Glass Book. / / OUR COUNTRY'S EVILS AND THEIR REMEDY „x BY Bf P; AYDELOTT, D. D. phesident of woodward college, cfncinnati, and pro- fessor OF MORAL AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY. [^ U. S. A, CINCINNATI: GEORGE L. WEED, AT THE BIBLE, TIIACT, AKD SUJifDAT-SCHOOL DErOSITGRT. 1843. [Nearly the whole of what is here published, was delivered as ^n Address at the Annual Commencement of Woodward College, Cincinnati, June 29th, 1843.] KENDALL ANP 13ARNA.RD, PRINT. TO THE HON. D. K. ESTE, JUDGE OF THE SUPERIOR COURT OF CINCUNNATI : Dear Sir,— In such a government as ours, public senti- ment is the real sovereign. Its sway is unlimited and all-powerful. Our character and our well-being, as a people, alike depend upon it. It is therefore at all times important, that each one, in liis sphere, contribute his utmost to render public sentiment what it ought to be. But there are particular junctures when this individual effort is specially called for. The present is such a crisis. Every thing about us constrains us to deep and serious thought. And if ever it was our duty, in a kindly and peaceful spirit, to speak out our thoughts frankly and firmly, it is now. Our country demands this. All her most precious interests are at stake. Never was a right public sentiment so important as at the present moment: and as every one, however humble his influence, can contribute something towards it, so let none supinely or timidly shrink back from this duty. He cannot escape tlie responsibility. His country, the other nations of the earth, -.vho have so deep interest in our great experiment of free institutions, the God of nations will all hold him to a strict account in this matter, for what he does, and for what he does not. iv I>-TRODUCTIOX. The subjects brought forward in the following Address, are full of interest to every American, to every friend of civil and religious liberty. They involve not only the character, prosperity and happiness of our country, but the very stability of her institutions. A right apprecia- tion of these subjects is essential, not merely to our national welfare, but to our national existence. I have tlierefore spoken, I trust, wdth becoming plainness and candor, as well as kindness. To be reserved here, would in me be inexcusable. My position imperatively calls for the daily examination and discussion of tliese subjects. When will we learn that it is always the best policy, (to say nothing of duty,) closely to scrutinize, candidly acknowledge, and faithfully correct existing evils ? This is the only effectual way to counteract the efforts of the enemies of social order, and of many well-meaning, but mistaken and mischievous reformers. It may well be doubted whether such agitation could long be kept up without some occasion. Do not the advocates of all Utopian schemes, as Socialism, St. Simonism, Fourier- ism, etc., and those who attack the present state of society, derive their chief strength from pointing to undeniable existing evils ? Remove these, and such visionaries, and agitators would have nothing to feed upon. They would die from pure inanition. But pride, and prejudice, and selfishness with its thousand influences, too often incline us under these circumstances, to cling tlie more closely even to what is wrong, whilst we endeavor in vain to resist the assaults of innovators. In vain, because if one INTRODUCTION. V onset be repelled, another, and another, will be made, so lone- as there are real ills to excite and sustain them. Need I say to what standard we must come, if we would rightly judge and safely reform? Whatever is inconsistent with a Bible Christianity must be given up. There is no other way to secure true peace, order, freedom, virtue, happiness. We cannot, as most other nations, cast the blame of existing evils upon our laws, institutions or rulers, for all these are just what we ourselves choose to make them. We willed them into being, and may abolish them at our pleasure. If such liberty is a most invaluable privilege, let it not be forgotten that it involves also a fearful responsibility. And not only is our whole nation ac- countable in this matter, but each individual must bear a portion of the blame. We then, of all people, ought to be not only intelligent, honest, self-searching, but frank, " desirous to knoAv the truth, and resolute to obey it. And no one of us should be willing to let his individuality be swallowed up, as it were, and lost in the mass of a party, or the community. This would be a base surrender of his rights, even if by so doing he could escape his responsibility. Independence of thought and action is the precious birth-right of every American citizen; the talent which Providence has entrusted to his stewardship. Let me add, that if my conviction of the truth of the sentiments advanced in the following pages could have been strengthened, it certainly would have been by tliose expressions of entire concurrence witli which you 1* VI I>'TRODUCTION. listened to them, previously to their public delivery, as well as on that occasion. After fifteen years of close intimacy between us, part of the time as pastor and parishioner, and always as friends, I cannot be insensible to the value of such approbation ; proceeding, as I well know it does, from a rare soundness of judgment and unbending integrity. If I can, by this humble effort, excite increased atten- tion to the truth, that — the Christianity of the Bible is the salvatiox of our Country, — and impress this great truth more deeply on the hearts of any, I shall feel myself abundantly rewarded. That you may be long spared to fulfil the duties of your important station, and at last receive the righteous approval of the Sovereign Judge. of us all, is the sincere prayer of your friend and servant, B. P. AYDELOTT. OUR COUNTRY'S EVILS AND THEIR REMEDY. Our country is in a critical state. To say this is merely to repeat a remark which falls upon the ear from all classes, and from almost every individual. Foundations, if not breaking up, are fearfully assailed. Not only is embar- rassment, deep, distressing embarrassment, uni- versally come upon us, but a feeling of insecurity has gone through the land. Every one distrusts his neighbor ; multitudes distrust the govern- ment. Men's hearts are every where failing them for fear, and for looking after those things which are coming on the earth. What christian, what patriot, who that truly regards his own welfare, does not heartily wish for a better state of things ? All interests are sufiering. And there can be no well-founded, lasting quiet or prosperity for us, till the evils which have come upon us be removed. 8 OUR country's evils We have too generally looked every way for help, but to the right quarter. We have tried expedient after expedient ; one party has been raised up, and another cast down, and every day has brought forth its new measures ; but all in vain, and worse than vain. The sick man in the excitement of fever tosses from side to side, but finds ease in none, nor can he, till his disease be removed. So it is with our country ; we are convulsed, we are pining awaj^, and no mere change of policy or of rulers can bring us relief. The disease must be removed. And it is here also, as in the natural body, the first step to- v^ards a cure is a knowledge of the disorder. We propose, on the present occasion, to go into as full a view of the evils of our country as our time will admit. And this, thank heaven, v/e are prepared to do, not merely with the con- fidence of the physician, however strong, that he can scarcely fail to relieve what he thoroughly understands, but with the full assurance that we have a remedy — one infiillible remedy — for all the evils of our country, — provided it be faith- fully used. We arc no alarmist ; on the contrary, our faith in free institutions never vn^is stronger. AND THEIR REMEDY. Our country, we believe, will come out of her present trials not only with a larger experience, but with a higher character ard renewed ener- gies. Neither would we needlessly expose her evils : but let partizans flatter the people. He is a friend indeed who tells us the truth, and gives us honest counsel. To do this, he must sacrifice his feelings, and too often his present interests. But we cannot believe that such fidelity will be always misunderstood. So sure as our country is yet sound at heart, truth and honest counsel will in the long run be properly appreciated. I. Let us then, proceed to notice some of the EVILS op OUR STATE. 1. Is there not a wide spread departure from strict integrity ? Everyman and every com- munity are bound, to the utmost of their ability, so to manage their affairs as to meet all their obligations. To do this is to act uprightly — not to do it is to be dishonest. The man who deliberately intends to defraud you of your pro- perty, or to withhold from you your due, is certainly a knave. But he also who does not bestow all due consideration and pains to fulii 10 OUR country's evils his engagements, is not a man of integrity. To say that we are willing, but not able, to discharge our obligations, is not always a sufficient justifi- cation. But is our inability such as no ordinary prudence or exertion could guard against ? If not, it is not a righteous plea. We are blame- worthy, because we might have prevented our inability, and we were bound to do so. Now in the light of these plain, common-sense principles of honesty look abroad over the land. What multitudes, infatuated with dreams of wealth, have broken through all the bounds of reason and prudence, and plunged into the wild- est speculations ! They have thus brought upon themselves, and spread all around them most painful embarrassment, and in very many cases irretrievable ruin. What numbers have, every where rushed into business with little or no knowledge or fitness, or with little or no capital and without any rea- sonable prospect of the aid of others ! The re- sult, in a few years, or perhaps months was obvi- ous. They lived prosperously, promised largely, till pay-day could be put ofi' no longer, and then bankruptcy came. What extravagance in houses, furniture, equi- ^ AND THEIR REMEDY. H page, dress and luxurious living, is every where beheld ! Multitudes are clothed in purple and fine linen, and fare sumptuously every day, and give costly entertainments, too, as though they were really worth thousands, when every one knows that they are hopelessly insolvent. Now what ought we to think of such persons ? What must we think of them ? Are they up- right ? Are they men of strict integrity ? Far from it. Some of them never intended to meet their ohligations ; the rest, and we fear much the larger part of them, took no proper thought or pains to do it. Can we help then in the light of plain common-sense principles of honesty, pronouncing of them all, that they have departed from a strict integrity ? And so wide spread is this evil in some parts of our land that it has affected even the action of the government, and thus given character to the community. At least one State has deliberately repudiated its debts,— openly avowed by its Le- gislature its determination not to pay them. Others, with somewhat less hardihood, have negleUed io discharge their obligations. And others, again, have put off their creditors with a species of due bill which they cannot turn into currency without 12 OUR country's evils a sacrifice of a fourth or a third part of the whole. In this way the laboring man, and he who has fur- nished property for public uses, are defrauded of a large portion of their dues. One State which boasts loudly of its integrity, and tells to the world that "repudiation is a word unknown in its borders,'^ has seized upon its school-fund, and appropriated it to pay for its canals and other works of inter- nal improvement, and left the poor teacher, rob- bed of his all, to starve, or flee away to a more honest community. . Now from whatever source it proceeds — whether from open and avowed repudiation, or neglect, or inability arising out of reckless ex- penditure — the State that does not pay its debts, acts dishonestly. Communities as well as indi- viduals, are bound, to the utmost of their ability, so to manage their affairs as to meet all their ob- ligations. There may indeed be difierent degrees of guilt here, but in every such case of failure there is a departure from strict integrity. 2. False social j^rincij^les are very widely entertained. «.^"^hat is it that the artfal and selfish dema- gogue appeals to, when lie endeavors to array the poor against the rich? Would not all his AND THEIR REMEDY. 13 harangues fall harmless on the popular ear, were it not for another corrupt teaching which he has previously endeavoured to instil into their mind, viz, that in a Republic there should be equality of condition? — a sentiment than which none can be more foolish or mischievous. Foolishyhe- cause were such equality brought about, it could not possibly continue; mischievous, for were it possible, so long as it lasted it would well nigh destroy society. For what principally keeps so- ciety together ? Is it not mutual interest ? And why is there such constant and kindly intercoure among men ? Is it not because each one hopes thus to better his condition ? But let there be a perfect equality of condition — reduce society to a dead level, and the streams of social intercourse would no more flow, and the fountains of enter- prise and benevolence soon dry up. The aspect of society, instead of presenting the bloom and the fruitfulness which it does when left to the operation of those laws which a beneficent Pro- vidence has impressed upon it, would exhibit one vast marsh with its stagnant pools and noxious vapors engendering disease and death. The mountains and the hills are as necessary on our globe as the vallies. Where would be the abun- 2 14 OUR country's evils dance of the one without the fertilizing streams of the other ? Political equality is indeed essential to a free government. It is this which has let loose the springs of enterprise and spread far and wide such prosperity over our land. But equality of condition would speedily destroy all these bless- ings, or rather they never could be brought into existence in such a state. Equality of condition must, in the very nature of things, strip political equality of all its power to do good. b. There is another false sentiment which is doing its work of mischief among us. It is the opinion ihsit projyert^ is altogether the creature of law. Some things — as houses, lands, goods — are mine because the law has endowed me with them, and declares them to be mine, and protects me in the possession and enjoyment of them. So that were the law different, this whole right of property would be changed, and my neighbor justly have what I call mine, and I be stripped of every thing, or put into ownership of what some others now claim. The influence of this false sentiment is seen not only in the endeavors of individuals to wrest from others whatever the law will allow them, AND THEIR REMEDY. 15 without the slightest reference to moral right ; but it is seen also in the movements of political parties, and in the action of legislative bodies, spreading a disastrous feeling of uncertainty and distress throughout the country. No one feels secure j no one knows what a day may bring forth. c. Another false sentiment in the minds of many is that govey^nment is founded on mutu- al co'tn2oact. The tendency of this notion is to impair men's reverence for the civil authority, and to encourage reckless assaults upon the first principles of social order. From this also it is argued that as all the pow- ers of government are derived from individual concession, and as no one has the right to take his own life, so he could not give such a right to the government ; and consequently capital pun- ishments are wrong — an unjust, arbitrary assump- tion on the part of the powers that be. The favourers of this opinion would substitute for capi.tal punishment, imprisonment for life or a term of years. But the argument proves too much, and is therefore good for nothing. A man has no more right to imprison himself, and thus cut himself off from all the duties of society? 16 OUR COUNTRY^S EVILS than he has to hang himself, and hence he could concede neither to the magistrate. The govern- ment however may justly do both, not indeed from any human compact. It derives its power from a far higher source. d. One other false sentiment we will just glance at. It is that the reason or ground of all jjunishment is to protect society y or to jire- vent crime^or to uphold government , or to re- form the offender, or to obtain, if possible, all these advantages. Now we shall not stop here to expose this error, or notice the mischief it is producing. We would only observe at this stage of our remarks that not one or all the advantages, above enumerated, are the true reason or ground of punishment — they are merely incidental bene- fits arising out of the infliction of penal suffering, which benefits we ouglit indeed thankfully to accept and improve. But the true reason or ground for punishing a malefactor is simply be- cause justice demands it. Where there is no such demand, it is manifestly wrong to punish, however profitable we might deem it. And on the other hand wherever justice lays her claim, retribution ought to fall upon the guilty head, even though we could see none of these inciden- AND THEIR RExMEDY. 17 tal benefits to result from the infliction. To think and act otherwise is to substitute expedien- cy for justice ; and subject ourselves to the re- proach of the very heathen who could say — Flat justitia, mat coelum. 3. Political corruption is another wide spread evil of our country. How many political papers are characterized by candor and fair dealing towards their op- ponents ? And how many by disingenuous- ness and downright misrepresentatiou ? Has it not come to such a pass, that each party re- sents it as the grossest injustice to be judged of by the prints of the other ? — thus mutually proclaiming their crime and shame ? And do we not every day see men of all par- ties in their eager desire to make political capital of whatever transpires, wholly forgetful of their country's good ? The peace of tlie nation is often thus selfishly imperiled, and our most im- portant institutions wickedly assailed. The vilest men are exalted, and the purest patriots depreci- ated just as it may suit party purposes. What partizan leader ever fears that he will lose his seat in the legislative hall, because he has there 18 OUR COUNTRY'S EVILS exhibited himself a blackguard, a blasphemer, a bully, or a duelist ? 4. A sjnrit of lawlessness has gone over the land. All our large cities have been the theatres of mob violence ; and the evil has spread into many villages ; and even the country has not entirely escaped this disgrace. Such scenes have not al- ways been the spontaneous outbreak of ignorant and vicious men, lewd fellows of the base sort. These have been instigated by others far above them, intelligent, respectable men, men who ought to have known better, and who have a deep interest in the peace and good order of so- ciety. But with an infatuation as wonderful as it is mournful, when they have seen in others, equally estimable and well meaning as themselves, what they could not approve, instead of meeting it with fair argument and other peaceful and law- ful means, they have taken the most effectual measures to create popular excitement against them. And whilst with this suicidal policy en- deavoring to put down their fellow citizens, by the clamor and the fury of a mob, they are heard to deplore the very violence which they them- selves have occasioned. They have loaded and ) AND THEIR REMEDY. 19 pointed the artillery, and tiien lifted up the voice of wailing at its destructive effects ; and not only so, but endeavored to throw the whole weight of the blame upon the victims of their policy. In some parts of the country mobs have bro- ken up the courts of law, and suspended the ad- ministration of justice, and subjected the peacea- ble part of the community to their tyrannous sway. But these outrages have not been confined to the multitude, our halls of legislation have too often exhibited them. Threats of personal vio- lence have been used, and even battles fought in these high places. In one instance a member was most brutally assassinated in his place by a fellow member, and in another case a member was shot down after leaving the house. 5. A recklessness of life and property is an- other of the evils of the day. For accidental injuries no one certainly is to be blamed. But what is an accidental injury ? It is such a disaster as that exercise of prudence and care which the case demanded, could not pre- vent. The question then in every case is, was the due measure of prudence and care employ- ed ? If not they who are guilty of the neglect so OUR country's evils ought to be held responsible for all damages. No- thing can be more reasonabe and right than this. But the spirit of competition, the desire of gain, and the influence of intoxicating drinks are constantly impelling men to violate this princi- ple, especially where there is no law holding them to account or the law is rarely executed. Hence those numerous disasters on land and on water, in all parts of our country, which meet our eye in every day's paper. It is ajopaling to reflect upon this destruction of life and property. But it is nearly all covered up under the one conve- nient word, accidental, and so every body for- gets the calamity, except the unhappy sufferers, or bereaved friends. And 3^et it is not unreason- able or uncharitable to say that in nine cases out of ten, these evils are the result of culpable care- lessness, or of something worse. Only make those concerned in public conveyances, and all to whom life and property are committed, res- ponsible for their safety, and in every instance of damage let them be compelled to shew that they have employed all due prudence and care, or fail- ing in this, let them be visited wiih the righteous penalty of law ; and these accidents would be of rare occurrence. AND THEIR REMEDY. 21 Common humanity, as well as justice, requires that there should be such laws, and that not one of \vhat are usually called accidents should be passed over without strict legal investigation. It is unreasonable and wrong that any thing should be regarded and treated as an accident which might have been prevented by due prudence and care. Neglect in such cases is always criminal, and should meet with condign punishment. There is one circumstance very commonly at- tending such accidents which shews what is really the voice of conscience and common sense. We allude to those exculpatory statements which are usually published by the party concerned in in- flicting the evil. But it needs hardly be said that little confidence ought to be placed in these one sided, inforensic accounts. They prove very clearly, however, what their authors themselves, as well as the public think of the criminality of imprudence and carelessness. In Europe, we are credibly informed that evils of the kind now under consideration, are always strictly inquired into, and blameworthiness suit- ably punished. Hence such accidents are there of rare occurrence. The life o^di subject, it would seem, is reckoned worth something j but the de- 22 OUR country's evils struction of a score or two of citizens is, among US; accounted a matter of little importance, 6. Inadequate legal protection and red^^css is another fruitful source of evils. Under our last head a numerous class of these evils was spoken of, but there are many more. Every individual has, in one way or another suffered from this cause. The public papers teem with complaints from all parts of our coun- tr}^ Multitudes, for example, have been grossly wronged ; many widows and children cheated of their all, by individuals and corporations. And yet how seldom have such cases of swin- dling been suitably punished ? While the poor victim is stricken down by the calamity, the author of it rides on in guilty prosperity. Need we wonder at the popular outcry which such scenes have excited, and at the stern but unwise legislation which it is likely to call forth ? These enactments, rash and harsh as they may be, are not mere party measures. Indeed, no party would have dared to venture upon them were it not for the assurance that they would find support in the deep conviction and indig- nation of the multitude. Again : there is, perhaps, no class of persons AND THEIR REMEDY. 23 whose rights are less respected than that of creditors. The whole stream of legislation seems to favor the debtor ; so much so, as often to inflict most palpable injury upon the credi- tor. Hindrances are purposely multiplied in the way of the most righteous claims, so as to defer their enforcement as long as possible ; and indeed, in some parts of the country, it is in this way made wholly impossible to collect debts. Further, how many injuries of other kinds, are daily suffered, for which there is either no legal remedy, or one so slight that it seems a mere mockery of justice. It is this insufficiency of law, which so often calls forth private revenge. Individuals burning under WTong, and finding that they can have no redress at the public tribunals, take the case into their own hands. What adequate reparation would the law have given to that brother in Philadelphia, for the crime and the brutal sneers of his sister's se- ducer ? Where rests the guilt of the horrid assassination that followed ? The miserable brother was indeed deeply criminal ; but equal- ly certain is it that not a small portion of the guilt rests upon the community which neglected to provide an adequate punishment for the ori- 24 OUR COUNTRY S EVILS ginal wrong. Outraged nature will in such cases cry out, and at times, pour the flood of a terrible vengeance upon the head of the unpunished offender,* There are also many insults, indignities, and annoyances of various kinds, which persons of bad passions or malignant spirit, inflict upon others, but for which the law affords little or no redress. Hence some feel themselves compelled to stand in their own defence, others are pro- voked to retaliate, and, as is generally the case, bj their excessive resentment they become them- selves in turn the offenders. Thus the peace of society is continually broken. Arson has become quite a common offence, and yet it is one of very deep dye. Indeed, to set fire to an inhabited house, may involve all the malignity of murder ; hence in some of the States, it is equally punished. Even the murderer is very frequently suffered to escape. Either he is not presented at all — as ♦ Since the above was written, we find by the public prints that a bill has been introduced in the Legii-lature of Pennsyl- vania, making seduction a penitentiary offence, and giving to the aggrieved party the right of suit for pecuniary damages. A similar bill has also been brought forward in the Legisla- ture of New York. AND THEIR REMEDY. 25 in the case of that minister of the gospel who was, not long since, assassinated just after public worship, and in the presence of many witnesses, and yet the homicide was permitted to depart without even an indictment; — or if he is put on trial, and the murder is proved by the clearest evidence, it is often found impossible to procure a conviction, owing to the alleged scruples of some juror who is opposed to capital punish- ment. Thus, with a monstrous inconsistency, the man pleads conscience, while he is violating his oath to bring in a verdict according to evi- dence. Instead of confining himself to the facts of the case, which is his sworn duiy, he sets himself up as a judge of the lavv for which he is no way responsible, and thus defeats justice and turns a murderer loose upon societ}^ In other cases the homicide is admitted to a trifling bail, and when the time of trial comes, he is not to be found. Even the sureties not un frequently escape the pecuniary penalty, small as it is, in which they have bound themselves. But where the bail is large and faithfully dis- charged, what redress does it bring to the suffer- ing survivors ? It is obviously right that the money should, at least in some cases, go to the 3 36 OUR country's evils bereaved and perhaps destitute widows and orphans, and not be thrown into the public treasury. But in no crime more than in that of duelling is the inadequacy of legal protection and redress more painfully manifest. Of the multitude of murderers of this class in our country, it is be- lieved that not one ever yet met the due reward of his iniquity on the gallows. Except in the consciences and the fears of individuals, wives and children have scarcely any security against bereavement from this source. But it is reason- able and right, that the estate of the successful duellist, after he has undergone the punishment of his blood guiltiness, should be liable to civil suit for damages. Let the ruthless hand that has smitten down the support of the family, be compelled to sustain it, 7. Oppression is another cryins; evil of the land. Few things can be more painful to every just man amonn; us, few things can more deeply tinge our cheeks with shame as Am.ericnn citizens, than the cruel wrongs inflicted upon the abori- gines of our country. We do not here refer to our early colonial history, and the bloody strifes AND THEIR REMEDY. 27 with the red man, which so often stain its pages. It is to our treatment of those with whom we had made the most solemn compacts, and who in rehance upon these had nearly abandoned then- rude modes of living, and were rapidly ad- vancing in the education, the arts, the morals, and the comforts of civilized life. Their pos- sessions were secured to them "as long as grass grows and water runs," — by every tie which could bind a nation's honor and conscience. But these treaty stipulations were all shamelessly broken, and the weaker party compelled to abandon the home of his childhood and the grave of his fathers, and again plunge into the wilderness afar off. Many perished by the way; and of the miserable remnant, many sunk under the privations of their new home. But the pos- sibility of this species of oppression has for the present well nigh passed away, just because the objects of it have been driven beyond the reach of this generation's cupidity.' * * For a very able and minute detail of these broken treaties, and a touching narrative of the frauds and oppressions practised upon the helpless Indians, the reader is referred to a series of articles which appeared in the New York Observer about seven- teen years ago, signed William Penn, — since known to be (he late Jeremiah Evarts of Boston, — a man, whose labors and 28 OUR country's evils But is there not another sore evil of this kind among us ? Are there not at this moment in our land two millions and a half of native born Americans, stripped of every right? Human beings made in God's own image, and yet bought and sold like cattle ? This is a subject that has awakened the thoughts and touched the hearts of men of Ull parties, from Washington and Jefferson, down to Adams, and Jay, and Key of our day. And the wise and the pious of every religious denomination have, with the Edwards, and Benezets, and Finleys, of former times, united their counsels and their prayers for the removal of this great national evil. Indeed, during a residence of years in the midst of sla- very, we never met with but one individual who did not profess to deplore it as our country's heaviest calamity. Now, however, many have changed their language ; but their convictions, we believe, are still the same as ever, and no influence can much longer restrain the expres- sion of them. Tlic present position of the public mind on this subject, is, to a great extent, sacrifices for the cause of humanity can be fully known only at the last day. His death was in glorious unison with the sublime disinterestedness of his life, AND THEIR REMEDY. 29 altogether unnatural, un-Jimerican, Its incon- sistency is too deeply felt to suffer us to stand still, and, — vve cannot go backward. But in the righteous retributions of Provi- dence, evils must and will befal the oppressor, and these evils will continue to increase and multiply till he turn from his way, or perish. It is melancholy to contemplate those pictures of decay and dilapidation which the most eminent Southern statesmen* have given us, of that part * We would call the attention of our readers merely to two brief pictures, drawn by unexceptionable hands. The one is a sketch of a slave-holding region ; the other, a contrasted view of the enterprise and prosperity of the free North, and " the pre- mature old age and decay" of the enslaved South, where " no improvement is seen going on, nothing is done for posterity. No man thinks of any thing beyond the present moment." "Look at South Carolina now, with her houses deserted and falling to decay, her once fruitful fields worn out and abandoned for want of timely improvement, or skilful cultivation; and her thousands of acres of inexhaustible lands still piomising an abun- dant harvest to the industrious husDandman, lying idle and neglected. In the interior of the State where I was born, and where I now live, altliough a country possessing all the advan- tages of soil, climate and health, abounding in arable land, unre- claimed from the fi:st rude state of nature, there can now be found many neighborhoods where the population is too span-c to support a common elementary school for children. Such is the deplorable condition of one of the oldest members of this union, that dates back its settlement more than a century and a half, 3* 30 OUR country's evils of our country, and to see all these so strikingly verified in the results of our national census. while other States, born as it were but yesterday, already sur- pass what Carolina was or ever has been in the happiest and proudest day of her prosperity." [Mr. Clowney, M. C. from South Carolina, on the floor of Congress.] "No Southern man can journey (as he had lately done) through the Northern States, and witness the prosperity, the industry, the public spirit which they exhibit — the sedulous cul- tivation of all those arts by which life is rendered comfortable and respectable ; without feelings of deep sadness and shame as he remembers his own neglected and desolate home. There, no dwelling is to be seen abandoned — not a farm uncultivated. Every person and every thing performs a part towards the grand result; and the whole land is covered with fertile fields, with manufactories, and canals, and railroads, and edifices, and towns, and cities. We of the South are mistaken in the character of these people, when we think of them only as pedlars in horn flints and bark nutmegs. Their energy and enterprise are di- rected to all objects, great and small, within their reach. The number of railroads and other modes of expeditious intercommu- nication knit the whole country into a closely compacted mass, through which the productions of commerce and of the press, the comforts of life and the means of knowledge, are universally diffused ; while the close intercourse of travel and of business makes all neighbors, and promotes a common interest and a common sympathy. How different the condition of these things in the South ! Here the face of the country wears the aspect of premature old age and decay. No improvement is seen aoiNG ox, nothing is done for posterity. No man thinks of any thing beyond the present moment.'' [Mr. Preston^ a Senator from South Carolina, on the floor of the Seriate of the U. S.] AND THEIR REMEDY. 31 But it is not a decline in mere temporal pros- perity ; — education, religion, every thing which strengthens, and elevates, and purifies society, — is there suffering. No patriot, no christian, can think of these things, without awful fore- bodings.* * Thus speaks a very respectable and widely circulated reli- gious periodical of the South. " Hatred to the whites with the exception in some cases, of attachment to the person and family of the master, is nearly universal among the black population. We have then a foe cherished in our very bosoms — a foe willixg to draw^ our tiFE-BLooD whenever the opportunity is offered; in the mean time intent on doing us all the mischief in his power." — [Southern Religious Telegraph.] Listen also to the language of Mr. Harding, of the Kentucky Legislature, in 1841. *' In such a state of things, suppose an insurrection of the slaves to take place. The master has become timid and fearful, the slave bold and daring — the white men, overpowered with a sense of superior numbers on the part of the slaves, cannot be embodied together ; evert/ man must guard his own hearth and fireside. No man would even dare for an hour to leave his own habitation ; if he did, he would expect on his return to find his wife and children massacred. But the slaves, with but little more than the shadow of opposition before them, armed with the consciousness of superior force and superior numbers on their side, animated with the hope of liberty, and maddened with the spirit of revenge, embody themselves in every neighborhood and furiously march over the country, visiting every neighborhood 3*2 OUR country's evils This, however, is not all ; it is a national evil, and the whole nation feels it in all its interests. What has produced such disastrous fluctuations in our national policy ? Which, the free or the slave-holding states — have filled, from the first, with all the horrors of civil war and bloodshed. And thus the yoke would be transferred from the black to the white man, and the master fall a bleeding victim to his own slave.'' The candor of the following confession, from the Maysville Intelligencer, is not more remarkable than the views it presents, are appalling. "We of the South are emphatically surrounded by a dangerous class of beings— degraded and stupid savages, who if they could but once entertain the idea, that immediate and unconditional death would not be their portion, would re-act the St. Domingo tragedy. But a consciousness, with all their stupidity, that a ten-fold force, superior in discipline, if not harharity^ would gather from the four corners of the United States, and slaughter them, keeps them in subjection. But to the 7wn-slave holding States particularly, are we indebted for a permanent safeguard against insurrection. Without their assistance the white popu- ulation of the South would be too weak to quiet the innate desire for liberty which is ever ready to act itself out with every rational creature." Nothing would be easier than to multiply such quotations, so as to fill many volumes. But the reader, who would see this whole sul)jcct di-cussed in a most masterly manner, and in a spirit eminently calm and christian, is referred to an Address, just i-sucd, by the venerable Judge W. Jat, to ''The No.v- SlAVEUOLDEUS." AND THEIR REMEDY. 33 nearly all the importaat offices of the general government, and in this way controlled the na- tional policy ? Why have the interests of the north and the west been almost entirely neglec- ted in our commercial stipulations with other countries ? What has embarrassed and prostra- ted those institutions which are so vitally con- nected with their enterprise and their prosperity ? What has mainly produced such universal depre- ciation and suffering in the north and west ? Where are their debtors ? and what prospect is there that these will ever discharge even a moiety of their enormous obligations ? These are mo- mentous questions, and they can easily be an- swered by any one who has read the congressional speeches and reports made during the last few years by the ablest men of both parties, and looked into the diplomacy, and examined the sta- tistics of the general government. Such an one needs not be told how closely connected is our national suffering with our national oppression ; and he will have no confidence in any party measures, or in any system of policy which does not look to the root of the evil. We must never lose sight of the fact, that the subject now before us is not a sectional 34 OUR country's evils nor a party, but an American question. It deeply concerns our whole country. So ob- viously true is this, that were it not for the artifi- ces of selfish demagogues who seek their own elevation by misleading the minds and exciting the fears of the people, we would all quickly think and feel alike upon it. But notwithstand- ing the clamor of unreasonable and wicked men, and the prejudices of honest though mistaken men, and the cunning craftiness of political lea- ders, the national discussion of this great nation- al evil, cannot be any longer smothered. It presses upon us at all points, and it must be met, and fairly settled. Let us then come to it, not as southern men or as northern men, not as whigs or democrats, not as friends of colonization or abolition ; but as Americans, Patriots, Christians of the nineteenth century. With such a spirit, though we should encounter diificulties, perhaps great difficulties, yet it would be treason against heaven and our country not to hope for a peaceful and a happy adjustment of the whole subject. Certain are we that unless in a way, and by means perfectly consistent with our constitutional compact, and with a Bible Christianity, we get rid of this root AND THEIR REMEDY. 35 of bitterness, and wash off this foul blot from our national escutcheon, we cannot much longer remain a united people, or present to the world such a character as will command respect and imitation. Having thus depicted some of the evils of our country, we now turn to the more pleasing part of our task. II. We were in the second place, to point out THE REMEDY FOR OUR COUNTRy's EVILS. We have the most free and equal Constitution of any people on earth ; and we have, in accord- ance with our Constitution, very many good laws ; and multitudes confide in these to carry us onward to the highest state of national improve- ment and happiness. Our people have, almost from the first, been divided into large and respectable parties, advo- cating diverse measures of national policy. The great body of these parties has, without question, been pure and patriotic, and they have each, no doubt, sincerely believed that their country's best interest depended upon their success. We have done much to diffuse the benefits of education among the whole mass of our citizens; 36 OUR country's evils and on this popular education the hopes of mul- titudes for the high character and welfare of our country are built. There is also among us a large number of Be- nevolent Societies, as the Bible, the Tract, the Temperance, the Prison Discipline, the Sunday School, the Colonization, the Abolition, the Moral Reform Society, and many others of va- rious characters and for various purposes. To some one or more of these do nearl}'- all the wise and the good of our land belong. And to the influence of these voluntary associations upon the virtue, the stability, and the happiness of our Republic, do multitudes look with the most sanguine expectations. Now we doubt not the excellence of the most of these societies, and we feel assured that the motives of their friends are pure, disinterest- ed, and exalted. We rejoice in the conviction that these societies have done much to bless our land, and that they will do abundantly more in the time to come. Still we do not believe that either our noble Constitution, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, or either of the great po- litical parties, or our beneficent school system, or the philanthropic associations of our land, — AND THEIR REMEDY. 37 we do not believe that any one, or all of these combined, will be sufficient, as now wielded, to save our republic. We cannot indeed do without them, and we could not esteem that man a consistent friend of our country, who would endeavor to impair their usefulness. We need, however, something more, something which, while It gives increased wisdom, energy, purity, and elevation to all the means of good now in progress among us, will bring into being and efficient operation very many m.ore. What then is this great desideratum ? — this only remedy for all our country's evils ? We answer, unhesitatingly,— it is a larger measure of Bible Christianity, — Bible Christianity. Despotism may stand without it. A limited monarchy may get along tolerably well with the paralyzed and effete Christianity of an established church. But a Bible Christianity is the ONLY Palladium of a free Government. It was for the want of this grand conservative principle that all the Republics which have gone before us, decayed and died. Either we must be kept in order by the iron hand of despotism, or at least restrained by such a police power as will greatly impair our liberty, or, we must OUR country's evils have a larger infusion of Bible Christianity. Without this, we shall speedily and utterly perish in our own corruption. Let us very briefly contemplate the abundant provision which the Christianity of the Bible offers, for all the ills of which we have spoken. 1. Is there a wide spread departure from strict integrity ? But Bible Christianity inculcates exact justice to every one, a strict integrity in all our dealings. Let the great mass of the community be governed bv these teachings, and extravagance and v.ild speculation would give place to honest economy and prudent calculation. Men would abhor debt almost as much as sin ; and therefore each one would be careful to live within his means.* Public sentiment would become so upright that no man could retain his standing in respectable society who did not pay his debts, or show that his inability was not owing to any want of dis- * The writer may be pardoned on this occasion, for giving Utterance to feelings of filial reverence and gratiUide. He had a mother of strong mind and inflexible integrity. One of the earliest recoUccliuns of his childhood was a maxim from her li|)s, olt n-peated. It was this: '' BiHer go to bid siijjpcrlcss ihun rise up in dcOt" 'J'he lasting btnefits of suth instruc- tion one may acknowledge, but can never repay. () the Tcsponsibility of Paients for the future character and destiny of their children. AND THEIR REMEDY. 39 cretion or carefulness on bis part. In such a community legislative repudiation would be im- possible, because rogues could not be found in sufficient number among our representatives to pass dishonest laws ; or, if any thing of this kind were attempted, a virtuous public sentiment would quickly frown it into annihilation. And then also, instead of reading now and then in the public prints of Mr. A. or Mr. B., who, having failed and taken the benefit of a bankrupt law, but afterwards, having succeeded in business, came forward and paid his creditors all their claims with interest, — instead, I say, of reading such cases, accompanied with editorial eulogies on the man for doing merely what was honest, — the thing \vould be too common to be noticed. The Christianity of the Bible would make men see that though human law may free us from the legal claim, it cannot discharge the moral obligation of debt. Hence payment in full, as soon as practicable, would be a univer- sally felt duty, and no man could be respected and treated as an honest man, who should at- tempt to evade this duty. 2. A Bible Christianity also lays the axe at the root of all false social principles. To dwell only on those which we have noticed. 40 OUR country's evils a. The demagogue lays it down as a princi- ple that there ought to be not merely political equality, or equality of rights, which is indeed perfectly just and fully provided for in our re- publican Constitutions, but what is quite another thing — equality of condition; — and because such equality does not exist he artfully endeav- ors, in order to serve his own selfish purposes, to stir up every bad passion of the poor against the rich, or, more strictly speaking, the poor against those who are only somewhat less poor themselves. For, in truth, we have no rich class among us, in the European sense of the term : neither have we any poor, — such as swarm in other countries. The distinction does not exist among us, and never can with our institutions ; neither, therefore, ought the odium. We are all, when thus viewed, of the middle class — only some are a little higher in the scale of mediocrity than others. Such is almost uni- versally our state. Still the Bible assures u?, that the poor shall not wholly cease out of the land; and by its full and rich moral instructions on this point, and, above all, by that honor which the Savior's lowly- birth and life put upon poverty, abundant pro- vision is made to take away all envy and discon- AND THEIR REMEDY. 41 tent out of the heart of the poor man, and to im- plant in the bosom of the rich every sentiment of respect and kindness for honest poverty. b, A Bible Christianity also teaches us, that the right of property has a foundation deeper than human law, even the will of Him who constituted man with a sense of property, which, like most other parts of his intellectual and moral nature, is developed long before he could mark its rise. Human law can only reg- ulate its tenure, and transfer. Wherever there- fore a Bible Ciiristianity has control over the popular mind, the right of property will be felt to be sacred, and none will be disposed to violate it either without, or under the sanction of human law. Hence to take property from another, or to withhold property ourselves merely because the law by some technicality, or unjust provision, gives it to us, — a Bible Christianity teaches us to regard as dishonest and wicked. c. cL In respect to the sentiment that government is founded on mutual compact, and the irreverent, reckless spirit which springs from this sentiment, and the opposition to capital pun- ishment which grows out of it ; and in respect also to the sentiment that the reason or ground 4* 42 OUR country's evils of all punishment is to protect society, or to pre- vent crime, or to uphold government, or to re- form the offender, or to obtain, if possible, all these advantages ; — in respect we say to both these sentiments the Bible is full and clear. They cannot stand a moment's honest examination in the light of eternal truth. The teachings of a Bible Christianity here are explicit, abundant, and solemn. "Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power but of God ; the powers that be are ordained of God. Whoever, therefore, resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God : and they that resist, shall receive to themselves damnation. For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power ? do that which is good, and thou shall have praise of the same ; for he is the minister of God to thee for good. But if thou do that wliich is evil, be afraid ; for he beareth not the sword in vain : for he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. For, for this cause pay ye tribute also, for they are God's ministers, attending continually upon this very thing. Render, therefore, to all their dues ; tri- AND THEIR REMEDY. 43 bute to whom tribute is due ; custom to whom custom ; fear to whom fear ; honor to whom honor." (Rom. xiii. 1 — 7.) "At the hand of every man's brother will I require the life of man. Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed : for in the image of God made he man." (Gen. ix. 5 — 6.) " Ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer, W'hich is guilty of death ; but he shall surely be put to death. '^ (Numbers, xxxv\ 31.) " Blood defileth the land : and the land cannot be clean- sed of the blood that is shed therein, but by the blood of him that shed it." (33.) " If I be an offender, or have committed any thing worthy of death, I refuse not to die." (Acts, xxv. 11.) Here we learn that though the form and the ad- ministration of government are of man, yet that government itself is of God ; that the magistrate regularly constituted is God's minister, a reven- ger to execute wrath upon him Ihat doeth evil ; that crimes arc to be punished, not because it is expedient, but because it is just ; and that we are bound to render all due honor and obedience to the powers that be, not only for wrath or fear of liuman retribution, but also for conscience to- w^ards God. We see also that the divine com- mand to put the murderer to death was given to 44 OUR country's evils Noah, the second head of the human family , that under the following dispensation it was in- directly reaffirmed by the injunction to allow no satisfaction or substituted penalty for his crime ; and that the original ordinance, so far from having been repealed, is clearly recognized in the New Testament also as a divine constitution, — " the magistrate beareth not the sword in vain," says the apostle, " he is the minister of God, a reven- ger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil." " If I be an offender," says the same apostle, ^^ or have committed any thing worthy of death, I refuse not to die.^^ We learn also that it is no light thing to permit crime logo unpunished; that the community who do so, involve them- selves in great guilt, and call down heaven's judgments upon the land. Who knows to what extent our present embai'rassments and disasters may have been permitted to come upon \\^, un- der a righteous providence, on account of that relaxation of all law, and especially that impunity of blood-guiltiness which we have suffered to spread over the land ?* * The time of enacting the divine law concerning \\w punish- ment of murder, and tlie circuinstanros both preceding and attending its promulgation, would seem to unply that this ordi- nance had not previou.^ly existed. If so, the result of the experi- ment among our fallen race was fearful, — ''all flesh corrupted its "way, and t/ic earth icas filled ivHli violuicey Nothing but the waters of a deluge could wash out its guilty stains. Immediately AND THEIR REMEDY. 45 3. A Bible Christianity will furnish the only sufficient remedy for political corruption. The morality of the world, low as it ordina- rily is, becomes much more so in politics. Hence, as politicians, men will do what they would de- spise or abhor in the other relations of life. But the Christianity of the Bible allows no such dis- tinctions. It never relaxes its hold upon us, or lowers its claim ; it is the same in all places and at all times. It enjoins upon us by the most solemn and heart-affecting motives to be sincere, truthful, candid, and honest in every situation. Whoever would see this influence of a Bible Christianity beautifully exemplified, let him con- template the life and character of William Wil- berforce. He was upright, frank, kind-hearted, courteous in private life, and equally so in the canvass, and in the senate of his country. With powers of sarcasm rarely equalled, he most mag- nanimously forbore to use them. He was ever ready to draw the mantle of charity over the de- fects of opponents ; and few things seemed to give him more pleasure than to point out their excellences. Through evil report and through good, his ear was ever open and his tongue never after this tremendous judgment it was ordained—" at the hand of every man's brother will I require the life of man. Whoso shedeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed,'' 46 OUR country's evils mute in the cause of the oppressed. But no in- dividual friendship, nor party attachment, much less personal aggrandisement, could induce him to swerve from that line of conduct which his country's best interests appeared to require. The results of this truly christian course are equally well known, instructive, and gratifying. He acquired an influence with the administration, and the opposition, and with all classes of society which no other individual ever possessed. All delighted to honor him. But the fame of the christian patriot and philanthropist could not be confined to his own country, it extended through- out the earth. And that crown of glory which a Bible Christianity placed upon the brow of Wil- berforce, will never fade away ; as ages roll on, it will continue, with a mild and holy lustre, to guide, and gladden, and bless the human family. 4. lias a spirit of lawlessness gone over the land ? It needs hardly be said that a Bible Chris- tianity is utterly opposed to such a spirit. Its precepts on this subject are plain, full, and solemn. It denounces the heaviest condemnation upon those who resist lawful authority. It forbids all revenge ; and inculcates by motives the most weighty and heart touching, a meek, peaceful, forbearing, and forgiving spirit. It would be ut- AND THEIR REMEDY. 47 terly impossible to raise a mob in a community where the Christianity of the Bible had para- mount control. Violence would be unknown there. 5. Is a recklessness of life and property one of the evils of the day ? The Christianity of the Bible teaches us to be as tender of the life and the interests of our neighbor as of our own. Hence it supplies the only effectual remedy for that recklessness of life and property which has become so universal in our land. Where the heart of a man is under the influ- ence of a Bible Christianity, he will feel the infi- nite importance of life, and how sacred are the rights of others ; and therefore when these are committed to him, he will be most conscientiously careful of the trust. Hence in a community controlled by the Christianity of the Bible, all those disasters which proceed from carelessness, from a want of proper regard for the welfare of others, from an unduly exciting and blinding competition, and from intemperance, — that is, nine out of every ten of our present disasters, we verily believe, would be prevented. 6. The Christianity of the Bible would deliver us from almost all those evils which now grow out of inadequate legal protection and redress. 48 OUR couis^trt's evils It would bring about this happy result by so elevating the tone of public morals that legisla- tures would be compelled to make provision against multitudes of injuries which are now either entirely passed over, or but very slightly punished. And the tone of public morals so elevated, Vv^ould not only produce, but sustain and carry out these wholesome laws. A Bible Christianity would also do away that false sentiment, now so general, that scarcely any thing is to be protected besides life, but materi- al property. Our dollars are pretty well guard- ed by law. But we have other interests besides those of money, other rights than those of pro- perty. A man may inflict worse evils on ano- ther than he can feel from the finger of the pick- pocket or the knife of the assassin. Evils which may imbitter his whole life, and not only so, but spread lasting shame and mourning over a whole family. And yet these injuries, strange to say, are now almost entirely overlooked, or so inade- quately guarded against, that tlieir commission is a matter of every day occurence, and their punishment a very rare thing. Take for exam- ple, crimes against chastity. These do not, it is true, make their wretched victim poorer in purse, nor do they directly destroy life, and therefore AND THEIR REMEDY. 49 the perpetrator walks at large, and is rarely thought the worse of. But these are as much offences in the light of a Bible Christianity, as those committed against life or property ; and a community under the influence of this light, will certainly so regard and punish them. It is thus the Christianity of the Bible would most effectually remove all those occasions which are now unhappily so common, of broils, assassi- nations, duels, and mobs. And where, owing to human imperfection, human law could afford neither protection nor redress, the Christianity of the Bible would so enlighten the minds and rectify the disorderly wills and affections of men, as in a great measure to prevent the infliction of these evils, or pro- duce in return, meekness, forbearance, kindness instead of hot resentment, or murderous revenge. 7. The Christianity of the Bible supplies a perfect remedy for oppression. The principles of the Bible on this subject are very plain, definite, and all-comprehensive. " Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." "Do unto others as ye would they should do unto you.'' Now- if we really love our neighbor, we shall at least give him his own, and we shall care- 5 50 OUR country's evils fully avoid inflicting ills upon him. And what he has a right to consider his own, and feel as an ill, we cannot long be at a loss to know, if we sincerely make his case our own. That any man, for example, would be willing that he and his posterity for ever should be stripped of all rights — reduced to a mere chattel — bought and sold as horses and oxen, — is a supposition too monstrous to be entertained a single moment. Such a professed willingness would argue down- right insanity. Who of us would not " resist unto blood, striving against'^ any attempt to in- flict upon him and his the thousandth part of such oppression ? In comparison with these ills, those wrongs for which our fathers endured the hardships and fought the battles of the revolu- tion, are as the small dust on the balance to the cloud-capped mountain. But besides these plain principles of the Bible, its whole tenor and spirit are utterly opposed to oppression in all its forms. Only let the requi- sitions of a Bible Christianity be faithfully car- ried out, and oppression would be swept from the face of the earth. And we believe that it will; — we believe, on the sure ground of pro- phecy, that the day is coming, when " the wolf shall dwell with the lamb, and the leopard shall AND THEIR REMEDY. 51 !ie down with the kid j and the calf, and the young Hon, and the fatling together : and a little child shall lead them. And the cow and the bear shall feed ; their young ones shall lie down together : and the lion shall cat straw like an ox. And the sucking child shall play on the hole of the asp, and the weaned child shall put his hand on the cockatrice den. They shall not hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountain.'^ But all the wonders of the latter day glory, here metaphori- cally described, will be — not a miraculous devel- opment, — but simply the results o^ Bible truth believed and obeyed. " For the earth," adds the Prophet, "shall then be full of the know- ledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea." The law of love will then rule in the hearts of men. And we can no more conceive of oppres- sion than of drunkenness, or robbery, in this latter day glory of a Bible Christianity, " Love worketh no ill to his neighbor." Such then are the principles of a Bible Christianity. They lay the axe at the root of every evil. They direct and encourage to all that is good. Human ignorance and human de- pravity can resist every other means, and will grow and strengthen till liberty is utterly impos- sible, and despotism is a nation's only refuge • 52 OUR country's evils Such is the uniform testimony of history. Why did the free Roman gladly bow down to the scep- tre of Augustus ? It was to escape evils vastly more terrible than any that he could inflict. " O navis, referent in mare te novi FJuctus. Oquidagis] fortiter occupa Portum.'' {Horat. Carm. Lib. 1, Od. xiv.) This is pathetic poetry ; it is more, it is profound, political philosophy. The republic, tossed and shattered on the conflicting waves of private passions and public corruption, welcomed the repose of imperial power. But we, thank heaven, have in our midst, what the free govern- ments of other da3-s never had, — we have an anchor sure and steadfast, — we have the Chris- tianity of the Bible. Let none then despair of the Republic. We know indeed that there are too many who, if they do not despair, have yet little faith in our political institutions.* But the attachment of * Few things are more painful to the christian patriot, than the doubts and the despondency expressed by some of the most gifted minds among us, concerning our country and its pros- pects. In a Massachusetts quarterly periodical of very high character, one of her ablest sons has given a most humiliating, but, as we believe, unfair contrast, between our republican institutions and those of the oldorder^ as exhibited in monarchical and aristocratic countries. In a work of the same kind, published in the city of New York, is a long and very elaborate article of a similar character. The writer of it represents our Republic as a pooj' ciffair, and one manifestly destined to a speedy end. AND THEIR REMEDY. 53 the people to the republic is yet unshaken ; they believe that it is good — and that it will continue. We would strengthen this confidence, because it alone can stimulate to patriotic exertion ; it must lie at the foundation of every effort to benefit and perpetuate the Republic. Without this confidence, all is lost. Do not then, fellow citizens, despair of the Republic. Your hearts must indeed be pained in view of the evils of our country ; but be not shaken in mind. There is indeed a wide-spread departure from strict integrity; false social prin- ciples are seduously propagated ; political wick- edness abounds ; crimes multiply, and too often go unpunished ; the land groans under oppres- sion, and the voice of entreaty is not heard : a spirit of infatuation has gone abroad, dividing and distracting our counsels, and bringing uni- versal embarrassment and distress upon us, in the midst of peace, and health, and fruitful seasons. Our own folly has thus almost nulli- And, we are pained to add, that even that venerable patriot of the revolution, the learned Noah Webster, in tho volume of his Miscellaneous Writings, just issued, expresses himself on this subject in terms not very flattering or encouraging. But may we not, lyiust we not see, in the testimonies of these good and intelligent men, some things to awaken our serious thoughts 1 Is there no cause for their complaints and their apprehensions ] Well will it be if they arouse us to more tho- rough and vigorous efforts to reform existing evils. 5* 54 OUR country's evils fied the signal blessing of a kind Providence. When you consider these things, and call to mind the history of the ancient republics, and of those of the middle ages, you tremble for your country, and are ready to give up all hope. Dark apprehensions crowd upon you, dis- union, civil war, burnings, massacres, despotism wadino; to a throne throuo;h seas of blood. And all these calamities, terrible as they are, would doubtless soon be upon us, and overwhelm us, as they did the Grecian, the Roman, and the Italian republics, — were it not for that grand con- servative principle which we have in our midst. Ours is the Christianity of the Bible. And it has in it abundant power to uphold and perpet- uate free institutions. It can disperse all our delusions, and unite our counsels, and inspire us with such wisdom, and energy, and uprightness of purpose, as will render our unparalleled na- tional privileges and advantages really blessings to us. It is able to do for us what nothing else can, and for want of which all preceding re- publics perished ; it can diffuse and maintain among our people that high character of intelli- gence and virtue which will be sure to give us good laws, and equally sure to uphold them. Let each one, then, strive to bring himself — AND THEIR REMEDY. 55 all his views, feelings, and ways, under the influ- ence of the Christianity of the Bible ; and faith- fully labor, in his sphere, to extend this peaceful, purifying, elevating influence, through all hearts, and through every movement about him. See to it that the Bible is in all our educa- tional institutions, — from the common school up to the colleges and universities, — and that its light and spirit be infused into their discipline and studies. Give no countenance to false social principles, or party means and measures which are at war with the wisdom and the uprightness of the Bible. Vote for no man who does not disclaim such principles, and openly set himself against such means and measures. Support only those who will honestly endeavor to bring up our laws to the equity and the purity of Heaven's legis- lation.* Throw the full weight of your influ- ence into the scale in favor of law and order. * We never were more sensibly impressed with the duty of endeavoring to make just laws than in reading an opinion of Judge M'Lean, of the Supreme Court of the United Slates, in the case of Jones vs. Vanzant, which was recently tried in this city. It was an action brought by the plaintilf, a citizen of Kentucky, against the defendant, a citizen of Ohio ; under the act of Congress, in regard to fugitives from labor. « It is admitted," says the Judge, " by almost all who have examined the subject, (slavery) to be founded ik" wroxo, IN OPPRESSION, IN POWER AGAINST IIIGUT." IIoVV atrOcioUsly wicked must that be of which such language could be justly 56 OUR country's evils Let all our benevolent institutions aim to come fully up to the lofty principles and charita- ble spirit of a Bible Christianity. This would increase ten-fold their strength to do good, and unite then in a sacred, invincible brotherhood. Keep away from the pulpit every shackle which a worldly expediency, and the fear of man, and a thousand other unholy influences, are con- tinually endeavoring to throw about it. Let the boldness, as well as the meekness and lowliness of a Bible Christianity, take complete possession of it ; and then the Word of God cannot be bound : it will never be timidly or treacherously brought into alliance with falsehood, oppression, and wrong. The minister will lift up his voice, and cry aloud, and spare not, and shew the people their transgressions. Esteem the man who does this, very highly in love for his work's sake. This we believe is the only way to save our country. We must take our minds off from all other confidences. We must grasp the Christi- anity of the Bible more firmly in our hands, and used ! And how must the nation who upholJs such an evil, appear in the sight of Him who is of purer eyes, than to behold iniquity. Surely it behooves cacii one of us, as he values the peace, prosperity and character of his country, honestly to en- deavor to bring up our laws to the equity and the purity of Heaven's legislation. AND THEIR REMEDY. 57 press it more closely to our bosoms, and pour it more largely into every channel of influence, social, political, and religious. It is because we believe that so many are be- ginning to awake to the truth and the importance of these views, that we can entertain a good hope for the Republic. Education is certainly becoming more decided- ly christian. Temperance is marching on from conquest to conquest. The Press begins to utter a louder and clearer remonstrance against the law- less and reckless spirit of the tim.es. The different religious denominations are putting forth more strenuous efforts to multiply the means, and ex- tend the benefits of christian education. And christian men, and christian ministers too, begin to see more clearly their duty to go to the polls, and carry their Christianity thither, and to put forth their influence in all that concerns the social and political well being of their country. Even politicians begin to feel that these things are so. Hence they are trimming their sails ac- cordingly. They endeavor to appear the friends of temperance, and of the Sabbath, and of chris- tian institutions generally, whilst their lives are too often in sad contradiction. But as a Bible Christianity, notwithstanding 58 OUR country's evils the dark bodings of some, has wonderfully grown with the growth of our Republic; and has hith- erto proved itself more than a match for those rapid and multiform developments of evil which are the necessary concomitants of our perfect freedom, — so we doubt not but that this grand con- servative influence will wax stronger and stronger among us.* It will nullify the power of bad men, and purge out error, and purify public sentiment, and elevate the laws, — and cause truth, and peace, and righteousness, to prevail in all our borders. We rejoice that God in his wise providence, has made us the depositary of the great princi- ples of civil and religious liberty. So high an honor he has never put upon any other people. And confident are we that in the gift of his word * The infidel influence of French revolutionary principles upon the public mind of our country, was perhaps most strongly manifested between the years 1798 and 1810. This was em- phatically our period of struggle between the light of truth and the powers of darkness. The latter obtained a temporary tri- umph in the hij:h places of the nation ;— though not, we believe, among the great majority of the people. They were still sound at heart. Hence a reaction soon took place, and the Christianity of the Bible has since gone on rapidly regaining that ascendancy which it possessed during the wir of independence, and through- out the administration of Washington. Whoever would learn the spirit and (he principle.: which guif!ed and sustained our fathers of the revolution and the founders of our republic, let him carefully read the journals of the Revolutionary Congress, and the Messages and Farewell Address of Washing- ton. He will there see the God of the Bible solemnly recognized, his direction implored, his righteous judgments deprecated, his mercies and benefits gratefully acknowledged. AND THEIR REMEDY. 59 he has bestowed upon us the means and the pledge of our national salvation. If the nations of Europe under the oppressive weight of mon- archical rule, and privileged orders, and aristo- cratic institutions, have, with a Christianity en- feebled and corrupted by church establishments, done so much for their intellectual, moral, and social improvement, what may we not expect here where the energies of the people are all free, and a free Christianity is among them to en- lighten, and elevate, and bless ? In the short period of our national existence we have already accomplished more than centu- ries have brought to pass, among any other people. The soberest picture of our country's progress, — its noble cities, and countless towns, and villages every day springing up ; its teem- ing population ; its new States some larger than European kingdoms, pressing for admission into the union ; its vast public works of internal im- provement ; its rapidly multiplying resources and productions ; its Schools, Colleges, Churclics, and Benevolent Institutions; and all these spread- ing over what was but yesterday a wilderness, the abode of the Indian and the panther, — the soberest picture of these things is regarded with 60 OUR country's evils and their remedy. incredulity on the other side of the Atlantic* But it is all true. And we see the wonderful reality, as if by magic, springing into being all around us. And we shall doubtless behold grea- ter miracles than these. We are but in the morn- ing of our existence. We now see only the first-fruits of a glorious harvest. What will not a free Christianity yet do for a free people ? Our's, if faithful to our trust, is a lofty destiny. We are a city set upon a hill. Other nations behold, and wonder, and imitate. Our example has sent out an influence to the ends of the earth, and it will not cease to work in the hearts of every people till all are made free with that holy liberty wherewith the truth alone can make men free. * Some thirteen years since, in this city, the author, after preaching, was met al the foot of the pulpit stairs by a well dres- sed stranger. He introduced himself as the Rev. Mr. . He was a foreigner, and had resided about two years in the northern part of this valley, and was then on his return to the land of his nativity. Upon the hope being expressed that he vvas not leav- ing the United States because disappointed in his expectations, " O no," he replied, with the characteristic ardor and frankness of an Irishman, " I see thriving towns and villages rising in all parts of Ohio, and more than a million of people spread over its surface where all was the abode of savages and wild-beasts, and not a white resident found till the year — 85. There is nothing like this in the old country. Were I to describe it to them by letter they would not believe it. It would be utterly incredible to those among whom ages scarcely make any perceptible change. To be believed, I must go back myself, and tell them what my eyes have seen." He did so, and returned again to share with us in the solemn responsibilities and precious blessings of a free government and a free Christianity. This, it is believed, describes the case of thousands who are annually flocking to our shores from other lands. /^ LB Mr 10 !