^f p Who Is Guilty? AUTHENTICAL REVELAflONS from The Belgian Archives regarding OUTBREAK OF THE WORLD WAR IN THE LIGHT OF PRESENT TIMES AND LEAGUE OF NATIONS PRICE 50 CENTS An e^e-opener for many fairminded Jlmericans NEW YORK, 1920 / This booklet can be bought at reduced prices of 3 copies for One Dollar. Send it to your frietids^ distribute it to your acquaintances and help spread the truth. Who Is Guilty? AUTHENTICAL REVELATIONS from The Belgian Archives regarding OUTBREAK OF THE WORLD WAR IN THE LIGHT OF PRESENT TIMES AND LEAGUE OF NATIONS PRICE 50 CENTS An e^e-opener for many fair minded jimericans NEW YORK, 1920 0^ AUG 20 ' Important — Read This FOREWORD The object of the presentation of a series of abstracts from official letters in regard to the activities of England, France and Russia which eventually culminated in the World's War, is the desire of correcting the horrible mis- representations, controversies and falsehoods which alone were permitted circula- tion in our own and other countries and to inform the real, true and intelligently thinking men and women of the indecent methods by which they have been hoodwinked from the beginning to the end of that war. Nor is that the only object, for it must be drawn into consideration that by these same methods nearly twenty-six millions of loyal citizens have been made to suffer in mind and body, not considering the shameful robbery under the plausible title of confiscation of over six and one-half billions of dollars of property. These crimes, which have been perpetrated upon these citizens, who are either German- born or of German parentage, and who have been the chief factors in the building of these United States are really too appalling, and the fiendish methods intro- ducing the character of themselves and the endeavor to besmirch even their unborn descendants is too heinous to be true. It must be admitted that only by such methods was it possible to accomplish the participation in the European war. Only by the shouting of liberty and Democracy was it possible to induce thousands upon thousands, nay, millions of Americans, to lend themselves in carrying out the sinister plot of crushing Germany, the birthplace of millions of the best citizens these United States ever had or ever will have. All the malignant persecutions to which these have been subjected have been devilishly encompassed by various pretexts and were made possible by the in- famous scheme of isolation conceived and fostered by Edward VII of England and Declasse of France. When the machinations and preparations by the "Entente cordiale" were finally completed and Russia had succeeded by the instigation of the murder of the Crown Prince of Austria and wife in forcing Austria to arise with the demand for the punishment of the murderers and compel Germany to demand of Russia an explanation for the massing of her troops on Germany's eastern boundary, the furies of war were turned loose. The very first step in the scheme of isolation put into operation was to deprive Germany of all means of outside communication by cutting the trans-oceanic cables. This was done not so much for the sake of defense as it was to deprive Germany and the German people of the means of preventing the infamous propaganda of besmirch- ing the character of all people of German origin, no matter where on the globe they might be living. The devilish inventions of German barbarism committing the Belgian atrocities, of which up to this day not a single one has been found to exist, of which there will never be found any, because none were committed, at least, not by the Germans or Austrians, could be exploited to the fullest extent and without the danger of having these lies for which a sufficiently qualifying adjective cannot be found in American language, exposed and contradicted. No one hearing of the blood-curdling and unspeakable atrocities, and made to believe them, could help to cry out horror stricken: Punish the fiends; crush them out of existence. So plausibly were these lies fed to the people of this and other countries, that even citizens of this country of German extraction were momentarily stunned into believing them. It was not until the reports of American correspondents, etc., which had made it an object of special investiga- tions of learning the extent of these atrocities, had without hesitation pronounced them falsehoods, that they recovered their nearly lost or destroyed faith in the character of their forbears. Should the fundamental plan of England have turned out as she had intended and conceived it, and Germany simultaneously attacked from all sides, should have been overrun by the Russian and French armies, what indeed, would have become of the German women and children? But then the world's sentiment would have been a different one, and England would have found herself exposed in all of her iniquity in having drawn the other nations into a conflict for no other reasons than her envy and jealousy of her competitor in the worlds markets. As, however, events did not shape themselves from the start in such directions she must, of necessity resort to about the vilest means which human minds inflamed with jealousy, envy and hatred, could possibly conceive. She, therefore, started at once upon this slanderous propaganda and thus succeeded in producing a sentiment of hatred which quickly extended to people of German ancestry in this country. Then, now and for all future to come, it must have been and should forever be incredible that an American newspaper, the New York Sun, could have published the statement that "the Germans are not human beings in the common acceptation of the term." There will be very litde doubt in the minds of honorable and just citizens of these United States to measure the writer, and through him, the paper as well, according to their true standards. Since this statement reflected upon the character of twenty-six per cent of the white population of the whole country, it certainly was up to the administration, with a Woodrow Wilson at the head, not only to punish the infamous writer but also to stop the avalanche of reports of the Belgian atrocities which were poured into the State Department at Wash- ington by the British Government. From the book of Frederick Franklin Schrader. formerly Secretary Repub- lican Congressional Committee, and author of Republican Campaign Textbook, 1898, is taken the following quotation from Shrader's book, "1683-1920," being extracts from an address before the Commercial Club of St. Louis, early in 1918, by Melville E. Stone. The address was reported in the St. Louis Clobe-Democrat of March 25, 1918. Melville E. Stone, General Manager of the Associated Press, among other things made the following statements: "One of the many rumors which I have investigated since the beginning of the war is that 'the hands of the Belgian children have been cut off'. This is not the truth, aside from all other proof, a child whose hands had been cut off would have died if not given immediate attention; any surgeon or physician will bear me out in this. I have investigated forty or fifty such stories, and in every case have found them untrue." B. N. Langdon, an English man, speaking at Madison, Wisconsin, as reported under date of December 5, 1919, said among other things: "That the public had been fed on a great deal of misinformation, and that most of the German atrocities were manufactured by Allied press agents for the purpose of stitrring up hate." In this foreword it would be too tedious to present all the authoritative evidence and proofs of the manufacture of these lies and it is up to every fair-minded American to obtain the long list from Schraders "1863-1920." Ejiough has been said of this phase of the Anti-German propaganda, and attention can now be given to the second one: "That Germany, successful in defeating her European enemies, would next turn her arms to an attack upon the United States. An unreasoning and inflamed populace lent again a believing ear to this unutterably stupid and brainless story, which is disproven by the fact up to this day even Germany never accepted the declaration of war by the United States of America. She merely fought the American troops as a con- tingent of the entente cordiale." The third invention in line of the propaganda which, as every man, woman and child of the present time knows, and which beyond all measure of doubt will be execrated by all future generations, had its origin not in England, was the cry for liberty for all peoples of the globe oppressed by despotic monarchism and militarism. This child of a deceased brain was to the already inflamed people of this country the main lever by which the administration succeeded in mobilizing the whole nation into the fanatic war attitude of the period begin- ning on April 6, 1917. The history of the World's War as it will surely be written by honest and conscientious historians and true patriots of this and other countries, will truly be a revelation as well as the blackest blotch of iniquity for all time to come. As a tithe of contribution to the endeavors of re-establishing not only the character of an entire nation but also that of more than one-fourth of the popula- tion of our country, the following abstracts are offered in explanation of the situations as they have been created, which preceded the outbreak of the war. The letters themselves are the official reports of the Belgian ambassadors and other representatives of that Kingdom in Berlin, London and Paris, and were recovered by the Germans from the Belgian archives. These letters reveal step by step the Isolation Scheme, the forging of the "Entente Cordiale," and above all the endeavor of the Belgian statesmen to keep their own country from becoming enmeshed in the English-French-Russian intrigues. The letters are absolutely authentic and even the Allies themselves have made little or no attempt to discredit or deny them, but preferred to put these unwelcome and dangerous revelations into oblivion by studied inattention and silence. They are now presented in translation in a very much abridged form, and only the most pregnant sentences in the majority of them have been rendered verbatim, some few which are deemed too essential in their entirety are re- produced in full. They are numbered in chronological sequence, and since all of them are addressed to the same high official, the address as well as the conclusions have been omitted and only the signatures of the correspondents are attached to each communication. May these evidences, the products of thoroughly trained and keenly dis- cerning minds as those of Greindl, Lalaing, Leghait and others, help in the just cause of giving the lie to the traducers of Germany and the German character throughout our own adopted fatherland and the world over. JUSTITIA PUBLISHING CO. No. 1 Count Lalaing, Belgian Ambassador in London, to Baron Favereau. London, Feb. 7, 1905. The enmity of the English public toward the German people is already fairly old. It is based, so it appears, upon envy and fear. The envy in regard to the economic and commercial policies of Ger- many; the fear, in the contemplation, that the maritime supremacy, the only one which England could claim for herself, might perhaps be contented one of these days by the German fleet. These repre- sentations are also being nourished by the English press, regardless of any international complications, and any side-thrust upon the am- bitious Emperor and the secret machinations of his chancellor un- failingly finds the applause of the masses. At a banquet last week the civil lord of the Admiralty, Mr. A. Lee, praised the recently introduced reforms of the Government, which permitted to strike the first blow before the enemy could be pre- pared; nay, even before war had been declared. He added that the vigilance of the Admiralty should be chiefly extended upon the North Sea. This language has aroused considerable excitement in Germany. Attempts are being made, therefore, to patch up the rent, and it is asserted here that the speech of Mr. Lee has been misconstrued. LALAING. No. 2 Baron Greindl, Belgian Ambassador in Berlin, to Baron Favereau. Berlin, Feb. 18, 1905. For this reason I have not yet reported on the interview of the English journalist, Bashford, with the Chancellor, notwithstanding the sensation which it produced when published three months ago. As Count Buelow had informed the English people already that Ger- many had no aggressive intentions toward England, he said nothing which was not already known to any calm critic. The real cause of the hatred of the English toward Germany is jealousy, brought about by the extraordinary rapid development of the German Commercial Fleet, the German commerce and the German industry. This hatred will last as long as it will take the English to familiarize themselves with the idea that the world's commerce is not a monopoly which belongs by rights to England alone. Besides, this hatred is carefully nourished by the "Times" and a number of newspapers and magazines which do not shrink from calumnies in order to cater to the taste of their readers. One of the chief reasons for the recently formed understanding between France and England, which, in my opinion, has not found as yet a sufficient explanation, has surely been the desire of obtaining a free hand against Germany. Whatever may have been the secret motive of the English min- isters, they have always been ostensibly correct. It was clear that the re-organization of the English fleet was directed against Germany. Under Secretary of State Von Muehlberg told me the Emperor had spoken of the strictures of Mr. Lee in very earnest tones to the Eng- lish Ambassador in Berlin. Mr. Lee has in the meantime publicly corrected the quotation of his address by a improvement of those passages which had been irritating to Germany. It appears, however, that very little credit is accorded here to this dementi. No. 3 Count Lalaing. London, April 1, 1905. As you know, the German Emperor is not popular in England, and especially not since the dispatch of his telegram to President Krueger in January, 1896, and you know of the little sympathy which this people has for Germany. The visit of the Emperor to Tangier has not failed to evoke unfriendly articles by the press, which was happy over the opportunity of pouring out its ill-will toward the regent of a country, which is a commercial competitor of England's, which intends to create a war fleet of the first rank and which, at present, encourages the Moroccans in their mighty resistance against the undertakings of France. It is feared that Germany will insist upon the maintenance of the open door in Tangier, will stand by for the independence of the Sultanate and so prevent the policy of "friendly absorption" under- taken by France and approved bv England. LALAING. No. 4 Paris, May 7, 1905. In this letter. Monsieur Leghait reports the presence of the King of England in Paris at a moment when the tension caused by the events in Tangier still exists, and states that while this visit may have considerable significance the latter should not be exaggerated. He continues, however: The silence, which Germany persistently maintains, notwithstanding Monsieur Delcasse's request of dispelling all misunderstanding by open speech, does not permit to let the pre- vailing nervousness here subside, and the question is when and how one might escape from the false situation in which one finds oneself. Monsieur Delcasse yesterday received Prince Radolin in audience; he regaled him with all sorts of amiable platitudes, but never once touched upon the Moroccan question, etc., etc. A. LEGHAIT. No. 5 Count Lalaing. London, June 8, 1905. The news of Delcasse's resignation has been received with regret by the press organs of the British Government. The friendly policy of the former Minister of Foreign Afifairs toward England and who had been so strangely supported by the French Ambassador in Lon- don had led to an entente whose full value had been proven by recent events, etc., etc. LALAING. 8 No. 6 Count Ursel, Belgian Charge d'AflFaires in Berlin. Berlin, Aug. 5, 1905. The English permit no endangering of their commerce or their sea power. The gigantic advances of Germany signify for England a constant menace, and England hesitates at no measure to restrict this expansion. The recent meeting between the German Emperor and the Czar, the visit of Emperor William to Copenhagen, the pres- ence of German warships in Danish waters, have given to the Eng- lish press a pretense of indulging in accusations and insults against Germany. Wherever England can create difificuhies for Germany she, embraces such an opportunity immediately. URSEL. No. 7 Count Ursel. Berlin, Aug. 22, 1905. Count Ursel refers to the alarm which a few German newspapers had indulged in spreading when it was mooted that an English naval division was to hold its maneuvres in the Baltic, but also notifies Count Favereau that the Government had officially explained the matter and that international courtesy demanded a friendly reception of the English warships. URSEL. No. 8 Baron Greindl. Berlin, Sept. 23, 1905. For years English newspapers, headed by the "National Review," have maintained a campaign in favor of an English-Russian rapproach- ment. Upon conclusion of the English-French Treaty, French diplomacy is industriously engaged in the same direction. Rumors are circu- lating now that the negotiations were being continued, and there are certain indications on the strength of which, I believe, that special attention should be given to them. As I hear, the contemplation of a Russian loan in England is no longer dismissed off-handedly in the ranks of London's high, finance. Up to quite recently the Eng- lish bankers positively refused to even entertain such a possibility. Yesterday I asked Baron Von Richthofeu what was to be thought of these rumors. He replied that there was surely nothing special in the high and highest circles in England in favor of a movement of a rapproachment toward Russia. I interrupted Baron Richthofeu and said that it was suspected, indeed, that the King of England entertained such a plan and that lie had even spoken with the Em- peror about it during their recent meeting. The Secretary of State did not contradict it. In the further course of the conversation, Baron von Richthofeu then expressed the opinion that, notwithstanding Delcasse's downfall, there existed a strong party in France which intended to continue the policy of the former Minister of Foreign Affairs. Finally the enmity against Germany did play a heavy role in all those combina- tions. But the Secretary of State did not believe, however, that the dangers were very great. The foundations for an entente between England and Russia were lacking. It would be contradictory to the agreement which had been concluded on August 12th between Eng- land and Japan. Against whom could this agreement after all be directed unless it be against the Czar's empire? The plan of an Eng- lish Russian entente did not fit into the frame of the German friendly speech which Witte had just then made in Paris. The Russian Prime Minister would return to St. Petersburg and would, undoubtedly, have a word to say there. If there was to be an understanding be- tween England and Russia, Witte certainly would also have gone to London. From our standpoint it would be desirable if the Secretary of State continued to be right in his surmise. The Triple Alliance led by Germany has presented us with thirty years of peace in Europe. Right now it is weakened by the state of dissolution in which Aus- tria-Hungary finds herself. The new French-English-Russian Triple Entente would be no substitution, to the contrary, it would be a cause of a lasting disquietude. This feeling is here so strongly imprinted that the ELmperor believed an attack from France supported by Eng- land to be closely imminent as soon as it became known at the begin- ning of last year that Paris and London were industriously negotiat- ing without the object of these negotiatons being clearly understood. The really very bad personal relations between the Emperor and King of England are no secret to anybody. The new distribution of the English naval powers is, undoubtedly, aimed at Germany. Whoever still doubted this would have had his eyes opened by the unwise speech of Lee's, the Civil Lord of the .\dmiralty. When the British fleet selected the Baltic Sea as a show place for her maneuvres, the British Government ostenibly only exercised its right. It would have been unwise on the part of Germany to have felt insulted thereby, and indeed, she prepared the most amicable reception conceivable for the English sailors. Notwithstanding all this, the visit of the fleet signified a demonstration : the enormously numeric preponderance of the English naval strength should be held tangibly before the eyes of the German people. The usual telegram of the English admiral to the Emperor was couched in frozen tones, and his Majesty replied in the same manner. The gigantic efforts of the English press to prevent a peaceable conclusion of the Moroccan affair and the insincere credulity with which it receives all calumnies against the German policies prove how ready public opinion in Great Britain is to embrace every com- bination inimical to Germany. However, the main point of dissension between England and Russia has been eliminated ; that is, the unwholesome ambition of Russia to extend unceasingly the boundaries of her already far too large empire. The military defeats of Russia and her internal com- plications will force her for a long time to come, to relinquish the policy of conquest. 10 Political constellations do not last forever. Perhaps a regroup- ing of the Great Powers, is already in preparation which may lessen European security, and, thereby turn to our own disadvantage. GREINDL. No. 9 Abstract of Baron Greindl's Letter of Sept. 30, 1905. In this letter Baron Greindl after mentioning in general Russia's inability to participate in any warlike undertaking for at least the next ten years to come, expresses himself to this extent : "The tone in which the press campaign in England is generally pitched makes it recognizable that the approachment to Russia is not desired so much for the purpose of relieving tension but for inimical motives against Germany. Unfortunately the King of England may have this view also." GREINDL. No. 10 October 14, 1905. Baron Greindl. You will recall, Baron, that von Richthofen had told me on Sep- tember 23 that he did not believe in any Russian-English entente, because there was no reason for such. Notwithstanding, a possible basis for it is present. England does not interest herself any longer in the fate of Turkey, the maintenance of which had been for so long the great principle of her policy. It might give Russia a free hand in Asia Minor. In her ideas such a combination might have the ad- vantage besides of muddling the relations between Russia and Ger- many and the isolation of Germany is momentarily the direct aim of the English policy. GREINDL. No. 11 Paris, October 24, 1905. H. Leghait. """' Notwithstanding all efforts to maintain her supremacy and to down the development of her great Germanic competitor, England apparently desires, anyhow, to escape a conflict, but will her selfish motives not bring us directly into war? The German complaints are directed against the French Government but in reality are aimed at Great Britain. It must be perfectly clear to France, that if Del- casse's policy is continued, she will one of these days bear the costs of a war, thefruits of which will fall to England. ■^ '^ " LEGHAIT. No. 12 Berlin, October 27, 1905. Baron Greindl. The monument of Field Marshall Count Moltke was unveiled yes- terday in Berlin. At the gala dinner his Majesty explained that this day demanded two toasts, one to the past and remembrance. Filled with deep appreciation of the Providence which gave a great emperor at a great time his Paladine. his Majesty offered his first and silent 11 toast to the memory of the greatest field marshal of Emperor William. His Majesty continued : "The second glass is to the future and the present. You have seen, gentlemen, what the position of Ger- many is in the world; therefore, keep the powder dry; the sword sharp, the aim recognized, the strength on the alert, and the pessimist banished. I raise my glass to our people in arms. The German Army and its General Staflf ! Hurrah ! Hurrah ! Hurrah !" Notwitstanding all official attempts at denial, it could not be plainer expressed that the Emperor now as ever believes that the ^JEnglish policy in Paris, Tokio, St. Petersburg and Washington, was not for the improvement of relations to European and extra Euro- pean powers, which, by the way, would be perfectly justifiable — but the isolation of Germany. Here an unconquerable distrust prevails against England. A great many Germans are convinced that England is seeking allies for an attack upon Germany, or — and it would correspond much more to British tradition — that she is working at bringing about a war on the continent in which she would not participate herself but the fruits of which she would harvest. I am told a great many Englishmen harbor similar anticipations and fear a German attack. I only ask myself upon what such impressions could be founded in London. Germany is absolutely unable to attack England. She would have to control the sea at least for a few days, in order to land an army on the English coast, and for that Germany has no chance. She might be able to transport her fleet hidden in both exits of the Emperor William's Canal, during a night from sea to sea and to prevent a blockade of German ports. Germany might have in such a manner a chance of attacking an inimical flotilla at a favorable moment, but only with a tired-out crew and used-up machines. Only for such a purpose has the German fleet been built ; and she would be unable to engage in naval battle alongside the English coast. The relation of numerical strength is too unequal. To exploit the possibility of a German attack upon the English colonies is superfluous, because, evidently, it is not to be thought of at all. Are the people, who in England make so much to do about an utterly impossible German attack, entirely sincere? Are they not merely pretending such grievances perhaps for the purpose of in- flaming a war in which the German war fleet would be annihilated,, the German commercial fleet and the German maritime commerce would be destroyed ? England is safeguarded ; Germany, on the other hand, is easily hit. If England one of these days attacks Germany to get rid of a rival, she would thereby merely follow out her ancient methods. She has destroyed in sequence : the Dutch fleet with the connivance of Louis XIV., thereupon the French fleet, the Danish fleet, the latter in the midst of peace and without reason, only because she represented an appreciable power at sea. Between Germany and England there exists no reasonable foun- dation for a war. The English hatred against Germany arises solely and alone from the envy which the development of the German Navy, the German commerce and German industry called forth. GREINDL. 12 No. 13 Berlin, November 18, 1905. The "Rekhsanzeiger" published yesterday the following- abstract from the budget for the coming year, which contains the expenditures for the Navy. The Government proposes etc., etc. The plan shall go into effect within nine years. In its essentials it was already known before the publication of the details, and has now been received very favor- ably by the public opinion. This circumstance is the more remark- able as the financial situation of the Empire is not at all satisfactory. The Navy was formerly very unpopular in Germany. A rever- sion in its favor began after the Boer War (and the war about Cuba), which German public opinion regarded as robberies ; it desired to see the Empire safeguarded against similar attacks. The new organiza- tion of the British naval powers, which, undoubtedly, are directed against Germany, have made the necessity of possessing a fleet more apparent not for the purpose of attacking England — a thought which is not entertained here by anybody and which would be_ impossible, anyhow — but solely and alone for the defense against England. On the Continent, Germany is only exposed to an attack by France or Russia. In the event of a conflict with those powers, the outcome of the war would be decided by the army, and a naval battle, no matter in whose favor it would terminate, would have no influence upon the peace conditions. Germany, therefore, only has to fear Eng- land. England alone necessitates the maintenance of a war fleet which exceeds in size the measure which the protection of her commercial interests in foreign countries demands. Unfortunately, not only is the attitude of the English press but also that of the English ministers, adapted to nourish this distrust. Notwitstanding the official denials, nobody doubts here that the aggressive policy of Mr. Delcasse has been instigated by England. I am asking myself where and when has Germany crossed the English politics? Is it the recollection of the telegram which Em- peror William dispatched to President Krueger after the capture of Jameson and his colleagues? That seems too long ago. Besides, one should not forget in London that at that time it concerned a band of free hooters, which while organized under the hand of the English Government, was, nevertheless, officially disavowed by England. GREINDL. No. 14 Berlin, December 31, 1905. Baron von Richthofen spoke to me yesterday with satisfaction of the ministerial change in London. The Secretary of State does not believe that a pre-conceived plan to break with Germany existed in London. He thought, however, that the French had recently shown a nervousness which was not justified by anything. One seemed to imagine in Paris that Germany was merely waiting for an opportunity to fall upon France. Germany would only make war if she was forced to it, she had never, even in the remotest, thought of provoking 13 a war. What would Germany gain by it? The whole of German policy proved Germany's peaceful intentions. She had not made the least effort of gaining by the internal unrest in Russia. I asked the Secretary whether I should regard as authentic the conversation be- tween the Emperor and a Frenchman reported three days ago in the "Temps"? In the main the Emperor is accredited of having stated that he was wrongly believed of being surrounded by a war party ; even if such existed it would still be of no importance as the decision between war and peace was resting with him. The Emperor did not want any war, as it would be in direct opposition to his duties toward God and his people. Baron von Richthofen replied that the state- ment in the "Temps" had been correct, if not in form, but in text. He added that the Emperor had made such remarks to the French military attache in Berlin, the Marquis de Laguiche. Otherwise these Avere the well-known thoughts of his Majesty. I replied that it appeared to me that it was possible to character- ize the policy of the Emperor in the following words : The highest ambition of his Majesty is the maintenance of peace during the dura- tion of his reign. The Secretary of State replied that that, indeed, was the chief motif of the Emperor's policy. GREINDL. No. 15 London, January 14, 1906. Letter of Mr. E. Von Grootvan, Belgian Charge d' Affairs in London. In it he refers to the impending conference in Algeciras and speculates as to the intentions of the powers most concerned, Ger- many and France. He states that England was on the side of France and that she had entered into obligations with France which she would have to fulfill, even in the case of a German-French war and all other dangers. VON GROOTVEN. No. 16 Paris. March 6, 1906. H. Leghait. King Edward the VII. arrived in Paris Saturday evening and stopped at the English Embassy. Although his Majesty desired to preserve his incognito, the circumstances of his presence in Paris and the meetings which he had are of special significance. The King exchanged calls with the President of the Republic and invited him to dinner on Sunday at the Embassy. Furthermore, he had at lun- cheon yesterday Messrs. Loubat and Delcasse. This attention to Mons. Delcasse just at this present moment is much discussed. One sees in it, in general, a significant notice, which has, on account of its possibly far-reaching and extremely weighty consequences, produced uneasiness. Naturally the King of England desired to give to that minister, who made the English opinions with so much zeal his own, a special sign of appreciation of his sympathy; but on account of the fact that 14 he called to himself the very man whose retirement Germany had demanded, he has added to the agreement of April 8, 1904, a new sig- nificance and has solemnly approved of a policy against which Ger- many protested and which even France herself had refused to enter- tain. If there could have existed any doubts still about Great Britain's intentions, they are now dispelled. The King has wanted to show, so it seems, that the policy which the energetic intervention of Germany had called forth has. notwith- standing remained the same because England adheres firmly and un- shaken to the principles of the agreement of April 8, 1904. This dem- onstration is considered in diplomatic circles as unnecessary, and at this moment as extremely dangerous, for one believes himself drawn against his will, into English politics, the consequences of which one fears, and which, generally, had been disapproved after the expose of Delcasse. The long and short of it is, that one sees in it with appre- hension an indication of the efforts of England to poison the situation to such an extent that war becomes inevitable. LEGHAIT. No. 17 Berlin, April 5, 1906. Baron Greindl. The movement in favor of an approachment toward Germany called forth by Lord Avebury has remained without results. The English press has done its utmost in preventing satisfactory conclu- sions of the conference at Algeciras. It has shown itself less amenable than the French newspapers and has never ceased one moment to dis- seminate German plans of aggression which have never existed. Ap- parently the English ambassador in Algeciras made no eiTorts what- ever to find a solution equally satisfactory to France and Germany. There is no more doubt that it was the King of England who independently of his government has driven Delcasse into a war- like policy and has given him the anyhow impossible promise of landing 100,000 English soldiers in Holstein. The invitation of the King to Monsieur Delcasse during his so- journ in Paris can only be considered as a challenge. If there could have existed still any doubts whatsoever, the re- markable demarche of Col. Bernardiston (English Col.) by General Ducarne (Belgian Chief of Stafif) would have destroyed them. GREINDL. No. 18 London, June 23. 1906. Count Lalaing. After stating the efforts which a close circle of English people, headed by Lord Avebury, had made with the intention of bringing about a more friendly attitude on the part of the English people to- ward Germany, Count Lalaing summed up the following conclusions : The actual results of these efforts are just about naught. The public opinion stands now firm. The English press has carried on such a missuse by its attacks upon the Emperor, his government and 15 his people, that the public remains distrustful. Germany is the great commercial, military and perhaps, also, future maritime competitor, therefore, every good citizen believes himself obligated to hate that country, because he tells himself that it is at the moment the only country which, since the awakening of Russia and the Entente with France, he has to fear. LALAING. No. 19 Berlin, July 16, 1906. Baron Greindl. The reason for the strained English-German relations must not be sought in the personal feelings of the rulers but in the attitude of public opinions of the both countries. This public sentiment also guides the policy of the British Government which has remained just as inimical to Germany under the liberal party as under the unionistic one. What could the English possibly have to fear at the hands of Russia in her present state of unrest. It can readily be conceived what Russia could gain by England's friendship, but it is much less clear how Russian friendship could serve England. What else can London really want excepting to create enemies for Germany? Ac- cording to the "Morning Post," England and Russia have a plan for an entente for the purpose of sanctioning the building of the railroad in Mesopotamia with the condition that Russia should connect her Caucasus line and that England should have the control of the line from Bagdad to the Gulf of Persia. Such an agreement, should it be effected, would be the climax of all shamelessness. The Sultan is an independent ruler; he gave the concession for a railroad through Mesopotamia to a German bank. No foreign power has the right or could even offer the least pretense of meddling with these exclusively internal affairs of Turkey. Notwitstanding this plan exists and Lord Lansdowne recently declared in the Upper House that he had in 1903 ineffectually endeavored to internationalize the Bagdad Rail- road, and from the beginning England has endeavored to place all of obstacles in the way of this undertaking. When the German bank obtained the concession seven years ago, it offered France and England participation, not because it needed foreign capital for the undertaking — and it is in a position to carry out the project unaided — but to avoid petty international jealousies, etc., etc. It is very much to be feared that with or without the peri- odic reconciliations, toward which we are dulled now, jealousy and mistrust will become the normal condition of the relations between England and Germany. GREINDL. No. 20 After mentioning the proposed restrictions for army and navy expenditures, Count Lalaing states that England would want to pose before the second peace conference at the Hague in January, 1907, as favorably inclined to partial disarmament on account of the proposed 16 curtailment of the navy. He continues: But in order to bring ac- ceptance of this plan, the Minister of the Marine was obliged to make the explanation that in the event of a sanction of his program, the seapower of Great Britain was still far greater than that of the two other greatest navies in the world and that England would anyhow be without a competitor on the seas. England's magnanimous initiative by way of reformation looses considerably in value by the fact that she runs no danger, and that now as ever she intends to rule the ocean. Should the United States or above all Germany refuse at the Hague Conference to share the English aspect, England will not fail in placing the responsibility for the miscarriage of her humane ideas and those of her new apostle of peace. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman upon the shoulders of those nations. COUNT LALAING. No. 21. Paris, Feb. 4, 1907. H. Leghait. In this letter M. Leghait announces the arrival of the King and Queen of England in Paris and states that the voyage had been un- expected and even caused surprise to the French Government. He continues : Since recently there exists here an as yet silent and hesi- tating, but nevertheless, very significant opposition against the hood- winking with which one permits oneself to be drawn into the policies of England. The propositions and intentions of this Power do not appear any more as unselfish as they did in the beginning. In conse- quence, thereof, a party is forming which wants to shake off the yoke of this foreign influence in order to give France a greater and more honorable freedom of commerce, without, of course, relinquishing the otherwise friendly relations. I have grounds for the assumption that the English endeavors in Africa and, especially, in the Congo, has produced this feeling of distrust which shows itself here." Etc., etc. LEGHAIT. No. 22. London, Feb. 8. 1907. Count Lalaing. Count Lalaing describes the anger with which the English re- ceived the news that all parties in Germany at the last elections, with the exception of the Socialists, had strongly supported the Emperor and his policies. Many of the Socialists even went over to the other parties. Count Lalaing continues : That the Emperor continued to enjoy such a popularity was a revelation to the English which nour- ished the belief — zealously fed by the press — that the Emperor was little loved, had lost the people's confidence, and, therefore was to be feared very little. However that may be, public opinion has been badly disappointed by the results of the election, and the fear and the jealousy and the anti-German sentiment has not abated. LALAING. 17 No. 23. Berlin, Feb. 9, 1907. Baron Greindl's letter is herewith produced in full: "To my great astonishment I have perceived that earnest foreign newspapers have attributed a warlike significance to the short speech which the Emperor made to a concourse of the people on the night of Feb. 5. I have had the honor of transmitting to you in my report of day before yesterday the text of this address. No man here has thought of interpreting the words of his Majesty in the nature of a menace to the other Powers. One knows too well the usual manner of expression of the Emperor to misunderstand the extent of his speeches. One must also not doubt the peaceful intentions of his Majesty; he has demonstrated it sufficiently during his eighteen years of reign. It appears to me that one should know elsewhere, upon what one may depend; therefore, I ask myself: Is this exhibition of excitement sincere? Should it not be rather a continuation of this campaign of calumny which has been carried on for years in the press of Paris, London and St. Petersburg and by which the "Temps," the official organ of the French Ministry, has distinguished itself during the last few weeks? GREINDL. No. 24. Paris, Feb. 10, 1907. A. Leghait. In this letter M. Leghait discusses the presence of the English King and Queen and the hidden object of their visit. Two pregnant passages are quoted verbatim. "It is useless to attempt to deny that these tactics which ostensi- bly have as their object the avoidance of war, are really pursued with the intention of producing in Berlin an uncomfortable feeling and of creating in Germany the desire to do everything to withdraw from the entrapping by the English politics. France, which sincerely de- sires the maintenance of peace and the improvement of her relations wit];i Germany, will have to make strong diplomatic efforts to prove to Berlin, that the Entente cordiale need not disquiet Germany and had not been consumated to hinder her in her expansion. One is so keenly sensitive of this precarious condition, and the danger of this by-play, that all official and earnest press organs are silent about this situation of things and none of them will risk the enjoyment of the manifestation of the English friendship." LEGHAIT. No. 25. Monsieur E. de Cartier, the Belgian charge d'affairs in London, writes under date, London. March 28, 1907. In his letter he states that since the foreign affairs of Russia have been intrusted to M. Iswolski a noticeable approach between the cabinets of St. James and St. Petersburg had been effected and that 18 an understanding, impossible two years ago, seemed to be near con- sumation. He continues as follows : "The Dogger-bank incident, the English sympathies with Japan at the time of the war of 1904, the bitter competitorship in Persia, all that belongs to the past and if one may trust certain indications it appears to us that the English policy, whose whole strength is directed upon the isolation of Germany, will in the near future offer the spec- tacle of an English-Russian Entente. Etc., etc. E. de CARTIER. No. 26. Berlin, March 28, 1907. By the resolutions adopted at the Conference of Algeciras, France, like all other interested powers, promised to respect the independence of the Sultan of Morocco. But this didn't prevent the French Minister of Foreign Affairs to remark to my Paris Colleague that the Sultarr was nothing but a puppet who had nothing else to do but to obey the dictates of the diplomatic corps. Just as little does it prevent a gov- ernment supported French Company from establishing wireless teleg- raphy, even with disrespect of the sovereign rights of the Sultan and in spite of his protests. The resolutions further announced equal rights for all, excepting in regards to the Police and Banking Systems. In spite of the ex- plicit wording, M. Pichon construes the text to mean that French supremacy would have to supervene everywhere. The French arrogance is becoming again just as great as in the worst days of the Second Empire and the entente cordiale is to be blamed for it. It has even risen a degree or two since the negotia- tions between London and St. Petersburg, of which France, no doubt, has been cognizant, appear to bring about an entente. I will not say that there exists already between the cabinets the contemplation of an attack upon Germany. Germany can defend herself, but the responsibility for a war, the result of which is more than doubtful should appall the bravest. But one must not forget that all wars oi the most recent occurrence have not been made by the governments. They have been forced upon them by popular unrest, and the regrouping of the European Powers has been effected for the purpose of leading public opinion upon dangerous roads. The effects make themselves felt already. The French press unanimously places the responsibility of Doctor Mauchamp's assassination upon Germany, which it regards as a con- sequence of frictions instigated in Berlin. Would it not be more logical to attribute the ferment among the natives of Morocco to methods by which France and England agreed to convert Morocco into a French colony. The English press continues its campaign caluming with greater bitterness than ever. It sees the hand of Germany in every thing that is unpleasant for England. In case of need it manufactures whole stories such as ostensibly the plan of closing the Baltic Sea. All this occurs at a moment when England is creating discord by her en- deavors to force the explanation not of her own armament but that of her opponents at the Hague Conference and in this way conjures a reduction of the safety of Europe. GREINDL. 19 No. 27. Berlin, April 8, 1907. Baron Greindl. As I already had the honor of reporting to you a few days ago, that the moment I had cognizance of the Algeciras Acts, I had the conviction that France had not relinquished but merely postponed to a more favorable moment, her plan of annexing Morocco. France took over the police and the controlling influence of the bank. Along the extensive common border there are living a number of nonsub- jugated tribes which will furnish France with ample pretext for mtervention. If needful she can even invent one as she did at the time in Tunis. She also has a ready army in Hegeria and France, therefore has the means at her disposition of materializing her am- bitious intentions. If I had ever carried the illusion that the pledges of Algeciras would be loyally kept, the attitude of the French Government on the question of selection of a director of public works, the occupation of Yd and a recent article in the "Temps" would have destroyed the illusion. We just have to experience again to our cost what the return to the traditions of the second empire or rather to those of the usual French policy, means. Every time that France, in the course of history, has felt herself strong enough she has endeavored to assume the sovereignity of the whole world. Right now the Entente cordiale with England gives her the necessary confidence. Very likely France has resumed again elsewhere her usual meth- ods of not bothering herself about obligations which are irksome to her and of generally insisting upon her demands. GREINDL. No. 28. London. April 12, 1907. E. de Cartier. In this letter de Cartier discusses the visit of the King of England to the Spanish Baths and the possibly hidden political intentions connected with it. The fact that the under Secretary of State for Foreign Afifairs accompanied their majesties to Cartagena seems to indicate that the visit was not for pleasurable purposes only. He makes the noteworthy remark, that the visit of King Edward with his royal nephew in Cartagena had above all the intention of tighten- ing the relations of Spain with Great Britain and of weakening Ger- man influence in Madrid. But there are no plausible grounds for assuming any practical results which may have been obtained at this meeting. DE CARTIER. No. 29. Berlin, April 18, 1907. Baron Greindl. In this letter Baron Greindl openly stated that King Edward's visit to the King of Spain is merely a part of his campaign for the 20 isolation of Germany. He further refers to the contemplated visit of the English King to the King of Italy in Gaeta, and states that it will not aflford anything new. The understanding between Italy, England and France is a fact, irrespective of the Triple Alliance, and dates from the moment that Italy began to enter into an agreement with these powers about the extent of interests along the Mediter- ranean. If this agreement had not existed earlier, the entente cordiale between France and England would have brought it about. How could Italy, in case of a conflict, manage to protect her extensive coast lines against the attacks of the combined French and English fleets? And what could her German and Austro-Hungarian allies do for her protection? This zeal to unite powers, which no one threatens, ostensibly for the purpose of self defense, may be justly regarded with suspicion. It is impossible for Berlin to forget the oflfer of 100,000 men which the King of England made to M. Delcasse. We ourselves have to remember the remarkable disclosures which Colonel Barnardiston made to General Ducarne and who knows whether there have not been similar intrigues which have not come to our knowledge. GREINDL. No. 30. London, May 24, 1907. Count Lalaing. In this report Count Lalaing refers to the fact that the attitude of the English toward the Germans has not improved and gives for his reasons the activities of certain individuals whose duplicity he at the same time exposes. "A certain category of the press, here known under the title of 'Yellow Journalism,' is responsible in the greatest measure for the inimical sentiment between the two nations. What can possibly be expected of such a journalist as that man Harmsworth, now Lord Northclifife, publisher of the 'Daily Mail,' the 'Daily Mirror,' the 'Daily Graphic,' the 'Daily Express,' the 'Evening News' and the 'Weekly Dispatch,' who in an interview for the 'Matin' says: 'Yes, we despise the Germans from the bottom of our hearts. They make themselves hated in all Europe. I shall not permit my newspapers to print the least thing which might injure France, but I do not want her to do anything which may be agreeable to the Germans.' " But, of course, the same publisher attacked the French with equal venom in 1899, he wanted to boycott the Paris Exposition and wrote: "The French have succeeded in convincing John Bull that they are his bitter enemies, England has wavered for a long time between Germany and France, but she has always respected the German character, while it has come about to feel only contempt for France. A cordial under- standing can never exist between England and her next door neighbor. Enough of France which possesses neither courage nor political sense." This type of journalists, publishers of cheap but widely read papers falsify at their pleasure the opinions of an entire nation. 21 It is perfectly clear that official Eng-land silently pursues a policy inimical to Germany. This policy which aims mainly at the isolation of Germany, has not found disfavor with King Edward who has placed his personal influence to the service of this idea ; but it surely is ex- ceedingly dangerous to poison public opinion in such an openly shameless manner in which this irresponsible press which I mentioned above has done it. LALAING. Baron Greindl, No. 31. Berlin. May 30. 1907. In this letter Baron Greindl speaks of the reception and enter- tainments which the visiting English journalists were receiving in Germany and discusses the efforts which were being made by both parties to re-establish better feelings. Baron Greindl, however, is skeptical and says : "The strained relations between the two coun- tries are the more difficult to remove because there are no definite questions of dispute at the bottom of it. If there existed a conflict between Germany and England like the one between London and Paris on account of Egypt, some form of exchange of ideas would make an end of it. But upon the entire globe there is absolutely noth- ing which could possibly dim the relations between Germany and England. The coolness in the relations does not arise from any concrete facts. It is merely a question of sentiment." "England looks askance upon the wonderful progress of Germany in the domains of industry, commerce and merchant marine. Habit- uated to being without a rival, every competition appears to her as an infringement upon her rights. In regards to the development of the German navy. England pretends a solicitude, the sincerity of which, I consider more than doubtful. To the contrary, Germany has every- thing to fear. For centuries England has made it her business to • destroy the naval power of foreign nations, just as soon as they had reached an appreciable significance. France has had to experience this after Holland. Then came the turn of Denmark whose ships were destroyed by Admiral Nelson without the least pretext after he had entered the port of Kopenhagen as a friend." Far removed from any intention to bring about any tension in her relations to England, Germany suffers through these conditions as is proven by the repeated attempts at an understanding, the ini- tiative of which has always come from Berlin. The tension between the German-English affairs may possibly be serviceable for some pusillanimus, shortsighted, political speculations, but it endangers the higher interest for the maintenance of European peace, this had been secured to us during thirty-six years by the over- balance of Germany. It encourages in their plans those statesmen who are not content with the status quo. GREINDL. 22 No. 32. Berlin, June 8, 1907. Baron Greindl. Baron Greindl discusses the various entertainments which had been prepared for the visiting English journalists by their German colleagues and mentions how the official press had repeatedly ex- pressed the wish that the friendly personal relations which had been established, might result in bettering the relations between the two countries. But at the end of his descriptive report. Baron Greindl summarizes in the following pregnant terms : "What will be the re- sult of all these manifestations? Probably nothing. The report which you forwarded to me day before yesterday, proves to me that my colleague in London, who, by the way, is in a much better position than I, to judge the conditions, is much more skeptical than I. As Count Lalaing very properly says, the King of England pursues per- sonally a policy, the final aim of which is the isolation of Germany. His procedure corresponds with the sentiment of the nation which has been misled by an unscrupulous press, which only has in mind a sale as large as possible, and is, therefore, solely and alone, concerned in baiting the passions of the common people. And it is not only the cheap newspapers which bemean themselves to such measures. The 'Times' has carried on for years a campaign of calumnies and lies. Its correspondent in Berlin, who has every opportunity of informing him- self thoroughly, stirs up the hatred of the English against the Ger- mans by attributing to the Imperial Government ambitious intentions — the folly of which is apparent — and accusing it of all sorts of sin- ister machinations to which it has never given a thought. Neverthe- less the people of England believe it without the wink of an eye-lash, because these inventions correspond with their prejudices. How could, then, an anti-German sentiment be converted by an insignifi- cant number of honest and clear-seeing journalists? The English journalists, who have accepted the hospitality, belong, no doubt, in the majority, to this elite. One has already preached to converts." GREINDL. No. 33. Paris, June 17, 1907. A. Leghait. Monsieur A. Leghait refers in his letter to the friendly under- standing between France, England and Spain. According to M. Pic'hon's explanations, the understanding is of a purely diplomatic nature, and contains neither a military convention nor secret clauses. The object is purely the maintenance of the status quo in those parts of the Mediterranean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean in which the three powers are interested. He further refers to the ostensibly peaceful character of the agreement but raises the question about the menaces which would justify such large safety measures. He states that there are many discerning people who believe that, instead of securing peace, these preparations will provoke war and contend that if com- plications should arise in Europe, France will be the first to receive the blow, and also will have to carry the eventual consequences. Mr. 23 Leg-hait concludes this letter with the following opinion : "In order to equip herself momentarily against dangers, which probably only exists in her imagination, or possibly only to fortify the position of the leaders in her internal politics. France is saddling herself with a debt of gratitude, which will appear the heavier, if one of these days, England discloses the objects, for which she will utilize the strength which she is marshalling around her today." LEGHAIT. No. 34. London. June 19, 1907. Count Lalaing. In very much the same manner, the same opinions and the same skepticism, which M. Leghait's letter expresses. Count of Lalaing- refers to the agreement between France, England and Spain. He says,, however, "It could scarcely be believed that Germany does not see in this agreement anything else but a continuation of the English policy which aims in every way to isolate the German Empire." LALAING. No. 35. Berlin, June 22, 1907. Baron Greindl. With his customary perspicacity Baron Greindl also discusses the French-English and Spanish agreement, and says that international understandings are the style, but he continues : "If the agreements contain no secret clauses, they appear to have been made for no other reason excepting the pleasure of setting Germany aside in the regula- tion of the world's affairs. These safety measures against imaginary dangers are, however, very apt to create and nourish the idea that Germany were the power bent upon attack, and that the other powers were obliged to consolidate against her undertakings. The damage would not be so great if these contracts were superfluous, but they compromise the cause of peace, which, ostensibly, they are meant to serve, because they arouse the conviction in the minds of all Ger- many-hating circles, that the moment of the materialization of their plans is drawing near. GREINDL. No. 36. Berlin, July 1, 1907. Baron Greindl. Baron Greindl speaks of the new French Ambassador in Berlin,. M. Cambon, who expresses himself to the effect that he contemplated bringing about a better understanding between his own country and Germany. "But in his (Baron Greindl's) opinion, the best which could possibly be achieved would be correct relations between Berlin and Paris. A real and lasting approachment would presuppose the exclusion of all ideas of revenge, but even among the most reasonable and peace-loving French, there is not one who in the innermost recesses of his heart does not preserve at least a hope of it." GREINDL. 24 No. 37. London, Aug. 10, 1907. E. de Cartier. The English public is following with interest the developments of the Moroccan crisis. The newspapers are publishing long reports, but in general they are fairly moderate in their remarks and con- templations to which the tragic events, at present taking place in Casa Blanca and other places, give rise. Even though public opinion is all on the side of France, in this matter, it is probably that way because it is not particularly delighted with the idea that this is the first result of that dictum of peaceful penetration advocated but a short time ago by Delcasse, but, probably for the most part, because it is imagined, whether rightly or wrongly, that the military undertakings, whose playgrounds at the time are the Moroccan ports, are disagreeable to Germany. E. DE CARTIER. No. 38. Count Lalaing. London, October 11, 1907. Count Lalaing in this report calls the attention of the Minister to the leader in the "Times" referring to the recent visit of the German Emperor to London and the veiled attacks upon the German Chan- cellor, Prince Buelow. Sir Edward Grey is quoted as having stated that the improvement of the English-German relations were depend- ent upon the establishment of a good understanding between Germany and France." LALAING- No. 39. Berlin, January 27, 1908. Baron Greindl. In this letter Baron Greindl discusses the speech which Monsieur Delcasse made before the Chamber of Deputies. He frankly says that the speech made a painful impression upon him, not because Delcasse, after three years of silence, had praised his own policy, but because of the praise he got for it, and because of the manner in which, espe- cially, the London press had received it. The speech virtually swarms with innuendoes which are injurious to Germany. Delcasse said in his diatribe that the German Government had had absolutely no pre- text for intervention in Morocco, and, consequently, it must have had intentions of its own. Europe had just then escaped a sort of Hege- mony, and all nations who had the independence of Europe at heart and who desired to strengthen this independence, had rallied around France. Baron Griendl now takes up his own criticism and writes : "Where has Delcasse ever seen that Germany intended to force her sovereignty upon the other European peoples? We are her next door neighbors, and since twenty years I have been unable to discover in the Imperial Government the slightest tendency of misusing its power 25 and our weakness. I would only wish that all the other great powers had exercised the same forbearance toward us." Delcasse says that Germany had never had the intention of mak- ing war on account of Morocco. That is very true ; but instead of ascribing this moderation to the peaceful intentions of the Emperor, he sees the cause for it in the fact that France had the majority of the powers, the public opinion of the whole world and above all his own self confidence for herself. In other words Delcasse praises himself for having maintained the world's peace, thanks to his coalition with the King of England in his isolation policy against Germany. M. Delcasse says one should not disj)lace a foreign policy (that is his own) which had twice already preserved the peace of Europe. "Under which circumstances then? When has the peace of Europe ever been threatened excepting by the French thoughts of revenge?" In conclusion I would like to indicate that the praise which the English papers accorded to Delcasse, clearly demonstrates how much is thought of the recent approachment between Germany and England. "The policy, which King Edward VII pursues under the pretext of saving Europe from a German danger, has conjured an only too real French danger, which in the first place is menacing to us." GREINDL. No. 40. Paris. January 27-30, 1908. A. Leghait. Monsieur Leghait writes in his report on the events which have taken place in Morocco and which have made public opinion catch its breath. He further mentions that the most important and entirely unlooked for event of the season had been the appearance of M. Del- casse. the former Minister of Foreign Afifairs, who was dismissed under such tragic circumstances in June, 1905. Since then M. Delcasse has refrained from any expressions of self justification with as much tact as patriotism; his silence had been recognized here as well as on the other side of the Eastern frontier. But the question is : Has M. Delcasse just accidentally or premeditatively entered into the debate. He presented the history of the friendships which grouped themselves about France during his a