^% Book AN ESSAY ON THE POLICY OF APPROPRIATIONS BEING MADE BI THE (30 VERMMEKT OP THE XJNITED STATE}?, FOR PURCHASING, LIBERifflNG AND COLONIZING WITHOUT THE TERRITORY OF THE SAID STATES, THE SLAVES THEREOF, IN NUMBERS, SOME OF WHICH HAVE BEEN PUBLISHED IN fHB BALTIMORE AMERICAN, AND THE VVHOLi; CF V^EM IN THE GENIUS OF UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION. fiY A CITIZEN OF MARYLAND. /^H^l^^S^^^ ^^' Baltimore; Y BENJAM No. 61, South Calvert Street, ****** 1826. w I'^uJ.ft ADVERTrSEMENT. The test three numbeis of the following essay were published in the Baltimore American of the 7th and 14th of July, 1826, and the 2nd of Au gust following. The fourth number was given to the publishers of that paper early in the ensuing September, and after remaining with them about two or three weeks, they alleging, that from the press of other matter they could not give it an insertion, the writer took it back, having no expectation of that and the other numbers being inserted in that paper in any reasonable time. The whole of the numbers have been inserted in the Baltimore Genius of Universal Emancipation. THE AUTHOR, W. >^\.A^*«^ ajt A fage 13, line 38, For than, read that. J 6, line 9, For and, read all. line 20, For national, read natural. 19, omit the 5th line, beginning with the word,«tates, 27, line 14, For 12,4-220912, read 12,4320912. line 23, For 29,7906819, read 29^905819. AN ESSAY, &c. JUSIZiSE, NO. 1. TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. United States, July 4th, 1S26. Friends and Fellow- Citizens. . A period of fifty years, a whole jubilee period, has elapsed, since you have become an independent nation; and as jubilees seem to have been originally intended as stated periods, for remo- ving any oppressions and redressing any grievances, which may have existed or occurred during the preceding period, and advan- cing any improvements which may appear necessary or expedi- ent to be adopted; it behoves'us, to look back, and consider, in what respects the rights, happiness and prosperity of the human species have been advanced, during the preceeding jubilee pe- riod, and what still remams to be done, in order to promote and secure those rights, and that happiness and prosperity, which are or ought to be the great end of all human associations and governments. The past jubi'ee period commenced with a declaration of the independence of this country, then consisting of thirteen states, which had previously been in a state of colonial dependence on a nation and government about three thousand miles distant from them! and this measure was unanimously adopted by them, in consequence of an attempt made and persevered in by the pa- rent nation, to exert arbitrary rule and taxation over them,with circumstances of great atrocity, and an unfeeling disregard of their repeated petitions for redress. That independence was ef- fected, after a war of about seven years, waged under circum- stances of very great difficulties, privations,and embarrassments. These states soon after voluntarily united themselves under a gen- eral government, reserving to their own local governments, the power of managing their local coneerns. This state of things has now lasted nearly forty years, with an increase of population wealth and power unprecedented in the annals of (he world, and with all the liberty and security of those states & the individuals composing them, of which human society seems capable. But was there not a very great evil existing in our country,at the commencement of this period? was not nearly a fifth part of the whole population in a state of slavery to the residue? an e- vil entailed on that enslaved population and their postcvily; and was there not s^ill a source of augmentation of this ctil both by na- tural increase Siby a continued importation of a similar popula- tion? Were our forefathers,the supporters of our independence & framers of our present constitution, unobservent of, or inattentive to this evil? By no means. The framer of our declaration of in- dependence, Mr. JetTerson, & one of the first & warmest cham- pions of our independence, Mr. Heury,both members of a slave holding state, with many others, bear clear and honorable testi- mony to the magnitude of the evil. Butwhat could be done? — The legislators of the slave-holding states were themselves gen- erally slave-holders to a considerable extent, and much of their means of comfort and opulence depended on that kind of prop- erty; and so necessary did they consider laborers of that des- cription to them, that those members of the convention which formed the federal constitution, who wished the abolition of the slave trade, could not prevail on the members, from the southern states, to authorise congress to prohibit the importation of slaves till 1808, upwards of 20 years after its formation, alleging that they could not, from their arrangemeuts,dispense with the impor- tation of them, for that time. Congress however, acting oh the power granted them, has prohibited the importation since tlie £rst day of the year 1 808, has made the slave trade piracy, has employed vessels to obstruct that trade, has purchased a territo- ry of considerable extent to accommodate such slaves as may be taken from slave vessels, having appropriated for that pur- pose a sum of one hundred thousand dollars, and in conjunction with theAmerican society for colonizing the free people of colour of the United Slates, a colony has been founded on the coast of Africa in a very healthy situation, and v/hich has advanced with uninterrupted success and unexampled rapidity for upwards of four years since its first settlement at Monrovia, at the mouth of Mesurado river, and its possessions must now occupy nearly 200 miles of a very fertile sea coast. Thus far much has beea done, if not for the removal, at least for the diminution of the evil; a further importation has, as far as goverimient could effect it, been prevented; a settlement in their original country, where their persons and property will be protected, has been provided for such as are free, or may be libe- rated by their owners. Such has been the case as respects our own nation; and if wc view the state of other countries, we find also cause cf joy and exultation. Almost the whole of this extensive continent of A- merica has, from dependent colonies, become free and indepen- dent republican .^tatcsj in which slavery is cither almost or alto- gether abolished; almost all the civilized 'powers of the worltl, and by far the greatest maritime pouer among them, have joined ia the suppression of that scourge of Africa, the slave trade; and though it is still carried on to a consiilerable extent by one or two European nations, yet there appears lo be a fair prospect of that infamous trade being soon annihilated. A powerful colcny has been established by Great Britain adjacent to ours, with sim- ilar views of civilizing Africa, of bringing them to the use of ma- king their support by industry, instead oi doing it by enslaving each other, and of obstructing and annihilating the slave trade. The annihilation of the slave trade seems a prelude to that of slavei'y. The government of Cireat Britain, by far the most ex- tensive holder of slave colonics, have declared a determination of removing the evil, and are taking eflicient measures for the purpose. One extensive and populous West India islaiid, consis- ting of a coloured population, has become an independent nation. Greece, that once great and celebrated country, the cradle of the arts and sciences, has, for several years past, made such a brave resistance against their tyranical rulers, as leaves hardly a doubt of their final independence. Sunday schools have clis- seminated,much more extensively than formerly, the blessings of education and information, and missionaries are actively diiTu- singlhc benefits of religion and civilization among nations hith- erto unenlightened. SIDNEY. Having in my preceding number, falcen a brief view of the principal events tending to the amelioration of the state of the human family, which have taken place among ourselves, and in other parts of the world, during the jubilee period just elapsed; it remains, that we inquire, what we of the present day, ought to do for the same purpose ; but before I proceed to thatsubject, I shall speak briefly of the scripture regulations respecting human rights and liberty, and especially respecting the jubilee. These regulations are f'ounded on the personal rights of man. The history of the creation of man, in the 1st and rid chnptcrs of Genesis, merits our particular attention ; for wliereas it is said, that God commanded the waters to bring forth the fish and fowl : and the earth, the cattle and creeping things and beasts of the earth after their kinds, and that he made them ; of man it is said, that he made him in his own image, after his own likeness,, that he breathed into him the breath of life, and he became a liv- ing soul; all which naturally infers,' what the holy scriptures as« sares us 'is the fact, that he is immortal: we find also that he was to have dominion over all other living creatures, see Genesis, J. 26 andii. 7. All this is conformable to that solemn passage in the declaration of our independence : " We hold these truths " to be self-evident— that all men are created equal, that they are " endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that "' among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." But we find, on the fall of man, his labour became necessary for his subsistence ; one of the penalties of the fall is, that in the sweat of his face, he should eat bread, Genesis, iii. 19. Hence it comes to pass, that sometimes he tills the gi-ound to obtain a subsistence for himself and family ; sometimes applies his la- bour to provide some convenience of food, raiment, ornament, improvement or gratification for others, for which he obtains from them, what he considers necessary or useful to himself ; and sometimes he finds it more convenient, to engage his person- al labours to others, for what he considers a sufficiently valuable consideration, and what the employer is willing to give him for them. As labour is the principal support of the poor, the in- •junction of paying the hireling his hire vvithout delay, is particu- larly enjoined, see Deuteronomy xxiv. 15, and James v. 4. So far was a man, under the old testament lavvs, from bemg enabled to sell the labour of his posterity, that he could not engage his own labour for a longer time than six years, in the seventh year he was at liberty to go off. Exodus, xxi. 2, The cases in, and conditions on which, he could then, with his own free will, bind himself for a longer time, are mentioned in a few of the follow- ing verses of that chapter, and are unnecessary to be mentioned in this essay ; only it may be well to observe, that as this law of not permitting a man to be bound for a longer time than six years, seems founded on the idea .of the seventh being a sabbatical year, and that founded on the circumstance of the creation of the world having been accomplished in six days, and God's resting on the seventh, a circumstance which we must sup- pose to have been well known to Abraham and the patriarchs, the institution of the Sabbath day being sanctified to be kept holy, having taken place immediately on the creation. Genesis, ii. 3, )t is probable, that freeing a servant come to the age of maturity in his seventh year, was observed by those patriarchs \ and there- fore, when we read of Abraham's servants born in his house, and bought with his money. Genesis, xiv. 14 and xvii. 23 and 27 ver- ses, it is probable, their service was to a certain age ; or for a ferni of years ; especially too, as we find, that they were initia- (ed into the trne religion by circumcision, as appears from tli« verses just cited. It is observable also, that the term for which Jacob twice bound himself to Laban for Rachel was seven years^ Genesis, xxix. 18 and 30. How far they were permitted to vary from this rule, with respect to strangers and the inhabitants of the idolatrous nations about them, is immaterial to us under the Christian dispensation, the partition wall between Jew and Gentile being removed, and the gospel freely offered to all na- tions, and to every individual of them. The rights of man in a political capacity were, by the scripture regulations,guarded with equal care. And although their government degenerated into a hereditary monarchy, yet it appears from SamuePs conduct, on the application o^ the Israelites to him j for a king, that it was by no means consistent with their duty or interest to have asked for one; as the eminent Algernon Sidney, who was, under abused forms of law, put to death by the arbitrary Charles the 2d, for his attachment to the rights of man, has well observed, in his ex-^ cellentwork on g-overnments. The evils and inconveniences of such a ruler are described very fully by Samuel on that occasion. 1 Samuel, viii. 11 — 17 ; and in the laws of Moses, the Israelites were directed, if they would have a king, that the office should not be hereditary. Deuteronomy, xvii. 15. As the settlement of the Israelites in the land of Canaan, was designed to keep up the knowledge of the true religion, amidst the general prevalence of idolatry among the nations about them ; in order to preserve the inheritance of the different tribes from being alienated, and falling into the hands of other nations or tribes; they were not permitted, to sell their land for a longer time, than till the year of Jubilee, which took place every fiftieth year. Leviticus, xxv. 10 and 11. Other indulgences took place in this year of Jubilee, for which see the whole S5th chapter of Leviticus, also Numbers, xxxvi. 4. And although the observation of a Jubilee is not directly ert- joined under the Christian dispensation; yet there is no doubt^ the institutions of the old one, were designed as admonitions, patterns and examples to professors under the new. Let it be considered moreover, that the great end of all these Institutions, is declared, m Holy Writ itself, to be, the good and benefit of the human race ; there w^e are assured, that the Lord desires mercy and not sacrifice, Hosea, vi. 6 ; and speaking of the peo" pie's formal manner of observing a fast, it is said, '' Is it such a *^ fast that I have chosen ? a day for a man to afflict his soul, is it " to bow down his head as a bulrush, and to spread sack-cloth and " ashes uuder hira ? wilt thou call this a fast, and an acceptable '* day to the Lonl ? Is not this the fast thai. I have chosen— to '■'loose the bands of Avickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and " to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke ? Is " it not, to deal thy biead to the hungry, and that thou bring the " poor to thy house ? Wlien thou seest the naked, that thou cover "him ; and that thou hide not thyself from thine ovrn flesh r" Isaiah Iviii. 5—7. And in Christ's description of the final judg- ment, in Matthew 25th, we find benevolent acts done to the least of those whom the Lord vouchsafes to call his brethren, consid- ered as done unto himself As it is then an obvious duty, to ex- amine from time to time, and at stated periods, our situation and conduct, that we may correct our errors, and make the lapses of the time past, serve as warnings for the time to come; and as a period of fifty years, seems a convenient one for that purpose, and is warranted by divine institution; we shall assuredly not lose our reward, if we make a pecuhar attention to this period, an occasion of future correct and benevolent conduct; which would be our duty /independent of any particular consideration of time SIDNEY. Though I have, in my preceding number, mentioned, that un- der the old dispensation, the people were not permitted to keep their brethren in servitude beyond the seventh year, and that the patriarchs were probably governed by a similar rule; yet I well know, that there is sufficient evidence to shew, that under the Jewish dispensation servitude existed, at least in the case of the Gibeonites, wlio however had surrendered themselves volunta- rily to avoid extermination, and were made hewers of wood and drawers of water, for the service of the altar and of the house of iio(]. Joshua, ix. This seems little like domestic slavery, or in origin like ours; that being a voluntary surrender of themselves and their services, to avoid a destruction, to which, on account of their wickedness, they had been doomed ; the origin of ours be- ing, on the part of the injured, involuntary, and generally no bet- ter than man-stealing. The Israelites were themselves slaves in Egypt ; of course, Avlicn they came out of it, they could have had none, and they were required to suffer no strangers to reside among them, unless they were circumcised and became obedi- ent to their law; when they, by the Mosaical institutions, became entitled to freedom in the seventh year, and in the year of Jubi- lee, as I have mentioned. In fact there appears to be very littJ* in favor of slayery under the Jewish dispensation, nov do the peo- ple seem to ha»e been permitted to make slaves of prisoners ta- ken in war, or to have been in the habit of so doino;. But sup- posing it was permitted or practised under the Jewish dispensa- tion, does that prove that it would be rii:;ht or lawful under ours ? In Christ's sermon on the mount, in Matthew, v. ri. and vii. chap- ters, his hearers are repeatedly reminded, that, what was said by them of old time, was by no means a sufficient rule for their con- duct. The old law allowed arbitrary divorces, and a plurality of wives, all which is contrary to the original institution of marriage, as he shews with respect to the former. There are many other cases, wherein, in the same discourse, it was required of his fol- lowers not to imitate the rules and practices of former times. — A like observation is applicable to the case of slavery. No truth is more manifest, from the recital of man's creation in scripture, than that all men are created equal, are raidowed by their Crea- tor with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. It follows, that no human bping, come to the ajje of maturity, can justly be deprived of his liberty, unless for crime ; or^ in any othc case be compelled to labor for another w'ithout his own consent. The rules of scrip- ture are in conformity with this principle. Under the old dis- pensation, man-stealing was punished with death. Exodus, xxi. IG, and Deuteronomy, xxiv. 7. And in the new testament, men- stealors are reckoned as a class of wicked men, 1 Timothy, i. 10. And I v.ould ask, what better origin has our slavery than men- stealing ? But in defence of slavery, I know it is said, that in the New-' Testament, servants are commanded to obey their masters, though at that time, a great proportion of the servants, were in fact slaves ; that when Onesimus, for what time or from Avbat cir- cumstances a servant, does not appear, nor is it material, left his master Philemon, and became a convert ; St. Paul sent him back to his master, atid offered to make good any damage he might have sustained by the misconduct of his servant. To all this I would answer, that God is a God of order and not of confusion ; that the Christian religion, instead of making its followers judges in their own case, forbids them to resist evil, or to exercise the law of retaliation ; but the injunction to the oppressed to yield, 01.1 them ; all efficient legislative powers were vested in th3 stcite govn-nment*, and it seemed absolutely necessary, in order to secure the independence of the country, that they should all unite, and that they should he received in<.o the union, on such terms as would be acceded to by each ; and no doulDt it was hoped, that, after the independence of the country was accom- plished, measures would be taken in some ^vay for the removal of the evil. Mr. Henry, one of the foremost champions of indepen- dence in Virginia, a slave-holding state, is known to have express- ed, in a letter which has been published, his abhorrence of slave- ry ; Washington in his last will and testament, left his slaves free at certain periods ; and Jefferson, the admired framer of our declaration of independence, has expressed a decided sense of the evil of it in his Notes on Virginia, a work written 1781, du- ring the revolutionary war, in answer, as he says, to some que- ries of a foreigner of distinction then residing among us. The eighteenth query runs thus: "The particular customs and man- ners that may happen to be received in that state .'" As many of my readers may not have an opportunity of seeing this work, and the whole of the answer to this query, is well worthy the at- tention of the public, I shall give it entire. It is as follows : " It is difficult to determine on the standard, by which the " manners of a nation may be iried, whether catholic or particu- " lar. It is more difficult for a native to bring to that standard " the manners, of his own nation, familiarised to him by habit. ''There must doubtless, be an unhappy influence on the m?nners " of our people, produced by the existence of slavery among us. " The whole commerce between master and slave, is a perpetu- " al exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most unremit- li ^' ting despotism on the one part, and degrading submissions an "the otlier. Our children see this, and leain to imi'ate it, for "man is an imitative animal. This quality is the germ of all " education m him. From his cradle to his grave, he is learning "to do nhat he sees others do. If a parent could tind no motive " either in his philanthropy or self-love, for restraining the in- " temperance of passion towards lii>- slave, it should always be a "sufficient one, that his child is present. But generally it is not " sufficient. The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the "lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of " smaller slaves, gives a h)ose to the worst of passions, and thus "nursed, educated and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be " stamped by it with odious peculiarities. The man must be a " prodigy, who can retain his manners and morals uudepraved " by such circumstances. And will what execration should the *■' statesman be loaded, who permitting one half of the citizens *' thus to trample on the rights of the other, transforms those into "despots, and these into enemies ; destroys the morals of the "one part, and the amor patriae of the other .^ For it a slave can "have a country in this world, it must be any other, in prefer- " once to that in which he is born to live antl labor for another ; "in which he must lock up the faculties of his nature, contribute "as far as depends on his individual endeavors to the evanish- " ment of the human race, or entail his own miserable condition "on the endless generations proceeding from him. With the "morals of the people, their industry also is destroyed, for in a "warm climate, no man will labor for himself, who can make " another labor for him. This is so true, that of the proprieiors " of slaves, a very small proportion indeed are ever seen to laboi". " And can the liberties of a nation be thought secure, when we " have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of " the people, that those liberties are the gift of God ? That they "are not to be violated but with his wrath? Indeed I tremble " for my country, when I reflect that God is just : that his justice " cannot sleep forever : that considering numbers, nature and " natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an ox- " change of situation, is among possible events : that it may be- " come probable by supernatural interference! The Almighty " has no attribute vvhich can take side with us in such a contest, "But it is impossible (o be temperate, and to pursue this subject " through the various considerations of policy, of morals, of his- " tory, natural and civil. We must be contented to hope, they " will force their way into every one's mind. I (hink a change " already perceptible, since the origin of (he present rev-^luliou. 12 " The spirit of tlie master is abating, that oftlic slave rising from " the dust, his condition mollifying, the way I hope preparing' un~ "der the auspices of heaven for a total emancipation ; and that " this is disposed in the order of events, to be with the consent of " the masters, rather than by their extirpation."* SIDNEY. 2^0. 4. I shoul4 not, I suppose have troubled you, my fellow ctzcns, with arg'iments to prove the enormity and impolicy of slavery, if I had not thought the removal of the evil feasible on constitutioxi- al principles, without infringing on the claims of the holders, or burthening the nation with additional taxes. We have sufficient data, from which the whole business may be calculated very nearly. The census of 1820 gives the number of slaves in the United States, arranged into four classes, namely, those under 14 * Since the first number of this essay was put to press, advice has been received, that the two ex-presidents, the members of the committee which supported and framed our declaration of independence, Mr. Adams and Mr. .leQerson, have been both removed from among us, on the jubilee com niemoration of that happy event, and date of that number. How striking a manifestation of the arrangements of Divine Providence ! How much should the opinion of the worthy and judiciout author of the notes on Vir- ginia respecting slavery, weigh v/ith his surviving fellow citizens, Itsounds like the last advice of a departing father .' In the original draft of the Declaration of Independence prepared by him, was the following clause respecting slavery ; which was left out, in conse- quence of objections made by some of the Southern representatives in Con- gress ; it being considered all important, that the Declaration should go forth, as the unanimous voice of the whole thirteen states. Speaking of the king of Great Britain it is said, "He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights, of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who ■never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. — This piratical warfare, the opprobium of infidel powers, is the warfare of a Chrisliun king of Great Britain. Determined to keep an open market where MEN should be bought and sold ; he has prostituted his negative for sup- pressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce. And that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of dis- tinguished die, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them, by murder- ing the people upon whom he also obtruded them, thus payiirg oO' former crimes committed against the liberties of one people, with crimes which he urges them to commit against the lives of another." 13 years old, those of 14 and under 26, those of 26 and under 45, and those of 45 and upwards. The census of 1810, compared with that of 1820, shews the rate per centum of their increase in 3 years; wtence by the laws of compound interest, the rate per rent per annum of that increase may be found. Again, from the amount of the debt of the Uniled States on the first day of the year 1822, the first commencement of a year after the payment of the claims on the Florida purchase, and the amount of the debt 1st of January, 1S26, we find that in the space four years, the United States, besides paying all the expenses of the govern- iTient, and interest of their debt, discharged more than twelve and a half millions of dollars of the principal. From these data, I think I shall shew in the course of this essay, that, by a prudent application of our means, we can in much less time than might at fint be supposed, both pay off our debt, and entirely, or very near- ly annihilate slavery among us, witliout laying any additional tax, or at all infring-ing on the claim of the slave holders. But previ- ous to entering on the consideration of the mode of effecting it, or the necessary calculations, I proceed to consider the pioprie- ty, expediency, constitutionality and obligation, of the general government's buying up the slaves by vountary contract, and colonizing them without the territory of the United States. And first, of its propriety. Of tliis there can certainly be no doubt. If it be true and self-evident, as our declaratioi of inde- pendence declares, that all men are created equal, and are en- dowecl by their Creator with the inalienable rio-lils of lif", liberty and the pursuit of happiness; itis manifest, that nothing but the most absolute and peremptory necessity can justify us in keeping our fellow-creatures in that condition; g.nd if such a necessity exists at present, that the most speedy and effectual measures should be used to remove it. That no necessity exists for its be- ing retained perpetually, is manifest from this: — That all other civilized nations except our own, either do not permit it, or are pursuing measures to abolish it; that in those of our own states where there are few or no slaves, labor is performed to more ad- vantage, the lands improve faster, are more valuable, and there is a more rapid increase in population and wealth, than in those, where they are numerous. — Tlian in managing the concerns of a nation, as well as those of an individual, honesty is, as our il- lustrious Washington often observed, the best policy. Which brings me to The second head, its Expediency. This head is so extensive, that in an essay of this kind, I can by no means pretend to do justice to it. The impoliry of slavery is abundantly manifest, H by comparing the increase of population in slave holding states, with that increase in those states where {ew or no slaves exist. — The population of Virginia, considertd by far the most populous slate daring our revolutionary war, was by the census of 1790, considerably more than double that of New- York, whereas by that of 1820, thirty years after, that of New-York exceeded that of Virginia, by considerably more than a fourth, and veiy nearly a third part o'fthe latter. Nor is this all. The population of New-York is all of a friendly nature, and may be depended on in case of war, or invasion; whereas the «iave population, which is nearly one half of the other, is of a hostile nature, and so far from being any protection in the hour of danger, could not be eafely trusted with arms, and would even require a considerable part of the free population to guard against them. A large slave population will always interfere considerably with the increase of free population. The free labouriisig poor, which must always constitute the greater proportion of apopulatioM eselusively fieo, •will naturally avoid going into a country, where slaves constitute a large proporton of the population, for the obvious reason, that there is litd chance of employment for them most of those who Tvant labour, being provided with slaves for tliat purpose. The political evils arising from an extensive slave population, are many and great. Those who cultivate their lands by labor- ers of this description,are obliged to feed and clothe a great num- ber, who from infancy, old age, or other causes, are incapable of labor. This obliges them to cultivate much more land than they can manure, so that we generally tlnd land so situated to depre- ciate. The expense of supporting so many supernumeraries les- sens their profits, which are still farther diminished by the loss of the Income, which the capital vested in this kind of property, would produce in any other good Investment. All which accounts for the well known fact, that the produce of slave labor cannot come in competition in the market with the produce of free la- bor. The lands also become less valuable from the want of a free laboring population, many of whom would become w^ealthy, andofcoa-'se competitors for the purchase of it. Inconvenien- ces may be expected to arise from an extensive slave population, to the wealthy, because, if it were not for the slave population, there would be an abundance of free labourers to be employed to better advantage. The difficulty of procuring hirelings to those in middling circumstances, who are not rich enough to own slaves, is manifestly increased; while the free poor are injured from a diminution of employment. Let it be considered, moreover, that an extensive and rapidly inGreasin£;.slave population, and such, ours of a million and'tiiree quarters, doubling every twenty-seven years, must be considered, has always been found to produce wars, the most expensive and desolatmg of all political evils; and a very short war would cost the nation more, than buying up and removing that popula- tion ou a judicious plan, as will I trust appear in the course of this essay. The expediency of the measure is still further enhanced from the increase of the public prejudices against this evil. All the states of our union to the northward of the states of Maryland and Delaware, the slaves of which, by the census of 1790, were upwards of forty thousand, have either abolished slavery, or made provision for the speedy removal of it. The same may be said of the seven republics, which have lately been formed out of the former Spanish American dominions. An independent govern- ment of blaek people has lately arisen in a \'ery large and fu'iiful West India Island. Repeated and respectable petitions liave been lately made to tiie British Parliament, for the abolition of slavery in their foreign possessions, and tlie British Minister has declared a determination of removing it, if the Colonial Govern- ments do not soon of themselves eflect it. That powerful engine, the press, has also lately becom.e active in the cause, and peri- odical publications, having this for their professed object, are edited and meet with encouragement from the public. Anti-Sla- very Societies multiply in diiferent parts of the Union. And these circumstances must become very generally Icnown to the slaves themselves, and tend to raise in them hopes of relief from their enslaved condition. The writer of this essay has communicated his proposed plan for the removal of slavery, to several slave holders, for the pur- pose of knowing their dispositions, and hearing their observations and objections, and had the pleasure of finding them generally friendly to the measure of buying them up for the purpose of liberating and colonizing them. Indeed he considers the measure as very favorable to the interests of that class of our citizens. ^ SIDNEY. K^. 5. The expediency of the proposed measure is farther evidenced by its effect on the industrious free population, and espcQially on the mechanical part of .society. Slaves are taught varioo? wp- 16 chanlcal branches, as the business of carpenters^ bjacksmithsy weavers, shoemakers, &c. and in this way interfere much wiih the interest of mechanics. Moreover, slaves are generally obli- ged to live in small huts raised chiefly by their own labor, to eat the most common faro, and wear tlie coarsest apparel raised chiefly by (heir own mdustry; whereas if they were free, they would most of them, by their industry, be enabled to live in better houses, and to provide themselves with more comfortable and costly food and raimen^;"and which would furnish additional employment for mechanics, merchants, retailers, and even farmers. Hence the interests of the children of a great many slaveholders are injured by the system of slavery; a large pro- portion of the slaveholders cannot leave each of tlieir children, sutilcient land and slaves to supporl them without a profession or mechanical business, and the concerns of mechanics being injnred by slavery, many of their children are obliged to emi- grate to more favorable situations, such as the western states or territories^ This is doii?jt!ess one cause of the slowness of the increase of free population in slavcholding states. It seems indeed to be a national policy of governments, having distant possessions, to encourage slavery in them, in order to diminish the free, and divide and weaken the whole population. Accordingly we find, in the original draft of the Declaration of Indepenr'ence. (see note to No. 3 above,) the king of Great Britain accused, of having prostituted his negative, for suppres- sing every legislative attempt to prohibit or restrain that execra- ble commerce, the slave trade. This accusation, it is presumed, refers to a supprfssion of some attempt or attempts of some of the colo«ial or state governments, to prohibit or limit the slave trade with respect to themselves. The contrary, the abolition of the slave trade and slavery, is evidently the natural policy of free states. The superior increase of the slave population above that of the free in the Southern states would be a just ground of alarm, if something were not likely to be done to counteract it. The in- crease of the free population of Georgia, between the census of 1810 and 1820, was under thirty percent, that of the slave, above forty-two; of the free in South Carolina, during the same period, about nine, of the slave above twenty-eight; in North Carolina, of the free about twelve, of the slave, about twenty-six and an half. A like observation is applicable to most of the other slave holding states, as may be found by consulting the censuses of these years. The fact needs no comment. a Jt has teen said, that if the slaveholders in (he Southern states were to part with their slaves, they would be incapable of work- ing their lauds; and of course, that their agriculture would be diminished and much neglected. That the supposed necessity of •slave labor for the cultivation of these countries, when first settled by European emigrants, was one ground of the toleration of the slave trade by the governments of that part of the world, is I think highly probable : but it is I believe uuqucstronable, that no such necessity exists at this time. If indeed the removal of the slaves were to be sudden, I have no doubt, it would create very considerable embarrassment for some time; but if it were gradual, individuals parting voluntarily with such as tliay could coriv«^niently spare,I am so far from thinking it woul'l injure their- agricultural pursuits, that I am persuaded, it wouiJ materially improve them. As employment for the labor of freemen in- creased, a sufficient number of such to supply any defect arising from the diminution of slaves, would soon come into the parts where their labor was in demand; and the land would be better cultivated, improve fastei-, and become more valuable, as is found to be the casu in non slave holding parts. And if slavery be so great an evil, whether considered in a political point of view, oi- with respect to individuals; the expe- diency of the business being taken up by Congress, is far'iiep evinced from the little prospect of the evil bemg removed by any other means. All the states north of Maryland and Dela- ware have either abolished slavery, or made provision for its speedy removal. But in these two states, and the slave holding ones to the south of them, very little has been done either for removing or diminishing the evil. N.or doe's there appear to be any rational ground of hope, that much will be done by the legis- latures of these states for a long- time to come. A majority of the legislators themselves, ?nd a large and influential portion of their constituents, are slave holders, and as the port duties have been reiinrjuished by them in favor of the general government, and their present expenses nearly or entirely absorb their reve- nues, there would be no source for recompensing the slave hold- ers for the privations they would incur by any measure of that kind, unless by additional taxes; which would of course be so obnoxious, that many members could not be expected to risk their popularity with their constituents by advocating them. Having tlius discoursed o.n the expediency of the proposed measure, I shall postpone the consideration of its constitutionality and obligatloB for the ensuing number. IS 3^0. e* The constitntionailty of the proposed measure, was the next thing to be considered ; and of this there can I thiiiK bene doabt. * Slaves are considered as personal property, and of course Con- gress, as a political person, has a right to purchase them for any pui-pose which may be judged conducive to the public welfare ; and I could as soon question their right to purchase any other personal property for the use of their army, navy, ports, or any other public purpose, as their right in this case. It is a measure of internal improvement, and I believe almost universally admit- ted 10 be an important one. If would manifestly be no injury to slave-holders, as they need not sell, unless they chose; and would be an accjtnodation to such as wished to dispose of them, '^or do I thinlc the maximum tixed by congress ought to amount to a full price of them sold for life, being well assured, .that a large [)ropOition of the slave holders would take considera- \ \y less for them, for the purpose of liberating and colonizing th,3m, than they v/ould require, selling theiri for life. As T never dia hear the constitutionality of the measure questioned by any one, it seems unnecessary to expatiate farlher respecting it, Tbe next thing to be considered, was the obligation or duty of making the proposed appropriation; and as this depends a good deal ov the feasibility of the plan, wliich necessarily requires calculation, I proceed to consider, iirst, the extent of the slave population, and, as I do not think it expedient to employ the revenue in the purchase of such as are very old or very young, of thait population arranged into difierent classes according to their age. Secondly, the state of the public funds, and their compe\*:ency to effect the proposed object. And first as the total amount of the slave population. This by the census of 1820, was ], 531, 436, which is exclusive of the district of Kershaw in South Carolina, the returns from which did not airive in time for publication in that census. When re- popuiatiou "increases ac- cording to the law of compound in.etest, is about two and an half j^r cent per anaum, as may a; ear to any one who will find the amount of the principal and int( restof one dollar for ten years, finding the interest for each year at two and an half per cent by the well known rule of simple interest, and increasing the principal of every year by the addiuon of the interest of the preceding. The increase in ten years will be found to be twenty- eight per cent, and a very small fraction, less than the hundredth part of one per cent; and as two and an half is one fortieth part of a hundred, we may, by supposing this law of increase, find the population of any one year, by adding to that of the preceding, a fortieth part of its amonnt. And as the amount of the census of 1850 appears to have been taken late in the year I8i0 and partly' in J 821, the time first limited for tiansmitting- the returns to the Secretary of State, being to the first April ISil, which was afterwards extended to the first September foilowmg, I shall assume the amount by that census as above, namely 1,620,127. as the slave population, 1st January 1821; and by usiiig the proposed law of increase, of adding to the population of any one year, one fortieth of that population, to find that of tiie suc- ceeding year; that population, at the coa mencement o' 18^2, will appear to be 1,558,130; of 1823, 1,597,083; of 1824. 1,637,010, of 1825, 1,6T;,935: of 1826. 1,119,883; of JSJ7, 1, -762,850. The population at the commencemenl of the succeeding yeras to that of 1841, with the estimated numbeis o' the different classes for each year", is postponed to the ensuing number. SIDNEY. TSQm 7. In order to an estimate of the numbers of the difTerent classes •f the slaves, classed according to their age. I shall make uf-e C 2. of Doctor Hallev's well known tabic, taken from the bills of mortality at Breslaw in Silesia, and the numbers of the slaves ofdiiierent ages, according to Jje census of 1820. Doctor Hallcy in his table pilches on the number of 1000 persons, all supposed to be born in one y*ar, and shews how many of them were alive at the end of every year, to the extinction of the last in the 90th year. The table is as follows. Under 1 year- 10 00 <1 Person! living. Age. Betweea i &.2- S55 Betw'n 80 & 31-523 Betw'n 60 & 61-232 2 3- 798 31 32-515 61 ©2-222 S 4- 760 32 53-507 62 63-212 4 5- 732 3» S4-499 63 64-20C 5 6- 710 34 35-490 64 65-19-2 6 7- 692 35 36-481 65 66-182 7 8- 680 36 37-472 66 67-172 8 9- 670 37 38-463 67 C8-162 9 10- 661 38 39-454 68 09-152 10 11- 653 39 40-445 69 70-142 11 12- 646 40 4 I -436 70 71-131 liJ 13- 640 41 42-427 71 73-120 13 14- 634 42 43-417 72 7.1-109 14 15- 623 43 44-407 73 74- 98 15 16- 022 44 45-397 74 75- 88 16 17- 616 45 4b-387 75 76- 78 17 18- 610 46 47-377 76 77- 68 18 19- 604 47 48-367 77 78- 58 19 20- 598 48 49-357 78 T9- 49 20 2 I- 592 49 50-346 79 80- 41 21 22- 586 50 51-835 80 81- 34 22 23- 579 51 52-324 81 82- 28 93 24- 573 52 .53-318 82 88- 23 24 25- 567 53 54-302 83 84- 20 23 26- 560 54 55-292 84 85- 15 26 27- 553 65 56-282 85 86- n 27 23- 546- 66 57-272 86 87- 8 28 '29- 539 67 58-262 87 83- 6 39 .36- 531 58 59-252 88 89- S i9 60-242 89 90- 1 90 SllipwdgO ^supposing 1000 persons bom and anlving at the age of one vear, every year for 90 year?, there would, on the supposition ot this table,' be the sum of the whole, or S3,93G of them alive at the pnd of the 90 years; and the number opposite each year, would shew the number of that age, and the sum of the num- ber of Rny number of years, the number of those of the ages, whose sum is so taken alive at that time. Whence there would be alive at the end of the ninety years, on the same supposition, under 14 years of age. 10,1 3 1, about 30 per cent of the whole, of 14 and under '20,^7,135; of 26 and under 45, 9102; and of 45 and upwards, 7,568, the three latter classes being about 21,26 3-4 and 22 1-4 per cent of the whole respectively. And by the census of 1 820, of a slave population of 1 ,53 J ,436, classed in like manner, the numbers of the different classes were 665,474; 403,757; 3l4,87i and 147,333; being about 43 1-2, 26 1-4, 20 1-2, and 9 3-4 per cent of the whole. A striking contrast between the mortality at the healthy city of Rreslaw, where nearly a fourth of the population attain the age of 45; and in the United States, where a large proportion live in unhealthy situations, and the number who attain that age is short of a tenth; however the difference, though considerable in the youngest and oldest classes, is less so in the others; and we may find the proportionate numbers, nearly enough for our purpose, in the different classes, in the way in which I wish to class them, which is by making fowr classes, comprising periods of age of ten years each, of all under forty years old, and one of those of forty and upwards, by taking numbers having the same proportion to the numbers of the different classes by the census as above; as the number of the class in the proposed mode, most nearly corresponding with that in the census accor- ding to the above table, is to the number of the class of a like period with that of the census according to t the commencement of every year, from that of 13 27 to that of 1S41, or about the time of the Cth census, the population of the whole, and the different classes, with the increase of the whole, and of each class, for every year during that period, as in the following table. BS ooooocorocoocooooooooooocooor' 4^ ,>. ci c; 03 03 oi w oa c^ o' 03 ic >-j i:i ►-^ c 'C or -^j oi u- >f» 03 ta — c *9 oc . 00 oc -^i -~i -vl -^ ^1 a O Cft c^..r^ rf t.^ £<; — _.jo ?- * P< '" '- '^ ?■ ^"^'r P- " Isl class, under 10 ffcio's old. «2 to 03 05*0^ in Cr. ^, a> ^ '•' •t' ki '^ '^ 'O <^ 00 C vO Ki C 1— -Ji -' .i> OC ~ 'C -l> O>Oitn«^Cft0r.C^C/<<'^itk^4i#.rfkrfi. «)CCO. tJHi tsS.- • - C OC -^ -J ifi. 03 03 itic — ;/i03if>.vca>' ' ~ ; CO <; to tp M i*3 On o; CJ) !£ ^ c. 2!id ciass, o/ IC and unddr 29. ■*>. .tk rfi ^ A . S|tSg£;^"::^;oU^i-{^ Zrdcla.s,of20u:uJunder StJ, ^ o u o -s ot o oi K5 N3 n to N. f-i K. ^: tc M -n: ti «o >- >- 4f/i class, rf oO «r;d ttnrf«- 4?. M-'^-^tJ--UJ~~lO>06cV£*».Cw03 0l«-' »0 M ^i to NO to K, M ti (O tv. IC :^ (O M <0 to 03 -M -^1 O^ u. Oi rfk Oj >j to to >- »- 00 ►- 4- ^ _p *>■ J^ j- O. _VO Oi "S to o> 1— "oooic7io<— oc»-ooo. -v« — Vtrf^cn ^M M»0 tOJk. JSO M t3j- ^H- h- ►- »-. *»i^03 03c>stC"-ooto<£;a:o:ooVi rr.f^i «30a-4— tnC*^tO*»tC^OOnCO •' *'<'•• ^O O O 03 Ol ^ ^1 J> jfu ^ 0» GC JO p» to 'J0»-'09CC?lC.fr0BCjiif^\n0c'ia.'i-' o. V. ^ *. Increase of 1st class during t!ie prtct^i S if S ''^ ^ r.' 15 "o^ *■ '== '^^ ^ "« "<^ Jilt"- vcar. O (3 t^ --4 ji C cc a. i^ Oj tC O 00 rfi. J3^_l^ololt!(ototo-^ri^co Increase of Znd class, during the prs- 'cft to oc ot'to'oco.'io'to O) o — KOi ceding year. ►-4n tft tn t« rf^. .*». ,/i»,p. „,.y O t^, 03 U C VD -^ a. rf:- *0, 'to C O 'oo ^ ' 03 c/. o. oi» Increase of hth class, during thcprece- J§ n ^ ^ g S Sc" - g ?. S li' 'fe's^ ^in^ year. c w to c o. 03 -s. 0. o. 00 o^ ^ ir g • Cl tn C/. Ot tfl 0(1 O. Oi 4^ *. rfi Ji jl, >, ^r. . I ■ . • i-.. p jojN ,0)j> w fjj- vc a -^^ S o>» ^ ioJflj mcrease rtunn": ^me preceding 'S»occi^co>03i«^ocb'.^03"'- "^ veav ■{'■(ocnoc-^ooooj-vi^o: ;-r^ Having thus considered the extent of the slave population of the United States, arranged into difi'mint classes, as proposed, I (•lose this uuaiber. SIDNEY 21 Having in my two preceding numbers treated of the extent of the slave population of the United States, arranged into classes ac- cording their age; I proceed to consider the second thing propo- sed, namely, the state of the public funds, and their cornpetency to effect the proposed object. The amount of the debt of the United States at the commence- ment of every year since that of 1816, which was the first after the conclusion of the war ol" 1812, compared with thp amount of of debt at the preceding commencement, shews a continual dimi- nution of it, with the exception of the year 18-32, which exhibits au increase of about three millions and a half, which was undoubt- edly owing to the five millions borrowed during the preceding year on account of the Florida treaty, which was ratified by the Senate of the United States the 19th of February 1821. We have in the Treasurer's report of 12th December 182CJ, what would be the amouni of debt at the commencement of 1827, being ^73,920,844.76. At the conrimencement of I822, it was 98,546,676.98. By taking the several particulars of the debt of IS22, the average interest on it at that time, appears to have been about 5 1-2 per cent; at the commencement of 18-6, it was a ve- ry small fraction over 5 per cent, which was owing to a conside- rable part of the debt bearing an interest of 6 per cent, being paid off, and money being borrowed at 4 I-2 per cent; whence the average interest of the five years from I822, to 182? may be estimated at 5 1-4, per cent per annum. From these data, I shall, on the principle of compound interest, proceed to investigate, First. What is ihe average annuity, necessary to effect this reduction of the debt in the 5 years. Secondly. In what time, that annuity would annihilate the debt. And Thirdly. What difference the appropriation of any given part of that annuity to other purposes than the discharge of the debt, would make in the time of annihilatins: it. And as different persons may have different ideas respecting the mode of making appropristions for effecting the objeet of this essay, and calculations by compound interest are important in ascertaining the effect of any given appropriations for a given period or periods, and nrtany treatises otj arithmetic are deficient; ill this rule; it seems qui;.- expedient to sIk^w in this tract, how to in=»ke the needful calculatioos, as clearly and concisely aY S3 And since the involutions and evolutions requisite in calcula-" tions by compound interest, where there arc many periodical times of payment, are very tedious and troublesome, and the more easy method by loe:arithms, requires large tables, which many who receive this essay, and w^ish to cilculate by that rule, might not have. I shall adopt that method which appeats to me most plain and easy, and whi(;h has been customary among arithmeticians, of using tables, which I shall give, and which, showing the value resulting from I dollaror unit, would render it easy to find the value resulting from any other amount, by multi- plying the result from one dollar, by the number of dollars in that amount. The tables deemed requisite and sufficient for our purpose are three, which are given below, which have been calculated ibi' every quarter per cent from 4 1-2 to 5 1-4, and for every year from 1 to 50. They are calculated to seven decimal places, which is as far as is customary, or necessary for any practical purpose. I shall first, shew tlie manner of calculating them, secondly, give the tables, and thirdly, shew how to solve the requisite problems by them, giving an example of each. And first. Of the manner of calculating them. Table 1 shews the amount of one dollar for the proposed time and rate at compound interest, and is constructed as follows. Find the amount for one year by multiplying one dollar by the number expressing the amount of a unit for one year at simple interest, at the proposed rate, this ih the case of 5 per cent, is one 5-100, or expressed decimally, 1.05, giving the amount of prin- cipal and interest, of one dollar for one year, one dollar and five cents, which is manifestly the amount of one dollar for that time and rate, at simple interest. For two years, multiply 1.05, so found, by the same multiplier 1.05, the product 1.1023 gives the amount for two years, and the amount for every j-ear is found by multiplying the amount of the next preceding year, by the same multiplier 1.05. In like manner, the table is constructed for the other rates, the fixed multiplier for 4 1-2 per cent being 1.045, for 4 S-4, 1.0473 for 5 1-4, 1.0525. Table 2, shews the amount of an annuity of $ 1.00 for the pro- posed time and rate at compound interest. The amount for one year is $ 1. 00, and the amount for every succeeding year, is found, by adding the amount of ihe next preceding year, to tbat of the same vear, by table 1 . D U9 Tai>le 3, shews the present worth of an annuUy of ^ 1.00, for the propo'^rd time and ratp, which is equal to the debt oi amount which wi,ji'o be discharged by that annuity, for that tlvof- and rate, at compound interest. The amount for anynun'ber of years is found, by dividins; the amount for that number i,i years in table 2, by the amount for the same number of years inta- 5>le 1. The tib'es are as follow. T.ab)e 1. Shewins; the amount of $il.00 for any number of years, froKi 1 to 30, at compound interest. ^ 4iperccnf4^perrrnt. ^percsnt. 5\ percent. J 1.0460000 1.0475000 1.05000CO 1.0525000 2 1.09-"i!50 1 0972562 1.1025000 1.1077562 3 1.14nR6) J. 1493-59 1.1576250 1.1659135 4 1.19251S6 1.2039713 1.2155063 1.2271240 6 1.2461S19 1,2611599 1.2762816 1.2915480 6 1. 30^2601 1.3210650 1.3400956 1.3593543 ■7 1.3608618 1.3838156 1.40^1004 1.4307204 8 1.4221006 1.4495469 1.4774554 1.5058332 9 1.4860951 1,5184004 1.5513282 1.6848894 10 1.5529694 1.5905244 1.6288946 1.6680961 11 1.6228530 1.6660743 1.7103393 1.7566711 12 1.6958814 1.7452128 1.7968563 1.S47843S 13 1.7721961 1.8281104 1.8S56491 1.944S556 14 1.8519449 1.9149456 1.9799316 2.0469605 55 1.9352824 2.0059055 2.0789282 2.1544259 16 2.0223701 2.1011860 2.1828746 2.2675333 n 2.1133763 2.2009923 2 2920183 2.3865788 38 2.2084787 2.3055394 2.4066192 2.5118742 19 2.3078603 2.4150525 2.5269502 2.6437476 20 2.4117140 2.5297675 2.6632977 2 7825443 21 2.5202411 2.6499315 2.7859626 2.9286279 22 2.6336520 2.7758032 2.9262607 3.0823809 23 2.7521663 2.9076539 3.0715237 3.2442059 24 2.876'^ 138 3.0457675 3.2250999 3.4145267- 25 3.0054344 3.1904415 3.3863549 3.5937894 26 3.1406790 3.3419875 3.5556726 3.7824633 27 3.2820095 3.5007319 3.7334563 3.9810426 28 3.4296999 3.6670167 3.9201291 4.1900473 29 3.5840364 3.8412000 4.1161356 4.4100248 30 3.7453181 4.0236570 4i3219424 4,644551i a: Table 2. Shewing the amount of au an» faulty of !$1,00 for any number of years from 1 to SO, at compound interest. I 4i per cent. 4$ per cent. Bpcrient. 5^ per cent. 1,0000000 2,0450000 3,1370260 4,2781911 5,4707097 6,7168917 8,0191518 9,3800136 10,802114; l.OOOOvlOO 2,0500000 3,1526000 4,3101 ao 5,62563\2 6,8019118 8,14200t4 ,549iOJ3 1,0000000 2^0525000 3,1602562 4,3261697 5,5532957 6,8448417 8,2041960 ,6349164 1,0000000 2,0475000 3,1447562 4,2941321 5,4981034 6,7592633 8,CS032S3 9,4641439 10,9136908 li;02656-(3 11, '1407496 30 12,2S8i094 12,4220912 12,5778925 12 7^56390 11 13,8411788 14,0226156 14,2067811 I4'3937351 12 15,4fc'40318 15,6886899 15,9171266 16 1494062 13 17,1599133 17,4339027 17,712982B 17*9972500 14 18,9321094 19,2620131 .I9,598632(» 19'94"TI056 15 20,7840543 21,1769587 21,578563C 2r9S90661 16 22,7193367 23,1828642 23,6574918 24*1434920 17 24,74i7069 25,2840505 26,84W664 26'4110"'53 18 26,8550837 27,4850425 28,1323847 28'797604l 19 29,0635625 29,7906819 30,5390039 313094783 20 31,3714'i28 32,2056344 33,0659541 33*9530259 21 33,7831368 34,7354019 35,7192518 J6'7357702 22 36,3033779 37,3853334 38,5052144 S9'6643981 23 38,9370299 40,1611366 41,4304751 ^2*7467790 24 41,6891963 43,0687905 44,6019989 45*9909849 25 44,5652101 46,1146580 47,7270988 49'405511S 26 47,5706446 49,3049995 51,1134538 62,9993010 27 60,7113236 52,6469870 54,6691265 56 7817643 28 63.9933332 66,1477189 58,4025828 60*7628069 29 57,4230332 59,8147366 62,3227119 64 9528542 .SO 61,0070697 63,6559356 66,4388475 69,3628790 m US Table 3. Shewing the present worth of an annuity of $1 00 for any number of years from 1 to 30, which is equal to the debt which would be discharged by the same an- nuity in the same time, at compound interest.. fe 4^ per cent. 4^ per cent. 6 per cent. &\ per cent. 0,9569378 1. 8726578 3,587 J 57 4,389J767 5,^57ti7J5 5,H9'i70J9 6.3958861 7,26>i79'JS 7,9127182 8,ji8i^l69 9,1185808 9,68285 J4 10,73934:57 11.2340151 il,707l9i4 12 1599y.8 12,59 ,^936 15,0079565 13 4047239 13,784-1248 U'147774i 14.4954784 14.5282089 15,1466115 15,4513028 i5,742«>735 16,0218b85 16 2888885 0,9545539 1,8660182 2,7360555 3,556ri399 4,3595609 5 1165259 5,8391654 6,5290360 7,1876238 7,8163174 8.4165608 8,9895570 9.5365699 10.0587782 10,5573063 ll,03i228:) 1143756i7 !I,9a.v068 12,33537q5 12, 7306697 13,1080377 13,4532939 13,8122136 14.1405 378 14,4539738 14,7531959 15,0388il4 15,3115525 15,5718378 15,8204180 0,9523809 1,8594104 2.7232480 3,5459505 4.3294767 5,07j5921 5.7853734 6,4632128 7,1078217 7.7217349 8,3064142 8,853 <:5 16 9,3935730 9.89361 j9 10,3796580 10.8377695 11,2740622 ll,6i95369 12,0353208 12,4622103 12,8211527 13,1630026 13,4835739 13,7935418 14.0939445 14.3751853 14,6430335 14,8981272 15.1410735 15,3724510 0,9501188 1,8528445 2,7i05409 3,5^54544 4,2997192 5,0353625 5,7343112 6,398 5955 7,0293545 7,6288404 8,1984^34 8,7395319 9,2537718 9,7423011 10,2064520 10,647.697 ll,06 — Ai.swer, $120,820,023.56. The given sum $93,546,676 98, multiplied by 1,2915480, the amount of $1.00 for five years, at & 1-4 per cent per annum, by table one, page 26, gives a product of $120,820,023.56, the. amount required. Prob. 2. To find the annuity, necessary to produce a given amount, in a given nwnbtr of years, at a given rate percent j}er annum, comprund inh: est. KuLE. Divide the gi -^ n amount, by the amount of an annuity of $1 00 for the given time and rate, by table 2. The quo- tient is the annuity ve.\ red. Example. What an: uity, would in five years, amount io $46,899,178 80, at 5 1-4 per cent per annum, compound inter- est.— Ans. An annuity < f $8,445,290.55. The given amount $46,899,178.80, divided by 5,5582937, the amount of an annu ly of $1.00 for five years at 5 1-4 per cent per annum, by table 2, page 27, gives a quotient of $8,445,290.55, the annuity sought. Prob. S. To find the amount^ of a given annuity^ for a given number of years, at a given rate per cent per anntan, compound interest. Rule. Blultiply the given annuity, by the amount of an annuity of $1.00 for the given time and rate by table 2. The pro- duct is the amount required. Example. What is the amount of an annuity of $8,445,290.55 for five years, at 5 J -4 per cent per annum, compound interest.— Aas. 46,899,178.80, 5C. a ^ZaLn^ToV^'" ""T''^^ "^'^^^"^'^ '' ''^^«- « ^^^^ from remainder ,n t eV^n J^..^"^^/ ^^"^^ T""^^ F«d"ce the 2, is the annuit; r^e^Tre^ " ^'''" '■^*'' ^°""^ ^^ P^^"^^^"^ JaifuTrr'^J"^^"-''"! "'"^"^^^^^t<>f ^he ^^'^^d States, Ht tTsTd'sI!^? ™>»3'5^6'67C.98, and 1st January, I's^T annun, compound mterestSn^. t^^S^^V^'sfrL^^^Jr/ the ;?-veTZe''"arfl?^ '"' ''''''''' ''' ^'^ S'-^- --^^" 920,814 76 the' fn(•''^'"'^'''^^^ '^' ^'-'^ '^"^ $73,- cessarv' oVrn^ ^/"*^''.'' $46,899,178.8u, the annuity ne- sought. " s?»544j,.90.o5, is the annuity given number of 2/4>" r«ra otn%^art!.T«A ''' '" '''^'' ^"^ " pound interest. "" ■''" "W^perammm, com- thr^e'a'n'd r^lf ?' """^n "* "^ *S' ^^^^ ^^'^^ interest for the ^iven of the^ivpn ' ^ r'-T '' ^'■'"" ^^'^^'^h subtract the amount ^vonld b^eCducel "^"' ^' '^^" ^"'" ^' "^^'^'' ^he debt- be^r^XL1^a''^fi:^;er"bv":f ^ 't^ %^ f^^•%546,.T6.98 !ft>8,445,290.55 a 5% 4 ' ^ an annuity for that time of interestP-An^: $l3,'9.^0,'84r;6 '"^ ^^ ^""«'"' ^^"^P-"^ ,178.80. 31 Prob. 6. To jintl^ in what time, any given annully, great a' than the interest of a given debt, tvould extinccuish that debt, at a given rate per cent per annum, compound interest. Rule. Divide the debt by the annuiiy, the quotient is ihe amount 'which would be discharged by an onouity of !tj,1.00 in the time sou2;ht, and the years opposite the next lower number under the 2;iven rate of interest in table 8, pa2;e 28, are the years sought, and the odd months and days are found, by saying, as the difference between that next lower and the next higher in the 3ame column, is to the excess of the quotient found, above that lovrer; so is one year or twelve months, to the months and days sought. Example. In what time would an annuity of re, unless by fair and voluntary purchase; or which would amount to the same tlilns;, by c;ivin^ such a premium, to those liberating; slaves for the purpose of -colonization, as would be accepted by a sufficient number; ex- cept in the district of Columbia, where Congress has exclusive legislation, but from motives of delicacy, could not be expected to attempt to remove or dimini<;h the evil, in any other way than as above, inasmucli as the inhabitants of that district, have no share in the election of the meuibers of Congress. SIDNEY, 3^0. &2. I come now to consider, what is the obligation or du(y of Congress, in endeavouring to elFect a removal or diminution of slavery in the United States, [t seems to be very generally admit- ted, that it ought to be undertaken at some time, though many suppose not at present. I think it has been abundantly shewn in this essay, that the funds of the United States, are at this time adequate to the purchase and colonization of such a number, as would in the course of thirty or forty vears very much diminish the evil, which ought surely to be considered a very great object, as it would diminish the danger as well as other evils arising from it. Let it be considered, that the longer the business is de- ferred, the more tedious, expensive and difficult it will be, as from the table at page '23, it appears, that the present annual increase of that population, is nearly forty-five thousand, and by the year 1340, will exceed sixty thousand, if something be not done in the mean time to arrest this increase. IVor do I perceive any just reason to suppose, that th» opposition to the measure is like to diminish by deferring, but rather, as the amount of this kind of property will be increasing, that the attachment to it will in- crease likewise. If therefore it be expedient, that the thing should be begun at all, the sooner the better. In order then to a correct vievv of the power of Congress in this business, it will be proper, to observe the powers given to Congress by the constitution, among which is that "to provide tor the general welfare of the United States, and to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper, for carrying into ex- ecution all powers vested by that constitution in the government of the United States, or la any department or olKcer thereof." i7 hupossible as it uianifestlj was, for the framers of the con-? stitation, to foresee all the cases, ulierein Congress inig;ht be railed on, to provide for the general welfare of the United States, they have, by that instrument, confided (hat power to them. The question then with every member of Congress, in order to determine what is his duty, should be: Is the measure of remo- ving or diniinishing slavery in the mode proposed- for the gen- eral welfare of the United States? In discussiug this question, I shall consider the welfare. First, of the slave holders. Secondly, of the free population who are not slave holders. Thirdly, of the slaves. And Fourthly and lastly, of the whole nation of the United States. Such various, interesting and apparently conflicting inter- ests, are intrusted in our legislators in Congress, whose duty it is, carefully and conscientiously to consult the interests of the whole of them. And First. Let us consider, how far the welfare of the slave hold- ers themselves would be affected by the measure This is a very delicate subject. It is I believe almost universally con- ceded, that Congress has no power to affect the legal title of this class of citizens to their slaves, unless by their voluntary consent, either by purchasing them for the purpose of colonization, or which would perhaps be the more delicate mode, by giving to those who would transfer to the United States, such as are sound in body and mind, for that purpose, such premiums, according to their age, as would be voluntarily accepted; wb'ich business might be managed through the agency of the marshals of the United States. Nor, even if our legislators had the power of af- fecting their title to them in any other way, than by voluntary agreement on the part of the holders, do I think it ought to be exercised; especially as it must be manifest from what has been said, that the funds of the nation are abundantly sufficient for removing the evi! as fast as it would be expedient to do it. — I know, there is a class of people, who think that no respect svhatever should be had to the title of the holders, arguing that liberty being a natural right to the slave, no just title can be had to his labor, unless by his own consent, or as a punishment for the transgression of some known law. Had this principle been observed by those who first originated slavery, the evil would not have existed. But to attempt to apply it in its full extent, in the present dtuation of the United States, would destroy all S3 QkTiler. 'i'he slave, as it is, is entitleJ to comfortable food and raiment for his labor, which is as much as uneducated freg labor- ers can generally obtain thereby. I do not consider it impor- tant in the present case, to enter into the abstract question, as I am notnowaddressmglhe holders but ihe legislators, and what- ever may be the views of the former, the obligation of the latter to respect their title to this species of property, appears to me tmquestionable. It has been guaranteed to "them by the State governments, recognized by the constitution of the United States^ which grants to the states to which they belong, three fifths of the representation to- which an equal number of free persons would entitle them. Congress is in the habit of paying the hold- ers for property of this kind lost in their service. The govern- ment of Great Britain had to pay our government $I,204,96§ for property, nearly the whole slaves, taken from oar citizens during the late war; which would be the price of upwards of four thousand of them, rating them at !^300 each. The proportion to be colonized from each of the slave holding states, might be regulated by that of the slave population of those states by the census. I have no doubt a greater number of the holders would wish to sell, than the appropriation which would be judged expedient could accommodate, in whchcase the ear- liest applicants would seem entiled to a preference; but should it so happen, that the number in any one or more states should not be sufficient to absorb their respective appropriations, the overplus might the ensuing year be divided among those states, which received their full appropriations the preceding year. — And if a sufficient number did not at all come forward, the injury- done would be nothing, as the part of the appropriation not ap- plied would remain in the treasury; and in any case, no injury would be done to the holders, as any thing done in the business would on their part be entirely voluntary. SIDNEY. 7S!^. 13. The second thing proposed to be considered was, liow the wel- fare of the free population who are not slave holders would be affected. So mnch has already been said, in a former number, on this subject, that it seems entirely unnecessary to enlarge on i't here, It is manifest, that ail the labour performed by slaves, would, if there were none, become employment, and of course furnish the means of iivetihood for free persons; and that, if instead of (he slaves, there ^vas an equally numerous free popula- tion, they would, hy their industry and exertions, provide them- selves generally with much greater comforts, than could be ex- pected in a state of slavery, and of course would furnish much more employment to farmers, mechanics, merchants, and In sho?t to persons of all professions. To estimate the extent of interest under this head, I was in- duced to make a rough calculation of the proportion of the non- slave holdihg to the slave holding white population in the slave holding states, estimating the number of slave holders from the number of slaves by the census of 1820, on the supposition that the average numbev owned by each, was ten; and the number of white persons who have to make their living by industry or otherwise, by supposing one half of the white population by the same census, come to maturity; and taking the half of that, for the number of married couples and other "males or females who have to provide for themselves; on which supposition I found in the most slave holding state, the proportion of the non-slave hold- ing to the slave holding white population, about as four to three j in three others, nearly as two to one; in three others, nearly as four to one; and in all the others, the proportion considerably greater. The third head mentioned, was the welfare of the slaves; on which it is unnecessary to enlarge, as the hardship to them and the violation of their natural rights is scarcely disputed by any. Let our legislators in Congress reflect, that their concerns al' are intrusted to them, and that there is hardly a hope, that ei- ther they or their posterity will for a long time be relieved from this severe and unnatural state of bondage, from any other source. The fourth and last head mentioned, was the welfare of the nation of the United States in a political capacity. On this head so much have been said in the fourth number of this essay, and the political evils of slavery are so universally admitted, that it would seem to be a waste of words, to enlarge more on this subject. From what has been said, it must b«? very manifest, that the removal or diminution of slavery would be "for the general wel- fare of the United States, and its inhabitants, with the exception of the slave holders; and of them too, provided they received a I'casonable recompense for the privation they would sasfain by the measure; fi'orr. all wlilcli the duly of Congress in tars liusi- ness is easily infftf'fod. • And though Congress can of themselves do nothing towards removing this evil, unless by voluntary contract with the holders of this kind of property; yet if ever that species of population, bv the above propo^sed or any other means, should become small enough for the purpose, an alteration of the constitution wi2;ht be made, by the concurrence of two thirds of both houses of Con- jjress, and three fourths of the state?, which would limit the period of its existence; such recompense being given to the holders of Ibis kind of properly, according to the age and other circumstan- ces of the slav's. as woulJ be thought reasonable, and vvouW be accepted by a sufficient number of the states. The principle proposed in this tract of diminishing or removing slavery from among us, by buying up and conlonizing them, is by no means new. It has been strongly advocated lately by Mr. King of New-York, and Mr. Fitziiugh of Yirginia. The following resolution by the Council and General Assembly ol New-Jersey, publisiied in the 8th annual report of the Coloniza- tion Society, is full to the purpose. " Resolved^ That, in the opinion of this Legislature; a system of foreign colonization ^vith correspondent measures, might be adopted, that would in due time effect the entire emancipation of the slaves in our country, and furnish an asylum for the free blacks, without any violation of the national compact, or infringement of the rights of indivitluals; and that such a system should be predicated upon the principle, that the evil of slavery is a national one, and that the People and the States of this Union ought mutually to par- ticipate in the duties and burthens of removing it.'* I have Ions: thought, thrit the chief thing which has prevented exertions being made, by the General Government, for the remo- val of -slavery in the United States, was the idea, that it was too great a work for the finances of the nation, consistently with the claim«; of individuals. On examination T was convineed, that the contrary was the fact; and it appeared to me to be a duty, to lay before the public calculations, which might convince them of the feasibility of the measure. I shall now dismiss the subject, hoping that some persons, zealous in the cause, and of greater leisure, will take it up, and continue it so, that a gradual diminu- ilon in, and final removal of the evil from, our country, maybe .^fTected. SIDNEY