015 829 001 7 «> F 1234 .C74 Copy 1 _r) CONGKESS") 1st Session j SENATE / Document \ No. 153 CONDITIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF MEXICO A STATEMENT OF THE CONDITIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF MEXICO WITH RELATION TO THE DIAZ AND MADERO REGIME AND THE HUERTA "DE FACTO" GOVERNMENT 4^ PRESENTED BY MR. SHEPPARD August 6, 1913.— Ordered to be printed WASHINGTON 1913 0. OF D. AUG H 1913 CONDITIONS m THE REPUBLIC OF MEXICO. It is universally believed that 90 per cent of the people of Mexico favor the Constitutionalist cause, headed by Gov. Carranza. This cause represents the identical ideas and aspirations of the revolution of 1910, as set forth in the "Plan de San Luis Potosi." The triumph of Madero over Diaz, and his effort to bring about a realization of those ideals and aspirations, were rendered futile only through an unwise policy of conciliation, independently; adopted by certain members of his cabinet, who conceived it desirable to try to secure the support of the new government, by the group of reactionaries who had so long been in the ascendancy, and whose rule had brought upon Mexico the oppressive political and social conditions with which the Government then found itself confronted. The great fault of the administration of Gen. Diaz was his inability to appreciate the necessity for education among the lower classes to afford them opportunity to earn a livelihood consistent with the economic development of the times. With the investment of foreign capital in Mexico and the rapid industrial development throughout the Republic, which came soon after the permanent establishment of Gen. Diaz in power, the cost of living began rapidly to rise, but not so the earnings of the poor man. The great land barons, whom Gen.. Diaz permitted to fraudulently wrest vast tracts of territory from their rightful owners, cleverly managed to evade the payment of taxes, imposing this burden upon the laboring classes, who, already staggering under their load, now wanted for even food to eat. The foreign concessionaires, merchants, contractors, and officials, during this period and until the close of the Diaz regime, enjoyed great prosperity, but not so the ordinary citizen of Mexico, who, day by day, found himself more closely approaching industrial bondage, if not actual slavery. Such were conditions in Mexico in 1910 when the "Plan de San Luis Potosi" was drawn as the platform of the patriotic revolutionary movement which Madero inaugurated in the fall of 1910 to relieve the intolerable situation. It was the old "cientifico" group, who so fattened under Diaz, that, again in the saddle through the error of members of Madero's cabinet, conspired with Huerta, Diaz, Mondragon, Blanquet, and de la Barra, to overthrow the constituted government and establish one of their own, in order that they might once more enjoy the fruits of oppression. The aim of Gov. Carranza, who is endeavoring to restore the con- stitutional order, to punish the guilty and to vindicate the national honor, is to carry out the reforms which the present political and economical situation demand. He proposes to establish a govern- ment that is constitutional in all respects; to reform the personnel of the judiciary and to make free election possible. Next, to apportion parts of the vast estates among their legitimate owners, in order that the latter may have opportunity to provide food, clothing, and educa- 3 4 CONDITIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OP MEXICO. tion for their families. In this, Gov. Carranza is supported by the masses. Huerta, on the other hand, who stands for no principle, is defended by a military oligarchy. Huerta being in possession of the Capital and Federal District, and in control of the railroad between there and the port of Vera Cruz, maintains a ''de facto" government; but in no State in the Republic has he real, complete, and absolute control. He has a vast quantity of arms and ammunition, and with the people's money has bought great quantities of other materials of war in Europe and in the United States, in the hope of sustaining himself in power. During the month of June alone he purchased 10,000 rifles and 5,000,000 rounds of ammunition from New York, with which to kill people that are struggling for the restoration of their constitution, the right to live, and a vindication of their national honor. While the Huerta government has been accorded the privilege of purchasing arms in the United States, under the exceptions men- tioned in the joint resolution of Congress approved March 14, 1912, the same privilege has not been accorded the Constitutionalist cause, a policy which seems to have been quite inconsistent with that of the United States in the past. The present movement headed by Carranza is not a rebellion or a revolution, it is a civil war. While the Constitutionalists are indifferently armed, they are nevertheless by their energy making headway in their campaign. In viewing the apparent desire on the part of the Government and the people of the United States to see this war brought to an early close, those who are struggling for their rights conceive that the high sense of justice and fair play, so inherent in the American character, should dictate a prompt repeal of the joint resolution above referred to, which would allow both parties in the present struggle to freely avail them- selves of the markets of the United States. With this privilege the Constitutionalists are convinced that they could bring hostihties to an early and final conclusion. Such is regarded as the most practical method of putting an end to the present situation that would be permanent and satisfactory to the masses. Mediation by any means would afford an impracticable solution of the problem, one which would have no lasting effect, and which would only protract existing differences. As a demonstration of the overwhelming majority that is on the side of the Constitutionahsts, one has only to glance at the inclosed list of Constitutionahst chiefs and men under them, which, although incomplete, gives a good idea of facts. Moreover, the Constitutionalists are in possession of over three- quarters of the Republic of Mexico, and, as stated before, there is not one State of the Republic where Huerta has absolute control, whereas, on the other hand, his enemies have several States and dominate the situation in most of them, as follows: All the State of Sonora but one town, Guaymas. All the State of Chihuahua but the capital and Juarez. All the State of Coahuila but the capital and Monclova. All the State of Nuevo Leon but the capital and Lampazos. All the State of Tamaulipas but the capital and Laredo and Tampico. All the State of Sinaloa but the capital and Mazatlan. CONDITIONS IN THE KBPUBLIC OP MEXICO. 5 All the State of Durango. All the State of Zacatecas but the capital. All the State of San Luis Potosi but the capital and part of the rail- road line to Tampico. All the coast-line States are controlled by Constitutionalists with the exception of the capitals of the States and some of the large towns. Huerta controls the greater part of the States of Mexico, Hidalgo, Queretaro, and Puebla; also the railroad from Mexico City to Vera Cruz, but has his hands full trying to keep away the Constitutionalists that are constantly nearing the outskirts of the capital cities of these States. The following chiefs have espoused the Constitutionalist cause under the leadership of the constitutional governor of the State of Coahuila, Don Venustiano Carranza: NORTHERN STATES OF THE REPUBLIC OF MEXICO. Number of Chihuahua: men. Gral. Francisco Villa 1, 200 Col. Talamantes 600 Bustamante 800 Ortega 450 Rosalio Hernandez 400 Juan N. Medina 400 Juan Dozal 500 Coahuila: First Chief V. Carranza 1,000 Col. Jesus Carranza 1, 000 Pablo Gonzalez 800 Samuel Vazquez 400 Bias Montemayor 800 R. Gonzalez Garza 300 Salinas 600 Garcia de la Cadena 300 Coronel Prieto ■ 800 Ladislao Oyervides 400 Juan Muniz 300 Francisco Coss 300 Number of Coahuila — Continued. men. Manuel Cardenas 300 Fransico Flores 250 Contreras 450 Carrillo 300 Sonora : Gral. Alvaro Obregon 3, 000 Yaqui Indians 2, 000 Calles 400 Benjamin hill 1, 500 J. M. Ochoa 700 Bracamontes 500 Dieguez 400 Merigo 400 Nuevo Leon: Col. Jesus Garza 500 Absalon Lozano 500 J. Lozano 300 Crispin Trevino 400 Juan Vela 200 CENTRAL STATES. Number of Aguascalientes: men. Gov. A. Fuentes, men under subordinate chiefs 1, 500 Durango: Tomas Urbina 2, 500 O. Pereyra 1, 800 Calixto Contreras 2, 000 Arieta 700 Zacatecas: Panfilo Natera 1, 000 Candido Aguilar 800 Col. Cervantes 400 Guanajuato: Candido Navarro 800 Joaquin Rocha 600 Candido Flores 300 Pantoja Bros 350 Hidalgo: V. Segura 500 J. M. Martinez 500 Nicolas Flores 300 Number of Hidalgo — ContiQued. men. Narvaez 200 Maldonado 120 Resendis 150 Huitron 100 Fco. P. Mariel and V. Zalazar. 200 Queretaro: Fermin Balleza 250 Gonzalo Aldape w 200 Margarito Torres 3 00 Daniel Cerecedo 130 Nicolas Zarazua 90 Julio del Castillo 200 San Luis Potosi: F. Cosio Robelo 500 P. A. Santos Rafael Flores M 400 Clemente Almaza, Uriel Barba, Matias Hernandez, Pablo Pena 300 Luciano Mascorro 100 CONDITIONS IN THE KEPUBLIC OP MEXICO. CENTRAL STATES — Continued. Number of San Luis Potosi — Continued. men. Victor Calvo 50 Panfilo Almaza 200 Santos Coy, Davila Sanchez, Eulalio Gutierrez 950 Mexico: Albarran 450 Agustin del Rio 200 Jose Riverol 280 Samuel Ramirez, Ignacio Diaz Conte 350 Anduaga 200 Candido Hernandez 250 Puebla: M. Lucas, Alejandro Vega, Oy- aquica 1, 500 Marquez Escobedo Bros 350 M. Martinez 250 Number of Puebla— Continued. men. Camacho Bros 300 Mucio Bravo 400 Pedro Morales 150 Pedro Guerra 200 Amezcua 150 Esteban Marquez 200 Beningno Centeno 170 Morelos: Emiliano Zapata, Eufemio Zapata, Angel Barrios, Otilio Montano 3,900 Conrrado Duarte 300 Amador Zalazar 250 Lorenzo Vazquez 700 Fco. Mendoza 200 Genovebo de la 1, 500 Federal district. — This district is frequented by revolutionists from Morelos State. GULP AND SOUTHERN STATES. Number of Campeche: men. Gov. M. Castilla Brito, Felipe del Angel, L. FeUpe Do- minguez 2, 300 Vera Cruz: Maximo Bello 300 Blanco 380 J.Vega 500 B. Mendez 250 Tabasco: Panuncio Martinez 380 J. M. Navarrete 200 Tamaulipas: Gral. Lucio Blanco 2, 000 Mayor Zertuche 800 Navarrete 300 Alfredo Valdes .' 200 J. M. Lozano.. 300 L. Horcasitas 400 Castro 500 Mugica 500 Jalisco: Crispin R. Villegas. 900 Adolfo Jimenez, Felipe Her- nandez 600 Serrano, Arrieta 700 Elias Esqueda 250 Vera 300 Novoa 150 Robles 150 J. Santos Barreda 200 Elias Sedano 150 Enrique Estrada 100 Number of Jalisco — Continued. men. Isabel Soto, Azpeitia 250 Librado Medrano, Rodriguez, Cobarrubias 300 Guerrero: Romulo Figueroa 1, 000 Beltran 800 Felipe Navarro 200 Arenal, Basave 200 Valeriano Flores 100 Retes, Tirso F. Ochoa 300 Manuel Yasin 200 Michoacan: Gertrudis Sanchez 1, 500 Renteria 800 Luviano Sanchez ■. . 400 Martin Castrejon 300 Amado I. Perez 280 Elizaondo, Alarcon 600 Rafael Olivares 200 Cecilio Gomez 250 Luis Diaz 100 Joaquin Amaro 200 Cenobio Gomez 150 Sinaloa: Gov. Felipe Riveros 800 A. Gallardo, J. Riveros 600 M. Riveros 350 Yturbe 500 Enrique Moreno, Claro G. Mo- lina, J. M. Cabanillas 400 Rodolfo Camos 300 Colina. This State is invaded constantly by troops from States of Jalisco and Michoacan . Lower California not reported at this writing. CONDITIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF MEXICO. Number of Tlaxcala (this is central State): men. Ing. Ezequiel 300 Pedro Susano 100 Miguel Susano 100 J. Rodriguez \ nr« P. Morales / "^^^ Number of Territory of Tepic: men. S.Arguello 700 Oaxaca: Mucio Hernandez 300 Nabor Galeana 450 Rolando Miranda 200 Luis Regules 400 Gabriel P. Soto 350 Santibanez 250 Cap. Miganjos 300 Yucatan and Chiapas are also in arms, but the names of the chiefs have not beent given, as they are too far south. Besides the above list of names there are about one-half as many more that are not mentioned here, because they did not report at the time the statement was written. Kailroad lines whose operation is dependent on consent of Consti- tutionalists : Monterey (State of Nueva Leon) to Gomez Palacio (State of Durango). Saltillo (State of Coahuila) to Concepcion del Oro (State of Zacatecas). Morelia (State of Michoacan) to Uruapam (in same State). Oaxaca (State of Oaxaca) to Tlacolula (State of Oaxaca). Atencingo (State of Puebla) to Cuautla (State of Morelos). Monterey (State of Nueva Leon) to Saltillo (State of Coahuila). San Luis Potosi (State of same name) to Saltillo (State of Coahuila). San Luis Potosi (State of same name) to Tampico (State of Tamaulipas). Monterey (State of Nueva Leon) to Laredo (State of Tamaulipas). Monterey (State of Nueva Leon) to Matamoros (State of Tamaulipas). Reata (State of Coahuila) to Piedras Negras (State of Coahuila). Yurecuaro (State of Michoacan) to Los Reyes (State of Michoacan). . Zamora (State of Michoacan) to Los Reyes (State of Michoacan). Aguascalientes (State of same name) to Zacatecas (State of same name). Mexico is a country of intermingled colonization, composed of people of quite different races, traditions, and civihzations. As a people they may be regarded as a genuine national unity, yet such has only come into existence during recent years. Mexico was the principal colony founded by Spain in America, and so it was here that the conservative classes, the aristocracy, the clergy, and the mihtary gained their highest development and stood in opposition to the humble conditions of life in which the great mass of the inhabit- ants lived. These facts have been the cause of the several convul- sions that have afflicted the Mexican nation in its struggle for life during the last hundred years. The war of independence was rather a social than a political strife,' its main object having been to emancipate, from a social point of* view, the Indians, the mixed bloods, and the peasants, whom the wealthier classes, too jealous of their own privileges, had denied the right to mingle in pubHc affairs. This war for independence lasted for over 1 1 years, and it did not come to an end until the aris- tocracy gave it their own support in the hope of becoming more powerful under the new regime than they had been under the Crown of Spain. Once the pohtical but not the social independence was accom- ghshed, the struggle was renewed between the conservative and the beral classes. This struggle covered a long period of time and was full of dramatic events, such as the French intervention and the subsequent estabhshment of the so-called Empire, an enterprise 8 CONDITIONS IN THE KEPUBLIC OP MEXICO. which ended in the death of an Austrian prince and which brought about the final estabHshment of a democratic government and the separation of the church from the state. The clergy were granted full liberty in respect to their own welfare and ecclesiastical duties, but were thereafter not allowed to meddle in Government affairs. The country, now almost exhausted by long internal strife, was willing to tolerate the dictatorship of Pornrio Diaz, who maintained a state of peace for 30 years, during which public wealth increased considerably; a middle class, never known before, was created, and public instruction began to be imparted, though in a scant measure. Diaz, however, utterly neglected to give the people a political educa- tion and to protect the latter classes from the oppression of the aristocracy. He also failed to bring about a distribution without discrimination of the public wealth, and to satisfy the appeals for justice which were made throughout the country. Diaz failed to understand that after the 30 years of his dictatorship, the social conditions of the country had undergone important changes ; the cost of living had increased, while wages had not been raised propor- tionately. Thus the people lived under unbearable conditions, their earnings, in later years, being hardly sufficient to afford them existence. Francisco I. Madero embodied the aspirations of the newer genera- tion of the Mexican people, who, having no legal means of redressing their wrongs, were compelled to resort to arms. The revolution headed by Madero was, like the Wars of Independ- ence and of the Reform, a social, rather than a political struggle. Public opinion, constantly supporting the revolutionary movement, brought Madero quickly to the Presidency. Unfortunately, Madero's pure ideals and magnanimity brought about a compromise with the tottering administration of Diaz, by means of which a provisional president was named, Mr. De la Barra. During De la Barra's administration all the reactionary elements of the country, quite sure that they would be harassed no more, prepared to regain power, and, in advance, to undermine both the administration of Madero and the principles of the revolutionary party. In fact, Madero never ruled at all; he was constantly prevented from doing so by the reactionary party which, through the press, entirely under its control, and a majority in the hold-over Congress, proceeded to foment revolt and excite the public. His administra- tion was finally overthrown by virtue of jomt action on the part of all the reactionary elements, and by means of one of the most cowardly betrayals ever recorded in history. The Government, having been forcibly seized by the military chief charged with the defense of its institutions and the protection of the persons representing the executive power, and having sealed that usurpation with the assassination of President Madero and Vice Presi- dent Pino Suarez, the nation, in a solid mass, experienced a' strong sentiment of exasperation, outrage, aild despair, because it under- stood the character of the betrayal, realizing, as a people aspiring to be considered as enlightened, what had befallen them; that their structure was once more in the hands of the reactionaries, and that it was now a human impossibility to satisfy the aspiration that formed the ideals of the revolution of 1910. The interests that strengthened the arm of Huerta were the same that at first opposed the independ- CONDITIONS IN THE EEPUBLIC OF MEXICO. 9 ence of Mexico; that still later, in their selfish anxiety to hinder the social reforms of progress, called foreign forces to their aid; that industriously perverted the dictatorial will of Porfirio Diaz (who divided among a very limited number of persons the riches of the country) and that next treacherously conspired to betray Madero, and consequently the people, to the extent of sacrificing them, and usurping the powers of government. During the moments of surprise and horror that followed the over- throw of the constituted government, the governor of the State of Coahuila, Senor Venustiano Carranza, and after him the governor of the State of Sonora, Senor Jose Maria Maytorena, and a group of members of Congress had the courage to boldly protest against the crime and in favor of the constitution. In order to render these protests more effective they rose in arms. At this point it is desirable to note that the pretended government set*up by those who overthrew Madero has never been legal. In the first place, the resignation obtained from him was secured, if it ex- isted, through misrepresentations as well as by moral and material pressure; by duress. In the second place, the Chamber of Deputies, before which he ought to have appeared and by which he should have been received, during the night of the extraordinary session, when it was given notice of the existence of that document, lacked a legal quorum, having no more than 90 of the 120 members, which, accord- ing to the law, constitutes its relative majority. In the third place, when the acceptance of the resignation of Madero was obtained from the chamber, prior to the taking of the oath of office as provisional President by Huerta, moral and material violence was employed against its members, to whom were communicated threats that if they did not forthwith accept the resignation of Madero he would at once be sacrificed without mercy. Simultaneously a battalion of troops was stationed under the arches of the Legislative Palace, and the galleries of the chamber were filled with soldiers, a demonstration of armed force intended to intimidate, as it did, the members in the free exercise of their duty. A member from the State of Guadalajara says: "I protested against all and each of these unlawful acts, and there were five others who, in spite of the menace, voted against the acceptance of the resignation of Madero." The chamber was not legally con- stituted at the time and was under moral and material pressure ; so that, by deed and by right, its action was void, rendering the Gov- ernment of Huerta illegal. On the other hand, the authority of Carranza and Maytorena, rep- resenting the executive power of the sovereign States Coahuila and Sonora, respectively, as well as that of Castillo Brito, governor of the State of Campeche, is sustained by the constitution and the law. Therefore they are not rebels. On the contrary, they are, as in duty bound, promoters of an effort to vindicate the constitution. They are the remnant of the government of Madero. Those who are really rebels are Huerta and his cousurpers, who have trampled the consti- tution under foot and defied society. The prompt determination of Gov. Carranza to take up arms rather than submit to Huerta impelled the proclamation of what is known as the "plan of Guadalupe," which was, at the same time, approved by a large number of military chiefs who rallied about him with their respective commands. 10 CONDITIONS IN THE EEPUBLIC OF MEXICO, This plan reads more or less as follows: 1. We repudiate Gen. Victoriano Huerta as President of the Republic. 2. We repudiate also the legislative and judicial powers of the Federation. 3. We repudiate the governments of the States which, 30 days hence, shall recog- nize the Federal authorities which form the present administration. 4. For the organization of the military forces necessary to make compliance with our purposes we name as first chief of the forces, which shall be called ' ' Constitu- tionalists, " Don Venustiano Carranza, governor of the State of Coahuila. 5. On the occupation by the Constitutionalist forces of the City of Mexico, the executive power shall be taken charge of by Don Venustiano Carranza, first chief of the forces, or whoever may be s ibstituted in command. 6. The President ad interim of the Republic shall convoke general elections as soon as peace shall have been established, delivering the power to the person who shall be elected. 7. The person acting as first chief of the Constitutionalist forces will assume charge as provisional governor of such States as have recognized Huerta, and shall convoke local elections, after which the persons elected shall assume their duties. Signed at the estate of Guadalupe, Coahidla, on the 26th day of March, 1913. This rather simple but direct declaration, devoid of high sounding phrases and complex considerations, met with a high approval at once by a vast majority of the people of the northern States, and later by those of other parts of Mexico when its terms became known. From a political standpoint the leaders of the Constitutionalist Party have no personal ambition. This is not a quarrel of person- ahties; it is not a struggle to place a given individual in power. Both leaders and followers aspire to be austere and devoted democrats who are fighting for respect for the law and for the honor of the country. While the political aspect of the present revolution is important, it is less important, however, than its social aspect. At the bottom the social ideas of the present movement are the same as those of the revolution of 1910, and it can be stated that every event which has taken place since is nothing more than an epi- sode of that same great drama. In the first place, the whole nation, tired of a regime of special privilege and of a pohcy that had degraded the judiciary, transform- ing it into a simple instrument in the hands of a dictator, to serve only the interests of the rich, demands the establishment of a new regime founded on real justice, without discrimination against the poor; also, that the department of justice be purified and a revision of the laws made for the better protection of all from the influence of politics. The Constitutionalists wish to improve the conditions of the farmer, doing away, once for all, with certain abuses which, in some sections, transform the peasant into a slave; in others they are deprived of all hope of ever acquiring a piece of land for themselves, the land- holder absorbing all the product of their work. There are, indeed, parts of the country where the laboring classes are held in such mis- erable and j)itiful conditions that it can be said they live in far inferior conditions to beasts of burden, which are sometimes better cared for and better fed. The Constitutionalists want a more equitable distribution of all public taxation, because through old corrupt methods, the whole burden rests exclusively on the poor, the wealthy bearing but a very small proportion of it. The Constitutionalists want that certain class of individuals who, by unclean means, during the Diaz regime, deprived even towns, to OONDITIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF MEXICO. 11 say nothing of many poor individuals, of their lands, compelled, by due process of law, to return them. The Constitutionalists demand that certain estates of immense area, which are in the hands of individuals who" can not cultivate them, and who have not even seen them, shall be divided up, enacting the necessary laws for equitable compensation, and which will harmo- nize private interests with those of the community. They want new legislation which may favor, either by private enterprise supported by the State, or undertaken by the State itself, a system of irrigation and water supply to help the farmer cultivate his land. They declare the necessity for a new financial system, which, in a similar way, may provide funds, at low interest, so that the farmer may, by giving suitable security, borrow modest amounts to enable him to cultivate his lands. They also wish to impart education on a large scale; to build roads and turnpikes, and to establish schools of agriculture and industry in sufficient number. The Constitutionalists want the land holdings fixed and respected, and at the same time that legislation may be enacted to facilitate the transfer of property. The condition of workingmen must also be improved by means of a better relationship between capital and the working classes. And it is especially desirable to protect, educate, and redeem the neglected Indians. Finally, the social ideas of the Constitutionalist movement may be condensed by saying that Mexico wishes to take another step forward on the road of moral, political, and social improvement. This move- ment is one of progress, and in view of the knowledge that the writer has of the present conditions of the country, he considers that if the present crisis can be solved in a way favorable to the popular will, in a day not very far distant, Mexico will call the attention of the world by the harmonious development of her resources and by the demo- cratic exercise of her rights. The people are already practically pre- pared for democracy, though they lack experience, and, above all, confidence in their rulers to execute their expressed will. The good element of Mexico, the country people, the middle classes, the workingmen, the intellectual men who have not gone into poli- tics as a means to get a living, and the great Liberal Party as a whole, are united with the Constitutionalist movement, which is favored, it may be said, by no less than 90 per cent of the population. Among the leaders of this great party are counted in the first ranks Mr. Venustiano Carranza, who belongs to one of the leading and oldest families of the State of Coahuila. He was educated at the City of Mexico and began a course of study at the National School of Law, but was caused to abandon it because of trouble with his eyes. But his splendid preparation put him in a position to become highly cultured. In his personality he is a thinker; he speaks but little; he is famously honest and is well to do. He is about 55 years old, greatly admired and beloved by his fellow citizens. He was en- gaged in the management of his estate when he was elected mayor of his own town, after which he was made a judge, a senator in the National Congress, and finally was unanimously elected as governor of his State, which position he still holds. He believes that the cause for which he is fighting is the cause of righteousness; he knows that the burden he has assumed is a very heavy one, but he has a clear consciousness of the great need of the present movement, on which 12 CONDITIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OP MEXICO. depends the establishment of lasting peace in Mexico. He is not im- Eulsive, nor is he unfair in his decisions; but, on the contrary, is umanitarian and a man of repose, and at the same time he is en- dowed with a firmness of character which has made him noted among the leaders of the country. Mr. Jose Maria Maytorena, governor of the State of Sonora, is also a man of good social position, and he is well to do. He has spent his life developing his estate. He is also admired and beloved by his people. Around these two great leaders, and Gov. Castillo Brito, of Cam- peche, there are all the really influential men of their respective States. Out of the 235 congressmen who were elected to form the present Mexican National Congress, more than one-haK sympathize with the ConstitutionaUst movement. During the last days of Mr. Madero's administration many of them were in great danger of death and were compelled to leave the capital for safety. About 40 of them are already in the army of the Constitutionalists. Nearly one-half of the senators are, at heart, also sympathizers with the movement, and if their number is not greater it is due to the fact that many of them belong to the old ranks of Porfirio Diaz. The state of war in which the country finds itself at present has developed the mihtary qualities of many citizens who were unknown before. Thus we have among the prominent leaders and officers of the ConstitutionaUst army many merchants, farmers, manufacturers, and men of various professions. Obregon, Cabral, Calles Braca- montes, in Sonora; Toribio Ortega, Francisco Villa, and many others in Chihuahua; Pablo Gonzales, Jesus Carranza, Francisco Cos, Atilano Barrera, and others in Coahuila; Roque Gonzales Garza, Incio Blanco, Mujice, and many others in Nuevo Leon and Tamauhpas; Orestes Pereira, Cahxto Contreras, Pablo Nateras, Santos Coy, Novoa, Iturbe, Martin Espinoza, in Durango, Zacatecas, Tepic, Sinaloa, and Jahsco; Gertrudis Sanchez, Rentera Inbiano, Castrajon, and many others in Michoacan and Guanajuato. Besides, there are many new leaders in all the States enumerated and others who have just received their commissions in San Luis Potosi, Vera Cruz, Guerrero, Hidalgo, State of Mexico, Puebla, Tabasco, Campeche, and Tlazcala. Zapata, with his many followers, in the State of Morelos, would gladly submit to Carranza. In brief it may be said that the revolutionary movement has on its side intellectual and enterprising men in sufficient number to abso- lutely secure the general peace of the Republic, to organize the admin- istration, to arrange a proper plan of reform in order to systematically establish the same throughout the Republic. The principal charac- teristics of these men is in general that all of them are morally sane and are moved by a common desire to work for the benefit oi their country. In the first place we count on the good will and the active coopera- tion, according to circumstances, of the great majority of the inhabi- tants of Mexico. The Constitutionalists control nearly the whole of the States of Sonora, Coahuila, Durango, and Campeche, in which States the troops of Huerta control only a very few towns. Chi- huahua, Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon, Zacatecas, and the greatest part of San Luis Potosi; Michoacan, Guerrero, and Sinaloa are also con- CONDITIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF MEXICO. 13 trolled, in a general sense, by the Constitutionalists. In the States of Tobaseo, Jalisco, Tepic, Tlaxcala, Puebla, Veracruz, Hidalgo, and Mexico several organized movements have been started, spreading with such a facility that within 30 days these States will be entirely under control. It is easy to foresee that the few States in which the movement has not yet started will very soon follow the others. It is a fact that war supplies have not been very abundant in the Constitutionalist camps, the greater part of the arms and ammunition in their possession being taken from the troops of Huerta. If the Constitutionalists could purchase the necessary elements to arm the volunteers who offer their services, they would readily make up an army of more than 100,000 men within 30 days, doing away with Huerta' s administration in short order. This time the leaders of the movement intend to bring it to a final success in order that when the needs that produced it shall be satis- fied a definite and organic peace may be established. Thus they are perfectly decided to enter into no negotiations of any kind with either Huerta or with the followers of Felix Diaz, or with the Cien- tificos, or with the Catholic Party, or with any other reactionary faction whose tendencies are more or less concealed. A compromise, which was really a sign of weakness, determined the partial failure of the revolution of 1910, the disaster of the Madero policy, the mur- der of I\[r. Madero, and caused the present situation. Thus it is for humanity's sake and for the sake of the most elementary patriotism that the Constitutionalists feel in duty bound not to enter into any compromise with the enemy. No compromise would insure peace. Therefore the Constitutionalists will not look with favor on any endeavor that may tend to promote such a compromise, as, for instance, the suggestion in behalf of Gen. Trevino, a very old man, closely tied with the Cientificos, and therefore persona non grata. When the movement shall have achieved its triumph, it is intended to keep sound and whole the strength that gave it victory. The intervention of any foreign power in Mexican affairs would only favor the interests of Huerta and the reactionary party. The inter- ests of the people would be greatly prejudiced, inasmuch as it would compel them to enter into some unjust compromise with their oppres- sors. Furthermore, the idea of intervention is highly unpopular among the people, and it would surely originate evils far greater than those it intends to remedy. Among the people at large there is no anti-American feeling. On the contrary, there is a feehng of true friendship. The great majority, as heretofore stated, have their sympathies with the Constitutional- ists, and therefore the failure to recognize the so-called government of Huerta has been considered by them as a justification of their atti- tude and has been regarded as an indirect help to them, which has been greatly appreciated. The anti-American demonstrations which have taken place in the City of Mexico are known to be mere artificial manipulations intended to force recognition for the purpose of floating a loan in Europe, which, we believe, could only serve to protract unnecessarily a struggle whose final outcome is easy to predict. In this connection it must be said, however, that the Constitution- alists will never be disposed to recognize such a loan. 14 CONDITIONS IN" THE REPUBLIC OF MEXICO. The Constitutionalists have never asked, and never will ask, any help from foreign powers. All they desire is that these powers consider their cause with justice and calmness. The lives and prop- erty of foreign subjects and citizens have been protected by every possible means within their jurisdiction, and it is fair to say that no honest man need have fear. The only men who now run any risk in Mexico are those who have been charged with committing crime or those who have plundered the national treasury. In spite of the great difficulties encountered in maintaining com- munication between the different States now in arms, as well as between the different military chiefs, the whole revolutionary move- ment follows strictly the same ideals and is under the general con- trol of Mr. Carranza. Persons who have a keen interest in misrep- resenting the movement have reported that this movement is chaotic and lacks systematic coordination, but these reports are absolutely false. Representatives from all over the country are constantly arriving in Piedras Negras — Carranza's headquarters — to receive orders and instructions. Carranza has already begun to form an embryo government and to appoint a cabinet. At the beginnmg military organization was most important, and he therefore devoted all his attention to the needs of his army, but now he has created two new departments, one of war and one of finance, and in a very few days other depart- ments will be created to meet the necessities incident to the occupa- tion of new territory and fresh responsibilities. On the 15th day of May last Carranza, without pressure of any sort, issued a decree binding the constitutional government to the principle of international arbitration for the immediate settlement of claims of American citizens and other foreigners against Mexico upon the triumph of his cause. This affords an excellent example of the practical side of his character. To sum up: The Constitutionalists conceive that the seizure of the Government of Mexico by Huerta and his assumption of power did violence to the constitution and justified the people in a resort to arms in an effort to vindicate not only the fundamental law but the national honor. The masses support this movement for the restoration of consti- tutional order; the aristocracy and the reactionary elements oppose it, favoring Huerta. o LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 015 829 001 7