of 
 being at a foreign court was the ease with which 
 
 1 The Travels and Life of Sir Thomas Hohy, ed. Powell, 1902, pp. 
 18, 37- 
 16 
 
KDWARI) I)E VERE, SEVENTEENTH EARL OF OXFORD 
 
 _ Front an engraving by J. Broivn after C. P. Hariiing 
 
 This favourite of Queen Elizabeth introduced many Italian fashions to her Court 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 one learned German, French, and Italian, whether 
 he would or not. " I am almost an Italian my- 
 self and never looks on it." He went so far as to 
 say that such advantages were worth ten fellowships 
 at St John's.^ 
 
 We have noted how Italy came to be the lode- 
 stone of scholars, and how courtiers sought the 
 grace which France bestowed, but we have not 
 yet accounted for the attraction of Germany. 
 Germany, as a centre of travel, was especially 
 popular in the reign of Edward the Sixth. France 
 went temporarily out of fashion with those men 
 of whom we have most record. For in Edward's 
 reign the temper of the leading spirits in England 
 was notably at variance with the court of France. 
 It was to Germany that Edward's circle of 
 Protestant politicians, schoolmasters, and chaplains 
 felt most drawn — to the country where the tides 
 of the Reformation were running high, and men 
 were in a ferment over things of the spirit ; to 
 the country of Sturm and Bucer, and Fagius 
 and Ursinus — the doctrinalists and educators so 
 revered by Cambridge. Cranmer, who gathered 
 under his roof as many German savants as could 
 survive in the climate of England,^ kept the 
 
 i Ascham's Works, ed. Giles, vol. i., Part II., p. 265. 
 
 2 I refer to the death of Bucer and P. Fagius. Strype {Life of 
 Cranmer, p. 282) says that when they arrived in England in the month 
 of April they " very soon fell sick : which gave a very unhappy stop 
 
 B 17 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 current of understanding and sympathy flowing 
 between Cambridge and Germany, and since 
 Cambridge, not Oxford, dominated the scholarly 
 and political world of Edward the Sixth, from 
 that time on Germany, in the minds of the St 
 John's men, such as Burleigh, Ascham and Hoby, 
 was the place where one might meet the best 
 learned of the day. 
 
 We have perhaps said enough to indicate 
 roughly the sources of the Renaissance fashion for 
 travel which gave rise to the essays we are about 
 to discuss. The scholar's desire to specialize at a 
 foreign university, in Greek, in medicine, or in 
 law; the courtier's ambition to acquire modern 
 languages, study foreign governments, and gener- 
 ally fit himself for the service of the State, were 
 dignified aims which in men of character produced 
 very happy results. It was natural that others 
 should follow their example. In Elizabethan 
 times the vogue of travelling to become a " com- 
 pleat person " was fully established. And though 
 in mean and trivial men the ideal took on such 
 odd shapes and produced such dubious results that 
 in every generation there were critics who ques- 
 tioned the benefits of travel, the ideal persisted. 
 There was always something, certainly, to be 
 
 to their studies. Fagius on the fifth of November came to Cambridge, 
 and ten days afterwards died." 
 
 i8 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 learned abroad, for men of every calibre. Those 
 who did not profit by the study of international 
 law learned new tricks of the rapier. And because 
 experience of foreign countries was expensive and 
 hard to come at, the acquirement of it gave prestige 
 to a young man. 
 
 Besides, underneath worldly ambition was the 
 old curiosity to see the world and know all sorts 
 of men — to be tried and tested. More powerful 
 than any theory of education was the yearning for 
 far-off, foreign things, and the magic of the sea. 
 
 19 
 
Chapter II 
 
 THE HIGH PURPOSE OF THE 
 ELIZABETHAN TRAVELLER 
 
 THE love of travel, we all know, flourished 
 exceedingly in the reign of Queen 
 Elizabeth. All classes felt the desire 
 to go beyond seas upon 
 
 " Such wind as scatters young men through the world, 
 To seeke their fortunes farther than at home, 
 Where small experience growes." ^ 
 
 The explorer and the poet, the adventurer, the 
 prodigal and the earl's son, longed alike for foreign 
 shores. What Ben Jonson said of Coryat might 
 be stretched to describe the average Elizabethan : 
 " The mere superscription of a letter from Zurich 
 sets him up like a top : Basil or Heidelberg makes 
 him spinne. And at seeing the word Frankford, 
 or Venice, though but in the title of a Booke, he 
 is readie to breake doublet, cracke elbowes, and 
 overflowe the roome with his murmure." ^ Happy 
 was an obscure gentleman like Fynes Moryson, 
 who could roam for ten years through the " twelve 
 Dominions of Germany, Bohmerland, Sweitzer- 
 land, Netherland, Denmarke, Poland, Italy, 
 
 1 Taming of the Shreiv, Act I. Sc. ii. 
 
 2 Coryat's Crudities, ed. 1905, p. 17. 
 
 20 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Turkey, France, England, Scotland and Ireland " 
 and not be peremptorily called home by his 
 sovereign. Sad it was to be a court favourite like 
 Fulke Greville, who four times, thirsting for strange 
 lands, was plucked back to England by Elizabeth. 
 At about the time (1575) when some of the 
 most prominent courtiers — Edward Dyer, Gilbert 
 Talbot, the Earl of Hertford, and more especially 
 Sir Christopher Hatton and Sir Philip Sidney — 
 had just returned from abroad, book-publishers 
 thought it worth while to print books addressed 
 to travellers. At least, there grew up a demand 
 for advice to young men which became a feature 
 of Elizabethan literature, printed and unprinted. 
 It was the convention for a young man about to 
 travel to apply to some experienced or elderly 
 friend, and for that friend to disburden a torrent 
 of maxims after the manner of Polonius. John 
 Florio, who knew the humours of his day, repre- 
 sents this in a dialogue in Second F rules} So 
 does Robert Greene in Greene s Mourning Gar- 
 mentP' What were at first the personal warnings 
 of a wise man to his young friend, such as Cecil's 
 
 1 Ed. 1 59 1, p. 91. 
 
 2 Works, ed. Grossart, ix. 139. In which the father of Philador, 
 among many other admonitions, forestalls Sir Henry Wotton's famous 
 advice to Milton on the traveller's need of holding his tongue : *' Be, 
 Philador, in secrecy like the Arabick-tree, that yields no gumme but 
 in the darke night." 
 
 21 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 letter to Rutland, grew into a generalized oration 
 for the use of any traveller. Hence arose manuals 
 of instruction — marvellous little books, full ot 
 incitements to travel as the duty of man, sum- 
 maries of the leading characteristics of foreigners, 
 directions for the care of sore feet — and a strange 
 medley of matters. 
 
 Among the first essays of this sort are trans- 
 lations from Germanic writers, with whom, if 
 Turler is right, the book of precepts for travel 
 originated. For the Germans, with the English, 
 were the most indefatigable travellers of all nations. 
 Like the English, they suddenly woke up with a 
 start to the idea that they were barbarians on the 
 outskirts of civilization, and like Chicago of the 
 present day, sent their young men " hustling for 
 culture." They took up assiduously not only the 
 Renaissance ideal of travel as a highly educating 
 experience, by which one was made a complete 
 man intellectually, but also the Renaissance 
 conviction that travel was a duty to the State. 
 Since both Germany and England were somewhat 
 removed from the older and more civilized nations, 
 it was necessary for them to make an effort to 
 learn what was going on at the centre of the 
 world. It was therefore the duty of gentlemen, 
 especially of noblemen, to whom the State would 
 look to be directed, to search out the marts of 
 
 22 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 learning, frequent foreign courts, and by knowing 
 men and languages be able to advise their prince 
 at home, after the manner set forth in // Corte- 
 giano. It must be remembered that in the six- 
 teenth century there were no schools of political 
 economy, of modern history or modern languages 
 at the universities. A sound knowledge of these 
 things had to be obtained by first-hand observa- 
 tion. From this fact arose the importance of 
 improving one's opportunities, and the necessity 
 for methodical, thorough inquiry, which we shall 
 find so insisted upon in these manuals of advice. 
 
 Hieronymus Turlerus claims that his De Pere- 
 grinatione (Argentorati, 1574) is the first book 
 to be devoted to precepts of travel. It was trans- 
 lated into English and published in London in 
 1575, under the title of The Traveller of Jerome 
 lurler^ and is, as far as I know, the first book of 
 the sort in England. Not much is known of 
 Turler, save that he was born at Leissnig, in 
 Saxony, in 1550, studied at Padua, became a 
 Doctor of Law, made such extensive travels that 
 he included even England — a rare thing in those 
 days — and after serving as Burgomaster in his 
 native place, died in 1602. His writings, other 
 than De Peregrinatione^ are three translations 
 from Machiavelli.^ 
 
 * Jocher, GeUhrten- Lexicon, 175I} and Zedler's Universal- Lexicon. 
 
 23 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Turler addresses to two young German noble- 
 men his book " written on behalf of such as are 
 desirous to travell, and to see foreine cuntries, 
 and specially of students. . . . Mee thinkes 
 they do a good deede, and well deserve of al 
 men, that give precepts for traveyl. Which thing, 
 althoughe I perceive that some have done, yet 
 have they done it here and there in sundrie Bookes 
 and not in any one certeine place." A discussion 
 of the advantages of travel had appeared in 
 Thomas Wilson's Arte of Rhetorique (1553V 
 and certain practical directions for avoiding 
 ailments to which travellers were susceptible had 
 been printed in Basel in 1561,^ but Turler's 
 would seem to be the first book devoted to the 
 praise of peregrination. Not only does Turler 
 say so himself, but Theodor Zwinger, who three 
 years later wrote Methodus Apodemica^ declares 
 that Turler and Pyrckmair were his only pre- 
 decessors in this sort of composition.^ 
 
 Pyrckmair was apparently one of those gover- 
 nors, or Hofmeister,^ who accompanied young 
 
 1 Clarendon Press ed. 1909, p. 29. 
 
 2 G. Gratarolus, De Regimine Iter Agentium. Some insight into 
 the trials of travel in the sixteenth century may be gained by the 
 sections on how to endure hunger and thirst, how to restore the 
 appetite, make up lost sleep, ward ofF fever, avoid vermin, take care 
 of sore feet, thaw frozen limbs, and so forth. 
 
 ^ Methodus Apodemicay Basel, 1577, fol. B, verso. 
 
 * Paul Hentzner, whose travels were reprinted by Horace Walpole, 
 
 24 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 German noblemen on their tours through Europe. 
 He drew up a few directions, he declares, as 
 guidance for himself and the Count von 
 Sultz, whom he expected shortly to guide into 
 Italy. He had made a previous journey to 
 Rome, which he enjoyed with the twofold 
 enthusiasm of the humanist and the Roman 
 Catholic, beholding " in a stupor of admiration " 
 the magnificent remnants of classic civilization 
 and the institutions of a benevolent Pope.^ 
 
 From Plantin's shop in Antwerp came in 1587 
 a narrative by another Hofmeister — Stephen 
 Vinandus Pighius — concerning the life and travels 
 of his princely charge, Charles Frederick, Duke 
 of Cleves, who on his grand tour died in Rome. 
 Pighius discusses at considerable length,^ in 
 describing the hesitancy of the Duke's guardians 
 about sending him on a tour, the advantages and 
 disadvantages of travel. The expense of it and 
 the diseases you catch, were great deterrents ; yet 
 the widening of the mind which judicious travell- 
 ing insures, so greatly outweighed these and other 
 disadvantages, that it was arranged after much 
 
 was a Hofmeister of this sort. The letter of dedication which he 
 prefixed to his Itinerary in 1612 is a section, verbatim, of Pyrck- 
 mair's De Arte Apodemica. 
 
 1 De Arte Apodemica, Ingolstadii, 1577, fols. 5-6. 
 
 2 Hercules Prodicius^ seu prmcipis juventutis vita et peregrinatioy 
 
 25 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 discussion, " not only in the Council but also in 
 the market-place and at the dinner-table," to send 
 young Charles for two years to Austria to the 
 court of his uncle the Emperor Maximilian, and 
 then to Italy, France, and Lower Germany to 
 visit the princess, his relations, and friends, and to 
 see life. 
 
 Theodor Zwinger, who was reputed to be 
 the first to reduce the art of travel into a form 
 and give it the appearance of a science,^ died a 
 Doctor of Medicine at Basel. He had no liking 
 for his father's trade of furrier, but apprenticed 
 himself for three years to a printer at Lyons. 
 Somehow he managed to learn some philosophy 
 from Peter Ramus at Paris, and then studied 
 medicine at Padua, where he met Jerome Turler." 
 As Doctor of Philosophy and Medicine he occu- 
 pied several successive professorships at Basel. 
 
 Even more distinguished in the academic world 
 was the next to carry on the discussion of travel 
 — Justus Lipsius. His elegant letter on the 
 subject,^ written a year after Zwinger's book 
 was published, was translated into English by 
 Sir John Stradling in 1592.^ Stradling, how- 
 
 1 Jocher, Gelehrten- Lexicon, under Zwinger. 
 
 2 Zwinger, Methodus Apodemica, fol. B, verso. 
 
 2 Ad. Ph. Lanoyum, fol. io6, in Justi Lips'ti Ep'tstola Selectay 
 Parisiis, 1610. 
 
 * A Direction for Travailers, London, 1592. 
 
 26 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 ever, has so enlarged the original by whatever 
 fancies of his own occurred to him, that it is 
 almost a new composition. Philip Jones took 
 no such liberties with the " Method " of Albert 
 Meier, which he translated two years after it was 
 published in 1587.^ In his dedication to Sir 
 Francis Drake of " this small but sweete booke 
 of Method for men intending their profit and 
 honor by the experience of the world," Jones 
 declares that he first meant it only to benefit 
 himself, " when pleasure of God, convenient time 
 and good company " should draw him to travel. 
 
 Tht Pervigilium Mercurii of Georgms Loysius, 
 a friend of Scaliger, was never translated into 
 English, but the important virtues of a traveller 
 therein described had their influence on English 
 readers. Loysius compiled two hundred short 
 petty maxims, illustrated by apt classical quotations, 
 bearing on the correct behaviour and duties of a 
 traveller. For instance, he must avoid luxury, as 
 says Seneca ; and laziness, as say Horace and Ovid ; 
 he must be reticent about his wealth and learning 
 and keep his counsel, like Ulysses. He must 
 observe the morals and religion of others, but not 
 criticise them, for difi^erent nations have different 
 
 1 " Methodus describendi regiones, urbes, et arces, et quid singulis 
 locis prascipue in peregrinationibus homines nobiles ac docti anim- 
 advertere observare et annotare debeant." Meier was a Danish 
 geographer and historian, 1528- 1603. 
 
 27 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 religions, and think that their fathers' gods ought 
 to be served diligently. He that disregards these 
 things acts with pious zeal but without consideration 
 for other people's feelings (" nulla ratione cujusque 
 vocationis").^ James Howell may have read maxim 
 99 on how to take jokes and how to make them, 
 "joci sine vilitate, risus sine cachinno, vox sine 
 clamore" (let your jokes be free from vulgarity, 
 your laugh not a guffaw, and your voice not a 
 roar). 
 
 Loysius reflects the sentiment of his country in 
 his conviction that " Nature herself desires that 
 women should stay at home." " It is true through- 
 out the whole of Germany that no woman unless 
 she is desperately poor or ' rather fast ' desires to 
 travel." ^ 
 
 Adding to these earliest essays the Oration in 
 Praise of Travel^ by Hermann Kirchner,^ we 
 have a group of instructions sprung from German 
 soil all characterized by an exalted mood and soar- 
 
 1 G. Loys'ti Curiovo'itlandi Pervigilium Mercurii. Curiae Variscorum, 
 1598. (Nos. 17, 20, 23, 27.) 
 
 2 Op. cit.. No. 109. 
 
 3 Translated by Thomas Coryat in his Crudities, 161 1. He must 
 have picked up the oration in his tour of Germany ; but nothing 
 which appears to be the original is given among the forty-six works of 
 Hermann Kirchner, Professor of History and Poetry at Marburg, as 
 cited by Jocher, though the other " Oratio de Germaniae perlustratione 
 omnibus aliis peregrinationibus anteferenda," also translated by Coryat, 
 is there listed. 
 
 28 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 ing style. They have in common the tendency to 
 rationalize the activities of man, which was so 
 marked a feature of the Renaissance. The simple 
 errant impulse that Chaucer noted as belonging 
 with the songs of birds and coming of spring, is 
 dignijfied into a philosophy of travel. 
 
 Travel, according to our authors, is one of the 
 best ways to gain personal force, social effective- 
 ness — in short, that mysterious "virtu" by which 
 the Renaissance set such great store. It had the 
 negative value of providing artificial trials for 
 young gentlemen with patrimony and no occupa- 
 tion who might otherwise be living idly on 
 their country estates, or dissolutely in London. 
 Knight-errantry, in chivalric society, had provided 
 the hardships and discipline agreeable to youth ; 
 travel " for vertues sake, to apply the study of 
 good artes," ^ was in the Renaissance an excellent 
 way to keep a young man profitably busy. For 
 besides the academic advantages of foreign uni- 
 versities, travel corrected the character. The rude 
 and arrogant young nobleman who had never 
 before left his own country, met salutary opposi- 
 tion and contempt from strangers, and thereby 
 gained modesty. By observing the refinements 
 of the older nations, his uncouthness was softened: 
 the rough barbarian cub was gradually mollified 
 
 1 Turler, The Traveller y p. 12. 
 
 29 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 into the civil courtier. And as for giving one 
 prudence and patience, never was such a mentor 
 as travel. The tender, the effeminate, the 
 cowardly, were hardened by contention with 
 unwonted cold or rain or sun, with hard seats, 
 stony pillows, thieves, and highwaymen. Any 
 simple, improvident, and foolish youth would be 
 stirred up to vigilancy by a few experiences with 
 " the subtelty of spies, the wonderful cunning of 
 Inn-keepers and baudes and the great danger of 
 his life."^ In short, the perils and discomforts of 
 travel made a mild prelude to the real life into 
 which a young man must presently fight his way. 
 Only experience could teach him how to be 
 cunning, wary, and bold ; how he might hold 
 his own, at court or at sea, among Elizabeth's 
 adventurers. 
 
 However, this development of the individual 
 was only part of the benefit of travel. Far more 
 to be extolled was his increased usefulness to the 
 State. That was the stoutest reason for leaving 
 one's " owne sweete country dwellings " to endure 
 hardships and dangers beyond seas. For a 
 traveller may be of the greatest benefit to his 
 own country by being able to compare its social, 
 economic, and military arrangements with those 
 of other commonwealths. He is wisely warned, 
 
 1 Kirchner in Coryat's Crudities, vol. i. 131. 
 30 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 therefore, against that fond preference for his own 
 country which leads him to close his eyes to any 
 improvement — " without just cause preferring his 
 native country," ^ but to use choice and discretion, 
 to see, learn, and diligently mark what in every 
 place is worthy of praise and what ought to be 
 amended, in magistrates, regal courts, schools, 
 churches, armies — all the ways and means per- 
 taining to civil life and the governing of a 
 humane society. For all improvement in society, 
 say our authors, came by travellers bringing home 
 fresh ideas. Examples from the ancients, to com- 
 plete a Renaissance argument, are cited to prove 
 this.^ So the Romans sent their children to 
 Marseilles, so Cyrus travelled, though yet but a 
 child, so Plato " purchased the greatest part of his 
 divine wisdome from the very innermost closets 
 of Egypt." Therefore to learn how to serve 
 one's Prince in peace or war, as a soldier, 
 ambassador, or "politicke person," one must, like 
 Ulysses, have known many men and seen many 
 cities ; know not only the objective points of 
 foreign countries, such as the fortifications, the 
 fordable rivers, the distances between places, but 
 the more subjective characteristics, such as the 
 "chief force and virtue of the Spanyardes and of 
 
 1 Turler, op. cit., p. 48. 
 
 2 Lipsius, Turler, Kirchner. 
 
 31 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 the Frenchmen. What is the greatest vice in both 
 nacions ? After what manner the subjects in both 
 countries shewe their obedience to their prince, or 
 oppose themselves against him ? " ^ Here we see 
 coming into play the newly acquired knowledge of 
 human nature of which the sixteenth century was 
 so proud. An ambassador to Paris must know 
 what was especially pleasing to a Frenchman. 
 Even a captain in war must know the special virtues 
 and vices of the enemy : which nation is ablest to 
 make a sudden sally, which is stouter to entertain 
 the shock in open field, which is subtlest of the 
 contriving of an ambush. 
 
 Evidently, since there is so varied a need for 
 acquaintance with foreign countries, travel is a 
 positive duty. Noah, Aristotle, Solomon, Julius 
 Caesar, Columbus, and many other people of 
 authority are quoted to prove that " all that ever 
 were of any great knowledge, learning or wisdom 
 since the beginning of the world unto this present, 
 have given themselves to travel : and that there 
 never was man that performed any great thing 
 or achieved any notable exploit, unless he had 
 travelled." ^ 
 
 This summary, of course, cannot reproduce the 
 style of each of our authors, and only roughly 
 
 ^ Turler, The Traveller, p. 47. 
 2 Turler, op. cit., p. 107. 
 
 32 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 indicates their method of persuasion. Especially 
 it cannot represent the mode of Zwinger, whose 
 contribution is a treatise of four hundred pages, 
 arranged in outline form, by means of which any 
 single idea is made to wend its tortuous way 
 through folios. Every aspect of the subject is 
 divided and subdivided with meticulous care. He 
 cannot speak of the time for travel without dis- 
 criminating between natural time, such as years 
 and days, and artificial time, such as festivals and 
 holidays ; nor of the means of locomotion without 
 specifying the possibility of being carried through 
 the air by: (i) Mechanical means, such as the wings 
 of Icarus ; or (2) Angels, as the Apostle Philip was 
 snatched from Samaria.^ In this elaborate method 
 he found an imitator in Sir Thomas Palmer.^ 
 The following, a mere truncated fragment, may 
 serve to illustrate both books : — 
 " Travelling is either : — 
 I. Irregular. 
 
 II. Regular. Of Regular Travailers some be 
 A. Non-voluntaries, sent out by the prince, 
 and employed in matters of 
 
 1. Peace (etc.). 
 
 2. Warre (etc.). 
 
 1 Methodus Apodemica^ p. 26. 
 
 2 An Essay of the Meanes how to make our Trava'tles in forraine 
 Countries the more projitable and honourable. London, 1606. 
 
 c 33 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 B. Voluntaries. Voluntary Regular Tra- 
 vailers are considered 
 I. As they are moved accidentally. 
 
 a. Principally, that afterwards they 
 
 may leade a more quiet and con- 
 tented life, to the glory of God. 
 
 b. Secondarily, regarding ends, 
 (i) Publicke. 
 
 (a) What persons are inhibited 
 travaile. 
 
 , — .(i) Infants, Decrepite per- 
 sons. Fools, Women, 
 
 (b) What times to travaile in 
 are not fitte : 
 
 (2) When our country is 
 engaged in warres. 
 
 (c) Fitte. 
 
 (i) When one may reape 
 
 most profit in shortest 
 
 time, for that hee aimeth 
 
 at. 
 
 (2) When the country, into 
 
 which we would travaile, 
 
 holdeth not ours in jealousie, 
 
 etc. 
 
 That the idea of travel as a duty to the State 
 
 had permeated the Elizabethans from the courtier 
 
 to the common sailor is borne out by contemporary 
 
 34 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 letters of all sorts. Even William Bourne, an 
 innkeeper at Gravesend, who wrote a hand-book 
 of applied mathematics, called it The Treasure 
 for Travellers^^ and prefaced it with an exhorta- 
 tion in the style of Turler. In the correspond- 
 ence of Lord Burghley, Sir Philip Sidney, Fulke 
 Greville, the Earl of Essex, and Secretary Davi- 
 son, we see how seriously the aim of travel was 
 inculcated. Here are the same reminders to have 
 the welfare of the commonwealth constantly in 
 mind, to waste no time, to use order and method 
 in observation, and to bring home, if possible, 
 valuable information. Sidney bewails how much 
 he has missed for " want of having directed my 
 course to the right end, and by the right means." 
 But he trusts his brother has imprinted on his 
 mind " the scope and mark you mean by your 
 pains to shoot at. Your purpose is, being a 
 gentleman born, to furnish yourself with the 
 knowledge of such things as may be serviceable 
 to your country." "^ 
 
 Davison urges the value of experience, scorn- 
 ing the man who thinks to fit himself by books : 
 " Our sedentary traveller may pass for a wise man 
 as long as he converseth either with dead men 
 by reading, or by writing, with men absent. But 
 
 ^ London, 1578. 
 
 2 Sidney, Letter to his brother, 1580. 
 
 ^5 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 let him once enter on the stage of public employ- 
 ment, and he will soon find, if he can but be 
 sensible of contempt, that he is unfit for action. 
 For ability to treat with men of several humours, 
 factions and countries ; duly to comply with 
 them, or stand off^, as occasion shall require, is 
 not gotten only by reading of books, but rather 
 by studying of men : yet this is ever held true. 
 The best scholar is fittest for a traveller, as being 
 able to make the most useful observations : ex- 
 perience added to learning makes a perfect man.^ 
 
 Both Essex and Fulke Greville are full of 
 w^arnings against superficial and showy knowledge 
 of foreign countries : " The true end of knowledge 
 is clearness and strength of judgment, and not 
 ostentation, or ability to discourse, which I do 
 rather put your Lordship in mind of, because the 
 most part of noblemen and gentlemen of our 
 time have no other use nor end of their learning 
 but their table-talk. But God knoweth they 
 have gotten little that have only this discoursing 
 gift: for, though like empty vessels they sound 
 loud when a man knocks upon their outsides, yet 
 if you pierce into them, you shall find that they 
 are full of nothing but wind." ^ 
 
 1 Profitable Instructions. Written c. 1595. Printed 1633. 
 
 2 Profitable Instructions^ I595» Harl. MS, 6265, printed in 
 Spedding's Letters and Life of Bacon, vol. ii. p. 14. Spedding believes 
 these Instructions to be by Bacon. 
 
 36 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Lord Burghley, wasting not a breath, tersely 
 instructs the Earl of Rutland in things worthy 
 of observation. Among these are frontier towns, 
 with what size garrison they are maintained, etc. ; 
 what noblemen live in each province, by what 
 trade each city is supported. At Court, what 
 are the natural dispositions of the king and his 
 brothers and sisters, what is the king's diet, etc. 
 *' Particularly for yourself, being a nobleman, how 
 noblemen do keep their wives, their children, 
 their estates ; how they provide for their younger 
 children ; how they keep the household for diet,'* 
 and so on.^ 
 
 So much for the attitude of the first " Sub- 
 sidium Peregrinantibus." It will be seen that it 
 was something of a trial and an opportunity to 
 be a traveller in Elizabethan times. But bio- 
 graphy is not lacking in evidence that the re- 
 cipients of these directions did take their travels 
 seriously and try to make them profitable to the 
 commonwealth. Among the Rutland papers ^ is 
 a plan of fortifications and some notes made by 
 the Edward Manners to whom Cecil wrote the 
 above letter of advice. Sir Thomas Bodley tells 
 how full he was of patriotic intent : " I waxed 
 desirous to travel beyond the seas, for attaining 
 
 1 State Papers, Domestic Elizabeth, 1547-80, vol. Ixxvii,, No. 6. 
 
 2 Hist. MSS. Comm. 1 2th Report, App. IV., January 31, 1571. 
 
 37 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 to the knowledge of some special modern tongues, 
 and for the increase of my experience in the 
 managing of affairs, being wholly then addicted 
 to employ myself, and all my cares, in the public 
 service of the state." ^ Assurances of their object 
 in travelling are written from abroad by Sir John 
 Harington and the third Earl of Essex to their 
 friend Prince Henry. Essex says : " Being now 
 entered into my travels, and intending the end 
 thereof to attain to true knowledge and to better 
 my experience, I hope God will so bless me in 
 my endeavours, that I shall return an acceptable 
 servant unto your Highness." ^ And Harington 
 in the same vein hopes that by his travels and 
 experience in foreign countries he shall sometime 
 or other be more fit to carry out the commands of 
 his Highness.^ 
 
 One of the particular ways of serving one's 
 country was the writing of " Observations on his 
 Travels." This was the first exercise of a young 
 man who aspired to be a " politicke person." 
 Harington promises to send to Prince Henry 
 whatever notes he can make of various countries. 
 Henry Wotton offers Lord Zouche " A View of 
 all the present Almagne princes."^ The keeping 
 
 ^ Life, Written by Himself, Oxford, 1647. 
 2 Devereux, Lives and Letters of the Devereux, vol. ii. 233. 
 * Birch, Life of Prince Henry of Wales, App. No. XII. 
 4 Life and Letters, by Pearsall Smith, vol. i. 246. 
 
 38 
 
FRANCIS MANNERS, SIX'lll KAKI. I)K RUTLAND 
 
 Abroad in 1598. One of a family of ^Elizabethan travellers. Edward, third Earl of 
 
 Rutland, received a letter of instruction from Lord Burleigh concerninij what to 
 
 observe in France in 1570. Roger, fifth Earl of Rutland, was directed by Bacon 
 
 as to his tra\'els in 1596 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 of a journal is insisted upon in almost all the 
 " Directions." " It is good," says Lord Burghley 
 to Edward Manners, " that you make a booke of 
 paper wherein you may dayly or at least weekly 
 insert all things occurent to you," ^ the reason 
 being that such observations, when contemporary 
 history was scarce, were of value. They were 
 also a guarantee that the tourist had been virtu- 
 ously employed. The Earl of Salisbury writes 
 severely to his son abroad : 
 
 "I find every week, in the Prince's hand, a 
 letter from Sir John Harington, full of the news 
 of the place where he is, and the countries as he 
 passeth, and all occurents : which is an argument, 
 that he doth read and observe such things as are 
 remarkable." 
 
 This narrative was one of the chief burdens of 
 a traveller. Gilbert Talbot is no sooner landed 
 in Padua than he must write to his impatient 
 parents and excuse himself for the lack of that 
 " Relation." " We fulfil your honour's com- 
 maundement in wrytynge the discourse of our 
 travayle which we would have sent with thes 
 letres but it could not be caryed so conveniently 
 with them, as it may be with the next letres we 
 wryte." ^ Francis Davison, the Secretary's son, 
 
 1 Op. cit. 
 
 « Talbot, MSS. in the College of Arms, vol. P, fol. 571. 
 
 39 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 could not get on, somehow, with his " Relation 
 of Tuscany." He had been ill, he writes at first ; 
 his tutor says that the diet of Italy — " roots, 
 salads, cheese and such like cheap dishes " — " Mr 
 Francis can in no wise digest," and after that, he 
 is too worried by poverty. In reply to his father's 
 complaints of his extravagance, he declares : " My 
 promised relation of Tuscany your last letter hath 
 so dashed, as I am resolved not to proceed withal." ^ 
 The journal of Richard Smith, Gentleman, who 
 accompanied Sir Edward Unton into Italy in 
 1563, shows how even an ordinary man, not 
 inclined to writing, conscientiously tried to note 
 the fortifications and fertility of each province, 
 whether it was " marvellous barren " or " stood 
 chiefly upon vines " ; the principal com.modities, 
 and the nature of the inhabitants : " The people 
 (on the Rhine) are very paynefull and not so 
 paynefull as rude and sluttyshe." " They are 
 well faced women in most places of this land, and 
 as ill-bodied." ^ 
 
 Besides writing his observations, the traveller 
 laboured earnestly at modern languages. Many 
 and severe were the letters Cecil wrote to his son 
 Thomas in Paris on the subject of settling to his 
 French. For Thomas's tutor had difficulties in 
 
 1 Davison s Poetical Rhapsody. I. Biographical Notice, p. xxiii. 
 ^Sloane MS. 1813. 
 
 40 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 keeping his pupil from dog-fights, horses and 
 worse amusements in company of the Earl of 
 Hertford, who was a great hindrance to Thomas's 
 progress in the language.^ Francis Davison hints 
 that his tour was by no means a pleasure trip, 
 what with studying Italian, reading history and 
 policy, observing and writing his " Relation." 
 Indeed, as Lipsius pointed out, it was not easy 
 to combine the life of a traveller with that of a 
 scholar, " the one being of necessitie in continual 
 motion, care and business, the other naturally 
 affecting ease, safety and quietness," ^ but still, by 
 avoiding Englishmen, according to our " Direc- 
 tions," and by doggedly conversing with the 
 natives, one might achieve something. 
 
 To live in the household of a learned foreigner, 
 as Robert Sidney did with Sturm, or Henry 
 Wotton with Hugo Blotz, was of course especially 
 desirable. For there were still, in the Eliza- 
 bethans, remnants of that ardent sociability among 
 humanists which made Englishmen traverse dire 
 distances of sea and land to talk with some 
 scholar on the Rhine — that fraternizing spirit 
 which made Cranmer fill Lambeth Palace with 
 Martin Bucers ; and Bishop Gardiner, meanwhile, 
 
 1 State Papers, Domestic, 1547-80, vols, xviii., No. 31 ; 
 xix., No. 6-^2 passim', xx., No. i-^g passim. 
 
 2 Direction /or Travai/ers. 
 
 41 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 complain from the Tower not only of " want of 
 books to relieve my mind, but want of good 
 company — the only solace in this world." ^ It 
 was still as much of a treat to see a wise man 
 as it was when Ascham loitered in every city 
 through which he passed, to hear lectures, or argue 
 about the proper pronunciation of Greek ; until 
 he missed his dinner, or found that his party had 
 ridden out of town.^ Advice to travellers is full 
 of this enthusiasm. Essex tells Rutland " your 
 Lordship should rather go an hundred miles to 
 speake with one wise man, than five miles to see 
 a fair town." Stradling, translating Lipsius, urges 
 the Earl of Bedford to " shame not or disdaine 
 not to intrude yourself into their familiarity.'' 
 " Talk with learned men, we unconsciously 
 imitate them, even as they that walke in the sun 
 only for their recreation, are colored therewith 
 and sunburnt; or rather and better as they that 
 staying a while in the Apothecarie shop, til their 
 confections be made, carrie away the smell of the 
 sweet spices even in their garments." ^ 
 
 There are signs that the learned men were not 
 always willing to shine upon admiring strangers 
 who burst in upon them. The renowned Doctor 
 
 1 Stowe's Annals, p. 6oo. 
 
 2 fVorh, ed. Giles, vol. i., Pt. ii., Epis. cxvi. 
 
 3 Oj>. cit. 
 
 42 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Zacharias Ursinus at Heidelberg marked on his 
 doorway these words : " My friend, whoever you 
 are, if you come here, please either go away again, 
 or give me some help in my studies." ^ Sidney 
 foresees the difficulty his brother may have : 
 " How shall I get excellent men to take paines to 
 speake with me ? Truly, in few words : either 
 much expense or much humbleness." ^ 
 
 If one had not the means to live with famous 
 scholars, it was a good plan to take up lodg- 
 ings with an eminent bookseller. For statesmen, 
 advocates and other sorts of great men came to the 
 shop, from whose talk much could be learned. 
 By and by some occasion would arise for in- 
 sinuating oneself into familarity and acquaintance 
 with these personages, and perhaps, if some one 
 of them, " non indoctus," intended journeying to 
 another city, he might allow you to attach your- 
 self to him.' 
 
 Of course, for observation and experience, there 
 was no place so advantageous as the household 
 of an ambassador, if one was fortunate enough 
 to win an entry there. The English Ambassador 
 in France generally had a burden of young gentle- 
 men more or less under his care. Sometimes they 
 
 1 Fox-Bourne's Life of Sidney, p. 91. 
 
 a Op. cit. 
 
 3 Thomae Erpenii, De Peregrinatione Gal/ica, 1631, pp. 6, 12, 
 
 43 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 were lodged independently in Paris, but many be- 
 longed to his train, and had meat and drink for 
 themselves, their servants and their horses, at the 
 ambassador's expense. 
 
 Sir Amias Paulet's Letter-Book of 1577-8 
 testifies that an ambassador's cares were consider- 
 ably augmented by writing reports to parents. 
 Mr Speake is assured that " although I dwell far 
 from Paris, yet I am not unacquainted with your 
 Sonne's doing in Paris, and cannot commend him 
 enough to you as well for his diligence in study 
 as for his honest and quiet behaviour, and I dare 
 assure you that you may be bold to trust him as 
 well for the order of his expenses, as for his govern- 
 ment otherwise.^ Mr Argall, whose brother 
 could not be taken into Paulet's house, has to be 
 soothed as well as may be by a letter." Mr 
 Throckmorton, after questionable behaviour, is 
 sent home to his mother under excuse of being 
 bearer of a letter to England. " His mother 
 prayeth that his coming over may seeme to proceed 
 of his owne request, because the Queen shall not 
 be offended with it." His mother '* hath promised 
 to gett him lycence to travil into Italic." But, 
 says Paulet, " He may not goe into Italic withoute 
 the companie of some honest and wyse man, and 
 
 1 Copy-Booh of Sir Amias Poulet' s Letters, Roxburghe Club, p. 89. 
 ^Letter-Book,'^. 16. 
 
 44 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 so I have tould him, and in manie other things 
 have dealt very playnely with him." ^ 
 
 Among these troublesome charges of Paulet's 
 was Francis Bacon. But to his father, the Lord 
 Keeper, Paulet writes only that all is well, and 
 that his son's servant is particularly honest, diligent, 
 discreet and faithful, and that Paulet is thankful 
 for his " good and quiet behaviour in my house " 
 — a fact which appears exceptional. 
 
 Sir Dudley Carleton, as Ambassador to Venice, 
 was also pursued by ambitious fathers.*^ Sir 
 Rowland Lytton Chamberlain writes to Carle- 
 ton, begs only " that his son might be in your 
 house, and that you would a little train him 
 and fashion him to business. For I perceive he 
 means to make him a statesman, and is very 
 well persuaded of him, . . . like a very indulgent 
 father, ... If you can do it conveniently, it will 
 be a favour ; but I know what a business it is to 
 have the breaking of such colts, and therefore 
 will urge no more than may be to your liking." ^ 
 
 1 Letter-Booh, p. 89. 
 
 ^ Poems of Thomas Carenv, ed. W. C. Hazlitt, 1870. Pp. xxiii.-xxx. 
 
 ^ T. Birch, Court and Times of James /., vol. i. p. 218. 
 
 The embarrassments of an ambassador under these circumstances 
 are hardly exaggerated, perhaps, in Chapman's play, Monsieur D^Olive, 
 where the fictitious statesman bursts into a protest : 
 
 "Heaven I beseech thee, what an abhominable sort of Followers 
 have I put upon mee : . . . I cannot looke into the Cittie, but one or 
 other makes tender his good partes to me, either his Language, his 
 
 45 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Besides gaining an apprenticeship in diplomacy, 
 another advantage of travelling with an am- 
 bassador was the participation in ambassadorial 
 immunities. It might have fared ill with Sir 
 Philip Sidney, in Paris at the time of the 
 massacre of Saint Bartholomew, if he had 
 not belonged to the household of Sir Francis 
 Walsingham. Many other young men not so 
 glorious to posterity, but quite as much so 
 to their mothers, were saved then by the same 
 means. When news of the massacre had reached 
 England, Sir Thomas Smith wrote to Walsing- 
 ham : " I am glad yet that in these tumults and 
 bloody proscriptions you did escape, and the 
 young gentlemen that be there with you. . . . 
 Yet we hear say that he that was sent by my 
 Lord Chamberlain to be schoolmaster to young 
 Wharton, being come the day before, was then 
 
 Travaile, his Intelligence, or something : Gentlemen send me their 
 younger Sonnes furnisht in compleat, to learn fashions, for-sooth : as 
 if the riding of five hundred miles, and spending looo Crownes would 
 make 'am wiser then God meant to make 'am. . . . Three hundred 
 of these Gold-finches I have entertained for my Followers : I can go 
 in no corner, but 1 meete with some of my Wifflers in there accoutra- 
 ments ; you may heare 'am halfe a mile ere they come at you, and 
 «mell 'am half an hour after they are past you : sixe or seaven make a 
 perfect Morrice-daunce ; they need no Bells, their Spurs serve their 
 turne : I am ashamed to traine 'am abroade, theyle say I carrie a whole 
 Forrest of Feathers with mee, and I should plod afore 'am in plaine 
 stufFe, like a writing Schole-maister before his Boyes when they goe 
 a feasting." 
 
 46 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 slain. Alas ! he was acquainted with nobody, 
 nor could be partaker of any evil dealing. How 
 fearful and careful the mothers and parents be 
 here of such young gentlemen as be there, you 
 may easily guess by my Lady Lane, who prayeth 
 very earnestly that her son may be sent home 
 with as much speed as may be." ^ 
 
 The dangers of travel were of a nature to 
 alarm mothers. As well as Catholics, there were 
 shipwrecks, pirates, and highway robbers. Moors 
 and Turks lay waiting " in a little port under 
 the hill," to take passenger vessels that went 
 between Rome and Naples. " If we had come 
 by daye as we did by night, we had bin all taken 
 slaves." ^ In dark strait ways up the sides of 
 mountains, or on some great heath in Prussia, 
 one was likely to meet a horseman " well fur- 
 nyshed with daggs (pistols), who myght well be 
 called a Swarte Ritter — his face was as black as 
 a devill in a playe." ^ Inns were death-traps. A 
 man dared not make any display of money for 
 fear of being murdered in the night.^ It was 
 wiser to disguise himself as a humble country boy 
 
 ^ Strype, Life of Sir Thomas Smith, p. 119. 
 
 "^The Travels and Life of Sir Thomas Hoby, 1547- 1 564, ed. 
 Powell, p. 27. 
 
 2 Spelman, W., A Dialogue between Tivo Travellers, c. 1580, ed. 
 by Pickering for the Roxburghe Club, 1896, p. 42. 
 
 * Gratarolus, De Regimine iter agentium, 1 561, p. 19. 
 
 47 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 and gall his feet by carrying all his gold in his 
 boots. Even if by these means he escaped common 
 desperadoes, he might easily offend the deadly 
 University students, as did the eldest son of Sir 
 Julius Caesar, slain in a brawl in Padua,^ or like the 
 Admirable Crichton, stabbed by his noble pupil in 
 a dark street, bleed away his life in lonely lodgings.^ 
 Still more dangerous were less romantic ills, 
 resulting from strange diet and the uncleanliness 
 of inns. It was a rare treat to have a bed to 
 oneself. More probably the traveller was obliged 
 to share it with a stranger of disagreeable appear- 
 ance, if not of disposition.^ At German ordin- 
 aries " every travyler must syt at the ordinary 
 table both master and servant," so that often they 
 were driven to sit with such " slaves " that in the 
 rush to get the best pieces from the common dish 
 in the middle of the table, " a man wold abhor 
 to se such fylthye hands in his dish." * Many 
 an eager tourist lay down with small-pox before 
 he had seen anything of the world worth 
 mentioning, or if he gained home, brought a 
 broken constitution with him. The third Lord 
 North was ill for life because of the immoderate 
 
 1 Life and Letters of Sir Henry Wotton, vol. i. p. 69. 
 
 2 Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scot/and, 1 0th May 
 1909. 
 
 ^ Florio, Second Frutes, p. 95. 
 ^Sloane MS., 1813, fol. 7. 
 
 48 
 
HLDl.KV NORTH, THIKl) IJAKON NORTH 
 
 Froin a print of an original picti(re in the Collection of the EarlofGtiildford 
 
 In 1602 lie narrowly escaped the plague in Venice by drinking immoderate doses ot 
 
 hot treacle, to which he ascribed his life-long ill-health 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 quantities of hot treacle he consumed in Italy, to 
 avoid the plague.^ 
 
 But it was not really the low material dangers 
 of small-pox, quartain ague, or robbers which 
 troubled the Elizabethan. Such considerations 
 were beneath his heroical temper. Sir Edward 
 Winsor, warned against the piratical Gulf of 
 Malta, writes : " And for that it should not be 
 said an Englishman to come so far to see Malta, 
 and to have turned backe againe, I determined 
 rather making my sepulker of that Golfe."^ It 
 was the sort of danger that weakened character 
 which made people doubt the benefits of travel. 
 So far we have not mentioned in our description 
 of the books addressed to travellers any of the 
 reminders of the trials of Ulysses, and dark warn- 
 ings against the " Siren-songs of Italy." Since 
 they were written at the same time with the 
 glowing orations in praise of travel, it might be 
 well to consider them before we go farther. 
 
 1 Article on the third Lord North in the Dictionary of National 
 Biography, 
 
 2 T. Wright, Queen Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 316. 
 
 D 49 
 
Chapter III 
 
 SOME CYNICAL ASPERSIONS UPON 
 THE BENEFITS OF TRAVEL 
 
 THE traveller newly returned from foreign 
 lands was a great butt for the satirists. 
 In Elizabethan times his bows and 
 tremendous politeness, his close-fitting black 
 clothes from Venice, his French accent, his finicky 
 refinements, such as perfumes and pick-tooths, 
 were highly off^ensive to the plain Englishman. 
 One was always sure of an appreciative audience 
 if he railed at the " disguised garments and 
 desperate hats " of the "afi^ectate traveller " how; 
 his attire spoke French or Italian, and his gait cried 
 " behold me ! " how he spoke his own language 
 with shame and loathing.^ " You shall see a 
 dapper Jacke, that hath beene but over at Deepe,'"^ 
 wring his face round about, as a man would stir 
 up a mustard-pot, and talke English through the 
 teeth, like . . . Monsieur Mingo de Moustrap." ^ 
 Nash was one of the best at describing some who 
 had lived in France for half-a-dozen years, " and 
 when they came home, they have hyd a little 
 
 1 Sir Thomas Overbury, An Affectate Traveller^ in Characters. 
 
 2 Dieppe. 
 
 ^ Thomas Nash, Pierce Pennilesse, in Works^ ed. Grosart, vol. ii. 
 
 27. 
 
 50 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 weerish leane face under a broad French hat, kept 
 a terrible coyle with the dust in the streete in 
 their long cloaks of gray paper, and spoke English 
 strangely. Naught else have they profited by 
 their travell, save learnt to distinguish of the 
 true Burdeaux Grape, and know a cup of neate 
 Gascoygne wine from wine of Orleance ; yea, 
 and peradventure this also, to esteeme of the 
 poxe as a pimple, to weare a velvet patch on 
 their face, and walke melancholy with their armes 
 folded."^ 
 
 The Frenchified traveller came in for a good 
 share of satire, but darker things were said of the 
 Italianate Englishman. He was an atheist — a 
 creature hitherto unknown in England — who 
 boldly laughed to scorn both Protestant and Papist. 
 He mocked the Pope, railed on Luther, and liked 
 none, but only himself.'^ " I care not," he said, 
 " what you talk to me of God, so as I may have 
 the prince and the laws of the realm on my 
 side." ^ In politics he allied himself with the 
 Papists, they being more of his^way of living than 
 the Puritans, but he was faithless to all parties.* 
 In private life he was vicious, and practised " such 
 villainy as is abominable to declare," for in Italy 
 
 1 Nash, The Unfortunate Traveller^ in lVoris,°ed. Grosart, v. 145. 
 
 2 Roger Ascham, The Scholemaster, ed. Mayor, pp. 84-85. 
 
 ^ William Harrison, A Description of England, ed. Withington, p. 8. 
 * Ascham, op. cit., p. 86. 
 
 51 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 he had served Circes, who turns men into beasts J 
 " But I am afraid," says Ascham, " that over 
 many of our travellers unto Italy do not eschew 
 the way to Circe's Court : but go and ryde and 
 runne and flie thether, they make great hast to cum 
 to her ; they make great sute to serve her : yea, I 
 could point out some with my finger that never had 
 gone out of England, but onlie to serve Circes in 
 Italic. Vanitie and vice and any licence to ill living 
 in England was counted stale and rude unto them." ^ 
 It is likely that some of these accusations were 
 true. Italy more than any other country charmed 
 the Elizabethan Englishman, partly because the 
 climate and the people and the look of things 
 were so unlike his own grey home. Particularly 
 Venice enchanted him. The sun, the sea, the 
 comely streets, " so clean that you can walk in a 
 Silk Stockin and Sattin Slippes," ^ the tall palaces 
 with marble balconies, and golden-haired women, 
 the flagellants flogging themselves, the mounte- 
 banks, the Turks, the stately black-gowned 
 gentlemen, were new and strange, and satisfied 
 his sense of romance. Besides, the University of 
 Padua was still one of the greatest universities in 
 Europe. Students from all nations crowded to it. 
 
 1 Robert Greene, Repentance, in Works, ed. Grosart, xii. 172 ; 
 John Marston, Certalne Satires, 1598 ; Satire II., p. 47. 
 
 2 Ascham, op. cit., p. 77. 
 
 ^ James Howell, Letters, ed. Jacobs, p. 69. 
 
 52 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 William Thomas describes the " infinite resorte of 
 all nacions that continually is seen there. And I 
 thinke verilie, that in one region of all the worlde 
 againe, are not halfe so many straungers as in 
 Italic ; specially of gentilmen, whose resorte thither 
 is principallie under pretence of studie ... all 
 kyndes of vertue maie there be learned : and ther- 
 fore are those places accordyngly furnisshed : not 
 of suche students alone, as moste commonly are 
 brought up in our universitees (meane mens 
 children set to schole in hope to live upon hyred 
 learnyng) but for the more parte of noble mens 
 sonnes, and of the best gentilmen : that studie 
 more for knowledge and pleasure than for curiositee 
 or Inker: . . . This last wynter living in Padoa, 
 with diligent serche I learned, that the noumbre of 
 scholers there was little lesse than fiftene hundreth ; 
 whereof I dare saie, a thousande at the lest were 
 gentilmen." ^ 
 
 The life of a student at Padua was much livelier 
 than the monastic seclusion of an English uni- 
 versity. He need not attend many lectures, for, 
 as Thomas Hoby explains, after a scholar has been 
 elected by the rectors, " He is by his scholarship 
 bound to no lectures, nor nothing elles but what he 
 lyst himselfe to go to." ^ So being a gentleman and 
 
 1 William Thomas, The Histor'te of Italic, i 549, p. 2. 
 
 2 Travels and Life of Sir Thomas Hoby, Written by Himself, ed. 
 Powell, p. 10. 
 
 52> 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 not a clerk, he was more likely to apply himself 
 to fencing or riding : For at Padua " there passeth 
 no shrof-tide without rennyng at the tilte, tour- 
 neiyng, fighting at the barriers and other like feates 
 of armes, handled and furnisshed after the best 
 sort : the greatest dooers wherof are scholers." ^ 
 
 Then, too, the scholar diversified his labours by 
 excursions to Venice, in one of those passenger 
 boats which plied daily from Padua, of which was 
 said "that the boat shall bee drowned, when it 
 carries neither Monke, nor Student, nor Curtesan. 
 . . . the passengers being for the most part of 
 these kinds " ^ and, as Moryson points out, if he 
 did not, by giving offence, receive a dagger in his 
 ribs from a fellow-student, he was likely to have 
 pleasant discourse on the way.^ Hoby took 
 several trips from Padua to Venice to see such 
 things as the " lustie yong Duke of Ferrandin, 
 well accompanied with noble menu and gentlemen 
 . . . running at the ring with faire Turks and 
 cowrsars, being in a maskerie after the Turkishe 
 maner, and on foote casting of eggs into the 
 wyndowes among the ladies full of sweete waters 
 and damaske Poulders," or like the Latin Quarter 
 students who frequent " La Morgue, " went to 
 
 1 William Thomas, op, cit. p. 2. 
 
 2 Fynes Moryson, An Itinerary^ etc., Glasgow ed. 1907, i. 159. 
 
 3 Ihid. 
 
 54 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 view the body of a gentleman slain in a feud, laid 
 out in state in his house — "to be seen of all men."^ 
 In the outlandish mixture of nations swarming at 
 Venice, a student could spend all day watching 
 mountebanks, and bloody street fights, and pro- 
 cessions. In the renowned freedom of that city 
 where " no man marketh anothers dooynges, or 
 meddleth with another mans livyng," ^ it was no 
 wonder if a young man fresh from an English 
 university and away from those who knew him, 
 was sometimes " enticed by lewd persons : " and, 
 once having lost his innocence, outdid even the 
 students of Padua. For, as Greene says, " as our 
 wits be as ripe as any, so our willes are more ready 
 than they all, to put into effect any of their licen- 
 tious abuses." ^ Thus arose the famous proverb, 
 " An Englishman Italianate is a devil incarnate." 
 
 Hence the warnings against Circes by even 
 those authors most loud in praise of travel. Lipsius 
 bids his noble pupil beware of Italian women : 
 " . . . inter fasminas, formse conspicuae, sed 
 lascivae et procaces."^ Turler must acknowledge 
 " an auntient complaint made by many that our 
 countrymen usually bring three thinges with them 
 
 1 Thoraas Hoby, op, c'tt. pp. 14, 15. 
 
 2 William Thomas, op. at. p. 85. 
 
 2 Robert Greene, All About Conny -Catching. Works, x. Foreword. 
 ^ Epistola de Peregrinatione in De Eruditione Comparanda^ 1 699, 
 p. 588. 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 out of Italye : a naughty conscience, an empty 
 purse, and a weak stomache : and many times it 
 chaunceth so indeede." For since "youth and 
 flourishing yeeres are most commonly employed in 
 traveill, which of their owne course and condicion 
 are inclined unto vice, and much more earnestly 
 imbrace the same if it be enticed thereto," . . . 
 " many a time pleasures make a man not thinke on 
 his returne," . . , but he is caught by the songs 
 of Mermaids, " so to returne home with shame and 
 shame enough." ^ 
 
 It was necessary also to warn the traveller 
 against those more harmless sins which we have 
 already mentioned : against an arrogant bearing 
 on his return to his native land, or a vanity which 
 prompted him at all times to show that he had 
 been abroad, and was not like the common herd. 
 Perhaps it was an intellectual affectation of atheism 
 or a cultivated taste for Machiavelli with which 
 he was inclined to startle his old-fashioned country- 
 men. Almost the only book Sir Edward Unton 
 seems to have brought back with him from Venice 
 was the Hhtorie of N'lcolo Machiavelli^ Venice, 
 
 ^ST)!' ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ P^g^ h^ h^s written: " Mac- 
 chavelli Maxima / Qui nescit dissimulare / nescit 
 vivere / Vive et vivas / Edw. Unton. / " ^ Perhaps 
 
 1 Turler, The Traveller^ Preface, and pp. 65-67. 
 
 2 The Unton Inventories, ed. by J. G. Nichols, p. xxxviii. 
 
 56 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 it was only his display of Italian clothes — " civil, 
 because black, and comely because fitted to the 
 body," ^ or daintier table manners than Englishmen 
 used which called down upon him the ridicule of 
 his enemies. No doubt there was in the returned 
 traveller a certain degree of condescension which 
 made him disagreeable — especially if he happened 
 to be a proud and insolent courtier, who attracted 
 the Queen's notice by his sharpened wits and 
 novelties of discourse, or if he were a vain boy of 
 the sort that cumbered the streets of London with 
 their rufflings and struttings. 
 
 In making surmises as to whom Ascham had in 
 his mind's eye when he said that he knew men 
 who came back from Italy with " less learning and 
 worse manners," I guessed that one might be 
 Arthur Hall, the first translator of Homer into 
 English. Hall was a promising Grecian at Cam- 
 bridge, and began his translation with Ascham's 
 encouragement.^ Between 1563 and 1568, when 
 Ascham was writing The Scolemaster^ Hall, with- 
 out finishing for a degree, or completing the Homer, 
 went to Italy. It would have irritated Ascham to 
 have a member of St John's throw over his task 
 and his degree to go gadding. Certainly Hall's 
 
 1 Sir Robert Dallington, State of Tuscany, 1605, p. 64. 
 
 2 Arthur Hall, Ten Books of Homer's Iliades^ 1581, Epistle to Sir 
 Thomas Cicill. 
 
 SI 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 after life bore out Ascham's forebodings as to the 
 value of foreign travel. On his return he spent a 
 notorious existence in London until the conse- 
 quences of a tavern brawl turned him out of 
 Parliament. I might dwell for a moment on 
 Hall's curious account of this latter affair, because 
 it is one of the few utterances we have by an 
 acknowledged Italianate Englishman — of a certain 
 sort. 
 
 Hall, apparently, was one of those gallants who 
 ruffled about Elizabethan London and used 
 
 " To loove to play at Dice 
 To sware his blood and hart 
 To face it with a Ruffins look 
 And set his Hat athwart." i 
 
 The humorists throw a good deal of light on such 
 "yong Jyntelmen." So does Fleetwood, the 
 Recorder of London, to whom they used to run 
 when they were arrested for debt, or for killing 
 a carman, making as their only apology, " I am 
 a Jyntelman, and being a Jyntelman, I am not 
 thus to be used at a slave and a colion's hands." ^ 
 Hall, writing in the third person, in the assumed 
 character of a friend, describes himself as " a 
 man not wholly unlearned, with a smacke of the 
 knowledge of diverse tongues . . . furious when 
 he is contraried ... as yourselfe is witnesse of 
 
 ^ Nicholas Breton : A Floorish upon Fanc'te, ed. Grosart, p. 6. 
 2 Thomas Wright, Queen Elizabeth, ii. 205. 
 
 58 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 his dealings at Rome, at Florence, in the way 
 between that and Bollonia ... so implacable if 
 he conceyve an injurie, as Sylla will rather be 
 pleased with Marius, than he with his equals, in 
 a maner for offences grown of tryffles. . . . Also 
 spending more tyme in sportes, and following 
 the same, than is any way commendable, and 
 the lesse, bycause, I warrant you, the summes 
 be great are dealte for." ^ 
 
 This terrible person, on the i6th of December 
 1573, at Lothbury, in London, at a table of 
 twelve pence a meal, supped with some merchants 
 and a certain Melchisedech Mallerie. Dice were 
 thrown on the board, and in the course of play 
 Mallerie " gave the lye with harde wordes in 
 heate to one of the players." " Hall sware (as 
 he will not sticke to lende you an othe or two), 
 to throw Mallerie out at the window. Here 
 Etna smoked, daggers were a-drawing . . . but 
 the goodman lamented the case for the slaunder, 
 that a quarrel should be in his house, . . . so . . . 
 the matter was ended for this fitte." 
 
 But a certain Master Richard Drake, attending 
 
 1 "A letter sent by F.A. touching the proceedings in a private 
 quarrel and unkindnesse, between Arthur Hall and Melchisedech 
 Mallerie, Gentleman, to his very friend L.B. being in Italy," (Only 
 fourteen copies of this escaped destruction by order of Parliament in 
 1580. One was reprinted in 1815 in Miscellanea Ant'tqua Anglicana, 
 from which my quotations are taken.) 
 
 59 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 on my Lord of Leicester, took pains first to warn 
 Hall to take heed of Mallerie at play, and then 
 to tell Mallerie that Hall said he used " lewde 
 practices at cards." The next day at " Ponies " ^ 
 came Mallerie to Hall and " charged him very 
 hotly, that he had reported him to be a cousiner 
 of folkes at Mawe." Hall, far from showing that 
 fury which he described as his characteristic, 
 denied the charge with meekness. He said he 
 was patient because he was bound to keep the 
 peace for dark disturbances in the past. Mallerie 
 said it was because he was a coward. 
 
 Mallerie continued to say so for months, until 
 before a crowd of gentlemen at the " ordinary " 
 of one Wormes, his taunts were so unbearable 
 that Hall crept up behind him and tried to stab 
 him in the back. There was a general scuffle, 
 some one held down Hall, the house grew full in 
 a moment with Lord Zouche, gentlemen, and 
 others, while " Mallerie with a great shreke ranne 
 with all speede out of the doores, up a paire of 
 stayres, and there aloft used most harde wordes 
 againste Mr Hall." 
 
 Hall, who had cut himself — and nobody else — 
 nursed his wound indoors for some days, during 
 which time friends brought word that Mallerie 
 would " shewe him an Italian tricke, intending 
 
 1 St Paul's Cathedral, the fashionable promenade. 
 60 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 thereby to do him some secret and unlooked for 
 mischief." Then, with " a mufle half over his 
 face," Hall took post-horses to his home in 
 Lincolnshire. Business called him, he tells the 
 reader. There was no ground whatever for 
 Mallerie to say he fled in disguise. 
 
 After six months, he ventured to return to 
 London and be gay again. He dined at " James 
 Lumelies — the son, as it is said, of old M. Dom- 
 inicke, born at Genoa, of the losse of whose 
 nose there goes divers tales," — and coming by a 
 familiar gaming-house on his way back to his 
 lodgings, he "fell to with the rest." 
 
 But there is no peace for him. In comes 
 Mallerie — and with insufferably haughty gait and 
 countenance, brushes by. Hall tries a pleasant 
 saunter around Poules with his friend Master 
 Woodhouse : " comes Mallerie again, passing 
 twice or thrice by Hall, with great lookes and 
 extraordinary rubbing him on the elbowes, and 
 spurning three or four times a Spaniel of Mr 
 Woodhouses following his master and Master 
 Hall." Hall mutters to his servants, " Jesus can 
 you not knocke the boyes head and the wall 
 together, sith he runnes a-bragging thus ? " His 
 three servants go out of the church by the west 
 door : when Mallerie stalks forth they set upon 
 him and cut him down the cheek. 
 
 6i 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 We will not follow the narrative through the 
 subsequent lawsuit brought by Mallerie against 
 Hall's servants, the trial presided over by 
 Recorder Fleetwood, the death of Mallerie, who 
 *' departed well leanyng to the olde Father of 
 Rome, a dad whome I have heard some say Mr 
 Hall doth not hate " or Hall's subsequent expulsion 
 from Parliament. This is enough to show the 
 sort of harmless, vain braggarts some of these 
 " Italianates " were, and how easily they acquired 
 the reputation of being desperate fellows. Mallerie's 
 lawyer at the trial charged Hall with " following 
 the revenge with an Italian minde learned at 
 Rome." 
 
 Among other Italianified Cambridge men whom 
 Ascham might well have noticed were George 
 Ac worth and William Barker. Acworth had 
 lived abroad during Mary's reign, studying civil 
 law in France and Italy. When Elizabeth came 
 to the throne he was elected public orator of the 
 University of Cambridge, but through being idle, 
 dissolute, and a drunkard, he lost all his prefer- 
 ments in England.^ Barker, or Bercher, who 
 was educated at St John's or Christ's, was abroad 
 at the same time as Ascham, who may have met 
 him as Hoby did in Italy.^ Barker seems to 
 
 ^Cooper's Athenae Cantabrigienses, i. 381. 
 
 ^ Life and Travels of Thomas Hohy^ Written by Himself p. 19, 20. 
 
 62 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 have been an idle person — he says that after 
 travels " my former fancye of professenge nothinge 
 partycularly v«ras verye muche encreased ^ — and a 
 papistical one, for on the accession of Mary he 
 came home to serve the Duke of Norfolk, whose 
 Catholic plots he betrayed, under torture, in 1571. 
 It was then that the Duke bitterly dubbed him 
 an " Italianfyd Inglyschemane," equal in faithless- 
 ness to " a schamlesse Scote" ; ^ i.e. the Bishop of 
 Ross, another witness. 
 
 Edward de Vere, seventeenth Earl of Oxford, 
 famous for his rude behaviour to Sir Philip Sidney, 
 whom he subsequently tried to dispatch with 
 hired assassins after the Italian manner,^ might 
 well have been one of the rising generation of 
 courtiers whom Ascham so deplored. In Ascham's 
 lifetime he was already a conspicuous gallant, and 
 by 157 1, at the age of twenty-two, he was the 
 court favourite. The friends of the Earl of 
 Rutland, keeping him informed of the news while 
 he was fulfilling in Paris those heavy duties of 
 observation which Cecil mapped out for him, 
 announce that " There is no man of life and 
 agility in every respect in Court, but the Earl of 
 
 Ifiercher, Ded. to Queen Elizabeth, in The Nobility of Women, 1559, 
 ed. by W. Bond for the Roxburghe Club, 1904. 
 2 Ibid. Introduction by Bond, p. 36. 
 8 D.N.B. Article by Sir Sidney Lee. 
 
 63 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Oxford.^ And a month afterwards, " Th* Erie 
 of Oxenforde hath gotten hym a wyfFe — or at 
 the leste a wyfFe hath caught hym — that is Mrs 
 Anne Cycille, whearunto the Queen hath gyven 
 her consent, the which hathe causyd great wypp- 
 ing, wahng, and sorowful chere, of those that 
 hoped to have hade that golden daye." ^ Ascham 
 did not live to see the development of this 
 favorite into an Italianate Englishman, but 
 Harrison's invective against the going of noble- 
 men's sons into Italy coincides with the return of 
 the Earl from a foreign tour which seems to have 
 been ill-spent. 
 
 At the very time when the Queen " delighted 
 more in his personage and his dancing and 
 valiantness than any other," ^ Oxford betook him- 
 self to Flanders — without licence. Though his 
 father-in-law Burghley had him brought back to 
 the indignant Elizabeth, the next year he set 
 forth again and made for Italy. From Siena, on 
 January 3rd, 1574-5, he writes to ask Burghley 
 to sell some of his land so as to disburden him of 
 his debts, and in reply to some warning of 
 Burghley 's that his affairs in England need 
 
 1 Hist. MSS. Commission, 12th Report, App. Part IV. MSS. 
 of the Duke of Rutland, p. 94. 
 
 2 Ibid. 
 
 3 E. Lodge, Illustrations of British History ^ ii. 100. (Gilbert Talbot 
 to his father, the Earl of Shrewsbury.) 
 
 64 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 attention, replies that since his troubles are so 
 many at home, he has resolved to continue his 
 travels.^ Eight months afterwards, from Italy, 
 he begs Burghley's influence to procure him a 
 licence to continue his travels a year longer, stating 
 as his reason an exemplary wish to see more of 
 Germany. (In another letter also ^ he assures 
 Cecil that he means to acquaint himself with 
 Sturmius — that educator of youth so highly ap- 
 proved of by Ascham.) " As to Italy, he is glad 
 he has seen it, but cares not ever to see it again, 
 unless to serve his prince or country." The 
 reason they have not heard from him this past 
 summer is that his letters were sent back because 
 of the plague in the passage. He did not know 
 this till his late return to Venice. He has been 
 grieved with a fever. The letter concludes with 
 a mention that he has taken up of Baptista 
 Nigrone 500 crowns, which he desires repaid from 
 the sale of his lands, and a curt thanks for the 
 news of his wife's delivery.^ 
 
 From Paris, after an interval of six months, he 
 declares his pleasure at the news of his being a 
 father, but makes no offer to return to England. 
 Rather he intends to go back to Venice. He 
 
 1 Hatfield MSS. (Calendar), ii. 83. 
 - Ibid.^ ii. 129. 
 * Ib'td.y ii. I 14. 
 
 E 65 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 " may pass two or three months in seeing Con- 
 stantinople and some part of Greece." ^ 
 
 However, Burghley says, " I wrote to Pariss to 
 hym to hasten hym homewards," and in April 
 1576, he landed at Dover in an exceedingly sulky 
 mood. He refused to see his wife, and told 
 Burghley he might take his daughter into his own 
 house again, for he was resolved " to be rid of 
 the cumber." ^ He accused his father-in-law of 
 holding back money due to him, although Burgh- 
 ley states that Oxford had in one year ;;^5700.^ 
 Considering that Robert Sidney, afterwards Earl 
 of Leicester, had only ;!^ioo a year for a tour 
 abroad,* and that Sir Robert Dallington declares 
 jQ20o to be quite enough for a gentleman studying 
 in France or Italy — including pay for a servant — 
 and that any more would be " superfluous and to 
 his hurte," ^ it will be seen that the Earl of Oxford 
 had jQsS^^ " ^^ ^is hurte." 
 
 Certain results of his travel were pleasing to 
 his sovereign, however. For he was the first 
 person to import to England "gloves, sweete 
 bagges, a perfumed leather Jerkin, and other 
 
 1 Hatfield MSS. (Calendar), ii. 129. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 131. 
 ^ Ibid., p. 144. 
 
 * See "Sir Henry Sidney to his son Robert," 28th Oct. 1578, in 
 Collin's Sidney Papers, i. 271. 
 
 5 In ^ Method for Travell, c. 1 598, Fol. C. 
 
 66 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 pleasant things." ^ The Queen was so proud of 
 his present of a pair of perfumed gloves, trimmed 
 with " foure Tufts or Roses of coloured Silk " 
 that she was " pictured with those Gloves upon 
 her hands, and for many yeeres after, it was 
 called the Earle of Oxford's perfume." ^ His 
 own foreign and fashionable apparel was ridiculed 
 by Gabriel Harvey, in the much-quoted descrip- 
 tion of an Italianate Englishman, beginning : 
 
 *• A little apish hat couched faste to the pate, like an oyster." ^ 
 
 Arthur Hall and the Earl of Oxford will 
 perhaps serve to show that many young men 
 pointed out as having returned the worse for 
 their liberty to see the world, were those who 
 would have been very poor props to society had 
 they never left their native land. Weak and vain 
 striplings of entirely English growth escaped the 
 comment attracted by a sinner with strange 
 garments and new oaths. For in those garments 
 themselves lay an offence to the commonwealth. 
 I need only refer to the well-known jealousy, 
 among English haberdashers and milliners, of 
 the superior craft of Continental workmen, behind 
 whom English weavers lagged : Henry the Eighth 
 used to have to wear hose cut out of pieces of 
 
 ^ John Stowe, Annales, ed. 1641, p. 868. 2 Jf^td. 
 
 ^ Gabriel Harvey, Letter-Book, Camden Society, New Series, 
 No. xxxiii. p. 97. 
 
 67 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 cloth — on that leg of which he was so proud — 
 unless " by great chance there came a paire of 
 Spanish silke stockings from Spaine." ^ Knit 
 worsted stockings were not made in England till 
 1554, when an apprentice "chanced to see a 
 pair of knit worsted stockings in the lodging of 
 an Italian merchant that came from Mantua.* 
 Harrison's description of England breathes an 
 animosity to foreign clothes, plainly founded on 
 commercial jealousy : " Neither was it ever merrier 
 in England than when an Englishman was known 
 abroad by his own cloth, and contented himself at 
 home with his fine carsey hosen, and a mean 
 slop : his coat, gown, and cloak of brown, blue, 
 or puke, with some pretty furniture of velvet or 
 of fur, and a doublet of sad tawny, or black 
 velvet, or other comely silk, without such cuts 
 and garish colours, as are worn in these days, and 
 never brought in but by the consent of the French, 
 who think themselves the gayest men when they 
 have most diversities of rags and change of colours 
 about them." ^ 
 
 Wrapped up with economic acrimony there 
 was a good deal of the hearty old English hatred 
 of a Frenchman, or a Spaniard, or any foreigner, 
 which was always finding expression. Either it 
 
 1 Stowe, Annales, ed. 164I, p. 867. ^ JbiJ,^ p, 869. 
 
 3 Harrison's Description of England, ed. Withington, p. 1 1 1. 
 
 68 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 was the 'prentices who rioted, or some rude fellow 
 who pulls up beside the carriage of the Spanish 
 ambassador, snatches the ambassador's hat off his 
 head and " rides away with it up the street as 
 fast as he could, the people going on and laughing 
 at it," ^ or it was the Smithfield officers deputed 
 to cut swords of improper length^ who pounced 
 upon the French ambassador because his sword 
 was longer than the statutes allowed. " He was 
 in a great fury. . . . Her Majestic is greatly 
 offended with the officers, in that they wanted 
 judgement." " 
 
 There was also a dislike of the whole new 
 order of things, of which the fashion for travel 
 was only a phase : dislike of the new courtier 
 who scorned to live in the country, surrounded by 
 a huge band of family servants, but preferred to 
 occupy small lodgings in London, and join in 
 the pleasures of metropolitan life. The theatre, 
 the gambling resorts, the fence-schools, the bowl- 
 ing alleys, and above all the glamor of the streets 
 and the crowd were charms only beginning to 
 assert themselves in Elizabethan England. But 
 the popular voice was loud against the nobles who 
 preferred to spend their money on such things 
 instead of on improving their estates, and who 
 
 ^ T. Birch, Court and Times of James /., i. 191. 
 ^ E. Lodge's Illustrations of British History, ii. 228. 
 
 69 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 squandered on fine clothes what used to be spent 
 on roast beef for their retainers. Greene's Quip 
 for aji Upstart Courtier parodies what the new 
 and refined Englishman would say : — 
 
 " The worlds are chaungde, and men are 
 growne to more wit, and their minds to aspire 
 after more honourable thoughts : they were dunces 
 in diebus illis, they had not the true use of 
 gentility, and therefore they lived meanely and 
 died obscurely : but now mennes capacities are 
 refined. Time hath set a new edge on gentle- 
 men's humours and they show them as they 
 should be : not like gluttons as their fathers did, 
 in chines of beefe and almes to the poore, but in 
 velvets, satins, cloth of gold, pearle : yea, pearle 
 lace, which scarce Caligula wore on his birthday." ^ 
 
 On the whole, we may say that the objections 
 to foreign travel rose from a variety of motives. 
 Ascham doubtless knew genuine cases of young 
 men spoiled by too much liberty, and there were 
 surely many obnoxious boys who bragged of 
 their "foreign vices." Insular prejudice, jealousy 
 and conservatism, hating foreign influence, drew 
 attention to these bad examples. Lastly, there 
 was another element in the protest against foreign 
 travel, which grew more and more strong towards 
 the end of the reign of Elizabeth and the beginning 
 
 1 Harleian Miscellany, vol. v. pp. 400-401. 
 70 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 of James the First's, the hatred of Italy as the 
 stronghold of the Roman CathoHc Church, and 
 fear of the Inquisition. Warnings against the 
 Jesuits are a striking feature of the next group 
 of Instructions to Travellers. 
 
 71 
 
Chapter IV 
 
 PERILS FOR PROTESTANT 
 TRAVELLERS 
 
 THE quickening of animosity between 
 Protestants and Catholics in the last 
 quarter of the sixteenth century had a 
 good deal to do with the censure of travel which 
 we have been describing. In their fear and hatred 
 of the Roman Catholic countries, Englishmen 
 viewed with alarm any attractions, intellectual or 
 otherwise, which the Continent had for their sons. 
 They had rather have them forego the advantages 
 of a liberal education than run the risk of falling 
 body and soul into the hands of the Papists. The 
 intense, fierce patriotism which flared up to meet 
 the Spanish Armada almost blighted the genial 
 impulse of travel for study's sake. It divided 
 the nations again, and took away the common 
 admiration for Italy which had made the young 
 men of the north all rush together there. We 
 can no longer imagine an Englishman like Selling 
 coming to the great Politian at Bologna and 
 grappling him to his heart — " arctissima sibi 
 conjunxit amicum familiaritate," ^ as the warm 
 humanistic phrase has it. In the seventeenth 
 
 ^ Leland, J., De Scriptoribus Br'ttannicis, vol. i, 482. 
 72 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 century Politian would be a " contagious Papist," 
 using his charm to convert men to Romanism, 
 and Selhng would be a " true son of the Church 
 of England," railing at Politian for his " debauch'd 
 and Popish principles." The Renaissance had set 
 men travelling to Italy as to the flower of the 
 world. They had scarcely started before the 
 Reformation called it a place of abomination. 
 Lord Burghley, who in Elizabeth's early days had 
 been so bent on a foreign education for his eldest 
 son, had drilled him in languages and pressed 
 him to go to Italy,^ at the end of his long life left 
 instructions to his children : " Suffer not thy 
 sonnes to pass the Alps, for they shall learn 
 nothing there but pride, blasphemy, and atheism. 
 And if by travel they get a few broken languages, 
 that shall profit them nothing more than to have 
 one meat served on divers dishes." ^ 
 
 The mother of Francis Bacon affords a good 
 example of the Puritan distrust of going " beyond 
 seas." She could by no means sympathize with 
 her son Anthony's determination to become versed 
 in foreign affairs, for that led him into intimacy 
 with Roman Catholics. All through his pro- 
 longed stay abroad she chafed and fretted, while 
 Anthony perversely remained in France, gaining 
 
 1 Calendar of State Papers, Foreign, 1562, Nos. 1069 and 1230. 
 * E. Nares, Memoir of Lord Burghley, vol. iii. p. 513. 
 
 73 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 that acquaintance with valuable correspondents, 
 spies, and intelligencers which later made him one 
 of the greatest authorities in England on continental 
 politics. He had a confidential servant, a Catholic 
 named Lawson, whom he sent over to deliver 
 some important secret news to Lord Burghley. 
 Lady Bacon, in her fear lest Lawson's company 
 should pervert her son's religion and morals, had 
 the man arrested and detained in England. His 
 anxious master sent another man to plead with 
 his mother for Lawson's release ; but in vain. 
 The letter of this messenger to Anthony will serve 
 to show the vehemence of anti-Catholic feelings 
 in a British matron in 1589. 
 
 "Upon my arrival at Godombery my Lady 
 used me courteously until such time I began to 
 move her for Mr Lawson ; and, to say the truth, 
 for yourself; being so much transported with 
 your abode there that she let not to say that you 
 are a traitor to God and your country ; you have 
 undone her ; you seek her death ; and when you 
 have that you seek for, you shall have but a 
 hundred pounds more than you have now. 
 
 " She is resolved to procure Her Majesty's 
 letter to force you to return ; and when that 
 should be, if Her Majesty give you your right or 
 desert, she should clap you up in prison. She 
 cannot abide to hear of you, as she saith, nor of 
 
 74 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 the other especially, and told me plainly she 
 should be the worse this month for my coming 
 without you, and axed me why you could not 
 have come from thence as well as myself. 
 
 " She saith you are hated of all the chiefest on 
 that side and cursed of God in all your actions, 
 since Mr Lawson's being with you. . . . 
 
 " When you have received your provision, 
 make your repair home again, lest you be a means 
 to shorten her days, for she told me the grief of 
 mind received daily by your stay will be her end ; 
 also saith her jewels be spent for you, and that she 
 borrowed the last money of seven several persons. 
 
 " Thus much I must confess unto you for a 
 conclusion, that 1 have never seen nor never shall 
 see a wise Lady, an honourable woman, a mother, 
 more perplexed for her son's absence than I have 
 seen that honourable dame for yours." ^ 
 
 It was not only a general hatred of Roman 
 Catholics which made staunch Protestants anxious 
 to detain their sons from foreign travel towards 
 the end of Elizabeth's reign, but a very lively 
 and well-grounded fear of the Inquisition and 
 the Jesuits. When England was at war with 
 Spain, any Englishman caught on Spanish territory 
 was a lawful prisoner for ransom ; and since 
 
 1 Lambeth MSS., No. 647, fol. iii. Printed in Spedding's Letters 
 and Life of Bacon, vol. i. p. 1 10. 
 
 75 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Spanish territory meant Sicily, Naples, and Milan, 
 and Rome was the territory of Spain*s patron, 
 the Pope, Italy was far from safe for English- 
 men and Protestants. Even when peace with 
 Spain was declared, on the accession of James I., 
 the spies of the Inquisition were everywhere on 
 the alert to find some slight pretext for arresting 
 travellers and to lure them into the dilemma of 
 renouncing their faith, or being imprisoned and 
 tortured. There is a letter, for instance, to Salis- 
 bury from one of his agents on the Continent, 
 concerning overtures made to him by the Pope's 
 nuncio, to decoy some Englishman of note — 
 young Lord Roos or Lord Cranborne — into 
 papal dominions, where he might be seized and 
 detained, in hope of procuring a release for 
 Baldwin the Jesuit.^ William Bedell, about to 
 go to Italy as chaplain to Sir Henry Wotton, 
 the Ambassador to Venice, very anxiously asks a 
 friend what route is best to Italy. " For it is told 
 me that the Inquisition is in Millaine, and that if a 
 man duck not low at every Cross, he may be cast in 
 prison. . . . Send me, I pray you, a note of the chief 
 towns to be passed through. I care not for seeing 
 places, but to go thither the shortest and safest way." ^ 
 
 1 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1603-1610, p. 634. 
 
 2 Quoted in Life and Letters of Sir Henry JVotton, ed. by 
 L. Pearsall Smith, vol. ii. p. 462. 
 
 76 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Bedell's fears were not without reason, for the 
 very next year occurred the arrest of the unfor- 
 tunate Mr Mole, whose case was one of the 
 sensations of the day. Fuller, in his Church 
 History^ under the year 1607, records how — 
 
 " About this time Mr Molle, Governour to 
 the Lord Ross in his travails, began his unhappy 
 journey beyond the Seas. . . . He was appointed 
 by Thomas, Earl of Exeter, to be Governour in 
 Travail to his Grandchilde, the Lord Ross, under- 
 taking the charge with much reluctance (as a 
 presage of ill successe) and with a profession, and 
 a resolution not to passe the Alpes. 
 
 "But a Vagari took the Lord Ross to go to 
 Rome, though some conceive this notion had its 
 root in more mischievous brains. In vain doth 
 Mr Molle dissuade him, grown now so wilfull, 
 he would in some sort govern his Governour. 
 What should this good man doe ? To leave him 
 were to desert his trust, to goe along with him 
 were to endanger his own life. At last his 
 affections to his charge so prevailed against his 
 judgment, that unwillingly willing he went wnth 
 him. Now, at what rate soever they rode to 
 Rome, the fame of their coming came thither 
 before them ; so that no sooner had they entered 
 their Inne, but Officers asked for Mr Molle, took 
 and carried him to the Inquisition-House, where 
 
 n 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 he remained a prisoner whilest the Lord Ross 
 was daily feasted, favoured, entertained : so that 
 some will not stick to say. That here he changed 
 no Religion for a bad one." ^ 
 
 No threats could persuade Mr Mole to renounce 
 his heresy, and though many attempts were made 
 to exchange him for some Jesuits caught in 
 England, he lay for thirty years in the prison of 
 the Inquisition, and died there, at the age of 
 eighty- one. 
 
 It was part of the policy of the Jesuits, accord- 
 ing to Sir Henry Wotton, to thus separate their 
 tutors from young men, and then ply the pupils 
 with attentions and flattery, with a view to per- 
 suading them into the Church of Rome. Not 
 long after the capture of Mole, Wotton writes to 
 Salisbury of another case of the same sort. 
 
 " My Lord Wentworthe ^ on the i8th of May 
 coming towards Venice . . . accompanied with 
 his brother-in-law Mr Henry Crafts, one Edward 
 
 IT, Fuller, The Church-History of Britain, ed. 1655, book. x. 
 p. 48. The alleged reason for Mole's imprisonment, Fuller says, was 
 that he had translated Du Plessis Mornay, *' his book on the Visibility 
 of the Church, out of French into English ; but besides, there were 
 other contrivances therein, not so fit for a public relation " {^supra, p. 49). 
 
 2 Fourth Baron Wentworth of Nettlestead and first Earl of Cleve- 
 land, I 591-1667, who became a Royalist general in the Civil War. 
 At the time of Wotton's letter (1609) he was completing his educa- 
 tion abroad after residence at Oxford. See Dictionary of National 
 Biography, which does not, however, mention his foreign tour. 
 
 78 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Lichefeld, their governor, and some two or three 
 other EngUsh, through Bologna, as they were 
 there together at supper the very night of their 
 arrival, came up two Dominican Friars, with the 
 sergeants of the town, and carried thence the fore- 
 said Lichefeld, with all his papers, into the prison 
 of the Inquisition where he yet remaineth.^ Thus 
 standeth this accident in the bare circumstances 
 thereof, not different, save only in place, from 
 that of Mr Mole at Rome. And doubtlessly (as 
 we collect now upon the matter) if Sir John 
 Harington ^ had either gone the Roman Journey, 
 or taken the ordinary way in his remove thither- 
 wards out of Tuscany, the like would have 
 befallen his director also, a gentleman of singular 
 sufficiency ; ^ for it appeareth a new piece of 
 council (infused into the Pope by his artisans the 
 Jesuits) to separate by some device their guides 
 
 1 He was at once " reconciled " to the Church of Rome, entered 
 the Society of the Jesuits, and "died a most holy death," in 1626, 
 while filling the office of Confessor of the English College at Rome. 
 H. Foley, Records of Society of Jesus^ vi. p. 257, cited in Life and 
 Letters of Sir Henry IVotton, i. p. 457, note. 
 
 2 Second Lord Harington of Exton, 1 592-1614; the favourite 
 friend and companion of Henry, Prince of Wales. A rare and godly 
 young man. For an account of him, and for his letters from abroad, 
 in French and Latin, to Prince Henry, see T. Birch's Life of Prince 
 Henry. 
 
 3 " One Tovy, an * aged man,' late master of the free school, 
 Guildford." Dictionary of National Biography, article on Sir John 
 Harington, supra. 
 
 79 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 from our young noblemen (about whom they are 
 busiest) and afterwards to use themselves (for 
 aught I can yet hear) with much kindness and 
 security, but yet with restraint (when they come 
 to Rome) of departing thence without leave; 
 which form was held both with the Lords Rosse 
 and St Jhons, and with this Lord Wentworthe 
 and his brother-in-law at their being there. And 
 we have at the present also a like example or two 
 in Barons of the Almaign nation of our religion, 
 whose governors are imprisoned, at Rome and 
 Ferrara; so as the matter seemeth to pass into 
 a rule. And albeit thitherto those before named 
 of our own be escaped out of that Babylon (as far 
 as I can penetrate) without any bad impressions, 
 yet surely it appeareth very dangerous to leave 
 our travellers in this contingency ; especially being 
 dispersed in the middle towns of Italy (whither 
 the language doth most draw them) certain nimble 
 pleasant wits in quality of interceptors, who deliver 
 over to their correspondents at Rome the disposi- 
 tions of gentlemen before they arrive, and so 
 subject them both to attraction by argument, and 
 attraction by humour." ^ 
 
 Wotton did not overrate the persuasiveness of 
 the Jesuits. Lord Roos became a papist.^ 
 
 1 Life and Letters of Sir Henry Wotton, i. 456-7. 
 
 2 S. R. Gardiner, History of England, iii. 191. 
 
 80 
 
"ius c a lama cenero/i hcs fcrss t:>fies 
 
 JOHN IIARI\(;T0\, SECOND BARON HARINCTON OF EXTON 
 His letters during his travels in 1604 were considered exemplary 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Wotton's own nephew, Pickering, had been 
 converted in Spain, on his death-bed, although he 
 had been, according to the Jesuit records, " most 
 tenacious of the corrupt rehgion which from his 
 tender youth he had imbibed." ^ In his travels 
 " through the greater part of France, Italy, Spain 
 and Germany for the purpose of learning both 
 the languages and the manners, an ancient custom 
 among northern nations, ... he conferred much 
 upon matters of faith with many persons, led 
 either by inclination or curiosity, and being a 
 clever man would omit no opportunity of gaining 
 information." ^ Through this curiosity he made 
 friends with Father Walpole of the Jesuit College 
 at Valladolid, and falling into a mortal sickness in 
 that city, Walpole had come to comfort him. 
 
 Another conversion of the same sort had been 
 made by Father Walpole at Valladolid, the year 
 before. Sir Thomas Palmer came to Spain both 
 for the purpose of learning the language and seeing 
 the country. " Visiting the English College, he 
 treated familiarly with the Fathers, and began to 
 entertain thoughts in his heart of the Catholic re- 
 ligion." While cogitating, he was " overtaken by a 
 sudden and mortal sickness. Therefore, perceiving 
 himself to be in danger of death, he set to work 
 
 1 H. Foley, Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus y 
 London, 1882, Series ii. p. 253. ^ Ibid. 
 
 F 81 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 to reconcile himself with the Catholic Church. 
 Having received all the last Sacraments he died, 
 and v^as honourably interred with Catholic rites, 
 to the great amazement also of the English Pro- 
 testants, who in great numbers were in the city, 
 and attended the funeral."^ 
 
 There is nothing surprising in these death-bed 
 conversions, when we think of the pressure brought 
 to bear on a traveller in a strange land. As soon as 
 he fell sick, the host of his inn sent for a priest, 
 and if the invalid refused to see a ghostly comforter 
 that fact discovered his Protestantism. Whereupon 
 the physician and apothecary, the very kitchen 
 servants, were forbidden by the priest to help him, 
 unless he renounced his odious Reformed Religion 
 and accepted Confession, the Sacrament, and 
 Extreme Unction. If he died without these his 
 body was not allowed in consecrated ground, but 
 was buried in the highway like a very dog. It is 
 no wonder if sometimes there was a conversion of 
 an Englishman, lonely and dying, with no one to 
 cling to.^ 
 
 We must remember, also, how many reputed 
 Protestants had only outwardly conformed to the 
 
 1 Foley, op. cii., p. 256. The facts are confirmed by the report of 
 the English Ambassador at Valladolid, 17th July 1605, O.S., printed 
 in the I'Vinivood Memorials, vol. ii. p. 95. 
 
 2 Fynes Moryson, Itinerary ^ ed. 1 907, vol. iii. pp. 390-1. 
 
 82 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Church of England for worldly reasons. They 
 could not enter any profession or hold any public 
 office unless they did. But their hearts were still 
 in the old faith, and they counted on returning to 
 it at the very end.^ Sometimes the most sincere 
 of Protestants in sickness " relapsed into papistry." 
 For the Protestant religion was new, but the 
 Roman Church was the Church of their 
 fathers. In the hour of death men turn to old 
 affections. And so in several ways one can 
 account for Sir Francis Cottington, Ambassador 
 to Spain, who fell ill, confessed himself a 
 Catholic ; and when he recovered, once more 
 became a Protestant.^ 
 
 The mere force of environment, according to 
 Sir Charles Cornwallis, Ambassador to Spain from 
 1605-9, was enough to change the religion of 
 impressionable spirits. His reports to England 
 
 1 Such as Dr Thomas Case of St John's in Oxford, whom Fuller 
 reports as " always a Romanist in his heart, but never expressing the 
 same till his mortal sickness seized upon him" [Church History, 
 book ix. p. 235). 
 
 2 Gardiner, History of England, vol. v. pp. 102-3. The same 
 wavering between two Churches in the time of James I. is exemplified 
 by " Edward Buggs, Esq., living in London, aged seventy, and a pro- 
 fessed Protestant." He " was in his sicknesse seduced to the Romish 
 Religion." Recovering, a dispute was held at his request between two 
 Jesuits and two Protestant Divines, on the subject of the Visibility 
 of the Church. " This conference did so satisfie Master Buggs, that 
 renouncing his former wavering, he was confirmed in the Protestant 
 truth" (Fuller, Church History, x. 102). 
 
 83 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 show a constant struggle to keep his train of young 
 gentlemen true to their national Church.^ 
 
 The Spanish Court was then at Valladolid, in 
 which city flourished an especially strong College 
 of Jesuits. Thence Walpole, and other dangerous 
 persuaders, made sallies upon Cornwallis's fold. 
 At first the Ambassador was hopeful : — 
 
 " Much hath that Creswell and others of that 
 Societie " (the Jesuits) " bestir'd themselves here 
 in Conference and Persuasion with the Gentlemen 
 that came to attend his Excellencie^ and do secretly 
 bragg of their much prevailinge. Two of myne 
 own Followers I have found corrupted, the one in 
 such sorte as he refused to come to Prayers, whom 
 I presently discharged ; the other being an honest 
 and sober young Gentleman, and one that denieth 
 not to be present both at Prayers and Preachinge, 
 I continue still, having good hope that I shall in 
 time reduce him." ^ 
 
 But within a month he has to report the con- 
 version of Sir Thomas Palmer, and within another 
 month, the loss of even his own chaplain. " Were 
 God pleased that onlie young and weak ones did 
 waver, it were more tollerable," he laments, " but 
 I am put in some doubte of my Chaplaine him- 
 
 1 IVinivood Memorials, vol. ii. 109. 
 
 2 The Earl of Nottingham, Ambassador Extraordinary in 1605. 
 ^ Win'wood Memorials, vol. ii. 76. 
 
 84 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 self." He had given the chaplain — one Wades- 
 worth, a good Cambridge Protestant — leave of 
 absence to visit the University of Salamanca. In 
 a week the chaplain wrote for a prolongation of 
 his stay, making discourse of " a strange Tempest 
 that came upon him in the way, of visible Fire 
 that fell both before and behind him, of an 
 Expectation of present Death, and of a Vowe he 
 made in that time of Danger." This manner of 
 writing, and reports from others that he has been 
 a secret visitor to the College of the Jesuits, make 
 Cornwallis fear the worst. " I should think him 
 borne in a most unfortunate how^er," he wails, 
 " to become the occasion of such a Scandall." ^ 
 But his fears were realized. The chaplain never 
 came back. He had turned Romanist. 
 
 The reasons for the headway of Catholicism in 
 the reign of James I. do not concern us here. To 
 explain the agitated mood of our Precepts for 
 Travellers, it is necessary only to call attention 
 to the fact that Protestantism was just then losing 
 ground, through the devoted energy of the 
 Jesuits. Even in England, they were able to 
 strike admiration into the mind of youth, and to 
 turn its ardour to their own purposes. But in 
 Spain and in Italy, backed by their impressive 
 environment and surrounded by the visible power 
 
 ^ Wtniuood Memorials, vol. ii. 1 09. 
 
 8j 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 of the Roman Church, they were much more 
 potent. The English Jesuits in Rome — Oxford 
 scholars, many of them — engaged the attentions 
 of such of their university friends or their country- 
 men who came to see Italy, offering to show them 
 the antiquities, to be guides and interpreters/ By 
 some such means the traveller was lured into the 
 company of these winning companions, till their 
 spiritual and intellectual power made an indelible 
 impression on him.^ 
 
 How much the English Government feared the 
 influence of the Jesuits upon young men abroad 
 may be seen by the increasing strictness of licences 
 for travellers. The ordinary licence which every- 
 one but a known merchant was obliged to obtain 
 from a magistrate before he could leave England, 
 in 1595 gave permission with the condition that 
 the traveller " do not haunte or resorte unto the 
 territories or dominions of any foreine prince or 
 potentate not being with us in league or amitie, 
 
 1 Fynes Moryson, Itinerary, vol. i. p. 260. 
 
 2 Such was the case of Tobie Matthew, son of the Archbishop of 
 York, converted during his travels in Italy. This witty and frivolous 
 courtier came home and faced the uproar of his friends, spent a whole 
 plague-stricken summer in Fleet arguing with the Bishops sent to 
 reclaim him, and then was banished. After ten years he reappeared at 
 Coui't, as amusing as ever, the protege of the Duke of Buckingham- 
 But under the mask of frippery he worked unsleepingly to advance the 
 Church of Rome, for he had secretly taken orders as a Jesuit Priest. 
 See Life of Sir Tobie Matthew, by A. H. Mathew, London, 1907. 
 
 86 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 nor yet wittinglie kepe companie with any parson 
 or parsons evell affected to our State." ^ But the 
 attempt to keep Englishmen out of Italy was 
 generally fruitless, and the proviso was too 
 frequently disregarded. Lord Zouche grumbled 
 exceedingly at the limitations of his licence. " I 
 cannot tell," he writes to Burghley in 1591, 
 "whether I shall do well or no to touch that part 
 of the licence which prohibiteth me in general to 
 travel in some countries, and companioning divers 
 persons. . . . This restraint is truly as an imprison- 
 ment, for I know not how to carry myself; I 
 know not whether I may pass upon the Lords of 
 Venis, and the Duke of Florens' territories, be- 
 cause I know not if they have league with her 
 Majesty or no." ^ Doubtless Bishop Hall was 
 right when he declared that travellers commonly 
 neglected the cautions about the king's enemies, 
 and that a limited licence was only a verbal 
 formality.^ King James had occasion to remark 
 that " many of the Gentry, and others of Our 
 Kingdom, under pretence of travel for their 
 experience, do pass the Alps, and not contenting 
 themselves to remain in Lombardy or Tuscany, 
 to gain the language there, do daily flock to 
 
 ^ Davison's Poetical Rhapsody, ed. Nicolas, 1826, vol. i. p. vi. 
 
 2 Life and Letters of Sir Henry IVotton, vol. ii. 482. 
 
 3 Quo Vadis, A Just Censure of Travel, in IVorks, Oxford, vol. ix. 
 p. 560. 
 
 87 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Rome, out of vanity and curiosity to see the 
 Antiquities of that City ; where falling into the 
 company of Priests and Jesuits . . . return again 
 into their countries, both averse to Religion and 
 ill-affected to Our State and Government.^ 
 
 To come to our Instructions for Travellers, as 
 given in the reign of James I., they abound, as 
 we would expect, in warnings against the In- 
 quisition and the Jesuits. Sir Robert Dallington, 
 in his Method for Travell^" gives first place to the 
 question of remaining steadfast in one's religion : 
 
 " Concerning the Travellers religion, I teach 
 not what it should be, (being out of my element ;) 
 only my hopes are, he be of the religion here 
 established : and my advice is he be therein well 
 settled, and that howsoever his imagination shall 
 be carried in the voluble Sphere of divers men's 
 discourses ; yet his inmost thoughts like lines in 
 a circle shall alwaies concenter in this immoveable 
 point, not to alter his first faith : for that I knowe, 
 that as all innovation is dangerous in a state ; so 
 is this change in the little commonwealth of a 
 man. And it is to be feared, that he which is of 
 one religion in his youth, and of another in his 
 manhood, will in his age be of neither. . . . 
 
 1 Life and Letters of Sir Henry Wotton, vol. i. 70, note. 
 
 2 A Method for Travell shelved by taking the vieiv of France, As 
 it sioode in the year e of our Lord, 1598. 
 
 88 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 " I will instance in a Gentleman I knew 
 abroade, of an overt and free nature Zealously- 
 forward in the religion hee carried from home, 
 while he was in France, who had not bene twentie 
 dayes in Italy, but he was as farre gone on the 
 contrary Byas, and since his returne is turned 
 againe. Now what should one say of such men 
 but as the Philosopher saith of a friend, ' Amicus 
 omnium, Amicus nullorum,' A professor of both, 
 a believer in neither.^ 
 
 " The next Caveat is, to beware how he heare 
 anything repugnant to his religion : for as I have 
 tyed his tongue ; so must I stop his eares, least 
 they be open to the smooth incantations of an 
 insinuating seducer, or the suttle arguments of a 
 sophisticall adversarie. To this effect I must pre- 
 cisely forbid him the fellowship or companie of one 
 sort of people in generall : these are the Jesuites, 
 underminders and inveiglers of greene wits, seducers 
 of men in matter of faith, and subverters of men in 
 
 1 Wood records such a state of mind in John Nicolls,who, in 1577 
 left England, made a recantation of his heresy, and was " received 
 into the holy Catholic Church." Returning to England he recanted 
 his Roman Catholic opinions, and even wrote " His Pilgrimage, 
 wherein is displayed the lives of the proud Popes, ambitious Cardinals, 
 leacherous Bishops, fat bellied Monks, and hypocritical Jesuits " 
 (1581). Notwithstanding which, he went beyond the seas again (to 
 turn Mohometan, his enemies said), and under threats and imprison- 
 ment at Rouen, recanted all that he had formerly uttered against the 
 Romanists. — Athena Oxonienses, ed. Bliss, i. p. 496. 
 
 89 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 matters of State, making of both a bad christian, 
 and worse subject. These men I would have my 
 Travueller never heare, except in the Pulpit ; for ^ 
 being eloquent, they speake excellent language ; 
 and being wise, and therefore best knowing how 
 to speake to best purpose, they seldome or never 
 handle matter of controversie." 
 
 Our best authority in this period of travelling 
 is Fynes Moryson, whose Precepts for Travellers * 
 are particularly full. Moryson is well known as 
 one of the most experienced travellers of the late 
 Elizabethan era. On a travelling Fellowship 
 from Peterhouse College, Cambridge, in 1591- 
 1595 he made a tour of Europe, when the 
 Continent was bristling with dangers for English- 
 men. Spain and the Inquisition infected Italy 
 and the Low Countries ; France was full of 
 desperate marauding soldiers ; Germany nourished 
 robbers and free-booters in every forest. It was 
 the particular delight of Fynes Moryson to run 
 into all these dangers and then devise means ot 
 escaping them. He never swerved from seeing 
 
 1 Understood: "for in the pulpit, being eloquent, they," etc. 
 
 2 In volume iii. of his Itinerary (reprint by the University of 
 Glasgow, 1908), preceded by an Essay of Tra'vel in General, a 
 panegyric in the style of Turler, Lipsius, etc., containing most points 
 of previous essays in praise of travel, and some new ones. For 
 instance, in his defence of travel, he must answer the objection that 
 travellers run the risk of being perverted from the Church of England. 
 
 90 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 whatever his curiosity prompted him to, no 
 matter how forbidden and perilous was the ven- 
 ture. Disguised as a German he successfully 
 viewed the inside of a Spanish fort ; ^ in the 
 character of a Frenchman he entered the jaws 
 of the Jesuit College at Rome."^ He made his 
 way through German robbers by dressing as a 
 poor Bohemian, without cloak or sword, with 
 his hands in his hose, and his countenance servile.* 
 His triumphs were due not so much to a dashing 
 and magnificent bravery, as to a nice ingenuity. 
 For instance, when he was plucked bare by the 
 French soldiers of even his inner doublet, in 
 which he had quilted his money, he was by no 
 means left penniless, for he had concealed some 
 gold crowns in a box of "stinking ointment" 
 which the soldiers threw down in disgust.* 
 
 His Precepts for Travellers are characteristic- 
 ally canny. Never tell anyone you can swim, he 
 advises, because in case of shipwreck " others 
 trusting therein take hold of you, and make 
 you perish with them." '^ Upon duels and re- 
 sentment of injury in strange lands he throws 
 cold common sense. " I advise young men to 
 moderate their aptnesse to quarrell, lest they perish 
 with it. We are not all like Amadis or Rinalldo, 
 
 1 Itinerary, iii. 411. '^ Ihld., i. 304. ^ Ibid., i. 78-80. 
 
 * Ibid., i. 399. '' Ibid,, iii. 389. 
 
 91 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 to incounter an hoste of men." ^ Very thoughtful 
 is this paragraph on the night's lodging : 
 
 " In all Innes, but especially in suspected places, 
 let him bolt or locke the doore of his chamber : 
 let him take heed of his chamber fellows, and 
 always have his Sword by his side, or by his 
 bed-side ; let him lay his purse under his pillow, 
 but always foulded with his garters, or some 
 thing hee first useth in the morning, lest hee 
 forget to put it up before hee goe out of his 
 chamber. And to the end he may leave nothing 
 behind him in his Innes, let the visiting of his 
 chamber, and gathering his things together, be 
 the last thing he doth, before hee put his foote 
 into the stirrup." ^ 
 
 The whole of the Precepts is marked by this 
 extensive caution. Since, as Moryson truly 
 remarks, travellers meet with more dangers than 
 pleasures, it is better to travel alone than with 
 a friend. "In places of danger, for difference 
 of Religion or proclaimed warre, whosoever hath 
 his Country-man or friend for his companion 
 doth much increase his danger, as well for the 
 confession of his companion, if they chance to 
 be apprehended, as for other accidents, since he 
 shall be accomptable and drawne into danger, 
 as well as by his companion's words or deeds, 
 
 ^ Itinerary, iii. 400. "Ibid., iii. 388. 
 
 92 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 as by his owne. And surely there happening 
 many dangers and crosses by the way, many are 
 of such intemperate affections, as they not only 
 diminish the comfort they should have from this 
 consort, but even as Dogs, hurt by a stone, bite 
 him that is next, not him that cast the stone, so 
 they may perhaps out of these crosses grow^ to 
 bitterness of words betweene themselves." ^ In- 
 stead of a companion, therefore, let the traveller 
 have a good book under his pillow, to beguile the 
 irksome solitude of Inns — " alwaies bewaring that 
 it treat not of the Common-wealth, the Religion 
 thereof, or any Subject that may be dangerous to 
 him." ^ Chance companions of the road should 
 not be trusted. Lest the traveller should become 
 too well known to them, let him always declare 
 that he is going no further than the next city. 
 Arrived there, he may give them the slip and 
 start with fresh consorts. 
 
 Moryson himself, when forced to travel in 
 company, chose Germans, kindly honest gentle- 
 men, of his own religion. He could speak 
 German well enough to pass as one of them, 
 but in fear lest even a syllable might betray his 
 nationality to the sharp spies at the city gates, he 
 made an agreement with his companions that when 
 he was forced to answer questions they should 
 
 1 Ibid, iii. 387. - Ibid., iii. 375. 
 
 93 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 interrupt him as soon as possible, and take the 
 words out of his mouth, as though in rudeness. 
 If he were discovered they were to say they knew 
 him not, and flee away.^ 
 
 Moryson advised the traveller to see Rome and 
 Naples first, because those cities were the most 
 dangerous. Men who stay in Padua some months, 
 and afterwards try Rome, may be sure that the 
 Jesuits and priests there are informed, not only of 
 their coming, but of their condition and appear- 
 ance by spies in Padua. It were advisable to 
 change one's dwelling-place often, so to avoid 
 the inquiries of priests. At Easter, in Rome, 
 Moryson found the fullest scope for his genius. 
 A few days before Easter a priest came to his 
 lodgings and took the inmates' names in writing, 
 to the end that they might receive the Sacrament 
 with the host's family. Moryson went from 
 Rome on the Tuesday before Easter, came to 
 Siena on Good Friday, and upon Easter eve 
 " (pretending great business) " darted to Florence 
 for the day. On Monday morning he dodged to 
 Pisa, and on the folowing, back to Siena. " Thus 
 by often changing places I avoyded the Priests 
 inquiring after mee, which is most dangerous 
 about Easter time, when all men receive the 
 Sacrament." ^ 
 
 '^Itinerary, iii. 411. ^ Ibid.^ iii. 413. 
 
 94 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 The conception of travel one gathers from 
 Fynes Moryson is that of a very exciting form 
 of sport, a sort of chase across Europe, in which 
 the tourist was the fox, doubhng and turning 
 and diving into cover, while his friends in 
 England laid three to one on his death. So 
 dangerous was travel at this time, that wagers on 
 the return of venturous gentlemen became a 
 fashionable form of gambling.^ The custom 
 emanated from Germany, Moryson explains, and 
 was in England first used at Court and among 
 " very Noble men." Moryson himself put out 
 j^ioo to receive ^2^300 on his return; but by 
 1595, when he contemplated a second journey, 
 he would not repeat the wager, because ridiculous 
 voyages were by that time undertaken for in- 
 surance money by bankrupts and by men of base 
 conditions. 
 
 Sir Henry Wotton was a celebrated product of 
 foreign education in these perilous times. As a 
 student of political economy in 1592 he led a 
 
 1 See Ben Jonson, Every Man out of his Humour^ Act II. 
 Sc. i. : "I do intend this year of jubilee coming on, to travel, and 
 because I will not altogether go upon expense I am determined to put 
 forth some five thousand pound, to be paid me five for one, upon the 
 return of myself, my wife, and my dog from the Turk's court in 
 Constantinople." Also the epigram of Sir John Davies in Poems, ed. 
 Grosart, vol. ii. p. 40 : 
 
 " Lycus, which lately is to Venice gone, 
 Shall if he doe returne, gaine three for one." 
 
 95 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 precarious existence, visiting Rome with the 
 greatest secrecy, and in elaborate disguise. For 
 years abroad he drank in tales of subtlety and 
 craft from old Italian courtiers, till he was well 
 able to hold his own in intrigue. By nature 
 imaginative and ingenious, plots and counterplots 
 appealed to his artistic ability, and as English 
 Ambassador to Venice, he was never tired of 
 inventing them himself or attributing them to 
 others. It was this characteristic of Jacobean 
 politicians which Ben Jonson satirized in Sir 
 Politick-Would-be, who divulged his knowledge 
 of secret service to Peregrine in Venice. Greatly 
 excited by the mention of a certain priest in 
 England, Sir Politick explains : 
 
 " He has received weekly intelligence 
 Upon my knowledge, out of the Low Countries, 
 For all parts of the world, in cabbages ; 
 And these dispensed again to ambassadors, 
 In oranges, musk-melons, apricocks — , 
 Lemons, pome-citrons, and such-like ; sometimes 
 In Colchester oysters, and your Selsey cockles." ^ 
 
 Later on Sir Politick gives instructions for 
 travellers : 
 
 " Some few particulars I have set down, 
 Only for this meridian, fit to be known 
 Of your crude traveller. . . . 
 First, for your garb, it must be grave and serious, 
 Very reserv'd and lock'd ; not tell a secret 
 
 96 
 
 1 Volpone : or the Fox, Act II. Sc. i. 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 On any terms ; not to your father : scarce 
 
 A fable, but with caution : make sure choice 
 
 Both of your company, and discourse ; beware 
 
 You never speak a truth — 
 Peregrine. How ! 
 
 Sir P. Not to strangers. 
 
 For those be they you must converse with most ; 
 
 Others I would not know, sir, but at distance, 
 
 So as I still might be a saver in them : 
 
 You shall have tricks eke passed upon you hourly. 
 
 And then, for your religion, profess none, 
 
 But wonder at the diversity of all." l 
 
 Sir Henry Wotton's letter to Milton must not 
 be left out of account of Jacobean advice to 
 travellers. It is brief, but very characteristic, 
 for it breathes the atmosphere of plots and 
 caution. Admired for his great experience and 
 long sojourn abroad, in his old age, as Provost 
 of Eton, Sir Henry's advice was much sought 
 after by fathers about to send their sons on the 
 Grand Tour. Forty-eight years after he him- 
 self set forth beyond seas, he passed on to young 
 John Milton " in procinct of his travels," his 
 favourite bit of wrisdom, learned from a Roman 
 courtier well versed in the ways of Italy : " I 
 pensieri stretti e il viso sciolto." ^ Milton did not 
 follow this Machiavellian precept to keep his 
 " thoughts close and his countenance loose," as 
 
 1 Ibid., Act III. Sc. V. 
 
 2 The whole letter is printed in Pearsall Smith's Collection, vol. ii. 
 p. 382. 
 
 G 97 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Wotton translates it,^ and was soon marked by 
 the Inquisition; but he was proud of being advised 
 by Sir Henry Wotton, and boasted of the " elegant 
 letter " and " exceedingly useful precepts " which 
 the Provost bestowed on him at his departure for 
 Italy.2 
 
 So much for the admonitory side of instructions 
 for travellers at the opening of the seventeenth 
 century. Italy, we see, was still feared as a 
 training-ground for " green wits." Bishop Hall 
 succeeded Ascham in denouncing the travel of 
 young men who professed " to seek the glory of 
 a perfect breeding, and the perfection of that 
 which we call civility." Allowed to visit the 
 Continent at an early age, " these lapwings, 
 that go from under the wing of their dam 
 with the shell on their heads, run wild." They 
 hasten southwards, where in Italy they view 
 the " proud majesty of pompous ceremonies, 
 wherewith the hearts of children and fools are 
 easily taken." ^ To the persuasive power of the 
 Jesuits Hall devotes several pages, and makes an 
 impassioned plea to the authorities to prevent 
 Englishmen from travelling. 
 
 1 Pearsall Smith's Collection, vol. ii. p. 364 (in another letter of 
 advice on foreign travel). 
 
 2 Defens'to secunda^ in Opera Lat'tna, Amstelodami, 1698, p. 96. 
 
 2 Quo Vadis ? A Just Censure of Travel as it is undertaken by the 
 Gentlemen of our Nation, London, 161 7. 
 
 98 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Parents could be easily alarmed by any pos- 
 sibility of their sons' conversion to Romanism. 
 For the penalties of being a Roman Catholic in 
 England were enough to make an ambitious 
 father dread recusancy in his son. Though a 
 gentleman or a nobleman ran no risk of being 
 hanged, quartered, disembowelled and subjected 
 to such punishments as were dealt out to active 
 and dangerous priests, he was regarded as a traitor 
 if he acknowledged himself to be a Romanist. At 
 any moment of anti-Catholic excitement he might 
 be arrested and clapped into prison. Drearier than 
 prison must have been his social isolation. For 
 he was cut off from his generation and had no 
 real part in the life of England. Under the laws 
 of James he was denied any share in the Govern- 
 ment, could hold no public office, practise no pro- 
 fession. Neither law nor medicine, nor parliament 
 nor the army, nor the university, was open to him. 
 Banished from London and the Court, shunned by 
 his contemporaries, he lurked in some country house, 
 now miserably lonely, now plagued by officers in 
 search of priests. At last, generally, he went 
 abroad, and wandered out his life, an exile, despised 
 by his countrymen, who met him hanging on at 
 foreign Courts ; or else he sought a monastery 
 and was buried there. To be sure, the laws 
 against recusants were not uniformly enforced ; 
 
 99 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 papistry in favourites and friends of the king 
 was winked at, and the rich noblemen, who were 
 able to pay fines, did not suffer much. But the 
 fact remains that for the average gentleman to 
 turn Romanist generally meant to drop out of 
 the world. " Mr Lewknor," writes Father Gerard 
 to Father Owen,^ "growing of late to a full 
 resolution of entering the Society (of Jesus), and 
 being so much known in England and in the 
 Court as he is, so that he could not be concealed 
 in the English College at Rome ; and his father, 
 as he considered, being morally sure to lose his 
 place,^ which is worth unto him ^looo a year, 
 he therefore will come privately to Liege, where 
 I doubt not but to keep him wholly unknown." 
 
 ^ 19th September 1614. Quoted in C. Dodd's Church History of 
 England, ed. Tierney, vol. iv. Appendix, p. ccxli. 
 2 Master of Ceremonies to James I. 
 
 100 
 
Chapter V 
 
 THE INFLUENCE OF THE FRENCH 
 ACADEMIES 
 
 THE admonitions of their elders did not 
 keep young men from going to Italy, 
 but as the seventeenth century advanced 
 the conditions they found there made that country 
 less attractive than France. The fact that the 
 average Englishman was a Protestant divided 
 him from his compeers in Italy and damped social 
 intercourse. He was received courteously and 
 formally by the Italian princes, perhaps, for the 
 sake of his political uncle or cousin in England, 
 but inner distrust and suspicion blighted any real 
 friendship. Unless the Englishman was one of 
 those who had a secret, half - acknowledged 
 allegiance to Romanism, there could not, in the 
 age of the Puritans, be much comfortable affection 
 between him and the Italians. The beautiful 
 youth, John Milton, as the author of excellent 
 Latin verse, was welcomed into the literary life 
 of Florence, to be sure, and there were other 
 unusual cases, but the typical traveller of Stuart 
 times was the young gentleman who was sent 
 to France to learn the graces, with a view to 
 making his fortune at Court, even as his widowed 
 
 lOI 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 mother sent George Villiers, afterwards Duke of 
 Buckingham. The EngUshmen who travelled 
 for " the complete polishing of their parts " con- 
 tinued to visit Italy, to satisfy their curiosity, but 
 it was rather in the mood of the sight-seer. Only 
 malcontents, at odds with their native land, like 
 Bothwell, or the Earl of Arundel, or Leicester's 
 disinherited son, made prolonged residence in 
 Italy. Aspiring youth, seeking a social education, 
 for the most part hurried to France. 
 
 For it was not only a sense of being surrounded 
 by enemies which during the seventeenth century 
 somewhat weakened the Englishman's allegiance 
 to Italy, but the increasing attractiveness of 
 another country. By 1 6 1 6 it was said of France 
 that " Unto no other countrie, so much as unto 
 this, doth swarme and flow yearly from all 
 Christian nations, such a multitude, and concourse 
 of young Gentlemen, Marchants, and other sorts 
 of men : some, drawen from their Parentes bosoms 
 by desire of learning ; some, rare Science, or new 
 conceites ; some by pleasure ; and others allured 
 by lucre and gain. . . . But among all other 
 Nations, there cometh not such a great multitude 
 to Fraunce from any Country, as doth yearely 
 from this Isle (England), both of Gentlemen, 
 Students, Marchants, and others." ^ 
 
 1 The Reformed Travailer, by W. H., 1616, fol. A 4, verso. 
 102 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Held in peace by Henry of Navarre, France 
 began to be a happier place than Italy for the 
 Englishman abroad. Germany was impossible, 
 because of the Thirty Years' War ; and Spain, 
 for reasons which we shall see later on, was not 
 inviting. Though nominally Roman Catholic, 
 France was in fact half Protestant. Besides, the 
 French Court was great and gay, far outshining 
 those of the impoverished Italian princes. It suited 
 the gallants of the Stuart period, who found the 
 grave courtesy of the Italians rather slow. Learn- 
 ing, for which men once had travelled into Italy, 
 was no longer confined there. Nor did the 
 Cavaliers desire exact classical learning. A know- 
 ledge of mythology, culled from French transla- 
 tions, was sufficient. Accomplishments, such as 
 riding, fencing, and dancing, were what chiefly 
 helped them, it appeared, to make their way at 
 Court or at camp. And the best instruction in 
 these accomplishments had shifted from Italy to 
 France. 
 
 A change had come over the ideal of a gentle- 
 man — a reaction from the Tudor enthusiasm for 
 letters. A long time had gone by since Henry VIII. 
 tried to make his children as learned as Erasmus, 
 and had the most erudite scholars fetched from 
 Oxford and Cambridge to direct the royal nursery. 
 The somewhat moderated esteem in which book- 
 
 103 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 learning was held in the household of Charles I. 
 may be seen in a letter of the Earl of Newcastle, 
 governor to Prince Charles,^ who writes to his 
 pupil : 
 
 " I would not have you too studious, for too 
 much contemplation spoils action, and Virtue 
 consists in that." The Prince's model is to be the 
 Bishop of Chichester, his tutor, who " hath no 
 pedantry in him : his learning he makes right use 
 of, neither to trouble himself with it or his friends: 
 . . . reades men as well as books : ... is 
 travell'd, which you shall perceive by his wisdome 
 and fashion more than by his relations ; and in a 
 word strives as much discreetly to hide the scholler 
 in him, as other men's follies studies to shew it : 
 and is a right gentleman." ^ 
 
 Of pedantry, however, there never seems to 
 have been any danger in Court circles, either in 
 Tudor or Stuart days. It took constant exhorta- 
 tions to make the majority of noblemen's sons 
 learn anything at all out of books. For centuries 
 the marks of a gentleman had been bravery, 
 courtesy and a good seat in the saddle, and it was 
 not to be supposed that a sudden fashionable 
 enthusiasm for literature could change all that. 
 Ascham had declared that the Elizabethan young 
 
 1 Charles II. 
 
 2 Ellis, Original Letters, ist Series, iii. 288. 
 
 104 
 

OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 bloods thought it shameful to be learned because 
 the " Jentlemen of France " were not so.^ When 
 with the general relaxation of high effort which 
 appeared in so many ways at the Court of James I., 
 the mastery of Greek authors was no longer 
 an ideal of the courtier, the Jacobean gallant was 
 hardly more intellectual than the medieval page. 
 Henry Peacham, in 1623, described noblemen's 
 flagging faith in a university education. They 
 sent their sons to Oxford or Cambridge at an 
 early age, and if the striplings did not immediately 
 lay hold on philosophy, declared that they had no 
 aptitude for learning, and removed them to a 
 dancing school. " These young things," as he 
 calls the Oxford students "of twelve, thirteene, 
 or foureteene, that have no more care than to 
 expect the next Carrier, and where to sup on 
 Fridayes and Fasting nights" lind "such a dis- 
 proportion betweene Aristotles Categories, and 
 their childish capacities, that what together with 
 the sweetnesse of libertie, varietie of companie, 
 and so many kinds of recreation in towne and 
 fields abroad," they give over any attempt to 
 understand " the crabbed grounds of Arts." 
 Whereupon, the parents, " if they perceive any 
 wildnesse or unstayednesse in their children, are 
 presently in despaire, and out of all hope of them 
 
 1 The Scholemaster^ ed. Mayor, p. 53. 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 for ever prooving Schollers, or fit for anything 
 else ; neither consider the nature of youth, nor the 
 effect of time, the Physitian of all. But to mend 
 the matter, send them either to the Court to 
 serve as Pages, or into France and Italy to see 
 fashions, and mend their manners, where they 
 become ten times worse." ^ 
 
 The influence of France would not be towards 
 books, certainly. Brave, gallant, and magnificent 
 were the Gallic gentlemen ; but not learned. 
 Reading made them positively ill : " la tete leur 
 tourne de lire," as Breze confessed.^ Scorning an 
 indoor sedentary life, they left all civil offices to the 
 bourgeoisie, and devoted themselves exclusively to 
 war. As the Vicomte D'Avenel has crisply put it: 
 
 " It would have seemed as strange to see a 
 person of high rank the Treasurer of France, the 
 Controller of Finance, or the Rector of a Univer- 
 sity, as it would be to see him a cloth-merchant 
 or maker of crockery. . . . The poorest younger 
 son of an ancient family, who would not disdain 
 to engage himself as a page to a nobleman, or 
 as a common soldier, would have thought himself 
 debased by accepting the post of secretary to an 
 ambassador," ^ 
 
 1 The Compkat Gentleman, 1634 (reprint 1906), p. 33. 
 
 2 Cited in G. D'Avenel, La Noblesse frangaise sous Richelieu, p. 52. 
 
 3 Hid., pp. 41-2. 
 
 io6 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Brute force was still considered the greatest 
 power in the world, even when Sully was Con- 
 seiller d'Etat, though divining spirits like Eustache 
 Deschamps had declared that the day would come 
 when serving-men would rule France by their 
 wits, all because the noblesse would not learn 
 letters.^ In vain the wise Bras-de-Fer warned 
 his generation that glory and strength of limb 
 were of short duration, while knowledge was the 
 only immortal quality." As long as parents saw 
 that the honours at Court went to handsome 
 horsemen, they thought it mistaken policy to 
 waste money on book-learning for their sons. 
 When a boy came from the university to Court, 
 he found himself eclipsed by young pages, who 
 Scarcely knew how to read, but had killed their 
 man in a duel, and danced to perfection.^ A 
 martial training, with physical accomplishments, 
 was the most effective, apparently. 
 
 The martial type which France evolved dazzled 
 other nations, and it is not surprising that under 
 the Stuarts, who had inherited French ways, the 
 English Court was particularly open to French 
 ideals. Our directions for travellers reflect the 
 
 ^ Balade, " Les chevaliers ont honte d'etudier " [CEuvres Com- 
 pletes, tome iii. p. 187). 
 
 - De la Noue, Discours Politiques el Militaires, 1587, p. ill. 
 
 ■^ De la Nouc, op. cit., pp. 1 18-22. Court and Times 0/ Charles /., 
 vol', ii. pp. 89, 187. 
 
 107 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 change from the typical Elizabethan courtier, 
 " somewhat solemn, coy, big and dangerous of 
 look," to the easy manners of the cavalier. A 
 Method for Travell^ written while Elizabeth was 
 still on the throne, extols Italian conduct. " I 
 would rather," it says of the traveller, " he should 
 come home Italianate than Frenchified : I speake 
 of both in the better sense : for the French is 
 stirring, bold, respectless, inconstant, suddaine : 
 the Italian stayed, demure, respective, grave, 
 advised." ^ But Instructions for Forreine Travel! 
 in 1 642 urges one to imitate the French. " For 
 the Gentry of France have a kind of loose, be- 
 coming boldness, and forward vivacity in their 
 manners." ^ 
 
 The first writer of advice to travellers who 
 assumes that French accomplishments are to be 
 a large part of the traveller's education, is Sir 
 Robert Dallington, whom we have already quoted. 
 His View of France} to which the Method 
 for Travell is prefixed, deserves a reprint, for 
 both that and his Survey of Tuscany} though 
 built on the regular model of the Elizabethan 
 traveller's " Relation," being a conscientious 
 
 ^ ji Method for Travell. Shelved by takitig the vieiu of France. 
 As it stood in the yeare of our Lord, 1598. 
 
 2 By James Howell. ^ Supra, note (i). 
 
 ^ A Survey of the Great Dukes State of Tuscany. In the yeare oj 
 our Lord, I 596. 
 
 108 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 account of the chief geographical, economic, archi- 
 tectural, and social features of the country tra- 
 versed, are more artistic than the usual formal 
 reports. Dallington wrote these Views in 1598, 
 a little before the generation which modelled 
 itself on the French gallants, and his remarks on 
 Frenchmen may well have served as a warning to 
 courtiers not to imitate the foibles, along with the 
 admirable qualities, of their compeers across the 
 Channel. For instance, he is outraged by the 
 effusiveness of the " violent, busy-headed and 
 impatient Frenchman," who " showeth his light- 
 ness and inconstancie ... in nothing more than 
 in his familiaritie, with whom a stranger cannot 
 so soone be off his horse, but he will be ac- 
 quainted : nor so soone in his Chamber, but the 
 other like an Ape will bee on his shoulder : and 
 as suddenly and without cause ye shall love him 
 also. A childish humour, to be wonne with as 
 little as an Apple and lost with lesse than a Nut." ^ 
 The King of France himself is censured for his 
 geniality. Dallington deems Henry of Navarre 
 " more affable and familiar than fits the Majesty 
 of a great King." He might have found in 
 current gossip worse lapses than the two he quotes 
 to show Henry's lack of formality, but it is part 
 of Dallington's worth that he writes of things at 
 
 1 The Vieiv of France^ fol. X. 
 
 109 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 first-hand, and gives us only what he himself 
 saw ; how at Orleans, when the Italian corn- 
 medians were to play before him, the king 
 himself, " came whiffling with a small wand to 
 scowre the coast, and make place for the rascall 
 Players, ... a thing, me thought, most deroga- 
 tory to the Majesty of a King of France." 
 
 " And lately at Paris (as they tell us) when the 
 Spanish Hostages were to be entertayned, he did 
 Usher it in the great Chamber, as he had done here 
 before ; and espying the Chayre not to stand well 
 under the State, mended it handsomely himselfe, 
 and then set him downe to give them audience."^ 
 
 Nor can Dallington conceal his disapproval of 
 foreign food. The sorrows of the beef-eating 
 Englishman among the continentals were always 
 poignant. Dallington is only one of the many 
 travellers who, unable to grasp the fact that warmer 
 climes called for light diet, reproached the Italians 
 especially for their " parsimony and thin feeding." 
 In Henry the Eighth's time there was already a 
 saying among the Italians, " Give the Englishman 
 his beef and mustard,"^ while the English in turn 
 jibed at the Italians for being " like Nebuchad- 
 nezzar, — always picking of sallets." " Herbage," 
 says Dallington scornfully " is the most generall 
 
 1 The Vteiv of France, fol. H 4, verso. 
 
 2 William Thomas, The Pilgrim, 1546. 
 
 I 10 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 food of the Tuscan . . . for every horse-load of flesh 
 eaten, there is ten cart loades of hearbes and rootes, 
 which also their open Markets and private tables 
 doe witnesse, and w^hereof if one talke vvrith them 
 fasting, he shall have sencible feeling." ^ The 
 whole subject of diet he dismisses in his advice to 
 a traveller as follows : " As for his viands I feare 
 not his surfetting ; his provision is never so great, 
 but ye may let him loose to his allowance. ... I 
 shall not need to tell him before what his dyet 
 shall be, his appetite will make it better than it 
 is : for he shall be still kept sharpe : only of the 
 difference of dyets, he shall observe thus much : 
 that of Germanie is full or rather fulsome; that 
 of France allowable ; that of Italic tolerable ; 
 with the Dutch he shall have much meat ill- 
 dressed : with the French lesse, but well handled ; 
 with the Italian neither the one nor the other." ^ 
 
 Though there is much in Dallington's description 
 of Italy and France to repay attention, our concern 
 is with his Method for Travell} which, though 
 more practical than the earlier Elizabethan essays 
 
 ^ Survey of Tuscany, p. 34. 
 
 2 u4 Method for Travell, Fol. B 4, verso. 
 
 ^ The first edition oi The F^ieiu 0/ Fraunce "was printed anonymously 
 in 1 604 by Symon Stafford : When Thomas Creede brought out 
 another edition, apparently in 1606, Dallington inserted a preface 
 "To All Gentlemen that have Travelled," and ^ Method for 
 Travel/, consisting of eight unpaged leaves, and a folded leaf containing 
 a conspectus of -^ Method for Travell. 
 
 Ill 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 of the same sort, opens in the usual style of 
 exhortation : 
 
 " Plato, one of the day-starres of that know- 
 ledge, which then but dawning hath since shone 
 out in clearer brightness, thought nothing better 
 for the bettering our understanding then Travell: 
 as well by having a conference with the wiser 
 sort in all sorts of learning, as by the A'vToxjjiarj. 
 The eye-sight of those things, which otherwise a 
 man cannot have but by Tradition ; A Sandy 
 foundation either in matter of Science, or Con- 
 science. So that a purpose to Travell, if it be 
 not ad voluptatem Solum, sed ad utilitatem, 
 argueth an industrious and generous minde. Base 
 and vulgar spirits hover still about home : those 
 are more noble and divine, that imitate the 
 Heavens, and joy in motion." 
 
 After a warning against Jesuits, which we have 
 quoted, he comes at once to definite directions 
 for studying modern languages ^ — advice which 
 though sound is hardly novel. Continual speak- 
 
 1 As the use of Latin waned, a knowledge of modern languages 
 became Increasingly important. The attitude of continental gentlemen 
 on this point is indicated by a Spanish Ambassador in 1613, to whom 
 the Pope's Nuncio used a German Punctilio, of speaking Latin, for 
 more dignity, to him and Italian to the Residents of Mantua and 
 Urbino. The Ambassador answered in Italian, " and afterwards gave 
 this reason for it : that it were as ill a Decorum for a Cavalier to 
 speak Latin, as for a Priest to use any other Language" ( IVmiuood 
 Memorials, vol. iii. p. 446). 
 
 I 12 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 ing with all sorts of people, insisting that his 
 teacher shall not do all the talking, and avoiding 
 his countrymen are unchangeable rules for him 
 who shall travel for language.^ But this is the 
 first treatise for travellers which makes note 
 of dancing as an important accomplishment. 
 " There's another exercise to be learned in France, 
 because there are better teachers, and the French 
 fashion is in most request with us, that is, of 
 dancing. This I meane to my Traveller that is 
 young and meanes to follow the Court : other- 
 wise I hold it needelesse, and in some ridiculous." ^ 
 This art was indeed essential to courtiers, and a 
 matter of great earnestness. Chamberlain reports 
 that Sir Henry Bowyer died of the violent 
 exercise he underwent while practising dancing.^ 
 Henri III. fell into a tearful passion and called 
 the Grand Prieur a liar, a poltroon, and a villain, 
 at a ball, because the Grand Prieur was heard to 
 
 1 Fynes Moryson had a great deal to say on this subject. In 
 particular, he instances the Germans as reprehensible in living only 
 with their own countrymen in Italy, " never attaining the perfect use 
 of any forreigne Language, be it never so easy. So as myselfe 
 remember one of them, who being reprehended, that having been 
 thirty yeeres in Italy hee could not speake the Language, he did 
 merrily answer in Dutch : Ah lieber was lean man doch in dreissig 
 Jahr lehrnen : Alas, good Sir, what can a man learne in thirty 
 yeeres?" {^li'tnerary, vol. iii. p. 379). 
 
 2 j4 Method for Travell, B 4, verso. 
 
 ^ Court and Times of James J., vol. i. p. 286. 
 
 H 113 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 mutter " Unless you dance better, I would you 
 had your money again that your dancing has 
 cost you." ^ James I. was particularly anxious to 
 have his " Babies " excel in complicated bound- 
 ings. His copy of Nuove Invent'ioni di Balli ^ 
 may be seen in the British Museum, with large 
 plates illustrating how to " gettare la gamba," that 
 is, in the words of Chaucer, " with his legges casten 
 to and fro." ^ Prince Henry was skilful in these 
 matters. The Spanish Ambassador reports how 
 *' The Prince of Wales was desired by his royal 
 parents to open the ball with a Spanish gallarda : he 
 acquitted himself with much grace and delicacy, in- 
 troducing some occasional leaps." * Prince Charles 
 and Buckingham, during their stay in Spain, are 
 earnestly implored by their "deare Dad and 
 Gossip " not to forget their dancing. " I praye 
 you, my babie, take heade of being hurt if ye 
 runne at tilte, ... I praye you in the meantyme 
 keep your selfis in use of dawncing privatlie, 
 thogh ye showlde quhissell and sing one to 
 
 1 Amias Paulet to Elizabeth, Jan. 31, 1577. Cal. State Papers, 
 Foreign. 
 
 * By Cesare Nigri Milanese detto il trombone, " Famose e eccellente 
 Professori di Ballare." Printed at Milan, 1604. 
 
 ^ " In twenty manere coude he trippe and dance 
 
 After the schole of Oxenforde the. 
 And with his legges casten to and fro." 
 
 The Miller es Tale, II. 142-4. 
 
 * Ellis, Original Lettert, 2nd Series, vol. iii. p. 21 4. 
 
 114 
 
DANCIXG 
 
 Au illustration from " Nuotc lii7<ciitione di Balli," an Italian book of instructions 
 in dancing, much prized l>y James I 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 another like Jakke and Tom for faulte of better 
 musike." ^ 
 
 However, Dallington is very much against the 
 saltations of elderly persons. " I remember a 
 countriman of ours, well seene in artes and 
 language, well stricken in yeares, a mourner for 
 his second wife, a father of mariageable children, 
 who with his other booke studies abroade, joyned 
 also the exercise of dancing : it was his hap in an 
 honourable Bal (as they call it) to take a fall, 
 which in mine opinion was not so disgracefull as 
 the dancing it selfe, to a man of his stuffe." ^ 
 
 Dallington would have criticized Frenchmen 
 
 more severely than ever had he known that even 
 
 Sully gave way in private to a passion for 
 
 dancing. At least Tallemant des Reaux says that 
 
 " every evening a valet de chambre of the King 
 
 played on the lute the dances of the day, and 
 
 M. de Sully danced all alone, in some sort of 
 
 extraordinary hat — such as he always wore in 
 
 his cabinet — while his cronies applauded him, 
 
 although he was the most awkward man in the 
 world." 3 
 
 Tennis is another courtly exercise in which 
 Dallington urges moderation. "This is dangerous, 
 
 1 Ibid., 1st Series, vol. iii. pp. 138-9. 
 
 2 yl Method Jor Traveil, fol. B 4, verso. 
 
 ^ Historlettes, ed. Paris, 1834, tome ler, p. 72. 
 
 "5 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 (if used with too much violence) for the body ; 
 and (if followed with too much diligence,) for the 
 purse. A maine point of the Travellers care." 
 He reached France when the rage for tennis was 
 at its height, — when there were two hundred and 
 fifty tennis courts in Paris,i — and " two tennis 
 courts for every one Church through France," 
 according to his computation.^ Everyone was 
 at it ; — nobles, artizans, women, and children. 
 The monks had had to be requested not to play 
 — especially, the edict said, " not in public in 
 their shirts." ^ Our Englishman, of course, 
 thought this enthusiasm was beyond bounds. " Ye 
 have seene them play Sets at Tennise in the heat 
 of Summer and height of the day, when others 
 were scarcely able to stirre out of doors." Betting 
 on the game was the ruin of the working-man, 
 who " spendeth that on the Holyday, at Tennis, 
 which hee got the whole weeke, for the keeping 
 of his poore family. A thing more hurtfull then 
 our Ale-houses in England." * 
 
 " There remains two other exercises," says the 
 Method for Travel!^ " of use and necessitie, to 
 
 ^ So counted the Pope's Legate in 1596. Cited by Jusserand, in 
 Sports et Jeux D^ Exercise dans U ancienne France^ p. 252. 
 
 2 A Vienv of France^ fol. V, verso. 
 
 ^ Jusserand, op. clt., p. 241. Cited from Thomassin's Ancienne 
 et nouvelle discipline de I' EgUse, 1725, tome iii. col. 1355. 
 
 * The Vieiv of France, T 4, verso, V, verso. 
 
 u6 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 him that will returne ably quallified for his 
 countries service in w^arre, and his owne defence 
 in private quarrell. These are Riding and Fencing. 
 His best place for the first (excepting Naples) is 
 in Florence under il Signor Rustico, the great 
 Dukes Cavallerizzo, and for the second (excepting 
 Rome) is in Padua, under il Sordo." ^ Italy, it 
 may be observed, was still the best school for 
 these accomplishments. Pluvinel was soon to make 
 a world-renowned riding academy in Paris, but 
 the art of fencing was more slowly disseminated. 
 One was still obliged, like Captain Bobadil, to 
 make " long travel for knowledge, in that mystery 
 only." - Brantome says the fencing masters of 
 Italy kept their secrets in their own hands, giving 
 their services only on the condition that you 
 should never reveal what you had learnt even to 
 your dearest friends. Some instructors would 
 never allow a living soul in the room where they 
 were giving lessons to a pupil. And even then 
 they used to keek everywhere, under the beds, 
 and examine the wall to see if it had any crack 
 or hole through which a person could peer.'^ 
 Dallington makes no further remark on the sub- 
 ject, however, than the above, and after some 
 
 1 Fol. C. 
 
 2 Every Man in his Humour, Act IV. Sc. v. 
 "* Touchant Us Duels, ed. 1722, p. 79. 
 
 117 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 advice about money matters, which we will men- 
 tion in another connection, and a warning to the 
 traveller that his apparel must be in fashion — for 
 the fashions change with trying rapidity, and 
 the French were very scornful of anyone who 
 appeared in a last year's suit ^ — he brings to a close 
 one of the pithiest essays in our collection. 
 
 When the influence of France over the ideals of 
 a gentleman was well established, James Howell 
 wrote his Instructions for Forreine Travell^ and 
 in this book for the first time the traveller is advised 
 to stay at one of the French academies — or riding 
 schools, as they really were. 
 
 His is the best known, probably, of all our 
 treatises, partly because it was reprinted a little 
 while ago by Mr Gosse, and partly because of its 
 own merits. Howell had an easier, more indul- 
 gent outlook upon the world than Dallington, and 
 could see all nations with equal humour — his 
 own included. Take his comparison of the 
 Frenchman and the Spaniard. 
 
 The Frenchman " will dispatch the weightiest 
 affairs as hee walke along in the streets, or at 
 
 1 " If in the Court they spie one in a sute of the last yeres making, 
 they scoffingly say, ' Nous le cognoissons bien, il ne nous mordra pas, 
 c'est un fruit suranne.' We know him well enough, he will not 
 hurt us, hee's an Apple of the last yeere " {The Vieiv of France^ 
 fol. T 4). 
 
 ^ Instructions for Forreine Travell, 1642. 
 
 118 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 meales, the other upon the least occasion of 
 businesse will retire solemnly to a room, and if a fly- 
 chance to hum about him, it will discompose his 
 thoughts and puzzle him : It is a kind of sicknesse 
 for a Frenchman to keep a secret long, and all the 
 drugs of Egypt cannot get it out of a Spaniard. 
 
 . The Frenchman walks fast, (as if he had a 
 Sergeant always at his heels,) the Spaniard slowly, 
 as if hee were newly come out of some quartan 
 Ague ; the French go up and down the streets con- 
 fusedly in clusters, the Spaniards if they be above 
 three, they go two by two, as if they were going a 
 Procession ; etc. etc." ^ 
 
 With the same humorous eye he observes the 
 Englishmen returned to London from Paris, 
 " whom their gate and strouting, their bending in 
 the hammes, and shoulders, and looking upon 
 their legs, with frisking and singing do speake 
 them Travellers. . . . Some make their return in 
 huge monstrous Periwigs, which is the Golden 
 Fleece they bring over with them. Such, I say, 
 are a shame to their Country abroad, and their 
 kinred at home, and to their parents, Benonies, 
 the sons of sorrow : and as Jonas in the Whales 
 belly, travelled much, but saw little." ^ 
 
 These are some of the advantages an English- 
 man will reap from foreign travel : 
 
 ^Op. cit., pp. 65-70. ^ Wtd., pp. 181, 1 88. 
 
 119 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 " One shall learne besides there not to inter- 
 rupt one in the relation of his tale, or to feed it 
 with odde interlocutions : One shall learne also 
 not to laugh at his own jest, as too many used to 
 do, like a Hen, which cannot lay an egge but she 
 must cackle. 
 
 " Moreover, one shall learne not to ride so furi- 
 ously as they do ordinarily in England, when there 
 is no necessity at all for it ; for the Italians have a 
 Proverb, that a galloping horse is an open sepul- 
 cher. And the English generally are observed 
 by all other Nations, to ride commonly with that 
 speed as if they rid for a midwife, or a Physitian, 
 or to get a pardon to save one's life as he goeth to 
 execution, when there is no such thing, or any 
 other occasion at all, which makes them call 
 England the Hell of Horses. 
 
 " In these hot Countreyes also, one shall learne 
 to give over the habit of an odde custome, peculiar 
 to the English alone, and whereby they are dis- 
 tinguished from other Nations, which is, to make 
 still towards the chimney, though it bee in the 
 Dog-dayes." ^ 
 
 We need not comment in detail upon Howell's 
 book since it is so accessible. The passage which 
 chiefly marks the progress of travel for study's 
 sake is this : 
 
 1 Op. at., pp. 193-5. 
 120 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 " For private Gentlemen and Cadets, there be 
 divers Academies in Paris, Colledge-like, w^here for 
 150 pistols a Yeare, which come to about £iS^ 
 sterHng per annum of our money, one may be 
 very w^ell accomodated, with lodging and diet for 
 himself and man, and be taught to Ride, to Fence, 
 to manage Armes, to Dance, Vault, and ply the 
 Mathematiques." ^ 
 
 These academies were one of the chief attractions 
 which France had for the gentry of England in the 
 seventeenth century. The first one was founded 
 by Pluvinel, the grand ecuyer of Henri IV. 
 Pluvinel, returning from a long apprenticeship 
 to Pignatelli in Naples, made his own riding- 
 school the best in the world, so that the French 
 no longer had to journey to Italian masters. He 
 obtained from the king the basement of the 
 great gallery of the Louvre, and there taught 
 Louis XIII. and other young nobles of the Court — 
 amongst them the Marquis du Chillon, afterwards 
 Cardinal Richelieu — to ride the great horse.^ 
 Such was the success of his manege that he 
 1/^/^., p. 51. 
 
 ^ " The Great Horse " is the term used of animals for war or 
 tournaments, in contradistinction to Palfreys, Coursers, Nags, and 
 other common horses. These animals of "prodigious weight" had 
 to be taught to perform manoeuvres, and their riders, the art of manag- 
 ing them according to certain rules and principles. See A Netu 
 Method . . . to Dress Horses, by William Cavendish, Duke of New- 
 castle, London, 1667. 
 
 121 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 annexed masters to teach his pupils dancing, 
 vaulting, and swordsmanship, as well as drawing 
 and mathematics, till he had rounded out what was 
 considered a complete education for a chevalier. 
 In imitation of his establishment, many other 
 riding-masters, such as Benjamin, Potrincourt, and 
 Nesmond, set up others of the same sort, which 
 drew pupils from other nations during all the 
 seventeenth century.^ In the suburb of Pre-aux- 
 clercs, says Malingre in 1 640, " are several 
 academies where the nobility learn to ride. The 
 most frequented is that of M. de Mesmon, where 
 there is a prince of Denmark and one of the 
 princes palatine of the Rhine, and a quantity of 
 other foreign gentlemen." ^ 
 
 Englishmen found the academies very useful 
 retreats where a boy could learn French accomplish- 
 ments without incurring the dangers of foreign 
 travel and make the acquaintance of young nobles 
 of his own age. Mr Thomas Lorkin writing 
 from Paris in 16 10, outlines to the tutor of the 
 Prince of Wales the routine of his pupil Mr 
 Puckering'^ at such an establishment. The morn- 
 
 ^ Huto'tre et Recherches des Ant'tquites de la V'tlle de Paris, par 
 H. Sauval, Paris, 1724, tome ii. p. 498. 
 
 ^ Les ylntiqmte% de la V'tlle de Paris. Paris 1 640, Livre second, 
 
 P- 403- 
 
 ^ Probably the son of Sir John Puckering, Lord Keeper in 1 592- 
 1596. 
 
 122 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 ing began with two hours on horseback, followed 
 by two hours at the French tongue, and one hour 
 in " learning to handle his weapon." Dinner 
 was at twelve o'clock, where the company con- 
 tinued together till two, " either passing the time in 
 discourse or in some honest recreation perteyning 
 to armes." At two the bell rang for dancing, and 
 at three another gong sent the pupil to his own 
 room with his tutor, to study Latin and French for 
 two hours. " After supper a brief survey of all."^ 
 It will be seen that there was an exact balance 
 between physical and mental exercise — four hours 
 of each. All in all, academies seemed to be the 
 solution of preparing for life those who were 
 destined to shine at Court. The problem had 
 been felt in England, as well as in France. In 
 1 56 1, Sir Nicholas Bacon had devised "Articles 
 for the bringing up in virtue and learning of the 
 Oueens Majesties Wardes." ^ Lord Burghley is 
 said to have propounded the creation of a school 
 of arms and exercises.'^ In 1570, Sir Humphrey 
 Gilbert drew up an elaborate proposal for an 
 " Academy of philosophy and chivalry," * but 
 
 1 Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd Series, vol. iii. pp. 220-1. 
 
 "^ Archxologia, vol. xxxvi. pp. 343-4. 
 
 ^ Collectania, First Series, ed. for the Oxford Historical Society 
 (vol. V.) by C. R. L. Fletcher, p. 213. 
 
 * See Archaologia, xxi. p. 506. Gilbert's and La Nouc's dreams 
 were of academies like Vittorino da Feltre's — not Pluvinel's. 
 
 123 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 none of these plans was carried out. Nor was 
 that of Prince Henry, who had also wanted to 
 establish a Royal Academy or School of Arms, 
 in which all the king's wards and others should 
 be educated and exercised.^ A certain Sir Francis 
 Kinaston, esquire of the body to Charles I., " more 
 addicted to the superficiall parts of learning — poetry 
 and oratory (wherein he excell'd) — than to logic 
 and philosophy," Wood says, did get a licence to 
 erect an academy in his house in Covent Garden, 
 " which should be for ever a college for the 
 education of the young nobility and others, sons 
 of gentlemen, and should be styled the Musaeum 
 Minervae." ^ But whatever start was made in 
 that direction ended with the Civil War. 
 
 However, the idea of setting up in England 
 the sort of academy which was successful in 
 France was such an obvious one that it kept 
 constantly recurring. In 1649 ^ courtly parasite, 
 Sir Balthazar Gerbier, who used to be a miniature 
 painter, an art-critic, and Master of Ceremonies 
 to Charles I., being sadly thrown out of occupa- 
 tion by the Civil War, opened an academy at 
 Bethnal Green. There are still in existence his 
 elaborate advertisements of its attractions, addressed 
 to " All Fathers of Noble Families and Lovers ot 
 
 1 Oxford Historical Society, vol. v. p. 276. 
 
 2 Ibid., pp. 280-2. 
 
 124 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Vertue," and proposing his school as " a meanes, 
 whereby to free them of such charges as they are 
 at, when they send their children to foreign 
 academies, and to render them more knowing in 
 those languages, without exposing them to the 
 dangers incident to travellers, and to that of evill 
 companies, or of giving to forrain parts the glory 
 of their education." ^ But Gerbier was a flimsy 
 character, and without a Court to support him, or 
 money, his academy dissolved after a gaseous 
 lecture or two. Faubert, however, another French 
 Protestant refugee, was more successful with an 
 academy he managed to set up in London in 
 1682, "to lessen the vast expense the nation is 
 at yearly by sending children into France to be 
 taught military exercises." '^ Evelyn, who was a 
 patron of this enterprise, describes how he " went 
 with Lord Cornwallis to see the young gallants 
 do their exercise, Mr Faubert having newly 
 railed in a manege, and fitted it for the academy. 
 There were the Dukes of Norfolk and Northum- 
 berland, Lord Newburgh, and a nephew of 
 (Duras) Earl of Feversham. . . . But the Duke of 
 Norfolk told me he had not been at this exercise 
 these twelve years before." ' However, Faubert's 
 
 ' The Interpreter of the Academie for Forrain Languages, and all 
 Noble Sciences, and Exercises, London, 1648. 
 - Evelyn's Diary, 9th August 1682. 
 3 Ibid., 1 8th December 1684. 
 
 125 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 could not have been an important institution, 
 since in 1700, a certain Dr Maidwell tried to get 
 the Government to convert a great house of his 
 near Westminster into a public academy of the 
 French sort, as a greatly needed means of rearing 
 gentlemen.^ 
 
 But all these efforts to educate English boys 
 on the lines of French ones came to nothing, 
 because at the close of the seventeenth century 
 Englishmen began to realize that it was not wise 
 for a gentleman to confine himself to a military 
 life. As to riding as a fine art, his practical mind 
 felt that it was all very well to amuse oneself in 
 Paris by learning to make a war-horse caracole, 
 but there w^as no use in taking such things too 
 seriously ; that in war " a ruder way of riding was 
 more in use, without observing the precise rules of 
 riding the great horse." ^ He could not feel that 
 artistic passion for form in horsemanship which 
 breathes from the pages of PluvineFs book Le 
 Maneige Royal^ in which magnificent engrav- 
 ings show Louis XIII. making courbettes, voltes, 
 
 1 Oxford Historical Society, vol. v. pp. 309-13. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 319. 
 
 ^ Le Maneige Royal, ou I'on peut remarquer le defaut et la per- 
 fection du chevalier ,en tous les exercices de cet art, digne de Princes, 
 fait et pratique en I'instruction du Roy par Antoine Pluvinel son 
 Escuyer principal, Conseiller en son Conseil d'Estat, son Chambellan 
 ordinaire, et Sous-Gouverneur de sa Majeste. Paris, 1624. 
 
 126 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 and " caprioles " around the Louvre, while a 
 circle of grandees gravely discuss the deportment 
 of his charger. Even Sir Philip Sidney made 
 gentle fun of the hippocentric universe of his 
 Italian riding master : 
 
 " When the right vertuous Edward Wotton, and 
 I, were at the Emperors Court together, wee gave 
 ourselves to learne horsemanship of John Pietro 
 Pugliano : one that with great commendation had 
 the place of an esquire in his stable. And hee, 
 according to the fertilnes of the Italian wit, did 
 not onely afoord us the demonstration of his 
 practise, but sought to enrich our mindes with 
 the contemplations therein, which hee thought 
 most precious. But with none I remember mine 
 eares were at any time more loden, then when (ether 
 angred with slowe paiment, or mooved with our 
 learner-like admiration,) he exercised his speech in 
 the prayse of his facultie. Hee sayd, Souldiers 
 were the noblest estate of mankinde, and horse- 
 men, the noblest of Souldiours. He sayde, they 
 were the Maistres of warre, and ornaments of 
 peace : speedy goers, and strong abiders, trium- 
 phers both in Camps and Courts. Nay, to so 
 unbeleeved a poynt hee proceeded, as that no 
 earthly thing bred such wonder to a Prince, as to 
 be a good horseman. Skill of government, was 
 but a Pedanteria in comparison : then woulde he 
 
 127 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 adde certaine prayses, by telling what a peerlesse 
 beast a horse was. The only serviceable Courtier 
 without flattery, the beast of the most beutie, 
 faithfulness, courage, and such more, that if I had 
 not beene a peece of a Logician before I came to 
 him, I think he would have perswaded mee to 
 have wished my selfe a Horse." ^ 
 
 That this was somewhat the spirit of the 
 French academies there seems no doubt. Though 
 they claimed to give an equal amount of physical 
 and mental exercise, they tended to the muscular 
 side of the programme. Pluvinel, says Tallemant 
 des Reaux, " was hardly more intelligent than his 
 horses," ^ and the academies are supposed to have 
 declined after his death. ^ "All that is to be 
 learned in these Academies," says Clarendon, " is 
 Riding, Dancing, and Fencing, besides some 
 Wickednesses they do not profess to teach. It is 
 true they have men there who teach Arithmetick, 
 which they call Philosophy, and the Art of 
 Fortification, which they call the Mathematicks ; 
 but what Learning they had there, I might easily 
 imagine, when he assured me, that in Three 
 
 1 Opening words o^ An Apologie for Poetrie, ed. 1595. 
 
 2 Historiettesy vol. i. p. 89 of ed. 1834. Marguerite of Valois 
 compared M. de Souvray, the governor of Louis XIII., to Chiron 
 rearing Achilles. Contemporary satire said that M. de Souvray 
 *' n'avoit de Chiron que le train de derriere." 
 
 ^ Henri Sauvai, op. cit., p. 498. 
 
 128 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 years which he had spent in the Academy, he 
 never saw a Latin book nor any Master that 
 taught anything there, who would not have taken 
 it very ill to be suspected to speake or understand 
 Latin." ^ This sort of aspersion was continued 
 by Dr Wallis, the Savilian Professor of Mathe- 
 matics at Oxford in 1700, who was roused to a 
 fine pitch of indignation by Maidwell's efforts to 
 start an academy in London : ^ 
 
 " Of teachers in the academic, scarce any of 
 a higher character than a valet-de-chambre. And, 
 if such an one, who (for instance) hath waited on 
 his master in one or two campagnes, and is able 
 perhaps to copy the draught of a fortification from 
 another paper ; this is called mathematicks ; and, 
 beyond this (if so much) you are not to expect." 
 
 A certain Mr P. Chester finishes the English 
 condemnation of a school, such as Benjamin's, 
 by declaring that its pretensions to fit men for 
 life was " like the shearing of Hoggs, much 
 Noyse and little Wooll, nothing considerable 
 taught that I know, butt only to fitt a man to 
 
 1 A Dialogue concerning Education^ in Tracts^ London, 1727, 
 p. 297. We must allow for the fact that English university men did 
 not approve of the French ambition to elevate the vernacular, or of 
 their translation of the classics, or of any displacement of Latin from 
 the highest place in the ambitions of anyone with pretentions to 
 learning. See also Evelyn, State of France^ p. 99. 
 
 2 Oxford Historical Society y vol. v. p. 325. 
 
 I 129 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 be a French chevalier, that is in plain English a 
 Trooper." ^ 
 
 These comments are what one expects from 
 Oxford, to be sure, but even M. Jusserand 
 acknowledges that the academies were not centres 
 of intellectual light, and quotes to prove it certain 
 questions asked of a pupil put into the Bastille, 
 at the demand of his father : 
 
 "Was it not true that the Sieur Varin, his 
 father, seeing that he had no inclination to study, 
 had put him into the Academic Royale to there 
 learn all sorts of exercises, and had there supported 
 him with much expense ? 
 
 " He admitted that his father, while his mother 
 was living, had put him into the Academic Royale 
 and had given him for that the necessary means, 
 and paid the ordinary pension, 1600 livres a year. 
 
 " Was it not true that after having been some 
 time at the Academic Royale, he was expelled, 
 having disguised girls in boys* clothes to bring 
 them there ? 
 
 " He denied it. He had never introduced into 
 the school any academiste feminine : he had de- 
 parted at the summons of his father, having taken 
 proper leave of M. and Mme. de Poix." ^ 
 
 1 Written to John Aubrey, between 1685-93. Quoted in Oxford 
 Historical Society, vol. v. p. 295. 
 
 2 Ravaisson, Archives de la Bastille, Paris, 1866, tome i. p. 263 ; 
 cited in Sports et Jeux d'Exercice, p. 377. 
 
 130 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 However, something of an education had to 
 be provided for RoyaUst boys at the time of the 
 Civil War, when Oxford was demoralized. 
 Parents wandering homeless on the Continent 
 were glad enough of the academies. Even the 
 Stuarts tried them, though the Duke of Glou- 
 cester had to be weaned from the company of 
 some young French gallants, " who, being edu- 
 cated in the same academy, were more familiar 
 with him than was thought convenient." ^ It 
 was a choice between academies or such an 
 education as Edmund Verney endured in a dull 
 provincial city as the sole pupil of an exiled 
 Regius Professor of Greek at Cambridge. But 
 the effects of being reared in France, and too 
 early thrown into the dissolute Courts of Europe, 
 were evident at the Restoration, when Charles the 
 Second and his friends returned to startle England 
 with their " exceeding wildness." What else 
 could be the effect of a youth spent as the Earl 
 of Chesterfield records : ^ at thirteen years old a 
 courtier at St Germaine : at fourteen, rid of any 
 governor or tutor : at sixteen, at the academy of 
 M. de Veau, he " chanced to have a quarrel with 
 M. Morvay, since Captaine of the French King's 
 Guards, who I hurt and disarmed in a duel." 
 
 1 Thomas Carte, Life of James, Duke of Ormond, vol. iii. p. 635. 
 
 2 Addit. MS. 19253 (British Museum). 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Thereupon he left the academy and took up his 
 abode at the Court of Turin. It was from Italy, 
 De Gramont said, that Chesterfield brought those 
 elaborate manners, and that jealousy about women, 
 for which he was so notorious among the rakes 
 of the Restoration.^ 
 
 Henry Peacham's chapter " Of Travaile " ^ is 
 for the most part built out of Dallington's advice, 
 but it is worthy of note that in The Compleat 
 Gentleman^ Spain is pressed upon the traveller's 
 attention for the first time. This is, of course, 
 the natural reflection of an interest in Spain due 
 to the romantic adventures of Prince Charles and 
 Buckingham in that country. James Howell, 
 who was of their train, gives even more space 
 to it in his Instructions for Forreine Travel!. 
 Notwithstanding, and though Spain was, after 
 1605, fairly safe for Englishmen, as a pleasure 
 ground it was not popular. It was a particularly 
 uncomfortable and expensive country; hardly 
 improved from the time — (1537) — when Clenar- 
 dus, weary with traversing deserts on his way to 
 the University of Salamanca, after a sparse meal 
 of rabbit, sans wine, sans water, composed himself 
 to sleep on the floor of a little hut, with nothing 
 to pillow his head on except his three negro 
 
 1 Memoires du Comte de Grammont, Strawberry Hill, 1772. 
 
 2 In The Compleat Gentleman, 1622. 
 
 132 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 grooms, and exclaimed, " O misera Lusltania, 
 beat! qui non viderunt." ^ All civilization was 
 confined to the few large cities, to reach which 
 one was obliged to traverse tedious, hot, barren, 
 and unprofitable wastes, in imminent danger of 
 robbers, and in certainty of the customs officers, 
 who taxed people for everything, even the clothes 
 they had on. None escaped. Henry the Eighth's 
 Ambassador complained loudly and frantically of 
 the outrage to a person in his office.^ So did 
 Elizabeth's Ambassador. But the officers said 
 grimly "that if Christ or Sanct Fraunces came 
 with all their flock they should not escape." ^ If 
 the preliminary discomforts from customs-officers 
 put travellers into an ill mood at once against 
 Spain, the inns confirmed them in it. " In some 
 places there is but the cask of a House, with a 
 little napery, but sometimes no beds at all for 
 Passengers in the Ventas — or Lodgings on the 
 King's high-way, where if passengers meet, they 
 must carry their Knapsacks well provided of what 
 is necessary : otherwise they may go to bed 
 
 1 Nicolaus Clenardus Latomo Suo S.D., Epistola^ Antverpiae, 
 1566, pp. 20-4, passim. See p. 234 for the historic incident of 
 the drinking cup, broken by Vasaeus, and so impossible to replace, after 
 a search through the whole Spanish village, that the rest of the party 
 were obliged to drink out of their hands. As to expenses, Clenardus 
 scoffs at the poets who sing of " Auriferum Tagum." " Aurum 
 auferendum " would better express it, he found, 
 
 2 Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd Series, vol. ii. p. 3^. ^ Ibid. 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 supperless." ^ The Comtesse d'Aunoy grumbles 
 that it was impossible to warm oneself at the 
 kitchen-fire without being choked, for there was 
 no chimney. Besides the room was full of men 
 and women, " blacker than Devils and clad like 
 Beggars . . . always some of *em impudently 
 grating on a sorry Guitar." ^ Even the large cities 
 were not diverting, for though they were handsome 
 enough and could show " certain massie and solid 
 Braveries," yet they had few of the attractions of 
 urban life. The streets were so ill-paved that the 
 horses splashed water into one's carriage at every 
 step.^ A friend warned Tobie Matthew that 
 " In the Cities you shall find so little of the 
 Italian delicacie for the manner of their buildings, 
 the cleannesse and sweetnesse of their streets, their 
 way of living, their entertainments for recreations 
 by Villas, Gardens, Walks, Fountains, Aca- 
 demies, Arts of Painting, Architecture and the 
 like, that you would rather suspect that they did 
 but live together for fear of wolves." ^ 
 
 1 James Howell, A Discours or Dialog, containing a Perambulation 
 of Spain and Portugall which may serve for a direction how to travell 
 through both Countreys, London, 1662. 
 
 2 Relation du Voyage d^ Espagne, a la Haye, 1691 (translated in 
 1692 under the title of "The Ingenious and Diverting Letters of the 
 Lady Travels into Spain "). 
 
 3 Comtesse d' Aunoy, op. cit., p. 99. 
 
 4 Reprinted in The Life of Sir Tobie Matthew, by A. H. Mathew^ 
 p. 115. 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 How little the solemnity of the Spanish nobles 
 pleased English courtiers used to the boisterous 
 ways of James I. and his " Steenie," may be 
 gathered from The Perambulation of Spain} 
 " You must know," says the first character in 
 that dialogue, " that there is a great deal of 
 gravity and state in the Catholic Court, but little 
 noise, and few people ; so that it may be call'd 
 a Monastery, rather than a Royal Court." The 
 economy in such a place was a great source of 
 grievance. " By this means the King of Spain 
 spends not much," says the second character. 
 " So little," is the reply, " that I dare wager the 
 French King spends more in Pages and Laquays, 
 than he of Spain among all his Court Attendants." 
 Buckingham's train jeered at the abstemious fare 
 they received.^ It was in such irritating contrast 
 to the lofty airs of those who provided it. " We 
 are still extream poor," writes the English Am- 
 bassador about the Court of Madrid, " yet as 
 proud as Divells, yea even as rich Divells." ^ 
 Not only at Court, but everywhere, Spaniards 
 were indifferent to strangers, and not at all 
 interested in pleasing them. Lord Clarendon 
 remarks that in Madrid travellers "will find less 
 delight to reside than in any other Place to 
 
 1 By James Howell, 1662. 
 
 2 Howell's Letters^ ed. Jacobs, p. 168. 
 ^ Winiuood Memorials^ vol. iii. p. 264. 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 which we have before commended them : for that 
 Nation having less Reverence for meer Travellers, 
 who go Abroad, without Business, are not at all 
 solicitous to provide for their Accomodation : and 
 when they complain of the want of many Con- 
 veniences, as they have reason to do, they wonder 
 men will come from Home, who will be troubled 
 for those Incommodities." ^ 
 
 It is no wonder, therefore, that Spain was 
 considered a rather tedious country for strangers, 
 and that Howell " met more Passengers 'twixt 
 Paris and Orleans, than I found well neer in all 
 the Journey through Spain." ^ Curiosity and a 
 desire to learn the language might carry a man to 
 Madrid for a time, but Englishmen could find 
 little to commend there. Holland, on the other 
 hand, provoked their admiration more and more. 
 Travellers were never done exclaiming at its muni- 
 cipal governments, its reformatories and work- 
 houses, its industry, frugality, and social economy. 
 The neat buildings, elegant streets, and quiet inns, 
 were the subject of many encomiums.^ 
 
 1 Tracts : (^ Dialogue concerning Education), ^I'^li P« 340- 
 
 ^ The Perambulation of Spain, p. 29. 
 
 ^ See Les Delices de la Hollande, Amsterdam, 1700, pp. 19, 25; 
 Sir William Brereton, Bart., Travels in Holland, the United Provinces, 
 England, Scotland, and Ireland, 163 4- 163 5, ed. Hawkins, for the 
 Chatham Society, 1844; William Carr, Gentleman, The Travellers 
 Guide and Historian^ s Faithful Companion, London, 1690. 
 
 136 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Descartes, who chose Amsterdam as the place 
 in which to think out his philosophy, praised it 
 as the ideal retreat for students, contending that 
 it was far hetter for them than Italy, with its 
 plagues, heat, unwholesome evenings, murder and 
 robbery.^ Locke, when he went into voluntary 
 exile in 1684, enjoyed himself with the doctors 
 and men of letters in Amsterdam, attending by 
 special invitation of the principal physician of the 
 city the dissection of a lioness, or discussing knotty 
 problems of theology with the wealthy Quaker 
 merchants.^ Courtiers were charmed with the 
 sea-shore at Scheveningen, where on the hard sand, 
 admirably contrived by nature for the divertise- 
 ment of persons of quality, the foreign ambassadors 
 and their ladies, and the society of the Hague, 
 drove in their coaches and six horses.^ However, 
 Sir William Temple, after some years spent as 
 Ambassador to the Netherlands, decided that 
 Holland was a place where a man would choose 
 rather to travel than to live, because it was a 
 country where there was more sense than wit, 
 more wealth than pleasure, and where one 
 
 1 William Seward, Anecdotes of Some Distinguished Persons^ 
 London, 1796, vol. ii. p. 168. 
 
 2 Lord King, The Life and Letters of John Locke, ivith Extracts 
 Jrom his Journals and Common-place Books, London, 1858, vol. ii. 
 
 pp. 5, 50, 71. 
 
 ^The Harleian Miscellany, vol. ii. p. 592. 
 
 ^2>1 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 would find more persons to esteem than to 
 love.^ 
 
 Holland was of peculiar delight to the traveller 
 of the seventeenth century because it contained so 
 many curiosities and rareties. To ferret out objects 
 of vertu the Jacobean gentleman would take any 
 journey. People with cabinets of butterflies, 
 miniatures, shells, ivory, or Indian beads, were 
 pestered by tourists asking to see their treasures.^ 
 No garden was so entrancing to them as one that 
 had " a rupellary nidary " ^ or an aviary with 
 eagles, cranes, storks, bustards, ducks with four 
 wings, or with rabbits of an almost perfect yellow 
 colour.^ Holland, therefore, where ships brought 
 precious curiosities from all over the world, was 
 a heaven for the virtuoso. Evelyn in Rotterdam 
 hovered between his delight in the brass statue of 
 Erasmus and a pelican, which he carefully de- 
 scribes. The great charm of Dutch inns for Sam 
 Paterson was their hoards of China and Japan 
 ware and the probability you had of meeting a 
 purring marmot, a squeaking guinea-pig, or a 
 
 1 Observations upon the United Provinces of the Netherlands, Lon- 
 don, 1693, p. 188. 
 
 2 Coriat Junior, Another Traveller, London, 1767, p. 1 52. 
 
 2 John Evelyn, Diary and Correspondence, ed. Bray, London, 
 1906, p. 38. 
 
 ^ Ibid., p. 29. Also John Raymond, II Mercurio Italico, London, 
 1648, p. 95. 
 
 138 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 tame rabbit with a collar of bells, hopping through 
 the house. ^ 
 
 But we have dwelt too long, perhaps, on those 
 who voyaged to see knick-knacks, and to gain 
 accomplishments at French academies. Though 
 the academies were characteristic of the seventeenth 
 century, there were other centres of education 
 sought by Englishmen abroad. The study of 
 medicine, particularly, took many students to 
 Padua or Paris, for the Continent was far ahead 
 of England in scientific work.^ Sir Thomas 
 Browne's son studied anatomy at Padua with Sir 
 John Finch, who had settled there and was after- 
 wards chosen syndic of the university.^ At Paris 
 Martin Lister, though in the train of the English 
 Ambassador, principally enjoyed " Mr Bennis in 
 the dissecting-room working by himself upon a 
 dead body," and " took more pleasure to see 
 Monsieur Breman in his white waistcoat digging 
 in the royal physic-garden and sowing his 
 couches, than Mounsieur de Saintot making 
 roomfor an ambassador " : and found himself 
 better disposed and more apt to learn the names 
 
 1 Coriat Junior, op. cit., p. 152. 
 
 2 R. Poole, Doctor of Physick, y/ Journey from London to France 
 and Holland ; or^ the Travellers Useful Vade Mecum, London, 
 1746. 
 
 '^ Sir Thomas Browne, Works, ed. Wilkin, vol. i. p. 91. 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 and physiognomy of a hundred plants, than of 
 five or six princes.^ 
 
 It was medicine that chiefly interested Nicholas 
 Ferrar, than whom no traveller for study's sake was 
 ever more devoted to the task of self-improvement. 
 At about the same time that the second Earl of 
 Chesterfield was fighting duels at the academy of 
 Monsieur de Veau, Nicholas Ferrar, a grave boy, 
 came from Cambridge to Leipsic and " set himself 
 laboriously to study the originals of the city, the 
 nature of the government, the humors and inclina- 
 tions of the people." Finding the university too 
 distracting, he retired to a neighbouring village to 
 read the choicest writers on German afi^airs. He 
 served an apprenticeship of a fortnight at every 
 German trade. He could maintain a dialogue 
 with an architect in his own phrases ; he could 
 talk with mariners in their sea terms. Removing 
 to Padua, he attained in a very short time a 
 marvellous proficiency in physic, while his con- 
 versation and his charm ennobled the evil students 
 of Padua.^ 
 
 1 Martin Lister's Travels in France, in John Pinkerton's Collection 
 of Voyages and Travels, 1809, vol. iv. pp. 2, 21. 
 
 2 Nicholas Ferrar, Tivo Lives, by his brother John and by Doctor 
 Jebb, ed. J. E. B. Mayor, London, 1855. 
 
 140 
 
Chapter VI 
 
 THE GRAND TOUR 
 
 AFTER the Restoration the idea of 
 polishing one's parts by foreign travel 
 received fresh impetus. The friends 
 of Charles the Second, having spent so much of 
 their time abroad, naturally brought back to 
 England a renewed infusion of continental ideals. 
 France was more than ever the arbiter for the 
 " gentry and civiller sort of mankind." Travellers 
 such as Evelyn, who deplored the English gentry's 
 " solitary and unactive lives in the country," the 
 *' haughty and boorish Englishman," and the 
 " constrained address of our sullen Nation," ^ made 
 an impression. It was generally acknowledged 
 that comity and affability had to be fetched from 
 beyond the Seas, for the " meer Englishman " was 
 defective in those qualities. He was " rough in 
 address, not easily acquainted, and blunt even 
 when he obliged." ^ 
 
 Even wise and honest Englishmen began to be 
 ashamed of their manners and felt they must try 
 to be not quite so English. " Put on a decent 
 
 '^ State of France, 1652, pp. 78, 105. ^1 Character of England, 
 1659, pp. 45, 49. 
 
 " Jdvice to a Toung Gentleman Leaving the University, by R.(ichard) 
 L. (assels), 1670. 
 
 141 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 boldness," writes Sir Thomas Browne constantly 
 to his son in France. " Shun pudor rusticus." 
 " Practise an handsome garb and civil boldness 
 
 which he that learneth not in France, travaileth in 
 
 • j> 1 
 vam. 
 
 But there was this difference in travel to 
 
 complete the gentleman during the reign of 
 
 Charles the Second : that Italy and Germany were 
 
 again safe and thrown open to travellers, so that 
 
 Holland, Germany, Italy, and France made a 
 
 magnificent round of sights ; namely, the Grand 
 
 Tour. It was still usual to spend some time in 
 
 Paris learning exercises and accomplishments at an 
 
 academy, but a large proportion of effort went to 
 
 driving by post-chaise through the principal towns 
 
 of Europe. Since it was a great deal easier to go 
 
 sight-seeing than to study governments, write 
 
 " relations," or even to manage " The Great 
 
 Horse," the Grand Tour, as a form of education, 
 
 gained upon society, especially at the end of the 
 
 century, when even the academies were too much 
 
 of an exertion for the beaux to attend. To dress 
 
 well and to be witty superseded martial ambitions. 
 
 Gentlemen could no longer endure the violence of 
 
 the Great Horse, but were carried about in sedan 
 
 chairs. To drive through Europe in a coach 
 
 suited them very well. It was a form of travel 
 
 1 Sir Thomas Browne, Works^ ed. by Wilkin, vol. i. pp. ^-i/^., passim. 
 142 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 which Hkewise suited country squires' sons ; for with 
 the spread of the fashion from Court to country 
 not only great noblemen and " utter gallants " but 
 plain country gentlemen aspired to send their sons 
 on a quest for the " bel air." Their idea of how 
 this was to be done being rather vague, the services 
 of a governor were hired, who found that the 
 easiest way of dealing with Tony Lumpkin was 
 to convey him over an impressive number of miles 
 and keep him interested with staring at buildings. 
 The whole aim of travel was sadly degenerated 
 from Elizabethan times. Cynical parents like 
 Francis Osborn had not the slightest faith in its 
 good effects, but recommended it solely because it 
 was the fashion. " Some to starch a more serious 
 face upon wanton, impertinent, and dear bought 
 Vanity, cry up ' Travel ' as * the best Accomplisher 
 of Youth and Gentry,' tho' detected by Experience 
 in the generality, for ' the greatest Debaucher ' 
 . . . yet since it advanceth Opinion in the World, 
 without which Desert is useful to none but itself 
 (Scholars and Travellers being cried up for the 
 highest Graduates in the most universal Judg- 
 ments) I am not much unwilling to give way to 
 Peregrine motion for a time." ^ 
 
 In short, the object of the Grand Tour was to 
 see and be seen. The very term seems to be an 
 
 1 yldv'ue to a Son, ed. 1896, p. 63. 
 
 H3 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 extension of usage from the word employed to 
 describe driving in one's coach about the principal 
 streets of a town. The Duchess of Newcastle, in 
 1656, wrote from Antwerp: "I go sometimes 
 abroad, seldom to visit, but only in my coach 
 about the town, or about some of the streets, 
 which we call here a tour, where all the chief of 
 the town go to see and be seen, likewise all 
 strangers of what quality soever." ^ Evelyn, in 
 1652, contrasted "making the Tour" with the 
 proper sort of industrious travel ; " But he that 
 (instead of making the Tour, as they call it) or, as 
 a late Embassador of ours facetiously, but sharply 
 reproached, (like a Goose swimms down the River) 
 having mastered the Tongue, frequented the 
 Court, looked into their customes, been present at 
 their pleadings, observed their Military Discipline, 
 contracted acquaintance with their Learned men, 
 studied their Arts, and is familiar with their dis- 
 positions, makes this accompt of his time." ^ 
 And in another place he says : " It is written of 
 Ulysses, that hee saw many Cities indeed, but 
 withall his Remarks of mens Manners and 
 Customs, was ever preferred to his counting 
 Steeples, and making Tours: It is this Ethicall 
 
 1 Life of William Cavendish^ Duke of Neivcastle, ed. Firth, 1886, 
 p. 309. 
 
 2 Prefatory Letter, The State of France^ 1652, fol. B. 
 
 144 
 
TENNIS AS i'l.AVED IN I'AKIS IN l6i2 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 and Morall part of Travel, which embelHsheth a 
 Gentleman."^ In 1670, Richard Lassels uses the 
 term " Grand Tour " for the first time in an 
 EngHsh book for travellers : " The Grand Tour 
 of France and the Giro of Italy." '^ Of course 
 this is only specialized usage of the idea " round " 
 w^hich had long been current, and which still 
 survives in our phrase, " make the round trip." 
 " The Spanish ambassadors," writes Dudley Carle- 
 ton in 1610, "are at the next Spring to make a 
 perfect round." ^ 
 
 In the age of the Grand Tour the governor 
 becomes an important figure. There had always 
 been governors, to be sure, from the very begin- 
 nings of travel to become a complete person. 
 Their arguments with fathers as to the expenses of 
 the tour, and their laments at the disagreeable 
 conduct of their charges echo from generation to 
 generation. Now it is Mr Windebanke complain- 
 ing to Cecil that his son " has utterly no mind nor 
 disposition in him to apply any learning, accord- 
 ing to the end you sent him for hither," being 
 carried away by an " inordinate affection towards 
 a young gentlewoman abiding near Paris." * Now 
 
 1 Ibid., fol. B 3. 
 
 2 The Voyage of Italy, Paris, 1670. ^ Prejace to the Reader con- 
 cerning Travelling. 
 
 ^ lViri<wood Memorials, vol. iii. 312. 
 
 * Calendar of State Papers, Foreign, I 561-2, pp. 632, 635. 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 it is Mr Smythe desiring to be called home unless 
 the allowance for himself and Francis Davison 
 can be increased. " For Mr Francis is now a 
 man, and your son, and not so easily ruled touch- 
 ing expenses, about which we have had more 
 brabblements than I will speak of." ^ Bacon's 
 essay " Of Travel " in 1625 is the first to advise 
 the use of a governor ; ^ but governors rose to 
 their full authority only in the middle of the 
 century, when it was the custom to send boys 
 abroad very young, at fourteen or fifteen, because 
 at that age they were more malleable for instruc- 
 tion in foreign languages. At that age they could 
 not generally be trusted by themselves, especially 
 after the protests of a century against the moral 
 and religious dangers of foreign travel. How 
 fearful parents were of the hazards of travel, and 
 what a responsibility it was for a governor to 
 undertake one of these precious charges, may be 
 gathered from this letter by Lady Lowther to 
 Joseph Williamson, he who afterwards rose to be 
 
 1 Davison's Poetical Rhapsody, ed. Nicolas, vol. i. p, xi, 
 
 2 " That young men travel under some tutor, or grave servant, I 
 allow well : so that he be such a one that hath some entrance into the 
 language, and hath been in the country before ; whereby he may be 
 able to tell them what things are worthy to be seen in the country 
 where they go: what acquaintances they are to seek ; what exercises or 
 discipline the place yieldeth. For else young men shall go hooded, 
 and look abroad little " {^Essays : 0/ Travel). 
 
 146 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Secretary of State : " I doubt not but you have 
 received my son," writes the mother, " with our 
 letters entreating your care for improving all good 
 in him and restraining all irregularities, as he is 
 the hope and only stem of his father. I implore 
 the Almighty, and labour for all means conducible 
 thereto ; I conceive your discreet government and 
 admonition may much promote it. Tell me 
 whether you find him tractable or disorderly : his 
 disposition is good, and his natural parts reason- 
 able, but his acquirements meaner than I desire : 
 however he is young enough yet to learn, and by 
 study may recover, if not recall, his lost time. 
 
 " In the first place, endeavour to settle him in 
 his religion, as the basis of all our other hopes, and 
 the more to be considered in regard, of the loose- 
 ness of the place where you are. I doubt not but 
 you have well considered of the resolve to travel 
 to Italy, yet I have this to say for my fond fears 
 (besides the imbecility of my sex) my affections 
 are all contracted into one head : also I know the 
 hotness of his temper, apt to feverishness. Yet I 
 submit him to your total management, only pray- 
 ing the God of Heaven to direct you for the best, 
 and to make him tractable to you, and laborious 
 for his own advancement." ^ 
 
 1 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1651-2, No, 51. It will be 
 seen from the above letter that fear of a change in their son's religion 
 
 147 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 A governor became increasingly necessary as 
 the arbiter of what was modish for famiUes whose 
 connection with the fashionable world was slight. 
 He assumed airs of authority, and took to writing 
 books on how the Grand Tour should be made. 
 Such is The Voyage of Italy^ with Instructions 
 concerning Travel^ by Richard Lassels^ Gent.y 
 who " travelled through Italy Five times, as Tutor 
 to several of the English Nobility and Gentry." ^ 
 Lassels, in reciting the benefits of travel, plays 
 upon that growing sensitiveness of the country 
 gentleman about his innocent peculiarities : " The 
 Country Lord that never saw anybody but his 
 Father's Tenants and M. Parson, and never read 
 anything but John Stow, and Speed ; thinks the 
 Land's-end to be the World's-end ; and that all 
 solid greatness, next unto a great Pasty, consists in 
 a great Fire, and a great estate;" or, "My Country 
 gentleman that never travelled, can scarce go to 
 London without making his Will, at least without 
 wetting his hand-kerchief." '^ 
 
 was still a very real one in the minds of parents. See also A Letter of 
 Advice to a Toung Gentleman of an Honorable Family, Now in his Travels 
 beyond the Seas. By a True Son of the Church of England, London, 
 1 688. The writer hopes that above all things the young man may return 
 " A well-bred Gentleman, a good Scholar, and a sound Christian." 
 
 1 " Newly printed at Paris, and are to be sold in London, by John 
 Starkey, 1670." Lassels, a Roman Catholic, passed most of his life 
 abroad. He left Oxford for the College of Douay." See D.N.B. 
 
 2 The Voyage of Italy, Preface to the Reader. 
 
 148 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 The Grand Tour, of course, is the remedy for 
 these weaknesses — especially under the direction of 
 a wise governor. More care should go to choosing 
 that governor than to any other retainer. For 
 lacqueys and footmen " are like his Galoshooes, 
 which he leaves at the doors of those he visits," 
 but his governor is like his shirt, always next him, 
 and should therefore be of the best material. The 
 revelation of bad governors in Lassels' instructions 
 are enough to make one recoil from the Grand 
 Tour altogether. These " needy bold men " led 
 pupils to Geneva, where the pupils lost all their 
 true English allegiance and respect for monarchy ; 
 they kept them in dull provincial cities where the 
 governor's wife or mistress happened to live. 
 " Others have been observed to sell their pupils to 
 Masters of exercises, and to have made them believe 
 that the worst Academies were the best, because 
 they were the best to the cunning Governour, 
 who had ten pound a man for every one he could 
 draw thither : Others I have known who would 
 have married their Pupils in France without their 
 Parents' knowledge " ; ^ . . . and so forth, with 
 other more lurid examples. 
 
 The difficulties of procuring the right sort of 
 governor were hardly exaggerated by Lassels. 
 The Duke of Ormond's grandson had just such a 
 
 1 op. cit., Preface to the Reader. 
 
 149 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 dishonest tutor as described — one who instead of 
 showing the Earl of Ossory the world, carried 
 him among his own relations, and "buried" 
 him at Orange.^ It seems odd, at first sight, that 
 the Earl of Salisbury's son should be entrusted to 
 Sir John Finet, who endeared himself to James 
 the First by his remarkable skill in composing 
 " bawdy songs." ^ It astonishes us to read that 
 Lord Clifford's governor, Mr Beecher, lost his 
 temper at play, and called Sir Walter Chute into 
 the field/ or that Sir Walter Raleigh's son was 
 able to exhibit his governor, Ben Jonson, dead- 
 drunk upon a car, " which he made to be drawn 
 by pioneers through the streets, at every corner 
 showing his governor stretched out, and telling 
 them that was a more lively image of a crucifix 
 than any they had." * But it took a manly man 
 to be a governor at all. It was not safe to select 
 a merely intelligent and virtuous tutor ; witness 
 
 1 Thomas Carte, Life of James, Duke of Omond, vol. iv. p, 632. 
 " He passed several months in a very cheap country, and yet the bills 
 of expenses sent over by the governor were higher than those which 
 used to be drawn by Colonel Fairfax on account of the Earl of Derby, 
 when he was travelling from place to place, and appeared in all with so 
 much dignity." 
 
 2 Anthony Weldon, Court and Character of King James, London, 
 1650, p. 92. 
 
 ^ Winivood Memorials, vol. iii. p. 226. 
 
 * Ben Jonson, Conversations luith Drummond, ed. Sidney, 1906, 
 
 PP- 34-S- 
 150 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 the case of the Earl of Derby sent abroad in i ^']2i-i 
 with Mr James Forbes, " a gentleman of parts, 
 virtue and prudence, but of too mild a nature to 
 manage his pupil." The adventures of these two, 
 as narrated by Carte in his life of Ormond, are 
 doubtless typical. 
 
 " They had not been three months at Paris, 
 before a misunderstanding happened between them 
 that could not be made up, so that both wrote 
 over to the duke (of Ormond) complaining of 
 one another. His grace immediately dispatched 
 over Mr Muleys to inquire into the ground of 
 the quarrel, in order to reconcile them. . . . The 
 earl had forgot the advice which the duke had 
 given him, to make himself acquainted with the 
 people of quality in France, and to keep as little 
 correspondence with his own countrymen, whilst 
 he was abroad, as was consistent with good 
 manners ; and had formed an intimate acquaint- 
 ance with a lewd, debauched young fellow whom 
 he found at Paris, and who was the son of 
 Dr Merrit, a physician. The governor had 
 cautioned his young nobleman against creating 
 a friendship with so worthless a person, who 
 would draw him into all manner of vice and 
 expense, and lead him into numberless incon- 
 veniences. Merrit, being told of this, took Mr 
 Forbes one day at an advantage in an house, and 
 
 151 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 wounded him dangerously. The earl, instead of 
 manifesting his resentment as he ought in such a 
 case, seemed rather pleased with the affair, and 
 still kept on his intimacy with Merrit. The 
 duke finding that Merrit had as ill a character 
 from all that knew him in London, as Mr 
 Forbes had given him, easily suspected the earl 
 was in the wrong, and charged Muleys to re- 
 present to him the ill fame of the man, and 
 how unworthy he was of his lordship's acquaint- 
 ance and conversation. . . . 
 
 " When Muleys came to Paris, he found the 
 matters very bad on Lord Derby's side, who had 
 not only countenanced Merrit's assault, but, at the 
 instigation of some young French rakes, had con- 
 sented to his governor's being tossed in a blanket. 
 The earl was wild, full of spirits, and impatient 
 of restraint : Forbes was a grave, sober, mild man, 
 and his sage remonstrances had no manner of 
 effect on his pupil. The duke, seeing what the 
 young gentleman would be at, resolved to send 
 over one that should govern him. For this 
 purpose he pitched upon Colonel Thomas Fairfax, 
 a younger son of the first lord Fairfax, a gallant 
 and brave man (as all the Fairfaxes were), and 
 roughly honest. Lord Derby was restless at 
 first : but the colonel told him sharply, that he 
 was sent to govern him, and would govern him : 
 152 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 that his lordship must submit, and should do it ; 
 so that the best method he had to take, was to do 
 it with decorum and good humour. He soon 
 discharged the vicious and scandalous part of the 
 earl's acquaintance, and signified to the rest, that 
 he had the charge of the young nobleman, who 
 was under his government : and therefore if any 
 of them should ever have a quarrel with his pupil, 
 who was young and inexperienced, he himself 
 was their man, and would give them satisfaction. 
 His courage was too well known to tempt any- 
 body make a trial of it ; the nobleness of his 
 family, and his own personal merit, procured him 
 respect from all the world, as well as from his pupil. 
 No quarrel happened ; the earl was reclaimed, 
 being always very observant of his governor. 
 He left Paris, and passing down the Loire went 
 to the south of France, received in all places by 
 the governors of towns and provinces with great 
 respect and uncommon marks of honour and 
 distinction. From thence he went into Italy, 
 making a handsome figure in all places, and 
 travelling with as much dignity as any nobleman 
 whatever at little more than one thousand two 
 hundred pounds a year expense ; so easy is it to 
 make a figure in those countries with virtue, 
 decorum, and good management." ^ 
 
 1 Life of James i Duke of Ormonde vol. iv. pp. 487-90. 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 This concluding remark of Carte's gives us 
 the point of view of certain families ; that it was 
 more economical to live abroad. It certainly was 
 — for courtiers who had to pay eighty pounds for a 
 suit of clothes — without trimming ^ — and spent two 
 thousand pounds on a supper to the king.^ Francis 
 Osborn considered one of the chief benefits of 
 travel to be the training in economy which it 
 afforded : " Frugality being of none so perfectly 
 learned as of the Italian and the Scot ; Natural to 
 the first, and as necessary to the latter." ^ Not- 
 withstanding, the cost of travel had in the ex- 
 travagant days of the Stuarts much increased. 
 The Grand Tour cost more than travel in Eliza- 
 bethan days, when young men quietly settled 
 down for hard study in some German or Italian 
 town. Robert Sidney, for instance, had only 
 ji^ioo a year when he was living with Sturm. 
 " Tearm yt as you wyll, it ys all I owe you," said 
 his father. " Harry Whyte . . . shall have his ;^20 
 yearly, and you your ;^ioo; and so be as mery 
 as you may." '^ Secretary Davison expected his 
 son, his tutor, and their servant to live on this 
 
 1 Court and Times of James I., vol. i. p. 285. 
 
 2 Life of James, Duke of Ormond, vol. iv. p. 667. 
 2 jidvice to a Son, p. 72. 
 
 * A. Collins, Letters and Memorials of State, vol. i. p. 271. (Sir 
 Henry Sidney to his son Robert Sidney, after Earl of Leicester.) 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 amount at Venice. " Mr. Wo." had said this 
 would suffice.^ If " Mr Wo." means Mr Wotton, 
 as it probably does, since Wotton had just re- 
 turned from abroad in 1594, and Francis Davison 
 set out in 1595, he was an authority on economical 
 travel, for he used to live in Germany at the rate 
 of one shilling, four pence halfpenny a day for 
 board and lodging.^ But he did not carry with 
 him a governor and an English servant. Moryson, 
 Howell, and Dallington all say that expenses for 
 a servant amounted to ^S*^ yearly. Therefore 
 Davison's tutor quite rightly protested that ;^2oo 
 would not suffice for three people. Although 
 they spent " not near so much as other gentlemen 
 of their nation at Venice, and though he went to 
 market himself and was as frugal as could be, 
 the expenses would mount up to forty shillings a 
 week, not counting apparel and books." " I protest 
 I never endured so much slavery in my life to 
 save money," he laments.^ When learning ac- 
 complishments in France took the place of student- 
 life in Italy, expenses naturally rose. Moryson, 
 who travelled as a humanist, for " knowledge of 
 State affaires, Histories,Cosmography, and the like," 
 found that fifty or sixty pounds were enough to 
 
 1 Davison's Poetical Rhapsody, ed. Nicolas, vol. i. pp. viii.-xi. 
 
 2 Sir Henry IVotton ; Life and Letters, ed. Pearsall Smith, vol. i. 
 p. 233 (note i). 
 
 ^ Davison's Poetical Rhapsody, pp. viii., xi. 
 
 ^5S 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 " beare the charge of a Traveller's diet, necessary 
 apparrell, and two Journies yeerely, in the Spring 
 and Autumne, and also to serve him for moderate 
 expences of pleasure." ^ But Dallington found 
 that an education of the French sort would come 
 to just twice as much. " If he Travell without a 
 servant fourscore pounds sterling is a competent 
 proportion, except he learne to ride : if he main- 
 taine both these charges, he can be allowed no 
 lesse than one hundred and fiftie poundes : and 
 to allowe above two hundred, were superfluous, 
 and to his hurte. And thus rateably, according 
 to the number he keeoeth. 
 
 " The ordinarie rate of his expence, is this : 
 ten gold crownes a moneth his owne dyet, eight 
 for his man, (at the most) two crownes a moneth 
 his fencing, as much dancing, no lesse his reading, 
 and fiftene crownes monethly his ridings : but this 
 exercise he shall discontinue all the heate of the 
 yeare. The remainder of his 150 pound I 
 allow him for apparell, bookes. Travelling 
 charges, tennis play, and other extraordinaire 
 expences." ^ A few years later Howell fixes 
 annual expense at ;^30o — {£s^ extra for every 
 servant.) These three hundred pounds are to pay 
 for riding, dancing, fencing, tennis, clothes, and 
 
 ^ Itinerary, vol. iii. p. 374. 
 
 2 ^ Method for Travel/, fol. G, 
 
 156 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 coach hire — a new item of necessity. An academy 
 would seem to have been a cheaper means of 
 learning accomplishments. For about ^^ 1 1 o one 
 might have lodging and diet for himselfe and a 
 man and be taught to ride, fence, ply mathematics, 
 and so forth. ^ Lassels very wisely refrains from 
 telling those not already persuaded, what the cost 
 will be for the magnificent Grand Tour he out- 
 lines. We calculate that it would be over ;2^5oo, 
 for the Earl of Cork paid ;^iooo a year for his 
 two sons, their governor, only two servants and 
 only saddle-horses : ^ whereas Lassels hints that 
 no one with much pretension to fashion could go 
 through Paris without a coach followed by three 
 lacqueys and a page.'^ Evelyn, at any rate, 
 thought the expenses of a traveller were " vast " : 
 " And believe it Sir, if he reap some contentment 
 extraordinary, from what he hath observed abroad, 
 the pains, soUicitations, watchings, perills, jour- 
 neys, ill entertainment, absence from friends, and 
 innumerable like inconveniences, joyned to his 
 vast expences, do very dearly, and by a strange 
 kind of extortion, purchase that smal experience 
 and reputation which he can vaunt to have 
 acquired from abroad." ^ 
 
 1 Instructions for Forreine Travell^ ?• 5^' 
 
 2 Lismore Papers, 2nd Series, vol. v. p. 24. 
 
 3 The Voyage of Italy ; Preface to the Reader, fol. B 4. 
 ^ The State of France. 1652. Folio B. 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Perhaps some details from the education of 
 Robert Boyle will serve to illustrate the manner 
 of taking the Grand Tour. His father, the 
 great Earl of Cork, was a devoted adherent to 
 this form of education and launched his numerous 
 sons, two by two, upon the Continent. He was, 
 as Boyle says, the sort of person " who supplied 
 what he wanted in scholarship himself, by being 
 both a passionate affecter, and eminent patron of 
 it."^ His journal for 1638 records first the 
 return of " My sones Lewis and Roger from their 
 travailes into foreign kingdomes, . . . fFor which 
 their safe retorn, god be ever humbly and heartely 
 thancked and praised both by me and them." ^ 
 In the same year he recovered the Lord Viscount 
 of Kynalmeaky and the Lord of Broghill, with 
 Mr Marcombes, their governor, from their foreign 
 travels into France and Italy. Then it was the 
 turn of Francis and Robert, just removed from 
 Eton College. With the governor Marcombes, 
 a French servant, and a French boy, they departed 
 from London in October 1639, "having his 
 Majestie's license under his hand and privy signett 
 for to continew abrode 3 yeares : god guide them 
 abrod and safe back." ^ 
 
 1 Robert Boyle, Works, 1 744, vol. i. p. 7. 
 
 2 Lismore Papers,, ist Series, vol. v. pp. 78, 80. 
 ^ Ibid.,, p. 112. 
 
 158 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Robert, according to his autobiography, was 
 well satisfied to go, but Francis, aged fifteen, had 
 just been married to one of the Queen's Maids 
 of Honour, aged fourteen, and after four days of 
 revelry was in no mood to be thrust back into the 
 estate of childhood. '^ High words passed between 
 him and his father on the occasion of his enforced 
 departure for Paris. He was so agitated that he 
 mislaid his sword and pistols — at least so we 
 hear by the first letter Marcombes writes from 
 Paris. " Mr Francis att his departure from 
 London was so much troubled because of your 
 Lordship's anger against him that he could never 
 tell us where he put his sword and ye kaise of 
 pistoles that your Lordship gave them, so that 
 I have been forced to buy them here a kaise 
 of pistolles a peece, because of the danger that is 
 now everywhere in France, and because it is so 
 much ye mode now for every gentleman of fashion 
 to ride with a kase of Pistoles, that they Laugh 
 att those that have them not. I bought also a 
 Sword for mr francis and when Mr Robert saw 
 it he did so earnestly desire me to buy him one, 
 because his was out of fashion, that I could not 
 refuse him that small request." ^ 
 
 1 It was a common custom at this time to marry one's sons, if a 
 favourable match could be made, before they went abroad. 
 
 2 Lismore Papers, 2nd Series, vol. iv. p. 95. 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Marcombes did not expose the boys long to the 
 excitement of Paris, but at once hurried them to 
 Geneva, and settled them to work, where Francis 
 showed a great deal of resignation and good- 
 humour in accepting his fate. He was not so sulky 
 as Lord Cranborne, who in a similar situation fell 
 ill, could not eat, and had to be taken back to 
 England.^ " And as for Mr francis," writes 
 Marcombes to Cork, " I protest unto your Lord- 
 ship that I did not thinke yt he could frame 
 himselfe to every kind of good Learning with so 
 great a facilitie and passion as he doth, having 
 tasted already a little drope of ye Libertinage of ye 
 Court, but I find him soe disciplinable, and soe 
 desirous to repare ye time Lost, yt I make no 
 question but your Lordship shall receive a great 
 ioye." ^ He had not had much of an education 
 at Eton, as his governor takes pleasure in pointing 
 out : " For Mr Francis I doe assure your Lordship 
 
 1 On Nov. 23rd, 1610, Carl eton, the Ambassador at Venice, wrote 
 to Salisbury that his son was ill at Padua. " He finds relish in 
 nothing on this side the mountains, nor much in anything on this side 
 the sea ; his affections being so strangely set on his return homeward, 
 that any opposition is a disease." Cranborne's tutor, Dr Lister, wrote 
 to Carleton in December : " Sir, we must for England, there is no 
 resisting of it. If we stay the fruit will not be great, the discontent 
 infinite. My Lord is going to dinner, this being the first meal he 
 eateth." (State Papers, 161 o. Cited in Life and Letters of Sir 
 Henry Wotton, ed. Pearsall-Smith, vol. i. p. 50 1.) 
 
 2 Lismore Papers, 2nd Series, vol. iv. p. 98. 
 
 160 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 he had need to aplay himselfe to other things till 
 now, for except reeding and writting Inglish he 
 was grounded in nothing of ye wordle (world) ; 
 and beleeve me, for before God I spake true, 
 when I say that never any gentleman hath 
 donne lesse profit of his time then he had done 
 when he went out of England : and besides 
 yt if he had been Longer at Eatton he had 
 Learned there to drinke with other deboice 
 scholers, as I have beene in formed by Mr 
 Robert." ' 
 
 Won over by the study of " Fortifications," a 
 branch of mathematics very pleasing to the seven- 
 teenth century boy, the future Viscount Shannon 
 applied himself to work with energy ; "^ and for a 
 time peace reigned over the process of education. 
 "Every morning," writes their tutor, "I teach 
 them ye Rhetoricke in Latin, and I expound unto 
 them Justin from Latin into french, and presently 
 after dinner I doe reade unto them two chapters 
 of ye old Testament with a brief exposition of 
 those points that I think that they doe not under- 
 stand ; and before supper I teach them ye history 
 of ye Romans in french out of florus and of Titus 
 Livius, and two sections of ye Cateshisme of 
 Caluin with ye most orthodox exposition of the 
 
 ^ Lismore Papers, 2nd Series, vol, iv. p. 234. 
 ^ Ibid., p. 171. 
 
 L 161 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 points that they doe not understand ; and after 
 supper I doe reade unto them two chapters of ye 
 new Testament, and both morning and evening we 
 say our prayers together, and twice a weeke we goe 
 to Church." 1 
 
 The boys spoke French always, and had some 
 dancing lessons, but no riding lessons, for " their 
 lyms are not knitt and strong enough, nor their 
 bodys hable to endure rough exercises ; and besides, 
 although wee have here as good and skillfull 
 teachers as in many other places, yet when they 
 shall come to paris or some other place, their 
 teachers will make them beleeve that they have 
 Lost their time and shall make them beginn 
 againe : for it is their custome so to doe to all." ^ 
 At tennis, however, Francis enjoyed himself, and 
 grew apace. " I may assure your Lordship that 
 both his Leggs and armes are by a third part 
 bigger now then they were in England." Robert, 
 even at fourteen a studious person, " doth not 
 Love tennisse play so much, but delights himselfe 
 more to be in private with some booke of history 
 or other, but I perswade him often both to play 
 att tennisse and goe about. I never saw him 
 handsomer, for although he growes much, yet he 
 is very fatt and his cheeks are as red as vermilian. 
 
 1 Lismore Papers, 2nd Series, vol. iv. p. i oo. 
 ^ Ibid., p. 103. 
 
 162 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 This Leter end of ye winter is mighty cold and a 
 great quantity of snow is fallen upon ye ground, 
 but that brings them to such a stomacke that your 
 Lordship should take a great pleasure to see them 
 feed. I do not give them daintys, but I assure 
 your Lordship that they have all way es good bred 
 and Good wine, good beef and mouton, thrice a 
 week good capons and good fish, constantly two 
 dishes of fruit and a Good piece of cheese; all 
 kind of cleane linnen twice and thrice a week and 
 a constant fire in their chamber wherein they have 
 
 a good bed for them, and another for their 
 
 -^^^ " 1 
 men. 
 
 Indeed, Marcombes was a very good governor, 
 
 as Robert several times assured the Earl of Cork, 
 
 and allowed them to lack for nothing. In the 
 
 spring he bought them saddle-horses so that after 
 
 their studies they might take the air and see their 
 
 friends. Since a governor had charge of all the 
 
 funds, it was a great test of his honesty whether 
 
 he resisted the temptation to economize on the 
 
 clothes and spending-money of his pupils, and to 
 
 pocket the part of their allowance so saved. 
 
 This is why Marcombes often lets fall into his 
 
 letters to the Earl of Cork items such as these : 
 
 " I have made a compleat black satin sute for 
 
 Mr Robert : ye cloake Lined with plush, and I 
 
 "^ Lismore Papers, 2nd Series, vol. iv. p. lOO. 
 
 163 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 allow them every moneth a peese ye value of 
 very neare two pounds sterlings for their passe 
 time." 1 
 
 T'he only disturbing elements in the satisfactory 
 state of Marcombes and his pupils were the Killi- 
 grews. Thomas Killigrew, he who afterwards 
 became one of the dramatists of the Restoration, 
 had then only just outgrown the estate of page to 
 Charles I., and in strolling about the Continent 
 he paid the Boyles a visit."^ As the brother of 
 the wife whom Mr Francis had left at home, and 
 on his own account as a fascinating courtier, he 
 cast a powerful but baleful influence upon the 
 household in Geneva. Marcombes was at first 
 very guarded in his remarks, writing only that 
 " Mr Kyligry is here since Saturday Last . . . but I 
 think he will not Stay long : which perhaps will 
 be ye better for yr sons : for although his con- 
 versation is very sweet and delectable yet they 
 have no need of interruption, specially Mr francis, 
 which was* much abused in his Learning by his 
 former teachers : and although he hath a great 
 desire to redime ye time, yet he cannot follow 
 his younger brother, and therefore he must have 
 time, and avoid ye company of those yt care 
 
 1 Lismore Papers, 2nd Series, vol. iv. p. 99. 
 
 2 In March 1640. This fact, and his appearance in the Lismore 
 Papers, are not mentioned in the Dictionary of National Biography. 
 
 164 
 
SIR THOMAS KII.LIGREW 
 
 From a conteiiiporayv caricature of the Restoration dramatist, zv/io formed some of his 
 
 characteristics in France in /640 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 not for their bookes." ^ But when it appeared 
 that Killigrew had told the Earl of Cork that 
 Marcombes kept the brothers shabbily dressed, 
 the governor unfolded his opinion of the rising 
 dramatist as " one that speakes ill of his own 
 mother and of all his friends and that plays ye 
 foole allwayes through ye streets like a Schoole 
 Boy, having Allwayes his mouth full of whoores 
 and such discourses, and braging often of his 
 getting mony from this or ye other merchant 
 without any good intention to pay." ^ His com- 
 pany fomented in Mr Francis a boastful spirit, 
 " never speaking of any thing but what he 
 should doe when he should once more com- 
 mand his state, how many dogs he shoulde 
 keepe ; how many horses ; how many fine 
 bands, sutes and rubans, and how freely he 
 would play and keepe Company with good 
 fellowes, etc."^ 
 
 Thomas Killigrew's sister, the wife of Mr 
 Francis, was also a very disturbing person. She 
 would correspond with her husband and urge 
 him to run away from his tutor, and suggested 
 coming to the Continent herself and meeting 
 him.'* These plots she made with the assistance 
 of her brother, whom she much resembled in 
 
 ^ Lismore Papers, 2nd Series, vol. iv. p. 113. ~ Ibid., p. 235. 
 
 ^ Ibid., p. 234. ^ Ibid., pp. 232-3. 
 
 165 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 disposition.^ There is no knowing what havoc 
 she would have made with the carefully planned 
 education of the Boyles, for Francis at the end 
 of two years became dangerously restive, had not 
 their tour been decisively ended by the first 
 rumblings of the Civil War at home. 
 
 After a winter in Italy, they were about to 
 start for Paris to perfect themselves in dancing 
 and to begin riding the great horse, when they 
 received news that the Earl of Cork was ruined 
 by the rebellion in Ireland. He could send them 
 no more money, he told them, than the two 
 hundred and fifty pounds he had just dispatched. 
 By economizing, and dismissing their servants, 
 they might reach Holland, and enlist under the 
 Prince of Orange. They must now work out 
 their fortune for themselves.^ 
 
 The two hundred and fifty pounds never came. 
 They were embezzled by the agent; and the 
 Boyles were left penniless in a strange country. 
 Marcombes did not desert them, however. Robert, 
 who was too frail for soldiering, he kept with 
 him in Geneva for two years. Francis, free at 
 last, took horse, was off to Ireland, and joined 
 in the fighting beside his brothers Dungarvan, 
 
 1 She became one of the mistresses of Charles II. With her 
 daughter, Charlotte Boyle, otherwise Fitzroy, she is buried in 
 Westminster Abbey. {^Cockayne s Peerage, under Viscount Shannon.) 
 
 ^ Lismore Papers, 2nd Series, vol. v. pp. 19-24. 
 166 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Kynalmeaky, and Broghill, who rallied around 
 their father.^ 
 
 There are several other seventeenth-century 
 books on the theory of travel besides Lassels', 
 which would repay reading. But we have come 
 to the period when essays of this sort contain so 
 many repetitions of one another, that detailed 
 comment would be tedious. Edward Leigh's 
 Three Diatribes'^ appeared in 1671, a year after 
 Lassels' book, and in 1678 Gailhard, another 
 professional governor, in his " Directions for the 
 Education of youth as to their Breeding at Home 
 and Travelling Abroad," '^ imitated Lassels' atten- 
 tion to the particular needs of the country gentle- 
 man. " The honest country gentleman " is a 
 synonym for one apt to be fooled, one who has 
 neither wit nor experience. He, above all others, 
 needs to go abroad to study the tempers of men 
 and learn their several fashions. " As to Country 
 breeding, which is opposed to the Courts, to the 
 Cities, or to Travelling : when it is merely such, 
 it is a clownish one. Before a Gentleman comes 
 to a settlement, Hawking, Coursing and Hunting, 
 are the dainties of it ; then taking Tobacco, 
 and going to the Alehouse and Tavern, where 
 matches are made for Races, Cock-fighting, and 
 
 1 lAsmore Papers, 2nd Series, vol. v. pp. 72, 97, 121. 
 
 2 Three Diatribes or Discourses, London, 1671. 
 ^ The Compleat Gentleman, London, 1678. 
 
 167 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 the like." As opposed to this Hfe, Gailhard holds 
 up the pattern of Sir Thomas Grosvenor, who did 
 "strive after being bettered with an Outlandish 
 Breeding" by means of close application to the 
 French and Italian languages, to fencing, dancing, 
 riding The Great Horse, drawing landscapes, and 
 learning the guitar. " His Moneys he did not 
 trifle away, but bestowed them upon good Books, 
 Medals and other useful Rareties worth the 
 Curiosity of a Compleat Gentleman." ^ 
 
 On comparing these instructions with those of 
 the sixteenth century, one is struck with the 
 emphasis they lay upon drawing and " limning." 
 This is what we would expect in the seventeenth 
 century, when an interest in pictures, statues, and 
 architecture was a distinguishing feature of a 
 gentleman. The Marquis de Seignelay, sent on 
 a tour in 1617 by his father Colbert, was accom- 
 panied by a painter and an architect charged to 
 make him understand the beauties of Italian art.^ 
 Antoine Delahaute, making the Grand Tour with 
 an Abbe for a governor, carried with him an 
 artist as well, so that when he came upon a fine 
 site, he ordered the chaise to be stopped, and the 
 view to be drawn by the obedient draughtsman.^ 
 
 ^ The Compleat Gentleman^ p. 3. 
 
 2 Albert Babeau, Les Voyagexirs en France, Paris, 1885, p. 175. 
 ^ M. Adrien Delahaute, Une Famille de Finance au XVIII. Sieciey 
 vol. i. p. 434. 
 
 168 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Not only did gentlemen study to appreciate 
 pictures, but they strove themselves to draw and 
 paint. In the travels of George Sandys^ (edition 
 1615), may be seen a woodcut of travellers, in 
 the costume of Henry of Navarre, sketching at 
 the side of Lake Avernus. To take out one's 
 memorandum - book and make a sketch of a 
 charming prospect, was the usual thing before 
 the camera was invented. " Before 1 went to 
 bed I took a landscape of this pleasant terrace," 
 says Evelyn in Roane.^ At Tournon, where he 
 saw a very strong castle under a high precipice, 
 " The prospect was so tempting that I could not 
 forbear designing it with my crayon." ^ Con- 
 sequently, we find instructions for travellers 
 reflecting the tastes of the time : Gerbier's Stib- 
 sidium P eregrinantibus ^ for instance, insisting on 
 a knowledge of " Perspective, Sculpture, Archi- 
 tecture and Pictures," as among the requisites of a 
 polite education, lays great stress on the identifi- 
 cation and survey of works of art as one of the 
 main duties of a traveller.* 
 
 Significant as are the instructions of Gerbier, 
 
 1 George Sandys, A Relation of a Journey begun in An. Dom. 1610, 
 London, 1615. 
 
 2 John Evelyn, Diary and Correspondence, ed. Bray, London, 1906, 
 vol. i. p. 77. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 78. 
 
 * Balthazar Gerbier, Subsidium Peregrinantibus, Oxford, 1665. 
 
 169 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Lassels, and others of this period, there are some 
 directions for an education abroad which are more 
 interesting than these products of professional 
 tutors — instructions written by one who was 
 himself the perfect gentleman of his day. The 
 Earl of Chesterfield's letters to his son define the 
 purpose of a foreign education with a freedom 
 which is lacking in the book of a governor who 
 writes for the public eye. Though the contents 
 of the letters are familiar to everyone, their con- 
 nection with travel for " cultum animi " has 
 hitherto, I think, been overlooked. 
 
 It will be remembered that the earl sent his son 
 abroad at the age of fourteen to study for five 
 years on the Continent, and to acquire a better 
 preparation for life than Oxford or Cambridge 
 could offer. Of these universities Chesterfield 
 had a low opinion. He could not sufficiently 
 scorn an education which did not prevent a man 
 from being flurried at his Presentation to the 
 King. He remembered that he himself, when 
 he was first introduced into good company, with 
 all the awkwardness and rust of Cambridge about 
 him, was frightened out of his wits. At Cam- 
 bridge he " had acquired among the pedants of an 
 illiberal seminary a turn for satire and contempt, 
 and a strong tendency to argumentation and con- 
 tradiction," which was a hindrance to his progress 
 170 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 in the polite world. Only after a continental 
 education did he see the follies of Englishmen 
 who knew nothing of modern Europe, who were 
 always talking of the Ancients as something more 
 than men, and of the iVl oderns as something less. 
 " They are never without a classic or two in their 
 pockets; they stick to the old good sense; they read 
 none of modern trash ; and will show you plainly 
 that no improvement has been made, in any one 
 art or science, these last seventeen hundred years." ^ 
 
 His son, therefore, was to waste no time in the 
 society of pedants, but accompanied by a travelling 
 tutor, was to begin studying life first-hand at the 
 Courts. His book-learning was to go side by side 
 with the study of manners : 
 
 " Courts and Camps are the only places to learn 
 the world in. There alone all kinds of characters 
 resort, and human nature is seen in all the various 
 shapes and modes . . . whereas, in all other places, 
 one local mode generally prevails." ^ 
 
 Moreover, the earl did not think that a com- 
 pany wholly composed of men of learning could 
 be called good company. " They cannot have 
 the easy manners and tournure of the world, 
 as they do not live in it." And an engaging 
 address, " an insinuating behaviour," was to be 
 
 ^ Letter to his Son, Feb. 2 2, 174b. 
 ^ 3ic/., Oct. 2, O.S., 1747. 
 
 171 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 sought for early in life, and, at the same time, 
 with the solid parts of learning. " The Scholar, 
 without good breeding, is a Pedant : the Philo- 
 sopher, a Cynic : the Soldier, a Brute : and every 
 man disagreeable." ^ 
 
 The five years of young Stanhope's travel 
 were carefully distributed as follows : a year in 
 Lausanne,^ for the rudiments of languages ; a 
 year in Leipsic, for a thorough grounding in 
 history and jurisprudence ; a year spent in 
 visits to such cities as Berlin, Dresden, and 
 Vienna, for a view of the different Courts ; one 
 in Italy, to get rid of the manners of Germany ; 
 and one in Paris, to give him the final polish, 
 the supreme touch, of gentlemanly complaisance, 
 politeness, and ease. 
 
 We may pass over the years in Germany, as 
 the earl did, without much comment. Young 
 Stanhope was quite satisfactory in the more solid 
 parts of learning, and it was not until he reached 
 Italy, there to begin his courtly training, that 
 Chesterfield's interest was fully aroused. 
 
 " The manners of Leipsig must be shook off," 
 
 1 Letter to his Son, Oct. 9, O.S., 1747. 
 
 ^ Lausanne was where Edward Gibbon received the education he con- 
 sidered farsuperior to whatcould be had from Oxford. When he returned 
 to England, after four years, he missed the "elegant and rational society" 
 of Lausanne, and could not love London — "the noisy and expensive 
 scene of crowds without company, and dissipation without pleasure." 
 
 172 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 he says emphatically. " No scramblings at your 
 meals as at a German ordinary : no awkward 
 overturns of glasses, plates, and salt-eel lers." ^ 
 
 He is to mind the decent mirth of the courtiers 
 — their discreet frankness, their natural, careless, 
 but genteel air ; in short, to acquire the Graces. 
 Chesterfield sent letters of introduction to the 
 best company in Venice, forwarded his own 
 diamond shoe buckles for his son, and began to 
 pour forth advice on the possible social problems 
 confronting a young Englishman in Rome. With 
 a contemptuous tolerance for Papists, Protestants, 
 and all religious quarrels as obstructions to the 
 art of pleasing, he bade Stanhope be civil to the 
 Pope, and to kneel down while the Host was 
 being carried through the streets. His tutor, 
 though, had better not. With wonderful artistic 
 insight, the earl perceives that the fitting attitude 
 for Mr Harte is simple, ungracious honesty.^ 
 
 On the subject of the Pretender, then resident 
 in Rome, his advice is ; never meet a Stuart at 
 all if you can help it; but if you must, feign 
 ignorance of him and his grievances. If he begins 
 to talk politics, disavow any knowledge of events 
 in England, and escape as soon as you can.'^ 
 
 Long before his son's year in Italy was com- 
 
 1 Letter to his Son, April i 2, 0,S., 1749. 
 
 " Ibid., Sept, 22, O.S., 1749. ^ Hid., Sept, 5, O.S., 1749. 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 pleted, Chesterfield began preparing him for Paris. 
 For the first six months Stanhope was to five in 
 an academy with young Frenchmen of fashion ; 
 after that, to have lodgings of his own. The 
 mornings were to belong to study, or serious con- 
 versation with men of learning or figure ; the 
 afternoons, to exercise; the evenings to be free 
 for balls, the opera, or play. These are the 
 pleasures of a gentleman, for which his father is 
 willing to pay generously. But he will not, he 
 points out frequently, subscribe to the extrava- 
 gance of a rake. The eighteen-year-old Stan- 
 hope is to have his coach, his two valets and a 
 footman, the very best French clothes — in fact, 
 everything that is sensible. But he shall not be 
 allowed money for dozens of cane-heads, or fancy 
 snuff-boxes, or excessive gaming, or the support 
 of opera-singers. One handsome snuff-box, one 
 handsome sword, and gaming only when the 
 presence of the ladies keeps down high stakes ; 
 but no tavern-suppers — no low company which 
 costs so much more than dissipations among one's 
 equals. There is no need for a young man of 
 any address to make love to his laundress,^ as 
 long as ladies of his own class stoop to folly. 
 
 Above all, Stanhope is not to associate with 
 his own countrymen in Paris. On them Chester- 
 
 1 Letter to his Son, Nov. 8, O.S., 1750. 
 174 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 field is never tired of pouring the vials of scorn. 
 He began while Stanhope was at Leipsic to point 
 out the deficiences of English boys : 
 
 " They are commonly twenty years old before 
 they have spoken to anybody above their school- 
 master, and the Fellows of their college. If they 
 happen to have learning, it is only Greek and 
 Latin ; but not one word of modern history, or 
 modern languages. Thus prepared, they go 
 abroad as they call it ; but in truth, they stay at 
 home all that while; for being very awkward, 
 confoundedly ashamed, and not speaking the 
 languages, they go into no foreign company, at 
 least none good, but dine and sup with one another 
 only, at the tavern.^ . . . 
 
 " The life of les Milords Anglais is regularly, 
 or if you will, irregularly, this. As soon as they 
 rise, which is very late, they breakfast together to 
 the utter loss of two good morning hours. Then 
 they go by coachfuls to the Palais, the Invalides, 
 and Notre-Dame ; from thence to the English 
 coffee-house where they make up their tavern 
 party for dinner. From dinner, where they drink 
 quick, they adjourn in clusters to the play, where 
 they crowd up the stage, drest up in very fine 
 clothes, very ill made by a Scotch or Irish tailor. 
 From the play to the tavern again, where they get 
 
 1 Letter to his Son, May lo, O.S., 1748. 
 
 ^7S 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 very drunk, and where they either quarrel among 
 themselves, or sally forth, commit some riot in the 
 streets, and are taken up by the watch." ^ 
 
 To avoid these monsters, and to cultivate the best 
 French society, was what a wise young man must 
 do in Paris. He must establish an intimacy with 
 the best French families. If he became fashion- 
 able among the French, he would be fashionable 
 in London. 
 
 Chesterfield considered it best to show no eru- 
 dition at Paris before the rather illiterate society 
 there. As the young men were all bred for and 
 put into the army at the age of twelve or thirteen, 
 only the women had any knowledge of letters. 
 Stanhope would find at the academy a number 
 of young fellows ignorant of books, and at that 
 age hasty and petulant, so that the avoidance of 
 quarrels must be a young Englishman's great 
 care. He will be as lively as these French boys, 
 but a little wiser ; he will not reproach them with 
 their ignorance, nor allow their idlenesses to break 
 in on the hours he has laid aside for study. 
 
 Such was the plan of a Grand Tour laid down 
 by one of the first gentlemen of Europe. It 
 remains one of the best expressions of the social 
 influence of France upon England, and for that 
 
 1 Letter to his Son, April 30, O.S., 1750. 
 176 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 reason properly belongs to the seventeenth century 
 more than to the Georgian era in which the letters 
 were written. Chesterfield might be called the 
 last of the courtiers. He believed in accomplish- 
 ments and personal elegance as a means of advanc- 
 ing oneself in the world, long after the Court had 
 ceased to care for such qualities, or to be of much 
 account in the destinies of leading Englishmen. 
 Republicanism was in the air. Chesterfield was 
 thinking of the France of his youth ; but France 
 had changed. In 1765, Horace Walpole was 
 depressed by the solemnity and austerity of French 
 society. Their style of conversation was serious, 
 pedantic, and seldom animated except by a dispute 
 on some philosophic subject.^ In fact, Chester- 
 field was admiring the France of Louis the 
 Fourteenth long after " Le Soleil " had set, and 
 the country was sombre. It was the eve of the 
 day when France was to imitate the democratic 
 ideals of England. England, at last, instead of 
 being on the outskirts of civilization, was coming 
 to be the most powerful, respected, and enlightened 
 country in Europe. When that day dawned. 
 Englishmen no longer sought the Continent in 
 the spirit of the Elizabethans — the spirit which 
 aimed at being " A citizen of the whole world." 
 
 ^ Letters from Paris, Sept. 22, 26; Oct. 3, 6, 1765. 
 M 177 
 
Chapter VII 
 
 THE DECADENCE OF THE GRAND 
 TOUR. 
 
 URING the several generations when the 
 Stuarts communicated their love of 
 
 D 
 
 France to the aristocracy of England, 
 there was, as we might suppose, a steady under- 
 current of protest against this Gallic influence. 
 A returning traveller would be pursued by the 
 rabble of London, who, sighting his French 
 periwig and foreign gestures, would pelt his 
 coach with gutter-dirt, squibs, roots and rams- 
 horns, and run after it shouting " French Dogs ! 
 French Dogs ! A Mounser ! A Mounser ! " ^ 
 Between the courtiers and the true-born English- 
 man there was no great sympathy in the matter of 
 foreign culture. The courtiers too often took 
 towards deep-seated English customs the irreverent 
 attitude of their master, Charles II. — known to 
 remark that it was the roast beef and reading of 
 the holy Scriptures that caused the noted sadness 
 of the English.^ The true-born Englishman 
 
 1 A Character of England, As it was lately presented in a Letter to 
 a Noble Man of France, London, 1659. 
 
 2 See Voltaire, Lettres Philosophiques, tome ii. p. 272, ed. Gustave 
 Lanson, Paris, 1909. 
 
 178 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 retorted with many a jibe at the " gay, giddy, 
 brisk, insipid fool," who thought of nothing but 
 clothes and garnitures, despised roast beef, and 
 called his old friends ruffians and rustics ; or at 
 the rake who " has not been come from France 
 above three months and here he has debauch'd four 
 women and fought five duels." The playwrights 
 could always secure an audience by a skilful 
 portrait of an " English Mounsieur " such as Sir 
 Fopling Flutter, who " went to Paris a plain 
 bashful English Blockhead and returned a fine 
 undertaking French Fop." ^ 
 
 1 " The merest John Trot in a week you shall see 
 
 Bien poll, bien frize, tout a fait un Marquis." 
 
 (Samuel Foote, Dramatic Worksy vol. i. p. 47.) 
 
 The Hon. James Howard, The English Mounsieur, London, 1674 ; 
 Sir George Etherege, Sir Fopling Flutter, Love in a Tub, Act HI. 
 Sc. iv. 
 
 The Abbe le Blanc on visiting England was very indignant at the 
 representation of his countrymen on the London stage: he describes 
 how, " Two actors came in, one dressed in the English manner very 
 decently, and the other with black eye-brows, a riband an ell long 
 under his chin, a big peruke immoderately powdered, and his nose all 
 bedaubed with snuff. What Englishman could not know a Frenchman 
 by this ridiculous picture ? . . . But when it was found that the man 
 thus equipped, being also laced down every seam of his coat, was 
 nothing but a cook, the spectators were equally charmed and surprised. 
 The author had taken care to make him speak all the impertinences he 
 could devise. . . . There was a long criticism upon our manners, our 
 customs and above all, our cookery. The excellence and virtues of 
 English beef were cried up ; the author maintained that it was owing 
 to the quality of its juice that the English were so courageous, and had 
 
 179 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 There had always been a protest against foreign 
 influence, but in the eighteenth century one can- 
 not fail to notice a stronger and more contemptu- 
 ous attitude than ever before. England was 
 feeling her power. War with France sharpened 
 the shafts of satire, and every victory over the 
 French increased a strong insular patriotism in 
 all classes. Foote declared residence in Paris a 
 necessary part of every man of fashion's education, 
 because it " Gives 'em a relish for their own 
 domestic happiness and a proper veneration for 
 their own national liberties." ^ His Epilogue to 
 The Englishman in Paris commends the prudence 
 of British forefathers who 
 
 " Scorned to truck for base unmanly arts, 
 Their native plainness and their honest hearts." ^ 
 
 It was not the populace alone, or those who 
 appealed directly to the populace, who sneered at 
 Popish countries, and pitied them for not being 
 British."^ As time went on Whigs of all classes 
 boasted of the superiority of England, especially 
 when they travelled in Europe. 
 
 such a solidity of understanding which raised them above all the nations 
 of Europe " (E. Smith, Foreign Visitors in England, London, 1889, 
 
 PP- 193-4)- 
 
 1 Samuel Foote, Dramatic Works, vol, i. p. 7. 
 
 2 Ibid. 
 
 ^ " Let Paris be the theme of Gallia's Muse 
 
 Where Slav'ry treads the Streets in wooden shoes." 
 
 (Gay, Trivia.) 
 
 180 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 " We envy not the warmer clime that lies 
 In ten degrees of more indulgent skies . . . 
 'Tis Liberty that crowns Britannia's Isle 
 And makes her barren rocks and her bleak mountains smile." ^ 
 
 Addison's travels are full of reflections of this 
 sort. The destitution of the Campagna of Rome 
 demonstrates triumphantly what an aversion man- 
 kind has to arbitrary government, while the well- 
 populated mountain of St Marino shows what a 
 natural love they have for liberty. Whigs abroad 
 were well caricatured by Smollett in Peregrine 
 Pickle in the figures of the Painter and the 
 Doctor. They observed that even the horses and 
 dogs in France were starved ; whereupon the 
 Governor of Peregrine, an Oxonian and a 
 Jacobite, sneered that they talked like true 
 Englishmen. The Doctor, affronted by the in- 
 sinuation, told him with some warmth that he 
 was wrong in his conjecture, " his affections and 
 ideas being confined to no particular country ; for 
 he considered himself as a citizen of the world. 
 He owned himself more attached to England than 
 to any other kingdom, but this preference was the 
 effect of reflection and not of prejudice." 
 
 This growing conviction of England's superiority 
 helped to bring about the decadence of travel for 
 education. Travel continued, and the eighteenth 
 
 1 Joseph Addison, A Letter from Italy, London, 1709. 
 
 181 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 century was as noticeable as any other for the 
 " mal du pays" which attacked young men, but 
 travel became the tour of curiosity and diversion 
 with which we are familiar, and not an earnest 
 endeavour to become *' a compleat person." Many 
 changes helped this decadence. The " policy " of 
 Italy and France, which once attracted the embryo 
 statesmen of Elizabeth, was now well known and 
 needed no further study. With the passing of 
 the Stuarts, when the king's favour ceased to be 
 the means of making one's fortune, a courtly 
 education was no longer profitable. High offices 
 under the Georges were as often as not filled by 
 unpolished Englishmen extolled for their native 
 flavour of bluntness and bluffness. Foreign graces 
 were a superfluous ornament, more or less ridicu- 
 lous. The majority of Englishmen were wont to 
 prize, as Sam Johnson did, " their rustic grandeur 
 and their surly grace," and to join in his lament : 
 
 ♦' Lost in thoughtless ease and empty show, 
 Behold the warrior dwindled to a beau ; 
 Sense, freedom, piety refined away, 
 Of France the mimick and of Spain the prey." ^ 
 
 A large section of society was inimical to the 
 kind of education that the Earl of Chesterfield 
 prescribed for his son. The earl was well aware 
 of it, indeed, and marked with repugnance divers 
 
 1 Samuel Johnson, London : A Poem, 
 182 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 young bucks of his day with leathern breeches and 
 unpowdered hair, who would exclaim ; " Damn 
 these finical outlandish airs, give me a manly 
 resolute manner. They make a rout with their 
 graces, and talk like a parcel of dancing masters, 
 and dress like a parcel of fops ; one good English- 
 man will beat three of them." ^ 
 
 Even during the height of the Grand Tour in 
 the latter half of the seventeenth century, thought- 
 ful minds, observing the effects of a foreign educa- 
 tion as seen not only in the courtiers of Charles II., 
 but in the dozens of obscure country gentlemen 
 who painfully sought to acquire the habit of a 
 Parisian Marquis by education abroad, noticed the 
 weak points of such a system. The Earl of 
 Clarendon thought it pernicious to send boys 
 abroad until after they had gone through Oxford 
 or Cambridge. There was no necessity for their 
 getting the French accent at an early age, " as if 
 we had no mind to be suspected to be English- 
 men." That took them from their own country 
 at just the age when they ought to have severe 
 mental discipline, for the lack of which no amount 
 of social training would make them competent 
 men. " They return from travel with a wonderful 
 confidence which may very well be called impu- 
 
 * Philip Dormer Stanhope, Earl of Chesterfield, Letters to his Son, 
 London, 1774 ; vol. ii. p. 123 ; vol. iii. p. 308. 
 
 •83 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 dence ... all their learning is in wearing their 
 clothes well ; they have very much without their 
 heads, very little within ; and they are very much 
 more solicitous that their periwigs fit handsomely, 
 than to speak discreetly ; they laugh at what they 
 do not understand, which understanding so little, 
 makes their laughter very immoderate. When 
 they have been at home two or three years, which 
 they spend in the vanities which they brought 
 over with them, fresh travellers arrive with newer 
 fashions, and the same confidence, and are looked 
 upon as finer gentlemen, and wear their ribbons 
 more gracefully ; at which the others are angry, 
 quit the stage, and would fain get into wiser com- 
 pany, where they every day find defects in them- 
 selves, which they owe to the ill spending that 
 time when they thought only of being fine 
 gentlemen." ^ 
 
 When these products of a French education 
 could not remain in town, but were obliged to 
 live on their estates amid rough country squires, 
 it went hard with them. " They will by no 
 means embrace our way," says The Country 
 Gentleman in Clarendon's Dialogue of the Want 
 of Respect Due to Age^ " but receive us with 
 cringes and treat us with set speeches, and com- 
 
 1 Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, A Dialogue concerning Educa- 
 tion, in A Collection of Several Tracts, London, 1727. 
 
 184 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 plain how much it rains, that they cannot keep 
 their hair dry, or their linnen handsome one hour. 
 They talk how much a better country France is 
 and how much they eat and drink better there, 
 which our neighbors will not believe, and laugh 
 at them for saying so. They by no means endure 
 our exercises of hunting and hawking, nor indeed 
 can their tender bodies endure those violent 
 motions. They have a guitar or some other 
 fiddle, which they play upon commonly an hour 
 or so in their beds before they rise, and have at 
 least one French fellow to wait upon them, to 
 shave them, and comb their periwig ; and he is 
 sent into the kitchen to dress some little dish, or 
 to make some sauce for dinner, whom the cook is 
 hardly restrained from throwing into the fire. In 
 a word, they live to and within themselves, and 
 their nearest neighbors do not know whether they 
 eat and drink or no." ^ 
 
 Not only were the recreations of their country 
 neighbours violent and unrefined, according to the 
 English Messieurs, but that preoccupation with 
 local government, which was the chief duty of the 
 country gentleman, was beyond the capacity of 
 those who by living abroad had learned little of 
 the laws and customs of their own country. 
 Clarendon draws a sad picture of the return of the 
 
 1 Ibid., Dialogue of The Want of Respect Due to Age, pp. 295-6. 
 
 185 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 native who was ashamed to be present at the 
 public and private meetings for the administration 
 of justice, because he had spent in dancing the 
 time when he might have been storing knowledge, 
 and who now passed his days a-bed, reading 
 French romances of which he was tired. 
 
 Locke also set forth the fallacies of the Grand 
 Tour in his Essay of Education. He admitted 
 that fencing and riding the Great Horse were 
 looked upon as " so necessary parts of breeding 
 that it would be thought a great omission to 
 neglect them," but he questioned whether riding 
 the Great Horse was " of moment enough to be 
 made a business of." ^ Fencing, he pointed out, 
 has very little to do with civil life, and is of no 
 use in real warfare, while music " wastes so much 
 of a young man's time, to gain but a moderate 
 skill in it, and engages often in such odd company, 
 that many think it much better spared." ^ But 
 the feature of travel which was most mercilessly 
 analysed by Locke was the Governor. He ex- 
 posed the futility of sending a boy abroad to gain 
 experience and to mingle with good society while 
 he was so young as to need a guardian. For at 
 the age when most boys were abroad — that is, 
 from sixteen to twenty-two — they thought them- 
 
 1 John Locke, Some Thoughts concerning Education, London, 1699, 
 PP- 356-7* 375-7- 
 186 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 selves too much men to be governed by others, 
 and yet had not experience and prudence enough 
 to govern themselves. Under the shelter of a 
 Governor they were excused from being account- 
 able for their own conduct and very seldom 
 troubled themselves with inquiries or with making 
 useful observations of their own. 
 
 While the Governor robbed his pupil of life's 
 responsibilities on one hand, he hampered him, 
 on the other, in any efforts to get into good 
 company : 
 
 " I ask amongst our young men that go abroad 
 under tutors what one is there of an hundred, that 
 ever visits any person of quality ? much less 
 makes an acquaintance with such from whose con- 
 versation he may learn what is good breeding in 
 that country and what is worth observation in it. 
 . . . Nor indeed is it to be wondered. For men 
 of worth and parts will not easily admit the 
 familiarity of boys who yet need the care of a 
 tutor : though a young gentleman and stranger, 
 appearing like a man, and shewing a desire to 
 inform himself in the customs, laws, and govern- 
 ment of the country he is in, will find welcome, 
 assistance and entertainment everywhere." ^ 
 
 These, and many comments of the same sort 
 from other observers, made for the disintegration 
 
 1 Ibid. 
 
 187 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 of the Grand Tour, and cast discredit upon it as 
 a mode of education. Locke was not the only 
 person who exposed the ineffectiveness of governors. 
 They became a favourite subject of satire in the 
 eighteenth century. Though even the best sort 
 of " maitre d'ours " or " bear- master," as the 
 French called him, robbed travel of its proper 
 effect, the best were seldom available for the hosts 
 ot boyish travellers. Generally the family chaplain 
 was chosen, because of his cheapness, and this un- 
 fortunate was expected to restrain the boisterous 
 devilment of the Peregrine Pickle committed to 
 his care.^ A booklet called The Bear-Leaders ; 
 or, Modern Travelling Stated in a Proper Light ^ 
 sums up a biting condemnation of " our rugged 
 unsocial Telemachuses and their unpolished Men- 
 tors," describing how someone in orders, perhaps a 
 family dependent, is chosen as the Governor of 
 the crude unprepared mortal embarking for a tour 
 of Europe. " The Oddities, when introduced to 
 
 ^ As Cowper says in The Progress of Error : 
 
 " From school to Cam or Isis, and thence home : 
 And thence with all convenient speed to Rome. 
 With reverend tutor clad in habit lay. 
 To tease for cash and quarrel with all day : 
 With memorandum-book for every town, 
 And every post, and where the chaise broke down." 
 Foote's play, yin Evglishman in Paris, represents in the character of 
 the pedantic prig named Clavssick, the sort of university tutor who was 
 sometimes substituted for the parson, as an appropriate guardian. 
 
 188 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 each other, start back with mutual Astonishment, 
 but after some time from a frequency of seeing, 
 grow into a Coarse Fondness one for the other, 
 expressed by Horse Laughs, or intimated by alter- 
 nate Thumps on the Back, with all such other 
 gentle insinuations of our uncivilized Male 
 
 ens. 
 
 55 1 
 
 Hoyd 
 
 Small wonder, therefore, that a youth, who 
 returned from driving by post-chaise through the 
 principal towns of Europe in the company of 
 a meek chaplain,'^ returned from his tour about 
 as much refined, according to Congreve, " as a 
 Dutch skipper from a whale-fishing." ^ The 
 whole idea of the Grand Tour was thrown into 
 disrepute after its adoption by crude and low-bred 
 people, who thought it necessary to inform all 
 their acquaintance where they had been, by a 
 very unbecoming dress and a very awkward 
 address : " not knowing that an Englishman's 
 beef-and-pudding face will not agree with a hat 
 no bigger than a trencher ; and that a man who 
 
 1 The Bear- Leaders, London, 1758. 
 
 2 Lady Mary Wortley Montagu met many of these pairs at Rome, 
 where she writes that, by herding together and throwing away their 
 money on worthless objects, they had acquired the title of Golden 
 Asses, and that Goldoni adorned his dramas with "gli milordi Inglesi" 
 in the same manner as Moliere represented his Parisian marquises 
 {^Letters, ed. WharndifFe, London, 1893, vol. ii. p. 327). 
 
 3 William Congreve, The Way of the World, Act III. So. xv. 
 
 189 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 never learned to make a bow performs it worse in 
 a head of hair dressed a L'aille Pidgeon, than in a 
 scratch wig." ^ 
 
 In many other ways, also, travel lost its dignity 
 in the eighteenth century. It was no longer 
 necessary to live in foreign countries to under- 
 stand them. With the foundation of the chairs 
 of modern history at Oxford and Cambridge by 
 King George the First in 1724, one great reason 
 for travel was lost. Information about con- 
 temporary politics on the Continent could be had 
 through the increasing number of news-journals 
 and gazettes. As for learning the French lan- 
 guage, there had been no lack of competent 
 teachers since the Revocation of the Edict of 
 Nantes in 1685 ^^^^ French Protestant refugees 
 swarming across the channel to find some sort 
 of living in England. Therefore the spirit of 
 acquisitiveness dwindled and died down, in the 
 absence of any strong need to study abroad, and 
 an idle, frivolous, darting, capricious spirit con- 
 trolled the aristocratic tourist. Horace Walpole 
 on his travels spent his time in a way that would 
 have been censured by the Elizabethans. He 
 rushed everywhere, played cards, danced through 
 the streets of Rheims before the ladies' coaches, 
 
 1 Philip Thicknesse, Observations on the Customs and Manners of the 
 French Nation, London, 1766, p. 3. 
 
 190 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 and hailed with dehght every acquaintance from 
 England. What would Sir Philip Sidney have 
 thought of the mode of life Walpole draws in this 
 letter : 
 
 " About two days ago, about four o'clock in 
 the afternoon ... as we were picking our teeth 
 round a littered table and in a crumby room, 
 Gray ^ in an undress, Mr Conway in a morning- 
 grey coat and I in a trim white night-gown and 
 slippers, very much out of order, with a very 
 little cold, a message discomposed us all of a 
 sudden, with a service to Mr Walpole from Mr 
 More, and that, if he pleased, he would wait on 
 Mr Walpole. We scuttle upstairs in great con- 
 fusion, but with no other damage than the flinging 
 down two or three glasses and the dropping a 
 slipper by the way. Having ordered the room to 
 be cleaned out, and sent a very civil response to 
 Mr More, we began to consider who Mr More 
 might be." ^ 
 
 In the tour of Walpole and Gray one may see 
 a change in the interest of travel ; how the 
 romantic spirit had already ousted the humanistic 
 love of men and cities. As he drifted through 
 Europe Gray took little interest in history or in 
 
 1 Thomas Gray the poet. 
 
 2 Horace Walpole, Letters, ed. Cunningham, London, 1891, vol. i. 
 p. 24. 
 
 191 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 the intricacies of human character. He would 
 not be bothered by going to Courts with Walpole, 
 or if he did he stood in the corner of the ball- 
 room and looked on while Walpole danced. 
 What he cared for was La Grande Chartreuse, 
 with its cliffs and pines and torrents and hanging 
 woods. ^ He is the forerunner of the Byronic 
 traveller who delighted in the terrific aspects of 
 nature and disdained mankind. Different indeed 
 was the genial heart of Howell, who was at pains 
 to hire lodgings in Paris with windows opening 
 on the street, that he might study every passer- 
 by,^ but who spoke of mountains in Spain in a 
 casual way as " not so high and hideous as the 
 Alps," or as " uncouth, huge, monstrous Excres- 
 cences of Nature, bearing nothing but craggy 
 stones.^ 
 
 With the decline of enthusiasm over the serious 
 
 ^ Thomas Gray, Letters, ed. Tovey, Cambridge University Press, 
 1890, pp. 38, 44, 68. 
 
 2 James Howell, Instructions for Forraine Traiiell, p. 25 (Arber 
 Reprint) . 
 
 ^ Ilid.^ Epistol/e Ho-Ellana, ed. Jacobs, 1892, vol. i. p. 95. 
 
 The Renaissance traveller had little commendation for a land that 
 was not fruitful, rich with grains and orchards. A landscape that 
 suggested food was to him the fairest landscape under heaven. Far 
 from being an admirer of mountains, he was of the opinion of Dr 
 Johnson that " an eye accustomed to flowery pastures and waving 
 harvests is astonished and repelled by this wide extent of hopeless 
 sterility " and that "this uniformity of barrenness can afford very little 
 amusement to the traveller" [Works, ed. 1787, vol. x. p. 359). 
 
 192 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 advantages of travel, there was not much demand 
 for those essays on the duties of the student 
 abroad which we have tried to describe. By the 
 eighteenth century, hand-books for travellers were 
 much the same as those with which we are to-day 
 familiar ; that is, a guide-book describing the 
 particular objects to be inspected, and the sensa- 
 tions they ought to inspire, together with ex- 
 ceedingly careful notes as to the price of meals 
 and transportation. This sort of manual became 
 necessary when travel grew to be the recreation 
 of men of moderate education who could not read 
 the local guide-books written in the language of 
 the country they visited. Compilations such as 
 the Itinerar'ium Italic of Schottus, published at 
 Antwerp in 1600, and issued in eleven editions 
 during the seventeenth century, had been sufficient 
 for the accomplished traveller of the Renaissance.^ 
 
 1 Itinerant Italia Rerumq. Romanorum lilr'i tres a Franc. Schotto 
 I.e. ex antiquis novisque Scriptoribus iis editi qui Romam anno 
 lubileii sacro visunt. Ad Robertum Bellarminum S.R.E. Card. 
 Ampliss. Antverpise. Ex officina Plantiniana apud Joannem More- 
 turn. Anno sascularii sacro, 1600. 
 
 Thomas Cecil in Paris in 1562 studied the richly illustrated 
 Cosmographia Universalis of Sebastien Munster (pub. Basel 1550) 
 which gave descriptions of " Omnium gentium mores, leges, religio, res 
 gestae, mutationes." 
 
 Sir Thomas Browne recommends to his son in France in 1661 Les 
 Antiquities de Paris *' which will direct you in many things, what to 
 look after, that little time you stay there " (^IVorks^ ed. Wilkin, 1846, 
 vol. i. p. 16). 
 
 N 193 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 France, as the centre of travel, produced the 
 greatest number of handy manuals,^ and it was 
 from these, doubtless, that Richard Lassels drew 
 the idea of composing a similar work in the 
 English language, which would comprise the 
 exhortation to travel, in the manner of Turler, 
 with a continental guide to objects of art. The 
 Voyage of Italy by Lassels, published in Paris in 
 1670, marks the beginning of guide-books in 
 English. 
 
 Still, in succeeding vade-mecums there are some 
 occasional echoes of the old injunctions to improve 
 one's time. Misson's A New Voyage to Italy^ 
 maps out some intellectual duties. According to 
 Misson a voyager ought to carry along with him 
 a cane divided into several measures, or a piece of 
 
 1 Such as : [a) La Guide des Chemins : pour aller et venir par tous 
 les pays et contrees du Royaume de France. Avec les noms des 
 Fleuves et Rivieres qui courent parmy lesdicts pays. A. Paris (n.d.) 
 
 (1552?)- 
 
 (^) Deliciis Gall'ta, sive Itinerarium per universam Galliam. Colonias, 
 1608. 
 
 [c) lodoc't Sincert Itinerarium Gallia, Ita accomodatum, ut eius 
 ductu mediocri tempore tota Gallia obiri, Anglia et Belgium adire pos- 
 suit : nee bis terve ad eadum loca rediri oporteat : De Burdigala, 
 Lugduni, i6t6. 
 
 (^) Le Voyage de France Dresse pour I'instruction et commodite tant 
 des Francals que des Estrangers. Paris, chez Olivier de Varennes, 
 1639. 
 
 2 Maximilian Misson, A New Voyage to Italy ; Together with 
 Useful Instructions for those who shall Travel thither, 2 vols., London, 
 1695. 
 
 194 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 pack-thread well twined and waxed, fifty fathom 
 long and divided into feet by knots, so as to be 
 able to measure the height of the towers and the 
 bigness of pillars and the dimensions of everything 
 so far as he is able. This seems sufficiently 
 laborious, but it makes for an easy life compared 
 to the one prescribed by Count Leopold Berchtold 
 in his Essay to Direct a7id Kxtend the Inquiries 
 of Patriotic Travellers. He would have one 
 observe the laws and customs of foreigners with a 
 curiosity that would extend to every department 
 of social and economic life, beginning with 
 "" Causes of the Decrease of Population and 
 Remedies to prevent them " ; proceeding to such 
 matters as the state of the peasantry ; to questions 
 applicable to manuring, ploughing, and the hous- 
 ing of black cattle ; or to an " Inquiry concerning 
 Charitable Institutions such as one for recovering 
 Drowned and Strangled Persons " ; or to the 
 ** Extent of Liberty to Grown-up Young Ladies." 
 In case the traveller is at a loss how to conduct 
 his investigation, a list of particular questions on 
 the topics for study is added by the author. A 
 few random examples of this list are: 
 
 " Which are the favourite herbs of the sheep of 
 this country ? " 
 
 "Are there many instances of people having 
 been bit by mad animals ? " 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 " Is the state of a bachelor aggravated and 
 rendered less desirable ? By what means ? " 
 
 '* How much is paid per day for ploughing 
 with two oxen ? With two horses ? " 
 
 " Which food has been experienced to be most 
 portable and most nourishing for keeping a 
 distressed ship's crew from starving ? " 
 
 " What is the value of whales of different 
 sizes ? " 
 
 In addition to such inquiries Berchtold ^ urges 
 the necessity of sketching landscapes and costumes, 
 and better yet, the scientific drawing of engines 
 and complicated machines, and also of acquiring 
 skill on some musical instrument, to keep one 
 from the gaming table in one's idle hours, pre- 
 ferably of learning to play on a portable instru- 
 ment, such as a German flute. Journals, it goes 
 without saying, must be written every night 
 before the traveller goes to sleep. 
 
 It is not only the fact of their being addressed 
 to persons of small intelligence which makes the 
 guide-books of the eighteenth century seem 
 ridiculous ; another reason for their ignoble tone 
 is the increased emphasis they lay on the material 
 convenience of the traveller. Not the service of 
 one's country or the perfecting of one's character 
 
 1 Count Leopold Berchtold, An Essay to Direct and Extend the 
 Inquiries of Patriotic Travellers, London, 1789. 
 
 196 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 is the note of Georgian injunctions, but the fear 
 of being cheated and of being sick. Misson's 
 instructions begin at once with praise of fixed 
 rates in Holland, where one is spared the exhaus- 
 tion of wrangling. The exact fare from Cologne 
 to Maintz is his next subject, and how one can 
 hire a coach and six horses for three crowns a day ; 
 how the best inns at Venice are The Louvre, The 
 White Lion, and The French Arms ; how one 
 can stay at The Louvre for eight livres a day and 
 pay seven or eight livres for a gondola by the 
 day, and so forth ; with similar useful but 
 uninspired matter. Next he discusses sea-sickness, 
 and informs us that the best remedy is to keep 
 always, night and day, a piece of earth under the 
 nose; for which purpose you should provide a 
 sufficient quantity of earth and preserve it fresh 
 in a pot of clay ; and when you have used a piece 
 so long that it begins to grow dry, put it again 
 into the pot, and take out some fresh earth. ^ 
 
 Berchtold's suggestions for comfort are even 
 more elaborate. One should carry everywhere : 
 
 " A bottle of vinegar, de quatre voleurs. 
 Ditto best French Brandy. 
 Ditto spirit of Salmiac, against fits. 
 Ditto Hoffman's Drops." 
 
 1 MissoD, op. cit., vol. ii. p. 335. 
 
 197 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 At inns it is advisable to air the room by- 
 throwing a little strong vinegar upon a red hot 
 shovel, and to bring your bed-clothes with you. 
 As a guard against robbers it is advisable to have 
 your servant sleep in the same room with you, 
 keep a wax candle burning all night, and look 
 into the chests and behind the bed before retiring. 
 Pocket door-bolts in the form of a cross are easily 
 obtainable ; if not, put the tables and chair against 
 the door. 
 
 There is something fussy about such a traveller, 
 though robbers undoubtedly were to be feared, 
 even in the eighteenth century,^ and though inns 
 were undoubtedly dirty. A repugnance to dirt 
 and discomfort is justifiable enough, but there is 
 something especially peevish in the tone of many 
 Georgian travellers. Sam Sharp's Letters from 
 Italy breathe only sorrow, disillusion and indigna- 
 tion. Italian beds and vermin, Italian post-boys 
 and their sorry nags are too frequently the theme 
 of his discourse. He even assures us that the 
 young gentlemen whom he had always pictured 
 as highly delighted by the Grand Tour are in 
 
 1 See Hearne's Collections, vol. vili., being vol. 1. of publications 
 of The Oxford Historical Society, pp. ii8, 133, 201, for the account 
 of an assault by six highwaymen upon two gentlemen with their 
 servants on the way from Calais, in September 1723. Defoe wrote 
 a tract on the subject, and it was treated in Boyer's Political State, and 
 in other periodicals of the time. 
 
 198 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 reality very homesick for England. They are 
 weary of the interminable drives and interminable 
 conversazioni of Italy and long for the fox- 
 hunting of Great Britain.^ Fielding's account of 
 his voyage to Lisbon contains too much about 
 his wife's toothache and his own dropsy.^ 
 Smollett, like Fielding, was a sick man at the 
 time of his travels, and we can excuse his rage 
 at the unswept floors, old rotten tables, crazy 
 chairs and beds so disgusting that he generally 
 wrapped himself in a great-coat and lay upon 
 four chairs with a leathern portmanteau for 
 a pillow ; but we cannot admire a man who is 
 embittered by the fact that he cannot get milk 
 to put in his tea, and is continually thrusting his 
 head out of the window to curse at the post-boys, 
 or pulling out his post-book to read to an inn- 
 yard with savage vociferation the article which 
 orders that the traveller who comes first shall be 
 first served.^ 
 
 This is a degeneration from the undaunted 
 mettle of the Elizabethans, who, though acquainted 
 with dirty inns and cheating landlords, kept their 
 spirits soaring above the material dilhculties of 
 travel. We miss, in eighteenth century accounts, 
 
 1 Letters from Italy, to which is annexed, An Admonition to 
 Gentlemen ivho pass the Alps, London, 1767, pp. 44, 65, 172, 306. 
 
 2 Henry Fielding, The Journal of a Voyage to Lisbon. 
 
 3 Tobias Smollett, Works, ed. 1887, p. 709. 
 
 199 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 the gaiety of Roger Ascham's Report of Germany 
 and of the fair barge with goodly glass windows 
 in which he went up the Rhine — gaiety which 
 does not fail even when he had to spend the 
 night in the barge, with his tired head on his 
 saddle for a bolster.^ We miss the spirit of good 
 fellowship with which John Taylor, the Water 
 Poet, shared with six strangers in the coach from 
 Hamburgh the ribs of roast beef brought with 
 him from Great Britain.^ Vastly diverting as 
 the eighteenth-century travel-books sometimes 
 are, there is nothing in them that warms the 
 heart like the travels of poor Tom Coryat, that 
 infatuated tourist, chief of the tribe of Gad, whom 
 nothing daunted in his determination to see the 
 world. Often he slept in wagons and in open 
 skiffs, and though he could not afford to hire the 
 guides with Sedan chairs who took men over the 
 Alpine passes in those days, yet he followed them 
 on foot, panting.^ 
 
 1 Roger Ascham, Works ^ ed. Giles, London, 1865, vol. i. 
 part ii. p. 253. 
 
 2 All the Works of John Taylor the Water Poet, being sixty-three in 
 number, collected into one volume by the Author, London, 1630. 
 See p. 76, Three Weekes, three Dayes^ and three Houres Observations 
 
 from London to Hamburgh in Germanie , . . dedicated to Sr. Thomas 
 Coriat, Great Brittaines Error, and the World's Mirror, Aug. 17, 
 1616. 
 
 ^ Coryat' s Crudities, Glasgow, 1905, vol. i. pp. 216, 226, 
 255; vol. ii. pp. 57, 176. 
 
 200 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 So, in spite of the fact that travel is never- 
 ending, and that " peregrinatio animi causa " ot 
 the sixteenth century is not very different from 
 the Wanderlust of the nineteenth, we feel we 
 have come to the end of the particular phase ot 
 travel which had its beginning in the Renaissance. 
 The passing of the courtier, the widened scope of 
 the university, the rise of journalism, and the 
 ascendancy of England, changed the attitude of 
 the English traveller from eager acquisitiveness to 
 complacent amusement. With this change of 
 attitude came an end to the essay in praise of 
 travel, written by scholars and gentlemen for their 
 kind ; intended for him " Who, whithersoever he 
 directeth his journey, travelleth for the greater 
 benefit of his wit, for the commodity of his 
 studies, and dexterity of his life, — he who moveth 
 more in mind than in body. " ^ We hope we 
 have done something to rescue these essays from 
 the oblivion into which they have fallen, to show 
 the social background from which they emerged, 
 and to reproduce their enthusiasm for self-im- 
 provement and their high-hearted contempt for 
 an easy, indolent life. 
 
 1 Hermannus Kirchnerus in Coryai' s Crudities^ vol. ii. p. 74. 
 
 201 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 I 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OI^ ADVICE TO 
 TRAVELLERS, 1 500-1700 
 
 1561. Gratarolus, Guilhelmus. Authore Gratarolo Guilhelmo, philosopho 
 et medico, De Regimine Iter Agent'ium, vel equitum, vel peditum, 
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 1561. 
 
 1 5 70- 1. Cecil, William, Lord Burghley : Letter to Edward Manners, 
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 1574. Turlerus, Hieronymus. De Peregrinatione et agro neapolitano, 
 
 libri II. scripti ab Hieronymo Turlero. Omnibus peregrinantibus 
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 Argentorati, anno 1574. 
 
 1575. The Traveiler of Jerome Turler, divided into tzvo bookes, 
 
 the first conteining a notable discourse of the m'aner and order of 
 traveiling oversea, or into strange and foreign countries, the second 
 comprehending an excellent description of the most delicious 
 realme of Naples in Italy ; a work very pleasant for all persons 
 to reade, and right profitable and necessarie unto all such as are 
 minded to traveyll. London, 1575. 
 
 1577. Pyrckmair, Hilarius. Commentariolus de arte apodemica seu vera 
 peregrinandi ratione. Auctore Hilario Pyrckmair Landishutano. 
 Ingolstadii, 1577. 
 
 1577. Zvingerus, Theodor. Methodus apodemica in eorum gratiam qui 
 
 cum fructu in quocunq ; tandem vitce genere peregrinari cupiunty 
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 205 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 1578. A Regiment for the Sea, containing verie necessarie matters 
 
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 amended by Thomas Hood. London, 1578. 
 
 1578. Lipsius, Justus. Deratione cum fructu peregrinandi, et prasertim 
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 1587. Pighius (Stephanus Vinandus). Hercules Prodicius, seuprincipis 
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 1587. Meierus, Albertus. Methodus describendi regiones, urbes et arces, 
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 1589. Certaine brief e and speciall instructions for gentlemen, mer- 
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 1595. Devereux, Robert, Earl of Essex (or Bacon ?). Harl. MS. 
 6265, p. 428. Profitable instructions, for Roger Manners, 
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 1595 (?). Davison, William (Secretary of Queen Elizabeth.) Harl. 
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 206 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 c. 1 600. A True Description and Direction of what is most worthy to be 
 seen in all Italy. Anon., n.d. Harleian Miscellany, vol. v. 
 No. 128. 
 
 1 604. Pitsius, Joannes. loannis Pitsii Anglii Sacra Theologice Doctoris 
 de Peregrinations libri septem. Dusseldorpii, 1 604, 
 
 1605 (?). Neugebauer, Salomon. Tractatus de peregrinatione . . . 
 historicis, ethicis, politicisque exemplis illustratus . . . cum indice 
 rerum et exemplorum. Basileas. 
 
 1606. Palmer, Thomas. An Essay of the Meanes how to make our 
 Travailes into forralne Countries the more profitable and honour- 
 able. London, 1606. 
 
 1608. Ranzovinus, Henricus Count. Methodus apodemica seu 
 
 peregrinandi perlustrandique regiones, urbes et arces ratio . . . 
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 1609. Greville, Fulke, Lord Brooke. J Letter of Travell, to his 
 
 cousin Greville Varney. (In Certaine Learned and Elegant 
 Works of the Right Honorable Fulke, Lord Brooke. London, 
 1633-) 
 1 6 1 1 . Kirchnerus, Hermannus. An Oration made by Hermannus 
 Kirchnerus . . . concerning this subject ; that young men ought 
 to travell into forraine country es, and all those that desire the 
 praise of learning and atchieving worthy actions both at home and 
 abroad. (In Coryafs Crudities, London, 1 6 1 1 .) 
 
 1616. Sincerus, lodocus. Itinerarium Galliee, ita accommodatum, ut 
 
 eius ductu mediocri tempore tota Gallia obiri, Anglia et Belgium 
 adiri possint ; nee bis terve ad eadem loca rediri oporteat ; 
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 1 61 7. Moryson, Fynes. Of Travel in General; Of Precepts for 
 
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 Glasgovir, 1907.) 
 
 1622. Peacham, Henry. The Compleat Gentleman. 1634 •^'^•> 
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 with introduction by G. S. Gordon. Oxford, 1906. 
 
 1625. Bacon, Francis. Of Travel. In Works. Ed. James Spedding. 
 London, 1859. 
 
 1 63 1 . Erpenius, Thomas. De Peregrinatione Gallica utiliter instituenda 
 Tractatus. Lugduni Batavorum, 163 1. 
 
 207 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 1633. Devereux, Robert, Earl of Essex. Profitable Instructtom : De- 
 scribing what speciall Observations are to be taken by Travellers 
 in all Nations, States and Countries ; Pleasant and Profitable. 
 By the three much admired, Robert, Late Earl of Essex, Sir 
 Philip Sidney and Secretary Davison. London, 1633. 
 
 1637. Wotton, Sir Henry. Letter of Instruction to John Milton, 
 about to travel. In Life and Letters, c^. by Pearsall Smith. 
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 1639. Le Voyage de Trance, Dresse pour P ifistruction etcommodite tant des 
 Francois, que des Estrangers. Paris, 1639. (Du Verdier.) 
 
 1 642 . Howell, James. Instructions for Forreine Travell, Shewing by 
 what cours, and in what compasse of time, one may take an 
 exact Survey of the Kingdomes and States of Christendome, and 
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 purpose. London, 1642. 
 
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 1653. Zeiler, Martin. Fidus Achates qui itineris sui socium . . . non 
 
 tantum de locorum . . . situ, veruni etiam, quid in plerisque 
 spectatu . . . dignum occurrat . . . monet . . . Nunc e 
 Germanico Latinus f actus a quodam Apodemophilo . . . . 
 Ulmas, 1653. 
 
 1656. Osborn, Francis. Travel, in Advice to a Son. Ed. E. A. 
 Parry. London, 1896. 
 
 1662. Hov^^ell, James. A New English Grammar, whereimto is annexed 
 A Discours or Dialog containing a Perambulation of Spain and 
 Portugall which may serve for a direction how to travell through 
 both Countreys. London, 1662. 
 
 c. 1665. Hyde, Edward, Earl of Clarendon. A Dialogue concerning 
 Education in A Collection of Several Tracts. London, 1727. 
 
 1665. Gerbier, Balthazar, Knight; Master of the Ceremonies to 
 King Charles the First. Subsidium Peregrinantibus or An 
 Assistance to a Traveller in his Convers . . . directing him, 
 after the latest Mode, to the greatest Honour, Pleasure, Security, 
 and Advantage in his Travells. Written to a Princely 
 Traveller for a Fade Mecum. Oxford, 1665 . 
 
 208 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 1670: Lassels, Richard; The Voyage of Italy or a Compleat Journey 
 through Italy. . . . With Instructions concerning Travel ; by 
 Richard Lassels, Gent., who travelled through Italy Five 
 times, as Tutor to several of the English Nobility and 
 Gentry. Never before Extant. Newly printed at Paris 
 and are to be sold in London by John Starkey. 1670, 
 
 1670. J Letter of Advice to a young Gentleman Leaving the 
 
 University, concerning his behavior and conversation in the 
 World, by R(ichard) L(assels). Dublin, 1670. 
 
 1 67 1. Leigh, Edward. Three Diatribes or Discourses ; First of Travel, 
 
 or a Guide Jor Travellers into Foreign Parts ; Secondly, of 
 Money or Coyns ; Thirdly, of Measuring the Distance betwixt 
 Place and Place. London, 1671. 
 
 1678. Gailhard, J. (Who hath been Tutor Abroad to severall of 
 the Nobility and Gentry.) The Compleat Gentleman : or 
 Directions for the Education of Youth as to their Breeding at 
 Home and Travelling Abroad. London, 1678. 
 
 1693. Locke, John. Some Thoughts concerning Education. Fourth 
 Edition. London, 1699. 
 
 1688. A Letter of Advice to a Young Gentleman of an Honorable Family, 
 now in his Travels beyond the Seas : for his more safe and profit- 
 able conduct in the three great Instances, of Study, Moral 
 Deportment and Religion. In three parts. By a True Son 
 of the Church of England. London, 1688. 
 
 1688. Carr, Will, late Consul for the English Nation in Amsterdam. 
 Remarks of the Government of severall Parts of Germanise, 
 Denmark . . . but more particularly the United Provinces, 
 zvith some few directions how to Travell in the States Dominions. 
 Amsterdam, 1688. 
 
 1690. The Travellers Guide and Historians Faithful Companion. 
 
 [London ? 1 690 ?] 
 
 1695. Misson, Maximilian. A New Voyage to Italy : With a de- 
 scription of the Chief Towns . . . Together with Useful 
 Instructions for those who shall Travel thither. Done into 
 English, and adorn'd with Figures. 2 vols. London, 
 1695. 
 
 o 209 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 II 
 
 TRAVELS, MEMOIRS, LETTERS AND BIOGRAPHIES, 
 1 500-1 700, USED IN THE FOREGOING CHAPTERS 
 
 Ascham, Roger. Works. Ed. Giles. London, 1865. 
 
 Aubrey, John. Letters written by Eminent Persons in the Seventeenth 
 
 and Eighteenth Centuries; and Lives of Eminent Men. 
 
 London, 1813. 
 D'Aunoy, Marie Catherine Jumelle de Berneville, Comtesse. 
 
 Relation du Voyage WEspagne. A La Haye, 1691. 
 
 The Ingenious and Diverting Letters of the Lady . . . Travels into 
 
 Zpain. 2nd Ed. London, 1692. 
 
 Belvoir MSS. (Hist. MSS. Comm. 1 2th Report ; Appendix, 
 Part IV. MSS. of the Duke of PvUtland preserved at 
 Belvoir Castle.) 
 
 Bercherus, Gulielmus. Epitaphia et Inscriptiones Luguhres. A 
 Gulielmo Berchero cum in Italia, animi causa, pere- 
 grinaretur, coUecta. Excusum Londini, 1566. 
 
 The Nobility of Women. Ed. Warwick Bond for Roxburghe 
 
 Club, 1904. (Written 1559.) 
 
 Bisticci, Vespasiano da. Vite di Uomini lllustri del secolo XV. in 
 Collezione di Opere inediti rare. Firenze, 1859. 
 
 Bodley, Sir Thomas. Life, Written by Himself. Privately reprinted 
 for John Lane. London, 1894. 
 
 Boorde, Andrew. The First Boke of the Introduction of Knowledge^ 
 made by Andrew Boorde, of Physycke Doctor ; also A Com- 
 pendyous Regyment, or a Dyetary ofHelth, made in Montpelier, 
 compyled by Andrewe Boorde, of Physycke Doctour. Ed. F. J. 
 Furnivall, for the Early English Text Society. Extra 
 Series, IX.-X. London, 1869-70. 
 
 Botero, Giovanni. The Travellers Breviat, or an historicall description 
 of the most famous kingdomes in the world. Translated into 
 English. London, 1601. 
 
 A Treatise, concerning the causes of the magnificencie and greatness 
 
 of cities, . . . now done into English by Robert Peterson of 
 Lincolnes Inne, Gent. London, 1606. 
 
 210 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Relations of the Most Famous Kingdoms and Common-weales through 
 
 the ivorld. . . . London, i6o8. (Translated by Robert 
 Johnson.) 
 
 Bourdeille, Pierre de, Seigneur de Brantome. Memoires, . . . Contenans 
 les Anecdotes de la Cour de France, sous les Rots Henri II., 
 Franfois II., Henri III. et IF. A. Leyde, 1722. 
 
 Boyle, Robert. Works. Vol. i. {Life) and v. {Letters). London, 
 1744. 
 
 Breton, Nicholas. Works. Ed. A. B. Grosart. London, 1879. 
 
 Grimellos Fortunes, ivith his Entertainment in his Travaile. 
 
 London, 1604. 
 
 Browne, Sir Thomas. Works. Ed. Simon Wilkin. London, 1836. 
 (Vol. i., containing Life and Correspondence^ 
 
 Burnet, Gilbert, ^ome Letters containing an account of ivhat seemed most 
 remarkable in Switzerland, Italy, etc. (Written to the Hon. 
 Robert Boyle.) Printed 1687. 
 
 Three Letters concerning the Present State of Italy, written in the 
 
 year 1687. Printed 1688. 
 
 Camden, William. History or Annals of England. In A Complete 
 History of England. Vol. ii. 1706. 
 
 Carew, George. A Relation of the State of France, with the Character 
 of Henry IF. and the Principal Persons of that Court. Printed 
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 Cavendish, George. Life of Thomas Wolsey (written c. 1557). 
 Printed by William Morris at the Kelmscott Press, 1893. 
 
 Cavendish, Margaret, Duchess of Newcastle. Life of . . . William 
 Cavendishe, Duke of Newcastle. London, 1667. 
 
 Life of ... the Duke of Newcastle, to which is added " The True 
 
 Relation of my Birth, Breeding and LifeT Ed. C. H. 
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 text printed about 1483, by Henry Bradley, for the Early 
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 Chapman, George, Monsieur d'' Olive, in The Comedies and Tragedies 
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 Clcnardus, Nicolaus. Epistolarum Lihri Duo. Antverpiae, ex officina 
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 21 I 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Collectanea : First Series. Ed. C. R. L. Fletcher, for the Oxford 
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 Contarini, Gaspar. The Commonwealth and Government of Venicey 
 written by the Cardinall Gaspar Contareno, and translated 
 out of Italian into English by Lewes Lewkenor, Esquire, 
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 Coryat, Thomas. Coryafs Crudities hastily gobled up in Jive moneths 
 travells in France, Savoy, Italy, Rhetia, commonly called the 
 Orisons country, Helvetia alias Switzerland, some parts of high 
 Germany and the 'Netherlands; newly digested in the hungry 
 aire of Odcombe in the county of Somerset, and now dispersed to 
 the nourishmeut of the travelling members of this kingdome. 
 London, 1 6 1 1 . Reprint by James Maclehose & Sons. 
 Glasgow, 1905. 
 
 Dallington, Robert. A Survey of the Great Dukes State of Tuscany in 
 the yeare of our Lord 1596. Printed for Edward Blount 
 at London, 1605. 
 
 Description Contenant les Jntiquitez, fondations et singularitez des plus 
 celebres Villes, Chasteaux et Places remarquables du Royaume 
 de France, avec les choses plus memorables advenues en iciluy 
 (par F. Des Rues). Constance, 1608. 
 
 Dudithius, Andreas. Vita Reginaldi Poli. Venetiis, 1558. 
 
 Erasmus, Desiderius. Opera Omnia. Lugduni Batavorum, 1703. 
 (Tomus Tertius qui complectitur epistolas.) 
 
 Modus Orandi Deum. Basileae, 1524. 
 
 Familiarium Colloquiorum Des. Erasmi Roterodami Opus. Basileas, 
 
 1542. 
 
 Evelyn, John. Diary and Correspondence. Ed. William Bray. 
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 Fenelon, De La Mothe. Correspondance Diplomatique. Tome Sixieme. 
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 Ferrar, Nicholas. Two Lives : By his Brother John and by Doctor 
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 Florio, Giovanni. Florio, His Firste Frutes : which yeelde familiar 
 speech, merie Proverbes, wittie Sentences, and golden sayings. 
 Also a perfect Induction to the Italian and English tongues as in 
 he Table appeareth. . Imprinted by Thomas Daivson for 
 Thomas Woodcocke. London, 1578. 
 
 -212 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Florios Second Frutes to be gathered of twelve Trees, of divers 
 
 but delightsome tastes to the tongues of Italians and Englishmen. 
 . . . London, 1 591. 
 
 France : The Survey or Topographical Description of France ; with a 
 new Mappe. . . . Collected out of sundry approved authors ; 
 very amply, truly and historically digested for the pleasure of 
 those who desire to be thoroughly acquainted in the state of the 
 kingdome and dominion of France. London, 1592. 
 
 The View of France. Printed by Symon Stafford, London, 
 
 1604. 
 
 Fuller, Thomas. The Church-History of Britain from the Birth of Jesus 
 Christ untill the year MDCXLFIII. Endeavoured by 
 Thomas Fuller. London, 1655. 
 
 History of the Worthies of England. 2 vols. London, 181 1. 
 
 Gascoigne, George. The Posies. Ed. J. W. Cunliffe. Cambridge 
 University Press, 1907. 
 
 Gerbier, Balthazar. The Interpreter of the Academie for Forrain 
 Lattguages and all Noble Sciences and Exercises. 1648. 
 
 The First Lecture of an Introduction to Cosmographie : being a 
 
 Description of all the World. Read Publiquely at Sir 
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 Sir Balthazar Gerbier* s Project for an Academy Royal in England. 
 
 No. XXL in Collectanea Curiosa. Oxford, 1781. 
 
 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey. Queene EUzabethes Achademy. Ed. by 
 F. J. Furnivall for the Early English Text Society. Extra 
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 Goodall, Baptist. The Tryall of Travell. London, 1630. 
 
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 The Zodiake of Life written by . . . Pallingenius . . . newly trans- 
 
 lated into EngUshe verse by Barnabe Googe. London, 1565. 
 
 Greene, Robert. Greene's Mourning Garment, The Carde of Fancie, 
 and Mamillia ; in Life and Complete Works in Prose and 
 Verse. 12 vols. Ed. A. B. Grosart for the Huth 
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 Greville, Fulke, Lord Brooke. Life of the Renowned Sir Philip 
 Sidney. . . . Written by . . . his Companion and Friend. 
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 213 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Life of Sir Philip Sidney. Tudor and Stuart Library. Oxford, 
 
 1907. 
 
 Guide des Chemins, pour aller et venir par tons les pays et contries du 
 Royaume de France, avec les noms des Fleuves et Rivieres qui 
 courent parmy lesdictspays. Paris (1552). (Par C. Estienne.) 
 
 Hall, Arthur. A Letter sent by F. A. touching the proceedings in a 
 private quarrell and unkindnesse between Arthur Hall and 
 Melchisedich Mallerie, Gentleman, to his very friend L. B. 
 being in Italy. (Printed in Antiqua Anglicana, vol. i. 
 London, 181 5.) 
 
 Hall, Edward. Lije of Henry VIII. Reprint with an introduction 
 by Charles Whibley. London, 1904. 
 
 Hall, Joseph. Quo Vadis ? A Just Censure of Travell as it is under- 
 taken by the Gentlemen of our "Nation. London, 1 61 7. Re- 
 printed in Works. Ed. P. Wynter, for the Clarendon 
 Press. Oxford, 1863. 
 
 Hamilton, le Comte Antoine. Memoires du Comte de Grammont. 
 Nouvelle Edition Augmentee de Notes et Eclairissements 
 necessaires par M. Horace Walpole. Imprimee a Straw- 
 berry Hill, 1772. 
 
 Harleian Miscellany, vol. ii. A Late Voyage to Holland, with brief 
 Relations of the Transactions at the Hague : also Remarks on 
 the Manners and Customs, Nature and Comical Humours of the 
 People. . . . Written by an English Gentleman, attending the 
 Court of the King of Great Britain. 1 6 9 1 . 
 
 Vol. iii. A Relation of such things as were observed to happen 
 
 in the journey of the Rt. Hon. Chas. Earl of Nottingham, Lord 
 High Admiral of England, his Highness' s Ambassador to the 
 King of Spain. By Robert Treswell, Esq., Somerset- 
 Herald. 1605. 
 
 Harrison, William. A Description of England in Holinshed's Chronicles, 
 Ed. by L. Withington, with introduction by F. J. Furnivall. 
 Camelot Series. (1876 ?) 
 
 Hatfield MSS. Calendar of MSS. of the Most Hon. the Marquis of 
 Salisbury, K.G., preserved at Hatfield House. 
 
 Hentznerus, Paulus. Itinerarium Germanice, Gallia, Anglia, Italia, 
 Norinbergas, 161 2. 
 
 Herbert, Edward, Lord, of Cherbury. Satyra Secunda, of Travellers 
 from Paris. To Ben Jonson. In Occasional Verses of 
 Edward Lord Herbert, Baron of Cherbury. London, 1665. 
 
 • Autobiography. Ed. Sidney Lee. London, 1907. 
 
 214 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Heylyn, Peter. A Full Relation of two Journeys; the one into the 
 Mainland of France., the other into some of the adjacent Hands. 
 London, 1656. 
 
 France Painted to the Life by a Learned and Impartial Hand. 
 
 The Second Edition. London, 1657. 
 
 Hoby, Thomas. The Travels and Life of Sir Thomas Hoby. Written by 
 Himself 1 547-1 564. Ed. Edgar Powell for Camden 
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 The Book of the Courtier. Introduction by Walter Raleigh in 
 
 Tudor Translations. Ed. W. E. Henley. Vol. xxiii. 
 London, 1900. 
 
 Howard, James. The English Mounsieur. London, 1674. 
 
 Howell, James. Epistolce Ho-Eliana. The Familiar Letters of James 
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 J Survey of the Signorie of Venice., of her admired policy and method 
 
 of government, . . . zvith a cohortation to all Christian Princes 
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 Information for Pilgrims unto the Holy Land, c. 1496. Ed. E, 
 Gordon Duff. London, 1893. 
 
 Jonson, Ben. Works. Ed. Gifford. 1 1 vols. 1875. 
 
 La Noue, Francois de. Discours politiques et militahes. Basle, 1587. 
 
 Leland, John. Commentarii de Scriptoribus Britannicis. Oxonii 
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 Lemnius, Levinus. A Touchstone of Complexions. Englished by T. 
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 Lewkenor, Samuel, Gentleman. A Discourse not altogether unprofitable 
 nor unpleasant for such as are desirous to knozv the situation and 
 customs offorralne cities without travelling to see them ; contain- 
 ing a Discourse of all those Citties wherein doe flourish at this 
 day priveleged Universities. London, 1600. 
 
 Lloyd, David. State-Worthies. London, 1766. 
 
 Locke, John . Life and Letters, with extracts from his journals and 
 common-place books ; by Lord King. London, 1858. 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Lismore Papers : Ed. A. B. Grosart. First Series, vol. v. ; Second 
 Series, Vols. iv. and v. 1886. 
 
 Lyly, John . Euphues and his Ephcebus, in Euphues ; The Jnatomy oj 
 Wit, in Works. Ed. R. Warwick Bond. Oxford, 1902. 
 
 Markham, Gervase. A Discourse of Horsemanshitpe. London, 1593. 
 
 The Gentlemans Academie ; or The Booke of Saint Albans ; . . . 
 
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 216 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
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 217 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
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 218 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
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 219 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 III 
 
 CRITICAL OR OTHER WORKS WHICH HAVE BEEN 
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 Berchtold, Count Leopold. An Essay to direct and extend the Inquirie 
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 220 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
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 1851. 
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 Foote, Samuel. Dramatic Works. 4 vols. London, 1783. 
 
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 221 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
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 University Press, Cambridge, 1890. 
 Letters of Thomas Gray. Ed. by D. C. Tovey. 2 vols. 
 
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 and Bremen, 1750-87. 
 Jusserand, J. J. Les Sports et Jeux Wexercice dans Vancienne France. 
 
 Paris, 1 90 1. 
 Knight, Samuel. The Life ofDr John Colet. Oxford, 1823. 
 Lodge, Edmund. Illustrations of British History. 3 vols. London, 
 
 1791. 
 Mathevs^, A. H. The Life of Sir Tobie Matthew, by his kinsman. 
 
 London, 1907. 
 Maugham, H. Neville. The Book of Italian Travel. London, 1903. 
 
 Montagu, Lady Mary Wortley. Letters and Works. Ed. by her great- 
 grandson Lord WharnclifFe, with additions by W. Moy 
 Thomas. 2 vols, London, 1893. 
 
 Nares, Edward. Memoirs of Lord Bur ghley. 3 vols. 183 i. 
 
 Nicolas, Sir Harris. Memoirs of the Life and Times of Sir Christopher 
 Hatton, K.G. London, 1847. 
 
 Nolhac, Pierre De. Erasme en Italie. Paris, 1898. 
 
 Nugent, Thomas. The Grand Tour. 4 vols. London, 1778. 
 
 Physikalisch-okonomischer Bibliothek, XXI. Vide Beckmann, Johann. 
 
 Pinkerton, John. Voyages and Travels. Vol. 17. London, 18 14. 
 
 Poole, R., Doctor of Physick. A Journey from London to France and 
 Holland; or the Traveller's Useful Vade Mecum. . . . 
 Wherein is also occasionally contained many Moral Reflections 
 and Useful Observations. London, 1746. 
 
 The Beneficient Bee; or Traveller's Companion, containing Each 
 
 Days Observations in a Voyage from London to Gibraltar . . . 
 interspersed with many useful Observations and occasional 
 Remarks. London, 1753. 
 
 Rashdall, H. The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages. Oxford, 
 
 1895. 
 Rye, W. B. England as seen by Foreigners in the Days of Elizabeth and 
 
 James the First. London, 1865. 
 
 222 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Sauval, Henri. Histoire et Recherches des Antiqu'ites de la Vllle de Paris. 
 Paris, 1724. 
 
 Seebohm, Frederic. The Oxford Reformers. London, 1887. 
 
 (Seward, William.) Anecdotes of Some Distinguished Persons, chiefly of 
 the Present and ttvo Preceding Centuries. 5 vols, London, 
 1796. 
 
 Sharp, Samuel. Letters from Italy, describing the Customs and Manners 
 of that Count ty in the years ij6^-\j66. To which is annexed, 
 an Admonition to Gentlemen who pass the Alps in their Tour 
 through Italy. London, 1767. 
 
 A View of the Customs, Manners, Drama, etc., of Italy as they are 
 
 described in The Frustra Letter aria ; and in the Account of 
 Italy in English written by Mr Baretti ; compared zvith the 
 Letters from Italy zvritien by Mr Sharp. London, 1768. 
 
 Smith, Edward. Foreign Visitors in England. London, 1889. 
 
 Smollett, Tobias. Works. Ed. W. E. Henley. London, 1899. 
 
 Stanhope, Philip Dormer, Earl of Chesterfield. Letters to his Son. 
 Published by Mrs Eugenia Stanhope from the originals now 
 in her possession. 2 vols. London, 1774. 
 
 Thicknesse, Philip. Observations on the Customs and Manners of the 
 French Nation in a Series of Letters in which that Nation is 
 vindicated from the Misrepresentations of some Late Writers. 
 London, 1766. 
 
 The Travellers. A Satire. London, 1778. 
 
 Verney, Margaret. Memoirs of the Verney Family during the Common- 
 wealth, 1 650- 1 660. Vol. iii. London, 1894. 
 
 Voltaire (Fran9ois Marie Arouet). Lettres Philosophiques. Ed. by 
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 Walpole, Horace, Fourth Earl of Orford. Letters. Ed. by Peter 
 Cunningham. 9 vols. London, 189 1. 
 
 223 
 
INDEX 
 
INDEX 
 
 Academies, i 21-132; in France, 
 1 2 1- 1 23 ; proposals for aca- 
 demies in England, 123-126; 
 objections to such academies, 
 128-132 
 
 Ac worth, George, 62 
 
 Addison, Joseph, 181 
 
 Advice to Travellers, 4-5, 205 ; 
 Elizabethan, 2 1 ; characteristics 
 of Renaissance books of, 28- 
 32 ; admonitory side of, 55, 
 88-98 ; for the country gentle- 
 man, 148; guide-books of the 
 1 8th century, 196, 200 
 
 Agricola, Rudolf, 7 
 
 Alps, the, 192, 200 
 
 Ambassadors, training for, 12-16, 
 43-47, 69 ; troubles of, 83-85, 
 
 133 
 
 Amorphus, in Cynthia's Revels, 
 
 xii 
 Amsterdam, 137 
 Art "in Spain, 134; attention to 
 
 in 17th century, 168-169 
 Arundel, Earl of, see Howard 
 Ascham, Roger, 16, 18, 42, 52, 
 
 57, 65, 200 
 
 Bacon, Lady Anne, 73-75 
 
 Anthony, 73-75 
 
 Francis, 36 note, 45 : Of 
 Travel, 146 
 
 Sir Nicholas, 123 
 Barker, William, 62, 63 
 Bear-Leaders, the, 188 
 Beckct, Thomas k, 7 
 Bedell, William, 76 
 Bedford, Earl of, see Russell 
 Bellay, Joachim Du, 16 
 Bembo, Pietro, 16 
 
 Berchtold, Leopold, Count, Essay 
 to Direct and Extend the Inquiries 
 of Patriotic Travellers, 195-198 
 
 Berneville, Marie Catherine 
 Jumelle de, Comtesse D'Aunoy, 
 
 134 
 Bethune, Maximilien de. Due de 
 
 Sully, 115 
 Blotz, Hugo, 41 
 Bobadil, Captain, in Every Man 
 
 in His Humour, 117 
 Bodley, Sir Thomas, 37 
 Boleyn, George, Viscount Roch- 
 
 ford, 12, 15 
 Boorde, Andrew, 14 
 Borssele, Anne, Lady of Veer, 8 
 Bothwell, Earl of, see Hepburn 
 Bourdeille, Pierre de. Seigneur de 
 
 Brantome, 117 
 Bourne, William, Treasure for 
 
 Travellers, 3 5 
 Bowyer, Sir Henry, 1 1 3 
 Boyle, Richard, First Earl of 
 
 Cork, and his sons Robert and 
 
 Francis, 158-167 
 Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suf- 
 folk, 15 
 Brantome, see Bourdeille 
 Bras-de-Fer, see La Noue 
 Browne, Sir Thomas, 142, 193 
 
 note; his son at Padua, 139 
 Bryan, Sir Francis, 15 
 Bucer, Martin, 17, 41 
 Buckingham, Duke of, see Vil- 
 
 liers 
 Burghley, Lord, see Cecil 
 
 Camden, Thomas, History of Eng- 
 land, 1 4 
 Carew, Sir Nicholas, 15 
 
 227 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Carlton, Sir Dudley, 45 
 Cavendish, Margaret, Duchess of 
 Newcastle, 144 
 William, Duke of Newcastle, 
 104 
 Cecil, Anne, Countess of Oxford, 
 64, 66 
 Robert, Earl of Salisbury, 
 
 39, 76, 78, 150 
 
 Thomas, Earl of Exeter, 40, 
 
 57 note, 77, 145, 193 
 
 note 
 
 William, Baron of Burghley, 
 
 18, 37, 39' 4O5 64-66, 73 
 
 William, Lord Cranbourne, 
 
 76, 160 
 William, Lord Roos, 76-78, 
 80 
 Chamberlain, John, 45, 113 
 Charles I., 114, 132 
 Charles II., 104, 131, 178 
 Chaucer, Geoffrey, 29 
 Chesterfield, Earls of, see Stan- 
 hope 
 Chichester, Bishop of, see Mon- 
 tague 
 Clarendon, Earl of, see Hyde 
 Clenardus, Nicolaus, 132 
 Cleves, Charles Frederick, Duke 
 
 of, 25 
 Clothes, 68-70; French, 15, 50, 
 51, X18, 179, 184, 189; 
 Italian, 57, 67 
 Colbert, Jean Baptiste, Marquis de 
 
 Seignelay, 168 
 Colet, John, 10 
 Compostella, St James of, 3 
 Cork, Earl of, see Boyle 
 Cornwallis, Sir Charles, 83-85 
 Coryat, Thomas, 20, 28 note, 200 
 Cost, see Expense 
 Cottington, Sir Francis, 83 
 Cranbourne, Lord, see Cecil 
 
 228 
 
 Cranmer, George, 11, 17, 41 
 Creswell, Joseph, Jesuit, 84 
 Crichton, James, " The Admir- 
 able," 48 
 Curiosities, 138-139, 168 
 Customs (^droit d'aubaine) in 
 Spain, 133 
 
 Dallington, Sir Robert, Method 
 for Travell, 88-89, ^°8> ^^^' 
 118, 155, 156; Survey of 
 Tuscany^ 108, III; V'teiu of 
 France, 108, 109 
 Dancing, 1 13-1 15 
 Dangers of Travel, 30, 47-49, 56, 
 
 94-98, 198 
 D'Aunoy, see Berneville 
 Davison, Francis, 39-41, 146, 155 
 
 William, 35, 154 
 Delahaute, Antoine, 168 
 T)e Peregr'inatione, 23, 29-32, 55 
 Derby, Earl of, see Stanley 
 Descartes, Rene, 137 
 Deschamps, Eustache, 107 
 Devereux, Robert, Second Earl 
 of Essex, 35, 36, 42 
 Robert, Third Earl of Essex, 
 
 38 
 Drake, Sir Francis, 27 
 Dudley, Sir Robert, 102 
 Dyer, Sir Edward, 21 
 
 Education, 103-108; see also Aca- 
 demies, Universities, Scholars, 
 Ambassadors, Governors, Hu- 
 manism 
 
 Edward VI,, 16, 17 
 
 Einstein, Lewis, Italian Renais- 
 sance in England, 9 
 
 Ellis, Sir Henry, 4 
 
 Englishmen, their special reason 
 for travelling, 22; peculiarities, 
 120; Italianate, 55; pre- 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 judices against foreigners, 67- 
 
 69, 178-181 
 Erasmus, Desiderius, 6, 8, 9 
 Essex, Earls of, see Devereux 
 Evelyn, John, 138, 141, 144, 157, 
 
 169 
 Expenses of travel, 66, 154-157 
 
 Fairfax, Colonel Thomas, 152 
 
 Faubert, Mons., 125 
 
 Fencing, 117 
 
 Ferrar, Nicholas, 140 
 
 Fielding, Henry, 199 
 
 Finch, Sir John, 139 
 
 Fitzroy, Henry, Duke of Rich- 
 mond, I 5 
 
 Fleetwood, William, Recorder of 
 London, 58, 62 
 
 Flemming, Robert, 9 
 
 Florio, John, Second Frutes, 21 
 
 Flutter, Sir Fopling, 179 
 
 Food, 48, iio-i 1 1 
 
 Foote, Samuel, The Englishman in 
 Paris, 180 
 
 Forbes, James, 151-152 
 
 Foreigners, English prejudice 
 against, 67-71, 178-181 
 
 Fox, Richard, Bishop of Win- 
 chester, 10 
 
 France, academies in, loi, I2I- 
 I32; aifectations learned in, 
 15>. 50> 5i» 179. 183-186; 
 arbiter of fashion, Ii8, 119, 
 141 ; gentlemen of, 105, 107, 
 118, 119; attraction for tourists, 
 102-103 ; loses some of its 
 charm, 177 
 
 Francis I., 14 
 
 Free, John, 9 
 
 Gailhard J., 167 
 Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of 
 Winchester, 41 
 
 George I., 190 
 
 Gerbier, Balthazar, 124-125; 
 Subsidium Peregrinantibus, 169 
 
 Germans, energetic travellers, 22 ; 
 Fynes Moryson's preference for, 
 93 ; slow to learn languages, 
 1 1 3 note 
 
 Germany, attraction of, 17 ; 
 women of, 40 ; manners of, 48, 
 172; Ascham's Report of Ger- 
 many, 200 
 
 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 123 
 
 Gloucester, Duke of, see Henry 
 
 Governors, 24-25, 145-154, 167, 
 170, 186-189 
 
 Grand Tour, the. Origin of the 
 term, 143-145 
 
 Gray, Thomas, 191-192 
 
 Greek, 7, 10, 18, 105 
 
 Greene, Robert, 55, 70 ; Greene's 
 Mourning Garment, 2 1 ; Quip for 
 an Upstart Courtier, 70 
 
 Greville, Fulke, Lord Brooke, 21, 
 
 Grey, William, 9 
 
 Grimani, Dominic, the Cardinal, 
 
 9 
 Grocyn, William, 10 
 Grosvenor, Sir Thomas, 168 
 Guide-books, see Advice to 
 
 travellers 
 Gunthorpe, John, 9 
 
 Hall, Arthur, 57-62 
 
 Edward, 15 
 
 Joseph, 87, 98 
 Harington, Sir John, 38, 39, 79 
 Harrison, William, 68 
 Harvey, Gabriel, 67 
 Hatton, Sir Christopher, 21 
 Henri IH., 113 
 Henri IV., 109-1 lO 
 Henry VI., 3 
 
 229 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Henry VIII., 6, 7, 11, 13, 67, 
 
 103 
 Henry, Prince of Wales, son of 
 
 James I., 38, 79 note, 114, 124 
 Henry, Duke of Gloucester, son 
 
 of Charles I., 131 
 Hepburn, Francis Stewart, Earl of 
 
 Bothwell, 102 
 Hertford, Earl of, see Seymour 
 Hoby, Sir Thomas, 16, 53-55, 62 
 Holland, 136-139, 197 
 Horace, 8, 27 
 Howard, Thomas, Fourth Duke of 
 
 Norfolk, 63 
 
 Thomas, Second Earl of 
 Arundel, 102 
 Howell, James, 1 1 8- 1 20, 1 36, 1 56, 
 
 192 ; Instructions for Forreine 
 
 Travell, 108, 118-120, 132; 
 
 Perambulations of Spain, 135 
 Humanists, their sociability, 41, 43 
 Humanism, 7 
 Hyde, Edward, Earl of Clarendon, 
 
 128, 135, 183-186; Dialogue 
 
 of the Want of Respect Due to 
 
 Age, 184 
 
 // Cortegiano, 23 
 
 Informacon for Pylgrymes unto the 
 
 Holy Land, 4-5 
 Inns, 30, 47, 48, 197-199 
 Inquisition, j^-'jg passim 
 Instructions for travellers, see 
 
 Advice 
 Insurance, 95 
 Italianate Englishmen, 51-58 
 
 passim, 62-63, 7° 
 Italy, attraction of, 7-9, 11, 17, 
 
 52> 54. 735 evils of, 49, 51, 
 
 55, 101-102; universities of, 
 
 7-9, 52-54 
 
 Jaffa, port, 3, 5 
 230 
 
 James I., 114, 135, i 50 
 
 Jerusalem, 6 
 
 Jesuits, J ^-8^ passim 
 
 Johnson, Samuel, 182 
 
 Jones, Philip, 27 
 
 Jonson, Ben, 1 50 ; Cynthia's 
 Revels, xii ; Preface to Cory at' s 
 Crudities, 20 ; Every Man 
 out of his Humour, 95 note ; 
 Volpone, or the Fox, 96-97 
 
 Journals, 38-40, 196 
 
 Jusserand, J. J., 130 
 
 KiLLiGREW, Sir Thomas, 164-165 
 Kinaston, Sir Francis, 124 
 Kirchnerus, Hermannus, 28 ; 
 
 Oration in Praise of Travel^ 
 
 28, 30, 31, 201 
 
 Langton, Thomas, Bishop of 
 
 Winchester, 1 1 
 Languages, 15-16, 73,112-113, 
 
 190 
 La Noue, Frangois de, 107 
 Lassels, Richard, 145, 157; The 
 Voyage oj Italy, 1 48-1 49, 194 
 Latimer, William, 10 
 Leicester's, the Earl of, son, see 
 
 Dudley 
 Leigh, Edward, 167 
 Lewknor, Thomas, 100 
 Licences for Travel, 86-87 
 Lichefield, Edward, 79 
 Lily, William, 10 
 
 George, 1 1 
 Linacre, Thomas, 10 
 Lipsius, Justus, 26, 41, 42, 55 
 Lister, Maitin, 139 
 Locke, John, 137, 186-187 
 Lodgings, with an ambassador, 
 
 43-46 ; with a bookseller, 43 ; 
 
 with a scholar, 41 ; in Spain, 
 
 133-134; see also Inns 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Lorkin, Thomas, 122 
 
 Louis XIII., 121, 126 
 
 Louis XIV., 177 
 
 Loysius, Georgius, Pervigilium 
 
 Mercurii, 27-28 
 Lupset, Thomas, 1 1 
 
 Machiavelli, Niccolo, 23, 56 
 Maidwell, Lewis, 126 
 Mallerie, Melchisedech, 59-62 
 Manners, Edward, Third Earl of 
 
 Rutland, 37, 39, 63 
 Manutius, Aldus, 9 
 Mason, Sir John, 13 
 Mathew, Sir Tobie, 86 note 
 Meierus, Aibertus, Methodus de- 
 
 scribendi regiones, 27 
 Milton, John, 97, loi 
 Misson, Maximilian, 194, 197 ; 
 
 j1 Neiv Voyage to Italy ^ 194 
 Mole, John, 77-79 
 Montagu, Richard, Bishop of 
 
 Chichester, 104 
 Morison, Sir Richard, 1 1 
 Moryson, Fynes, 20, 90; Pre- 
 cepts for Travellers, 90-95 
 Murder, 48, 198 note 
 
 Nash, Thomas, 50 
 
 Newcastle, Duchess and Earl of, 
 
 see Cavendish 
 Norfolk, Duke of, see Howard 
 North, Dudley, Third Lord 
 
 North, 48 
 Nuove Inventioni di Balliy 1 1 4 
 
 OsBORN, Francis, 143, 154 
 Oxford, Earls of, see Vere 
 
 Pace, Richard, 1 1 
 Padua, Pole's household at, 11; 
 University of, 52-55, 139, 140 
 
 Palmer, Sir Thomas, " The 
 
 Traveller," died 1626, 35 
 
 Sir Thomas, died in Spain 
 
 1605, 81 
 
 Paris, life of Englishmen at, 174- 
 
 176 ; medical students at, 139 ; 
 
 see also France 
 Passports, see Licences 
 Paulet, Sir Amias, 44 
 Peacham, Henry, 105, 132 
 Peregrine, in Volpone, or the 
 
 Foxy xii 
 Peter Martyr, see Vermigli 
 Pighius, Stephanus Vinandus, 25 
 Pignatelli, 1 2 i 
 Pilgrimages, 3-7 
 Pirates, 47, 49 
 Plague, 24 note, 49 
 Plantin, Christophe, 25 
 Plato, 31, 112 
 Plessis, Armand du. Cardinal 
 
 Richelieu, 121 
 Pluvinel, Antoine, 121, 126, 128 
 Pole, Reginald, Cardinal, 11-12 
 Politian (Angelo Ambrogini), 15, 
 
 72 
 Politick-Would-Be in Volpone, 
 
 or the Fox, xii, 96 
 Pretender, the, 173 
 Pugliano, John Pietro, 127 
 Pyrckmair, Hilarious, 24-25 
 
 Raleigh's, Sir Walter, son, 150 
 Ramus, Peter, 26 
 Reaux, Tallemant des, 115, 128 
 Religion, changes in, due to 
 
 travel, 51, 56, 72-73, 75-86 
 
 passim, 88, 98 
 Renaissance, enthusiasm for travel, 
 
 sources of, 18, 201 ; quest of 
 
 virtil, 29 
 Richelieu, Cardinal and Due de, 
 
 see Plessis 
 
 231 
 
ENGLISH TRAVELLERS 
 
 Riding, 1 20 ; the Great Horse, 
 121, 1 26- J '^O passim, 142, 186 
 
 Robbers, 30, 47, 90, 91, 133, 
 198 
 
 Rochford, Viscount, see Boleyn 
 
 Rome, 25, 76, 86, 91, 94, 173 
 
 Ronsard, Pierre de, 16 
 
 Roos, Lord, see Cecil 
 
 Russell, Edward, Third Earl of 
 Bedford, 42 
 
 Rutland, Earl of, see Manners 
 
 St John's College, Cambridge, 
 17, 18 
 
 St Lieger, Sir Anthony, 12 
 
 Salisbury, Earl of, see Cecil 
 
 Scholars, 7-11, 17, 18, 41-43, 65 
 
 Schottus, Franciscus, Itinerarium 
 Italia, 193 
 
 Seignelay, Marquis de, see Col- 
 bert 
 
 Selling, William, 10, 72 
 
 Seymour, Edward, Earl of Hert- 
 ford, 21, 41 
 
 Shakespeare, William, Tivo 
 Gentlemen of Verona, xii ; 
 Taming of the Shreiv, 20 
 
 Sharp, Sam, 198; Letters from 
 Italy, 198 
 
 Sickness, 24, 48, 160, 197, 199 
 
 Sidney, Sir Philip, 35, 43, 46, 
 127 
 Robert, Earl of Leicester, 
 41, 66, 154 
 
 "Sights," 143, 193 
 
 Smith, Richard, 40, 48 
 Sir Thomas, 14, 46 
 
 Smollett, Tobias, 199; Peregrine 
 Pickle, 181 
 
 Spain, gentlemen of, 119, 135; 
 discomforts of, 132-136 
 
 Stanhope, Philip, Second Earl of 
 Chesterfield, 131-132,1 40 
 
 232 
 
 Philip Dormer, Third Earl 
 of Chesterfield, 170-177, 
 182-183 
 Stanley, William, Ninth Earl of 
 
 Derby, 151-153 
 Starkey, Thomas, 1 1 
 Stradling, Sir John, 26, 42 
 Students, see Universities 
 Sturmius, Joannes, 17, 65 
 Sully, Due de, see Bethune 
 
 Talbot, Gilbert, Seventh Earl of 
 Shrewsbury, 21, 39, 63 
 
 Taylor, John, The Water Poet, 
 200 
 
 Temple, Sir William, 137 
 
 Tennis, 11 5-1 16 
 
 Thomas, William, The Historie of 
 Italie, 53 ; The Pilgrim, IIO 
 
 Throgmorton, Michael, 11 
 
 Tiptoft, John, Earl of Worces- 
 ter, 9 
 
 Transportation, 4-5, 54, 142, 
 189, 197, 200 
 
 Tunstall, Cuthbert, 10 
 
 Turlerus, Hieronymus, 23, 24, 
 26 ; De Peregrinatione, 23, 29- 
 ■^2 passim, 55 
 
 Tutors, see Governors 
 
 Ulysses, 27, 31 
 
 Universities, of Italy, 7-9, 52-55, 
 139; of Spain, 84, 85; of 
 England, 53, 105, 170, 171, 
 
 ^75' i^3» 190 
 Unton, Sir Edward, 40, 56 
 Ursinus, Zacharias, 43 
 
 Valladolid, conversions at, 81, 
 
 84 
 Veer, Lady of, see Borssele 
 Venice, charm of, 52, 54, 55 ; 
 
 clothes from, 50: inns at, 197 
 
OF THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 Vere, Edward de, Seventeenth 
 
 Earl of Oxford, 63-67 
 Vermigli, John de, Twelfth Earl 
 of Oxford, 4 
 Peter, Martyr, 17 
 Verney, Edmund, 131 
 Villiers, George, Duke of Buck- 
 ingham, 102, 114, 133 
 
 Wallis, John, 129 
 
 Walpole, Horace, Fourth Earl of 
 
 Orford, 177, 19 1 -1 92 
 Richard, Jesuit, 81, 84 
 Walsingham, Sir Francis, 46 
 
 Our Lady of, 7 
 Wentworth, Thomas, Fourth 
 
 BaroD Wentworth, 78-80 
 Williamson, Sir Joseph, 147 
 Wilson, Thomas, Arte of Rhetoric, 
 
 24 
 
 Windebanke, Sir Thomas, 145 
 Wingfield, Sir Richard, 12 
 
 Sir Robert, 12 
 Winsor, Sir Edward, 49 
 Winter, Thomas, 1 1 
 Women, 28, 34» 55 
 Wood, Anthony a, ix, 124 
 Worde, Wynkin de, 4 
 Wotton, Sir Edward, 10, 127 
 
 Sir Henry, 41, 7B-80, 95- 
 
 .98, 155 
 Sir Nicholas, 1 2 
 
 Wyatt, Sir Thomas, 1 2 
 
 ZoucHE, Edward la, Eleventh 
 Baron Zouche of Harring- 
 worth, 38, 60, 87 
 
 Zwingerus, Theodor, 24, 26 ; 
 Methodus Apodemica, 24, 33 
 
VITA 
 
 THE writer of this essay was born in 
 Toronto, Canada. She received from 
 Columbia University the degree of 
 Bachelor of Arts in 1903, and the degree of 
 Master of Arts in 1904. From 1908 to 1910 
 she carried on research work in the field of 
 English history and literature, at Oxford, 
 England. Her graduate studies from 1910 
 to 1913 at Columbia University were directed 
 chiefly by Professor W. P. Trent, Professor 
 A. H. Thorndike, and Professor G. P. Krapp. 
 From 1904 to 1906 she was an assistant in 
 English, and from 1906 to 1908 an instructor 
 in English, at Wellesley College. From 1910 to 
 1913 she was a lecturer in English at Barnard 
 College, Columbia University. In 19 13 she 
 was appointed Instructor in English at 
 Barnard College, which position she now fills. 
 

 
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