Class, Book.. Eirm. Gop)'jightN^ COPYRIGHT DEPOSrc WooDROw Wilson. ALLYN AND BACON'S SERIES OF SCHOOL HISTORIES A HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES BY • JOHN HOLLADAY LATANE, Ph.D., LLD. PROFESSOR OF AMERICAN HISTORY IN THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY o>»Jo ALLYN AND BACON tSoston Ncfco Hoik Cljicago £r//^ ALLYN AND BACON'S SERIES OF SCHOOL HISTORIES 12mo, half leather, numerous maps, plans, and illustrations THE ANCIENT WORLD. Revised. By Willis M. West. Also in two volumes : Part I. Greece and the East. Part II. Rome and the West. THE MODERN WORLD. By Willis M. West. SHORT HISTORY OF ENGLAND. By Charles M. Andrews of Yale University. HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. By Willis M. West, HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES- Revised. By Charles K. Adams and William P. Trent of Columbia University. ANCIENT HISTORY. By Willis M. West. MODERN HISTORY. By Willis M. West. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. By Charles M. Andrews. AMERICAN HISTORY AND GOVERNMENT, By Willis M. West. COPYRIGHT, 1918, BY JOHN H. LATANE OCT -8 it^fti NortoooU yrcsB J. S. Gushing Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. ©CI.A503744 PREFACE In the preparation of this vohime the attempt has been made to combine as far as possible the topical with the chronological method of presentation. History is not a mere study of facts, but of the relationship between facts, of cause and effect. In the selection of topics only those have been included which appeared to be really significant, and each topic has been developed, it is hoped, with sufficient fullness to make it intelligible. In order to bring the book into line with recent tendencies three things have been emphasized : (1) Diplomatic history has been given special attention. Hitherto Americans have devoted little thought to foreign relations, but the world war has brought us into vital contact with world politics, and as Mr. Root says, "A democracy which undertakes to control its own foreign relations ought to know something about the subject." The different periods of our foreign policy have, therefore, been given a fuller and more continuous treatment than in any general text-book that has so far been written. (2) Military history has been given rather more space than it has received in the books now in use. Mihtary his- tory should be studied for several reasons, — as a matter of general intelligence, as a connecting link between history and geography, and for a correct understanding of the problems of national defence. The chapter on the War of 1812 is based in the main on Captain Mahan's great study of that contest, and is designed to place it in its true light. In the treatment of the Civil War the attempt is made to show the effect on military operations of the blockade, of the vi Preface attitude of foreign powers, and of economic conditions, North and South. (3) An effort has been made to show the influence of economic conditions on the pohtics of the country through- out its entire history. The economic motive is by no means the sole motive which determines the actions of men in mass, but it is unquestionably one of the most compelling motives. The slavery contest was economic in its origin and development. It became eventually a moral issue. In arranging the topical references no attempt has been made at a full })ibliography. Except in a few instances only the better known and more recent standard writers, whose works should be on the shelves of every well-selected library, are included. John H. Latane. CONTENTS PART I — THE COLONIES I. The New World .... II. The Foundations of English Colonization III. A Century of Growth and Expansion IV. The Rise and Fall of New France 1 18 46 72 PART II — THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION V. Causes of the American Revolution .... 92 VI. The Attempt to Coerce Massachusetts . . . 112 VII. The Attack on the Center 129 VIII. The French Alliance 146 IX. The War in the South 157 PART III — NATIONAL ORGANIZATION X. The Adoption of the Constitution XL The Presidency of Washington . XII. Federalists and Republicans XIII. The Struggle for Neutral Rights . XIV. The Second War with England . XV. Industrial Growth and Westward Expansion 175 191 207 224 235 251 1/ PART IV — SECTIONAL DIVERGENCE XVI. Jacksonian Democracy XVII. The Period of the Mexican War XVIII. Slavery in the Territories . XIX. The Irrepressible Conflict . XX. Secession ..... 271 289 308 323 340 A PART V — THE CIVIL WAR XXI. The Opening Campaigns, East and West XXII. The High Tide of the Confederacy . XXIII. The Blockade and Foreign Relations . vii 357 380 396 viii Contents • PAGE ^ XXIV. The Outcome of the War .... . 408 XXV. Reconstruction of the Southern States PART VI — THE NEW NATION . 424 XXVI. Economic Changes, 1877-1897 . . 449 XXVII. Foreign Relations, 1865-1897 . . 475 XXVIII. The War with Spain . 497 XXIX. America as a World Power . 520 XXX. The New Democracy . 540 XXXI. The European War . 555 Appendix A. Declaration of Independence . 569 Appendix B. Constitution of the United States of America 574 Index . . 1-28 MAPS 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. Oriental Trade Routes and Portuguese and Spanish Dis- coveries. Double page, colored . . folloitnng Toscanelli's Map ......... Distribution of Indian Tribes. Full page, colored New England in 1640 Virginia and Maryland in 1650. Full page, colored Types of Colonial Government. Full page, colored French Explorations and Settlements. Full page, European Possessions in America, 1664-1775. colored ........ The British Colonies in 1767. Full page, colored Western Settlements at Time of the Revolution Boston and Its Environs Siege of Boston .... Retreat across New Jersey, 1776-1777 The Middle Atlantic States . Operations in the South, 1780-1781 Operations at Yorktown Boundaries proposed by France in 1782. facing facing facing facing colored facing Full page, facing facing 1783. State Full page, colored facing Claims and Cessions. facing The United States Full page, colored ..... West Florida Controversy, 1783-1819 . Explorations of Lewis and Clark and of Pike. colored ....... The Canadian Frontier .... Operations around Niagara .... Operations around Washington and Baltimore The Missouri Compromise. Full page, colored The United States in 1830. Double page, colored following Territory Claimed by Texas. Full page, colored . facing Territory Ceded by Mexico, 1848-1853. Full page, colored facirig Full page, facing facing 2 5 15 40 44 61 73 89 92 108 119 122 134 141 159 169 171 176 219 220 235 243 245 261 270 299 303 X Maps PAGE 28. United States. Acquisition of Territory. Full page, colored facing 308 29. Compromise of 1850. Full page, colored . . facing 317 30. Freedom and Slavery in 1854. Full page, colored facing 328 31. The United States in 1861. Double page, colored follounng 350 32. The War in the East 359 33. Operations in the West 363 34. Hampton Roads 368 35. Map of Battle of Gettysburg. Full page, colored facing 387 36. Vicksburg Campaign 391 37. West Indies. Double page, colored . . following 526 38. Map of United States and Insular Dependencies. Double page, colored following 548 ILLUSTRATIONS Woodrow Wilson Sir Humphrey Gilbert Pocahontas . Captain John Smith Lord Delaware Sir William Berkeley, Governor of Virginia . Lady Berkeley, wife of Sir William Berkeley Cecihus Calvert, second Baron Baltimore John Winthrop ...... Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon William Penn, at the age of twenty-two La Salle Patrick Henry ...... Patrick Henry addressing the Virginia House of Burgesses in 1765 in support of his Resolutions against the Stamp Act Daniel Boone ....... Lord Dunmore ....... William Pitt, Earl of Chatham .... Washington as a Virginia Colonel, from portrait by Peale painted in 1772 Statue of Minuteman at Concord ..... Charles Carroll of CarroUton, last surviving signer of the Declara^ tion of Independence Benjamin Franklin George Rogers Clark Benedict Arnold . Henry Lee, known as " Daniel Morgan Anthony Wayne . Marquis de Lafayette John Jay John Adams . Thomas Jefferson . Robert Fulton Frontispiece PAGE Light Horse Harry" Lee . 19 22 23 24 27 28 29 36 46 51 74 96 99 107 109 114 117 118 127 147 152 161 163 164 167 168 204 207 212 221 ^ Xll Illustrations of the United States Facsimile of Inscription written by Jefferson for his Tombstone James Madison OUver H. Perry . John Quincy Adams Andrew Jackson . Thomas H. Benton John C. Calhoun . Nicholas Biddle, President of the Bank General Sam Houston . Henry Clay .... Daniel Webster General Winfield Scott . Stephen A. Douglas John Brown .... Abraham Lincoln . Alexander H. Stephens Jefferson Davis General Beauregard General McClellan General Albert Sidney Johnston Admiral Farragut John Ericsson, inventor of the Monitor General Joseph E. Johnston . General "Stonewall" Jackson General Longstreet General Pickett Robert E. Lee. His last photograph, taken General Philip H. Sheridan . General William T. Sherman Valentine's Recumbent Statue over the Tomb of Washington and Lee University at Lexington, Virginia Thaddeus Stevens Andrew Johnson . Horace Greeley Rutherford B. Hayes James A. Garfield Winfield S. Hancock Chester A. Arthur Grover Cleveland Benjamin Harrison William Jennings Bryan in 1869 of Lee, in the Chapel PAGE 228 230 242 266 274 275 280 282 286 289 292 302 326 337 343 347 354 358 361 365 367 369 370 372 376 387 412 414 416 420 432 437 442 446 451 452 454 456 461 471 Illustrations xiu James G. Blaine . William McKinley Admiral Dewey • William T. Sampson Winfield Scott Schley Theodore Roosevelt Elihu Root . William H. Taft . PAGE 485 497 501 503 506 521 524 540 2 The Colonies in the handwriting of Columbus shows how the g. at nav" gator's imagination was fired by these accounts and explains his conviction, when he had reached the West Indies, that they were outlying parts of the Great Khan's dominions. The theory that the earth was a sphere was perfectly familiar to men of learning in the Middle Ages. Aristotle held it in the fourth century, b.c, and called atten- that the tion to the fact that the earth's shadow on the earth was moon in eclipses was always circular, and that a sphere ... . stars visible in Egypt fell below the horizon of one traveling northward. Later Greek and Roman writers held the same view, and that the idea was familiar to the educated classes of Italy is clearly shown by the fact that Dante in the Divine Comedy places his Inferno in the center of a spherical earth. It should be remembered, however, that the educated class then was far more limited than it is to-day and that the belief of the masses was in a flat earth, a view to which the Church on Biblical grounds lent the weight of its authority. Columbus, in common with other navigators, appears to have accepted the scientific view without serious question : "I have always read," said he, "that the world, comprising the land and the water, is spherical, as is testified by the investigations of Ptolemy and others, who have proved it by the eclipses of the moon and other observations made from east to west, as well as by the elevation of the pole from north to south." Still there were no convincing geographical data to support this theory, and ignorance of the law of gravitation, as expounded by Sir Isaac Newton two centuries later, made very real to the ignorant sailor the now absurd fear that if a ship should sail too far down the sides of the earth it would be impossible to sail back to the top. The enthusiasm which inspired men to undertake perilous voyages of discovery and exploration during the fifteenth century was one of the many expressions of the new spirit 4r -1 .o-f The New World 3 which marked the period known as the Renaissance. The compass and the astrohibe, which had recently come into use, furnished the means, and the desire to find oriental new routes of trade between Europe and the Far ^^^^^ East furnished the motive to make this century an era of geographical discovery. The eyes of Europe, as already noted, were turned not to the West, but to the East, from which quarter came the most eagerly sought and lucrative articles of commerce. Owing to the coarse diet of the day and the lack of variety, spices of all kinds were in great demand throughout Europe and formed the most important part of the Oriental trade. There was also a constant demand for gems, drugs, per- fumes, and dyes, as well as for certain articles of manu- facture, such as glass, porcelain, metal work, silk and cotton fabrics, rugs, and draperies. In return Eiu'ope sent to the East woolen fabrics, metals, minerals, and coral, but the balance of trade was always in favor of the East, and large quantities of gold and silver were exported to meet the demand for Oriental luxuries. The great volume of trade from the East was conveyed by Indian merchants to the Mediterranean by two well-known routes : one by way of the Red Sea and the Nile interrup- to Cairo and Alexandria, and the other by waj^ ^M^t^^d*^^ of the Persian Gulf to the mouth of the Euphrates routes and and thence by caravan to Bagdad and on to the *^® search , •' _ '^ . for a sea cities of Asia Minor and the Black Sea. A thirtl route to the route led from tJie central provinces of China over- ^^^^^^ land to the region east of the Caspian Sea, and thence either by a southerly route to Syria and Asia Minor or by a north- erly route to Constantinople. In all the principal cities of the Levant forming the western terminals of these trade routes were to be found settlements of merchants from southern Europe, mostly Italians, who gathered up the merchandise of the East and shipped it to 4 The Colonies their home cities, from which it was distributed throughout Europe. The advance of the Ottoman Turks in the four- teenth and fifteenth centuries, cuhninating in the fall of Constantinople in 1453, broke up most of the European settlements in the eastern Mediterranean and placed the Oriental trade under such severe restrictions that it rapidly declined. This interruption of the old trade routes started the search for an all-sea route to the Indies and resulted in the discovery of America. Meanwhile the pioneer work in maritime exploration was being done by Portugal. About 1420 Prince Henry, the fifth son of King John I and known to suc- ^f^Prince^ ceeding generations as the "Navigator," took up Henry the his residence on Cape St. Vincent and gathering " Naviga- about him a collection of charts and instruments tor used in navigation, together with a body of experienced sailors, set to work in a thoroughly scientific way to explore the west coast of Africa and if possible to sail around its southern end. The Madeiras and Azores were rediscovered and colonized; Cape Boyador was passed in 1434, Cape Blanco in 1441, and Cape Verde in 1445. Here the scientific character of the expeditions was diverted for some years by the profits of the slave trade, and it was not until a quarter of a century after Prince Henry's death that Bartholomew Diaz in 1486 rounded the Cape of Good Hope. As his sailors refused to go further, the honor of finding the long sought sea route to India was reserved for Vasco da Gama, who in 1498, six years after Columbus's discovery of America, sailed round the Cape to India. In 1500 the Por- tuguese fleet of Cabral started on its way to India and strik- ing boldly out into the south Atlantic was carried west- ward by the current to the coast of Brazil. He sent a ship home to report his discovery, and resumed his voyage to India. The New World Of the early life of Columbus Httle is definitely known. This fact is all the more surprising in view of the fullness with which his later life is set forth in his own letters, Early life of many of which are still extant, and in the writings Columbus of his son Ferdinand and his friend Las Casas. Even the date of his birth is unknown, though most modern writers agree that it occurred about the year 1446. His father was a woolen weaver of Genoa. What schooling he had or when ToSCANELLl's MaP. he gave himself to a seafaring life are questions to which no satisfactory answer can be given. It is evident from com- ments in his handwriting on the margins of works on geog- raphy and travel that no available information on the problems of geography and exploration escaped his attention. Like so many other seamen of his day with a scientific bent Columbus soon drifted to Portugal, where he married into the family of one of Prince Henry's navigators. A letter from the Florentine astronomer Toscanelli to a friend at the Portuguese court first suggested to his mind, so Ferdinand and Las Casas tell us, the idea of reaching India by a westward 6 The Colonies voyage. King Alfonso was likewise interested in this sugges- tion and both he and Columbus wrote to Toscanelli for further hght on the subject. Columbus made a formal appeal to Alfonso's successor for ships with which to seek for Cipango in the western ocean, but Iving John considered him visionary and refused the necessary aid. In 1484 Columbus went to Spain, where for seven long years he solicited aid of Ferdinand and Isabella for his under- taking. During this period he sent his brother receives aid Bartholomew to England to see if he could inter- from Queen gg^ Henry VII in the project. The Spanish sovereigns were engaged in the long war with the Moors and kept Columbus waiting. Finally his patience was exhausted and he started for France, but at the instance of two friends at court he was recalled just as he was leaving the kingdom, and given authority to prepare an expedition, the queen promising to pay a large share of the expenses. In a formal contract drawn up April 17, 1492, Columbus was given the title of admiral and promised the governorship of all islands and mainlands which he should discover as well as a royalty of ten per cent on the net proceeds of all trade with the new regions. In the early dawn of Friday, August 3, 1492, Columbus sailed from Palos with a little fleet of three vessels, carrying, according to one contemporary, ninety, and accord- voyage ing to another, one hundred and twenty persons. across the Only the larger of the three vessels, the Santa Atlantic ./ o j Maria, was fully decked ; the Pinta and the Nina, commanded by the Pinzon brothers, were of the caravel class. After a stop of nearly a month at the Canaries, where further preparations were made, the little fleet started boldly forth and directed its course westward over the bound- less deep. Fortunately we are able to follow the expedition day by day, for the journal kept by Columbus for the king and The New World 7 queen has come down to us in an abridged form in the writings of Las Casas. The weather was unusually favorable for the voyage, but the sailors finally gave way to their fears and it was with difficulty that the admiral could prevent open mutiny. Late on the evening of October 11 a flickering light was seen ahead and grumbling and fears soon changed to hope and eager anticipation while the ships lay to and awaited the dawn. In the morning they saw before them a small island in the Bahamas, called by the natives Guanahani and renamed San Salvador by Columbus, probably the one now known as Watling Island. Columbus was confident that he had reached the Indies and immediately dubbed the natives "Indians," an error which was destined to attach this name permanently to all the aborigines of America. From the Bahamas Columbus sailed to Cuba, which he believed to be the far-famed Cipango, and set ashore a Jewish interpreter versed in Oriental languages to inquire for the court of the Great Khan. Not succeeding in establishing communication with that potentate, Columbus went to Hayti, which he named Hispaniola, "the Spanish Island." On Christmas day the Santa Maria was wrecked, and when a little later Columbus started on the homeward voyage with the two caravels, he was compelled to leave a force of forty- four volunteers in Hayti to await his return. Not one of these men survived. Columbus arrived in the harbor of Palos March 15, 1493, after a stormy voyage, which had compelled him to put in for a few days at the mouth of the Tagus and to give the first account of his discovery to the king demarcation of Portugal. He finally entered Barcelona in drawn by triumph and was accorded the highest distinc- ander^i^' tions by Ferdinand and Isabella. The news of the discovery spread rapidly and made a great stir in the world. Ferdinand and Isabella lost no time in announcing it to 8 The Colonies the Pope and requestetl him to define the rights of Spain so as to avoid conflict with her great maritime rival, Portugal. In the famous bull of May 4, 1493, Pope Alexander VI established an imaginary line of demarcation from north to south one hundred leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands. This line recognized the existing rights of Portugal along the African coast, but shut her out from inter- fering with Spain's discoveries in the western ocean. The following year Spain and Portugal agree d by tre aty, that the line should be drawn three hundred^ and seventy leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands, and thus it came to pass that Brazil, then undiscovered, ultimately fell to the share of Portugal. Columbus was to make three more voyages to the new world, but he had already reached the zenith of his fortunes Later ^^^ each new voyage left his prestige and power voyages of at a .lower ebb. On the second (1493-1496) most of his energies were directed to the coloniza- tion of Hayti and the search for gold, though he discovered Porto Rico and Jamaica and explored the southern coast of Cuba. On his third voyage out (1498) he discovered Trinidad and the coast of South America. When he arrived at Hayti he found the colonists suffering from poverty, disease, and factional fights amounting to open insurrection. His efforts to restore order resulted in charges against him on the part of the insurgents, which led Ferdinand and Isabella to supplant him in the governorship. The new governor Bobadilla on his arrival put Columbus and his brothers in irons and sent them back to Spain (October, 1500). This act was unauthorized and when Columbus reached Spain the king and queen at once ordered his release. Although not restored to the governorship, he was permitted to organize another expedition for the purpose of exploration. Tlie New World 9 Meanwhile others had followed in his track and the coast of South America had been explored by Hojeda, Pinzon and Bastidas from Cape St. Augustine to Panama, a distance of three thousand miles. Vasco da ofcofumbus Gama had furthermore sailed around the Cape and the of Good Hope (1498) to India and put Spain's ^^^f°^ rival, Portugal, in direct communication with the wealth of the East. When Columbus set sail again in 1502 on his last voyage his main object was to find a passage through the mainland to the Indian Ocean. He explored the coast line from Honduras to the Isthmus and was finally wrecked on the coast of Jamaica. Rescued after a year's delay he returned to Spain and died in obscurity at Valladolid May 20, 1506. Time has on the whole been just to Columbus, for despite the calumnies of contemporaries and the criticism of later historians he holds his place high in the list of the world's great heroes. A singular injustice was done him in the name applied to the new world. Americus Vesputius, after whom it was called, was a Florentine adventurer, who made several voyages to the new world, the first probably being with Hojeda in 1499. The name America was first applied to the South American continent by a German geographer Martin Waldseemliller, who in 1507 published Vesputius's account of his voyages. The honor of discovering the mainland of North America belongs to John Cabot, who, though a Genoese like Columbus, sailed under the English flag. He left Bristol in May, 1497, in a small vessel with eighteen men, land of and returned in August, reporting the discovery North of the mainland, but this may have been only discovered Newfoundland. The second Cabot voyage of by John 1498 has given rise to much dispute, as the ac- counts derived from John's son Sebastian have been thor- oughly discredited, but there seems little doubt that on 10 The Colonies this second voyage Cabot followed the coast of North America as far south as the Carolinas. Although so little is definitely known of him, CsLbQt,was without doubt one of the boldest of navigators, and on his voyages rested England's claims of prior right to North America. The Cabots were soon followed by the Corte- Real brothers, who under the Portuguese flag in the years 1500 and 1501 explored the coasts of Newfoundland and the adjacent mainland. The Spaniards were slow in finding the mainland of North America. In 1512 Ponce de Leon, who had conquered and served as first governor of Porto Rico, discovered ^""^Wations ^^® ^^®^ coast of Florida, rounded the peninsula, of the coast and explored the west coast as far as Apalache of North Bay, searching for a fountain of perpetual youth, of which the Indians had told him. In ir5JL9 Alonzo de Pineda followed the southern coast of the United States all the way from Florida to Vera Cruz. During this voyage he discovered the mouth of a great river called by him Rio del Espiritu Santo, which has usually been iden- tified with the Mississippi, but which was more probably Mobile Bay. In the meantime two discoveries of world-wide importance had been made under the Spanish flag. In 1513 Balboa crossed the Isthmus and discovered the Pacific, thePadfi^c° ^'^^ i^ 1519 Magellan, a Portuguese sailor in the by Balboa service of Spain, started on his great voyage Magellan^ ° around South America and across the Pacific. He was killed in the Philippine Islands in a fight with the natives, but his followers continued the voyage to the Spice Islands and returned to Spain by way of the Indian Ocean and the Cape of Good Hope, having completed the first circumnavigation of the globe. Magellan^achieve- j ment is regarded by some as equal to that of Columbus both ' in the dangers attending it and in the results, for it proved The New World 11 that the eart h was rou nd and that America was a separate continent. Beyond a few fishing voyages to Newfoundland the French took no part in the exploration of the new world until after the voyage of Magellan. In 1524 ^.^^.jy the Florentine navigator Verrazano, in the service French of France, undertook to find a passage through the ®^^ °^^^^ continent in order that he might sail across the North Pacific to China. The accounts of his voyage seem to show that he entered the Hudson River and Narragansett Bay and returned by way of Newfoundland. Ten years later Jacques Cartier, a sailor of St. Malo in Brittany, started out with two ships to find a passage to the Pacific and entered the mouth of the St. Lawrence. On a second voyage in 1535 he pushed up the river to the rapids near Montreal, which he named in jest Lachine (China) Rapids in memory of the attempt to reach China by that route. During the quarter of a century following the discovery of America Spaniards explored the islands of the West Indies and thousands of miles of mainland coast without ^ Conquest of finding any people who had advanced beyond the Mexico by state of nature. The Aztec kingdom in IMexico, Cortes, with all its wealth and material progress, its strange intermingling of refinement and barbarism, remained to be revealed by Hernando Cortes, the most daring, in- flexible, and resourceful Spaniard of his age. With a force of less than five hundred men he landed in Mexico in 1519, entered the city six months later, and in spite of reverses that would have overwhelmed any man less resolute, com- pleted the conquest in three years. The marvelous success of Cortes turned the orthe'^in-"" tide of exploration to the interior of the conti- teriorofthe nent. In 1528 Narvaez landed with three hun- dred men near Tampa Bay and proceeded by land as far as Tallahassee, where, owing to the hardships of the journey 12 The Colonies and the hostility of the Indians, he turned to the coast and constructed five boats in which the party proceeded with difficulty to an island off the coast of Texas. Narvaez was blown out to sea in one of the boats and was never heard from, and only fifteen of the party survived the hunger and cold of the winter. Cabega de Vaca, the treas- urer and historian of the expedition, after wandering among the Indian tribes for years, reached the Gulf of California with three companions, and finally, in 1536, arrived at the city of Mexico. Before De Vaca returned to Spain, Hernando de Soto was appointed governor of Cuba and commissioned to conquer De Soto and settle Florida, that term then embracing the explores the whole southem part of the United States. De and dis- Soto left Havana in 1539 with nine vessels, six covers the hundred and twenty men, and two hundred and IblississiDDi River, 1539- twenty horses. Landing at Tampa Bay, he ^541 wandered for two years through Florida, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. Finally, on May 8, 1541, he discovered the Mississippi River, which he crossed below Memphis. After wandering for months through Arkansas, De Soto finally turned back to the Mississippi with the inten- tion of following its course to the Gulf, but here illness and death overtook him. His followers, reduced in numbers by one half, finally reached Mexico. While De Soto was exploring the southeastern part of the United States Coronado was engaged in a similar enter- prise in the southwest. De Vaca's reports of explores the riches in the interior and the legend of the Seven Southwest, Cities led the viceroy of Mexico to send out a Franciscan monk. Friar Marcos, on an exploring expedition. Attended by a negro who had been with De Vaca, and a party of Christianized Indians, Friar Marcos went from the Gulf of California into western New Mexico. He saw from a distance one of the Zuni pueblos, which ap- The New World 13 peared to him as large as the city of Mexico and which he conchided was the first of the Seven Cities. On the return of Friar Marcos a force of three hundred Spaniards and eight hundred Indians was soon equipped and placed under the command of Francisco de Coronado, who set out in February, 1540, with the expectation of rivaling the exploits of Cortes. He found that the city reported by Marcos was only a pueblo, and, after wandering around as far north as Kansas, returned to Mexico after an absence of two years. Neither Coronado nor De Soto found the wealth they were in search of, and the regions they explored had no attractions for the Spaniards at the time as places for settlement, but their discoveries were of great geographical importance. The same year that Coronado returned to Mexico Cabrillo explored the coast of California as far as Cape Mendocino. Thus within half a century of the first voyage of Columbus Spaniards had explored both coasts and a large part of the interior of North America as far north as. the fortieth parallel. Spain had no intention, as we shall see, of allowing others to settle in the regions she had explored. In 1562 Admiral Coligny, the leader of the Huguenots in France, The French sent out an expedition under Jean Ribaut to in Florida, form a settlement for the persecuted Protestants ^^ ^"^^ ^ in the new world. Ribaut explored the east coast of Florida and left a party of thirty men, but they soon aban- doned the post and were picked up by an English vessel. In 1564 Coligny sent out a second expedition under Rene de Laudonniere, who formed a settlement and built a fort at the mouth of the St. John's River. Some of his followers mutinied and went on a plundering expedition to the West Indies. This soon stirred the Spaniards to activity. On September 6, 1565, a force of 2600 Spaniards under Menendez landed on the coast of Florida and founded St. Augustine, the oldest city in the United States. The neighboring 14 The Colonies French settlement was completely blotted out, its inhabitants butchered in cold blood, and a Spanish fort erected on its site. The Atlantic seaboard is well suited naturally for what it was destined historically to be, — the starting point in the The Atlantic colonization of the United States. The broad seaboard bays aiTd deep rivers which intersect the coastal plain afforded direct water communication between the early settlements and Europe, while the Appalachian chain of mountains forming its western boundary was a sufficient barrier to prevent the early settlers from wandering too far inland until the population was fairly compact. It was not until the period of the Revolution that the settlers pushed over the mountains into Tennessee and Kentucky. The interior of the continent is most easily reached by way of the St. Lawrence River and the Great Lakes, and The interior ^^^^ ^^ happened that the French explored the of the Mississippi Valley before the English crossed the reacheTby Alleghanies. Their main route was not by way of the Great Lakes Ontario and Erie, but to the headwaters * *^ of the Ottawa River, then by portage to Lake Nipissing, then again by water down the French River to Georgian Bay and so to Lakes Huron, Michigan, and Superior. The upper Mississippi was first reached through Wiscon- sin by way of the Fox River, but another route was soon developed by portage from the headwaters of the Chicago River to the Illinois, along the line of the present Chicago Drainage Canal. In the eighteenth century the various portages leading from the waters of Lake Erie to the Ohio River came into use, but the earlier development of these routes was prevented by the hostility of the Iroquois. The position of the Iroquois in central New York likewise blocked the natural route leading from Canada to the Hud- son River. As the line of the Hudson is the principal The New World 15 break in the long stretch of mountains from Maine to Ala- bama, it was destined to be of great importance from a mih- tary as well as from a commercial point of view. The line of Its strategic importance was shown both in the *^® Hudson French and Indian wars and in the Revolution. From the present site of Albany there was a choice of routes leading to Canada. One led from the headwaters of the Hudson by way of lakes George and Champlain to the St. Lawrence, and the other up the Mohawk River and across by portage to Lake Ontario. Further south, population and commerce were both checked for a long time at the heads. of navigation, and further prog- ress was delayed until roads were cut across the mountains. Toward the beginning of the Revolu- jn'g to^t^e ' tion the routes connecting the headwaters of "the Ohio, Ken- great rivers east of the mountains with the Tennessee tributaries of the Ohio became of great impor- tance to the white man, who in cutting the first rude roads through the forest followed closely the well-known Indian trails. The principal routes were those through southern Pennsylvania leading from the Susquehanna to the Alle- ghany ; the well-known line of Braddock's march from the upper waters of the Potomac to the Monongahela ; the trail from the headwaters of the James to the Kanawha, followed by Andrew Lewis in his march to Point Pleasant ; and the "Wilderness Road," or "Boone's Trail," which led through the Cumberland Gap from eastern Tennessee into Kentucky. The Indian population of North America has been greatly overestimated. There were probably not over four or five hund^red thousand in the present territory of the United States when the white man first appeared, ^nfei-jcan The numbers have not greatly decreased, so that Indian: it is a mistake to suppose that the Red Man has dls^-ibution been exterminated. He has been pushed back by the advancing wave of civilization and confined largely 16 The Colonies to reservations in the West. He is now being educated, admitted to citizenship, and gradually assimilated. The distribution of the Indian population in colonial times was, of course, quite different from what it is to-day. First in importance were the Algonquins, who extended from Canada to Virginia and from the Atlantic to the upper Mississippi. In the heart of the Algonquin territory, extending through the Mohawk Valley in New York, were the "five nations" of the Iroquois, the most cruel and formidable warriors on the continent. In the Southern States the most important tribes were embraced in the famous Creek Confederacy, the principal tribes being the Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek, and Seminole. West of the Mississippi the principal tribes were the Sioux, who extended from the Mississippi to the Rockies and from Arkansas to Canada. As a rule the Indians lived in villages that were permanent in location. Their life was not nomadic, though at certain seasons of the year they ranged over wide areas in quest of food. Outside of New Mexico and Arizona, where the walls of the pueblos were built of rough stone or sun-dried brick, they made little progress in house building. As a rule they lived in wigwams made of brush, bark, or skins, though the "long houses" of the Iroquois were more elaborate and the Cherokee constructed houses of logs. In all parts of the country they depended largely for subsistence on hunting and fishing. This was supplemented by berries, roots, and wild fruits, especially in the North, and by the cultivation of corn and tobacco. Agriculture was more advanced in the South, where, in addition to corn and tobacco, beans and squash were raised. With the excep- tion of a few articles of copper and gold, the Indians were unacquainted with the metals. Their weapons and imple- ments were made of wood, stone, or bone. Skill in skin The New World 17 dressing was almost universal ; the art of weaving was widely known ; and pottery reached a high state of develop- ment in the South and Southwest. Canoes of bark and skin were used in some parts of the country, and in others the more clumsy dugout. The main weapons both for fighting and hunting were the bow and arrow, the tomahawk, the knife, and less commonly the javelin. Light shields were made of rawhide. Traps for catching fish and animals were constructed with no little ingenuity. As a hunter the Indian has never had a superior, and as a warrior he was stealthy, aggressive, formidable, and cruel. When forced to a hand-to-hand encounter he would fight to a finish, but as a rule he depended upon a sudden surprise rather than an open attack, and was incapable of carrying on sustained military operations against the white man. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. Limits of Geographical Knowledge in the Fifteenth Century: John Fiske, Discovery of America, Vol. I, Chap. II; E. G. Bourne, Spain in America, Chap. I ; J. Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. I, Chap. I. 2. Oriental Trade : Fiske, Vol. I, Chap. Ill ; E. P. Cheyney, European Background of American History, Chaps. I, II. 3. Portuguese Discoveries : Fiske, Vol. I, Chap. IV ; Cheyney, Chap. IV. 4. The Voyages of Columbus: Fiske, Vol. I, Chaps. V-VI ; Edw. Channing, History of the United States, Vol. I, Chap. I ; Bourne, Chaps. II-IV; C. R. Markham, Life of Christopher Columbus. 5. Exploration of the Coast : Fiske, Vol. II, Chap. VII ; Chan- ning, Vol. I, Chaps. II, III; Bourne, Chaps. V-X ; F. Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World, pp. 28-162. 6. Exploration of the Interior of the Continent : Bourne, Chaps. XI-XIII ; L. Farrand, Basis of American History, Chaps. I, II; Fiske, Vol. II, Chaps. VIII, XII; Parkman, La Salle and the Dis- covery of the Great West. 7. The North American Indian : Fiske, Vol. I, Chap. I ; Farrand, Chaps. V-XVI. CHAPTER -11 THE FOUNDATIONS OF ENGLISH COLONIZATION, 1584-1660 When Cabot discovered the coast of North America in 1497 English commerce and seamanship were still in their infancy, and three quarters of a century elapsed men of the before the nation took the first steps toward Elizabethan colonization. Under Elizabeth England aspired to commercial rivalry with Spain, whose indus- tries had been paralyzed by the wealth of gold that the mines of Mexico and Peru had poured into her lap. Protestantism became the ruling principle of Elizabeth's foreign policy and direct aid was extended to the struggling Netherlands in their revolt against Spain. Thus rivalry developed into open hostility and the religious motive lent its aid in producing that great group of seamen who laid the foundations of the British sea power and prepared the way for the colonization of America. In 1562 Sir John Hawkins carried a cargo of slaves from Guinea to the West Indies, where he found a ready sale for Hawkins them despite the law of Spain which limited the and Drake trade to her own subjects. On his third voyage in 1567 he was caught by a Spanish fleet in the harbor of Vera Cruz on the coast of Mexico and escaped with only two of his ships. One of these was commanded by his young kinsman Francis Drake, who became the greatest seaman of his age, plundered many a richly laden Spanish galleon, and, first of his nation, circumnavigated the globe. Such was the terror of Drake's name that for a hundred years he was known 18 English Colonization, 1584-1660 19 The attempt to form a settlement on Roanoke in Spanish annals as "the Dragon." To intercept Spanish treasure-ships was a quick road to wealth and there soon sprang up a whole navy of privateers manned by men who were willing to serve God and their sovereign in this way. Still patriotism was the dominant motive with the great maritime adventurers of Elizabeth's reign, as is clearly seen when we recall the deeds of Thomas Cavendish, Martin Frobisher, Richard Grenville, Lord Charles Howard, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and Sir Walter Raleigh. Gilbert and Raleigh con- ceived the plan of contesting Spain's advance in the New World by planting an English colony across the island. seas. In 1583, after ^5&5-i59i an unsuccessful attempt to es- talilish a colony in Newfound- land, the gentle and heroic Sir Humphrey perished on the homeward voyage. The work was taken up by his half- brother Raleigh, a born cour- tier, who by the grace and dignity of his bearing had won the heart of the queen. Raleigh sent out an exploring expedition to the coast of North Carolina in 1584, naming the new realm Virginia in honor of the queen, and the follow- ing year nearly two hundred colonists were landed on Roa- noke Island under Captain Ralph Lane as governor. The next spring, when Drake came by on his way home from a cruise in the West Indies, he found them so helpless and dis- heartened by the experiences of the winter that he took them back to England. A few days later Grenville arrived with supplies sent by Raleigh, but finding none of the settlers Sir Humphrey Gilbert. 20 The Colonies he left fifteen men on the island to retain possession and returned to England. In May, 1587, Raleigh sent out another body of one hundred and fifty colonists, including twenty-five women and Failure of children, under the painter John White as gov- the enter- ernor, with instructions to proceed to Chesapeake ^"^^ Bay ; but when they arrived at Roanoke, although none of the men left the year before could be found, they decided for some reason to remain there. Here the daughter of the governor gave birth to a child, Virginia Dare, the first English subject born in America. In November Governor White returned to England for supplies. He found his countrymen in a state of turmoil and excitement, bending every effort to defend their religion and their firesides against the formidable armada which Spain was preparing for their conquest. The following summer the armada was defeated in the channel, but after the crisis was passed Raleigh found himself broken in fortune. Two expeditions fitted out by him were thwarted in their efforts to bear relief to the little settlement and hence it was not until 1591 that Governor White returned to Roanoke Island. To his dismay he found the fort deserted, and he was compelled to return to England with no clew as to the nature of the tragedy that had overtaken his daughter and grand- daughter. The fate of the colony was never known. Gilbert had sacrificed his life, and Raleigh his fortune, 4n the patriotic effort to found a new dominion across the The Virginia seas, but the task was too great for individual Company enterprise. In order to provide the means for White's last voyage Raleigh had been compelled to assign part of his rights to others. With the accession of James I he was thrown into the Tower, but the project which he had so nobly fathered was not allowed to die. In April, 1606, a charter was granted by KingJTames in- corporating the Virginia Company in two divisions,^— one English Colonization, 1584-1660 21 composed of "certain knights, gentlemen, merchants and other adventurers" of London, and the other of "sundry knights, gentlemen, merchants, and other adventurers" in, and near Plymouth. The charter provided for two colonies \ in "that part of America, commonly called Virginia," lying between the thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees of north latitude. ~ ' The London Company was authorized to plant a colony/ at some point between the thirty-fourth and forty-firsi;. degrees, and the Plymouth Company at some point between " the thirty-eighth and forty-fifth degrees, with the provision! that neither one was to settle within a hundred miles of the! other. The overlapping of the two zones was evidently designed to stimulate rivalry. The grant to each colony was to extend along the coast fifty miles north and fifty miles south of the point selected for settlement and one hundred miles inland. The entire region including the two grants was placed by the charter under the general management and direction of a council of thirteen mepibers appointed by the king, to be known as the Council of Virginia, and the gov- ernment of each colony was placed in the hands of a local council of thirteen appointed by the council in England and subject to its control. The Plymouth Company undertook to form a settlement on the coast of Maine, and one hundred and twenty settlers landed at the mouth of the Kennebec River August 18, 1607, under the leadership of George Popham and Raleigh Gilbert, but those who survived the hardships of the winter returned to England in the spring. The Plymouth Company was un- willing to sink any more money in the enterprise, but in 1620 it was reorganized by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Sir Francis Popham, and Raleigh Gilbert as the Council for New England, and under this name we shall come across it again in connection with the grants to the settlers of Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay. 22 The Colonies Meanwhile the London Company had founded the first permanent Enghsh settlement in America. On December The colony 20, 1606, one hundred colonists, all men, em- of Virginia barked from London in three ships, the Susan Constant, commanded by Captain Christopher Newport, the Good-speed, commanded by Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, and the Discov- ery, commanded by Cap- tain John Ratcliffe. Fol- lowing the usual route by the Canary Islands and the West Indies they were four months on the voyage and on April 26, 1607, sighted the Virginia capes, which they named Charles and Henry after the sons of King James. After exploring the waters of Hampton Roads they pro- ceeded about thirty miles up the James and landed . May 14 (May 24, new style) on a low island or peninsula, where they erected a fort and began a town, named like the river in honor of the king. Jamestown was an unfortunate location, malarial, destitute of fresh-water springs, and covered with trees and tall grass, exposing the little colony to sudden attack from the Indians. After exploring the James as far as the falls, Newport departed for England, leaving one hundred and four settlers surrounded by hostile Indians and provided with very scant supplies. So great was the suffering and consequent mortal- ity that by September only forty-six survived. Furthermore, the httle colony was spht into factions. Of the six members Pocahontas. Endish Colonization, 1584-1660 of the council left by Newport one had died, another had been shot for attempted desertion, and now the president, Edward Maria Wingfield, was cast into prison by the re- maining three and John Ratcliife elected in his stead. One of these three was Captain John Smith, who soon became the leading spirit of the colony. Smith was one of those men who seek and find romance and captain adventure wherever they go. Although only John Smith thirty years old he had encountered dangers and performed exploits that few men experience in a lifetime. He was now put in charge of the stores and managed in some way to allay the hostility of the Indians and to procure corn. In December, while on an exploring expedition up the Chickahominy, two of his companions were killed by the In- dians, and he was cap- tured and taken before Powhatan, the war chief of an extensive confeder- acy. He was condemned to death, and his head placed on a stone ready for execution. From this predicament he was un- expectedly rescued by Pocahontas, the twelve- year-old daughter of the chief, and shortly after allowed to return to Jamestown. In January, 1608, Newport returned with supplies and seventy new settlers. The following summer was ^j^ ^^^j._ but a repetition of the preceding one. Of ninety- acter and five settlers only fifty survived. In September, s®""^^®^ Smith, who had spent the summer exploring Chesapeake Capt. John Smith. 24 The Colonies Bay, was made president of the council; Newport arrived with a "second supply" of men and provisions, and con- ditions were temporarily improved. During the next year Smith ruled with a high hand and kept the colony in order, but made himself unpopular and was finally deposed by the remaining members of the council, George Percy succeeding him as president. In October, 1609, while suffering from a gunpowder wound, Smith took passage for England. In 1614 he explored the coasts of New England and made an excellent map of that region. His map of Chesapeake Bay and its tributaries was not supplanted for one hundred and fifty years. The credibility of his writings has been bitterly assailed, especially the story of the three Turks whom he slew in single combat earlier in his career, and the Pocahontas incident, but he has not failed of able champions to uphold his veracity. He was the most conspicuous figure in the early history of Virginia, and without his native wit and resourcefulness the colony would not have survived. In 1609 the London Company secured a sepa- rate charter greatly enlarging its grant and au- thorizing it to place a governor over the colony. The bounds of the colony were extended along the coast two hundred miles north and two hun- dred miles south of Point Comfort and "up into the land, Lord Delaware. New charter (1609), Lord Delaware appointed governor English Colonization, 1584-1660 25 throughout from sea to sea, West and Northwest," a clause which later gave rise to much contention. Thomas West, Lord Delaware, a peer of the realm, was selected as governor, but as he was not ready to go at once Sir Thomas Gates was sent out as deputy. The winter of 1609-1610 is known in Virginia history as ' the "Starving Time." When Gates, who had been forced by shipwreck to spend the winter in the Bermudas, finally reached Jamestown May 23, 1610, he promptly decided to I abandon the settlement. He had embarked the entire com- pany and was proceeding down the river when he met a messenger from Lord Delaware announcing his arrival at Point Comfort. All returned to Jamestown and began anew,' the painful process of founding a colony. In less than a year Lord Delaware fell sick and returned to England. He continued to hold the governorship until his death in 1618, but during this period he was represented in Virginia by a succession of dep- sir Thomas uties: Dale, Yeardley, and Argall. So far the ^,^|' '^"" settlers had failed utterly to adapt themselves to the conditions of life in their new home and had depended on supplies of food from England. During the five years of Sir Thomas Dale's rule, 1611-1616, the colonists were under martial law and mechanics and gentlemen alike were forced to labor under pain of the severest penalties. New settle- ments were formed, the colonists protected from the Indians, and, most important of all, the common store was abolished and every man made to depend on his own labor. The last traces of communism and martial law were done away with when Sir George Yeardley arrived in ^j^^ ^^^ Virginia as governor and captain-general April 19, representa- 1619. He announced that lands were to be dis- gJ^Wyin tributed among the settlers in tracts of one hun- America, dred acres and that the people were to share in ^ ^^ the making of laws. On July 30, 1619, the first legislative 26 The Colonies assembly in America was convened at Jamestown. It consisted of the governor, council, and two burgesses from each of the ten plantations or settlements. The London Company was fast passing out of the hands of merchants like Sir Thomas Smith and coming under the I control of liberaLstatesmen hke Sir Edwin Sa_ndys, who more than any one else is entitled to the honor of being the father , of representative government in America. In 1619 Sandys ',was elected to succeed Sir Thomas Smith as treasurer or president of the Company and would have continued in that position had it not been for the hostility of the king, who regarded him as the head of the opposition in Parlia- ment. When the next annual election came around the king sent word to the Company to "choose the devil if you will, but not Sir Edwin Sandys," and the Earl of Southampton, of like liberal views, was chosen in his stead. Since 1616 the tobacco culture had made rapid strides in Virginia and the economic future of the colony was assured. Between 1619 and 1622 over 3500 The London ^^^ settlers arrived. The IndiaiL. massacre of Company - - ^ — deprived of 1622, which cost the lives of 347 men, women, 162^^*'^*'^' ^^^^ children, was a severe blow, and gave the king an excuse for charging Jlie Company with mismanagement. James's foreign policy was entirely domi- nated by his desire to bring about a marriage between his son Charles and the Spanish Infanta and he fell completely under the sway of Count Gondomar, the Spanish minister at London, who was continually intriguing with the enemies of the Company, and who told the king that the meetings of the Company were but a "seminary for a seditious parlia- ment." Finally a writ of quo warranto was issued against the Com- I pany and its charter formally annulled June 16, 1624. I Virginia thus became a royal province under the direct ' control of the crown, and while the change proved in the English Colonization, 1584-1660 rt that f^;r'' free long run beneficial, Americans should ever hold in grateful remembrance the great association which founded the first English colony and planted in it the germs of civil hberty. The next few years of Virginia history passed without strik- ing incident save the "thrusting out" of Sir John Harvey, an arbitrary governor of no great ability, who was arrested by members of the Assembly and sent back to England. In January, 1642, the most famous of the early governors, Sir William Berkeley, arrived in the colony. He was a typical cavalier, a staunch upholder of f,^^^^"^ king and church, who appointed thanked God there were no schools or printing presses in Virginia and hoped there would not be for a hundred years. The Virginians of those days were opposed to the high church views of Laud and many moderate Puritans came to the colony. The Puritan settlement in Nan- semund county made an appeal to New England for ministers and in 1642 three arrived in Virginia. The following^ 3^ear Berke- ley got the Assembly to pass a severe act against noncon- formists and the New England ministers had to leave. The second Indian massacre which followed shortly afterwards in 1644, in which over three hundred whites perished, was re- ferred to by John Winthrop, the governor of Massachusetts, as a special act of Providence. As the fortunes of the Puritan party rose in England Governor Berkeley became more intolerant of Puritanism in Virginia, and in 1649, shortly after Charles I was beheaded, more than a thousand Puritans left the colony for Maryland. Sir William Berkeley, Gov- ernor of Virginia. 28 The Colonies At the invitation of Governor Stone they settled on the Severn at a place called by them Providence, but known to later generations as Annapolis. The founder of Maryland, George Calvert, first Lord Baltimore, seems to have been actuated by two motives ; first, the creation of a The found- ' ., , ing of great family domam, Maryland, and second, the es- tablishment of a place of refuge for Catholics. In 1627 he took his family and a group of settlers to Newfoundland, but two years later he went south in search of a warmer climate, and arrived at Jamestown in October, 1629. He was not a welcome guest, though the council appears to have treated him with respect, if we may judge by the following entry on the record: "Thomas Tindall to be pilloried two hours for giving my Lord Balti- more the lie and threatening to knock him down." Lord Baltimore, who was a favorite of James I, had been a member of the Virginia Company, but of the faction The Mary- which opposed Sir Edwin Sandys and the Earl of land grant, Southampton. In addition to this he was a ^ ^^ Catholic and when it became known that he contemplated a grant for himself south of the James River, Secretary Claiborne was sent to England to oppose his application. Claiborne was only partially successful, for in 1632 Lord Baltimore received a grant on the north side of the Potomac, extending as far as the fortieth parallel, and stretching from the meridian of the source of the Potomac on the west to the Atlantic Ocean on the east. The new colony was named Terra Marice, or Maryland, in honor of Lady Berkeley, wife of Sir William Berkeley. English Colonization, 1584-1660 29 Queen Henrietta Maria, though Terra Marice had, no doubt, a special significance to Cathohcs. George Calvert died before the charter passed the seal, but it was confirmed t o his so n_ Cecihus Calvert, second Lord Baltimore. By the terms of the charter the government of Maryland was modeled after nateform that of the bishopric of Durham, a county palat- of govem- inate on the Scottish border, whose bishop as ruler of the county had been vested in early times with almost absolute powers for the protection of the border against the forays of the Scotch. The po- sition of Lord Balti- more as proprietor of Maryland was that of a great feudal land- holder of the Middle Ages. To the king as overlord he had to de- liver two Indian ar- rows at Windsor Castle each year in Easter week, and a fifth part of all the gold and silver mined in the colony. The principal limitation upon his power was that he could not make laws without the advice and consent of the freemen. Thesettie- The first colonists were sent over in two ships, mentatst. the Ark and the Dove, and began a settlement 1634, and at St. Mary's in lower Maryland on a branch of ^^.^^jfj^gj*® the Potomac March 27, 1634. Among them were borne over both Protestants and Catholics, including two Kent island Cecilius Calvert, Second Baron Baltimore. 30 The Colonies Jesuit priests, and they were under the command of Leonard Calvert, brother of the proprietor, as governor. St. Mary's was not the first settlement in Maryland. William Claiborne had settled a hundred men in 1631 on Kent Island, and this settlement was represented by a delegate in the Virginia House of Burgesses. Maryland had been carved out of the Virginia grant of 1609, and the Virginians resented Lord Baltimore's intrusion, so that when Leonard Calvert called upon Claiborne to recognize Lord Baltimore's authority over Kent Island, the council of Vir- ginia advised him to disregard the demand. After several armed conflicts between the Kent Islanders and the settlers of St. Mary's, in which blood was shed on both sides, the Commissioners of Plantations finally decided the dispute in favor of Lord Baltimore. It is only in a restricted sense that Maryland can be spoken of as a Catholic colony. The proprietor was of that Religious faith and most of the prominent and influential toleration families continued to be Catholic, but they were always in the minority. As early as 1641 three fourths of the settlers were Protestant. From the outset Lord Balti- more pursued a broad policy of religious toleration, and herein rests his chief claim to distinction. The provisions of the charter throw little light on the religious question. Its references to the religious status of the colony were indefinite and ambiguous, probably intentionally so, but the king undoubtedly understood that the laws against Catholics in England were not to be enforced in Maryland. The exclusion of Protestants on the other hand would cer- tainly have involved the proprietor in serious difficulty, but it is certain that he never contemplated such a course. The policy pursued in Maryland under Lord Baltimore's government was far in advance of the practices in England and in the other colonies, and to him full credit is due. In 1649, when he felt the control of the province slipping from English Colonization, 1584-1660 31 his grasp, he tried to perpetuate this policy by having it enacted in a statute. This celebrated act provided that no person "professing to believe in Jesus Christ shall from hence- forth be any ways troubled, molested or discountenanced, for or in respect of his or her religion, nor in the free exercise thereof." This was a long stride towards religious liberty, although Jews and infidels were not included. In the settlement of Virginia rivalry with Spain, commer- cial gain, and the spirit of novelty and adventure were the dominant motives. The religious impulse was ^j^^ Puritan present, but it played a subordinate part. Mary- migration to land was founded in part as a place of refuge for ™^"*^^ Cathohcs, but the majority of the settlers seem to have come there for other reasons. New England, on the other hand, was born of the spiritual unrest of the seventeenth century, and religious motives dominated all others. The conditions that led to the great Puiitan migration to America were the outgrowth of the Protestant Reformation. The separation of the English church from Rome took place in the reign of Henry VIII and the reform in doctrine began under Edward VI. Then followed the Catholic reaction under Mary, when hundreds of English Protestants sought refuge in Switzerland and in Germany. When Elizabeth came to the throne she undertook to reestablish the national church on a basis broad enough to include all her subjects, and Parliament passed the acts of Supremacy and Uniformity. But this policy did not please everybody. On the one hand there remained a substantial body of Enghsh Cathohcs who clung steadfastly to their allegiance to the Pope, and on the other hand there were the returned refugees, imbued with the teachings of Calvin, who protested against the pomp and ritual of the Anglican church and set to work to purify it of all survivals of Ro- manism. This was the beginning of the Puritan party, which was soon further differentiated from other parties 32 The Colonies by austerity in morals and strict Sabbath observance. Although merely a party within the church many of the Puritans refused to observe the prescribed forms of worship and became known as Nonconformists. In course of time some of the more extreme withdrew and formed separate congregations, from which they were known as " Separatists, " later Independents or Congregationalists. Before the close of Elizabeth's reign many of these people had been forced by persecution to flee from England and seek refuge in Holland. When James I came to the throne the Puritans hoped 'that his Presbyterian rearing would incline him to their side, but such hopes were short-lived. He declared in answer to their petitions: "I shall make them conform themselves,- or I will harry them out of the land, or else do worse," — a decision fraught with mighty consequences for the new world. In 1607 a little congregation of Separatists at Scrooby in eastern England resolved to go to Amsterdam, where a London congregation had found refuge several Separatists Y^ars before. Within a year or two numbers of seek refuge them had Succeeded in making the move. But 1607° ^"^ schism quickly breeds schism, and the two con- gregations soon found that they were not of the same way of thinking. As the result of doctrinal differences the Scrooby congregation moved to Leyden, where they were soon joined by exiles from other parts of England. In a few years this little group of Englishmen grew dis- couraged and hearing favorable reports from Virginia, turned their eyes toward America. Permission was obtained from the London Company under a land patent to settle in its territory. Sir Edwin Sandys, who befriended them, tried to persuade the king to grant them a charter recognizing their religious rights, but the most he could obtain was the promise that "he would connive at them and not molest them, provided they carried themselves peaceably." London English Colonization, 1584-1660 33 merchants furnished £7000 for the enterprise under a joint stock arrangement, by which shares were to be paid for in money at £10 each or by personal service. Carver, Bradford, and Brewster were put in charge of the Pilgrims. John Robinson with the larger part of the Lcyden congregation remained behind intending to follow ^j^^ coming later. The emigrants left Delft Haven in the ofthePii- Speedwell in July, 1620, and proceeded to South- ^"™^' '^^° ampton, where the Mayfloiver, a larger vessel, was waiting to join them with a party of emigrants from England. When they put to sea again it was soon found that the Speedivell was too leaky to make the voyage, so they had to put back, and it was not until September 6 that the Mayflower finally started on her memorable voj^age alone, with one hundred and two passengers. They intended to settle at some point south of the Hudson, but the weather was too bad for accurate observations and when they sighted land they were off Cape Cod. They started southward but were driven back by roaring breakers and sought shelter in the harbor now known as Provincetown. The site of Plym- outh across the bay was finally selected as a suitable place for a settlement and here the Pilgrims landed December 20, 1620. Before disembarking they signed a compact aboard the Mayflower constituting themselves a "civill body politick," and agreeing to be bound by such laws and Years of ordinances as should from time to time be hardship adopted for the general good of the colony. John Carver was chosen governor. When his death occurred a few months later, the office was conferred on William Bradford, who held it almost continuously until his death in 1657. The first few years were years of intense suffering. More than half of those who came over in the Mayflower perished during the first winter. In the autumn of 1621 a ship arrived with thirty-five new settlers and a land patent from 34 The Colonies the Council for New England allowing one hundred acres for every settler. Henceforth the little colony had to shift for itself, for it received little aid from its London partners. A few years A self- later it bought out their interests and became governing in fact a self-governing community. The community governor and assistants were elected by a primary assembly of all freemen, called the "General Court," which also passed laws. In 1638 the representative system was adopted and henceforth laws were enacted by a body com- posed of the governor and assistants, and delegates from the towns, — four from Plymouth and two from each of the other towns. The founding of Massachusetts (1628-1630) and its re- markable growth completely overshadowed Plymouth, and the details of its subsequent history are not of much impor- tance. We have gone into its early history at length because it was the second step in the founding of the United States and paved the way for the rapid development of New England. Furthermore Plymouth exercised a profound influence on the moral and religious life of Massachusetts, notably in determining the Congregational form of church government. The first step in the founding of the Massachusetts Bay colony was taken in March, 1628, when John Endicott and five associates secured from the Council for New The settle- ment of England a patent conveying to them a strip of Massachu- territory lying between the Charles and the setts Bay , . . Merrimac and extending westward to the Pacific Ocean. In June a party of colonists was sent out with John Endicott as governor. They arrived September 6 at Naum- keag, where Roger Conant and a few followers had settled two years before. The "Old Planters" were at first not disposed to recognize the claims of the newcomers, but they soon came to terms, and to commemorate this peaceful English Colonization, 1584-1660 35 adjustment, changed the name of the place to Salem. There were several other settlements along the Massachusetts coast which fell within the new grant, over wliich Endicott soon asserted his authority. On March 4, 1629, the friends of the new enterprise re- ceived from the king a charter which constituted them a body corporate under the title of "The Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay in New England." The management of the Company was placed in the hands of a governor, a deputy, and eighteen assistants, who were to be elected annually by the freemen, or members of the corporation. The Company was -given full power to make laws and regulations for the government of the colony, provided the y were not contrary^to the laws of England. The year 1629 was the beginning of a dark period in the history of England, — the personal government of Charles I. For the next eleven years Parliament held no meetings and the king ruled arbitrarily look for through the Court of Star Chamber and the Puritans in High Commission. With Eliot and other leaders of the opposition languishing in the Tower and the adminis- tration of affairs falling into the hands of Strafford and Laud, leaders of the high church party, the outlook for Puritanism was dark indeed. \ Under these circumstances the members of the Mas- sachusetts Company conceived the bold idea of migrating in a body to New England and taking their charter with them. As the charter did not specify any particular place for holding the meetings of the Company, there appeared to be no legal obstacle in the way of the transfer. A new set of officers was, therefore, elected so as to place the control of the Company in the hands of those who were willing to mi- grate, and John Winthrop, a wealthy gentleman of Suffolk, was chosen governor. 36 The Colonies In the spring of 1630 a fleet of eleven ships, bearing Winthrop and a large company of emigrants, sailed for Rapid Massachusetts, and arrived at Salem, June 12. growth of Many of these settlers, unlike those of the pre- setts, 1630- ceding year, were persons of education and high 1642 position. They found the Salem colony in a sad plight ; over eighty had died during the previous winter, and the survivors were weak and suffering for lack of food. Winthrop as governor of the Company super- seded Endicott, and soon moved with most of the new settlers to Charles- town, in the neighbor- hood of which there were already several settle- ments. The winter of 1630-1631 was unusually severe and the settlers suffered many hardships. During the next year few new settlers arrived, but from 1633 to 1640 the numbers increased rap- idly. Between 1628 and 1640 more than 20,000 Enghshmen came to New England, the great majority to Massachusetts. As this was largely the result of the high church policies of luSiud, it has been suggested that he is entitled to be called the founder of New England. With the outbreak of the Civil War in England the great Puritan migration came to an end. In fact some of those who had come to America returned to England to take up arms against the king. The growth of Massachusetts Bay was more rapid than that of any other colony. In 1645 its population was over 16,000, more than that of all the other English colonies combined. John Winthrop. English Colonization, 1584-1660 37 Between 1636 and 1638 several scattered settlements were made in Rhode Island and Connecticut by religious refugees from Massachusetts, illustrating what Edward Roger Eggleston calls "the centrifugal force of Puritan- Williams ism." Roger Williams and Anne Hutchinson, the founders of Rhode Island, were expelled- from Massachusetts by the formal action of the authorities, while the founders of Coinnecticut left of their own accord because they were dissatisfied with religious and political conditions in the older colony. Roger Williams, a master of arts of Pem- broke College, Cambridge, came to Massachusetts in 1631 and was invited to the church at Salem. Here he made a favorable impression by his ability and eloquence, but within two months he began questioning the validity of land titles not derived from the Indians and the right of the magistrates to impose penalties for Sabbath brealdng. Governor Winthrop complained to the Salem church and Williams soon removed to Plymouth, but two years later returned to Salem, and soon called down upon himself the wrath of the Massachusetts authorities. Finally in October, 1635, he was banished from the colony by the General Court. After a winter of great privation spent among the Poka- noket Indians he was joined in the spring by a few friends from Salem and in June, 1636, founded Provi- Thefound- dence, the first settlement in Rhode Island, ing of Rhode Two years later Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, who was ^ ^° banished from Massachusetts on account of her peculiar religious views, took refuge at Providence, and then crossing over with her followers to the island of Aquidneck formed the settlement at Portsmouth. In 1639 William Coddington headed a secession from Ports- mouth and founded Newport, and in 1643 Samuel Gorton, the most persistent heretic of them all, after being expelled in turn from Boston, Plymouth, Portsmouth, and Provi- dence, founded Shawomet, the later Warwick. In 1644 Roger The Colonies Williams went to England and secured a charter uniting all these settlements and granting them the privilege of adopting a suitable form of self-government. A few years before this Roger Wilhams had become a Baptist and Rhode Island soon became a Baptist strong- hold. There was a strong tendency on the part toleration in of some to follow the example of the Anabaptists Rhode Qf Germany and the Low Countries in holding that freedom of conscience involved freedom from civil restraint, but Roger Williams took a firm stand against this doctrine from the first, and his greatest service to man- kind was in demonstrating the possibility of founding a commonwealth in which liberty of conscience could be permitted without loosening the bonds of civil society. The first European settlement within the present state of Connecticut was made by the Dutch, who established a trading post and built a fort on the Connecticut ningsof River where Hartford now stands, in the early Connecticut, summer of 1633. In October of the same year some traders from Plymouth estabHshed a rival post ten miles higlier up the river at Windsor. Both the Dutch and Plymouth settlers were destined to be dispos- sessed by emigrants from Massachusetts, who began form- ing settlements in the summer of 1635, but the real move- ment began the next year. Rev. Thomas Hooker, pastor of the Newtown (Cam- bridge) church, was the leader of this exodus. Hooker was a graduate of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and a man of liberal views which had been cultivated through a residence in Holland. He came to Massachusetts in 1633 and the following year his congregation at Newtown petitioned the General Court to allow them to move to some new point within the bounds of Massachusetts. The petition was rejected at this time, but granted reluctantly the following year. A variety of motives appear to have influenced the English Colonization, 1584-1660 39 founders of Connecticut in deserting Massachusetts. Hooker objected to the close union of church and state; others were doubtless attracted by the fertile valley of the Con- necticut. The emigration was not of individuals, but of organized congregations. By the fall of 1636 about 800 people were settled in the three towns of Hartford, Wethers- field, and Windsor. They were squatters merely, u punda- without land patent or charter from the king of mental England. Although beyond the bounds of Mas- ^^^g^^' sachusetts, they were governed for a time by magistrates who acted under a commission from the General Court of that colony, but in January, 1639, the freemen of the three towns met at Hartford and adopted the "Funda- mental Orders," a document since famous as "the first written constitution framed by a community, through its own representatives, as a basis for government." It did not make church membership a condition of citizenship, as did Massachusetts, and it contained no recognition of any superior authority in England. From this time forth these river towns were a self-governing community under the name of Connecticut. In October, 1635, John Winthrop, Jr., arrived from Eng- land with a commission as governor of the "river Connecti- cut in New England" and formed a settlement at saybrook, the mouth of the river which he called Saybrook ^^35 „ in honor of his patrons. Lord Brooke and Lord Say, who several years before had received an indefinite grant of land south of Massachusetts extending from the Narragansett River to the South Sea. Hardly had he completed the forti- fications of the place in the spring of 1636 when a Dutch vessel arrived from New Amsterdam with the intention of occupying the mouth of the river and blocking the trade outlet of the English settlements higher up. The Dutch arrived too late, and thus Winthrop saved the control of 40 The Colonies the river for the English. His authority over the upper settlements was never more than nominal, though his rela- tions with them were friendly, as was shown during the Pequot War, in the course of which the Indian tribe of that name, which had been harrying the Connecticut settlements, was exterminated and its territory appropriated. In 1644 Saybrook was sold to Connecticut by one of the surviving associates of Lords Brooke and Say and the Theexpan- colonj?- soon expanded in other directions also, sion of The same year Southampton on Long Island was onnec icu annexed and five years later Easthampton. By 1653 Connecticut had twelve towns. The settlement of New Haven, made in 1638, was for many years a separate and distinct colony. The founders were John Davenport, a noted London preacher. Haven and Theophilus Eaton, a wealthy merchant, colony ^^Q -^a^g Qi^g Qf hjg parishioners. They arrived at Boston in 1637, in the midst of the Hutchin- ^sonian controversy, and in spite of every inducement that was offered them to remain in Massachusetts proceeded to Long Island Sound and founded New Haven. They had no charter of any kind, and their only right to the soil was based on purchases from the Indians. In 1639 the free planters met in a barn, and after Daven- port had preached from the text, "Wisdom hath builded her house; she hath hewn out her seven pillars," they proceeded to adopt a set of resolutions binding them to be governed by the Scriptures as a sufficient guide in all the affairs of life and providing for the selection of seven men as "pillars" of the new church and state. Only church members were to be admitted as free burgesses. On this basis the "seven pillars" proceeded to organize a Bible commonwealth of the extremest type. A general court was organized to meet once a year for the election of a governor and assistants, in whose hands was English Colonization, 1584-1660 41 placed the entire administration of affairs. They were to be guided by the laws of Moses. Trial by jury was not recog- nized because not found in the Mosaic code, ^j^^ Mosaic Other towns were soon estabhshed in the neigh- code en- borhood: Guilford, Milford, and Stamford, all ^"'"'^ modeled more or less after New Haven. In 1643 dread of attack from the Indians and the Dutch caused these towns ; to unite with New Haven. Later Southold on Long Island, Bradford, and Greenwich joined the confederacy. Thus constituted, the colony of New Haven continued its separate existence until 1662. In 1622 Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain John Mason received from the Council for New England a grant of the country between the Merrimac and the Kennebec New Hamp- rivers. Both were Episcopalians and friends of ^^^ne^^ the king, and their interests in the new enter- granted to prise were mainly commercial. In 1623 they oorges,^'^ established settlements or trading posts at the 1622 mouth of the Piscataqua (later Portsmouth) and at Cocheco (later Dover) within the present limits of New Hampshire, and within a short time fishing stations were established at Saco Bay, Caseo Bay, and other points in Maine. In 1629 Mason obtained from the Council for New England a separate grant of the territory between the Merrimac and the Piscataqua and named it New Hamp- shire, and ten years later Gorges obtained a royal charter confirming his claims to the territory between the Piscataqua and the Kennebec (Maine). Massachusetts claimed jurisdiction over the whole region of these grants under the interpretation which she put upon her charter, namely, that her northern boundary ^j^^ Massa- was a line drawn due east and west from a point chusetts three miles north of the most northerly point of the ^ *'™ Merrimac, and she encouraged her citizens to settle in the disputed territory. After the death of Mason in 1635 his 42 The Colonies heirs declined to give further pecuniary aid to the New Hampshire settlements and they were left to shift for them- selves. Settlers from Massachusetts soon came in and in 1638 two new towns were founded, Exeter by followers of Anne Hutchinson, and Hampton by men from Massachu- setts and England. A period of petty controversy and strife ensued which Mas- sachusetts used to her advantage, for in 1641 the New Hamp- shire settlements were, with the consent of the majority of the inhabitants, annexed to her. In 1643 Dover, Portsmouth, Ex- eter, and Hampton were organized with Salsbury and Haver- hill as the county of Norfolk. The Mason heirs later revived their claims, and as a result of the disputes that ensued New Hampshire was erected into a royal province in 1679. Massachusetts was equally persistent and more successful in asserting her claim to Maine. Other grants conflicting Massachu- with that of Gorges had been made, and after setts se- his death in 1647 everything was in a state of cures Maine confusion. Massachusetts again stepped in and under Cromwell's rule extended her sway over all the towns of Maine. After the Restoration Charles II took Maine away from Massachusetts and recognized the Gorges claim, but later the younger Ferdinando Gorges sold out his interests to Massachusetts, which again took possession, although the king refused to sanction the transfer. Massachusetts, however, ignored his objections and held on to Maine. Her title was finally confirmed in the charter granted by William and Mary in 1691. In May, 1643, at the suggestion of the Massachusetts General Court, commissioners from Massachusetts, Con- TheNew necticut, Plymouth, and New Haven met at Bos- England ton and formed the New England Confederation. tion,i643-' ^^^ purpose was protection against Indian 1684 attacks or the encroachments of the Dutch during the Civil War then raging in England. English Colonization, 1584-1660 43 The business of the Confederation was to be carried on by eight commissioners, two from each colony, and the vote of six of the eight was to prevail. In 1653 Massachusetts .refused to comply with the vote of the commissioners to raise soldiers for the Dutch war. That colony also refused to permit Connecticut to tax the Massachusetts people at Springfield for the defense of the mouth of the river, although the six commissioners of the other colonies decided that they should be taxed. The domination of Massachusetts caused the decline of the Confederation, and on the absorption of New Haven by Connecticut in 1662 it ceased to be of much importance, though meetings were held occasionally until 1684. The Confederation, however, had served a good purpose in re- straining both the Indians and the Dutch. The articles contained a provision for the rendition of fugitive servants, very similar to the later fugitive slave laws. ■ In 1651 Parliament passed a navigation act the object of which was to exclude foreign vessels from trade with the colonies and to limit English commerce as far as possible to English" and colonial ships. This of Puritan regulation bore heavily upon the Dutch in whose supremacy, hands was a large part of the carrying trade, and led to war between England and Holland (1652-1654). The Dutch w^ere defeated and made^peace just in time to save New Netherland from conquest. During the Civil War the New England colonies refrained from openly espousing the cause of Parliament and paid lit- tle attention to its authority, though many colo- y^^^^^g^ nists returned to England and bore arms against submits to the_king. The Virginians paid no attention to I'^rV com-' the orders of Parliament and when Charles I missioners, was executed the assembly passed an act recog- ^ ^^ , nizing his son Charles II as king. Charles II was also pro- claimed in Maryland though without Lord Baltimore's 44 The Colonies knowledge. In 1650 Parliament passed an ordinance de- claring that Virginia and the Bermudas "are and ought to be subordinate to and dependent on England," and prohibiting foreign vessels from trading with them. Finally in 1651 the English authorities appointed com- missioners and dispatched an armed force to reduce the colonies in Chesapeake Bay. Governor Berkeley made active preparations for resistance but when the expedition arrived he quietly surrendered his authority and retired to his plantation where he remained until 1660, when he again resumed the governorship. The Assembly meanwhile organized a provisional government by electing Richard Bennett governor and restored Claiborne to his old post of secretary from which he had been removed by Berkeley. The commissioners then proceeded to Maryland and deposed Governor Stone. The Puritans who had been Affairs in expelled from Virginia by Governor Berkeley Maryland made poor return for the kindness they had received in Maryland. An assembly dominated by them and from which the Catholics were excluded repealed the toleration act of 1649. In 1655 Stone made an effort to regain control of affairs, but he and his Catholic supporters were defeated by the Puritans under Wilham Fuller in a pitched battle on the Severn. Lord Baltimore, however, had acknowledged Cromwell's rule and two years later an agree- ment was reached and his authority again recognized. During the period 1640-1660 the population of Virginia and Maryland increased at a far greater rate than at any other period in their history. In Virginia the SptliSioI increase was from 7600 to 33,000, and in in the Maryland from 1500 to 8000. The immigra- i6^°o"i66o ^^^^ *^ Virginia at this time was to a large ex- tent cavalier in character; that is, made up of people of royalist sympathies. By 1660 Virginia had out- stripped Massachusetts in population, — 33,000 to 25,000, — English Colonization, 1584-1660 45 and Virginia continued to hold the first place in population until after the Revolution. The population of the colonies at this time was mainly English, with a few Scotch, Irish, and Huguenot settlers. In the Dutch province of New Netherland there were at this time (1660) about 6000 souls, about half of them English, the rest mainly Dutch and Swedes. A few negro slaves were to be found in all the colonies. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. English Seamen of the Elizabethan Age : Fiske, Old Virginia and Her Neighbors, Vol. I, pp. 1-28 ; Channing, History of the United States, Vol. I, Chap. V; L. G. Tyler, England in America, Chap. I ; J. A. Froude, English Seamen in the Sixteenth Century. 2. Raleigh's Attempt to. Colonize America : Tyler, Chap. II Fiske, Vol. I, pp. 28-40 ; Channing, Vol. I, pp. 124-130. 3. The Settlement of Virginia: Fiske, Vol. I, Chaps. II-VII Tyler, Chaps. III-VI ; Channing, Vol. I, Chaps. VI-VIII. 4. The Founding of Maryland : Fiske, Vol. I, Chaps. VIII, IX Tyler, Chaps. VII, VIII; Channing, Vol. I, Chap. IX; W. H. Browne, George and Cecilius Calvert, Barons Baltimore. 5. The Puritan Migration to America : E. P. Cheyney, European Background of American History, Chaps. XII, XIII; Channing, Vol. I, Chaps. X-XII ; Tyler, Chaps. IX-XIII ; Fiske, Beginnings of New England, pp. 1-110; Edw. Eggleston, Beginners of a Nation, pp. 98-219. 6. Rhode Island and Connecticut : Channing, Vol. I, Chaps. XIII, XIV ; Tyler, Chaps. XIV, XV ; Fiske, Beginnings of New England, pp. 122-152. 7. Puritan Supremacy in England and its Effect on the Colonies : Channing, Vol. I, Chap. XVIII; Fiske, Old Virginia, Vol. I, Chap. X ; Fiske, Beginnings of New England, pp. 174-226. CHAPTER III A CENTURY OF GROWTH AND EXPANSION, 1660-1760 The restoration of Charles II in 1660 marks a new era in English colonization. The king and the brilliant group _,. , . , of advisers who surrounded him had been im- The colonial policy of the poverished by exile and turned to colonial enter- Restoration pj,^gg g^g ^ means of building up British commerce and restoring their individual fortunes. The men most conspicuous in developing the new colonial system were the Earl of Clarendon, the Duke of Albemarle, An- thony Ashley Cooper (later Earl of Shaftes- bury), Lord Arlington, Baron Berkeley, brother of the governor of Vir- ginia, and Sir George Carteret. They passed new navigation acts, de- veloped a better system of colonial administra- tion, and tried to bring the colonies under closer control, conquered and annexed New Nether- land, granted new char- ters to Rhode Island and Connecticut, founded the proprietary colonies of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and the Carolinas, and organized the Hudson Bay Company. 46 Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon. I ! A Century of Expansion 47 The navigation act of 1660, like CromweH's act of 1651, on which it was based, was aimed in part at the Dutch carry- ing trade. It also introduced a new principle. It not only reenacted in a stricter form the ship- tion acts of ping clause, limiting colonial commerce to English i66oand and colonial vessels, but provided further that Ji certain "enumerated articles," sugar, tobacco, cotton, and dyewoods, "coutdT)e shipped only to England. The object/ of this restriction was to provide raw materials for English manufacturers. A later act of 1663 went a step further and provided that with a few exceptions no goods from foreign countries could be shipped to the colonfes except through English ports. Thus the colonies were to provide the raw material for the mother country and buy all their manufactured goods from\ her. The colonics were, however, given a monopoly of tobaeco. Its importation from foreign countries and its proHuction in England, Ireland, and the Channel Islands were both prohibited. In 1660 the English colonies in New England were se])- arated from those in Maryland and Virginia by the Dutch settlements along the Hudson and the Delaware, 1 TVT 1 1 oi 1 • 1 1 The voyage or the North and bouth rivers, as they were then of Henry called. The Dutch, claims were based on the Hudson, voyage of Henry Huclson, an English seaman in the service of the Dutch East India Company who, in 1609, sailed with a crew of eighteen or twenty men, partly English and partly Dutch, in his good ship the Half Moon in search of a sea route to India. He took a northern course, but encountering ice and storm turned south, and finally entered the river which now bears his name. He explored this river as far as Albany before abandoning the search for a passage through the continent. Later he sailed under the English flag in search of a northwest passage and discovered and explored Hudson Bay. Here he was set adrift in an 48 The Colonies open boat by a mutinous crew and was never heard of more. The Dutch East India Company paid Httle attention to the discovery of Hudson, but individual merchants be- came interested in the fur trade, and the island posts'on ^^ Manhattan and the site of Albany soon became Manhattan centers of a lively traffic with the Indians. Albany Trading posts were established but there appears to have been no intention at first of colonizing the region. In 1614 Adrian Block sailed through East River, which he called "Hellegat" after a river in Holland, and explored parts of the New England coast, ascending the Connecticut River as far as the site of Hartford. His name has clung to Block Island. About the same time Cornelius May sailed south and explored the Delaware, giving his name to one of the capes at the mouth of the bay. In 1621, the Dutch West India Company was chartered by the states-general with the double purpose of trade and colonization, and in 1623 the first settlers arrived underThe* ^* Manhattan. They were distributed at various Dutch West points : one party was sent to the Delaware and pany ^°°'' ^"i^* ^^rt Nassau opposite the site of Philadel- phia ; another party proceeded up the Hudson to Fort Orange within the present limits of Albany ; while others formed settlements on Long Island and on Staten Island. In 1626 Peter Minuit arrived as the first governor or director of New Netherland. He secured from the Indians a ^jjg title to the Island of Manhattan in exchange for " Patroon " goods of the value of about twenty-four dollars system ^^^ began the erection of Fort Amsterdam. The directors of the West India Company were at this time more interested in plundering Spanish galleons than in planting colonies, so they left the latter work largely to individual enterprise. In order, however, to encourage the settlement of New Netherland they issued in 1629 the famous charter A Century of Expansion 49 of "Freedoms and Exemptions," creating a privileged class of land-holders ToTowrT as patroons. Any member of the Company who should carry over within four years at his own expense fifty settlers over fifteen years of age, was prom- ised a tract of land with a frontage of sixteen miles on one side of the Hudson, or any other navigable river, or eight miles on both sides, extending as far back into the country as the situation would permit. The patroon was to enjoy over such an estate most of the rights and piivileges of a feudal lord of a manor. These terms were favorable to the patroons but offered little inducement to the free citizens of the Netherlands who were not accustomed to feudal restrictions. Under William Kieft, who became governor in 1638, trouble with the Indians on the lower Hudson finally led to a disastrous war, 1641-1645. His successor, the famous Peter Stuyvesant, j 1647-1664, was the ablest of the Dutch governors, and under him New Netherland grew and expanded. In 1638 a little colony sent out by the Swedish West India Company appeared in the Delaware, and built Fort Christina near the site of Wilmington. Other Swedes fol- lowed and settlements were made on both sides Swedish of the river. In 1655 Governor Stuyvesant, being settlements I at peace with the English and his Indian neigh- ^J^^^^^ I bors, led an expedition against Fort Chi-istina ' and ann€>xed the Swedish settlements. As long as the Dutch held the central position on the Atlantic seaboard between the New England and the Chesapeake Bay colonies it was almost impossible to carry out the navigation acts. Virginia tobacco conque"tof found its way to Europe in Dutch ships and New through the same agency European goods were ^66*4^'^'*°'*' carried to the American colonies. It was of vital importance, therefore, to the new colonial policy to annex the Dutch settlements. Stuyvesant found it impossible to 50 The Colonies check the advance of New Englanders along the sound either on the mainland or on Long Island, and conflicts were continually arising. Although the English were the aggres- sors, they were continually complaining to the home govern- ment of injuries inflicted by the Dutch. England and Holland were also fierce commercial rivals in the West Indies and on the coast of Africa. King Charles's brother, James, Duke of York, and his friends Berkeley and Carteret were interested in various commercial enterprises, and they suggested to the king a plan for the conquest of New Netherland. The king not only sanctioned the scheme, but issued a royal charter granting the Dutch territory in America to his brother as lord proprietor. As soon as he received his charter the Duke of York commissioned Richard NicoUs as lieutenant governor, and the latter with a fleet of four vessels appeared before New Amsterdam in August, 1664, and demanded the surrender of the city. On receipt of the letter Stuyvesant flew into a great rage and tore it to pieces without reading it to the members of his council, but the latter gathered up the fragments and forced him to surrender without striking a blow. The province and city were renamed New York after the duke and most of the settlements were given English names. In 1685 the Duke of York became King of England and his proprietary rights were merged with the crown. Thus New York became a royal province. The Duke of York gave away part of his province before it was conquered. On June 30, 1664, while the expedition of New Jersey, Nicolls was on its way to America, he granted the 1664-1702 region between the Hudson and the Delaware to his friends Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret. As the latter had been at one time governor of the island of Jersey the province was named in his honor New Jersey. There were at this time a few Dutch settlements at Hoboken and other points on the Hudson, and the Dutch and A Century of Expansion 51 Swedish settlements on the Delaware. After the English conquest many New Englanders came into New Jersey, settling at Elizabeth, Newark, and other points in the northern part of the province. These settlements became known as East Jersey, while those along the Delaware became known as West Jersey. In 1674, two London Quakers, Edward Byllynge and John Fenwick, bought out Berkeley's interest for £1000. It was agreed that they should have West Jersey, while Carteret retained East Jersey. The next year Byllynge failed and his interests were conveyed , to William Penn and two other Quakers for the benefit of his creditors. Penn and his associates also acquired Fenwick's share. In July, 1676, the proprietors of West Jersey signed with Car- teret a deed establishing a new dividing line be- tween East and West Jersey, running from Little Egg Harbor to the Delaware Water Gap. In 1682, Penn and eleven associates acquired from the heirs of Carteret the province of East Jersey. Thus both provinces fell under Quaker control. Several Scotchmen were associated in this transaction with Penn and this fact resulted in Scotch immigration to the colony. In 1688 the Jerseys were temporarily annexed to New York and placed under the rule of Andros. The rights of the proprietors had become confused as the result of so many transfers and con- WiLLiAM Penn, at the age of 22. 52 The Colonies flicting claims, and Penn and others had become interested in a new colony, so in 1702 they surrendered all their rights to the Crown. East and West Jersey were consohdated in the royal province of New Jersey. When George Fox, the founder of the Society of Friends, visited America in 1672, he found Quaker communities in William Rhode Island, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, Penn ^nd North Carohna. He had some idea of found- ing a Quaker colony, but did not carry it out. This work was reserved for William Penn, one ol the inost famous characters in American history. His father, Sir William Penn, was an admiral in the British navy and an intimate friend of Charles II and the Duke of York. While a student at Oxford the young William Penn became interested in the teachings of the Quakers, and when he openly joined the Society of Friends, his father drove him from his home. He soon be- came the most prominent Quaker in England, and his coura- geous defense of his position finally excited the admiration of his father, who paid his fines and*. became fully reconciled. On his deathbed the admiral commeiided his son to the special care of the Duke of York. Penn's connection with New Jersey has already been de- scribed. In this enterprise he was hampered by conflicting claims and diverse interests and could not carry syivania out hJs own ideas. He decided therefore to charter, found a new colony where Quakers could enjoy complete religious freedom and where he could put into operation some of his political theories. Hg^also wished to restore his fortunes, and he had a claim of £16,000 against the king on account of loans advanced by his father which he saw little chance of collecting. In consideration of this debt he received from the king a large grant of land west of the Delaware and north of Maryland. The charter was issued March 14, 1681, and created a proprietary province somewhat like Maryland, named by A Century of Expansion 53 the king Pennsylvania in honor of the founder's father. The intention seems clearly to have been to convey to Penn a tract of land extending from the fortieth to the forty-third parallels of latitude and from the Delaware on the east five degrees of longitude westward. But ignorance as to the location of the fortieth parallel threw the question of the southern boundary into confusion. What Penn wanted most was an outlet on Delaware, Bay. The settlements west of the Delaware had never been specifically granted to the Duke of York, but since the English conquest he had exercised jurisdiction over them. When the Pennsylvania charter was drawn the duke had it so worded as to reserve New Castle and the land to the north and west within a radius of twelve miles. The following year, how- ever, he ceded New Castle and the territory along Delaware Bay as far as Cape Henlopen to Penn. This territory had all been included within the Maryland grant so that there now arose a dispute between Penn and Lord Baltimore as to both the Pennsylvania and Delaware boundaries which lasted for a century. The present boundaries were finally agreed on in 1760, and the line was run and marked in 1767 by two distinguished English engineers, Mason and Dixon. In October, 1682, Penn arrived in Amefica'with about one hundred colonists. There were already a number of Dutch, Swedish, and English settlers in the province. Philadelphia He landed at New Castle, which was formally founded, TrSTisferred to him l)y--th^ duke's agent, and then ^ ^ proceeded up the river to Upland, an old Swedish settle- ment, which he renamed Chester. Selecting a point for a "great town" near the confluence of the Schuylkill, he care- fully laid off the streets at right angles and named it Phila- delphia, the city of "brotherly love." As a result of Penn's wise and statesmanlike policy his colony prospered from the first and grew very rapidly. Quakers from England and Wales and members of other 54 The Colonies persecuted sects came over in large numbers. Penn had visited _ Germany in company with Fox in 1677, and his colony soon attracted the attention of the Mennonites and Pietists, whose doctrines were not unlike those of the Quakers. A party of Germans arrived at Philadelphia in 1683 under the leadership of Francis Daniel Pastorius and founded German- town. This was the beginning of the German immigration to Pennsylvania, which, however, did not attain large pro- portions until the next century. Philadelphia had a more rapid growth than any other city in colonial times. Four years after it was first laid off it had a population of 8000 and was the third city in America. 'X* The Pennsylvania charter contained three novel features : Xthe laws, which were to be made with the consent of the Imperial freemen, were to be submitted to the Privy control Council for approval ; obedience to the navigation (' and other acts of Parliament was expressly stipulated ; and o the proprietor was required to appoint an agent to reside in - ■ England. In 1682 Penn issued a document known as a Frame of Government, establishing a provincial council of seventy- The " Frame ^^^ persons chosen by the freemen and a General of Govern- Assembly of two hundred representatives. Ac- "®" ' ^ ^ company ing the Frame was a code of "Laws agreed upon in England" to be enacted by the Assembly with such alterations or amendments as might be deemed necessary. These laws gave the fullest guarantees of per- sonal liberty then known in America and established religious freedom for all who believed in "one Almighty and EterrTal God," but restricted to believers in Jesus Christ the right to hold office and to vote. Penn returned to England in 1701, where he found his 1 property much involved, and he had to spend some time in { prison. His mind became unbalanced and continued so until his death in 1718. Pennsylvania and Delaware were A Century of Expansion 55 held as proprietary provinces by his children and grand- children until the Revolution. About the middle of the century there grew up a little settlement of Virginians, in part political and religious refugees, on the northern shores of Albemarle pj^.^^ settle- Sound along the Chowan River. This settle- mentinthe ment was destined to be the nucleus of the ^^° °*^ colony of North Carolina. A little later some New England traders attempted a settlement at the mouth of Cape Fear River, but soon abandoned it. In 1663 the region between the thirty-first and thirty- sixth parallels of latitude was granted to eight proprietors : the Earl of Clarendon, the Duke of Albemarle, Lord Craven, Lord John Berkeley, Lord Ashley, Carolina 1) Sir George Carteret, Sir William Berkeley, and charter, | Sir John Colleton. This vast grant was erected into a palatinate very much like that of Maryland, both modeled after the bishopric of Durham. The main differ- ence between Maryland and Carolina was that the former was granted to one 'proprietor and the latter toa group of eight. This change was unfortunate, for some of the original proprietors sold out their interests to other parties who introduced discord and confusion into the management of the province. In 1665 the proprietors received from the king a second charter, extending their northern boundary to thirty-six thirty so as to include the Albemarle settlement. In the autumn of 1665 Sir John Yeamans brought a party of colonists from Barbadoes to the Cape Fear River and started what was known as the Clarendon settlement, but after two years the little colony pun/^. dispersed. Some of the proprietors appear to mental have lost interest in the enterprise, but not so with Lord Ashley. In 1669 his secretary, John Locke, afterwards famous as a philosopher, drew up Constitu- tions," 1669 5(y . The Colonies at his suggestion "The Fundamental Constitutions," elaborating an organic law, semifeudal in character, which was about as ill adapted to conditions in the American wilderness as anything that the mind of man could conceive. From the first the proprietors seem to have relied on getting settlers from the Bermudas and Barbadoes, where Founding of dissatisfaction prevailed, so in 1670 arrangements Charleston, were made for Yeamans to lead another expedi- ^ ° tion. After the wreckage of two of his vessels he abandoned the enterprise, handing over the command to William Sayle, a Bermudian planter, who succeeded in founding a settlement on the south side of the Ashley River. Later some of the settlers moved across to the tongue of land between the Ashley and Cooper rivers and here in 1 68Q the town of CharlestoiL was iounded. The same year a party of Huguenots arrived and a little later some Scotch. The growth of Charleston was very rapid. In 1685 the population was estimated at 2500, and Charleston was soon the most important town south of Philadelphia. There was a marked difference from the first between the northern and southern settlements and very little communication between them, so that they between gradually became known as North and South North and Carolina. The northern colony was composed Carolina °^ scattered agricultural communities. It was the first frontier in American history and devel- oped that type of backwoods life which later characterized our western frontier. The southern colony was more com- pact, most of the settlements being on the coast in the neighborhood of Charleston. Charleston was always in direct and frequent communication with the West Indies, the Bahamas, the Bermudas, and England, and its citizens were thus subject to the refining influences of the outside world. A Century of Expansion 57 The restoration of Charles II had been anticipated in Virginia by the Assembly, which on the death of Matthews in 1660 recalled Sir William Berkeley from retire- Virginia ment. As soon as Berkeley was officially in- under formed of Charles's restoration he proclaimed him ^^ ^^ in Virginia and ordered writs to run in his name. Berkeley then went to England to consult his sovereign's pleasure. On his return to Virginia in 1662 he summoned an Assembly which, like the "Cavalier Parliament" in England, was overwhelmingly royalist, and continued to sit without re- election for the next fourteen years. The suffrage, which had been extended during the Commonwealth period to all freemen, was restricted by act of the Assembly in 1670 to freeholders. Virginiar-thus became a practical oligarchy. Berkeley selected his own councilors from the wealthier planters, prorogued the Assembly from session to session without reelection and appointed the sheriffs and county justices, the latter composing the county court and having a general control of county affairs. Even the vestries, which ruled the parishes, were no longer chosen by the people, but had become close corporations and filled the vacancies that occurred in their numbers. The most serious hardship for the common people, however, was the steady decline in the price of tobacco, due in large part to the navigation acts which gave the English merchant a monopoly of the trade. The general dissatisfaction came to a head in 1676, when the Indians began attacking the frontier settlements. Berkeley was appealed to, but failed to take Bacon's effective measures for the defense of the colony rebeiuon and numbers of settlers were killed, among them the over- seer of Nathaniel Bacon's plantation. Young Bacon, who had not been long in the colony, but who was a man of force and determination, then raised a body of three hundred volunteers and marched against the Indians. Berkeley denounced hun and his followers as rebels and started out 58 The Colonies with a body of troops to disperse them. The majority of Bacon's followers turned back, but about sixty continued to follow him, and storming a palisade slew one hundred and fifty Indians. In the meantime the people of the colony were thoroughly aroused and began arming. So serious was the disaffection that Berkeley had to hasten back to Jamestown, Bacon and where he agreed to dissolve the old Assembly and execution of order a new election. To this Assembly Bacon was elected. When it convened the Governor par- doned him, restored him to his place in the council, and prom- ised him a commission as commander-in-chief of the militia. But no sooner had Bacon started on his second expedition than Berkeley again denounced him and raised a force of six hundred men to take him. Most of the wealthier planters stood by Berkeley, while probably two thirds of the people, — the lower classes and some of the planters, — supported Bacon, giving the struggle the character of a popular revolu- tion. Bacon now abandoned the Indian campaign, and marched against Jamestown which was taken and burned. Berkeley fled to Accomac, and Bacon was preparing to follow him when he was stricken with fever and died. Most of Bacon's followers soon dispersed, though some of them continued the struggle for two months, at the end of which period they were compelled to surrender. Thirteen of the leaders were summarily hanged, among them William Drummond, a Scotchman who had been governor of the Albemarle settlement in North Carolina in 1664. When he was brought before Berkeley, the old governor, bowing low, said : "Mr. DrummonHTyou are welcome. I am more glad to see you than any man in Virginia. Mr. Drummond, you shall be hanged in half an hour." When Berkeley went to England to explain matters King Charles refused to see him, saying: "That old fool has hanged more men in that naked country than I have done for the murder of my father." 1 A Century of Expansion' 59 The old cavalier retired to his home and died a few months later broken-hearted. Conditions in Maryland under the Restoration were somewhat similar to those in Virginia. In March, 1660, the Assembly with the connivance of Josias Maryland Fendall, who had been appointed governor by under Lord Baltimore in 1657, took things into its own "®^ hands, abolished the council, and practically repudiated Lord Baltimore's authority. The rights of the proprietor were, however, upheld by Charles II, and Fendall's move- ment came to nought. In 1661 Charles Calvert was ap- pointed governor by his father and on the latter's death in 1675 succeeded to his rights as proprietor. He restricted the suffrage, reduced the number of representatives in the Assembly, conferred most of the important offices on his Roman Catholic relatives, and ruled arbitrarily. News of Bacon's rebellion started an uprising, but the leaders were arrested and it amounted to nothing. In 1675 Massachusetts and all New England became in- volved in a struggle with the Indians known as King Philip's War, which extended from the Connecticut ^. . . King Valley to the settlements m Mame. In August, philips 1676, King Philip was taken and slain. Out of a War, 1675- military population of five thousand in Massachu- setts and Plymouth, one in ten had been killed or captured, over forty towns had been fired, and more than a hundred thousand pounds spent in military expenses. In 1684 Massachusetts was deprived of her charter on the ground that she had violated the acts of trade and was guilty of other shortcomings. The following year James II came to the throne and in May, seMs^de-"" 1686, he appointed Sir Edmund Andros governor- prived of generalof New England. Meanwhile a temporary ^^g^*^ " ^^' government had been organized in Massachusetts, which abolished the representative Assembly, enforced the 60 The Colonies navigation acts, and in June, 1686, established for the first time an Episcopal Church in Boston. Andros arrived in Boston December 20, 1686, and his administration lasted until April, 1689. Plymouth and Rhode Island submitted to his rule but the Govenior°- Connecticut authorities tried to retain their General Separate government. In October, 1687, Andros 1686^1^680 went to Hartford, dissolved the government and annexed the colony to the dominion of New Eng- land. But the authorities held on to their charter, hiding it in a hollow oak. In August, 1688, Andros visited New York and took formal possession of the government of that province and also of the Jerseys. Thus all of British America from Delaware Bay to Nova Scotia was under the rule of one governor-general. When Andros returned to Boston he left Francis Nicholson as deputy governor in New York. Penn's provinces, Pennsylvania and Delaware, were spared. The main purpose of the king in consolidating the northern colonies was to secure a rigid enforcement of the navigation acts and to afford protection against the French. The English Revolution of 1688-1689, which placed William and Mary on the throne, brought to a head the discontent that existed in several of the American Revolution colouies. When the news that the Prince of in America, Orange had landed in England and that James had fled from the kingdom reached Boston, the people rose in open revolt, seized Governor Andros and cast him into prison. They then reorganized their govern- ment under the old charter. Connecticut and Rhode Island likewise reorganized under their former charters, and their action was later approved. But Massachusetts had been in- subordinate under the old charter, so in the new charter, granted in 1691, an important change was made. Hence- forth the governor was to be appointed by the Crown instead of being elected by the people. Proprietary Governments. Royal Governments. A Century of Expansion 61 At the same time Plymouth, which was a small and relatively weak colony and had never had a charter, was annexed to Massachusetts. Maine was likewise formally added to her powerful neighbor who had held her without authorization for nearly half a century. Revolutions also took place in Maryland and in New York. In the former province John Coode took advantage of the governor's delay in proclaiming the acces- sion of William and Mary, to stir up the Prot- in Maryland estants and seize the government in the name and in New of the new sovereigns. For the next twenty-five years the province was under a royal governor. Lord Baltimore was never formally deprived of his rights, and when a Protestant succeeded to the title in 1715, the pro- prietary rights were restored and the Baltimore heirs con- tinued to govern the colony until the American Revolution. In New York, Governor Nicholson was slow in acknowledg- ing William and Mary, and Jacob Leisler headed a revolt and seized the fort. His self-constituted rule was unnecessarily harsh and severe, and when a new royal governor, Henry Sloughter, arrived in 1691, Leisler was, without real justifica- tion, tried and hanged for treason. The eighteenth century was a period of rapid growth and expansion. Li 1700 the total population of the colonies was about 275,000. By 1750 it had risen to Q^owth of 1,200,000 and at the beginning of the Revolution population, in 1775 it was about 2,600,000. Throughout the ^700-1750 colonial period Virginia had the largest population, number- ing in 1750, 275,000. Massachusetts came next with 180,000 ; Pennsylvania third with 150,000 ; Maryland fourth with 137,000; and Connecticut fifth with 100,000. New York and North Carolina each had about 80,000. The relative rank in population was about the same at the begin- ning of the Revolution, except that North Carolina had risen to the fourth place. Of the cities Boston was the largest 62 The Colonies throughout the seventeenth century and continued to hold first place until the middle of the eighteenth century, when Philadelphia outstripped her. In 1760 Philadelphia had a population of 18,700, Boston of 15,600, New York of 14,000 and Charleston of 8000. Beyond the natural increase of population there was during the eighteenth century a large immigration from The German Scotland, Ireland, England, and the continent of immigration Europe. Germans were among the first settlers of Pennsylvania, but the German immigration to that colony did not assume very large proportions until the eight- eenth century, when, as the result of religious persecutions, German Protestants were encouraged by Great Britain to seek refuge in her colonies. Among the German and Swiss immigrants were representatives of various sects : Lutherans, German Reformed, Mennonites, Dunkards, and Moravians. A German newspaper was founded at Germantown in 1739 and another at Philadelphia in 1743. The last and most important addition to the population of the colonies was the immigration of the Scotch-Irish The Scotch- Presbyterians which began about the close^ of the Irish first quarter of the eighteenth century. They came first to Pennsylvania and finding the eastern part of the province already occupied, pushed rapidly to the West, and in time filled the Alleghany region. From western Pennsylvania they soon found their way into the valley of Virginia where they were followed by many German families. From the valley of Virginia the Scotch-Irish spread southward into North Carolina, Tennessee, and South Carolina, and in the period immediately preceding the Revolution, into Kentucky. While the first stream of Scotch-Irish immigration came through Pennsylvania and the valley of Virginia, many of the later immigrants landed in eastern Virginia and in A Century of Expansion 63 Charleston, and pushed their way westward. It is claimed by some authorities that as many as 500,000 Scotch-Irish had come to America by the beginning of the Revolution. Finding the Tidewater and Piedmont sections of the South already occupied, most of the Scotch-Irish were forced to seek lands in the mountainous regions of the West. They were a brave, sturdy, frugal, and energetic race, well suited to the hardships and dangers of frontier life. They not only played a most important part in the later French and Indian wars and in the Revolution, but in the gradual conquest of the continent by the forces of civiliza- tion the Scotch-I rish have always been found on the frontier. In fact, the history of the American frontier is largely the history of the Scotch-Irish in America. The plan for foimding a colony in Georgia originated with James Oglethorpe, an English gentleman of good family who had served in the continental wars and later entered the House of Commons. Early in his ing of parliamentary career he became interested in re- Georgia, forming the harsh laws against debtors and the idea of colonizing the poorer class of debtors in America occurred to him. The philanthropic feature of the scheme was only one side of it. Oglethorpe proposed to found a military colony on the southern frontier of South Carolina as a protection against the Indians and against the Spanish. He enlisted the sym- pathy of many prominent noblemen and clergymen, and in June, 1732, they received from the king a charter incorporat- ing them as "the trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia in America." They were granted a strip of territory lying between the Savannah and the Altamaha and extending from their headwaters westward to the South Sea. The government was to be proprietary in form for a period of twenty-one years, after which Georgia was to become a royal province. 64 The Colonies 'In the plans of the trustees there were two novel fea- tures : slavery was prohibited and the ijiiportation of rum ' was forbidden. In 1738 over a hundred free- ofOgie- holders signed a petition to the trustees urging thorpe's ^^^t these prohibitions be removed. Even White- field, the celebrated missionary, who had founded an orphan school in Georgia, believed that the progress of the colony had been greatly delayed by the lack of negro slaves. In 1749 the prohibition against negro slavery was removed and the following year the act prohibiting the im- portation of rum was repealed. After the removal of these restrictions, planters from South Carolina moved into Georgia with their slaves and within two years nearly a thousand slaves had been brought into the colony. In spite, therefore, of the efforts of the trustees to found a colony of small freeholders, the plantation system with its characteristic features soon developed. The southern colonies were devoted largely to agricultural pursuits and the most characteristic feature of southern Thepianta- economic life was the plantation system which tion system ^r^g ^g^} established in Virginia by the middle of the seventeenth century. Large plantations were also the rule in Maryland and South Carolina. In North Caro- lina, where there was from the first greater diversity of industry, the land was more evenly distributed and there was not the same tendency to large estates. In Virginia and Maryland the plantation system was closely connected with the cultivation of tobacco, which early became the staple crop. Tobacco culture is very exhausting to the soil and under the system of cultivation in vogue in the colonial period required the constant clearing of new land and the abandonment of old. The scientific care and improvement of soils were then unknown and even if they had been known, the expansive system of cultivation would have been cheaper where there was an abundance of land. A Century of Expansion 65 No new country ever has enough cheap labor and this is especially true of new agricultural communities where land is cheap and plentiful. The demand for cheap labor in Virginia, as in most of the colonies, was first met by the development of the system of white servitude, which made its appearance early and grew rapidly. Throughout the seventeenth century it was the main source of labor in the southern colonies. In 1683 there were nearly 12,000 white servants in Virginia and only 3000 slaves. The Treaty of Utrecht of 1713 gave England a monopoly of the slave trade with the Spanish colonies and the surplus slaves were dumped on the British colonies. Under this policy slavery grew by leaps and bounds until, by the middle of the eighteenth century, the number of slaves in Virginia was rapidly approaching that of the entire white population, i 120,000 blacks to 173,000 whites. In South Carohna the I blacks outnumbered the whites. In 1750 negro, slavery was recognized by law in every North American colony and the total slave population was about 300,000. The slave population of New England was too small, except in Rhode Island, to be of any special economic or social significance. In the middle colonies the largest number of slaves was to be found in New York, where they formed between one sixth and one seventh of the population. The distribution of the slave population was determined almost entirely by economic conditions. While the evils of slavery were recognized the only outspoken opposition to the system came from the Quakers of Pennsylvania. Many of the most prominent and respected merchants of Boston and Newport were engaged in the slave traffic. Great excite- ment arose in New York in 1712 and again in 1741 over the alleged discovery of "negro plots" and on the latter occasion fourteen slaves were burned at the stake and eighteen were hanged. 66 The Colonies In the North there were few large estates to be found except along the Hudson, but even these failed to develop a real plantation system. In the northern colonies ment of in- there was from the first a much greater variety of dustryin industries. The middle colonies produced beef, New Eng- . i i c i t -nx land and the pork, gram, and other rood products. In New middle England the main industries were shipbuilding,! fisheries, and the manufacture of rum. All the colonies depended largely upon England for their clothing and other manufactured goods. There was, however, sufficient progress made in manufactures to arouse the jealousy of English merchants. As early as 1698 Parlia- ment undertook to check the woolen industry in New Eng- land, and later restrictions were placed on the hat industry and on the manufacture of iron. In the commerce of the colonies the Indian fur trade played an important part from the first, and the intense Trade with ^valry between the several colonies and between the West the English and the French frequently led to ° *®^ serious Indian troubles. The Indian trade was always difficult to regulate. In commerce by sea New Eng- land always held the lead. Her fisheries which were early developed formed the basis of her trade with foreign coun- tries. The most important trade carried on by New England, however, was with the West Indies. In addition to fish, lumber, and horses, provisions and a few British manu- factures were exported. In return the New Englanders brought back sugar and other West Indian products and large quantities of molasses for the Mew England distilleries. New England rum was consumed all through the colonies and a large amount was shipped to the coast of Guinea, where it was exchanged for negro slaves who were sold in the West Indies and in the American colonies. Massachu- setts and Rhode Island were largely engaged in this trade. A Century of Expansion 67 In 1721 the Board of Trade called attention to the fact that the New Englanders were buying a large part of their sugar and molasses from the French and Dutch colonies, and in 1731, the British merchants and sugar planters peti- tioned Parliament for relief. This led to the celebrated Molasses Act of 1733, which placed prohibitory duties on foreign sugar, molasses, and rum imported into the English <;olonies. This act encountered great opposition in the northern colonies and it was persistently violated. Piracy was very common in the early years of the eight- eenth century, especially in the West Indies, but there were several notorious characters who infested the „. Piracy shores of America. Among them the best known were Captain William Kidd, Teach or Thatch, com- monly known as Black Beard, and Steve Bonnet. Kidd was sent out by Lord Bellomont, governor of New York, to cap- ture pirates, but ended by turning pirate himself. He was finally seized, sent to England for trial, and executed. In 1718 Governor Spotswood of Virginia sent an expedition in search of Black Beard which engaged in a pitched battle with him on the coast of North Carolina. Black Beard and several of his accomplices were killed. In the same year Bonnet and several of his followers were captured by an expedition sent out by the governor of South Carolina, were tried and executed. A little later another battle took place off Charleston in which several pirates were captured and afterwards convicted and put to death. Domestic commerce was seriously hampered by the lack of a colonial currency. There was almost no English money in the colonies, and the Spanish silver which came xheiackof in through the New England trade with the West a colonial Indies was limited in amount and rated differently *^""^°*^y in the different colonies. In Virginia tobacco was the regu- lar currency, even salaries of colonial officials being fixed by statute in so many thousand pounds of tobacco. Ware- 68 The Colonies house receipts formed a convenient circulating medium. The Virginia planter bought all his supplies through the London merchant to whom he shipped his tobacco. The merchant credited him on his books with the amount realized from the crop, and the planter drew on this credit as on a bank account. In many of the colonies the system of primitive barter still continued. Massachusetts was the first colony to issue paper money. This was done to meet the expenses of the expedition against Quebec in 1690. The English Church was established in Virginia from the first and that colony continued to be its main stronghold The during the eighteenth century. It was not Anglican definitely established by law in any of the other ^'^^ colonies until the Revolution of 1688. Virginia had always been under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of London and his authority over the other colonies had been recognized in a general way. The Bishop of London was a member of the Board of Trade, though he did not attend its sessions unless notified that some ecclesiastical matter was to come up. The Anglican Church occupied a peculiar status in America. No bishop ever set foot in the colonies prior to the American Revolution, and an Episcopal Church without a bishop is something of an anomaly. This defect was partially reme- died by the appointment of representatives of the bishop known as commissaries, but a commissary was granted only a small share of episcopal authority. The first American commissary was James Blair, who was sent to Virginia shortly after the Revolution of 1689. Blair greatly strengthened the Church by disciplining the clergy and by bringing over new ministers to fill the vacant parishes. His greatest work was the founding of William and Mary College in 1693. In the New England colonies the Anglican Church had to struggle for its existence. Except in Rhode Island the A Century of Expansion 69 Congregational churches were supported by pubHc taxation. In Massachusetts the Church of England had been tolerated since 1660 only at the express command of x^e Church the king, and the first church was established in New in Boston in 1686. The rigid Puritanism of the England early days, however, was being somewhat relaxed and the Congregational Church suffered from division into a conserv- ative and a progressive faction. Under these conditions Quakers, Baptists, and Episcopalians Ijegan to make head- way and demanded exemption from taxes levied for the support of the Congregational Church. By 1730 they had been partially relieved of this burden in both Massachusetts and Connecticut. The complete separation of Church and State in these colonies did not take place, however, until long after the American Revolution. Many of the colonial governors were men of scholarly tastes, and urged the needs of education upon the attention of the colonial assemblies. The Anglican Church also exerted its influence in favor of education. Blair in Virginia and Bray in Maryland were both very active in this cause, and Dean Berkeley, afterwards famous as bishop and philosopher, came to America for the purpose of founding a college and lived for three years at Newport, Rhode Island. He was disappointed in his plans and returned to England, but he made gifts of books to both Harvard and Yale. Harvard College was founded in 1638. There was no other college founded in America until. 1693 when Blair secured a royal charter for the College of William ^j^^ found- and Mary. Blair was its first president and held ing of the office for fifty years. Williamsburg where ^° ®^^^ it was located also became the capital of the colony and a center of social and political influence. The need of a col- lege in Virginia had been less felt than in New England, as the more frequent intercourse with the mother country 70 The Colonies rendered it easy for the sons of wealthy planters to go to the English universities for their education. This had been quite common in the seventeenth century and continued to some extent after the founding of William and Mary Col- lege. Yale College in Connecticut was founded in 1701, like Harvard and William and Mary, under ecclesiastical in- fluences. Its chief promoters were Harvard graduates who felt that the older college was drifting away from orthodox standards. Yale became a stronghold of Calvinism and two of its graduates, Jonathan Dickinson and Jonathan J^dwards, became the first two presidents of the College of New Jersey, which was chartered in 1746. About ten years later King's College, now Columbia University, was founded under Anglican auspices, and the University of Pennsyl- vania, through the influence of Benjamin Franklin. The latter was of all colonial colleges the freest from ecclesiastical control. In the founding of these colleges donations of books are frequently mentioned, so that the importance of libraries was recognized. In 1698 the South Carolina Libranes . . „ ,., Assembly made an appropriation tor a library in Charleston which was the first public lil^rary in America. In 1731 Benjamin Franklin founded a public subscription library in Philadelphia. The most valuable and best selected pri- vate collection of books in America prior to the Revolution was the library of William Byrd of Westover, which contained four thousand volumes. The first colonial newspaper was the Boston News Letter founded in 1704. During the next twenty years newspapers were established in Rhode Island, New York, XV 6WSD£LD6rS Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and South Carolina. Most of these were weeklies. As the facilities for gathering American news were poor, these papers were unfor- tunately defective on that side. They devoted a large part A Century of Expansion 71 of their space to English pohtics and court hfe and to essays on hterary subjects. In 1735 Boston had five newspapers. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. Colonial Policy of the Restoration : C. M. Andrews, Colonial Self-Government, Chaps. I, II ; Chauning, History of the United Slates, Vol. II, pp. 1-13. 2. The Dutch Settlements: Channing, Vol. I, Chaps. XVI, XVII; Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies, Vol. I, Chaps. IV-IX ; Andrews, Chap. V. 3. William Penn and the Founding of Pennsylvania : Channing, Vol. II, Chaps. IV, XI; Fiske, Vol. II, Chap. XII; Andrews, Chaps. XI, XII. 4. The Beginnings of the Carolinas : Channing, Vol. II, pp. 13- 25, and Chap. XII ; Andrews, Chaps. IX, X; Fiske, Old Virginia, Vol. II, Chap. XV; Edw. McCrady, History of South Carolina under the Proprietary Government. 5. Bacon's Rebellion: Channing, Vol. II, pp. 80-91; Andrews, Chap. XIV; Fiske, Old Virginia, Vol. II, Chap. XI. 6. End of Stuart Rule in America : Channing, Vol. II, Chap. VI ; Andrews, Chaps. XV, XVI ; Fiske, Beginnings of N'ew England, Chap. VI. 7. Growth of Population: Channing, Vol. II, Chap. XIV; Fiske, Old Virginia, Vol. II, Chap. XVII ; Greene, Provincial America, Chap. XIV; H. -J. Ford, The Scotch-Irish in America. 8. The Plantation System, Servitude, and Slavery: Channing, Vol. II, Chap. XIII; Fi.ske, Old Virginia, Vol. II, pp. 181-203, 220-235, 327-333 ; P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century, Vol. I, Chap. IX and Vol. II, Chaps. X, XI, XII, XXI. 9. Commerce and Piracy : Greene, Chap. XVII ; Fiske, Old Virginia, Vol. II, Chap. XVI; Channing, Vol. II, pp. 507-521; W. B. Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, Chap. IX. 10. Religion and Education : Channing, Vol. II, Chaps. XV, XVI; Greene, Chaps. VI, XVIII; Bruce, Institutional History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century, Vol. I, Parts I and II. CHAPTER IV THE RISE AND FALL OF NEW FRANCE, 1608-1763 Within a few years of Cabot's voyage to North America English, French, Portuguese, and Spanish fishermen began The French ^^ resort annually to the shores of Newfoundland, in Nova and built up an extensive fishing industry. In Scotia, 1605 1541 Roberval and Cartier undertook to form a settlement at Quebec, but the post was soon abandoned. The first permanent French colony was established by the Sieur de Monts at Port Royal, Nova Scotia, in 1605. Acadia, as this region was called by the French, became the scene of early conflicts between the English and the French. The real founder of New France was Samuel de Champlain, who in 1608 selected Quebec as the best place for a permanent stronghold and formed a settlement there. He and?he^° had been associated with De Monts at Port Royal, founding of and was now made governor of New France, a 1608 ^^' position which he continued to hold when the new company of the Hundred Associates was or- ganized. Champlain was a great explorer. He led in per- son parties up the Saguenay, the Ottawa, along the shores of Lake Huron and the region around Lake Champlain. In 1609 he committed a most unfortunate indiscretion in ac- companying a body of Algonquins in an attack on the Iro- quois. They met a body of two hundred and fifty warriors on the shores of Lake Champlain near the point where Fort Ticonderoga was afterwards built, and, with the aid of fire- arms, won an easy victory. Later on he invaded the Iro- quois territory with a body of Hurons. These expeditions profoundly affected the whole future history of New France, 72 F'RENCH EXPLORATIONS AND SETTLEMENTS Marquette and Joliet'a Route, (1673) LaSalle's Route to Ft.Crevecceur and return, 0679) _ LaSalle's Route from FtSt.Louia g«=iS '" *''* GMlf, (I6S2) _ Hennepin's Route, (icso) The Rise and Fall of New France 73 for the Iroquois occupied a strategic position in the Mo- hawk Valley, and the hostility of the French drove them into friendly relations first with the Dutch and later with the Enghsh in New York. The St. Lawrence and Ottawa rivers and the Great Lakes afforded easy access to the interior of the continent, and, in spite of the efforts of Champlain and the later p^r traders governors to develop agricidtural communities and mis- around Quebec and Montreal, they found it im- ^'"'^^"^s possible to prevent the settlers from spreading over the en- tire lake region and engaging in the fur trade on their own account. There grew up a class of woodrangers, or coureurs de bois, who became the l)Oon companions of the Indians, adopted their modes of life and methods of hunting, and intermarried with them. They interfered seriously with the monopoh^ of the fur trade which the Company reserved for itself, and edict after edict was issued against them, but to no purpose. The Jesuit missionaries followed close on the heels of the coureurs de bois, and from the Indians they first learned of the great river to the west. The Jesuits displayed in America their usual zeal and activity, and the history of their wide- spread labors among the Indians is a fascinating and unsur- passed record of self-sacrifice and devotion. Owing to the hostility of the Iroquois, the early explorers and traders followed the line of the Ottawa River instead of Lakes Ontario and Erie. From the Ottawa River ^ -NT- ■ • ■'^he upper they crossed by a short portage to Lake JMipissmg, Mississippi thence down French River to Georgian Bay, and discovered, westward into Lakes Superior and Michigan. Lake Erie was the last one to be explored. It was by way of Lake Michigan and Green Bay that the Mississippi was first reached. In 1673 Father Jacques Marquette, accom- panied by Louis Joliet, went from Green Bay up the Fox River, thence by an easy portage to the Wisconsin, and^ 74 The Colonies * !%-■' La Salle explores the Mississippi thence down the Wisconsin to the Mississippi. When they started out they firmly beheved from information derived from the Indians that the Mississippi entered the South Sea or Pacific Ocean. They proceeded down the river as far as the mouth of the Arkansas, where they became satis- fied from inquiry among the Indians that it emptied into the Gulf of Mexico. They then retraced their course and Joliet hurried back to Quebec with news of the discovery. Count Frontenac, the governor, was quick to recognize the importance of this disco veiy, to its mouth, and his young protege, Rob- ert Cavelier, Sieur de la SaUe, who had come to Canada a few years be- fore, was eager to extend the influence of France into the valley of the Mississippi. After sev- eral years of preparation and a visit to France for the purpose of securing from Louis XIV a patent authorizing him to establish forts and to en- gage in the fur trade, La Salle finally entered the Mississippi River, by way of the Illinois, in February, 1682, and two months later reached its mouth. Returning to France by way of Canada, he received a commission as governor of the country between Lake Mich- Appointed ^San and the Gulf of Mexico, which he had named governor of Louisiana in honor of the king, and in July, 1684, Louisiana g^-j^^ ^^,^^^ Rochelle with four ships and four hundred men to take possession. The expedition was La Salle. The Rise and Fall of New France 75 unable to find the mouth of the Mississippi and was forced to land on the coast of Texas. Some of the party returned to France and finally in January, 1687, after the one re- maining ship was wrecked, La Salle set out for Canada with a few followers on horses secured from the Indians. Two months later on the banks of the Trinity River in Texas he was assassinated by one of his companions. La Salle was an explorer of great energy, ability, and resource- fulness, but as a leader he was haughty and harsh towards his inferiors, and made bitter enemies. Notwithstanding his failure to settle the country. La Salle is justly remem- bered as the founder of Louisiana. Ten years after his death his work was taken up by the two sons of Charles le Moyne of Quebec, Pierre, the elder, known from his seigniory as Iberville, and Jean . The settle- Baptiste, the younger, known as Bienville. They ment of sailed from Brest in October, 1698, with two hun- Louisiana, dred soldiers and colonists, and landed on Biloxi Bay, where they built Fort Maurepas in February, 1699. In 1702 the colony was moved to Mobile Bay, and in 1710 the town of Mobile was founded by Bienville. He also founded New Orleans in 1718 and made it the capital of the province. Bienville served as governor during most of the time until his death in 1743. Meanwhile the accession of William and Mary to the English throne had brought on a war between England and France. Since the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes Louis XIV had been regarded as the England's great enemy of Protestantism, and William, forfign who for years had headed the European alliance against Louis, was regarded as its champion. The English people were strongly Protestant in their sympathies, but their Protestantism had had little influence on the foreign policy of the country during the reigns of Charles II and James II, both of whom were Catholics. In fact, English 76 The Colonies diplomacy had been wavering and inconsistent. In the secret treaty of Dover in 1670 Charles had committed Eng- land to the support of Louis's schemes, and England had cooperated with France against the Dutch in 1672. Wil- liam's accession to the throne brought about a radical change of foreign policy. War was declared in Europe in April, 1689, but it was several months before hostilities began in the colonies. Count Count Frontenac, who was now sent out as gov- Frontenac ernor of New France for the second time, was a soldier of wide experience and great ability and by far the ablest of all the French governors of Canada. There was no leader on the English side who could be compared with him. In addition to this the government of Canada was strongly centralized. There were practically no restrictions on the governor and he had all of his resources well in hand. The decentralization of the English colonies, on the other hand, was a great disadvantage to them from a military point of view. The principal incidents of the war in America were the capture of Schenectady by Count Frontenac in February, 1690, the futile attempt of Governor Phips of WiiiiamV Massachusetts to take Quebec with a New War, 1690- England fleet later in the year, and Frontenac's 1697 raids into the Mohawk Valley m 1693 and 1696. The war in America was on the whole indecisive, though during the closing months the French had somewhat the advantage, and their influence over the Indians had been strengthened. The war was brought to a close in 1697 by the Treaty of Ryswick, which was a truce rather than a treaty of peace as far as the general questions at stake were concerned. In America each party received back the pos- sessions which it had held at the beginning of the struggle. In the great War of the Spanish Succession, which began in 1702, England was again opposed to France, and hostilities -p The Rise and Fall of New France 77 soon broke out in America. The first years of the war were marked by French and Indian raids on the frontier towns of New England. In 1704 occurred the most q^^^^ harrowing episode of the war, the night attack Anne's War, on Deerfield, in which men, women, and children ^702-1713 were murdered and a hundred prisoners carried off to Canada, many of them never to return. Several expeditions against Canada were planned, but the only one that was success- fully carried out was that against Acadia. In 1710 Nichol- son, with the aid of New England militia and some British war ships, captured Port Royal. The name was changed to Annapolis in honor of the queen, and Acadia became the royal province of Nova Scotia. The position of England was greatly strengthened by the Peace of Utrecht, signed in 1713. In the Mediterranean she acquired Gibraltar and ]\Iinorca ; in the pg^^-g ^f West Indies, St. Christopher; and in America, Utrecht, Nova Scotia, together with the recognition of her ^^^^ claim to the Hudson Bay region and Newfoundland. France also agreed to recognize the Iroquois as subjects of the king of England. Another arrangement of the Treaty of Utrecht was des- tined to exercise a profound influence upon the English colonies in America. England secured from xheasiento Spain the asienio, or contract, for supplying the of 1713 gives Spanish colonies with African slaves. Under the monopoiy^of terms of this lucrative monopoly England became the slave the great slave-trading power of the world, and "^^ ® the surplus slaves not taken by the Spanish colonies were forced upon the English colonies of North America. After \ this date slavery increased very rapidly in the English \ colonies, and act after act was passed by colonial assemblies, especially that of Virginia, restricting or prohibiting the importation of slaves, but they were all disallowed by the home government. The vetoing of these bills was one of 78 The Colonies the indictments against England placed by Jefferson in the original draft of the Declaration of Independence, but stricken out by the committee in the revision. The asiento proved the entering wedge for an extensive smuggling trade on the part of English freebooters. Spain's colonial policy had been formulated in the in- deciares war terests of her own merchants and manufacturers, on Spain, g^j^j^ jjgj. colonies were absolutely forbidden to trade with any other country. As a result of these narrow restrictions her West Indian and South Amer- ican colonists secretly encouraged English smuggling, and the iUicit trade grew to enormous proportions. In order to break up this commerce which was seriously interfering with her own trade, the Spanish government resorted to very high-handed proceedings, stopping and searching English ships on the high seas, and frequently resorting to inex- cusable outrages. Thus the two countries gradually drifted into a state of war which was formally declared October 19, 1739. Admiral Vernon was dispatched with a strong squadron to the West Indies. In November, 1740, he cap- tured and destroyed Porto Bello on the Isthmus of Panama, but was repulsed before Cartagena, Colombia, a few months later. The war between England and Spain was soon over- shadowed by the larger European struggle known as the War of the Austrian Succession. News of the George's declaration of war between England and France War, 1744- in 1744 reached Louisburg two months before it was received in Boston, and the British outposts in Nova Scotia were attacked without warning. When news of these attacks reached Boston, Governor Shirley of Massachusetts at once began making plans for the capture of Louisburg. To this expedition Massachusetts contrib- uted 3300 men, Connecticut 516, and New Hampshire 454. In March, 1745, the expedition left Boston under com- The Rise and Fall of New France 79 mand of William Pepperell, a wealthy merchant, and with the aid of a British fleet captured Louisburg after a siege of six weeks. The news was received at Boston with un- bounded enthusiasm and created great rejoicing throughout the other colonies and also in England. Plans were at once outlined for an attack on Quebec and Montreal, and if the British government had shown the energy that it did later under Pitt, the conquest of Canada might have been ef- fected at this time. The government failed to send the promised support and the preparations were diverted by the appearance of a French fleet in American waters. Meanwhile a savage border warfare was in progress along the New England and the New York frontier, in the course of which the Indians led bv French officers com- . . " _ . William mitted the usual atrocities, it is unnecessary johnson to enter into the details of these raids. In the ^"^ *^f arts of Indian diplomacy the French were usually superior to the English and thej^ had long been tampering with the Iroquois. But their endeavors in this direction were thwarted by the skill and shrewdness of a young Irishman named William Johnson, who had acquired a large estate in the Mohawk Valley, and whose remarkable in- fluence over the Iroquois stood the English in good stead until the final conquest of Canada. The war in Europe and America was brought to a close by the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, July, 1748. '' So far as general results were concerned the contest was a drawn battle. All conquests were restored. ofAix-ia- This was a severe blow to the New Englanders Chapeiie, who had shed their blood in taking Louisburg, and indignation against the home government was openly expressed. It was felt that American interests had been sacrificed to the general interests of the British empire. In view of the vast territory covered by the French in America it is always surprising to recall the fact that the 80 The Colonies population at the middle of the eighteenth century was only about 80,000. The English settlements, on the other The govern- ^^^^> confined largely to the seaboard strip east mentofNew of the Alleghanies, had a population of at least '^^^^^ a million and a quarter. New France was di- vided into two provinces, Canada and Louisiana. The gov- ernment of each was highly centralized and modeled after that of a French province. In Canada everything was centralized at Quebec and all authority was vested in three autocrats : the governor, the intendant, and the bishop. The governor had charge of both civil and military affairs ; the intendant had a general supervision over financial matters and the adminis- tration of justice, presided over the council and acted as a check upon the governor by making confidential reports directly to the king; the bishop looked after the interests of the Church, and, through the parish priests, exercised a powerful inf uence over local matters. France was now firmly intrenched in the St. Lawrence Valley and on the lower Mississippi, and these regions were . connected by a long line of forts extending from Company the Great Lakes to the Ohio and the Mississippi, chartered, ^^g fj^al struggle for the control of the con- tinent began in the center on the headwaters of the Ohio River. Fur traders from Virginia and Pennsyl- vania had long been familiar with this region when, in 1749, the Ohio Company received a charter and a grant of half a million acres along the Ohio River. This company was regarded as a Virginia enterprise. It numbered among its incorporators many prominent Englishmen, as well as several Virginians, among the latter being Washington's two brothers, Lawrence and Augustine. Christopher Gist, a well-known frontiersman, was sent out in 1750 to explore the country as far as the falls of the Ohio (Louisville), and to select the lands for the Company. The The Rise and Fall of New France 81 Company also constructed a fort at Wills Creek, now Cum- berland, Maryland, and, with the aid of Colonel Thomas Cresap and the Indian chief Nemacolin, blazed a trail over the mountains to a point on the Monongahela, sixty miles distant, where they built another fort (1752). This famous trail is known in history variously as Nemacolin's Path, Wash- ington's Road, Braddock's Road, and the Cumberland Pike. The French were stirred by these movements to advance their outposts south of Lake Erie and in 1753 they built Fort Le Boeuf on French Creek, a tributary of the " The Forks Alleghany, and seized the English trading post of the Ohio" of Venango, at the mouth of French Creek. With an English outpost on the Monongahela and a French outpost on the Alleghany it was evident that the junction of these rivers, known as the "Forks of the Ohio," would be the strategic point in the contest. In November, 1753, Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia de- termined to send a messenger to Fort Le Boeuf to warn the French against occupying a region "so notoriously known to be the property of the crown of Great Britain." For this mission he selected Major George Washington, who was then twenty-one years of age and who held the position of adjutant general of the Virginia militia. Guided by Chris- topher Gist and a small party of attendants, he successfully accomplished the perilous task. The commandant at Fort Le Bceuf received him courteously, but replied that he would await the orders of the governor of Canada. In January, 1754, Captain William Trent, acting in behalf of the Company and under instructions from the governor of Virginia, began the construction of a fort at the forks of the Ohio. The governor driven from had intended that Washington should follow *^^ ^^°' shortly with a force to support him, but the Virginia Assembly delayed making the necessary appropri- ations. Aid from New York and North Carolina had been 82 The Colonies promised, but was likewise delayed. Finally on the last day of March, Washington set out with three hundred Vir- ginians. At Wills Creek he met Trent, who had been driven from the Ohio by the French and their Indian allies. Without waiting for reinforcements Washington continued his advance, but after defeating one body of the enemy, he was compelled by a larger force a few days later to take refuge behind a hastily constructed palisade at Great Meadows, and finally to capitulate. He retired to Wills Creek. The French completed the fort at the forks of the Ohio, and named it Fort Duquesne. In June, 1754, the first colonial congress of any importance met at Albany at the suggestion of the British government The Albany ^^^ ^^^ purpose of treating with the Iroquois, Congress, who were being tampered with by the French, ^"^^^ and for the further purpose of formulating a plan for intercolonial union. There were present representa- tives from Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland ; among them were several men of later note, such as Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania, Thomas Hutchinson of Massa- chusetts, Stephen Hopkins of Rhode Island, and William Johnson of New York. The plan of union provided for a president-general ap- pointed by the king and a federal council of representati^^es from the several colonies, to have special authority over Indian relations, public lands, and military affairs. The scheme was rejected by the colonies and failed to receive the approval of the British government. There was no further attempt at colonial union until the calling of the Continental Congress which adopted the Declaration of Independence. In answer to Governor Dinwiddle's appeals, the British government finally seiit'General Edwin Braddock to America with two Irish regiments. He arrived at Alexandria in March, 1755, and in April a conference with the governors ( The Rise and Fall of New France 83 of Virginia, Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland was held at his headquarters. It was decided that the campaign should be opened on a large scale and the French attacked at four different for the cam- points : Braddock was to go against Fort P^ig^^ °^ Duquesne ; Shirley and Pepperell were to attack the French Fort at Niagara, the key to the lake route; William Johnson was to move against Crown Point on Lake Champlain ; and Colonel Robert Monckton was to reduce Fort Beausejour on the isthmus comnnecting Nova Scotia with the mainland. Braddock and the other English officers looked with contempt upon the colonial militia, but he invited Wash- ington to accompany him as aid with the rank Braddock's of major. He also took with him a force of 450 defeat, 1755 Virginia militia, most of them experienced frontiersmen, and 50 Indian scouts. The expedition reached Fort Cum- berland May 10, 1755 ; here Braddock waited a month for his cannon before the march was resumed. The French meanwhile had strengthened the garrison of Fort Duquesne and sent out a force of 70 regulars, 150 Canadians, and 650 Indians, under Captain Beaujeu. On July 8, 1755, while passing through a wide and bushy ravine, about eight miles from Fort Duquesne, Braddock was attacked by Beaujeu. "^ Braddock was not ambushed, as has often been stated, for he had been aware for some time that the Indians were hovering on his flanks. _ It was a typical frontier fight such as the Englishman trained in the methods of European war- fare was unable to comprehend. The Virginians, following the Indian method of fighting, scattered and sought cover, while Braddock insisted on making his men fight in ranks. Their regular volleys fired at command did more harm to the Virginians than to the Indians. Washington wrote to Dinwiddle that "two thirds of both killed and wounded re- ceived their shots from our own cowardly dogs of soldiers." 84 The Colonies The fight had lasted for about two hours when Braddock was shot through the arm and lungs and the command devolved upon Washington. After vainly endeavoring to rally the British, he retreated to Christopher Gist's plantation and later to Fort Cumberland. Braddock died from his wounds on the march. Fortunately the Indians did not pursue and the troops reached Fort Cumberland July 17. At news of the disaster British traders and settlers fled over the mountains, leaving the French in absolute control of the trans-Alleghany region. Johnson's expedition against Crown Point and Shirley's expedition against Niagara were both likewise failures. The fate of The Only successful campaign of the year was the Acadians that of Monckton against Fort Beausejour, which, with a force of a few regulars and two thousand New Eng- land volunteers, he captured early in June. The Acadians had never become reconciled to British rule. Under the influence of their French priests the majority of them had refused to take the oath of allegiance to Great Britain, and the disaffected element had gathered around Fort Beause- jour. They were once more ordered to take the oath, but under the influence of their priests they again refused. About seven thousand of them, — about half the population of the peninsula, — were deprived of their property, placed aboard transports and scattered among the English settle- ments from Massachusetts to Georgia. After great hard- ships and suffering some of them escaped to the French West Indies, others made their way to Louisiana, while a few, after years of wandering, managed to get back to Acadia. Braddock 's defeat left the whole western frontier ex- posed, and the Indians spurred on by the French were quick to take up the hatchet. The frontiersmen of the middle and southern colonies now suffered the unspeakable hor- rors of Indian raids, murder, pillage, the torch, and stake. Washington, now twenty-four years of age, was placed in The Rise and Fall of New France 85 command of the western frontier. With a force varying from a thousand to fifteen hundred Virginia riflemen, he assumed the dangerous and arduous task of de- fending three hundred and fifty miles of frontier, ton'sde-' marked by a line of forts at long intervals : Fort fense of the Ligonier in Pennsylvania, Fort Cumberland in f^oftie^ Maryland, Fort Chiswell in Virginia, Fort Byrd on Holston, and Fort Loudoun on the Little Tennessee. This period of Washington's life is little known and the incidents of this fierce and bloody warfare are all but forgotten, over- shadowed as they were by the larger operations against Canada. Hostilities had been in full progress in America for over a year before war between England and France was formally declared in May, 1756. Lord Loudoun was now appointed commander-in-chief of the British disasters of forces in America and about the same time the 1756 and Marquis de Montcalm, an able, brave, and en- ergetic soldier and a gentleman of culture and refinement, took command of the French forces. Before the British were ready to take the field Montcalm captured the fort at Oswego with its garrison of three thousand men, and then established himself at Ticonderoga at the southern end of Lake Cham- plain with a force of 5000. The year 1756 closed for the English with failure and disaster on all sides. The year 1757 witnessed the failure of Loudoun's expedition against Louisburg, and the capture of Fort William Henry by Mont- calm with the subsequent massacre of the prisoners by his Indian allies. At this crisis William Pitt, the greatest Englishman of his age, was recalled to office and appointed Secre- tary of State for AVar and Foreign Affairs in the -^jiugj^ p■^^^ ministry of the Duke of Newcastle. Pitt at once recalled to concentrated his energies on the war in America. °®*^®' '757 Loudoun was recalled and General James Abercromby was 86 The Colonies appointed to succeed him, while Colonel Geoffrey Amherst was sent over with the rank of major general to conduct operations against Louisburg. The new officers treated the colonials with great consideration, and 20,000 provincials were raised for the war. Three separate expeditions were organized for the cam- paign of 1758 : General John Forbes was to lead 1900 Military regulars and 5000 provincials against Fort Du- preparations quesne ; Abercromby, with a force of 6000 regu- °^ ^'^^ lars and 9000 provincials, was ordered to reduce Fort Ticonderoga and open the way to Canada ; while Am- herst, with brigadier generals Charles Lawrence, Edward Whitmore, and James Wolfe, was assigned 14,000 regulars /or the reduction of Louisburg. The expedition against Louisburg was a brilliant success. A strong fleet under command of Admiral Edward Bos- The fall of cawen cooperated with Amherst. The formal Louisburg, siege began June 2 and on the 26th the garrison ^^^ surrendered after great breaches had been made in the walls and most of the batteries silenced. General Wolfe, who was the hero of the siege, returned to England on sick leave. Li 1760 the fortress of Louisburg was torn down and Halifax became the stronghold of Nova Scotia. Abercromby's expedition against Ticonderoga was a dismal failure. On July 8 in a great fight before Ticonderoga, The failure lasting from nine in the morning until nightfall, of Aber- he was repulsed by Montcalm with the loss of crom y j^g^^ killed, wounded, and missing. Abercromby withdrew to the head of Lake Champlain where he con- tinued during the rest of the summer, but Montcalm was too cautious to risk an attack. Colonel John Bradstreet, one of Abercromby's officers, undertook a most important enterprise and achieved com- plete success. With a force of 2500 men he marched The Rise and Fall of New France 87 rapidly to Oswego by the Mohawk route, crossed Lake Ontario, and on August 27 captured and de- stroyed Fort Frontenac, including a number of exploit of French ships. From the strategic point of view Colonel this was a most important achievement. It gave the British control of Lake Ontario and isolated Fort Niagara and Fort Duquesne. General Forbes asseml^led his expedition at Philadelphia and decided to march through Pennsylvania instead of following Braddock's Road from Virginia. He The capture was late in starting and he proceeded with great of Fort Du- deliberation, erecting a line of blockhouses as ^"®sne, 175 he advanced. After the fall of Fort Frontenac he inten- tionally delayed his advance, hoping that the motley array of Indians whom the commander of Fort Duquesne had summoned from the northwest would grow weary and return home. This proved a wise policy, for not only did the Indians desert, but the Canadian militia returned home for the winter, leaving the commandant with only four or five hundred men. When the British reached the fort, November 25, 1758, they found that the French had blown up the stronghold, l^urned their stores, and fled. Washing- ton had the satisfaction of raising the British flag over the ruins. A new fort was erected and named Pittsburg in honor of England's great war minister. Operations against Canada were actively pushed in 1759. The main attack was directed against Quebec along two lines. A military expedition commanded by -^gifg Wolfe, now holding the rank of major general, selected to and convoyed by a fleet under Admiral Saunders, theexpedi- was to proceed up the St. Lawrence, while Am- tion against herst, who had been appointed to succeed Aber- ^^^ ^"^ cromby as commander-in-chief, was to advance by way of Lakes George and Champlain. Wolfe, whom Pitt selected to lead the attack against Quebec, was only thirty-two 88 The Colonies years of age, and in spite of bodily frailties, possessed a most remarkable and impressive personality. In figure he was tall, slender, and narrow-shouldered. His portraits show a weak profile, receding forehead and chin, a slightly up- turned nose, and red hair. He had a very sensitive nature, and was naturally optimistic, but was subject to occasional fits of despondency. Although a strict disciplinarian he was greatly beloved by his men. The fleet left Louisburg June 1, with 9000 soldiers and 18,000 sailors and marines. On learning of Wolfe's ex- Montcaim's pedition Montcalm collected 17,000 men at able defense Quebec, 2000 of whom garrisoned the fortress, while the main force under his immediate command was stationed below the city, along the St. Charles River, with its left extending to the gorge of the Montmorenci, seven miles below. This position protected the passage of the St. Charles, which seemed the only possible approach to the town. The city of Quebec was built on a rocky promontory between the St. Lawrence and the St. Charles and was pro- tected on the St. Lawrence side by a steep declivity of three hundred feet. On June 26, the British fleet anchored off the Island of Orleans, opposite Montcalm's camp. Wolfe seized Point Levis on the mainland opposite Quebec and made several assaults upon Montcalm's front, in one of which he suc- ceeded in landing a considerable force, but they were re- pulsed with the loss of five hundred men. He then moved his main camp to the heights of Montmorenci. The gorge which separated the two camps enabled each army to act on the defensive but made an attack on either extremely difficult. Meanwhile Wolfe had no news of Amherst and the situation was becoming critical. Amherst met with so many delays and the French opposed his advance so stoutly that he finally abandoned his plan of invading Canada that season. During the latter part of August Wolfe was seriously ill The Rise and Fall of New France 89 and gloom settled down over the camp. Early in Septem])er he was able to be up again, and, in view of the approaching winter season, he decided that he must attack ,,, „ , . ' Wolfe lands the enemy at once or abandon the enterprise, above the After a conference with his officers he deter- '^'^^ mined to attempt a landing above the city. With this end in view he broke up his camp at Montmorenci and em- barked his troops aboard his ships. For several days a part of the fleet floated up and down with the tide past Que})ec for the purpose of disconcerting the enemy. Finally during the night of September 12, with 1700 picked men in thirty open boats Wolfe floated down the river from a point above the city, and before daylight landed unobserved about two miles above Quebec at the point now known as Wolfe's Cove. A party of twenty-four men followed a winding path up the steep ascent and surprised and overcame the guard of one hundred men at the top. The rest of the party quickly followed and by sunrise Wolfe hatl a force of 4500 men on the Plains of Abraham before the walls of Quebec. "When Montcalm heard the astounding iiews at his head- quarters ten miles distant he hastened with his troops across the St. Charles and the battle began. The struggle was short and decisive. Wolfe was killed ^°*^ '^°™" °^ _ manders just as the French line gave way before the final killed on the British charge, and Montcalm was borne into Abraham the city mortally wounded. Four days later the garrison of Quebec surrendered and the English entered the city. The next year IMontreal was captured by the English and the war in America came to an end. The European war dragged on for many months. In 1762 England was forced by th^ conduct of Spain to de- clare war and Havana and Manila were both t,. ^ ^ The Treaty captured by British fleets. The final treaty of of Paris, peace was signed at Paris, February 10, 1763. ''^^^ Bute, who shortly after the accession of George III had 90 The Colonies succeeded Pitt, was too eager for peace and was severely criticized for dealing too liberally with France and Spain. England retained practically all of India, where the tide of war had turned in her favor at the battle of Plassey, won by the brilliant action of Clive in 1757. In the West Indies, England returned Guadeloupe and Martinique to France and Cuba to Spain, retaining, however, Tobago, Dominica, Granada, and St. Vincent. On the continent England acquired Canada and all the French possessions east of the Mississippi River, save the island of Orleans on which the city of New Orleans stands. England also received Florida from Spain in exchange for the restoration of Cuba. Before the treaty was formally concluded Louis XV ceded the city of New Orleans and all of the province of Louisiana west of the Mississippi River to Spain as a compensation for her losses during the war. The division of North America by this treaty was very simple. France was excluded and the continent divided between England and Spain, the Mississippi constituting the bound- ary line. The last act in the drama was the great Itidian conspiracy formed by Pontiac, the chief of the Ottawas. France's former Indian allies on the upper lakes were not spiracyof disposed to accept the terms of the Peace of Pontiac, Paris, and during the summer of 1763 most of the English frontier posts were attacked and the entire frontier terrorized by scalping parties. Virginia and Maryland were especially active in defending the fron- tier, but Pennsylvania refused to render any assistance. The Indian confederacy finally went to pieces, and in 1765 Pontiac came to terms. The Indians continued their efforts to keep the settlers from coming over the moun- tains and local fights were common, but there was no further trouble on a large scale until the eve of the Revo- lution. The Rise and Fall of New France 91 TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. French Settlements in Canada: Channing, History of the United States, Vol. I, pp. 100-110; R. G. Thwaites, France in America, Chaps. I-III ; Parkman, Pioneers of France, pp. 169- 233, 296-324; Parkman, The Jesuits in North America. 2. The French in Louisiana: Channing, Vol. II, pp. 527-537; Thwaites, Chaps. IV, V; Fiske, Neiv France and Ncio England, Chap. IV. 3. The Earlier French and Indian Wars: Channing, Vol. II, pp. 537-554; Greene, Provincial America, Chaps. VIII-X ; Thwaites, Chaps. VI, VII ; Fiske, Chap. VII. 4. The Contest for the Ohio Valley: Channing, Vol. II, pp. 554-562; Fiske, Chap. VIII; Thwaites, Chaps. IX-XI. 5. The Conquest of Canada : Channing, Vol. II, Cliap. XIX ; Fiske, Chaps. IX, X; Thwaites, Chaps. XIII-XVII ; Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfa. PART II THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION CHAPTER V CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION The American Revolution in the broader sense covers a period of twenty years, from 1763 to 1783. Twelve years of skillful debate, involving a broad discussion of Results of . . , 1 1 • • 1 1 • the French constitutional qucstions and political theories, and Indian preceded the eight years of warfare. The French and Indian War revealed certain defects in the British colonial system which naturally suggested reform, and at the same time the conquest of Canada by removing the most serious danger that threatened the colonies from the outside broke one of the strongest ties that bound them to the mother country, and made their independence a po- litical possibility. Furthermore the war had given the Americans military experience and the opportunity to test their fighting capacity beside the best British soldiers. The arrogance of the British officers and soldiers and the open contempt in which they held the colonial troops that had cooperated with them in the war had helped to bring the latter closer together and to make them aware of the differences between themselves and the English. Some idea of the lack of cordial feeling between the British regulars and the colonial volunteers may be formed from the expres- sions of the two noblest men engaged in the war. After 92 97 92 Causes of the Revolution 93 Braddock's defeat Washington wrote to Governor Dinwiddie : "The dastardly behavior of the Enghsh soldiers exposed all those who were inclined to do their duty to almost cer- tain death." Wolfe, on the other hand, when he heard of the defeat of Abercromby at Ticonderoga wrote to Lord George Sackville : " The Americans are in general the dirtiest most contemptible cowardly dogs that you can con- ceive. There is no dependence upon 'em in action. They ^ fall down dead in their own dirt and desert by battalions, officers and all. Such rascals as those are rather an encum- brance than any real strength to an army." In view of these facts the close of the French and Indian War was an unfortunate time for undertaking a reform of the colonial system and attempting to tighten character the reins of imperial control. Furthermore the and policy of government of England was not at this time in ^°^^^ the hands of wise statesmen capable of successfully carrying through such a policy. In 1760 George III came to the throne. He had been poorly educated, was ignorant and narrow minded, and was bent on following the advice which his mother had repeatedly given him in his youth : "George, be a king." His one fixed purpose was to exalt the power of the crown at the expense of Parliament. When he came to the throne the government had been for half a century in the hands of a Whig oligarchy. In order to overthrow the Whig leaders George III built up a party known as the King's Friends. This party brought on the American Revolution and controlled the British government during the war. The ablest statesmen of the age, Chatham, Burke, and Fox, belonged to the opposition, and their efforts to bring about reconciliation with America were treated with scorn. The Seven Years' War had -left England supreme not only in America, but in India and on the high seas as well. Mainly through the genius of Pitt this magnificent empire 94 The American Revolution had been created, and the need for a more comprehensive and efficient system of imperial control had come to be felt. Defects in '^^^ ^^^ ^^ America naturally suggested certain the colonial reforms. In the first place it showed that the old system system of making requisitions on the several col- onies for troops could not provide a sufficient force for their defense. Some of the colonies refused to provide for the levies at all, others promised to comply with the requisitions, but failed to send the full number, while none of them could be counted upon to send their full quotas into the field at the time appointed. In the second place the French and Indian War showed that more stringent measures were necessary for the enforce- ment of the acts of trade. The Molasses Act of with the 1733 had never been rigidly enforced; in fact French West q^q prosperity of the northern colonies was, to a great extent, based on its violation. The British West Indies could not furnish an adequate supply of molasses for the manufacture of New England rum, which was ex- tensively used in the fisheries and was absolutely indispensable in the Indian trade and in the slave trade. The New Eng- landers had therefore continued to buy molasses in the French West Indies. This illicit trade had been winked at by the British officials in time of peace, but its continuance in time of war neutralized to a large extent the work of the British navy. This trade was continued partly by the connivance of colonial governors who issued commissions to vessels au- thorizing them to visit French colonies ostensibly for the purpose of exchanging prisoners, such vessels being popu- larly called "flags of truce." The greatest sinners in this matter were Rhode Island and Pennsylvania. The governor of the latter colony openly sold such passes for large sums of money. This trade not only helped the enemy directly, but it seriously interfered with military operations by Causes of the Revolution 95 rendering provisions scarce and expensive. Such large quantities of foodstuffs were taken to the French West Indies, where they brought high prices, that provisions had to be brought from Europe to supply the needs of the Brit- ish army in America. Amherst and other British com- manders protested vigorously against this trade with the enemy and openly denounced it as disloyal. The attempt of the custom house officials in Boston to break it up led to the celebrated controversy over "writs of assistance." Writs of assistance were general search ' warrants issued to customs officials to aid them in finding smuggled goods. These writs were first issued by the superior writs of \y court of Massachusetts during the French and assistance Indian War for the purpose of enabling the customs officers to break up the illicit trade with the French West Indies. James Otis resigned the office of advocate general because, he beheved the writs to be illegal and tyrannical, and he was employed by the merchants of Boston to contest their legality. In his famous speech before the court he de- nounced the writs as the worst instrument of arbitrary power and as contrary to the principles of civil liberty and of right. He boldly declared that the exercise of this kind of power had "cost one king of England his head, and another his throne." The case was decided against him and the writs continued to be issued, but his argument made a great im- pression on the people, and he was the popular idol of New England in the opening scenes of the Revolution. The drift of public sentiment in Virginia was revealed by Patrick Henry's argument in the famous " Parson's Cause." In 1758, as a result of the failure of the crop and ^j^^ the high price of tobacco, the Assembly enacted " Parson's ^ that for one year all debts might be paid either in tobacco or in money at the rate of twopence a pound ; hence the measure was known as the Twopenny Act. As the salaries of the clergy were paid in tobacco and as that com- 96 The American Revolution modity was then selling at three times the rate fixed by the Assembly, the act seems to have hit the clergy harder than any other class of creditors, and they sent an agent to Lon- don to lay their case before the Board of Trade. On August 10, 1759, the act was disallowed by the king in council. Several of the clergy later brought suit to recover the full amount of their salaries in tobacco. The suit which at- tracted most attention was that of Reverend James Maury of Louisa County, in which Patrick Henry, then twenty-seven years of age, appeared for the vestry, which was the defendant in the case. In his argument before the jury he declared that the disallowance by the king of the act of 1758 was an instance of mis- rule and that "by this conduct the king, from being the father of his people, had degenerated into a tyrant and for- feited all right to his subjects' obedience." At this point there was a subdued murmur of "Treason, treason," to which Henry paid no attention. He concluded with a severe arraignment of the clergy whose cause was by no means popular. The result was that the jury brought in a verdict of one penny damages for the plaintiff. Patrick Henry and the "Parson's Cause" were both ever afterwards famous. His speech made a profound impression and his attack on Patrick Henry. Causes of the Revolution 97 the royal prerogative tended to bring to a focus the growing dissatisfaction over outside interference with the acts of the Assembly. In April, 1763, George Grenville, who had just been ap- pointed prime minister, announced the intention of keeping an army of 10,000 men in America and of tax- ing the colonies for its partial support. Ihese colonial troops were to be used to garrison the forts that policy an- 1 T-i 1 nounced had been taken irom the French, to protect the frontier against the Indians, and to guard against foreign attack. There was also no doubt the more remote idea that these troops might be used in securing a more rigid enforcement of the acts of trade. In pursuance of the new policy Parliament passed the Sugar Act of 1764 and the Stamp Act of 1765. The Sugar Act was a very comprehensive measure designed The Sugar to raise a colonial revenue and to introduce ad- Act of 1764 ministrative reforms into the old colonial system. The Molasses Act of 1733 had placed a duty of sixpence a gallon on molasses. This duty was prohibitory and, as has al- ready been shown, the act had never been enforced. By the new act the duty on molasses was reduced to threepence. The old prohibitive duty had failed to produce a revenue, while the new duty did. High import duties were also imposed on wines brought to the colonies from the Madeiras and southern Europe. There were many other details of the act which need not be described, as the duty on molasses was the feature that aroused the principal opposition. The earlier acts of trade had not been primarily fiscal measures, — that is, their main purpose had not been to raise a revenue, but to regulate the commerce of the British empire. The act of 1764 was the first act whose main pur- pose was to tax the colonies and as such it marked a new de- parture in colonial policy and aroused opposition, but this opposition was confined to New England and the middle 98 The American Revolution colonies. The southern colonies were not materially affected by it. It was difficult to find a ground on which to assail the new measure, for, in outward form at least, it re- sembled other acts of Parliament the validity of which had never been seriously questioned. The case was quite different, however, with the Stamp Act of 1765 which, by the imposition of internal as dis- The Stamp tinguislied from external taxes, was new in form. Act of 1765 It required that every newspaper, pamphlet, bill, note, bond, lease, license, insurance policy, ship's clearance paper, college diploma, every instrument used in the con- veyance of real and personal property, and all other legal documents should be written or printed on stamped vellum or paper to be sold by public officials. While this measure was unfavorably received by the people it looked for some tiane as if there would be no organized opposition to it. James Otis, the leading spirit in New Eng- land, said: "It is the duty of all humbly and silently to acquiesce in all the decisions of the supreme legislature. Nine hundred and ninety-nine in a thousand of the colonists will never once entertain a thought but of submission to our sovereign and to the authority of Parliament in all possible contingencies. They undoubtedly have the right to levy internal taxes on the colonies." Hutchinson, the lieutenant governor of Massachusetts, wrote to the ministry: "The Stamp Act is received among us with as much decency as could be expected ; it leaves no room for evasion, and will execute itself." A majority of the governors wrote to the British ministry that the act would be enforced. The first serious opposition came from Virginia. The Assembly met in May, 1765, and on the 29th the House of Patrick Burgesses took up a consideration of the new Henry's stamp duties. Patrick Henry, who had recently reso utions \^qqj^ elected to fill a vacancy and who had taken his seat only nine days before, offered a set of five resolu- Causes of the Revolution 99 tions, in which he asserted that the American colonists were entitled to all the privileges, liberties, and immunities pos- sessed by the people of Great Britain ; that the right of the people to tax themselves or to be taxed by persons chosen by themselves was the distinguishing characteristic of British freedom; and, finally, "that the general assembly of this l&TBy-^" . ^hhII ^Sp^^I ^H HBt, - ' i 4Pt vJHIB^^^K' -m |H| HH^HHkj^ ^HbL3 \ '^'^ w,, ^^'^ ^^1 ' -.^feMSk^^^HI^^S^^^^^^^^^^^I H Patrick Henry Addressing the Virginia House of Burgesses in 1765 in support of his resolutions against the Stamp Act. colony have the only and sole exclusive right and power to lay taxes and impositions upon the inhabitants of this colony, and that every attempt to vest such power in any person or persons whatsoever, other than the general as- sembly aforesaid, has a manifest tendency to destroy British as well as American freedom." On the fifth resolution which embodied the words just quoted, an angry debate ensued and Patrick Henry delivered 100 The American Revolution a memorable speech, at the conclusion of which, after de- nouncing the tyranny of the Stamp Act, he exclaimed : " Caesar had his Brutus, Charles the first his Crom- l*'ft,l''^.t!f well, and George the third—" "Treason!" on the reso- ' ^ lutionsin shoutcd the Speaker, and "Treason, treason," As^sembiy^^ echoed from every part of the house. Fixing his flashing eye firmly on the Speaker, Henry added, "may profit by their example. If this be treason, make the most of it." The vote on the resolutions is not recorded, but they were carried by the support of the members from the upper or western counties with the aid of six members from Mr. Henry's immediate section of the state. "By these resolu- tions," said Jefferson, "and his manner of supporting them, Mr. Henry took the lead out of the hands of those who had theretofore guided the proceedings of the house ; that is to say, of Pendleton, Wythe, Bland and Randolph." It was indeed a great personal triumph for Henry. He was the first leader to organize the men of the Piedmont section and of the Valley against the more aristocratic planters of Tidewater. Henry's resolutions, coming from Virginia, the oldest and most loyal of the colonies, created intense excitement. The effect of Many people who were utterly opposed to the Henry's Stamp Act thought that the resolutions went reso utions ^^^ £^^ Even James Otis pronounced them treasonable and Governor Hutchinson of Massachusetts declared that "nothing extravagant appeared in the papers till an account was received of the Virginia resolves." Patrick Henry's leadership in organizing resistance to British tax- ation was recognized on both sides of the Atlantic. Ed- mund Burke in his great speech on American taxation, April 19, 1774, declared on the floor of the House of Commons that the Virginia resolutions were the cause of the insur- rections in Massachusetts and the other colonies. " When the names of the stamp distributors were announced Causes of the Revolution 101 in Boston serious riots occurred. A brother-in-law of Gov- ernor Hutchinson, who had accepted one of the appointments, was burned in effigy and forced to resign. In August a mob burned the records of the vice admiralty court at Bos- ton, sacked the house of the collector of customs, and de- stroyed the private dwelling of Hutchinson. Similar out- rages took place at Newport, Rhode Island, and popular indignation against those who had accepted the post of stamp distributors burst forth into acts of violence in most of the colonies. This form of opposition was carried on by ir- regular assbciations known as Sons of Liberty which sprang up in all parts of the colonies. Meanwhile at the suggestion of the Massachusetts Assemblj^, nine of the colonies had chosen delegates to meet in New York for the purpose of petitioning the crown for relief. By the time this congress met every stamp distributor on the continent had resigned his position and the act had been practically nullified. The resolutions of the Stamp Act Congress which met in October were couched in loyal and respectful language, but thev asserted for the colonists the full rights ' . Resolutions and liberties of natural-born subjects; they of the stamp denied that taxes could be imposed on them except ^'^t 0oii£[r6ss with their own consent or by their representa- tives ; they claimed that as the colonies could not be repre- sented in the House of Commons, no taxes could be con- stitutionally imposed on them except by their respective legislatures ; that the duties imposed by several late acts of Parliament were burdensome and grievous ; that, as the profits of the trade of the colonies ultimately centered in Great Britain to pay for the manufactures which they bought there, the colonists eventually contributed to all supplies granted to the crown ; in conclusion, they petitioned the king and both houses of Parliament for the repeal of the Stamp Act and of the late acts for the restriction of American commerce. 102 The American Revolution These resolutions were read in the House of Commons and precipitated a short debate, but no action was taken. Meanwhile a crisis had come in the affairs of the the Stamp British ministry over the Regency Bill, and Act, March, the Marquis of Rockingham, leader of the old Whig aristocracy, had been called upon to form a new ministry, July 10, 1765. It was some time before the new government seemed to realize that the Stamp Act had brought the colonies to the verge of rebellion. Opposition to the measure was not confined to America. English merchants and manufacturers were suffering from the failure of the colonists to pay for the goods they had already bought and to give orders for more. Petitions for repeal were therefore coming in from the merchants of many of the cities and towns of England. George III seemed moreover to be greatly disturbed at the accounts of the riots in America, and in January, 1766, he laid the whole matter before Parliament. After one of the most memorable de- bates that ever took place in that body, the Stamp Act was finally repealed in March, 1766, and the Sugar Act was a little later modified by placing the very low duty of one penny a gallon on all molasses imported into the colonies. Along with the repeal of the Stamp Act was passed the so- called Declaratory Act, which asserted the unlimited right of Parliament to legislate for the "c'bTonies. Thie news'^of the repeal of the Stamp Act was received with great rejoicing in America, but the rejoicing was short-lived. Many per- sons were displeased at the Declaratory Act and some talked of united opposition. But the main trouble arose over the act of 176^ requiring the colonial assemblies to make /provision for quartering, the king's troops in America. ' The New York Assembly was the first to refuse com- pliance. In July, 1766, the Rockingham ministry resigned and the Duke of Grafton became the nominal head of the gov- Causes of the Revolution 103 ernment, but it was understood that Pitt was to be the real head. He, however, shortly entered the House of Lords as Earl of Chatham and the loss of popularity which ^j^^ Town- this act entailed together with bad health pre- shendActs vented him from taking a very active part in the ° ^'^ '^ affairs of the ministry. Charles Townshend, Chancellor of the Exchequer, now became leader of the cabinet and greatly to the surprise of everybody introduced three meas- ures relating to America which were passed in May, 1767 : (1) the New York Assemlily was suspended until it should comply with the quartering act ; (2) a new board of Com- missioners of Customs was established in America with full powers to enforce the acts of trade ; (3) an import duty was laid on glass, red and white lead, paper, and tea. As so much emphasis had been laid by the opponents of the Stamp Act on the difference between external and internal taxes, Townshend thought that the Americans would have to submit to the new revenue law because it established only external taxes on imports. As a matter of fact there is no one consistent theory on wliich the action of the American colonies can be explained, for in each dispute with the home government Theoretical they assumed a more advanced position. In the basis of the first stage of the controversy they denied the evoution right of Parliament to impose internal taxes. In opposition to the Townshend Acts they denied the right of Parliament to impose external taxes as well, and raised the cry of no taxation without representation. As representation in the British Parliament was, in view of the circumstances, an impossibility, the natural and logical conclusion was that the crown was the only connecting link between the colonies and Great Britain. In searching for a theoretical basis for the Revolution we are naturally led to inquire what was the nature of the law by which the powers of Great Britain over the colonies were 104 The American Revolution limited. Was it the British constitution which had been extended over the colonies ? If so, by what acts was it ex- tended over them and in what way did it protect them? Was it the colonial charters on which they relied ? Some of these had been annulled and one of them at least, that of Pennsylvania, expressly recognized the supreme authority of Parliament. Unable to find a basis in either the British constitution or the colonial charters on which they could rest their case, American lawyers, — for they were the real leaders of the Revolution, — took their stand, as the contest advanced, on the principle of natural law and the theory of natural rights. The declaration and resolves of the first Continental Congress, in 1774, rested the case on "the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the English constitution, and the several charters or compacts." The Declaration of Independence two years later rested the case solely on "the laws of nature and of nature's God." The earlier American historians looked at the Revolution as a struggle against tyranny embodied in the person of Historical George III. The most that can now be said in view of the substantiation of this view is that the colonies Revolution «j^-^j^(-|g ^^eir stand," to use the words of Moses Coit Tyler, "not against tyranny inflicted, but only against tyranny anticipated." America had reached the point at which its social and economic development was being ham- pered by the connection with Great Britain, and the po- litical training that the colonists had received in their long struggle with the colonial governors and the political theories that were current in the latter half of the eighteenth century did not incline them to submit to what they considered injustice. In June, 1768, John Hancock's sloop. Liberty, entered Boston Harbor and undertook to land a cargo of wines from Madeira without paying the duty. When the customs Causes of the Revolution 105 officials tried to seize the cargo, the crew resisted, and a riot Avas precipitated in the course of which the officials fled to the fort. When news of this riot reached England two additional regiments were ordered British"* to Boston. When Parliament met in December troops sent they advised that an old statute of Henry VIII j°6g^*°°' empowering the government to bring to England for trial prisoners accused of treason outside the kingdom should be put in force in America. The first protest against this measure came from \^irginia, where the Asseml^ly adopted a series of resolutions protest- ing against the Townshend Acts and beseeching the king not to permit his American subjects to be carried over the sea for trial. These resolutions were sent to the assemblies of the several colonies and their concurrence was asked. Lord Botetourt, the new governor, immediately dissolved the Assembly, but the members retired to the Apollo room of the Raleigh Tavern, where they signed an agreement that they would not import any more goods from England until the Townshend Acts should l)e repealed. The Virginia reso- lutions or similar declarations were adopted by all the as- semblies and nonimportation agreements signed. In Boston meanwhile things were reasonably quiet con- sidering the fact that troops were quartered in the city and that armed vessels were stationed in front of the 1 1 rr^i • • 1 " The harbor. The situation was a trying one, however, Boston and the bitter feeling that existed between citi- Massacre," zens and soldiers broke out frequently in minor affrays. Finally, on March 5, 1770, a serious encounter occurred on the streets of Boston in which three persons were killed, two mortally wounded, and six injured. Several months later the soldiers were tried and acquitted by a Bos- ton jury. John Adams and Josiah Quincy appeared as their counsel. The citizens appear to have been more to blame than the soldiers in bringing on the "Boston massacre," 106 The American Revolution but the real responsibility rested with the British min- istry. In January, 1770, the Duke of Grafton resigned the premiership and Lord North, the leader of the new Tory party, succeeded him. The king had at last the Town- succeeded in dividing the old Whig party, and shendActs, t,he new Tory party, composed of the "king's friends," continued in control until the close of the Revolution. The king was in reality his own prime min- ister and carried out his own policies. On the very day of the Boston massacre Lord North moved a repeal of the Townshend Act, removing the duty on glass, paper, and lead, but retaining the duty on tea. The tax on tea was retained as a matter of principle in assertion of the right of parliamentary taxation. The government also announced that it would make no further attempt to raise a revenue in America, and the quartering act, which had been Imiited to three years, was allowed to expire. On learning of the repeal of the Townshend Act the Americans discontinued the nonimportation agreements, but associations were formed whose members pledged themselves not to drink tea. For a time agitation ceased and comparative quiet reigned in America. In North Carolina disturbances of a serious character, in no way connected with the dispute Carolina with England, occurred. The inhabitants of " Regu- what were then the western counties complained of excessive taxes, extortionate fees, and cor- ruption on the part of the colonial officials. Under the name of "Regulators" they undertook to manage their own affairs and refused to recognize the authority of the colonial government. In May, 1771, Governor Tryon went to the seat of disaffection and defeated the Regulators in the pitched battle of the Alamance, leaving a large number dead on the field. This battle has frequently been referred to as the first battle of the Revolution, but it has no claim to that dis- Causes of the Revolution 107 tinction, for many of the men who commanded the militia under Governor Tryon were soon to be leaders in the Revolu- tionary movement. At the beginning of the Revolution the frontier had advanced well into the Alleghany Mountains, but at only two points The begin- had settlers nings of penetrated the Tennessee wilderness beyond : in the southwest there was a little group of settle- ments in eastern Ten- nessee, and in the north- west traders and settlers were gradually pushing their way from Fort Pitt down the Ohio River. The first settlers in Ten- nessee came from Virginia and were mainly of Scotch- Irish antecedents. In the little valley between the Cumberland and the streams which unite the Clinch, the Holston, and the French Broad. Daniel Boone. the Great Smoky mountains lie to form the Tennessee River, — the Watauga, the Nolichucky, The upper end of the valley lies in southwestern Virginia, and here on the headwaters of the Holston, the first set- tlement was formed by a body of Virginians. A year or two later, in 1769, the year that Daniel Boone first went to Kentucky, the first settlement was formed on the Watauga, then within the limits of North Carolina. As the settlements were growing, it was necessary to pro- vide some form of civil government, but as North Carolina was at this time engaged in the struggle with the Regulators, 108 The American Revolution it was useless to appeal to her for aid in governing the new community. About this time two men of unusual ability, who were destined to figure in history as the founders of Tennessee, came to Watauga, James Robertson in 1770, and John Sevier in 1772. They were both natives of Virginia, and for the next thirty years they played the chief part in the history of the south- west. In 1772 they organized a civil gov- ernment under a written constitution known as the Articles of the Wa- tauga Association, thus establishing the first in- dependent community of native-born Americans on the continent. The Watauga Association con- tinued as an independent community for four years, but in 1776, at its own request, it was received under the jurisdiction of North Carolina. On the very eve of the Revolution serious troubles oc- curred between the Indians and the English settlements along the upper waters of the Ohio. The feeling with the between the Indians and the "Long Knives," as Indians on they called the Virginians, was very tense when, the Ohio . , . . i i • i m the sprmg oi 1774, an outrage occurred which precipitated a border warfare. The most aggressive leaders among the whites were Michael Cresap, a native of Mary- land, and a man named Greathouse. About the last of April, Greathouse, who was in the habit of selling rum to the Indians, and his associates murdered a party of men, women, and children who had come to his place and who were ^' A at time of the Revolution -.—^^^fi-—\-( Causes of the Revolution 109 drunk with the liquor which he had sold them. Among the slain was the entire family of the celebrated Iroquoian chief Logan, who lived west of the Ohio and was a leader among the tribes dwelling along the upper courses of the river. Logan, who had usually been friendly to the whites, was moved to revenge, and the tribes immediately took the warpath, creating terror along the whole frontier. liord Dunmore, the governor of Virginia, immediately garrisoned the frontier forts and began raising an army to lead against the Indians. One wing he led in person to Fort Pitt, while the other, composed of levies from the west- ern and southwestern Lor^ Dun- portions of the colony, more's War, was placed under the ^^'^'^ command of General Andrew Lewis. The latter was to collect his forces on the Greenbriar and proceed down the Kanawha to the Ohio, where it was agreed that Dunmore should meet him. When Dunmore got to Fort Pitt, however, he changed his plans, crossed the Ohio, and established himself in a fortified camp near the Indian town of Chillicothe. Cornstalk, the great chief of the Shawnees, who had under his command about a thousand war- riors, now determined upon a Lord Dunmore. ^qJ^| pj^pg ^f strategy. He de- cided to intercept General Lewis at the mouth of the Kan- awha, destroy his division, and then return to face Dun- more. Meanwhile General Lewis, with troops from Augusta and Botetourt counties and from the distant Watauga settle- 110 The American Revolution ments, was proceeding down the Kanawha. On October 6, they camped on Point Pleasant, the point of land jutting out between the Kanawha and the Ohio, to p int await news of Dunmore. Four days later they Pleasant, were attacked before daylight by Cornstalk. The October, battle which followed was more hotly contested 1774 . than any other Indian battle on record. The numbers engaged were about equal and they fought from early morning until nightfall. The Virginians lost seventy- five men killed and one hundred and forty wounded. The Indians sustained losses only about half as great, but they finally retired from the conflict sullen and crest- fallen. After the battle Lewis crossed the Ohio and marched to join Dunmore. When he reached the camp he found that Dunmore had already made a treaty of peace with the In- dian tribes. Logan alone refused to treat with him. To Lord Dunmore's messenger he delivered a speech which is considered the finest outburst of Indian eloquence recorded. It was soon evident, however, that Logan did not intend to continue hostilities and Dunmore marched home. The Virginians who were with Andrew Lewis resented Lord Dunmore's change of plan which cost them so dearly. Results of ^^^ they also objected to his haste in making Dunmore's peace with the Indians who they thought de- ^^ served greater punishment. Afterwards, in view of Lord Dunmore's harsh conduct at the beginning of the Revolution, the view became current that he had acted with treachery toward Andrew Lewis and that he had made easy terms with the Indians in order that they might continue their ravages against the western settlements and thus aid England in the coming struggle with her colonists ; but such a view seems wholly untenable. However that may be. Lord Dunmore's War had most important results. It kept the Indians quiet during the early years of the Revolution and Causes of the Revolution 111 gave the frontiersmen who were pushing over the Alleghanies an opportunity to become well settled in Kentucky. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. The New Colonial Policy of George III: Charming, History of the United States, Vol. Ill, Chaps. I, II ; G. E. Howard, Pre- liminaries of the Revolution, Cnaps. I-VI ; G. L. Beer, British Colonial Policy, 1754-1765, Chaps. IX-XI^ W. W. Henry, Patrick Henry, Vol. I, Chap. III. 2. The Stamp Act Controversy: Channing, Vol. Ill, Chap. Ill; Howard, Chaps. VII-IX; Beer, Chaps. XIII, XIV; Henry, Patrick Henry, Vol. I, Chap. IV. 3. The Townshend Acts of 1767 : Channing, Vol. Ill, Chap. IV ; Howard, Chap. X. 4. The Dispatch of Troops to Boston : Channing, Vol. Ill, Chap. V; Howard, Chap. XI; Fiske, American Revolution, Vol. I, pp. 46-72. 5. Conditions on the Western Frontier : Howard, Chap. XIII ; Theodore Roosevelt, The Winning of the West, Vol. I, Chaps. V- VII ; H. A. Bruce, Daniel Boone and the Wilderness Road. 6. Lord Dunmore's War : Fiske, Vol. II, pp. 94-101 ; Roosevelt, Vol. I, Chaps. VIII, IX; R. G. Thwaites and L. P. Kellogg, Docu- mentary History of Duutnore's War. CHAPTER VI THE ATTEMPT TO COERCE MASSACHUSETTS While the events narrated at the close of the last chapter were taking place along the western frontier, affairs were _ , rapidly reaching a crisis in New England. The The burning ^ -^ * , , , , , of the attempt to execute the revenue laws had led to Gaspee, serious trouble in Rhode Island. On June 9, 1772 1772, the British armed sloop Gaspee, which had been particularly active in searching for smuggled goods, ran aground, and that night was boarded by an armed party from Providence, who seized the crew, bound and set them ashore, and burned the vessel to the water's edge. When news of this affair reached England, a commission was sent to America to hold an investigation, with authority to ar- rest the offenders and send them to England for trial. In Massachusetts Samuel Adams was now the most active and influential leader. He was a man of great energy, courage, and tenacity of purpose and had a Samuel remarkable talent for political organization. On pos^eTthe"' November 2, 1772, he moved in the Boston town appointment meeting "that a committee of correspondence be committees appointed to consist of twenty-one persons to of corre- state the rights of the colonists and of this province 1772 ^°*^ ' ^^ particular, as men, as Christians, and as sub- jects ; to communicate and publish the same to the several towns and to the world as the sense of this town, with the infringements and violations thereof that have been, or from time to time may be made." Other Mas- sachusetts towns followed the example of Boston and ap- pointed similar committees. 112 The Attempt to Coerce Massachusetts 113 The proposal for intercolonial committees of correspond- ence came from Virginia, and the step was taken as a result of the uneasiness created by the appointment of img^. the Gaspee commission and a proposal to send colonial Americans to England for trial. On March 12, <^o"^°^i"ees ^ ' or corre- 1773, on motion of Dabney Carr, the House of spondence Burgesses appointed a standing committee for the^vfrginia intercolonial correspondence. Among its mem- Assembly, bers were Richard Bland, Dabney Carr, Patrick ^'^'^^ Henry, Richard Henry Lee, and Thomas Jefferson. The committee was instructed to inform itself on the subject of the Gaspee commission, and the other colonial assemblies were requested to form similar committees of correspond- ence. Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and South Carolina promptly complied with the request. The appointment of these committees laid the foundation for the union of the colonies. In December, 1773, measures were taken by several of the Massachusetts towns to prevent the landing of tea and payment of duty. On December 16 a party The Boston of fifty or sixty men disguised as Mohawk Indians " Tea and directed by Samuel Adams boarded three ^'^^^' ^'^'^^ ships in 'Boston Harbor, broke open the chests of tea, and threw the contents into the bay. Similar occurrences took place within a short time at other ports. At Philadelphia a mob collected to destroy a cargo of tea, but the captain of the ship sailed back to England. At Wilmington, North Carolina, a cargo of tea was thrown into the sea. At Charleston, South Carolina, the consignees, under the pressure of public opinion, refused to receive a large quantity of tea and it was seized by the collector and stored in cellars under the exchange. Three years later it was sold and the proceeds paid into the state treasury. At Annapolis, Maryland, more extreme action was taken. The Peggy Stewart, soon after her arrival with a cargo of tea, was boarded 114 The American Revolution by a mob and burned to the water's edge. The Boston "tea party" attracted most attention because the eyes of the ministry were fixed on Massachusetts. When the British Parliament met in March, 1774, the ministry reahzed that they had a serious crisis to face. The five They determined to repress the disorders in coercive acts America and adopted five coercive measures : o 1774 Q) 'pj^g pQj.^ Qf Boston was closed and the custom- house moved to Salem. English warships were ordered to be stationed before Boston for the purpose of maintaining the blockade. (2) The Massachusetts government was reorgan- ized so as to take away from the people many of the powers of self- government which they had hitherto exercised. (3) Crown officers or magistrates accused of murder or other capital offenses were to be sent by the governor to some other colony or to Eng- land for trial, if he William Pitt, Earl of Chatham. thought that a fair trial could not be had in the province. (4) The quartering of troops upon the inhabitants of the colonies was legalized. (5) The fifth statute was the so-called Quebec Act, by the terms of which the territory northwest of the Ohio River was annexed to the province of Quebec. These measures were carried through Parliament by a very large majority. Chatham in the House of Lords and Burke and Fox in the House of Commons spoke against them in The Attempt to Coerce Massachusetts 115 vain. Charles Fox's brother, Stephen, also spoke against the measures. He said: "We are either to treat the Americans as subjects or as rebels. If we treat them as subjects, the bill goes too far ; if as rebels, it does not go far enough." The Boston port bill was to go into effect June 1. This measure especially created general indignation throughout the colonies. The first action was taken by Members of Virginia. On May 24, 1774, the House of Bur- the Virginia gesses adopted a set of resolutions drafted by ^^^^^^1 Thomas Jefferson, setting aside June 1 "as a general con- day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer ; devoutly ^ress, 1774 to implore the divine interposition, for averting the heavy calamity which threatens destruction to our civil rights, and the evils of civil war; to give us one heart and one mind firmly to oppose, by all just and proper means, every injury to American rights ; and that the mind of His Majesty and his Parliament may be inspired from above with wisdom, moderation, and justice, to remove from the loyal people of America all cause of danger from a continued pursuit of measures pregnant with their ruin." As a result of these resolutions Lord Dunmore dissolved the house, but the members met unofficially in the Raleigh Tavern and adopted a resolution recommending an annual congress of all the colonies. The suggestion of Virginia met with a cordial response. Delegates to the Congress were selected in various ways. In Pennsylvania and Rhode Island they were chosen by the legislature ; in Massachusetts by continental the lower house ; in Connecticut by the com- Congress, mittee of correspondence ; in South Carolina by a ^lytT public meeting of the inhabitants of the province held at Charleston ; in New Hampshire, New Jersey, Dela- ware, Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina by local con- ventions of town or county. New York was not fully 116 The American Revolution represented, and Georgia sent no delegates at all. When Massachusetts elected her delegates, June 17, she suggested that the Congress convene in Philadelphia on the first of September, thus completing the call issued by Virginia. This body, which is known as the first Continental Con- gress, began its work in Carpenter's Hall, Philadelphia, September 5, 1774. Among the fifty-five delegates were many men destined to fame : John Adams and Samuel Adams from Massachusetts ; Stephen Hopkins from Rhode Island ; Roger Sherman and Silas Deane from Connecticut ; James Duane and John Jay from New York ; Joseph Gallo- way, John Dickinson, and Thomas Mifflin from Pennsyl- vania; Caesar Rodney, George Read, and Thomas McKean from Delaware ; Henry Middleton, Christopher Gadsden, and the two Rutledges from South Carolina ; and from Virginia, Peyton Randolph, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harri- son, Edmund Pendleton, Richard Henry Lee, Patrick Henry, and George Washington. Peyton Randolph was elected president of the Congress and the sessions were held behind closed doors. No record of the proceedings was kept. On October 14 Measures . ~ , . . i ^ i i .1 adopted by ^ series ot resoRitions was adopted, known as the the Declaration and Resolves. In these resolutions ^^ the grievances of the colonies were stated at length and their rights asserted. On October 20, the Con- gress adopted a nonimportation and nonexportation agree- ment as the most effectual means of securing a redress of grievances. They agreed that after the first of the follow- ing December they would not import any goods or mer- chandise from Great Britain or Ireland ; nor would they export goods to Great Britain, Ireland, or the West Indies after September 10, 1775. They also agreed to discontinue entirely the slave trade. Besides these two important meas- ures the Congress drew up a petition to the king, an ad- dress to the people of Great Britain, and a memorial to the The Attempt to Coerce Massachusetts 117 people of the colonies. They also issued an invitation to the people of Canada to send delegates to the Congress which was called for the following year. Meanwhile all eyes were turned to Boston, which was occupied by British troops and blockaded by a British fleet. In October Washington said that inde- jhebiock- pendence was not "desired by any thinking man adeof in all North America," but he regarded the at- °^^°°^ tack on Massachusetts as an outrage and said : "I will raise one thousand men, sub- sist them at my own expense, and march my- self at their head foi- the relief of Boston." At the beginning of the blockade General Gage had succeeded Hutchin- son as governor and assumed personal com- mand of the troops at Boston. In October the delegates elected to the assembly, disregarding his proclamation counter- manding the call for its meeting, met at Salem at the appointed time and resolved themselves into a provincial con- gress with John Hancock as president. During January and February, 1775, American affairs occupied most of the time of Parliament. Chatham intro- duced his scheme for conciliation and Burke delivered his great speech. In March the restraining act was passed con- fining the trade of New England to Great Britain, Ireland, Washington as a Virginia Colonel. From portrait by Peale painted in 1772. 118 The American Revolution The battle of Lexington, April 19, 1775 military and the British West Indies. Generals William Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne were sent to reenforce Gage, while Lord Howe, the brother of the general, was put in command of the naval forces in America. The situation around Boston was intolerable and a con- flict inevitable. On the night of April 18, General Gage sent a small force under Colonel Smith to destroy the magazine at Concord, a village eight- een miles northwest of Boston. The secret ob- ject of the expedition leaked out, and Paul Revere made his famous ride to give the alarm. When the troops reached Lexington about day- light they found sixty or seventy minutemen under Captain Parker drawn up near the church. Major Pitcairn ordered the provincials to lay down their arms; they refused, and the regulars began firing, according to the American account, though Major Pitcairn to the day of his death insisted that the Americans fired first. Eight Americans were killed and ten others wounded. The British continued their march to Concord, where they destroyed such stores as they could find, and started back to Boston. They found themselves, however, attacked on flank Statue of Minuteman at Concord. The Attempt to Coerce Massachusetts 119 and rear by minuteinen and farmers collected hastily from the surrounding country, who fired from behind trees, rocks, and fences. Colonel Smith's troops suffered greatly and would probably have been forced to surrender, had they not been met at Lexington by a strong force under Lord Percy, who had been sent to their relief. In spite of the fact that Percy had now 1800 men under his command, the Americans continued the attack until nightfall, when the British reached Boston and its Environs. Charlestown. The Americans had lost about ninety men and the British three times as many. The news of the fight at Lexington and Concord spread rapidly and in a short time the British army in Boston found itself besieged by an unorganized body of 20,000 patriots. Volunteers from the surround- Bunker HUl, ing colonies soon joined them : New Hampshire J"°® ^7. men under John Stark, Connecticut men under Israel Putnam, and Rhode Island men under Nathanael Greene. There was not much discipline in this mass, but General Artemas Ward of Massachusetts was finally given the chief command. On June 17 was fought the battle of 120 The American Revolution Bunker Hill. As the town of Boston was commanded by the hilltops of Dorchester and Charlestown, General Gage determined as soon as the reenforcements under Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne arrived to take possession of these points. The patriots, however, forestalled him by sending a force under Colonel Prescott to seize Bunker Hill and Charlestown on the evening of June 16. The next morning the British ships in the harbor began cannonading the Americans, but the latter had so far intrenched themselves as to render an attack by land necessary. The British regulars regarded the provincials with contempt and charged directly up the hill, but were twice repulsed. The third charge was suc- cessful only because the powder of the Americans gave out. The latter retreated to the mainland by Charlestown neck. The second Continental Congress met iA Philadelphia, May 10, 1775. In the election of delegates to this Con- gress the Tories took little part, so the delegates Continental were all men of pronounced patriotic views. Congress, This Congress was distinctly a revolutionary ^j[ ^°' body. It was without any authority to raise an army or navy, to provide a revenue or to pass laws of any kind, but it proceeded to do all these things. The action of this Congress was by no means unanimous. John Adams tells us that "every important step was op- posed, and carried by bare majorities." John Dickinson of Pennsylvania, a Quaker by birth, was the leader of the conservatives. He had stood out boldly against oppression, but he hesitated to approve revolutionary measures. Pey- ton Randolph, president of the former Congress, was chosen to preside over this one also, but he was soon elected speaker of the Virginia Assembly and returned home to direct affairs in that colony. John Hancock of Massachusetts succeeded him as president. The Attempt to Coerce Massachusetts 121 On the very day that the Continental Congress met, Ethan Allen, of Connecticut, with a party of "Green Moun- tain Boys," surprised the garrison at Ticonderoga and called upon them to surrender "in the name xfconderoga of the great Jehovah and the Continental Con- and Crown gress." Benedict Arnold had started with a ^°^f'^^^' party from Massachusetts on the same mission, but when he overtook Allen he volunteered to serve under him. At the same time another Vermonter, Seth Warner, captured Crown Point. These forts not only commanded the approaches from Canada to the Hudson River, but they contained large stores of ammunition of which the Americans were in great need. The Continental Congress, having assumed responsibility for the army before Boston, proceeded on June 15 to appoint a commander-in-chief. At the suggestion of John Adams, Colonel George Washington, a assumes °" member of Congress, was appointed to this po- command of sition. There were two reasons which dictated beforTBos- this choice. In the first place, the selection of a ton, Julys, Virginian would help to bind the South to New ^^^^ England's fortunes, and, in the second place, Washington had acquired a military reputation which no other American possessed. It was well known that John Hancock coveted the honor, while Charles Lee and Horatio Gates, former British army officers who had acquired estates in Virginia, were iDOth candidates for the position. The four major generals appointed at this time were Ward of Massachusetts, Charles Lee, Schuyler of New York, and Putnam of Con- necticut. Of the eight brigadier generals appointed at this time,, six were from New England and two from New York. Gates was appointed adjutant general with the rank of brigadier. The reason for appointing so many New Englanders to high position was that the army before Boston was made up 122 The American Revolution of men from that section. Washington accepted his com- mission from the Congress in a modest but dignified speech in which he said that he would not accept any pay, but would keep an account of his expenses, for wliich Congress might reimburse him later if they should see fit. On July 3 he arrived at Cambridge and took formal command of the army. Congress also made provision for rais- ing troops in the other colonies. During the summer riflemen from Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia joined the army before Boston, the first to arrive ]:)eing a company from the valley of Virginia commanded by Captain Daniel Morgan. In November General Montgomery of New York led about fifteen hundred men by way of I.ake Champlain against Canada and occupied Montreal, while Benedict Arnold led a force through the forests of Maine to join him in an attack on Quebec. The assault took place during a severe snowstorm, December 31, 1775; Montgomery was killed and the main attack abandoned. Arnold led the other attacking column and was severely wounded, but Morgan, who succeeded to the command, fought his way into the heart of the city only to be captured through the failure of the main attack. This disastrous expedition was badly planned and not sup- ported by a sufficient force. On the night of March 4, 1776, Washington seized and fortified Dorchester Heights, rendering the position of the British in Boston untenable. In less than two weeks Gen- Unsuccess- ful invasion of Canada, December, 1775 The Attempt to Coerce Massachusetts 123 eral Howe evacuated the city and embarked his troops for HaUfax. The ten years' discussion preceding the outbreak of hos- tihties had led to the formation of opposing parties of Whigs and Tories. The crown officers were the back- Harsh treat- bone of the Tory party, but there was a large ment of number of people in every colony who were con- °^ servatives by nature and remained loyal to the British government. It is impossible to determine the number of loyalists in any colony, but New York and Pennsylvania were almost evenly divided and there were many loyalists in Connecticut, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, South Carolina, and Georgia. John Adams estimated that about one third of the population of the colonies was at first opposed to the Revolution. New York alone furnished about fifteen thousand men to the British army and navy who were regularly enlisted, and about eight thousand militia. The feeling between the loyalists and the patriots was exceedingly bitter, and many of the former were compelled to seek refuge in the British lines or to flee from their native land altogether. In the early days the Tories were left to the mercies of irresponsible mobs, but later on laws of a dis- criminatory character were directed against them. They were deprived of the right to vote, hold office, or serve on juries and, in some States, of the right to sue their debtors, or have recourse to law for any injury. As a final measure their property was confiscated and used in support of the Revolution. In a few cases they were tried for treason, but Washington and the other prominent leaders were opposed to this and most of those arrested were treated merely as prisoners of war. The number of executions was very small. The people of the several colonies were meanwhile taking steps to organize State and local governments. When the 124 The American Revolution royal governors dissolved the assemblies, conventions were organized, in some eases at the call of the committees of Or aniza- correspondence, in others at the call of voluntary tionof meetings of private citizens. On June 9, 1775, Revo ution- -^^ reply to a letter from the Massachusetts con- ary State / ■' govern- vention, Congress advised the organization of a '°®°*® provisional government, and in October the same advice was given to New Hampshire and South Carolina. During the summer and autumn of 1775, the southern colonies were drawn more deeply into the conflict through clashes with the royal governors. The Virginia Pfltrick Henry calls convention met for the second time March 20, Virginia to 1775 j this meeting was held in St. John's Church in Richmond. Patrick Henry moved "that this colony be immediately put in a state of defense," and, in support of his resolution, delivered that wonderful speech which has caused him to be classed with the great orators of the ages. In concluding this speech he said: "Gentlemen may cry peace, peace, but there is no peace. The war is actually begun. The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms. Our brethren are already in the field. Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear or peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains or slavery? Forbid it. Almighty God! 1 know not what course others may take ; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death !" Lord Dunmore was so much alarmed that he caused the powder to be removed from the old magazine at Williams- burg. Patrick Henry at once raised a company of Hanover volunteers and marched against Williamsburg to recover the powder. As he advanced, volunteers from all directions joined him and the number of his troops is said by some to have reached five thousand. When he got within sixteen miles of Williamsburg, the governor in alarm sent Carter The Attempt to Coerce Massachusetts 125 Braxton with an offer to pay for the powder. To this Patrick Henry agreed, and having received and given a re- ceipt for the £330 which he demanded, disbanded his troops. On June 1, 1775, the Assembly met in response to a call issued by the governor for the purpose of considering Lord North's proposals ; but, instead of taking up _ these, the House began to iavestigate the conduct more harries of the governor. The governor then took refuge *?.® coasts of ^ ^ '^ Virginia with his family aboard his Majesty's ship, the Foivey, then lying at York. Later he proclaimed the prov- ince in a state of war, offered freedom to the slaves, and ravaged the shores of Chesapeake Bay and the rivers with armed vessels. On December 9, Lord Dunmore's force was defeated with considerable loss at Great Bridge on the south branch of the Elizabeth River about twelve miles from Norfolk. Lord Dunmore fell back to Norfolk, but thinking it more prudent to retire to his ships, he burned the city January 1, 1776. Colonel William Woodford of the Second Virginia Regiment had commanded the militia at the battle of Great Bridge, although Patrick Henry, who had raised and was colonel of the First Regiment, desired the command. As Henry had had no military experience the committee of safety had se- lected Woodford. Patrick Henry was so much chagrined by the action of the committee that he finally decided to abandon a military career. In North Carolina the men of Mecklenburg County met. on May 30, 1775, and adopted resolutions providing for the temporary management of local affairs. These resolutions were published at the time, but the ^ionary ^° "' original records of the meeting were later de- movement stroyed by fire. The so-called "Mecklenburg 'ca^o^hia Declaration of Independence," which gained cur- rency years afterwards, was written from memory and is not supported by contemporary evidence. 126 The American Revolution In August, 1775, Governor Martin followed the example of Dunmore and took refuge on a British man-of-war. Rep- resenting to the British government that the people of the central and western counties were still loyal, he urged that British troops be sent to cooperate with him. A force under Sir Henry Clinton accordingly left Boston in December bound for Cape Fear. Meanwhile the loyalists had collected a force of sixteen hundred men and started for the coast to meet the British, but on February 27, 1776, they were de- feated by a patriot force at Moore's Creek, and nine hundred of them taken prisoners. Sir Henry Chnton hovered about Cape Fear for some weeks, waiting for Sir Peter Parker, who was to cooperate with him, but bv the time the latter arrived the The attflck " on Charles- patriots were so thoroughly aroused that the ton, June, British abandoned their enterprise. They sailed, 1776 however, for Charleston, South Carolina, but Edward Rutledge, the head of the provisional government, had over six thousand militia ready to defend the city. On June 28, 1776, Parker's fleet bombarded the fort of palmetto logs which Colonel Moultrie had erected on Sullivan's Island, while Clinton tried to effect a landing. These unsuccessful attacks on the southern colonies had produced no other effect than to strengthen the patriot cause. On May 15, 1776, the Virginia convention adopted a resolution directing its delegates in Congress to propose Virginia ^^^^ ^^^^ colonies declare themselves free and delegates independent States. On June 7 Richard Henry t!!^„!^^L!,.. Lee made the motion in Congress ''that these to propose '^ independ- united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are ab- solved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." John Adams The Attempt to Coerce Massachusetts 127 The Dec- laration of Independ- ence, July 4, 1776 seconded the resolution, but it was violently opposed by Dicldnson and Wilson of Pennsylvania. Moreover, several of the States had not authorized their delegates to act on this question. For the sake of harmony, therefore, a vote on the resolution was postponed for three weeks; but a com- mittee consisting of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Ben- jamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston was appointed to pre- pare a declaration. This committee reported on the twenty-eighth. On July 2 Richard Henry Lee's resolution was adopted, and on July 4, the Declara- tion of Inde- pendence was agreed to. The docu- ment was drafted by Jef- ferson and only slightly modified by the com- mittee. New York's delegates were excused from voting on the dec- laration as they had not received the necessary instructions. In fact the attitude of that province had been in great doubt. Some of the most influential families were Tories and the colony was exposed to attack both from Canada and from the sea. In March the Continental Congress had ordered that all disaffected persons be disarmed. This greatly strengthened the Whigs and produced such a reaction in the New York provincial con- gress, that on July 9 that body adopted the Declaration of Independence. Charles Carroll of Carrollton, last » surviving signer of the DecL-iration of Independence. l!^8 The American Revolution TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. Committees of Correspondence: Channing, History of the United States, Vol. Ill, pp. 125-128; Fiske, American Revolution, Vol. I, pp. 78-81 ; Henry, Patrick Henry, Vol. I, Chap. VII ; J. M. Leake, The Virginia Committee System and the American Revo- lution (J. H. U. Studies, Series XXXV, No. 1). 2. The Coercive Acts of 1774: Channing, Vol. Ill, Chap. V; Howard, Preliminaries of the Revolution, Chap. XV ; Fiske, Vol. I, pp. 82-99. 3. The First Continental Congress : Howard, Chap. XVI ; Fiske, Vol. I, pp. 100-116. 4. Battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill : Channing, Vol. Ill, Chap. VI ; C. H. Van Tyne, The American Revolution, Chap. II ; Fiske, Vol. I, pp. 117-146. 5. Unsuccessful Invasion of Canada : Channing, Vol. Ill, pp. 241-245 ; Fiske, Vol. I, pp. 165-168 ; Justin H. Smith, Arnold's March from CUmibridge to Quebec; J. Graham, Life of General Daniel Morgan, Chaps. IV, V. 6. The Loyalists: Van Tyne, pp. 91-94, 152-156, 250-268; H. J. Eckenrode, The Revolution in Virginia, Chap. IX. 7. Organization of State Governments : Van Tyne, Chaps. IX, XI; Channing, Vol. Ill, Chap. IV; Eckenrode, Chap. VI. 8. The Declaration of Independence : Van Tyne, Chap. V ; Channing, Vol. Ill, Chap. VII ; Fiske, Vol. I, pp. 180-197. CHAPTER VII THE ATTACK ON THE CENTER Three weeks after the British evacuation of Boston Washington left Cambridge for New York, where he ar- rived April 13, 1776. The strength of the Tories in the city caused him no little alarm and he cor- y,^^shmed rectly concluded that this would be the next point to the of British attack. Having failed in the attempt ^^y^°^' to coerce New England, the British ministry now had two courses open to them : one was to carry on a naval war entirely, blockade the coast, cut off all trade and inter- course with the outside world, and thus bring the colonies to terms ; the other, which was the one adopted, was to conquer the country by military force. The leading mili- tary men in England objected to this plan from the first and considered it hopeless, but the ministry persisted in their determination to whip the colonies into obedience. The plan of campaign was to occupy New York City and the line of the Hudson River and thus cut New England off from the support of the middle and southern colonies. The effort of the ministry to recruit an army in England did not meet with much enthusiasm and it was soon evident that foreign troops would have to be hired, jjessian These were finally procured from half a dozen troops sent petty German princes who were in the habit of ° nienca hiring out their subjects to pay their debts. Nearly 30,000 soldiers were procured from this source, 12,000 of them being furnished by the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel. Hence the German troops were usually spoken of in America as Hes- 129 130 The American Revolution sians. Over a third of them never returned to their native land. Some were killed, but most of those who were cap- tured settled down quietly after the war and became Amer- ican citizens. General Howe embarked his troops at Halifax June 7, and arrived off Sandy Hook three weeks later. His brother, Plan of Lord Howe, arrived from England a few days campaign later in command of a naval force, and with terms of conciliation which he was to offer the Americans. As his flagship approached the American coast he heard the fire of guns celebrating the adoption by Congress of the Declaration of Independence. He sent a letter to "George Washington, Esq." which the latter refused to receive because his proper title was not recognized. A few weeks later he had a conference with three commissioners ap- pointed by Congress, John Adams, Rutledge, and Franklin, but negotiations looking to peace were now utterly futile. In August operations against New York City were begun. The plan was for General Howe to seize New York and get control of the lower Hudson, while General Carleton was to come down from Canada, recapture Ticonderoga, and seize the line of the upper Hudson. General Howe had with him about 25,000 British and Hessian soldiers, while Wash- ington had only 18,000 badly organized and poorly equipped men. Howe also had a strong naval force to assist him, while Washington had no means of controlling the waters about the city. The American forces were distributed in New York, on Long Island, and in the forts along the Hudson. General Putnam, with 9000 men, was intrenched on Brooklyn Heights, and as this point commanded New York City, it was selected as the first point of attack by the British. In the battle of Long Island, August 27, 1776, the Brit- ish advanced in three columns. One column attacked the American right commanded by William Alexander of New The Attack on the Center 131 Jersey, commonly known as Lord Stirling ; another column attacked the American left commanded by General Sulli- van ; while about half the army commanded by General Howe in person, and accompanied by Long island, Clinton, Percy, and Cornwallis, made a long August 27, circuit around the American left by way of the Jamaica Road and assaulted Sullivan on the flank and rear. After the rout of Sullivan, Stirling had a desperate fight to prevent his whole command from being captured. He himself was taken prisoner, but his command succeeded in fighting its way back to the works held by Putnam. In this struggle Smallwood's Maryland brigade did valiant service and won the honors of the day. After the battle Washington reenforced the garrison at Brooklyn Heights, expecting that it would be stormed by Howe ; but as the latter seemed to be settling down to a regular siege, and as there was great danger that the British ships might at any time come up into East River and cut off his retreat, he decided to withdraw. On August 29, under Washington's personal direction the retreat to New York was successfully accomplished. With the British army holding Brooklyn Heights and the navy in both rivers. New York could not long be held by the Americans. In fact certain military critics Ng^york have censured Washington severely for making Cityoc- any attempt to hold either Brooklyn or New theBridsh York, but they overlook the fact that he was September conducting a political as well as a military cam- ^^' ^'^'^ paign, and that he could not afford to give up New York without a fight. On September 15 Howe crossed over from Brooklyn, landing at Kip's Bay, and threw a line across Manhattan Island about where Thirty-fourth Street now runs. Washington had already withdrawn most of his troops to Harlem Heights, but Putnam, who had been left in New York with 4000 men, barely had time to escape. 132 The American Revolution On the sixteenth, the British attacked the American Hnes at Harlem Heights, but the attack was repulsed with the loss of 60 Americans and 300 British. On the twelfth of October, General Howe took the greater part of his army up East River nine miles to Throg's Neck, intending to get in Washington's rear. But Washington quickly concentrated his whole army at White Plains, abandoning everything on Manhattan Island except Fort Washington. Howe was thus completely baffled, but on October 28 he stormed an outpost with the loss of 229 men, while the Americans lost only 140. This affair is sometimes spoken of as the battle of White Plains. Three days later Washington retired to North Castle, where he took up such a strong position that Howe gave up all idea of attacking him. The British occupation of New York continued until the close of the war in 1783. The Tories at last had a place of refuge and they came hither in large numbers not only from New York but from the other colonies. Carleton, who was to advance from Canada, had not met with much success. After the defeat of the Americans at Quebec, Arnold had conducted the retreat, con- Carleton s advance testmg every step oi the way. in order to checked by prevent Carleton from gaining control of Lake Champlain, he cut the timber from the forest, constructed a fleet of sixteen vessels, and took his stand at Valcour's Island. When Carleton forced him from his posi- tion after several hours of desperate fighting on October 11, Arnold retired to Crown Point, where he was overtaken before landing and another fight occurred. He managed to land his men, however, and marched through the woods to Ticonderoga. When Carleton arrived before that for- tress, he thought that it was too strong to be taken and, as the season was growing late, he retired to Canada, greatly to the surprise of both friend and foe. When Washington withdrew from Harlem Heights he The Attack on the Center 133 left, as we have already seen, a garrison at Fort Washington. There was also a garrison in Fort Lee, directly across the river in New Jersey. The disposition of his other forces was as follows : General Charles Lee f ^^t Wash- was in command at North Castle, with 7000 men ; by the General Putnam was sent over to the Jersey side British, with 5000 men and stationed at Hackensack ; j ^^g while General Heath was stationed with 3000 at Peekskill with instructions to strongly fortify West Point. The British navy now succeeded in passing Forts Wash- ington and Lee, and there was no longer an}/ use in attempt- ing to hold them. Washington left instructions with Greene to abandon them when it should be deemed advisable, and went up the river to superintend the fortifications at West Point. Greene, however, received instructions from Con- gress not to abandon Fort Washington except under the direst necessity. He therefore strengthened the garrison. On November 16 Howe took the fort by storm, captur- ing 3000 of the best troops in the American army. Wash- ington had returned to Fort Lee and was an eyewitness of the engagement. He immediately ordered General Lee to bring his troops over to the Jersey side, but Lee ignored the order and when Howe crossed the Hudson, Greene had to evacuate Fort Lee. Washington now retired to Newark, urging Lee to fol- low with all haste. Lee's conduct at this time was out- rageous, but there were many men in Congress who considered him a great military genius, and refires" '^ Washington had to put up with him. Lee delib- across the erately held aloof, hoping that the retreat would DecTTTrre discredit Washington and that he would be ap- pointed to succeed him. Meanwhile, through the expira- tions of enlistments and through desertions, Washington's army was dwindling away, and when he crossed the Delaware near Trenton on December 8, he had left only 3000 men. 134 The American Revolution Lee finally crossed the Hudson with the idea of making a successful attack on Howe and winning the honors of the campaign, but fortunately for the American cause he was captured by a party of British dragoons at his headquarters near Morristown, December 13. The Biitish cause seemed triumphant at last, and Howe The British ^^^s legaided as a occupy New niodcin CsB'^ai who ^^^^^^ came and saw and conquered Lord Peicy was sent to seize Newport, Rhode Island, and that important seaport remained in the hands of the British until 1779. The British army now controlled the entire state of New Jersey, and Lord Howe issued broadsides to the people inviting them to take the oath of allegiance. Nearly 3000 accepted the invitation in New Jersey alone. The Tory sentiment was rampant in Philadelphia also and the mem- The Attack on the Center 135 bers of Congress fled in a panic to Baltimore. "These are the times that try men's souls," wrote Tom Paine in "The Crisis," the first of the series of pamphlets which he issued in support of the patriot cause. "The Crisis" came from the press December 19, when things were at the lowest ebb. It was widely read by the soldiers and reinspired them with enthusiasm for the cause. The first year of the war was fought mainly in New Eng- land by New England militia, who were enlisted to serve until December, 1775, when twenty-six new regi- Washington ments were raised to serve for one year. When appeals for the seat of the war was transferred to the Hud- *''°°p^ son, many of the New England troops accompanied Wash- ington and served during a part of the campaign, but very few of them would consent to reenlist when their terms expired. Washington was reduced to great straits, and ap- pealed to Congress and the States for troops to take their place. With the time for the departure of the New England troops only one week off, Washington sent this appeal to the president of Congress, December 24, 1776: "By the departure of these regiments, I shall be left with five from Virginia, Smallwood's from Maryland, a small part of Raw- lin's (Maryland and Virginia Rifles), Hand's from Pennsyl- vania, part of Ward's from Connecticut, and a German battalion, amounting in the whole at this time from four- teen to fifteen hundred efl'ective men." During the next two years the Virginia Continentals formed the backbone of Washington's army. In the battles of Trenton, Prince- ton, Brandywine, Germantown, and Monmouth, Virginia troops bore the brunt of the fighting. Unless some bold stroke could be made at once Washing- ton saw that the cause was hopeless. On Christmas night he crossed the Delaware amid floating ice, in a blinding storm, with about 2500 men, and in the early morning of the 26th fell upon the British center at Trenton held by a 136 The American Revolution body of Hessians under Colonel Rahl. They were com- pletely surprised and driven pell-mell through the streets. Their commanding officer was killed and over The Battle . ^^^ , . ,Tr , • of Trenton, 1000 were taken prisoners. Washington im- Dec, 26, mediately recrossed the Delaware into Pennsyl- vania. The army was so much encouraged by the success of this bold stroke that many of those whose time was about to expire agreed to reenlist for six weeks. A large force of Pennsylvania militia also joined him, and, on December 29, he again crossed the Delaware and occupied Trenton. Cornwallis was immediately sent from New York to take charge of operations in New Jersey. On January 2, 1777, he advanced from Princeton upon Trenton with Cornwallis o«/^/~i ttt i • 1 -i 1 1 • 1 attempts to 8000 men. Washington meanwhile had with- capture drawn his force across the Assunpink, a small Washington . 1 • 1 n ■ i x-. 1 river which flows into the Delaware just south of Trenton. CornwalHs ordered 2000 men to advance from Princeton the next morning. His plan was to force the passage of the Assunpink above the American position and force Washington back against the Delaware. As he retired for the night in high spirits Cornwallis said: ''At last we have run down the old fox and we will bag him in the morning." But Washington was not lacking in either boldness or audacity and he formed a plan which took Cornwallis com- Battie of pletely by surprise. He knew that Cornwalhs Princeton, had left detachments at Princeton and at New Jan. 3, 1777 gJ.^J^g^j(.l. Iq guard the stores. He determined to overwhelm one or both of these and thus compel Corn- walhs to retire toward New York. The Americans kept their camp fires burning brightly all night and small parties were kept busy with pick and spade throwing up intrench- ments so as to deceive the British. Meanwhile the Ameri- can army marched up the stream, crossed, and passing The Attack on the Center 137 around Cornwallis's left wing, took the road for Princeton. As they approached the town, about sunrise, they met the British detachment starting out for Trenton. The Ameri- cans attacked with vigor and a sharp fight ensued. Gen- eral Hugh Mercer who, with his Virginia brigade, had led the attack was mortally wounded by the bayonets of the enemy, and his men began to fall back. Washington, how- ever, galloped up in time to rally the troops and in less than twenty minutes from the time the fight began the British were completely routed. When Cornwallis arose in the morning he was amazed to see the American camp deserted and perplexed to know what had become of Washington, but the boom- New jersey ing of the guns in his rear soon enhghtened him. reclaimed He decided at once to retire to New Brunswick. Wash- ington was several hours ahead of him on the same road and took care that all bridges were destroyed so as to delay the progress of Cornwallis. As Washington could not risk a general engagement he decided not to go by New Bruns- wick for the purpose of seizing the stores, but marched straight northward to the heights of Morristown. Corn- wallis retired to New Brunswick and eventually to New York. By these brilliant maneuvers practically the whole of New Jersey had been reclaimed and the British had lost the entire fruits of their summer campaign. Washington went into winter quarters at Morristown. The campaign of 1777 opened with the British holding New York, while Washington had his main force at Morris- town. The British ministry, counting on the British plan aid of the New York Tories, had determined to of cam- make another attempt to occupy the line of the ^anc" of Hudson. Three concerted movements were Burgoyne, planned. General Burgoyne was to lead an ^'^'^^ army from Canada against Ticonderoga and, after the cap- ture of this fort, to advance down the Hudson to Albany. 138 The American Revolution Colonel St. Leger was to take a smaller force up the St. Lawrence to Oswego on Lake Ontario and then attack Fort Stanwix with the aid of Tories and Indians, and finally march down the Mohawk to meet Burgoyne at Albany. General Howe was to advance from New York up the Hudson to Albany. Burgoyne advanced from Canada with an army of 8000 men and on July 1 appeared before Fort Ticonderoga, which was garrisoned with 3000 men under General St. Clair. Less than a mile south of Ticonderoga a crag known as Mt. Defiance juts out into the lake. St. Clair had failed to for- tify this point, which the British now seized and mounted with cannon. Ticonderoga was no longer tenable and St. Clair withdrew during the night to Fort Edward, where the main division was station^ under command of General Schuyler. As Burgoyne approached Fort Edward the latter part of July, Schuyler evacuated that post, crossed to the west Battle of ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ Hudson, and retired down the river Bennington, to Stillwater. Burgoyne's advance was beset "sus I , ^\i\i many difficulties. The Americans removed all cattle and supplies out of the way, and, as his sup- plies were failing, he undertook to seize the American stores at Bennington. To accompUsh this task Colonel Baum was sent out with a strong detachment of Germans, Indians, and loyalists; but on August 15 he was met by a force of New England volunteers under the command of John Stark. A heavy rain delayed the attack that day, but on the 16th the British were attacked and compelled to surrender. A reenforcement of 500 Germans came very near turning the tide in favor of the British, but Colonel Seth Warner arrived with his regiment in time to save the day. The battle of Bennington proved a disaster to Bur- goyne, for it raised the spirits of the New Englanders and many new recruits now joined Schuyler. The Attack on the Center 139 Meanwhile the second invading column led by St. Leger had fared still worse. He landed at Oswego about the middle of July and arrived before Fort Stanwix August 3, his forces having been increased by driven^back bands of Tories and a party of Iroquois Indians to Canada, under Josep^ Brant, the great Mohawk chief, f"^"^*' General Herkimer, with a party of German settlers in the neighborhood, advanced to the rehef of the garrison, sending ahead messengers to the commanding officer, Colonel Gansevoort, arranging for a concerted attack on St. Leger. While advancing through a narrow ravine near Oriskany, August 6, the Americans were ambushed by a party of Tories and Mohawks, but after a desperate iiand to hand fight in which Herldmer received a wound that proved fatal, he succeeded with the help of a relief party from the fort in beating off his assailants. St. Leger continued the siege of Fort Stanwix, but Benedict Arnold was now advancing up the Mohawk with a force of 1200 men, and as he ap- proached St. Leger's motley array of troops became panic- stricken and abandoned the siege August 22. St. Leger, with what troops he could hold together, retreated to Oswego, and from that point returned to Montreal. From Fort Stanwix Arnold hastened back to rejoin Schuyler whose army had been reenforced by New England militia and by 500 picked riflemen under Colonel guj-goynes Daniel Morgan whom Washington had detached position from the southern army. Burgoyne's force, "^ ^^ which amounted to only 5000, was greatly outnumbered by the Americans, and he was greatly discouraged by the failure of St. Leger to execute his part of the plan. Still, St. Leger's cooperation was not absolutely essential to the main cam- paign, the object of which was to occupy the line of the Hudson. Had General Howe successfully carried out his part of the plan and now advanced up the Hudson to meet Burgoyne, the British might yet have been successful. 140 The American Revolution But at the critical moment General Howe was engaged in carrying out a design of his own. As Washington was Howe's preparing to oppose his advance up the Hudson movement ^t PeeksMll, Howe thought that the situation Phiia- was favorable for an attack on Philadelphia. He deiphia, therefore decided to seize the American capital July- September, before moving north to cooperate with Burgoyne. 1777 This plan was strongly indorsed by General Charles Lee, who was still nominally a prisoner in New York, but who in reality had turned traitor to the American cause in order to save his own head. As soon as Washington learned of this proposed move- ment, he moved his army from Morristown down to Middle- brook, expecting Howe to go by land. In view of this move Howe was tempted to change his plan in the hope of bring- ing on a general engagement with Washington. After maneuvering unsuccessfully for three weeks, he finally put his troops aboard the transports early in July, but was further delayed by waiting to get news from Burgoyne and then by bad weather, so that his fleet did not get under way until July 23. Howe had intended to disembark his troops on the Dela- ware, but the naval officers were for some reason opposed to this and urged him to sail up the Chesapeake and land at Elkton, Maryland. Nearly another month was wasted in this movement and Washington was greatly puzzled for a while, but when he finally learned that Howe was advanc- ing up the Chesapeake, he moved southward to meet him and wrote letters urging the New Englanders to turn out and crush Burgoyne. When Howe landed at Elkton, Washington Battle of the , . , , , , t^ 1 • Brandywine, determined to make a stand on the Branclywine, September which ran directly across Howe's line of march II 1777 to Philadelphia. Washington placed his center behind Chadd's Ford. The passage of the stream was The Attack on the Center 141 covered by a corps of artillery under Wayne, while Greene's division was stationed on high ground in the rear as a reserve. The steep cliffs below Chadd's Ford were guarded by Pennsylvania militia. Washington's right wing, extend- "\€^ The Middle Atl.\ntic States. ing two miles up the river and covering several fording places, was commanded by Sullivan. On the morning of September 11, the right wing of the British army commanded by Knyphausen attacked the American center at Chadd's Ford, while the left wing under 142 The American Revolution command of Cornwallis marched up the Lancaster road, crossed the Brandywine some distance above the extension of Sullivan's lines, and marched around with the intention of taking him in the rear. Cornwallis had marched eighteen miles and was well in Sullivan's rear before his movement was fully understood by Washington. The latter at once ordered Sullivan to change front, but the movement was badly executed and his division was gradually forced back. Cornwallis was rapidly forcing his way between the de- feated division of Sullivan and the American center at Chadd's Ford, when Washington, realizing the danger, hastened to the rescue with Greene's division. With the center thus weakened, Knyphausen began his advance across Chadd's Ford and, after obstinate resistance, Wayne retired before him and the entire American army retreated to Chester. This battle was admirably fought on both sides, and the American defeat was by no means the rout that has been sometimes described. Washington's troops maintained their organization and were strong enough to delay Howe's en- trance into Philadelphia for two weeks. The British army entered Philadelphia, September 25, the greater part of it going into camp at Germantown. Here they were attacked by Washington, Octo- German- ^er 4, 1777. The attack was well planned, and town, the British were retiring before SuUivan's ad- jJL° ^^'^' vancing column, when an unfortunate accident occurred. The battle was fought in a dense fog, and, as General Stephen's division came into action, they mistook Wayne's men for the British and fired into their rear. Wayne's men were thrown into confusion on the left flank of Sullivan's division, and the panic spread through the whole army when victory was really within its grasp. Discipline was soon restored and the Americans withdrew in good order. The Attack on the Center 143 Adam Stephen, the only Virginian who was honored with the rank of major general during the war, with the excep- tion of Gates and Charles Lee, who had acquired estates in Virginia, had seen valiant service in the Indian wars and was undoubtedly a soldier of abihty. As a result of his error at the battle of Germantown, he was court-martialed and dismissed from the service on the charge of drunkenness. General Schuyler, who was in command of the northern army, was not popular with the New Englanders, mainly because he had espoused New York's claims to Vermont. His enemies in Congress finally sue- of^pfegt" ^ ceeded in securing his removal and on August 4 man's Farm, General Gates was appointed to succeed him. ^^^^' ^^' General Burgoyne was now greatly harassed by the Green Mountain militia, and, since there was little chance of Howe's carrying out his part of the plan, he should undoubtedly have retired to Fort Edward where he could have kept open his communications with Canada. But the orders of the British ministry, three thousand miles away, were to advance to Albany and he felt that he had no discretion in the matter. On September 13 he crossed to the west bank of the Hudson and retreat was now impos- sible. The American army meanwhile took a strong posi- tion on Bemis Heights. On September 19, Burgojaie prepared to assail this position. With Dearborn's infantry and Morgan's riflemen Arnold advanced to Freeman's Farm, anticipating the British attack and checking their advance. He had Anth him onl}^ 3000 men, while Gates remained intrenched on Bemis Heights with 11,000. Had Arnold been reenforced at the right moment, he could have won a brilUant victory. Although defeated he completely disconcerted the British plans and delayed further attack for eighteen days. On October 7 occurred the second battle at Freeman's Farm. Burgoyne again began the movement by advancing 144 The American Revolution against the American left. As the British moved forward, Morgan with his riflemen attacked their right flank, while a strong force assailed them in front. The whole batdeof ^^^^ ^^^ broken and the British undertook to Freeman's form on another line farther back. Arnold was „^j™' '^*' quick to seize the opportunity and fell upon them before they could form their Une. As the British gave way Gates sent forward the rest of his troops, his whole army now numbering 20,000, and the British were overwhelmed. Burgoyne retreated up the river to Saratoga, and on October 17 surrendered his entire force. By the terms of the "Convention" of Saratoga, as the surrender of^B^urgoyiie ^^^ called, it was agreed that the British should at Saratoga, march out of camp with the honors of war, stack .J!!„^^' their arms, march to Boston under a guard and 1777 there take ship for England under promise not to serve again during the American war. The terms of the convention were not favorably received by Congress and aroused much discussion. While the agreement was not expressly repudiated, its fulfillment met with so much ob- jection and delay that the British troops were never per- mitted to return to England. They were kept in camps at various points as prisoners of war until the close of the Revolution, when most of them made America their permanent home. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. Hessian Troops in the Revolution: Channing, History of the United States, Vol. Ill, pp. 211-215; Van Tyne, American Revo- lution, pp. 97-101 ; Fiske, American Revolution, Vol. I, pp. 161, 162 ; E. J. Lowell, The Hessians in the Revolution. 2. The Fight for New York : Fiske, Vol. I, pp. 198-227 ; Van Tyne, Chap. VII ; Channing, Vol. Ill, Chap. VIII ; F. V. Greene, Revolutionanj War, pp. 28-60. 3. The Battles of Trenton and Princeton : Fiske, Vol. I, pp. The Attack on the Center 145 228-238; Greene, pp. 62-72; W. S. Stryker, Battles of Trenton and Princeton. 4. The British Attempt to seize the line of the Hudson : Fiske, Vol. I, Chap. VI; Greene, pp. 75-82, 96-108; Channing, Vol. Ill, pp. 256-266; H. B. Carrington, Battles of the American Revo- lution, pp. 303-334. 5. Brandywine and Germantown: Fiske, Vol. I, pp. 312-324; Greene, pp. 80-95; Carrington, pp. 362-391. 6. Saratoga : Fiske, Vol. I, Chap. VII ; Greene, pp. 109-131 ; Carrington, pp. 335-354; Channing, Vol. Ill, pp. 266-273; W. L. Stone, Campaign of Burgoyne. CHAPTER VIII THE FRENCH ALLIANCE In the fall of 1775 the Continental Congress had ap- pointed a "Secret Committee on Foreign Correspondence," Beginnings ^^^ ^^^ months later Silas Deane, a member of of American Congress from Connecticut, was sent to France ip omacy ^^ ^j^^ ^^^^ American diplomatic agent. Although he went under the name of Jones and the disguise of a West Indian merchant, British spies discovered his identity almost as soon as he arrived at Paris, and the ^British min- ister demanded his expulsion from France. Deane was soon granted a private interview by Louis XVFs foreign minister, the Comte de Vergennes, but most of his nego- tiations with the French government were carried on through Beaumarchais, an interesting adventurer who had great influence at court and who is known in literature as the author of Le Barhier de Seville and Le Manage de Figaro. In October, 1776, Deane procured through Beaumarchais clothing for 20,000 men, 30,000 muskets, and large quantities of powder, shot, and cannon. Shipments to America were made by Beaumarchais through the agency of a new mer- cantile house with the fictitious name of "Hortalez et Cie." In March, 1777, the Marquis de Lafayette sailed for America to aid the patriot cause. The French government was interested in the Revolution mainly through and other hostihty to England, but Lafayette and many foreign other Frenchmen who volunteered their serv- ices at this time were moved by their admira- tion of the political ideals of the Americans, who seemed to be bringing to pass and putting into practice the philo- 146 The French AUiance 147 sophical conceptions of Rousseau, Voltaire, and other French writers of the eighteenth century. The number of Frenchmen who volunteered their serv- ices to the American cause was a serious embarrassment to the Continental Congress and to Washington, since it was impossible to give many of them commissions. The young Marquis de Lafayette, however, was a man of such prominent connections that, in view of our dependence on French aid, it was con- sidered wise to give him a high commission, and he was appointed major gen- eral. For several months he was without a com- mand and attached him- self to Washington's head- quarters. He took part in the battle of Brandywine, where he was wounded, and when Stephen was dismissed from the service Lafayette was given his division. Among other dis- tinguished foreigners who were granted commissions were Baron de Kalb, a German who had assumed the title of baron in order to secure a commission in the French army, Kosciuszko and Pulaski, both Poles, and Baron von Steuben, one of Frederick the Great's veterans. In September, 1776, Franklin and Jefferson were ap- pointed commissioners to cooperate with Deane in securing the open recognition of France. Fr?nkiTn"at Jefferson dechned this mission and Arthur Lee, the French who was then in London, was appointed in his place. Franklin's arrival in Paris marks an epoch in the Benjamin Franklin. 148 The American Revolution history of the Revolution. His name was already familiar to all classes of the people as a philosopher and an apostle of liberty. As the agent of Pennsylvania and Massachu- setts in London during the years preceding the Revolution, he had acquired an invaluable experience in the methods of European diplomacy. The ability with which he served his country until the conclusion of the treaty of peace justly entitles him to rank, even to the present day, as America's greatest diplomat. His venerable appearance, simple dress, wit, and ease of manner created enthusiasm wherever he went. Numbers of busts and portraits of him were made and his features were reproduced on watches, rings, and snuff- boxes. The French people, already sympathetically in- clined, were completely won over to the American cause, and Vergennes was in favor of giving direct aid, but the king delayed mainly for the purpose of getting Spain to join the alliance with America. When the news of Burgoyne's surrender reached France, there was great rejoicing, and Vergennes soon informed the American commissioners that the treaties i alliance with which had already been under discussion would ■France, Feb. ]^q signed. On February 6, 1778, two treaties I ' were signed by Vergennes and the American j commissioners. One was a general commercial treaty. / The other was a treaty of alliance, the first and only treaty of alliance ever signed by the United States. France agreed to send troops to America to aid the cause of independence, the possessions of France in the West Indies were guaranteed, and it was agreed that neither party would make peace with England without the consent of the other. The news of the French alliance, coming after the defeat Crisis in ^^ Burgoyne, precipitated a crisis in the British the British ministry. On February 17, before learning of ^ ^°^^ the alUance, Lord North had risen in the House of Commons and, to the amazement of everybody, proposed The French Alliance 149 a measure which conceded practically everything for which the Americans had contended and provided for the appoint- ment of commissioners with full powers to treat with the colonies. On March 13, two days after the adoption of these measures, the British government learned of the French treaty and immediately declared war on France. Lord North now urged the king to call upon Chatham to form a new ministry, but the king flew into a rage and declared that no power in heaven or earth should ever make him stoop to treat with "Lord Chatham and his crew." The king would in all probability have been forced to yield, had not the tragic death of Chatham, who was stricken as he rose to speak on the floor of the House of Lords, removed the necessity. As there was no one else who could take his place, the king insisted that Lord l^^orth should continue at the head of the ministry. The winter of 1777-1778 was one of the darkest periods in the history of the war. Washington's army lay encamped at Valley Forge, where the troops suffered untold hardships and privations. The time was em- ton'^garmy ployed by Baron von Steuben in reorganizing and at Vaiiey drilling the army and from this time forth its i-Ig^'^^'^^' movements showed the benefit of superior dis- cipline and staff organization. Howe's army spent the winter in Philadelphia. In the spring he resigned and was succeeded by Sir Henry CHnton. On the 18th of June the British evacuated Philadelphia. Its capture had proved of little or no benefit to them, as Congress had packed up its belongings in a few wagons and moved to another point. From a strategical point of view Philadelphia was useless, and, as a French fleet under Count d'Estaing was approach- ing the American coast, Sir Henry Clinton decided to return to New York. He had intended to transport his army by water, but as there was not room on the transports for both the army and the thousands of Tories who had flocked 150 The American Revolution to Philadelphia, he sent 3000 Tories with their personal effects aboard the fleet, while the army with twelve miles of baggage wagons marched across New Jersey. Washington was quick to seize the opportunity to inflict a sudden blow on the retreating army. He had under his command about 15,000 men, which was about Battle of 1 c /^i- 1 mi Monmouth the strength oi Clmton s army, i he attack June 28, was made at Monmouth June 28, 1778, but un- 1778 • fortunately Charles Lee had recently been ex- changed and restored to his rank in the American army. His treasonable conduct in this battle completely thwarted Washington's well-planned attack, and, had not the latter come forward at the critical moment, the American army would have suffered severely. As it was, Monmouth was a drawn battle. Chnton continued his march to New York. Lee was placed under arrest by Washington and later court- martialed and suspended from his command. From Monmouth Washington advanced north, crossed the Hudson, and on July 20 stationed his army at White Plains. The positions of the two armies were Clinton shut ii^ow the same as in the autumn of 1776, but the up in New Americans were now the aggressors and Chnton was acting on the defensive. During July the French fleet under Count d'Estaing arrived oiT Sandy Hook and held a conference with two of Washington's aides. As there were only six British ships in the harbor, it was planned for D'Estaing to advance and capture them, but on his pilot's reporting that his two largest ships could not cross the bar which then lay at the mouth of the river, this enterprise was abandoned. With Washington's approval D'Estaing now undertook to capture Newport with the cooperation of the New England militia. This important post, which the British had occupied since December, 1776, had been a thorn in the side of New England, and the miUtia now turned out in large numbers. The French Alhance 151 Newport was garrisoned with 6000 men. It seemed, there- fore, a comparatively easy matter for D'Estaing's fleet with 4000 French regulars and SulHvan's army of New England militia, reenforced by 1500 regulars from ^l^^e^'^ Washington's army under Greene and Lafayette, port from 9000 Americans in all, to capture it. SulUvan oc- ^^^g " ^^ ' cupied Butt's Hill at the northern extremity of the island and everything was progressing satisfactorily when Lord Howe arrived with his fleet. D'Estaing reem- barked his troops and put out to sea. Two days later while the hostile fleets were still maneuvering, a terrific storm came up which so damaged the French ships that D'Estaing decided to go to Boston for repairs, and the New England militia dispersed, greatly to their chagrin. Monmouth was the last important battle fought in the north. Sir Henry Chnton was hemmed in at New York by Washington's army, which extended in a semi- circle from northern New Jersey through the th°eCon-' Highlands below West Point to Danbury, Con- necticut necticut. The Tories made frequent raids from ^^^^ ' ^' the British lines into New Jersey or up the Hud- son, and in July, 1779, a large body of them under Governor Tryon raided the Connecticut coast, burning Fairfield and Norwalk, and destrojdng the shipping in New Haven Harbor. West Point had been very strongly fortified and was the key to the American position. Lower down the river the Americans had fortified Stony Point on the g^Q^y pgi^t west bank and Verplank's Point on the opposite captured by bank. On May 31, 1779, Sir Henry Clinton ^^^^^^ captured and garrisoned Stony Point. Early on July i6, the morning of July 16 Anthony Wayne car- ^'^'^^ ied this position by storm. On August 18 Major Henry Lee, famiharly known as "Light-Horse Harry," with a small force of picked men stormed the fort at Paulus Hook on the present site of Jersey City and captured the garrison, 152 The American Revolution but retired under fire of the ships in the river. These two daring exploits were not of very much importance from a mihtary point of view, but they were a great encouragement to the Americans and caused corresponding depression among the British. By the Quebec Act of 1774 the territory lying between the Ohio and Mississippi rivers was annexed to the prov- ince of Quebec, and soon after the beginning of the Revolu- ^ ,.^ tion Colonel Conditions on the west- Hamilton, the em frontier British com- mander at Detroit, un- dertook to organize the Indians of the northwest for an attack on the settlers south and east of the Ohio River. But his plans were thwarted by the foresight of a young Virginian, George Rogers Clark, one of the early settlers in Kentucky, who, counting on the sup- port of the French in- habitants, was convinced that with a small force he could take possession of this territory. Late in the autumn of 1777 he made his way back to Virginia along the Wilder- ;iess Road and laid his plans before Governor Henry. As it was of the utmost importance that the enterprise should be kept secret, the governor did not con- of George sult the legislature, huX- after conferring with Rogers Jefferson, Wythe, and Madison, he authorized Clark to raise a force of 350 men for the enter- George Rogers Clark. Clark, 1778 prise. Clark immediately proceeded to the neighborhood of The French AlHance 153 Pittsburg, where he began making enhstments nominally for the defense of Kentucky. By May, 1778, he had suc- ceeded with difficulty in getting together 180 picked riflemen, a flotilla of small boats, and a few pieces of light artillery. With these he proceeded down the Ohio to its junction with the Mississippi and disembarked in what is now southern Illinois. Marching his force over the prairie to Kaskaskia he surprised the garrison and took possession of the town without resistance. With the aid of Father Gibault, a Catholic priest, he succeeded in winning over Cahokia and other neighboring villages. As soon as Governor Hamilton heard of these events he marched from Detroit with a motley force composed of 500 men, regulars, Tories, and Indians, to Vin- cennes on the Wabash and garrisoned that fort; ofvin-^*"'^^ but Clark was not to be outdone. Sending cennes, some provisions and a few pieces of artillery if»_^^' around by the Ohio and Wabash, he set out from Kaskaskia in the dead of winter with 130 men, marched for sixteen days in the face of apparently insurmountable difficulties across the drowned lands of Illinois, met his boats just in time to save his party from starvation and despair, and appeared before Vincennes to the utter amaze- ment of the British garrison. The town readily submitted, and after a siege of twenty hours, Hamilton surrendered the fort on February 23. The Northwest Territory was thus secured to Virginia and organized as the ''county" of Illinois. The importance of this brilliant exploit was destined to be far greater than even Clark foresaw, for when the treaty of peace was being negotiated at Paris in 1782, importance America's allies, France and Spain, were both more of Clark's than willing to sacrifice her interest in order to ®^p°'* keep her out of the Mississippi valley, and the western bound- ary of the United States would undoubtedly have been fixed 154 The American Revolution at the Alleghanies but for the fact that this western region was actually occupied by Virginians. At the beginning of the Revolution Congress had made some effort to establish a navy, but with little success. c+»f-. „o„;^. Several of the States, Massachusetts, Connecti- btate navies ' ' and cut, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and South Caro- pnvateers j-^^^^ organized State navies, but their operations were largely limited to the bays and rivers and their principal task was in warding off the marauding attacks of Tories. The seafaring experience of New Englanders found employ- ment in privateering which was very popular and profitable. Even in privateering, however, the British had the advan- tage, for prior to the French alliance the Americans had captured six hundred British merchant vessels^ while the British cruisers had captured nine hundred American vessels.. America produced one naval hero, however, w^hose repu- tation is world-wide, John Paul Jones. He was a Scotch- John Paul man by birth who came to Virginia in 1773 and Jones settled at Fredericksburg. Jones was given com- mand of the Ranger in 1777, and in the following spring he captured the British man-of-war Drake and made a descent on the town of Whitehaven on the English coast. In 1779, with the aid of France, he went to sea with five vessels, his flagship being the Bonhomme Richard. During the summer he cruised up and down the British coast, strildng terror into the inhabitants and taking many prizes. On Septem- ber 23, he met at the mouth of the Humber a fleet of mer- chant vessels convoyed by the men-of-war Sera-pis and Countess of Scarborough. After an hour's cannonading the Bonhomme Richard ran into the Sera-pis, and the bowsprit of the British vessel finally ran over the poop of the Amer- ican ship. Jones quickly lashed the ships together and a desperate fight ensued at close quarters. When called on to surrender he replied that he had just begun to fight. After both ships were nearly destroyed the Serapis surrendered- The French AlHance 155 The Scarborough meanwhile had been captured by the Pallas. Jones took his prizes to Holland and kept them there for several weeks despite the demand of the British government for their surrender. The Dutch sympathized deeply with the American cause, but under declares war the pressure of England the government finally on Holland, ordered Jones to leave. He escaped with his j~^q^°' ships to France. In October, 1780, the British captured Henry Laurens, who was on his way to Holland to negotiate a loan and had among his papers the draft of a treaty signed by an American agent and the chief magistrate of Amsterdam without, however, the authorization of the States-General. This caused great indignation in Eng- land, and the Dutch government was called upon to disavow the act and punish the magistrate. The Dutch govern- ment disavowed the act, but refused to punish the magis- trate of Amsterdam. On December 20, England declared war against Holland. This incident, however, was not the real reason for war. Holland had just joined the agreement which had existed for several months between Russia, Denmark, and Sweden, known as the ''Armed Neutrality." war with the Catherine II had organized this maritime league great naval for the protection of neutral commerce. Eng- land denied the doctrine of the league, that free ships make free goods, but she did not care to go to war with Russia. Holland, however, had offended in other ways. Her West Indian possession, the island of St. Eustatius, had been the principal base for the Dutch contraband trade with the American colonies. The moment war was declared England sent orders to Rodney, who had left New York and was cruising in the West Indies, to completely destroy the island. These orders were ruthlessly carried out. England was now at war with France, Spain, and Holland, the three 156 The American Revolution greatest naval powers next to herself, and on the naval situation the independence of America finally hinged. The end was not far off. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. French Aid and the French Alliance: Fiske, American Revo- lution, Vol. II, Chap. VIII ; Van Tyne, American Revolution, Chap. XII ; J. W. Foster, A Century of American Diplomacy, Chap. I ; Charlemagne Tower, The Marquis de La Fayette in the American Revolution, 2 Vols. ; E. S. Corwin, The French Alliance. 2. Washington at Valley Forge: Fiske, Vol. II, Chap. IX; Greene, Revolutionary War, pp. 132-138; Carrington, Battles of the American Rcvolutinn, pp. 401-411. 3. Monmouth and Newport : Fiske, Vol. II, Chap. X ; Chan- ning, Vol. Ill, pp. 29G-299 ; Greene, pp. 141-154; Carrington, pp. 412-456. 4. Expedition of George Rogers Clark: Fiske, Vol. II, pp. 103- 109; Van Tyne, Chap. XV; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, Vol. II, Chaps. I-III. 5. John Paul Jones: Fiske, Vol. II, pp. 116-129; Channing, Vol. Ill, pp. 308-310 ; E. S. Maelay, History of the Navy, Vol. I, Part I. 6. Spain and Holland at War with England: Fiske, Vol. II, pp. 130-162; Van Tyne, Chap. XVII; Channing, Vol. Ill, Chap. X. CHAPTER IX THE WAR IN THE SOUTH After the surrender of Burgoyne, the British forces in the north acted ahnost entirely on the defensive. The at- tempt to break the rebelHon at the center had failed, but the ministry thought that they might overrun by at least seize and hold Georgia and the Carolinas, *^® British, and, if successful in this attempt, Virginia also. After the defeat of the British fleet before Charleston in June, 1776, the Southern States had been left for a time unmolested. In 1778 there had been a sort of border warfare between Georgia and Florida carried on, on the British side, mainly by Tories. The American forces in the south were under command of General Robert Howe of North Carolina. Howe was not very successful in the defense of Georgia and, after the occupation of Savannah by a force of 3500 British regulars from New York, the State was entirely overrun by the British. General Benjamin Lincoln of Massachusetts was ap- pointed by Congress to supersede Howe in command of the southern department and arrived at Charleston in December, 1778. In September, 1779, D'Estaing j^^ns^"^-"" appeared with a powerful French fleet off the pulsed at coast of Georgia, and he and Lincoln planned the oct^o'^1770 recapture of Savannah. On the 23cl their com- bined forces invested the city, but after three weeks D'Estaing grew impatient, fearing that an autumnal storm might overtake his fleet. On October 9 therefore he under- took to carry the city by assault. Some of the outer works 157 158 The American Revolution were carried, but the British held their own and the Ameri- cans were totally defeated, losing more than 1000 men, among them the gallant Pulaski. The French fleet was with- drawn and Lincoln retired to Charleston. When Sir Henry Clinton learned that the French fleet had left he and Cornwallis went south with a force of 8000 men. After their arrival in Georgia, the British were Charleston, able to muster a force of more than 10,000. From May 12, Georgia the British advanced against Charleston, arriving in sight of the city February 26, 1780. Lincoln had put into the city all the reenforcements that he could get. Washington had sent south practically the whole Virginia line, its ranks greatly depleted by hard serv- ice in New Jersey and around New York. This detachment consisted of the brigades of Generals Woodford and Scott. Washington had also detached from his army most of the North Carolina troops. Lincoln's entire force at Charleston numbered 7000 men. He should unquestionably have withdrawn his troops before the city was invested, as there was no hope of his being able to hold out against the combined attack of Clinton's army and the British navy. Finally on May 12, 1780, when the British were preparing to begin an assault, Lincoln sur- rendered in order to avoid unnecessary loss of life. The mili- tia were allowed to go home on parole but the 3000 Conti- nental troops were held as prisoners till regularly exchanged. The loss of Charleston was a serious blow, but the loss of Lincoln's army at this time was nothing short of a dis- aster. In a short time the whole of South Caro- warfarein lina was Overrun by the British. Under the over- South shadowing presence of the British army the Tories Carolina , ^ * . .,.,,. , became very active, raiding the plantations of their neighbors and settling many an old score. The patriots, however, did not give up the contest. Partisan corps commanded by Pickens, Sumter, and Marion resorted The War in the South 159 to a sort of guerrilla warfare in order to check the ravages of the British and pimish the Tories. On August 6, 1780, Sumter surprised the British post at Hanging Rock and routed the whole regiment, capturing those who were not Operations in the South. killed. Andrew Jackson, then a boy of thirteen, took part in this fight. On June 20, Baron de Kalb arrived at Hillsboro, North Carolina, with another detachment from Washington's army of 2000 Maryland and Delaware troops. About the same time General Gates was placed by Congress in command of the southern department. On July 27 he began moving 160 The American Revolution his forces southward, the objective point of his campaign being Camden, South Carohna. On the 13th of August he arrived at Clermont, a few miles north of GateYas- Camden. Lord Rawdon held Camden with a sumescom- comparatively small force and Gates should have Caroiiims ^ attacked him before Cornwallis had time to reen- force him. On the 14th General Stevens arrived with 700 Virginia militia, but that same day Cornwallis reached Camden with his regulars. The American army now num- bered 1400 regulars, chiefly of the Maryland line, and about IGOO raw militia, while Cornwallis's united force was only 2000, but they were all thoroughly seasoned troops. Not knowing of Cornwallis's arrival. Gates detached part of the Maryland regulars on a long march to the south to cooperate with Sumter, and on the night of the Camden, 15th moved forward on the road to Camden in- August i6, tending to surprise Lord Rawdon before daylight. At about the same hour Cornwallis started for- waid with the purpose of surprising Gates. About three o'clock in the morning the skirmish lines of the two armies met. Both halted and waited for daylight. Baron de Kalb urged Gates to retire to Clermont and take a strong position there, but Gates insisted on fighting, although he learned that Cornwallis had joined Rawdon. In the battle that followed the Virginia and North Caro- lina militia, which formed Gates's left wing, broke and fled before the advance of the British regulars, and Gates was borne along with them. The first Maryland brigade was also forced off the field, but the second INlaryland held its position until the rest of the battle was lost, when it retired in good order. While bravely directing the movements of the Maryland and Delaware troops. Baron de Kalb was killed. It was the worst defeat suffered by the Americans during the war and Gates beat a hasty retreat back to Hillsboro. The War in the South 161 ■^gpg Rocham- beau arrives at Newport army, July, 1780 In Februaiy, 1779, Lafayette had returned to France to visit his family and to urge that a French army be sent to America. On the 10th of July, 1780, the French army of 6000 men arrived at Newport, Rhode Island, commanded by Comte Rochambeau. The Frenchmen who had served in the American army prior to this time were individual volunteers. Rochambeau's comte troops sent over by the French with a French government. Almost im- mediately after its ar- rival the French fleet was blockaded in Nar- ragansett Bay by a powerful British squad- ron and the French army was kept there idle for a year in order to render aid to the fleet if it should become necessary. The country had not recovered from the de- jection following the battle at Camden when, in September, 1780, it was startled by the news of Benedict Arnold's treason. Arnold had ren- dered distinguished services to his country, and Washington had repeatedly recommended him for advance- ment, but less efficient men had been promoted over his head through political influence. Arnold Arnold, had married the beautiful Margaret Shippen, a j^g**™ ^^' member of one of the leading Tory families of Philadelphia, and this had weakened his influence with the Whigs. In July he had been placed by Washington in com- Benedict Aknold. The treason of Benedict 162 The American Revolution \ mand of West Point which was the key to the American situ- ation on the Hudson. Shortly afterwards Arnold entered into a treasonable correspondence with Sir Henry CHnton, who finally sent Major Andre, a member of his staff, to West Point to confer with him. While making his way back to the Vulture with a passport from Arnold, Andre was arrested by a party of patriots and sent to Washington's headquarters under suspicion of being a spy. While not a spy in the ordinary sense, he had come into the American lines under a flag of truce for a purpose not covered by such a flag. He was therefore condemned by a court-martial as a spy and, in spite of the sympathy which his attractive personalitj' and noble bearing elicited, Washington refused to modify the sentence and he was hanged. Arnold had made his escape to the British lines. About a month after the battle of Camden, Cornwallis invaded North Carolina and advanced as far as Charlotte. He had detached Alajor Patrick Ferguson with ?^*^^°^ a force of 200 British infantry and 1000 Tories King s -^ Mountain, to go through the western counties of South Car- 1780 ^^'^' oliii^ foi' the purpose of enlisting more Tories. The approach of Ferguson aroused the back- woodsmen far and wide, and finding himself in danger of being surrounded he began his retreat towards the main army at Charlotte, followed closely by about 1000 picked frontiersmen. These men came from various directions : James Williams from South Carolina, William Campbell from Virginia, Benjamin Cleveland and Charles McDowell from North Carolina, and Isaac Shelby and John Sevier from across the mountains in Tennessee. On the night of October 6, Ferguson camped on one of the southern spurs of King's Mountain. The mountain itself lies in North Carolina, but the battle was fought just across the line in South Carolina. The position was a strong one, and when Ferguson looked The War in the South 163 about him on the morning of the 7th he exclaimed : "Well, boys, here is a place from which all the rebels outside of Hell cannot drive us." About three o'clock in the afternoon the position was stormed from three directions by the Ameri- cans, who advanced in true backwoodsman's fashion from tree to tree and from rock to rock, picking off the enemy one bv one with deliberate aim. As they closed in on the British Ferguson was killed and the sur- vivors surrendered. This brilliant victory helped to revive the spirits of the desponding patriots. As soon as Cornwallis heai'd of the disaster which had General overtaken Fer- Greene guson, he re- ^ZIT'" treated into December 2, South Caro- '^So Henry Lee, known as " Light Horse Harry " Lee. lina, and shortly after- wards Gates advanced with his shattered army from Hillsl^oro to Char- lotte. On December 2, Greene, who had been appointed by Washington to supersede Gates, arrived at Charlotte and took command of the southern department. Shortly before this the southern army had received another acces- sion of strength in the arrival of Daniel Morgan. After the failure of Congress to recognize his services at Saratoga by promoting him to a l^rigadier generalship, he resigned his commission and returned to his home in Virginia. After the disaster at Camden, however, he was prevailed upon to reenter the service and Congress gave him the rank of briga- 164 The American Revolution , Battle of \J Cowpens, January 17, 1781 dier general which he had so long deserved. "Light-Horse Harry" Lee and Colonel William Washington, both superb cavalry commanders, also joined the southern army about this time. Cornwallis soon made ready to advance into North Carolina, but he was harassed by Morgan, who was operating on his left flank. When Cornwallis began the advance, he sent Tarleton with a small detach- ment to look after Morgan. These forces met in bat- tle at Cowpens, January 17, 178L Although, the number of troops en- gaged was small, this bat- tle is from a strategic point of view one of the most interesting of the whole war. As Tarleton was acting on the aggres- sive, Morgan selected his own ground. He stationed his main body of Continental troops on the brow of a gentle hill with the Broad River in his rear. A hundred and fifty yards in front he stationed the CaroHna and Georgia militia under General Pickens. About the same distance in his rear, on another slight elevation, he placed William Washington and his cavalry. The militia were or- dered to fire a few volleys as the British advanced and then to retire around the American left and re-form in the rear. This plan was strictly adhered to. Tarleton charged the American line with his usual impetuosity and the militia retired according to orders. Just as the British charged the Daniel Morgan. The War in the South 165 main line, Washington swept with his cavahy around the American left and took them in the rear, while Pickens's militia hastily re-forming circled around the American right and attacked the British in flank and rear. The greater part of the British force immediately threw down their arms and surrendered, while Tarleton with a few horsemen fled from the field. Greene now led Cornwallis a chase across North Carolina and finally retired across the Dan into Virginia, where he was reenforced. He then returned into North Greene Carolina and offered battle at Guilford Court wears Corn- House, March 15.' This battle was hotly con- ^^"^^out tested and at nightfall Greene was finally compelled to retire, leaving the enemy in possession of the field. The British had fought with magnificent courage but were too crippled to continue the campaign and Cornwallis retreated in haste to Wilmington, the nearest point on the seacoast. When Cornwallis got to Wilmington he did not like to acknowledge defeat by taking his army back to Charleston by sea and beginning again ''the conquest of the Carolinas." Sir Henry Clinton had recently sent General Phillips to \'u~ ginia with a strong force, and Cornwallis now decided to abandon the Carolinas and unite his army with that of Phillips. This change of campaign was adopted solely on the responsibility of Cornwallis and without the sanction of Sir Henry Clinton. Greene meanwhile marched into South Carolina and ad- vanced toward Camden, which was held by Lord Rawdon. Fort Watson, which stood midway between Cam- den and Charleston and commanded Lord Raw- operations don's line of communications, was captured by in South Lee and Marion April 23, and Lord Rawdon was thus compelled to evacuate Camden, although, before doing so, he inflicted a defeat on Greene at Hobkirk's Hill about two miles north of Camden, April 25. Rawdon then retired 166 The American Revolution to Monk's Corner, about thirty miles north of Charleston. During May and June all the remaining inland posts were taken from the British. During the summer Rawdon returned to England, leaving Colonel Stuart in command. On September 8, 1781, Greene attacked the British at Eutaw Springs. During the first part of the battle the British were driven from the field, but they succeeded in forming a new line which was protected by a brick house and palisaded garden, and from this position the Americans were unable to drive them. The victory was therefore claimed by the British, but the following evening they beat a hasty retreat and during the rest of the war they were cooped up in Charleston under the protection of their ships. Virginia, which Cornwallis now chose as the scene of his operations, had been free from invaders during the greater part of the war, but during Jefferson's governor- multa^"^ ship, 1779-1781, Sir Henry Clinton sent three ex- operations peditions to raid and harry the coasts and rivers : mg-f 5^^i' Matthews and Collier in 1779 ; Leslie in 1780 ; and Arnold and Philhps in 1781. On January 2, 1781, Benedict Arnold landed at Portsmouth and two days later proceeded up the James to Richmond. After destroying everything of value he fell back down the river to Ports- mouth, where he was kept closely within his intrenchments by the militia which Muhlenberg had collected. In view of the helpless state of Virginia, Washington dispatched Lafay- ette to its aid with 1200 regulars from the main army, hoping through the cooperation of the French fleet to capture Arnold. Leaving his troops at the head of Elk River in Maryland, Lafayette hastened forward to Virginia. On March 19 he arrived at Muhlenberg's camp near Suffolk, but the next day the British fleet of Admiral Arbuthnot, having defeated the French fleet of Destouches off the Capes, landed. 2000 men at Portsmouth under command of Major General Phillips. The War in the South 167 Advancing up the James again the British destroyed a large v^ J' '^^.v. J •^^^^S^wti^te^i^ #^1l |0Hk- \- ^m Marquis de Lafayette. Washington and Ro- chambeau join Lafayette in Virginia The War in the South 169 chambeau got their troops half through New Jersey before his suspicions were aroused as to their real object. General Heath remained at West Point with 4000 men. Washington took south with him 2000 Continentals and 4000 Frenchmen. By the 5th of September they reached the head of Chesapeake Bay and from that point J.1 Surrender of they were comwaiiis conveyed at Yorktown, in ships to York- town, where they arrived on the 18th. On September 31 the French squad- ron arrived on the scene and the siege of Yorktown began. On the 14th of Octo- ber Alexander Ham- ilton with a part of Muhlenberg's brigade, and the Baron de Viomenil, stormed and carried two of the British redoubts. On the 17th Cornwallis asked for terms of surrender and the formal surrender took place October 19, 1781. General Lincoln, who was in command of the American army at the fall of Charleston, was desig- nated by Washington to receive the surrender. The surrender of Cornwallis was regarded on both sides of the Atlantic as marking the end of the war. Con- 1-111 • i 1 • • Peace com- gress nad already appointed a peace commission, missioners consisting of Adams, Franklin, Jay, Laurens, and appointed J re . , , • • by Congress Jenerson, so as to be ready to open negotiations at the earliest favorable moment. Their instructions were If ead quarters October 19, 1 781 Operations at Yorktown. 170 The American Revolution that the independence of the colonies should be recognized, and that the existing treaties with France should be ob- served. The commissioners were, furthermore, explicitly directed "to make the most candid and confidential com- munications upon all subjects to "the ministers of our gen- erous ally, the King of France ; to undertake nothing in the negotiations for peace or truce without their knowledge or concurrence ; and ultimately to govern yourselves by their advice and opinion." Jefferson declined the mission, I^aurens was still a prisoner in London, Jay was occupied for the next year with negotiations in Spain, and Adams was engaged in negotiating a treaty with Holland which was not concluded for more than a year, so that Franklin had the responsibility of conducting the early negotiations alone. The diplomatic situation was peculiar : the United States were in alliance with France and their commissioners under instructions not to make peace without the con- ties of the sent of that power ; Spain was at war with Great diplomatic Britain, but at heart hostile to the Americans; France and Spain had common interests not in harmony with the interests of the United States ; Holland was at war with England and loaning money to the Ameri- cans, but suspicious of France. In England the North minis- try had been overthrown, but their successors were divided as to the poHcy to be pursued. The House of Commons had declared in favor of peace, but the king was still utterh' opposed to the recognition of independence. Rarely, if ever, have American diplomats had to face such complex condi- tions. In April, 1782, Richard Oswald, a retired Scotch merchant, was sent to Paris by I^ord Shelburne, the head of the new Preliminary ministry, on a confidential mission to Franklin, negotiations jj^ carried back to London a memorandum of Franklin's views respecting the terms of peace and soon returned to Paris with a commission authorizing him to treat The War in the South 171 with the "Colonies." FrankHn and Vergennes thought the commission sufficient to justify negotiations, but Jay, who had lately joined FrankUn, objected, insisting that Oswald's commission should mention the "United States." About the same time Jay heard through a confidential source that Vergennes favored giving Spain the territory between the Alleghanies and the Mississippi as far North as the Ohio River, and without consulting Franklin he sent a secret agent to London to confer with Lord Shelburne. As a result a new commission, entirely satisfactory to Jay, was sent to Oswald, and the latter was also instructed to hasten independent negotiations with the American commissioners. Shelburne preferred having the United States in the Ohio Valley rather than Spain and he was pleased at the prospect of breaking the French alliance. Accordingly he directed Oswald to act so as "to regain the affections of America." While Jay and Franklin were divided on the question as to whether they should break their instructions and negotiate independently of France, Adams arrived from Holland and at once sided with Jay. Thus, in order to circumvent the alleged schemes of their allies, the American commissioners joined forces with their enemy. In the negotiations the Americans insisted on three points : first, that the western boundary of the United \ States should extend to the Mississippi ; second, The points that they should have the right of free navigation ^* '^^"^ to the mouth of that river ; and third, that Americans should retain the right to fish on the coasts of Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and Labrador. On the British side two points were pressed : first, that American independence should be complete and free from France ; and second, that British debts should be secured and the loyalists restored to their rights. Most of these points were settled without great difficulty. At first Great Britain claimed the whole of Maine, but the 172 The American Revolution St. Croix River was finally agreed on ; from the source of the St. Croix the boundary was to follow the highlands to the Boundaries Connecticut River, along that river to the forty- defined £f^h parallel, thence westward to the St. Law- rence, through the St. Lawrence and the Great Lakes to the Lake of the Woods and from the northwest point of that lake due west to the Mississippi ; thence down the Missis- sippi to the thirty-first parallel ; thence along the thirty- first parallel to the Appalachicola, down the Appalachicola to its junction with the Flint, thence east to the head of the St. Mary's River and down that river to the Atlantic Ocean. While the description of this boundary in the treaty seems sufficiently clear, very little was known of the St. Croix River or of the Lake of the Woods and the source of the Mississippi, and the language was later found to be inexact and open to differing constructions, a fact which led in the years to come to serious controversies. American fishermen were admitted to the waters of Canada and Newfoundland, and the right to navigate the Other points Mississippi was secured. It was also agreed that agreed on j|q impediments should be thrown in the way of the legal recovery of debts due to British subjects, but the demand that the American Congress should restore to the loyalists their confiscated estates, valued at $20,000,000, or reimburse them with public lands, met with determined opposition. It was finally agreed that Congress should earnestly recommend to the States to restore to the loyal- ists their confiscated property. It was, however, generally understood that this recommendation would amount to nothing. Great Britain herself later compensated the more active loyalists with pensions or lands in Canada. The prelimiijary treaty was signed November 30, 1782. Laurens, having arrived two days before, united with Franklin, Jay, and Adams in signing it. Vergennes was not consulted in the negotiations and not informed of the The War in the South 173 terms of the treaty until after it was signed. It took all of Franklin's suavity and tact to appease him. ^^6 treat Franklin said to him : "Nothing has been agreed, signed, its in the preliminaries, contrary to the interests of '■®*^^p*^°'^ France ; and no peace is to take place between us and England till you have concluded yours." The feeling of the majority of the Congress of the United States was that the commissioners were not justified in de- parting from their instructions. They were, therefore, thanked for their services, but mildly reproved for their conduct towards France. In England the treaty was re- garded as too liberal in its terms and it caused the overthrow of the ministry, but the new ministry signed the definitive treaty in the exact terms of the preliminary, September 3, 1783. During the war the revenues of the government had been derived from three sources : Continental paper currency, known as "bills of credit" ; domestic and foreign Finances of loans ; and taxes, levied by means of requisitions the Revoiu- on the States. From the last source less than ^°°^ $6,000,000 was derived, since the States failed to honor the requisitions of Congress. Over $240,000,000 of paper money was issued between 1775 and 1779, but as Congress was un- able to redeem any of it at par, it rapidly depreciated, and finally became utterly worthless. From domestic loans and suppHes about $28,000,000 was received. The agents of the United States abroad borrowed $6,352,500 from France, $1,304,000 from Holland, and $174,000 from Spain, making a total of $7,830,500. The individual States, besides issuing large volumes of paper money, incurred heavy foreign and domestic debts in carrying on the war. The amount of the State debts was estimated by Hamilton in 1790 at $25,000,000. 174 The American Revolution TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. The War in the South: Fiske, American Revolution, Vol. II, pp. 164-185 ; Greene, Revolutionary War, pp. 191-214 ; Carring- ton, Battles of the American Revolution, pp. 477-498. 2. The Battle of Camden : Fiske, Vol. II, pp. 185-194 ; Greene, pp. 215-219 ; Carrington, pp. 513-522. 3. Treason of Benedict Arnold: Fiske, Vol. II, Chap. XIV; Van Tyne, American Revolution, pp. 306-308 ; Channing, History of the United States, Vol. Ill, pp. 304-307 ; Greene, pp. 166-169. 4. King's Mountain and Cowpens: Fiske, Vol. II, pp. 244-255; Greene, pp. 223-231 ; Carrington, pp. 542-547 ; Roosevelt, Win- ning of the West, Vol. II, Chap. IX. 5. Greene and Cornwallis in the Carolinas : Fiske, Vol. II, pp. 256-268; Greene, pp. 232-258; Carrington, pp. 547-583. 6. The Yorktown Campaign: Fiske, Vol. II, pp. 269-290; Greene, pp. 259-281 ; Carrington, pp. 584-647. 7. The Peace Negotiations: Channing, Vol. Ill, pp. 346-373; Fiske, Critical Period, Chap. I ; Foster, Century of American Diplomacy, Chap. II ; A. C. McLaughlin, The Confederation and the Constitution, Chaps. I, 11. PART III NATIONAL. ORGANIZATION CHAPTER X THE ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION The States had at last won their independence, but they were burdened with heavy foreign and domestic debts and held together in a precarious union by a constitu- The Articles tion which was utterly inadequate to meet the of Con- demands of the future. During the greater part ^ oration of the Revolution the only central governing body was the Continental Congress, which exercised only such authority and powers as the States cared for the time being to recog- nize. The Articles of Confederation which had been drafted by the Continental Congress and sul^mitted to the States in 1777 were not finally ratified until 1781, a few months be- fore the surrender of Cornwallis. They established a weak Confederation, without an executive or a judiciary, and with a Congress which had no power to regulate commerce or to levy taxes. When it needed money it had to ask the States. It could not proceed against individuals, and if a State re- fused to pay its share of a requisition, there was no redress, as the coercion of a State was out of the question. The Articles contained one clause of importance which was retained in the Constitution of the United States and which was the first step toward the creation of a national citizenship. It provided that the free inhabitants of each State should be 175 176 National Organization "entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States." Such in brief was the first instrument of government adopted by the United States. After the war was over and all immediate danger removed the States paid less heed than ever to what little power Congress possessed and that body sank into a state of hopeless inefficiency. Its latter days were redeemed, however, by one measure of consummate statesmanship, the famous Ordinance of 1787. The territory north of the Ohio River was claimed by Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, and Virginia. ,rii • * The claims of Massachusetts and Connecticut /Claims to western were based on their colonial charters ; the claim lands q£ ^^^ York was based on the theory that she had fallen heir to all the lands over which the Iroquois had held sway ; while that of Virginia which overlapped all the others was based on the charter of 1609 supplemented by the conquest of George Rogers Clark. South of the Ohio Virginia's claim to Kentucky was generally recognized, while the remaining territory as far south as the thirty- first parallel was claimed by North and South Carolina and Georgia. The other six States had no western lands and desired to extend the authority of Congress over the disputed area. On October 15, 1777, while the Articles of Confederation were still under discussion, the Maryland delegation pro- posed that Congress should be given the right to Northwest u^^ ^^le western boundary of such States as claim 1 erritory ceded to the to the Mississippi or South Sea ; and lay out the States ^^^^ beyond the boundary so ascertained into separate and independent States from time to time as the numbers and circumstances of the people thereof may require." Until this was done Maryland refused to ratify the Articles of Confederation. Her territory was limited and she did not care to be overshadowed by the vast empire which Virginia claimed. The United States in 1783 — State Claims and Cessions Adoption of the Constitution 177 At first the States concerned refused to meet the demands of Maryland, but in 1780 New York, whose claims wer^ vague and shadowy, led the way in offering to surrender her claims. Connecticut followed the same year, and the following year Virginia agreed to cede all her lands north of the Ohio on condition that she should remain in undis- puted possession of Kentucky. Maryland then ratified the Articles March 1, 1781, and they went into effect. Massachu- setts did not cede her claims until 1785, and when Connecti- cut made the formal act of cession she retained 3,250,000 acres along the southern shore of Lake Erie, which became known as the Western Reserve. Prior to these cessions the United States consisted of thirteen separate States ; now it was composed of thirteen States and a national domain. The existence of a national domain was to be a potent factor in the development of American nationality. In 1784 an ordinance drafted by Thomas Jefferson was introduced in Congress, providing for a division of the western lands into prospective States. His plan included the lands south of the Ohio as well as the Northwest Terri- tory, and provided that after the year 1800 there should be "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." This ordinance was passed with the elim- ination of the slavery clause, but it never went into effect. In 1787 a new ordinance, introduced by Nathan Dane of Massachusetts, and limited to the lands which had been ceded north of the Ohio, was adopted by Con- ,^^^ q^^^_ gress. Many of its features were borrowed from nance of Jefferson's ordinance. The Northwest Territory ^'^ '^ was to be organized immediately by the appointment of a governor, a secretary, and a court of three judges, and as soon as there should be in the district five thousand free male inhabitants of full age they were to be granted a legis- lative assembly. The territory was eventually to be divided 178 National Organization into not less than three nor .more than five States, and when- ever any one of these States should have sixty thousand free inhabitants it was to be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States. Freedom of worship, trial by jury, and other guarantees of personal hberty were perpetually established, education was to be encouraged, and slavery was excluded. This ordinance was a great state paper and it laid broad and deep the foundations of the ter- ritorial system by means of which the United States was enabled to prepare for statehood the vast territories that were later annexed. North Carolina ceded her western lands to Congress in 1784. The settlers of eastern Tennessee, the region which had earlier been embraced within the Watauga The " State ... , , , ^ of Frank- Association, promptly took steps to lorm a State lin," 1785- government in order to be prepared to protect themselves against the Indians. They drew up a constitution, took the name of the "State of Franklin," elected John Sevier governor, and applied to Congress for admission into the Union. Meanwhile North Carolina had withdrawn her act of ces- sion and undertook to assert her authority over the region again. This almost led to civil war. Congress refused to intervene and when Sevier's term as governor expired, the inhabitants gave up all pretense of independence and recog- nized the authority of North Carolina once more. Sevier was arrested for treason and taken across the mountains for trial, but he was not prosecuted. The defects in the Articles of Confederation were being more fully realized each year. Congress had no control The need of o^er commerce and was unable to raise enough a stronger money to pay the interest on the Revolu- "'""^ tionary debt. Furthermore, disputes in regard to interstate commerce and the navigation of interstate waterways were continually arising and causing bad feeling. Adoption of the Constitution 179 The government was falling into disrepute both at home and abroad and the country appeared to be drifting toward anarchy. Massachusetts was in the throes of open rebelhon on the part of the debtor class led by Daniel Shays, a former captain in the Revolution. In the spring of 1785 commissioners from Maryland and Virginia met at Mount Vernon, at the invitation of Wash- ington, for the purpose of adjusting cUfferences that had arisen over the navigation of the Potomac River. Out of this conference grew the idea of a general convention of the States to take into consideration the trade of the Union. At the suggestion of James Madison the Virginia legislature ap- pointed commissioners for this purpose in January, 1786, and the other States were invited to send delegates to meet them at AnnapoHs on the first Monday in September. As only five States responded to this invitation the Annap- oHs Convention was unable to accomphsh anything along the line suggested, but Alexander Hamilton sub- ^. "^ ' _ _ inepro- mitted a report, which was unanimously adopted, posai to proposing a convention of delegates from all the ^Heg^^f States to meet at Philadelphia the second Monday Confedera- in May, 1787, to take into consideration the state *^°° of the Union. A copy of this report was transmitted to Con- gress, which hesitated to act, but finally on February 21, 1787, issued a call for a convention to meet at the time and place proposed "for the sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation," and to report such alterations as should "render the federal constitution adequate to the exigencies of government, and the preservation of the Union." It was a remarkable group of men that assembled in Philadelphia as delegates to the convention, ^j^^ Federal Washington, Franklin, Machson, Hamilton, Mason, Convention, Robert Morris, and Gouverneur Morris would ^ptember have rendered any assembly illustrious. Others 17, 1787 180 National Organization &^ who were specially prominent in the proceedings were James Wilson of Pennsylvania; William Samuel Johnson, Oliver Ellsworth, and Roger Sherman, of Connecticut ; Elbridge Gerry and Ruf us King, of Massachusetts ; William Patterson, of New Jersey ; John Dickinson, of Delaware ; Luther Martin, of Maryland ; and John Rutledge, C. C. Pinckney, Charles Pinckney, and Pierce Butler, of South Carolina. Rhode Island was the only State which did not choose any delegates. New Hampshire did not appoint hers until late and they did not take their seats until July 23. Mean- while two of New York's three delegates had withdrawn leaving Hamilton without a vote, so that not more than eleven States voted at any one time. By May 25 a sufficient number of delegates had arrived to enable the convention to organize and Washington was Oreaniza- elected president. The work of the convention tionand was carried on behind closed doors and a rule proce ure ^^ secrecy was imposed on its members. The official journal of the secretary, WilHam Jackson, was very carelessly kept, but Madison kept copious notes for his own information which are much fuller and more accurate than the secretary's. Hasty notes were also made by Yates, King, and a few other members, and notwithstanding the rule of secrecy occasional letters were written by delegates to friends. When the convention adjourned Washington took charge of the journal and other papers, which he deposited with the Department of State in 1796. They were first printed by direction of Congress in 1819 and were followed later by the publication of Madison's journal and other material. On May 29 Governor Edmund Randolph, acting for the Virginia delegation, introduced a series of resolutions em- The Virginia bodying what became known as the Virginia plan, plan Thjg plan provided for a national legislature of two houses in which the States should be represented accord- ing to quotas of contributions or to the number of free Adoption of the Constitution 181 inhabitants ; the members of the first branch were to be chosen by the people of the several States, and the members of the second branch were to be chosen by the first from a Ust of nominations made in each State by the legislature. It also provided for a national executive, and for a national judiciary ; the latter was to have jurisdiction over suits in which for- eigners were interested, which concerned the national revenue, or which involved the national peace and harmony, and was also to try impeachments. Provision was likewise made for the admission of new States, for the guaranty of a repub- lican government to each State, and for amendments. The Randolph resolutions were immediately taken up in detail and became the basis of the subsequent discussions. As they contemplated a national rather than a federal form of government, that question was at tionresoWes the start put before the convention, and on May to establish a national government 30 a resolution was adopted declaring "that a na- ^"^^'^^^^ tional government ought to be established con- sisting of a supreme Legislature, Executive, and Judi- ciary." Thus the convention set itself the task not of patch- ing up the old Articles of Confederation, but of framing a new constitution. By June 13 the Virginia plan had been adopted by the committee of the whole without radical change and was reported to the convention. So far the national The New party appeared to be in control, but the opposi- Jersey plan tion of the smaller states was merely gathering force. Be- fore proceeding with the discussion of the Virginia plan WilHam Patterson of New Jersey asked permission to in- troduce a new and totally different plan. The New Jersey plan provided nothing more than a revision of the Articles of Confederation. It proposed a plural executive and a judi- ciary. Congress was to be given the right to levy duties on imports and to regulate trade, and the executive was to have the right to coerce a State, or any body of men in a 182 National Organization &' State, who refused obedience to the acts of Congress or to treaties. James Wilson made an excellent comparison of the two plans on the floor of the convention. He said: "The only Comparison difference between the plan from Virginia and the of the two plan from New Jersey is, in a word this : Virginia ^^^^ proposes two branches to the legislature, Jersey one. Virginia would have the legislative power derived from the people, Jersey from the States. Virginia would have a single executive, Jersey more than one. By the Vir- ginia plan the national legislature can act on all national concerns. By the New Jersey plan only to a limited extent. By the one the legislature can negative all State laws. By the other the executive can compel obedience by force." Patterson said that the basis of the old Confederation was "equal sovereignty," and that the work of the convention The New ^^^^ Hmited to a revision of the Articles of Con- jerseypian federation. In the discussion which followed th^word " Wilson, Madison, and Hamilton attacked the New national Jersey plan with great force, and by a vote of oftheVir- seveu to three it was finally declared inadmis- giniapian sible. On June 19 the convention again took up the Virginia plan, but the opposition had developed such strength that on the following day the convention ordered that the word national be stricken out of the Randolph reso- lutions wherever it occurred. The word national as apphed to the United States did not come into general use until after the Civil War. Even during that struggle the army of the United States was commonly spoken of as the Federal Army. The small '^^^^ concession to the small State party encour- states aged them to renew the fight for a single legislative ?ep?eseX-^ ^^^y "^ which the States should have equal rep- tion in the resentation. It was finally decided that there Senate should be two branches of the legislature and that in the first branch proportional representation should Adoption of the Constitution 183 prevail. The Connecticut men immediately demanded a de- cision as to the make-up of the second branch. Ellsworth described the union as partly federal and partly national and demanded that this fact be recognized. The whole subject was referred to a committee consisting of one member from each State, which finally recommended that representa- tion in the first branch be proportional and that all revenue bills originate in that branch, but that each State should have an equal vote in the second branch. This report was adopted by the convention. The next important question related to the basis of repre- sentation. Having decided that representation in the first branch of the legislature should be proportional, xhe three the convention now had to determine whether fifths com- it should be proportional to population or to p''°™^^® wealth, and, in either case, whether slaves should be included. The delegates from South CaroHna favored population as the basis for representation and insisted that slaves should be counted. To this the Northern States were stoutly opposed. Williamson of North Carolina advocated counting three fifths of the slaves in taking the population, a proposition which had been brought forward in Congress four years before in connection with the apportionment of taxes. Gouverneur Morris moved that "taxation shall be in propor- tion to representation." This was a two-edged sword, for if the South should secure a larger representation through its slaves than it would otherwise be entitled to, it would have to pay proportionately heavier taxes. Mason amended Morris's motion so as to limit it to direct taxes. It was finally agreed that in apportioning representatives and direct taxes three fifths of the slaves should be counted. Another problem in which the slavery question figured was the control of commerce. The Southern States being exclusively agricultural were opposed to giving the general government unrestricted control over commerce for fear 184 National Organization that the Northern States would use this power to enact protective tariffs. As Mason said: "The Southern States are the minority in both Houses. Is it to be commerce expected that they will deliver themselves bound and the hand and foot to the Eastern States?" Further- slave trade more South Carolina and Georgia were opposed to giving Congress the power to prohibit the foreign slave trade. Pinckney said : "South Carolina can never receive the plan if it prohibits the slave trade. In every proposed extension of the powers of Congress, that State has expressly and watch- fully excepted that of meddling with the importation of negroes." Both questions were referred to a committee and a com- promise was effected. The South Carolina and Georgia delegates agreed to vote for federal control over eff™ted°"^* foreign and interstate commerce, provided Con- through aid gress should be expressly prohibited from inter- land^votes^" fering with the foreign slave trade for a period of twenty years. Madison, Mason, and Martin made a valiant fight against this compromise, but when the vote was taken Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Hampshire voted with ]\Iaryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia in favor of continuing the slave trade ; while only New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware stood by Virginia in opposing it. Rutledge of South Carolina made this appeal: "If the Northern States consult their interest, they will not oppose the increase of slaves which will increase the commodities of which they will become the carriers." Ellsworth of Connecticut eased his conscience by this utterance : "The morality or wisdom of slavery are considerations belonging to the States themselves. What enriches a part enriches the whole, and the States are the best judges of their particular interest." Madison, on the other hand, declared : "Twenty years will produce all the mischief that can be apprehended Adoption of the Constitution 185 from the liberty to import slaves. So long a term will be more dishonorable to the national character than to say nothing about it in the Constitution." One of the last problems to be solved by the convention was the method of electing the president. It had at first been decided that he should be chosen by the Con- gress of the United States, and that he should tS,eVresT-°^ serve for seven years and be ineligible for re- dent and method c election election. On September 4, however, a committee ™®* ° ° to whom the question had been referred re- ported the plan of an elector al college . The presidential term was then fixed at four years and nothing was said about reelection. On Monday, September 17, the convention assembled for the last time and the revisetl draft of the Constitution was presented for signature. Of the seventy-three The Con- delegates appointed to the convention only fifty- stitution five ever attended any of its sessions, and of these an™ sub- only thirty-nine signed the Constitution. Some mittedto had hurried home, while Mason, Randolph, and ^ ® ***®^ Gerry, who remained to the last, protested against certain of its provisions and refused to sign. Following the instruc- tions of the convention Washington forwarded the Constitu- tion to Congress with a letter, and Congress transmitted it to the States. The Constitution contained the provision that when ratified by the conventions of nine States it should go into effect between the States so ratifying it. The prompt people of the States were at once divided into action of groups of Federalists and Anti-Federalists, the p^^^^yi- former favoring, the latter opposing the new Con- vania, New stitution. The first convention was called in q^^^^^^ Pennsylvania, but while it was debating the ques- and Con- tion the Delaware convention met and ratified ^^^ '"^^ the Constitution by a unanimous vote December 7, 1787. 186 National Organization Pennsylvania followed on the 12th by a vote of 46 to 23. New Jersey ratified December 18 unanimously, Georgia January 2, 1788, also unanimously, and Connecticut January 9 by a vote of 128 to 40. In Massachusetts Gerry began the fight against the Con- stitution by circulating Richard Henry Lee's "Letters of a The debate Federal Farmer" and Mason's letter explaining inMassa- why he refused to sign the Constitution. When chusetts ^i^g convention met the majority was opposed to ratification. The Federalist leaders were King, Gorham, Fisher Ames, and Bowdoin, but John Hancock and Samuel Adams held back and unless they could be won over there was no chance for ratification. Adams said when the Con- stitution was first shown him : "I stumble at the threshold. I meet with a national government, instead of a federal union of sovereign States." A letter from Washington published in the Boston papers at an opportune moment had great weight. In it he said : "I am persuaded that the Constitution or disunion is before us to choose from. If the first is our election, a constitutional door is opened for amendments, and may be adopted in a peaceable manner, without tumult or disorder." Hancock finally proposed ratification with a series of amendments. Adams gave his support to this method, and on February 6, 1788, the Constitution was ratified by a vote of 187 to 168. In Maryland Martin and Chase led the fight against the Constitution, but it was finally ratified April 26 by a vote of Mar land ^'^ to 11. In South Carolina the legislature was South opposed to the Constitution and there was some and°New difficulty in getting it to call a convention, but Hampshire public sentiment was favorable and when the con- ratify vention met the Constitution was ratified after a short discussion by a vote of more than two to one. When the New Hampshire convention met the friends of the Con- Adoption of the Constitution 187 stitution fearing that it would be rejected secured an adjourn- ment until June. When the convention reassembled it rati- fied after four days' discussion by a vote of 57 to 47. Nine States had now ratified the Constitution, but without New York and Virginia the new government could not prove a success. In the latter State Patrick Henry and Richard Henry Lee had opposed the intheVir- whole plan of a federal convention and had re- ginia con- fused to go as delegates, while George Mason and Governor Randolph had refused to sign the Constitution after it was drafted. The Virginia convention met June 2, 1788, and all eyes were now turned to the Old Dominion, Patrick Henry led the fight and brought to bear against the Constitution all the force of his fiery eloquence. He was ably seconded by George Mason and William Grayson. Madison succeeded, however, in winning to his side Gov- ernor Randolph, and Washington's influence, though he did not attend the convention, carried great weight with the members. Madison was also aided by the popular eloquence of "Light-Horse Harry" Lee and the forceful arguments of John Marshall. The debate finally narrow.ed down to the question whether the Constitution should be ratified as it stood and amendments subsequently proposed, or whether ratification should be postponed until another federal conven- tion could convene and make the desired changes. The former alternative was finally adopted, and on June 25 the Constitution was ratified by a vote of 89 to 79. It was later learned that New Hampshire had ratified four days earlier, but the action of Virginia was none the less decisive, for it turned the scale in New York. The fight for the Constitution in New York had been car- ried on actively in the public prints. The series of papers afterwards collected and published in book form The fight in and known as The Federalist appeared during the New York winter of 1787-1788 in the Independent Journal, the Daily 188 National Organization Advertiser, and the Packet, over the name of " PiibHiis. " Jay- wrote five of these essays, Madison twenty-nine, and Hamil- ton fifty-one. Taken as a whole they constitute the most complete commentary on the Constitution and one of the most celebrated treatises on government ever published. When the New York convention met in June two thirds of the delegates were opposed to ratification. Hamilton, Jay, and Robert Livingston led the fight for the Constitu- tion; Lansing, CHnton, and Melancthon Smith led the fight against it. The vote was finally taken July 26 and stood 30 for ratification and 27 against. In March, 1788, an irregular vote on the Constitution was taken in Rhode Island in the town meetings, but the Federal- „, , ists generally refused to take part in this proce- Rhode 1 • 1 i' Island and dure. With the result that only 237 votes were cast North fQj. ^]^g Constitution, while 2708 were cast against Carolina . . . refuse to it- In North Carolina the convention which was enter the called to consider the Constitution was controlled newUmon . i i • i i by the Anti-Federalists and decided to adjourn without taking action, with the hope that other States would do likewise, and thus compel the adoption of the necessary amendments. Six months after the new government was successfully organized North Carolina came into the Union, but Rhode Island remained out until May 29, 1790, when fearing that her commerce would be excluded by the tariff laws of the Union she reluctantly accepted the Constitution. In after years the nature of the Union established under the Constitution became the subject of violent political Nature of controversy. The States' Rights school held the new that the Constitution was a compact entered into ^^^ by sovereign States, while the Nationalists held that the birth of the nation antedated the adoption of the Constitution, that in the very act of offering united resist- ance to British rule a nation came into being. The former Adoption of the Constitution 189 view was universally held at the time that the Constitution was adopted, and it is impossible to produce a single contem- porary utterance explicitly claiming that the people of the United States regarded themselves as a single political body. The Constitution was adopted by the people of the several States acting as thirteen distinct political entities. It thus rested on the same authority as the constitutions of the sev- eral States. The men of that day believed that they were dividing the powers of sovereignty between the State govern- ments and the general government. The Constitution had in it one clause, however, which was destined in time to enable the Federal Government to assert successfully the superiority of its powers. The The germ of sixth article provides, that, "This Constitution, nationaUty and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof ; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding." TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. The Defects of the Articles of Confederation: Fiske, Critical Period, Chaps. Ill, IV; Channing, History of the United States, Chaps. XIV, XV ; McLaughlin, The Confederation arid the Consti- tution, Chap. XI. 2. The Creation of a National Domain: Fiske, pp. 187-207; Channing, Chap. XVII; IMcLaughlin, Chap. VII. 3. The Federal Convention : Fiske, pp. 214-229 ; J. B. McMas- ter, History of the People of the United States, Vol. I, pp. 390-399, 417-423 ; James Sehouler, History of the United States, Vol. I, pp. 23-38; M. Farrand, The Framing of the Constitution, Chaps. I, II. 4. The Compromise between the Big States and the Little States : Fiske, pp. 236-255; McMaster, Vol. I, pp. 439-446; Sehouler, Vol. I, pp. 38-41 ; Farrand, Chaps. V-VII ; McLaughlin, Chaps. XII-XIV. 190 National Organization 5. The Compromises on Slavery : Fiske, pp. 256-266 ; Mc- Laughlin, pp. 254-265 ; Schouler, Vol. I, pp. 41, 42 ; B. B. Munford, Virginia' s Attitude toward Slavery and Secession, Chap. V. 6. The Ratification of the Constitution : Fiske, pp. 306-345 ; McLaughlin, chap. VII ; Schouler, Vol. I, pp. 53-69 ; McMaster, Vol. I, pp. 454-499 ; C. A. Beard, Economic Interpretation of the Constitution, Chaps. VIII-XI ; The Federalist, written by Hamilton, Madison, and Jay. CHAPTER XI THE PRESIDENCY OF WASHINGTON On July 2, 1788, the president of Congress announced that nine States had ratified the new Constitution. Con- j gress then ordered that the States should choose . Election and presidential electors on the first Wednesday in inauguration January, that the electors should vote for presi- P^ Wash- dent on the first Wednesday in February, and that the new Congress should assemble in New York on the first Wednesday in March, which happened to be the fourth day of the month. Public sentiment was overwhelmingly in favor of Washington for president so that not even in the first election did the electors really exercise their right of choice, nor have they ever done so since. The electoral system as devised by the framers of the Constitution has always been a useless piece of machinery. New England was conceded the vice-presidency and the choice fell on John Adams. It was April 5 before a suffi- cient number of senators and representatives arrived to enable Congress to organize. On the following day the electoral votes were counted and messengers dispatched to notify Washington and Adams of their election. Adams reached New York April 22 and immediately took his seat as presiding officer over the Senate. Washington set out from Mount Vernon on April 16, but his progress was de- layed by guards of honor, street parades, receptions, and dinners. Finally on April 30 he was formally inaugurated on the portico of the City Hall of New York. 191 192 National Organization The first session of Congress was held in New York. From 1790 to 1800 its sessions were held in Philadelphia. The first '^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ government was then permanently session of located in the District of Columbia. Frederick ongress ^ Muhlenberg, of Pennsylvania, was the first speaker of the House of Representatives. He was author- ized to appoint all committees, a power which was destined in time to raise the speaker to a position of influence second to that of the president. James Madison, of Virginia, who was recognized as the representative of the administration on the floor, proposed as one of the first measures a revenue bill to meet the immediate demands of the government. The bill was modified at the demand of representatives from the Middle States so as to afford incidental protection to articles manufactured in America, and in this form passed the House July 4, 1789. Three executive departments were established by Con- gress at its first session : the Department of State, July 27, 1789 ; the Department of War, August 7 ; and tionoTthe ^^^® Department of the Treasury, September 2. first execu- The office of attorney-general was created Sep- tivedepart- ^gmber 22. This officer was not intended to ments rank as a cabinet member, but the importance and nature of his duties soon brought hmi within that class, though the Department of Justice was not created until 1870. There was no provision in law for a cabinet, but from the first Washington called the heads of departments into con- sultation on all important matters and the term cabinet soon came into general use. The American cabinet, how- ever, has never borne much resemblance to the British body from which it derived its name. The British cabinet is re- sponsible for its political acts to Parliament, while the Ameri- can cabinet is responsible to the president alone and Con- gress has never established any control over it. The Presidency of Washington 193 Thomas Jefferson was appointed secretary of state by Washington. As he was then absent from the country as minister to France, John Jay, who had been jj^emberg of in charge of foreign affairs under the Confed- the first eration, was continued in the office until Jeffer- ^ *"®* son assumed the duties in March, 1790. Alexander Ham- ilton, who as a mere youth had distinguished himself in the Revolution and who was still only thirty-two j^ears of age, was appointed secretary of the treasury, and General Henry Knox, of Massachusetts, was appointed secretary of war, while Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, accepted the post of attorney-general at the modest salary of $1500. He was not expected to give all his tmie to the office. The Constitution provided that the judicial power of the United States should be vested in one Supreme Court and in such inferior courts as Congress might from ^j^^ j^^^_ time to time establish. There was no question ciaryActof as to the necessity of establishing a Supreme ^^ ^ Court, but the Anti-Federalists objected to the creation of inferior courts and insisted that the State courts could attend to minor matters arising under Federal law. This view was, however, overruled and the act of 1789, besides creating a Chief Justice and five associates of the Supreme Court, also established four circuit and thirteen district courts. John Jay was appointed first Chief Justice, but so little were the possibilities of the new court realized that he later resigned the position to become governor of New York. One other matter of importance was disposed of at this session of Congress. Pledges had been made in several of the State conventions which ratified the Con- -p^e first stitution that amendments embodying a bill TenAmend- of rights would be pushed through Congress ^^'^^^ and submitted to the States as speedily as possible. Fat- rick Henry and other opponents of the Constitution were now chafing at the delay. Madison finally introduced seven- 194 National Organization fo' teen amendments, only twelve of which were passed by Con- gress and only ten ratified by the necessary number of States. These went into effect November 3, 1791. Congress adjourned the last of September to meet again in January, and during the interval Washington made a tour of New England. His visit was without President Washington incident save for the question of etiquette raised tours the }-,y John Hancock, governor of Massachusetts, who let it be known that he would wait for the president to make the first call on him. Washington took a different view, however, of the relative dignity of presi- dent and governor, and Hancock conceded the point and paid the first call. In the spring of 1791 the president made a tour of the Southern States, traveling in his own coach. He went as far as Savannah and the journey occupied three months. When Congress met again in January, 1790, Hamilton submitted the first of his carefully prepared reports on the H ut ' piiblic credit. His financial scheme as finally financial set forth embraced four points : the funding of program ^j^^ public debt, the assumption of the State debts incurred in the Revolution, the increase of duties on imports and an excise tax on spirituous hquors, and the establishment of a United States Bank. As already stated, the government of the Confederation had been unable to meet the interest on the Revolutionary debt, which now amounted to $54,000,000, nearly $12,000,000 of which was held abroad. Certificates of the domestic debt had fallen to twenty or twenty-five cents on the dollar. Hamilton now proposed to refund this debt and pay it off at par in order to make good the public credit. As soon as his plan was made known speculators began to buy up the certificates and they rose rapidly in value. Many people, among them Madison, were opposed to pay- ing off this debt at its face value on the ground that specu- The Presidency of Washington 195 lators and not the original holders of certificates would profit by the measure. Hamilton contended, on the other hand, that the only possible way for the government to establish its credit for the future was to pay its obligations in full. His plan was adopted and the old certificates were exchanged for new bonds bearing interest at six per cent. Another part of Hamilton's scheme was the assumption of the debts incurred by the States in the Revolution, amounting to about S25,000,000. His main pur- -p^eas- pose was to strengthen the Federal government sumption of by winning the confidence and support of the *^*^ ^ *^ financial interests. Virginia was opposed to this measure, as she had already paid off most of her Revolutionary debt through the sale of western lands, and the Southern States, with the exception of South Carolina which still had a large debt, also opposed it. The New England States, on the other hand, favored the measure, while the Middle States were divided, the commercial interests favoring as- sumption and the agricultural interests opposing it. Madi- son, who had been in close association with Hamilton, now parted company with him and led the fight against as- sumption. Meanwhile there had developed a sharp contest over the location of the national capital. Some favored Philadelphia or Germantown and others a site on the Potomac. Location of Hamilton now proposed to Jefferson, who had the national just arrived in Philadelphia, that he would secure ^^^'^ enough Northern votes for the Potomac site, if Jefferson would get enough Virginia votes for assumption. The details were readily agreed on between Hamilton and Madi- son at Jefferson's table. The capital was to remain in Phil- adelphia for ten years and then to be removed to a district ten miles square on the Potomac to be selected by President Washington. State debts to the amount of $18,271,787 were ultimately paid by the Federal government. 196 National Organization In order to meet the ordinary expenses of the govern- ment and to provide for the enlarged debt Hamilton pro- posed an increase of duties on imports and an The excise and the excise on distilled liquors. These measures met Whisky with strong opposition, but they were enacted into law March 3, 1791. The excise especiall}^ created great dissatisfaction among the people in the western counties of Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, the Caro- linas, and Georgia. There was a still on almost every farm and whisky was the one commodity which these frontiers- men could carry over the mountains and get a ready sale for. They naturally regarded the excise as a special tax on them- selves. In western Pennsylvania the payment of this tax was resisted or evaded from the first. Finally in 1794 a fight oc- curred with one of the collectors, his house was burned by a mob of 600 armed men, and rioters took possession of the streets of Pittsburg with the intention of overawing the Federal garrison. Washington promptly called for 15,000 militia from Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey. General Henry Lee ("Light-Horse Harry") was placed in command of the force and Secretary Hamilton accompanied him. The troops advanced with great for- mality and deliberation, so that by the time they reached Pittsburg the insurgents had dispersed. A few of the leaders were arrested and sent to the Federal court at Phil- adelphia for trial, but only two were convicted and these were pardoned. The Federal government had demonstrated its ability and determination to enforce its laws. The bill embodying Hamilton's plan for a Bank of the United States was passed February 25, 1791. The bank The Bank of ^^^^ ^^ have a capital of $10,000,000, one fifth of the United which was to be subscribed by the government states ^£ ^YiQ United States. It was to act as a fiscal agent and depository of the government, and its notes were The Presidency of Washington 197 to be receivable for all debts due the United States. The charter was granted for a period of twenty years. The bank bill encountered stout opposition and led to the first clear alignment of political parties. As the powers of Congress are enumerated in the Constitution origin of and do not expressly include the right to estab- parties Till • T PC under the lish a bank or to charter a corporation, Jener- constitu- son and his followers declared that the bank *'°"- ^°°s® 1 rrtj r^ ■ ■ and Strict was unconstitutional, ihe Constitution con- construc- tains, -however, the so-called "elastic clause," tionists which gives Congress the power "to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof." Hamilton held that the right to establish a bank was implied, as a bank was a necessary agency in carrying out the financial powers ex- pressly conferred on the government. Before signing the bill Washington called for the opinions of the members of the cabinet. Knox upheld Hamilton, while Jefferson and Randolph opposed the measure. Al- though not clearly convinced of its constitutionality, Wash- ington signed the bill on the ground that where there was an equal division of opinion he would support the officer in whose department the matter arose. Hamilton, it thus appears, believed in a loose construction of the Constitution, while Jefferson believed in a strict construction of that instrument. Most of the Federalists favored a strong central govern- ment and became therefore loose constructionists, while the Anti-Federalists wished to confine the ac- Federalists tivities of the new government as strictly as pos- and sible within the limits of the expressly delegated ^^" powers. A number of former Federalists like Madison, however, were perfectly satisfied with the powers conferred 198 National Organization t)' on the new government by the Constitution and therefore sided with the strict constructionists. The name Anti- Federahst was no longer appHcable after the adoption of tlie Constitution, so the new party formed by Jefferson became known as the Democratic or Repubhcan party be- cause it stood for popular rights. When the term demo- crat came into disrepute on account of the excesses of the democrats of France during the Reign of Terror, it was dis- carded' by Jefferson and his followers and they took the term Republican. Hamilton and his followers retained the name Federalist be- cause of the prestige which still clung to it. They believed in a government based on the upper classes and in close alliance with the financial and commercial interests of the country. The Republicans were especially strong in the South and West, where there were numbers of small farmers. The larger planters of South Carolina were mostly Feder- aUsts, but through the influence of Madison and Jefferson Virginia became almost solidly Republican. Patrick Henry's old antagonism to Madison and his dislike of Jefferson finally drove him into the Federalist party. John Fenno, editor of the United States Gazette, was patronized by Hamilton and moved with the government The political from New York to Philadelphia. The Repub- press licans felt the need of an opposition paper and Madison, Burr, and Henry Lee suggested to Jefferson the name of Philip Freneau, a well-known poet, whom they had known in their student days at Princeton. Jefferson gave him a position as translating clerk in the Department of State at a salary of $250 a year, and in 1791 he established in Pliiladelphia the National Gazette. Hamilton and his policies were severely criticized by Freneau and even the president was not spared. In July, 1792, Hamilton contributed two anonymous letters to Fenno 's paper charging Jefferson with giving The Presidency of Washington 199 Freneau a government position in order that he might al)use the administration. Freneau repUed that his rival's govern- ment printing more than offset his own small salary. Rela- tions between Hamilton and Jefferson l)ecame greatly strained and Jefferson offered to resign, but Washington refused to accept his resignation and wrote letters to both Hamilton arid Jefferson with a view to reconciling them. Washington wished to retire at the close of his first term, but Jefferson's party had become so strongly organized that the Federalist leaders feared he would defeat Reelection Adams, whom they had thought of nominating, of Washing- Hamilton, therefore, urged Washington to accept ^°^' ^"^^^ a second term. This was clearly the wish of the people generally, and Jefferson himself advised Washington to accede to the popular demand. He was unanimously re- elected. Adams, who was opposed by George CUinton for the vice-presidency, received 77 electoral votes to CUnton's 50. The Republicans, however, carried the House of Representatives. From the beginning of his first administration Washing- ton was confronted with foreign problems of a serious char- acter. Great Britain still held Detroit, Mack- Foreign inaw, Fort Erie (Buffalo), Niagara, Oswego, affairs and other forts in the Northwest which she had promised in the treaty of 1783 to surrender. Her excuse for not carry- ing out the treaty was that the United States had failed to pay the debts due British merchants, and to satisfy the claims of the loyahsts. Americans claimed, on the other hand, that the British troops had taken away thousands of slaves in direct violation of the treaty. Relations were now further strained by the open sympathy expressed in America with the new French Republic which was soon at war with England. Meanwhile the Indians north of the Ohio River, encour- aged secretly by the British garrisons in the disputed forts, 200 National Organization were actively resisting the advance of white settlers. In 1789 General St. Clair was appointed governor of the Northwest Territory, and in October, 1791, he ^Vflr with the Indians advanced with 2000 men from Fort Washington north of the r^i Cincinnati against the Indians, but he was driven back with heavy losses. It is said that when Washington learned of the disaster he flew into a vio- lent rage. After a tedious investigation St. Clair was acquit- ted, but resigned his mihtary command. In 1794 Anthony Wayne, who had succeeded him, de- feated a large body of Indians at the battle of Fallen Timber on the Maumee River two miles from a British outpost. A year later the Indians, having learned of the signature of the Jay treaty and of Great Britain's intention of evacuat- ing the posts, signed with Wayne the treaty of Greenville, which established a definite boundary between the Indians and the whites and opened to settlers nearly all of the pres- ent State of Ohio. The treaty of 1783 fixed the southern boundary of the United States at the thirty-first parallel. At the same time both East and West Florida had been ceded by the Missis- Great Britain to Spain. Spain now claimed the sippito whole of the British province of West Florida which had extended as far north as 32° 28' and embraced the southern half of the present States of Ala- bama and Mississippi. Spain also denied the right of the United States to the free navigation of the Mississippi River. This right had been granted to England in 1763 and granted by England to the United States in 1783. The closure of the river to Americans caused great dissatisfaction and ex- citement in Kentucky and Tennessee. Spain also took the Creeks and Cherokees under her pro- tection and denied the right of white traders to come among them without Spanish hcenses. The settlers in Tennessee were troubled by Indian raids and took matters into their The Presidency of Washington 201 own hands. In 1793 Sevier led a raid against the Cherokees as far as Rome, Georgia, and in 1794 Robertson marched into the Chicamauga country. These measures put a stop to the Indian disturbances in the Spanish Southwest, and in 1795 the United States and jj^^'j^^ Spain came to an agreement. General Thomas Indians Pinclaiey succeeded in negotiating a treaty in which Spain recognized the thirty-first parallel as the bound- ary from the Mississippi to the Appalachicola, gave Amer- icans the right to navigate the Mississippi, and permitted them to deposit goods at New Orleans pencUng their trans- ference to ocean-going vessels. The most difficult problem that Washington had to face during his term of office was that presented by the war which broke out between England and France „, ^ , . The French in 1793. The French Revolution had been Revolution regarded with sympathetic interest by the great andtheout- * -^ ^ .,1 • break of war body of the American people until the execution between of Louis XVI in January, 1793. From this time England and . France on public sentiment was divided. The Fed- eralists condemned the course of events in France and shrank from all political connection with the new govern- ment, while Jefferson and his followers still expressed con- fidence in the ultimate success of the new RepubUc. The United States was embarrassed by the treaties of 1778, in which we guaranteed to France her possessions in the West Indies and promised to admit French prizes to Ameri- can ports in time of war. Hamilton contended that these treaties were no longer binding, as the government which had signed them had been overthrown. Jefferson, on the other hand, urged that the treaties were still in force and that the United States should live up to its obRgations. Washington agreed with Jefferson that the treaties were still in force, but he held that the clause in regard to the West Indies did not apply to aiToffensive war such as France 202 National Organization was waging. He also decided that he would have to admit French prizes, but that American ports could not be used as a base for fitting out such prizes for service tiontfneu- against England. On April 22, 1793, he issued traiity, the now famous proclamation of neutrality^ lay- pr 22, jj^g down a principle of conduct whichhas guided the pohcy of the United States ever since. Writing a hundred years later, W. E. Hall, a leading English authority on international law, says: "The policy of the United States in 1793 constitutes an epoch in the development of the usages of neutrality. There can be no doubt that it was intended and beheved to give effect to the obligations then incumbent upon neutrals. But it repre- sented by far the most advanced existing opinions as to what those obligations were; and in some points it even went further than authoritative international custom has up to the present time advanced. In the main, however, it is identical with the standard of conduct which is now adopted by the community of nations." Two weeks before the proclamation of neutrality was issued "Citizen" Genet landed at Charleston, South Caro- Genet's ^^^^' with a commission as minister of the newly mission, cstabHshed French Republic. He was deter- ^^^^ mined to lead the United States into war with England and at once began issuing commissions to Ameri- can privateers. His journey northward was one continuous series of demonstrations. He entered Philadelphia May 16, escorted by thousands of people. Washington was greatly provoked at his conduct and received him with cold formality. Genet complained openly of the attitude of the president and expressed his determination to appeal to Congress or to the people. Jefferson explained to him fully the course which the government had decided to pursue, but in express violation of this understanding Genet sent out the Little Sarah, a prize j&tted out as a privateer. Washington ex- The Presidency of Washington 203 claimed, "Is the minister of the French RepubHc to set the acts of this government at defiance with impunity, and then threaten the Executive with an appeal to the people?" At the request of the American minister in Paris Genet was recalled, but as the Robespierre faction was now in power, he was afraid to return to France and settled down quietly in New York, where he married the daughter of Governor i Clinton and lived to a ripe old age. I Genet's conduct brought the country to the verge of ' war with England. In declaring their independence the \ States of the American Union sacrificed the ex- . \ tensive trade with the British West Indies relations which as colonies they had enjoyed. In the ^^^^ treaty of 1783 Great Britain refused to make any concessions, and the loss of this trade was a serious blow to American commerce, which found practically every port on tliis continent closed to it. When, therefore, at the be- ginning of the war ^^dth England in 1793, France threw open to neutrals the trade with her West India colonies, American ships were quick to take advantage of it. Great Britain promptly ordered the seizure of all ships engaged in this trade and later included all ships carrjdng the property of French citizens. These ordei"S were in violation of the prin- ciple that free ships make free go ods, but England had never recognized that rule. Hundreds of American ships were seized under the most irritating circumstances. Jefferson recommended retaliatory legislation against British commerce, but as seven eighths of our imports were British the merchants wished to avoid a breach with England. The retention of the posts in the Northwest and the impressment of American seamen con- stituted other grievances and the two countries seemed on the verge of war, when at the instance of Pinckney, the American minister at London, the order ^vith reference to the seizure of ships was modified so as to release the trade 204 National Organization between the United States and the French West Indies. Ships carrjdng goods from the French colonies to European ports were still liable to seizure. Meanwhile Jay was sent on a special mission to England, with instructions to secure the surrender of the posts in the L Northwest, to arrange for the settlement of ^treaty, claims arising out of the seizure of American November ships, and to negotiate~a"commercial treaty per- I ' mitting American ships to engage in trade with i',the British West Indies. After four months of negotia- tion a treaty was finally signed November 19, 1794. lit provided for the surrender of the posts in the Northwest ^f or a joint commission to settle the question of British debts an(l3the claims for the seizure of American shipsf and for determin- ing the boundary be- tween Maine and Can- ada. Article XII permitted American ships of not more than seventy tons' burden to trade with the British West Indies,^prQ- vided they did not carry to Europe either ^directly or from the United States any molasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa, or cotton. This arrange- ment raised a storm of indignation and Jay was burned in effigy in various parts of the country, while Hamilton was stoned when he undertook to speak in his defense. The West India clause was stricken out by the Senate and John Jay. The Presidency of Washington 205 the rest of the treaty ratified by a bare two-thirds vote June 24, 1795. Diirmg his first term Washington had tried to administer the government without recognizing the existence of poUt- ical parties. He had called to his aid men of various sliades of political belief. Shortly after washing- the beginning of his second term Jefferson re- ton's ad- ministration Signed, and two years later liidmund Randolph withdrew under a cloud. The cabinet was almost entirely reconstituted and the positions filled with FederaUsts, but it was with great reluctance that Washington gave up his nonpartisan idea. At the opening of the campaign in 1796 he let it be known that he would not accept a third term, and later issued to the pubhc his famous Farewell Address, in which Washington he bequeathed to his countrymen as a political refuses a legacy the policy of avoiding European entangle- ^ ^^'^ ments. He retired to Mount Vernon wearied and worn by the incessant attacks of his critics. He had again carried the country through a trying period and had established the new government on a firm and enduring basis. There had been a return of prosperity, the population was growing rapidly and extending westward, and three new States had been added to the Union: Vermont in 1791, Kentucky in 1792, and Tennessee in 1796. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. Organization of the New Government: McMaster, Vol. I, pp. 52.5-.544; Schouler, Vol. I, pp. 70-101; Channing, Vol. IV, Chap. II ; J. S. Bassett, The Federalist System, Chap. I. 2. The First Ten Amendments to the Constitution : Bassett, pp. 21-23 ; Schouler, Vol. I, pp. 102-104 ; Henry, Patrick Henry, Vol. II, pp. 409-463 ; Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitu- tion, Vol. Ill, pp. 713-755. 3. Hamilton's Financial Program : McMaster, Vol. I, pp. 54.5- 585 ; Schouler, Vol. I, pp. 130-142, 1.58-162 ; Channing, Vol. Ill, 206 National Organization Chap. Ill ; Bassett, Chap. II ; H. C. Lodge, Alexander Hamilton, Chaps. V, VI. 4. The Whisky Insurrection: McMaster, Vol. II, pp. 41-43, 189-203 ; Sehouler, Vol. I, pp. 275-280 ; Bassett, Chap. VII. 5. The Origin of Political Parties : Sehouler, Vol. I, pp. 171- 178, 202-214; McMaster, Vol. II, pp. 47-58, 85-88; Bassett, Chap. Ill ; H. J. Ford, American Politics, Chap. VII ; Sehouler, Thomas Jefferson, Chaps. X, XI. 6. Indian Affairs : MeMaster, Vol. I, pp. 593-604, Vol. II, pp. 43^7, 67-72; Sehouler, Vol. I, pp. 152-157; Bassett, Chaps. IV, V ; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, Vol. IV, Chaps. I, II. 7. American Neutrality and the Mission of Genet: MeMaster, Vol. II, pp. 89-141 ; Sehouler, Vol. I, pp. 241-258 ; Channing, Vol. IV, Chap. V ; Bassett, Chap. VI. 8. The Jay Treaty : MeMaster, Vol. II, pp. 212-256 ; Sehouler, Vol. I, pp. 289-304, 308-316 ; Bassett, Chap. VIII. CHAPTER XII FEDERALISTS AND REPUBLICANS When Washington announced in 1796 that he would not accept a third term the Federalists put forward John Adams and General 1 PI|H ^^^H 'j^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^M ^fsK^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H ^^^1 ^^^1 ■L^-'^o^ 4^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^| ■ r. M^^^^^^i 1 Rb^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H ■ ^ 1 ■L-^^^^^Bj^^H ELk ^j yBi ^^^kJHj^^^H 1 n , "" ^^ ^^1 Juii.x Adam.-?. Thomas Pinck- John Adams elected ney as candi- president, dates for the presidency and vice-presi- dency, while the Repub- licans agreed on Jefferson and Burr. Hamilton was opposed to Adams and suggested to some of the Federalist electors that they withhold their votes from Adams so as to give Pinckney the presidency. Under the method pro- vided by the Constitution there were no distinct ballots for vice-president, but each elector voted for two names for president, and the one receiving the highest number of votes became president and the one receiving the next highest became vice-president. Adams's friends learned of Hamilton's scheme, however, and withheld a number of votes from Pinckney, with the result that Adams received 71 votes, Pinckney 59, andJef- 207 208 National Organization ferson 68. Thus Adams became president and Jefferson, his opponent, vice-president. Adams was a man of high character and a sincere patriot, with a wide experience in public affairs both at home and abroad, but he was cold, tactless, and lacldng in many of the essential elements of political leadership. The Jay treaty had caused deep offense in France and greatly embarrassed Monroe, who had assured the French strained government that no such terms would be ac- reiations cepted. Shortly before the close of Washington's with France administration Monroe was recalled and C. C. Pinckney appointed to succeed him. The French govern- ment, not liking the attitude of the Federalists, refused to receive Pinckney and finally ordered him to leave France. Many of the Federalists now demanded war, but Adams and Hamilton realized that the country was unprepared, while the Republicans insisted that there was no ground for war, and that strained relations were due to the niismanagement of the Federalists. Adams was determined if possible to reestablish diplo- matic intercourse, and in the autumn of 1797^ent a com- The X, Y, z mission to France consisting of C. C. Pinckney, affair John Marshall, and Elbridge Gerry. When the commissioners arrived in Paris Talleyrand, who was foreign minister, delayed receiving them and when they grew im- patient at their treatment they were informed through secret agents, designated in the dispatches which were sent to the president as X, Y, Z, that money was what was wanted and that if they would pay substantial sums to Talleyrand and his associates, they would be recognized and their business attended to. The spirit of Pinckney's em- phatic reply, "No, no, no, not a sixpence," was caught by some happy phrase-maker in America, who gave currency to it in the form, "Milhons for defense, but not a cent for tribute." This phrase became the watchword of the day. Federalists and Republicans 209 As soon as the "X, Y, Z" dispatches were received the president announced to Congress that he would never send another minister to France without assurances that he would be "received, respected, and ^rTa^Ind^ honored as the representative of a great, free, naval re- powerful, and independent nation." The pubU- i^Qg^'goo cation of the dispatches created intense feeling and the recommendations of the president were promptly enacted into law by Congress. The Department of the Navy was created, the construc- tion of a large number of ships was ordered, the seizure of French ships was authorized, the treaties of 1778 were repealed, and the organization of an army of 10,000 men was begun. Washington was appointed to the chief com- mand and accepted on condition that Hamilton be ap- pointed second in command. As the United States could not fight France on land, Hamilton wished to cooperate with England in an attack on the colonies of Spain, France's ally. He proposed to annex Florida and New Orleans to the United States and to help to establish the independence of Spanish America. Adams, however, did not favor this scheme, and hostilities were confined to the sea. In a little over two years United States ships captured over eighty French vessels, most of them merchantmen or privateers, though among them were a few ships of the French navy, such as L'Insurgente, which was captured by Captain Truxtun of the Constellation after a regular engagement lasting over an hour. Notwithstand- ing these sea fights neither country declared war. Mean- while Napoleon had come into power, and in 1800 he author- ized a treaty which reestablished diplomatic relations and adjusted some of the differences. In the midst of the preparations for war with France the Federalists took an unwise advantage of their temporary popularity by attempting to crush out all opposition on the 210 National Orscanization to' part of the Republicans. In June, 1798, Congress passed the Alien Act, which gave the president power to expel The Alien fi'om the country all aUens whom he considered and Sedition dangerous to the peace and safety of the United *^ ^' ^^^ States, or who he had reason to think were concerned in any treasonable machinations against the government. Two weeks later the Sedition Act was passed, imposing a heavy fine and imprisonment on any one who should conspire to oppose any measure of the government, or who should write or publish any false, scandalous, or malicious writing against the government, either house of Congress, or the president of the United States, with intent to defame or bring them into disrepute. Under this act some ten editors were convicted, fined, and imprisoned. It was soon evident that the Federalists had gone too far, and Jefferson prepared a set of resolutions, protesting against the Alien and Sedition Acts, which were sub- tucky and fitted to some of his friends in the Kentucky leg- Virginia islature and passed by that body November 16, ofrros'"'^^ 1798. After defining the Constitution as a com- pact between sovereign States and the powers of Congress as delegated and limited, the resolutions declared, "that whensover the general government assumes undele- gated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force." In conclusion the resolutions appealed to the other States to unite with Kentucky in requesting the repeal of the objectionable acts at the next session of Congress. Jefferson's resolutions were revised by Madison and intro- duced in the Virginia legislature by John Taylor. These resolutions, which were passed December 24, 1798, were more moderate than those of Kentucky, but they expounded with equal clearness the compact theory of government. The appeal of Virginia and Kentucky met with an unfavor- able response from all the Northern States. While these Federalists and Republicans 211 replies denied that an individual State could pass judgment on the extent of the powers granted to Congress and pointed to the Supreme Court as the constitutional arbiter of that question, none of them took exception to the view that the Constitution was a compact. As the Alien and Sedition Acts were to expire by limitation before the close of Adams's admin- istration, no further action was taken by the Republicans. The FederaKsts had been successful in the congressional elections of 1798 and they fully expected to reelect Adams in 1800, but their party was badly divided be- 1 XT M c • 1 Thepresi- tween the Adams and Hamilton tactions and dentiai cam- there was a strong popular reaction against many paignof of their policies. Jefferson was again the candi- date of the Republicans and Aaron Burr was selected for the vice-presidency. The latter had gained control of New York and during the campaign he caused serious embarrass- ment to the Federalists by securing and publishing a circular letter which Hamilton had written to his political friends condemning Adams in strong terms. When the electors were chosen it was found that Jeffer- son and Burr each had 73 votes, Adams, 65, and C. C. Pinck- ney, the Federalist candidate for vice-president, 64. As there was no choice the House of Representatives, which had a Federalist majority, had to choose between Jefferson and Burr. Some of the FederaUsts now planned to play a trick on the Republicans by maldng Burr president and Jefferson vice-president, but Hamilton considered Burr, who was his rival both in New York politics and at the bar, a danger- ous man and preferred Jefferson as the lesser of two evils. After thirty-six ballots Jefferson was finally chosen. As a result of this contest the Constitution was modified by the Twelfth Amendment, which provided that thereafter the electors should vote for president and vice-president on separate ballots. This amendment became effective Sep- tember 25, 1804. 212 National Orfianization The election of Jefferson brought about a complete revo- lution in government and politics. It represented the TheRepub- triumph of democracy over the efforts of the licanrevoiu- Federalists to keep the control of affairs in the tiono 1 00 1-^g^j^^g q£ ^]^g wealthier classes. RepubHcan simpHcity was to take the place of the grave formality and old-world ceremony with which the Federalists had tried to hedge in the executive. The newly laid out city of Washington, to which the capital had recently been moved, afforded an excellent setting for the studied simplicity of the first inaugura- tion held there. A muddy road, skirted by a few straggling houses, the future Pennsylvania Avenue, connected the White House and the Capitol. According to con- temporary accounts Jefferson walked from his boarding house to the Capitol, escorted by a company of militia from Charlottesville, took the oath of office, and delivered his carefully worded inaugural address. The new president was a man of marked individuality. With the enthusiasm of the idealist he combined in large measure the shrewdness of the practical politician. With few of the gifts of the public speaker, he was in private con- versation convincing and persuasive, and no president ever held more complete sway over his associates or over Congress. His intellectual versatiUty was remarkable. Little that was worthy of note in science or invention, or in the field of religious, social, or political philosophy, escaped the range of his keen intellect. As a writer he had no equal in America, Thomas Jefferson. Federalists and Republicans 213 and to the present day the writings of no other American statesman have been so widely quoted. Jefferson believed in an economical administration of the government and one of his first tasks was to cut off all unnecessary expenditures. His secretary of the treasury, Albert Gallatin, was one of the ablest exptSi-°°* financiers who ever held that office, and his ad- turesandof ministration was surprisingly successful. Under ^eb"^**°^ the Federalists the national debt had increased to about $80,000,000. By rigid economy, which fell most heavily on the army and navy, and with the aid of increased revenues, Gallatin managed to pay off large portions of the debt and to show each year a substantial surplus in the treasury. Notwithstanding the S15, 000,000 of bonds issued for the payment of Louisiana, by the close of 1807 the debt had been reduced to $69,500,000. The question of patronage is always a difficult problem for a new administration and especially so when there is an entire change of party. Adams had not only The civil confined his appointments strictly to Federalists, service but he had spent the last hours of his administration in appointing Federalists to new offices created by Congress during the last days of its final session. A judiciaiy act was hurried through creating a number of new Federal courts and John Marshall, the secretary of state, and President Adams were engaged in making out and signing commissions for the new judges, attorneys, and marshals until a late hour of the night preceding Jefferson's inauguration. Marshall did not have time to deliver the commissions and left them in his office to be forwarded by his successor, James Madison, but Jefferson took the responsibility of withholding the commissions for these "midnight appoint- ments" in spite of the protests of the new judges that they had been confirmed by the Senate and could not be consti- tutionally deprived of their positions except by impeachment. 214 National Organization Jefferson did not remove Federalist officeholders except where charges of incompetence or partisanship were made, but when vacancies occurred he appointed Repubhcans to fill them, and announced that he would continue this policy until the public offices were more evenly divided between Federalists and Republicans. Jefferson not only withheld the commissions from the newly appointed Federal judges, but he got Congress to repeal the act establishing the new courts. In thejudi- this he was clearly right, for it was more than ciaryAct ^^If a century before it was found necessary to peachment increase the number of Federal courts. The of Pickering judiciary, filled with Federalists appointed for life, was nevertheless a thorn in Jefferson's side. It was the one branch of the government which had not been affected by the revolution of 1800. John Marshall, the leading Federalist of Virginia, had just been appointed Chief Justice by Adams, and on every debatable constitutional question his views were opposed to Jefferson's. The Republicans passed an act limiting the Supreme Court to one term annually, and a little later instituted impeach- ment proceedings against two judges. The first case was that of Judge Pickering of New Hampshire, who was tried before the Senate in March, 1804. He was found guilty of misconduct on the bench, due to either drunkenness or insanity, and was removed from office. A little later pro- ceedings were instituted against Samuel Chase of Maryland, one of the justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, who in a political harangue to the grand jury at Baltimore declared that the government was sinking into a mobocracy. John Randolph, who conducted the impeachment, managed the case badly and Chase was acquitted, but henceforth Federal judges conducted themselves with greater circum- spection. u Federalists and Republicans 215 Jefferson was opposed to a large navy and in order to reduce expenditures he proposed to keep the larger ships lying idle in the eastern branch of the Potomac, -phewar but he was soon compelled to send a squadron to with Tripoli, the Mediterranean. The Barbary powers, as ^8°^"^^o4 Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli were called, had long been in the habit of levying tribute on the commerce of the Mediterranean, and the powers of Europe had tamely ac- quiesced. The United States had been compelled to do likewise and was at this time paying an annual sum of $83,000 to the ruler of Tripoli. This did not satisfy him, however, as he complained that the rulers of the other Barbary states were receiving relatively more. In May, 1801, he cut down the flagstaff over the American consulate at Tripoli. Meanwhile Commodore Richard Dale had been sent to the Mediterranean with instructions to dismantle any cor- sair which interfered with American commerce. In August one of his ships overhauled a Tripolitan cruiser, threw her guns into the sea and allowed her to proceed home. He also visited Algiers and threatened dire punishment in case of further interference with American commerce. In 1803 Commodore Edward Preble was sent out with a fleet, and one of his ships, the Philadelphia, ran aground at the entrance of the harbor of Tripoli. She jhe affair of was boarded by the enemy, and Captain Bain- the PhUa- / bridge and his crew were' taken prisoners. Later the Philadelphia was floated and taken into the harbor. Lieutenant Stephen Decatur entered the harbor in the Intrepid with a crew of seventy-five men, boarded the Philadelphia, fired her with combustibles which he had brought with him, and made his escape amidst a storm of shot from the fort and the ships in the harbor. In 1804 Preble bombarded Tripoli and made the Pacha promise not to demand any more tribute. The Barbary states did not 216 National Organization renew their depredations on American commerce until the War of 1812. One of Napoleon's dreams was the rcestablishment of a French empire in America. By the secret treaty of San Ilde- Napoieon fonso, sif!;ned October 1, 1800, he had forced Spain acquires ^q ii^vcc to Cede Louisiana back to France. The from Spain, t(M-ms of the treaty were to be kept secret until i8oo, and Napolcon was ready to take over the province, therecon- l)iit within six moutlis Jefferson heard rumors of quest of the cession. Domingo, Diuins the interval of peace with England i8o2 following the treaty of Amiens in 1801, Napoleon turned his attention to America and as a preliminary step to reestablishing the French power in that quarter he under- took the resubjugation of the French colony of Santo Do- mingo. Toussaint L'Ouverture, a full-blooded negro, dubbed by Napoleon the "gilded African" and by others the "Black Napoleon," had revolutionized that colony in 1795 and had since successfully defied the authority of France. He was now imitating step by stej^ the military despotism which the First Consul was establishing in France. In January, 1802, Napoleon's brother-in-law. General Leclerc, land(Hl with an army of 10,000 men and undertook the re- conquest of the colony. Half a million negroes opposcnl the French and yellow fever also attacked them. Gcnicral Leclerc and hundreds of his soldiers died and the enterprise had to be abandoned, opposes" IMeanwhile the Spanish governor of Louisiana French oc- had withdrawn the right of deposit at New Or- Lo^siana ln.^A-V.^, m^,W /^^W^Z, /*-f ^^^^iL.*.-**^ 9uj^ — > Facsimile of Inscription Written by Jefferson for His Tombstone. utterly unable to cope with that of Great Britain, and fur- thermore, he had an innate aversion to war. He, therefore, recommended to Congress that an embargo be laid on American commerce, maintaining that it was better to keep American ships at home than to send them out with the Struggle for Neutral Rights 229 certainty of capture. The Embargo Act was promptly passed December 22, 1807, prohibiting abso lutely the departure of American ships for foreign ports. It was thought that this act would compel England and France to modify their orders^ and decrees. The Embargo Act raised a storm of opposition in New England, where it was practically nullified, and hence produced little effect on either France or to the em- England. Shipowners preferred to assume the bargoand rcvivfll of risk of sending their ships abroad rather than to NewEng- see them rot in port, and when a ship did elude ^^^^ .. Federalism capture the profits of the voyage were great. In the presidential election of 1808 Madison, who was Jefferson's choice for the succession, received 122 electoral votes, and C. C. Pinckney, the Federalist candi- . . ■ r^ Election of date, 47. The Republican majority in Congress Madison to was, however, greatly reduced, for the embargo thepresi- dency, 1808 had made New England almost solidly I^ederalist again. John Quincy Adams supported Jefferson's embargo policy, and as a result lost his seat in the United States Senate. He now alUed himself with his father's old enemies, the Republicans, and soon gained recognition as one of their party leaders. After the election Jefferson and Madison could no longer control the Republican majority in Congress, and shortly before the close of Jefferson's term an act was Rgpeaiof passed repealing the embargo, the repeal to take the embargo effect March 15, 1809. In its place the Non- ^^fheNoT intercourse Act was passed, prohibiting commer- intercourse cial intercourse with Great Britain and France, ^ ' ^ °9 but leaving American ships free to sail to other ports, and authorizing the president to reestabUsh commercial relations with whichever of the two nations should first suspend or repeal its orders or decrees. Before the close of Jefferson's administration a new 230 National Organization Diplomatic negotiations with Eng- land, 1809- 1810 British minister, Erskine, was sent to Washington. He was favorably disposed to the United States and alarmed at the growing hostihty to England. He offered rep- aration for the attack on the Chesapeake and the withdrawal of the Orders in Council, provided the United States would suspend the Non-inter- course Act with England and agree to comply with the rule of 1756. These terms were more liberal than his instructions war- ranted, and the treaty which he signed was promptly repudiated by the British government. Ersldne was recalled and Jackson was sent over to take his place. The new minister was unfriendly and overbearing in man- ner, and when Madison demanded to be shown his full powers he repHed in such offensive language that the president refused to have further inter- course with him. The British government re- garded Jackson's conduct as indiscreet, and some months later recalled him. The tortuous policy pursued by Napoleon at this period is very difficult to follow, but his object was to deceive Di lomatic President Madison by pretending to repeal his negotiations decrees and to force a war between the United with France g^^^^^ ^^^ England. As soon as he learned of the Erskine agreement he announced the withdrawal of the Milan decree, but when he heard that the agreement had James Madison. Strimde for Neutral Rights 231 •^feSi been repudiated by the British government he secretly ordered the seizure of all American ships found in European ports under his control. In May, 1810, Congress repealed the Non-intercourse Act and authorized the president, in case either France or England should withdraw their decrees or orders, to prohibit commerce with the other at the end of three months. Napo- leon then informed the American minister that the Berhn a,nd Milan decrees would not be enforced after November 1. In accordance with the act of Congress President Madison issued a proclamation on November 2 announcing that com- mercial intercourse with Great Britain would cease on Feb- ruary 2, 1811. Napoleon had not acted in good faith, and it was soon evident that American vessels were still subject to unlawful restrictions and seizure. England, therefore, refused to modify her orders. British ships continued the practice of impressing Ameri- can seamen, and in May, 1811, Captain John Rodgers, com- manding the frigate President, was ordered from Encounter Chesapeake Bay to the Jersey coast to protect between the American vessels from interference by the British and^'he"' frigate Guerriere. On the way he found himself Little Belt, followed by a vessel which he mistook for the ^^' ' " Guerriere, but which turned out to be the Little Belt. About sunset as he overtook her a shot struck the President. Broad- sides were then exchanged and the Little Belt was seriously injured. Each side disclaimed responsibility for the first shot, but Captain Rodgers was exonerated by his government and the British government let the incident pass. The American people, however, made no effort to conceal their joy and regarded the incident as a retribution for the Chesa- peake-Leopard affair. During the early years of the nineteenth century the frontier was being rapidly extended westward, and the gov- ernment could not persuade the Indians to relinquish 232 National Organization &' their lands rapidly enough to satisfy the more enterprising settlers. In 1811 the Indian chief Tecumseh, who had „ . already organized the tribes of the Northwest Harrison -^ " defeats the for resistance, went to the South for the purpose th'^N^^^if °^ forming a general league with the Indians in west at the that quarter. During his absence General William battle of Henry Harrison, Governor of Indiana Territory, Tippecanoe, ^ ; j ? November, advanced with a force of 800 men to occupy a ^^^^ region recently ceded to the government. In November, 1811, he encountered a force of Indians on the Tippecanoe Creek in western Indiana and after a bloody fight drove them from the field. The Indians had secured their arms and ammunition in Canada, and it was generally believed that the British authorities had incited them to acts of hostihty. Harrison became the popular hero of the Northwest, and nearly thirty years later was elected president of the United States. The Twelfth Congress, which met in extra session Novem- ber 4, 1811, was dominated by the younger group of Repub- licans, who elected Henry Clay of Kentucky as of war, speaker. New England was strongly opposed to juneiS, ^ar and the Middle States^ were divided, but the South and West controlled the action of Congress and a war program was pushed through that body. The president knew that the country was unpre- pared for war with a great naval power like England, but no other course seemed open to him, so he carried into effect the pohcy of the younger and more enthusiastic leaders of his party. On June 1 he finally sent a message to Congress, in which he enumerated the grievances against England : the insolent conduct of British cruisers in searching American vessels on American coasts, the impressment of American seamen, the Orders in Council, the seizure of American ships, and the intrigues with the Indians of the Northwest. On June Struggle for Neutral Rights 233 18 Congress formally declared war. Five days later the British government, acting under pressure of the manufac- turing and commercial interests, withdrew the Orders in Council, but this was before the days of ocean cables, and the news came too late. The impressment question was, more- over, the main cause of the popular feeUng against England, and that alone was amply sufficient to justify war. When Congress declared war Madison had already been renominated for the presidency by the Republicans. George Clinton, the leader of the New York Republicans, Reelection had grown tired of Virginia domination and had of Madison, • taken steps to organize a coalition between Madi- ^ ^^ son's enemies and the Federalists, but he died before the campaign had fairly opened. As a result of the disaffection in New York, Madison's friends nominated Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts for the vice-presidency. This further aUenated the Clinton faction, and De Witt Clinton, a nephew of George, was nominated for the presidency by the New York legislature and indorsed by the Federalists. The Fed- eralists still hoped to stop the war and the campaign was fought out on this issue. The close alliance of the South and West, aided by the votes of Pennsylvania, carried the day, and Madison was reelected by 128 electoral votes to Clinton's 89. His majority was much smaller than had been expected and without the votes of Pennsylvania he would have been defeated. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. French Decrees and British Orders: Channing, History vf the United States, Vol. IV, Chap. XIII, Jeffersonian System, Chaps. XIII, XV; Sehouler, History of the United States, Vol. II, pp. 133-156 ; MeMaster, History of the People of the United States, Vol. Ill, pp. 220-275 ; A. T. Mahan, Sea Power in its Relations to the War of 1812, Vol. I, pp. 89-154. 2. Search and Impressment : Channing, History of the United 234 National Organization States, Vol. IV, pp. 365-378, Jeffersonian System, Chap. XIV ; Mahan, Vol. I, pp. 155-180; Roosevelt, Naval War of 1812, Vol? I, p. 53. 3. The Embargo : Channing, History of the United States, Vol. IV, Chap. XIV, Jeffersonian System, Chaps. XVI, XVII ; Mahan, Vol. I, pp. 181-214; Wilson, History of the American People, Vol. Ill, pp. 193-199 ; Adams, History of the United Siates, Vol. IV, Chaps. VII, XII, XIX. 4. The Non-Intercourse Act : Channing, History of the United States, Vol. IV, pp. 402-415, Jeffersonian System, Chap. XVIII; Mahan, Vol. I, pp. 214-252; Sehouler, Vol. II, pp. 282-311. 5. British Intrigues with the Indians : Sehouler, Vol. II, pp. 331- 335; McMaster, Vol., Ill, pp. 528-540; Adams, Vol. VI, Chaps. IV, V. 6. War with England Declared : President Madison's Message to Congress, June 1, 1812, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. I, pp. 499-505; K. C. Babcock, Rise of American Nationality, Chap. V; Channing, Vol. IV, pp. 444-454; McMaster, Vol. Ill, pp. 426-458 ; Sehouler, Vol. II, pp. 335-356. CHAPTER XIV THE SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND During the greater part of the War of 1812 England was engaged in the gigantic struggle with Napoleon, and could not give the war in America the attention it would otherwise have received. Americans had unprepared, no * reason to feel any regard for Napoleon and ^^\ no attempt was made to form an alliance with him or to cooperate in any way. While it was realized that the United States was not prepared to cope with the entire military and naval power of Great Britain, it was generally beheved that with the latter's forces occupied abroad, the conquest of Canada would be an easy task and that a severe blow could be dealt to British commerce. As army and navy were both small, great reliance was placed on volunteers for the conquest of Canada and on privateers for the war on British commerce. "On to Canada" was the general cry. The first invading column, led by General Hull, crossed over from "Onto Detroit in July, 1812, for the purpose of at- Canada " tacking Fort Maiden, but on learning that the British had 235 The Canadian Frontier. 236 National Organization captured Mackinac and aroused the Indians against the Americans, Hull immediately recrossed to Detroit. General Brock, the British commantler, promptly assumed the ag- gressive and on August 15 compelled Hull to surrender Detroit with his entire force of 2500 men. Two other expeditions which had started for Canada were equally fruitless, though they did not equal the dis- grace of Hull's surrender. General Dearborn, who was to advance through New York against Montreal, met with so many delays that he finally went into winter quarters at Plattsburg without having accomplished anything. The third movement, by way of Niagara, was repulsed at Queens- town, October 13, with a loss of 1000 men. It was now evident that "on to Canada" was not an easy task for raw recruits and untrained militia. On the sea the Americans met with a success during the first year of the war which, in view of their own slim re- T,. sources and the tremendous prestige of the The war on _ . . the sea, British navy, filled them with pride and at- ^^" tracted the attention of all the world. At the beginning of the war the United States had in commission three forty-four-gun frigates, United States, Constitution, and President; three thirty-eight-gun frigates, Congress, Con- stellation, and Chesapeake ; the Essex of thirty-two guns, the Adams of twenty-eight, two sloops, Hornet and Wasp, each of eighteen guns, and six brigs of twelve to sixteen guns each, besides about two hundred and fifty small boats mounting usually a single gun. The American frigate was superior in construction and armament to the British frigate, but the American navy did not possess a single vessel corresponding to the British ship-of-the-line, which carried usually seventy- four guns. When the war began most of the ships were in New York harbor in two divisions, one commanded by Commodore John Rodgers and the other bj^ Commodore Stephen Decatur. The Second War with EngUmd 237 On June 21 Rodgers put to sea with the entire squach'on and started in search of a large convoy which had sailed from Jamaica for England. He followed it to within a short distance of the British Channel, but failing to overtake it, sailed south to the Madeiras and then returned home, putting in at Boston August 31. While he had made no important captures, his movements kept the British squadron waiting in suspense off the American coast and prevented the ships from separating and going in search of American merchant vessels, large numliers of which were returning to the United States. Meanwhile the first of the single-ship actions, or naval duels, which redounded so to the credit of the Amei-icans, had occurred. When Ilodgers k^ft N(nv York 1 • • 1 ^, ■ • 111 The fight on his cruise, the Constitution, commanded by between the Captain Hull, was at Annapolis enlisting a Constitution oi -11 111- 1 and the crew. iShe put to sea m July and eluding the Cuerriere, pursuit of the British squadron, which was sighted August 19, olT the coast of New Jersey, made her way to Boston and latxn- to the Gulf of St. LawrcMice, where some important prizes were taken. Hull then started South for the Bermudas and had I'un al^out 300 miles when on August 19 he sighted the Guerriere. In an action which lasted about half an hour the Guerriere was rendcnxnl helpless and forced to surrender. Her injuries were so serious that after the removal of her crew Hull ordered her to be l)lown up. Hull was a nephew of the general who a few days before had surrendered Detroit, and his victory was as welcome to his countrymen as it was surprising to the world at large. The prestige of the British navy was at last l>roken by a ship of the American navy, which had so long been treated with contempt. On October 18, 1812, occurred the second naval duel, in which the American sloop Wasp, Captain Jacob Jones, took the British sloop Frolic. The fight occurred about 500 miles east of Chesapeake Bay. Scarcely had Jones taken 238 National Organization possession of the Frolic when the British ship-of-the-hne Poidiers, of seventy-four guns, came along and took both other vie- ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ prize. A week later the United toriesatsea, States, commanded by Commodore Decatur, met ^ ^^ the Macedonian about 500 miles west of the Canaries, and took her after a hard fight, the ships being of about equal size. On December 29 the Constitution, Captain Bainbridge, had a remarkable encounter with the Java off the coast of Brazil. After a two hours' fight the British ship was completely disabled and the American ship had to draw off for repairs before receiving the surrender. The Java had to be burned as she was too seriously injured to be taken to port. On February 24, 1813, occurred the last of the five naval duels that took place during the first period of the war. The Hornet, Captain Lawrence, encountered the Peacock off the mouth of the Demarara River and soon forced her to strike her colors. As she did so she signaled distress, and the Americans at once came to her aid, but she went down al- most immediately carrying nine of her own crew and three of the Hornet's. Great Britain did not put forth her naval strength until the early spring of 1813. In September, 1812, Admiral Sir John Warren had been placed in charge of ican coast the American station with Halifax as the base blockaded, Qf operations. He had under his command eleven ships-of-the-line, thirty-four frigates, thirty- eight sloops, and other vessels, making a total of ninety- seven. His mission was partly diplomatic and he sent to President Madison proposals of peace. The president replied that the abandonment of impressment was an indispensable condition, but as the British were not wilhng to concede this the negotiations came to naught. In February and March, 1813, Admiral Warren proceeded to blockade the coast from Narragansett Bay to Florida, The Second War with England 239 bottling up naval ships and merchant vessels, and capturing those that were rash enough to venture out. The New England coast was not strictly blockaded until the following year, as the people were violently opposed to the adminis- tration of Madison and were willing to supply the British naval station at Halifax with provisions. The first serious disaster on the seas was the loss of the Chesapeake in a fight with the Shannon off Boston, June 1, 1813. Captain Lawrence, fresh from his vie- isolated tory over the Peacock in February, had been encounters, transferred to the Chesapeake and had just ^ ^^'^ ^^ shipped a new and inexperienced crew at Boston when he was challenged by Captain Broke of the Shannon to come out and fight. He unwisely accepted the challenge though neither he nor his crew had tried the ship at sea. The result was that he got the worst of it. The Chesapeake surrendered after a desperate fight in which Lawrence was killed. In August the American brig Argus, Captain Allen, after taking nineteen prizes in English waters, was captured by the Pelican off the coast of Wales, but not until her captain was mortally wounded. In September the Enterprise, Lieutenant Burrows, had a fight with the British ship Boxer off the Maine coast, in which the Americans were successful. Both commanders were killed in the action. In June, 1814, a remarkable fight occurred off the English Channel between the American sloop Wasp, Captain Blakeley, and the British Reindeer. The Reindeer was taken in nineteen minutes and burned by Blakeley, as the risk of sending her to an American port was too great. Blakeley then cruised southward and after taking two or three more prizes the Wasp disappeared from human view. She was never heard from again. The United States frigate Essex, thirty-two guns, made a notable cruise under Captain David Porter. A month after the war broke out she put to sea and during the re- 240 National Organization mainder of the year she took ten prizes and 423 men. She then went to the South Atlantic and finally around Cape The cruise Horn, and captured a number of British whalers of the Essex, off the Galapagos Islands. She was finally block- I I2-I 14 aded in Valparaiso harbor in February, 1814, and captured a month later. With Porter was David Farragut, then a midshipman thirteen years old. These incidents in remote waters had little or no effect on the con- test, however gratifying they were to American pride. The work of American privateers was as brilliant as that of the regular navy. Ships were fitted out and armed at Privateers great expense to prey on British commerce, and and prizes ^ successful cruise brought great profits to the owners and shareholders who had taken stock in the enter- prise. Nearly five hundred privateers were granted com- missions during the war. Of these Maryland furnished the largest number ; New York and Philadelphia came next ; while the Massachusetts coast towns and Charleston, South Carolina, also sent out a number. It is almost impossible to give exact figures of the number of captures on either side. During the earlier part of the war the Americans took the larger number of prizes, but after the blockade was established the British figures were swelled by bay craft and oyster boats of little value. There were probably as many as 1700 prizes taken on each side, including the work of both privateers and war vessels. After the blockade became effective there were few American merchantmen on the seas to be taken, while American cruisers continued their depredations on British commerce in distant waters, though many of the prizes which they took were recaptured before they could be brought to an American port. On May 30, 1814, general peace was signed in Europe, and Napoleon having been sent to the island of Elba, Eng- land was free to direct her resources against America. On The Second War with England 241 May 31 she ordered a stricter blockade of the American coast, inchiding New England which had hitherto been largely spared. She was now able to place an ^^^^^^^^ overwhelming division on blockade before each commerce American port and a ship-of-the-line with each '^l^^^^J^^^ division. The American frigates were thus suc- cessfully excluded from the ocean. When the war ended the only American vessels on the seas were the Constitution, three sloops, and one brig. When therefore we consider the effect of the war on the commerce of the two countries, we see that England had the overwhelming advantage. In fact American commerce was practically driven from the seas. Exports from the United States in 1807, the last year of un- restricted commerce, were $108,000,000; in 1814 they amounted to less than $7,000,000. After the surrender of Detroit, General Harrison, whose defeat of the Indians at Tippecanoe hacl made him popular with the men of Kentucky and the North- west, was appointed to succeed Hull. He outhe soon formed a plan of attacking Fort Maiden Canadian by crossing over on the ice, but this plan was ^g ' thwarted by the defeat of the leading division under Winchester at Frenchtown on the Raisin River in January, 1813. As Winchester was preparing to drive the British from this post he was attacked by a superior force from Fort Maiden. Five hundred Americans were taken prisoners, nearly four hundred killed or massacred by the Indians after the battle, and less than forty escaped back to the main army. Weakened by this loss Harrison had to withdraw from his position on the Maumee, and as the terms of the militia expired in February, he had to delay further operations until he could enlist a new army. During the summer of 1813 Captain Oliver Hazard Perry, who was given the naval command on Lake Erie, pushed forward the construction of brigs and gunboats on the 242 National Organization Perry's vic- tory on Lake Erie, Sep- tember 10, 1813 stocks at Presqiie Isle with such energy that by September he was able to put to sea with a fleet of six ships, which in tonnage, metal, and men was superior to that of the British. On September 10 he won a brilliant victory, and sent to General Harrison the dis- patch : "We have met the enemy and they are ours. Two ships, two brigs, and one sloop." The destruction of the, British fleet on Lake Erie caused the army to abandon Detroit and opened the way for the invasion of Canada. Harrison's force of 4500 men was transported across the lake and landed near Maiden, from which the British promptly with- drew. They burned both Detroit and Maiden be- fore retiring. Harrison followed the retreating British and forced them to fight at the Thames River. The engagement was short and the victory decisive for the Ameri- cans. Among the slain was the Indian chief Tecumseh, who had or- ganized the Indians of the Northwest against the United States. The Indians had been the mainstay of the British control of this region and they now retired from the contest. The United States was now secure in the possession of Michigan Terri- tory and Harrison dismissed most of his troops. On Lake Ontario the Americans were not so successful. Commodore Chauncey, the American commander, and Sir Oliver H. Perry. The Second War with England 243 James Yeo kept maneuvering for advantage and avoided a decisive action, so that the advantage was now with one side and now with the other. An American force operations landed at York, the present Toronto, and burned on Lake the parliament house, which later gave the British the^|"° ^°^ a pretext for burning the government buildings Lawrence, at Washington. In October, 1813, General Wil- '^'^ kinson left Sackett's Harbor with 3000 men and moved down the St. Lawrence against Montreal, but suffered a disgraceful repulse at Chrystler's ^ Farm. Meanwhile General Wade Hampton, who had marched from Plattsburg to the St. Lawrence with 4000 men to cooperate in the attack on Montreal, grew tired of waiting for Wilkinson and returned to Plattsburg with- out orders. Hampton resigned from the service and Wilkinson was whitewashed by a court- martial. At the close of the campaign on Lake Ontario and the St. Lawrence neither side had any marked advantage. Each occupied about the same territory that it held at the beginning. The American campaign of 1814 was better managed on the Canadian frontier. General Jacob Brown was placed in command of the whole Ontario line. He col- Fichtinff lected his forces at Sackett's Hai'bor and then around advanced to Niagara, where General Winfield Niagara, Scott had his httle force well organized and dis- ciplined. The Americans crossed the Niagara River and on July 5 Scott gallantly won the battle of Chippewa, the American loss being 297 and the British 515. Ten days Operations Around Niagara. 244 National Organization later, the main body under Brown having joined Scott, a desperate battle was fought at Lundy's Lane. The Ameri- cans claimed the victory, but their losses were heavier than the British and they soon retired to Fort Erie, where they remained shut up by the British until they finally recrossed the river. This was the end of offensive operations against Canada. Meanwhile Napoleon had been overthrown and in May England had made peace with France. The British govern- The British ^^^^nt at once decided to tighten the blockade take the and to send to America a large force of veteran troops, trained in the wars against Napoleon. The British were now in a position to assume the offensive and four separate attacks were planned. One expedition occupied the coast of Maine as far as the Kennebec, another attempted an invasion of New York by way of Lake Cham- plain, a third was sent to the Chesapeake to attack Wash- ington and Baltimore, and a fourth was sent to capture New Orleans. The outlook for Americans was dark. During the summer of 1814, General Prevost advanced from Canada to the lower end of Lake Champlain with a ^, „ . . , force of 11,000 men. He could proceed no The British „ ,' . ' . . i ,. , i , i • i advance farther without gammg control of the lake, which from Canada ^vas commanded by a small naval force under Cn6CK6u DV Macdon- Captain Thomas Macdonough. There was also ough'svic- a force of 2000 American troops at Plattsburg tory on Lake Champlain, commanded by General Macomb. A desperate September battle on the lake occurred off Plattsburg Septem- ber 11. At the end of two hours Macdonough 's principal ship, the Saratoga, was disabled and the British seemed to have the victory in their grasp. Macdonough skillfully managed, however, to let one end of his ship swing around with the current so as to present a new broadside to the British. After another half hour's fighting the British ship Confiance struck her colors and the others soon The Second War with England 245 followed. Macdonough's victory was the most decisive of the war, for Prevost's force of 11,000 men at once began the retreat to Canada. The Chesapeake expedition was purely punitive. The British had no idea of permanently occupying any territory in this region. They entered the Patuxent .River ^j^^ burning August 18, 1814, and marched unopposed to of Washing- Bladensburg, five miles from Washington. Here *°'^ on August 24, 4000 British regulars easily routed the ill- organized force of between 6000 and 7000 mihtia which had been hastily collected to oppose them. The British then entered Washington, burned the Capitol, White House, and several other public l)uildings, and retired with- out opposition to their ships in the Patuxent. Proceeding up the Bay the British anchored off the mouth of the Patapsco on Sep- ^^^ ^^^^^.j^ tember 1 1 . The troops on Baiti- were landed at North ™°'^® Point, twelve miles from Baltimore, while the ships proceeded up the river to bombard Fort McHenry. Next day occurred the battle of North Point. As the British advanced up the peninsula they were attacked by the militia and their commander, Major General Ross, was killed. They continued the advance and drove the Americans back into the trenches before the city, but as these were filled with 14,000 militia, the British hesitated to press the attack. Meanwhile the fleet had failed to take Fort McHenry, so the invading force decided to reem- bark and retire. During the bombardment of the fort Francis Scott Key, who had been detained aboard one of Operations Around Wash- ington AND Baltimore. 246 National Organization the British ships, was inspired to write the "Star-Spangled Banner." In the late aiitutan of 1814 Great Britain sent a force of over 10,000 men, composed mainly of Wellington's seasoned troops, to the mouth of the Mississippi River of New" ^ for the purpose of capturing New Orleans and Orleans, gaining control of the Louisiana territory. An- iSi's'^'^^ drew Jackson, who had recently been appointed major general and placed in command of the Southwest, was at Mobile, which had been lately occupied by American troops, when he learned that the British were about to attack New Orleans. Calling on the militia of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Georgia to follow him, he at once set out for the scene of action and threw himself with great energy into the work of preparing the city for defense. On January 8, 1815, Jackson won a brilliant victory over the British. He had fortified himself strongly about five miles below New Orleans. He had with him about 4000 troops, mostly militia, but expert marksmen. The British commander. General Pakenham, advanced cautiously with a division of 5000 men and tried to carry the American trenches, but he was repulsed with heavy losses, mainly through the superiority of the American riflemen, who picked off the British with unerring accuracy. Three of the British major generals were killed, among them Paken- ham, and their total losses were over 2000, while the Ameri- cans lost only 71. The battle of New Orleans caused great rejoicing through- out the country, but it did not affect the outcome of the war, for the treaty of peace was signed at Ghent two weeks before it was fought. Its effect on the course of American history, however, was far reaching, for it brought the West into greater prominence and made Andrew Jackson the military hero and the political leader of that section. The American peace commissioners, John Quincy Adams, The Second War with England 247 James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, Albert Gallatin, and Jonathan Russell, had been carrying on weary negotiations with the British commissioners at Ghent since September. „ _,_,.., . . , . , The treaty The British commissioners were overbearing and ofGheut, the American commissioners could not agree December 24, 1814 among themselves. Both governments were, how- ever, tired of war, and they finally instructed their com- missioners to waive most of the demands which they had been instructed to make. The treaty, which was finally agreed to December 24, 1814, restored things to their former status and contained not a single provision relating to the questions that had occasioned the war. A copy of the treaty reached New York late at night February 1 1, 1815, and spread quickly through the country concurrently with the news of Jackson's great victory. The people were quite satisfied to let the war close with the battle of New Orleans. New England had for some time been restive under Vir- ginia domination of national politics and during the war the disaffection of this section became a serious .-^, , , , . The attitude question. When war was declared nineteen mem- ofNewEng- bers of Congress from New England, with several land during . . . the war other Federalists from the Middle States, issued an address declaring the war unjustifiable, and when the president called for troops Massachusetts and Connecticut refused to furnish them, claiming that under the Constitu- tion they could not be forced to send their militia outside of the State. Even the navy suffered from the lack of New England support. About half the officers who served during the war were furnished by Maryland, the District of Columbia, and the Southern States ; of the remainder the Middle States furnished nearly two thirds and New England a little over one third. New England also refused to subscribe to national loans. Of the $98,000,000 borrowed during the war this section subscribed less than $3,000,000. All the while specie was 248 National Organization fo' accumulating in her banks. Massachusetts bank deposits rose from $1,709,000 in 1811 to $7,326,000 in 1814. But the disaffection did not stop here. New England kept up a lively trade with the enemy from which large profits were derived. Large quantities of flour, grain, and other produce were shipped to Hahfax to supply the British fleet, while the British army in Canada was kept supplied with beef. In August, 1814, General Prevost wrote to his government : "Two thirds of the army in Canada are at this moment eating beef provided by American contractors. Large droves are daily crossing the lines into Lower Canada." The embargo which Congress at the instance of the presi- dent had placed on exports was not successful in stopping this illicit trade and simply increased the discontent in New England. With the Federal Capitol in ruins and the country in deepest gloom, the radical leaders of the opposition summoned a convention of the New England States to meet ford Con- at Hartford to consider the grievances of their vention, section and to adopt some means of redress. IS, 1814- About twenty-five delegates attended the con- januarys, yention, which met December 15, 1814. Those from Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island were appointed by the State legislatures, while those from New Hampshire and Vermont were chosen by local gatherings. As the proceedings were secret and the journal published later manifestly incomplete, what really went on in the convention has never been fully revealed. It is sup- posed, however, that secession and the formation of a con- federacy of the eastern States, possibly in connection with Canada, was the ultimate object. In the contemporary New England press resistance of Federal authority was openly discussed, several writers asserting that the Constitution was nothing more than a treaty between independent sovereigns, and one declaring The Second War with England 249 that "State sovereignty excludes the possibiUty of State rebeUion : a sovereign State may infract its treaties, but can never rebel ; nor can any citizen of such State, while acting under and in pursuance of its authority, be guilty of treason against the United States." Before adjourning to meet at the call of the president the convention proposed as an ultimatum the following amendments to the Constitu- tion : that the compromise of the Constitution counting three fifths of the slaves in apportioning representatives should be repealed ; that a two thirds vote of both houses should be required to admit a new State, to declare war, or to interdict commercial intercourse with any foreign nation ; that no naturahzed person should be permitted to hold any civil office ; that the office of president should be Hmited to one term and that it should not be filled from the same State two terms in succession. Before these amendments could be submitted to Congress news arrived of the treaty of Ghent and of Jackson's victory at New Orleans. The Revolution had wrought little change in the com- mercial relations of America and England. The United States continued to buy most of its manufactured Results of articles from the mother country. The period the war of restricted commerce from 1808 to 1815 saw the rapid development of manufactures, so that the country became in large measure a self-sustaining economic unit. This was the most important result of the War of 1812. It marked the end of commercial dependence on Great Britain just as the Revolution marked the end of political dependence. The conclusion of peace also dealt the death bTow to New England Federalism. The Federalist leaders never recovered from their connection with the Hartford Convention and the party soon ceased to exist as a factor in national politics. The disasters of the war taught the Republicans the need of a stronger army and navy and of a more efficient admin- istration of the Federal government. , 250 National Organization The failure of either Great Britain or the United States to gain any material advantage along the Canadian frontier led to a very sensible arrangement in 1817, by which each side agreed to hmit its armament on the Great Lakes. Thus for a hundred years the practical neutralization of the Lakes has saved the two governments the enormous cost of main- taining fleets on these inland waters. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. American Reverses on the Canadian Frontier, 1812 : Babcock, American Nationality, Chap. VI ; Adams, History of the United States, Vol. VI, Chaps. XIV-XVI ; McMaster, Vol. Ill, pp. 556-560, Vol. IV, pp. 1-18; Mahan, War of 1812, Vol. I, pp. 337-350. 2. Single-Ship Actions: Babcock, pp. 106-112; Chamiing, Vol. IV, pp. 545-546; Adams, Vol. VI, Chap. XVII; Mahan, Vol. I, pp. 412-422, Vol. II, pp. 1-9 ; E. S. Maclay, History of the Navy, Vol. I, pp. 344-435; Roosevelt, Naval War of 1812, Vol. I, Chaps. Ill, V. 3. The British Blockade of American Ports: Babcock, pp. 117- 120; Channing, Vol. IV, pp. 528-544; Adams, Vol. VII, Chap. XI; Mahan, Vol. I, pp. 399-411, Vol. II, Chap. XIII. 4. Privateers and Prizes : Channing, Vol. IV, pp. 526-529 ; Adams, Vol. VII, Chap. XIII; Mahan, Vol. II, Chap. XIV; Mac- lay, History of American Privateers, Part II. 5. Lake and Frontier Fighting, 1813-1814: Channing, Vol. IV, pp. 487-506; Mahan, Vol. II, Chaps. X-XII, XV; Maclay, History of the Navy, Vol. I, pp. 469-520, 603-621. 6. The British Attack on Washington and Baltimore : Channing, Vol. IV, pp. 506-511; Adams, Vol. VIII, Chaps. IV-VI ; Mahan, Vol. II, Chap. XVT. 7. The Battle of New Orleans : Channing, Vol. IV, pp. 513-520 ; Adams, Vol. VIII, Chaps. XII-XIV ; Mahan, Vol. II, Chap. XVII; James Parton, Life of Andreiv Jackson, Vol. II; J. S. Bassett, Life of Andrew Jackson, Vol. I, Chaps. X-XII. 8. The Treaty of Ghent: Babcock, Chap. X; Channing, Vol. IV, pp. 547-557 ; Adams, Vol. IX, Chaps. I, II ; Mahan, Vol. II, Chap. XVIII. 9. Disaffection in New England : Babcock, Chap. IX ; Chan- ning, Vol. IV, pp. 557-564 ; Sehouler, Vol. II, pp. 417-430 ; Adams, Vol. VIII, Chap. XI. CHAPTER XV INDUSTRIAL GROWTH AND WESTWARD EXPANSION The fifteen years following the War of 1812 were a period of transition in industry, in trade, in politics, and in almost every condition affecting the Ufe of the people, a period of These years witnessed the rapid expansion of transition the West and its rise to a position of great importance in national politics, the extension of the plantation system over a wider area, the development of manufactures, the alignment of the sections on the tariff issue, the demand for internal improvements, the strengthening of the Federal power through the great judicial decisions of John Marshall, the reshaping of political parties, and the successful asser- tion in the Monroe Doctrine of a national foreign policy which is still the cardinal principle of American diplomacy. The charter of the bank which Hamilton had established in 1791 had expired in 1811 and Congress had refused to recharter it. The country then had to depend ^^ r oi 1 • The second for a currency on the notes of State banks issued bank of the under var;>qng laws and of unequal and uncer- g^'^**^^ tain value. During the war the Federal govern- ment had experienced such great inconvenience from the lack of a national bank that at its close the Repubhcan leaders decided, notwithstanding the fight which their party had made against Hamilton's bank, to create a new one on the same model. Calhoun was chairman of the committee which reported the bill, though it did not embody fully his own \aews. The new bank was to have a capital of $35,000,- 000 and was authorized to establish branches in the several 251 252 National Omanization &' States. The government subscribed one fifth of the stock and was to name five of the twenty-five directors. At the beginning of the War of 1812 the duties on imports had been doubled for the purpose of raising a revenue, with The tariff of the provision that they should be reduced to the 1816 former rate within a year after the close of the war. American manufacturers, who had greatly prospered during the interruption of the trade with Europe and who had founded new industries, were now alarmed lest they should be swamped by the accumulated products of the English and continental factories, and appealed to Con- gress to continue the war rates. Dallas proposed a bill which was distinctly protective and it passed with the sup- port of President Madison, Calhoun, and other Southern leaders, who wanted to see the United States a self-sustaining nation, commercially independent of the Old World. John Randolph and other factional Republicans opposed the measure, so that the South was divided. New England was also divided, the manufacturing interests favoring the bill and the commercial and shipping interests opposing it. The Middle States and the West were almost solidly for it. The Southern representatives who voted for this tariff from patriotic motives were not willing to see the protective prin- ciple carried any further and after 1816 we find them voting consistently against high tariffs. As early as 1806 Congress had made an appropriation for the construction of the Cumberland Road, a national Internal im- highway extending from the Potomac across the provements mountains to Wheeling on the Ohio. With the growth of the West the demand for the appropriation of large sums for the construction of roads and canals became more insistent. This pohcy of internal improvements was generally supported by the representatives from the Middle States and from the West and at first by Calhoun and other Southern statesmen on the ground that it was necessary Growth and Expansion 253 in order to bind together the East and West. But Madison as a strict constructionist questioned the constitutional power of Congress to undertake such works and on March 3, 1817, he vetoed the so-called "Bonus Bill," which proposed to set aside the profits derived from the government shares in the bank of the United States as a permanent fund for in- ternal improvements. Clay continued to champion the pol- icy, however, and for some years it was a burning poUti- cal issue. Monroe and Jackson both followed Madison's course and vetoed all appropriations for internal improve- ments. Meanwhile Virginia, South Carolina, Pennsylvania, and New York spent large sums of money on the construction of roads and canals. The most important of these enter- prises was the Erie Canal, which was undertaken by the State of New York in 1817 at the instance of De Witt Clinton and completed in 1825 at a cost of $7,000,000. This canal, which extended from Albany to Buffalo, was 363 miles long, and became the great agency in the development of the States bordering on the Great Lakes. It also made New York the greatest city on the Atlantic seaboard. Some time before the presidential campaign of 1816 opened, the so-called Virginia "dynasty" had decided that Monroe, Madison's secretary of state, should Election of have the presidency. The opposition gathered ^8i6 around WiUiam H. Crawford, of Georgia. Nominations at this time were regularly made by party caucuses of mem- bers of Congress. When the Republican caucus met in March, 1816, Monroe received 65 votes and Crawford 54, while Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York, was nominated for the vice-presidency. The Federalists made no regular nomination, but it was generally agreed that they should support Rufus King of New York. In nearly half the States the electors were still chosen by the legislatures; in the others, in response to the rising spirit of democracy, 254 National Organization they were chosen by the people. Monroe received 183 votes to King's 3-1. This election marked the end of Federahsm. That party never put up another candidate for the presidency. Monroe was noted for his concihatory disposition, but, while lacldng in brilliancy, he was a man of real abihty, for it takes some- thing more than a conciliatory manner to control political factions and to give the country an eight-year "era of good feeling," something which no other president ever succeeded in doing. He displayed sound judgment in the selection of a very able cabinet. John Quincy Adams was appointed secretary of state, WiUiam H. Crawford secretary of the treasury, John C. Calhoun secretary of war, and William Wirt a 1 1 or ney-general . John Marshall took liis seat on the Supreme Bench as Cliief Justice in 1801. Between that time and his death in 1835 he handed down a series of great decisions Decisions of ^^ ■ ^ r t 1 • • the Supreme wlucli iLxed lor all time the lundamental prmci- Court; the pjpg Qf constitutional interpretation. While right to , ^-^ . . . 1-1 /^ declares the Lonstitution gives the Supreme Court the lawuncon- right to decide all cases arising under that instru- stitutional ... . ^ ment, its right to declare an act or Congress or the law of a State unconstitutional was at first not generally admitted. Marshall gave a decision in 1803 holding an act of Congress unconstitutional, and another in 1810 holding an act of the State of Georgia unconstitutional. Both these decisions raised a storm of protest. The spirit of nation- aUty developed rapidly after the War of 1812, and enabled Marshall to apply further without serious opposition his principles of constitutional construction. In 1819 in the famous case of McCuUoch v. Maryland IMarshall expounded the doctrine of the implied powers of Congress. The questions involved were the power of Con- gress to establish a bank and the right of a State to tax the notes of such a bank. On the first point ^Marshall said : Growth and Expansion ^55 "Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the Constitution, and all the means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are The doctrine not prohibited, but consistent with the letter of implied and spirit of the Constitution, are constitutional." po^^^s He held, therefore, that the bank was constitutional, and he held further that a State had no power to tax it, for, he said: "The power to tax involves the power to destroy." In a case which came up from Florida in 1828 ^Marshall affirmed the constitutional right to acquire territory in these words: "The Constitution confers absolutely upon the government of the Union the powers of making war and of making treaties ; consequently that government possesses the power of acquiring territory, either by conquest or by treaty." These decisions met with general approval, save on the part of the extreme States' rights advocates, and strengthened immeasurably the Federal power. In the famous Dartmouth College case, decided in 1819, the jurisdiction of the Federal courts was extended in a new direction. In this case, which involved the power of the legislature of New Hampshire to modify the charter of the college without the consent of the trustees, Marshall held that a charter granted to a corporation was a contract within the meaning of the clause of the Constitution which declares that no State shall pass a law "impairing the obli- gation of a contract." This decision brought under Federal jurisdiction numbers of cases involving corporations. When the Declaration of Independence was adopted, slavery existed in all of the thirteen States, but it was by no means evenly distributed. According to the first census in 1790 more than nine tenths of all slaves were found in the Southern States, and there they formed about one third of the entire population : 648,651 slaves to 1,226,057 whites. The Revolution cut off the foreign slave trade and by 1783 importations had '2,5^ National Organization &' almost ceased. In fact most of the States had prohibited the importation of slaves by statute, Virginia leading the way in 1778. When the Federal Convention met in 1787, South Carohna and Georgia were the only States which permitted it. Meanwhile emancipation was making progress at the North. In 1780 slavery was declared by the supreme court of Mas- sachusetts to be inconsistent with the bill of rights. Other States passed acts providing for immediate or gradual eman- cipation as follows : Pennsylvania in 1780, New Hamp- shire in 1783, Rhode Island and Connecticut in 1784, New York in 1799, and New Jersey in 1804. The Northwest Territory became free by the Ordinance of 1787. When the Federal Convention adopted the compromise permit- ting the continuation of the slave trade for a period of twenty years, it was thought by many that slavery was a decaying institution. A simple mechanical invention was destined, however, to give a new lease of life to slavery and to make it the Cotton corner stone of an industry in which the South culture ^as to enjoy a world-wide monopoly. In 1793 Eli "Wliitney, a native of Massachusetts and a graduate of Yale, who was teaching school in Georgia, invented the cotton gin. Prior to this invention a slave could pick the seed from about five pounds of cotton a day ; with the gin he could clean three hundred pounds. South Carolina and Georgia were the only cotton-producing States and the cul- ture was limited largely to the sea-island or long-staple variety, which could be more easily cleaned. The invention of the gin made it profitable to cultivate the short-staple variety, which could be produced in the interior or Piedmont section of the South. Improvements in the textile industries in England had already made the demand for cotton greater than the supply. The invention of the gin, therefore, gave a great impetus Growth and Expansion 257 to the cotton industry. In 1790 the entire cotton crop of the South was 2,000,000 pounds; in 1800 it had risen to 40,000,000; in 1810 to 80,000,000; and in 1820 to 177,000,- 000. The production of cotton continued to double with each decade until in 1860 it amounted to 2,154,820,800 pounds, which was seven eighths of the world's supply. In any study of the economic organization of the South the plantation system demands first consideration. This system was well estabhshed in Virginia before Thepianta- slavery became a factor of anj^ importance. The tion system culture of tobacco was introduced in Virginia in 1616, and it almost immediately became the staple product. Tobacco is very exhausting to the soil, and under the system of culti- vation then in vogue it required the constant clearing of new lands and the abandonment of the old. Even if the scientific care of soils had been understood, it would have been cheaper, under the large land grants of the early days, to bring new lands under cultivation than to care for the old. The staple export crop and the large land grant were two elements of the plantation system. The third was non-free labor, first in the form of indented servitude and later of slavery. We have thus at an early date in Virginia the three char- acteristics of an agricultural system totally different from that of the North, which had free labor, small land grants, and cereal or food products. The population of the North became denser, and the surplus wealth was employed in new industrial enterprises, while the population of the South spread over wider areas, and the surplus gains of successful planters were spent in buying up the lands of their poorer neighbors and enlarging the tracts of the original plantations, or in starting new plantations in the Southwest. After the invention of the cotton gin North Carolina and Virginia took up the culture of cotton, but its main field of extension was the Southwest, where it spread with 258 National Organization astonishing rapidity, carrying with it slavery and the plantation S3^stem. A greater South was thus brought into The greater existence, possessing all the economic character- South istics of the old South in an intensified form. Cotton became the greatest of all exports and cotton domi- nated the politics of the South and of the nation. With the establishment of the "Cotton Kingdom" political leader- ship passed from Virginia to South Carolina and the Gulf States and remained there until the Civil War. In 1810 there were only three Western States. Of these Kentucky had a population, black and white, of over 400,000 ; The rise of Tennessee had about 260,000; and Ohio, which the West been admitted in 1803, had 230,000. By 1820 five more States had been admitted : Louisiana in 1812, Indiana in 1816, Mississippi in 1817, Illinois in 1818, and Alabama in 1819. The total population of the Western States was now over 2,000,000, and settlers were streaming into Missouri and beginning to enter Arkansas and Michigan. The rapid settlement of the West was greatly facilitated by the public land policy of the United States, which was Public land outlined in 1787, but which did not come into policy successful operation until later, owing to the fact that much of the best land was under the control of the older States or had been granted to companies to develop. All lands under national control were, however, surveyed in advance of settlement and divided into townships six miles square, each township containing thirty-six sections of 640 acres each. A section was at first the smallest amount that could be purchased and the minimum price was one dollar an acre. An act of 1800 authorized the sale of 320-acre tracts and the price was raised to two dollars an acre. After 1820 the sale of 80-acre tracts was permitted and the minimum price was fixed at $1.25 an acre. This system simplified the question of titles and avoided lawsuits over conflicting claims. Growth and Expansion 259 The first settlers in the West came largely from the South. This was true even of the States north of the Ohio River. During the first quarter of the nineteenth cen- tury settlers from Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, uomkde- ancl North Carolina poured into Ohio, Indiana, pendenceof Illinois, and Missouri. People from the Middle JJeS^uth"'' States went into Ohio in large numbers, but in Indiana and Illinois the Southerners formed the largest element. New Englanders did not come in large numbers until the opening of the Erie Canal and the settlement of the Lake region. Most of the early settlements were along the Ohio River and the main trade outlet for this region was down the Mississippi River. The development of the cotton States of the Southwest gave the people of the upper Mississippi and Ohio valleys a market for their produce. Without a market a pioneer community can make little progress; in fact it usually retrogrades, as did many of the mountain communities of the southern Appalachian range. As the people of the Gulf States devoted themselves more and more to cotton and sugar, they had to purchase their food supplies from other pro- ducers. This demand was met by the upper Mississippi region. Pork, bacon, lard, beef, butter, cheese, corn, flour, and whisky were sent down the Mississippi in large quan- tities, and Tennessee, Kentucky, and the States north of the Ohio underwent a development no less striking than that produced in the Southwest by the cultivation of cotton. The North, too, shared in the prosperity of the South and the West, for the West now had the means to purchase goods freely from other communities. Traffic i-jugg. up the Mississippi was much more difficult and cornered expensive than down. Hence the West bought ^^^ ® its supphes from the Middle States and New England. What these States could not supply from their own manu- factures they imported from abroad, and the goods pur- 260 National Orsfanization fe' chased abroad were paid for in Southern cotton and carried in New England ships. This three-cornered trade, which first opened up internal commerce and made western develop- ment possible, was all based on cotton and slavery. As soon as the prosperity of the West began to attract large numbers of people from the Middle and New England States the effect on manufactures was adverse, because the continual drain on population kept wages high, and the North began to oppose the easy sale of public lands. The rapid settlement of the West fitted in well with economic conditions in the South, for the continuance of the plantation system necessitated the removal alliance of of the surplus population, both slave and free, South and ^q new lands. The southern origin of a large West part of the western population, and the depend- ence of the West on the southern market tended to keep the West in political alliance with the South, and upon this alliance depended the political ascendancy of the South in the affairs of the Union. Notwithstanding the fact that the West favored a protective tariff, it could usually be relied on to vote with the South in a presidential election. This was not true of Kentucky, which was a Whig stronghold, nor of Tennessee, which after Jackson's time was usually Whig. The States north of the Ohio regularly voted the Democratic ticket, the only exceptions being when Clay and Harrison, both western men, were candidates. Clay carried Ohio in 1824 and in 1844, and Harrison carried Ohio and Indiana in 1836, and Ohio, Indiana, and Michigan in 1840. But as late as the elections of 1848 and 1852 every electoral vote north of the Ohio was cast for the Democratic ticket. The Territory of Missouri, a part of the Louisiana pur- chase, had been organized in 1812, and in 1818 it apphed for admission as a State. IlHnois had just been admitted as a free State and the admission of Alabama as a slave Growth and Expansion 261 State had been practically conceded, though it did not take place until the following year. There would then be eleven slave and eleven free States. As the slave States were outnumbered in the House of Rep- Missouri resentatives, it was considered of vital impor- Com- tance for them to preserve an even balance in ^g"™'^^' the Senate. When, therefore, Representative Tallmadge, of New York, introduced an amendment to the Missouri bill prohibiting the further introduction of slavery and providing for its ultimate extinction, a fight was at once precipitated. As the District of Maine, until then a part of Massachusetts, was also applying for admission as a State, the Southerners insisted that Missouri should be admitted without any restrictions as to slavery so as to preserve the balance in the Senate. The Tallmadge amendment passed the House in February, 1819, but it was defeated in the Senate. A year later when the fight for the admission of Maine and Missouri was renewed, Senator Thomas of Illinois proposed a compromise, which, with the aid of Henry Clay, was finally adopted. It provided for the admission of Mis- souri as a slave State, but forever prohibited slavery in the rest of the Louisiana purchase lying north of the parallel 36° 30'. Maine was at the same time admitted. Slavery was thus excluded from the greater part of the Louisiana purchase, and some writers have maintained that the South got the small end of the triangle, but it is hardly possible that slavery could ever have gained any foothold in the vast region north of Missouri, even had it been permitted by law. As we have already seen, the treaty cechng Louisiana to the United States did not make it clear as to whether that province included West Florida on the one hand, m 11 T-. c 1 • American or iexas on the other. Before this matter could occupation be adjusted Spain was occupied by Napoleon, of Florida, whose brother Joseph was placed upon the throne. Diplomatic relations between the United States 262 National Organization and Spain were thus interrupted from 1808 to 1814. In 1810 the United States took possession of that part of West Florida lying between the Mississippi and Pearl rivers and in 1813 the region around Mobile was occupied. When diplomatic intercourse was reestablished with Spain in 1814 the Florida situation was a difficult one to handle, and it was further compUcated by claims of American citizens against Spain arising out of the suspension of the right of deposit at New Orleans in 1802, and out of the seizure of American vessels by the French in Spanish waters. In 1818 President Monroe sent Jackson into East Florida to punish the Seminole Indians, who were rendering assistance to the Creeks. Jackson exceeded his authority by seizing the Spanish forts of St. Marks and Pensacola and by executing two British subjects, who had incited the Indians to hostilities. These matters were all finally adjusted by the Florida treaty of 1819. The United States on its part agreed to assume the claims of its citizens against Spain, T?eaS°"'** which amounted to $5,000,000, while Spain signed, agreed to relinquish both East and West Florida fied*i8^2i'" ^^ ^^^ United States. At the same time it was agreed that the boundary between the United States and the Spanish provinces to the southwest should run from the mouth of the Sabine River in an irregular course, following certain lines and rivers, to the source of the Arkansas, thence north or south, as the case might be, to the forty-second parallel, and along this parallel to the Pacific. The United States thus surrendered whatever claim it had to Texas, but acquired whatever claim Spain had to the Oregon country. The Senate promptly ratified the treaty, but the Spanish monarch held it in suspense with a view to delaying the recognition by the United States of his American provinces then in a state of revolution, so that it did not go into effect until 1821. Growth and Expansion 263 When Napoleon placed his brother Joseph on the throne of Spain the Spanish provinces in America were left to shift for themselves. With the British navy supreme , 111 1 The Span- on the seas JNapoleon could take no steps toward ish-Ameri- bringing them under his control. The Spanish canRevoiu- colonies soon took advantage of the situation to admit British and American vessels to their ports, a thing which had been strictly prohibited under the Spanish system, and with British and American commerce came liberal ideas. The whole of Spanish America went through a period of enlightenment such as had never been dreamed of before, and revolutionary governments repubUcan in character were soon set up in several of the provinces. When Ferdinand VII was restored to the throne in 1814, he did not have the sense to realize the change that had taken place in his colonies and he undertook to reimpose on them with unrelaxed rigor the old colonial system. The revolution now opened on a large scale, and by 1821 repub- lican governments had estabhshed themselves in all the provinces. In September, 1823, the so-called Holy Alliance, composed of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, with whom France was now in full cooperation, began to consider the question of helping Spain to reconquer her lost provinces and a formal conference was called to meet in December at Paris. Meanwhile the head of the Holy Alliance, the Emperor of Russia, had issued a ukase in 1821 claiming the Pacific coast of North America as far south as the fifty- first parallel and forbidding all foreigners to united trade in that region. This claim was opposed states • oppose re~ by both England and the United States. Eng- conquest of land was also strongly opposed to the reconquest Spanish of Spanish America, as she enjoyed a lucrative trade with that region. When, therefore, Canning, the British foreign secretary, was informed of the proposed meeting of the Holy Alliance at Paris, he immediately sent 264 National Organization for Richard Rush, the American minister at London, and proposed that the two countries should unite in opposing the intervention of the European ahies in America. Rush repUed that he was not authorized to enter into such an aUiance, but that he would immediately notify his govern- ment of the proposal. When his dispatches were received in Washington, Presi- dent Monroe at once forwarded copies to Jefferson and Madison, both of whom strongly favored joint action with England, but after weeks of discussion in the cabinet it was finally decided that, since the attitude of England was al- ready known to the European powers, an independent dec- laration on the part of the United States would be just as effective as a joint declaration, and would furthermore re- lieve the United States from any embarrassment that might result from a formal alliance. Accordingly, in his message to Congress, December 2, 1823, President Monroe declared, first, that, "the American continents, by the free and independent condi- Doctrine, tion which they have assumed and maintain, December ^re henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers," and, secondly, that "with the governments who have de- clared their independence, and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration, and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposi- tion for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling, in any other manner, their destiny, by any European power, in any other Kght than as the manifestation of an unfriendly cUsposition towards the United States." This announcement created a profound impression abroad, and together with the known attitude of England put a stop to all further idea of intervention in Spanish America. Canning, however, was greatly chagrined at the turn his proposition had taken. He had proposed an alHance ; here Growth and Expansion 265 was an independent declaration which he had the foresight to see would be applied in future years against England as well as against the continental powers. Nevertheless he claimed full credit for having put a stop to European inter- vention, and boasted on the floor of the House of Commons that he had ''called the new world into existence to redress the balance of the old." Monroe had been reelected in 1820 without opposition, receiving all the electoral votes save one. In 1824 an effort was made to revive the caucus method of nomi- ^, The presi- nations, but when Crawford's friends called a dentiai meeting the friends of the other candidates stayed campaign of away. About one fourth of the members of Congress attended, however, and nominated Crawford for president and Gallatin for vice-president. As there was only one party, divided into personal factions without clearly defined lines, the campaign was largely a personal contest. The candidates were, in addition to Crawford, Henry Clay, John Quincy Adams, Andrew Jackson, and John C. Calhoun. Before the campaign was over Calhoun, realizing that he was out of the running, agreed to accept the vice-presidency, while Crawford's prospects were seriously injured by a stroke of paralysis. In the election Jackson received 99 electoral votes, Adams 84, Crawford 41, and Clay 37. Calhoun received a majority of the votes for vice-president and was declared elected, but as no candidate had a majority for president the election was thrown into the House. Jackson not only had the largest electoral vote, but he had also the largest popular vote, and his vote was more widely distributed over the country than that Ejection of of any other candidate. As Clay stood fourth Adams by on the list he was eliminated by the provision ^f Rgpre- of the Constitution, and the House had to choose sentatives, between Jackson, Adams, and Crawford. On ^ ^^ account of Crawford's state of health the real contest was 266 National Orsranization between Jackson and Adams. Clay had great influence in Congress, and as he was now out of the race much depended on his support. The friends of both Jackson and Adams sought his aid, but he »would give no assurances. When the time came to take the vote, however, his influence was thrown to Adams, and Adams was chosen by the votes of thirteen of the twenty- four States. When Adams appointed Clay secretary of state the cry of bargain and cor- ruption was raised, and John Randolph with his withering sarcasm re- ferred to the combination of the Puritan and the Blackleg, the latter epi- thet being called forth by Clay's gambling propen- sity. Clay challenged Randolph to a duel, but fortunately neither was John Quincy Adams. iniured Jackson's followers were greatly outraged at the election of Adams and immediately began la>ang their plans for the Reshaping next campaign. They beheved that the will of the people had been thwarted by the Adams- Clay combination, and they soon organized a strong opposition to the new administration. The Calhoun group had supported Jackson, and Republicans ^ow the Crawford group, which controlled Virginia and New York, also joined the opposition, among them Martin Van Buren, of New York, a shrewd and tactful leader, destined to be Jackson's ablest counselor and most trusted lieutenant. of political parties : National Republicans and Demo- cratic Growth and Expansion 267 Adams's first message to Congress was unfortunate. In it he favored internal improvements and other national activities that smacked too much of Hamilton] an theories of government. Three weeks later he sent a special message to Congress asking for an appropriation to send delegates to a congress of the Spanish-American republics to be held at Panama in the summer of 1826. A violent debate en- sued in which the slavery question again figured, since the negro Republic of Hayti was to be represented at the con- gress, and several of the other republics were committed to a policy of emancipation. The necessary appropriation was finally made, but it was delayed so long that the delegates could not reach Panama in time for the congress. No president ever encountered more persistent opposi- tion throughout his entire administration than Adams. Party lines became closely drawn once more. The Adams- Clay faction became known as National Repuljlicans and Jackson's followers became known as Democratic Republi- cans. In 1824, while the presidential campaign was in progress, a tariff act was passed increasing the duties on iron, wool, hemp, and other articles produced in the Middle and Western States. It was carried by the becomes a votes of these States, for the South was almost sectional a unit against it and New England was divided, casting fifteen votes for, and twenty-three against, the meas- ure. It did not help New England manufactures, and the commercial and shipping interests were at this time op- posed to high tariffs. A protective policy was one of the cardinal features of Clay's American system, and the new administration was committed to this policy. The attitude of the opposition was not clearly defined. The South had come to realize that tariff duties were a heavy burden on the slave States. On the other hand, the pro- tective policy was popular in New York, Pennsylvania, and 268 National Organization Ohio, whose votes would be essential to Jackson's success in 1828. A convention of protectionists was held at Harris- burg, Pennsylvania, in the summer of 1827 for the purpose of urging further legislation upon Congress. The administra- tion thought that by pushing the tariff question to the front they could bring about a split between the Jackson men of the North and the Jackson men of the South. The new Congress which met in December, 1827, was controlled by the Jackson men, but they had the tariff The Tariff of situation to face and it was necessary to devise Abomina- some Scheme to get themselves out of the dilemma tions, I 2 ^^^ prevent a split in their party. The com- mittee on manufactures reported a bill on the last day of January, 1828, which was very cleverly devised. It raised the duties on hemp, flax, wool, and other raw materials, which were produced in the West, but on which New Eng- land wanted the duties to be low. The Jackson men from the North and from the South were to unite in opposing any amendments. The Southerners were then to vote against the bill, and the Jackson men of the North and West for it. It was expected that the New England men would vote against the measure, in which case it would be defeated and the Adams party would get the blame, while the Jackson men of the North could still claim to be advocates of pro- tection. To the surprise of its fraraers enough Adams men voted for the bill to carry it through both the House and the Senate. Calhoun, who had been active in planning the whole scheme, was utterly disgusted, and during the summer he wrote for a committee of the South Carolina legislature a report which became known as "The South Carolina Exposition." This paper discussed the relations of the State and Federal governments and expounded the doc- trine of nullification, which South Carolina undertook to put into practice four years later. Growth and Expansion 269 The campaign of 1824 had seen the end of the caucus system of nominations, and the convention system did not appear until 1832. In 1828 the candidates were -j-j^^ election endorsed by State legislatures, but there was of Jackson, never much doubt as to who they would be. ^ Jackson began his campaign as soon as the election of Adams by the House in 1825 was announced. He demanded vindication by the votes of the people. Calhoun was again a candidate for the vice-presidency. The National Repub- licans supported Adams for a second term, and with him was associated for the vice-presidency Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania. Jackson received 178 electoral votes to Adams's 83. He swept the entire South and West and divided the vote in the Middle States. Adams, on the other hand, got every electoral vote in New England, save one in Maine, but he did not receive a single electoral vote south of the Potomac or west of the Alleghanies. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. Financial and Economic Problems: Babcock, American Na- tionality, Chaps. XIII-XV ; Adams, History of the United States, Vol. IX, Chaps. V-VII ; G. S. Callender, Economic History of the United States, pp. 387-401, 432-469, 487-494; McMaster, Vol. IV, Chaps. XXX, XXXI. 2. Marshall's Great Decisions: Babcock, Chap. XVIII ; A. B. Magruder, John Mnrshnll, Chap. X; J. B. Thayer, Joh7i Marshall. 3. Slavery and the Plantation System : Wilson, History of the American People, Vol. Ill, pp. 251-254; U. B. Phillips, Intro- duction to Vol. I of Documentary History of American Industrial Society, pp. 70-104 ; F. J. Turner, Rise of the New West, Chap. IV ; Schouler, Vol. Ill, pp. 135-147 ; Callender, Chap. XV ; Mun- ford, Virginia's Attitude toward Slavery and Secession, Part II. 4. The West as a Factor in the Economic and Political Develop- ment of the Country: Turner, Chaps. V-VII; Callender, Chap. XII ; McMaster, Vol. IV, Chap. XXXIII ; Lives of Henry Clay, Andrew Jackson, and Thomas Hart Benton (American Statesmen Series). 270 National Organization 5. The Missouri Compromise : Turner, Chaps. IX, X ; McMas- ter. Vol. IV, Chap. XXXIX; Schouler, Vol. Ill, pp. 147-172; Carl Schurz, Hennj Clay, Vol. I, Chap. VIII. 6. The Annexation of Florida: Wilson, Vol. Ill, pp. 255-258; Schouler, Vol. Ill, pp. 57-98; McMaster, Vol. IV, pp. 430-456, 474-483 ; Lives of Andrew Jackson by James Parton, W. G. Sum- ner, and J. S. Bassett. 7. The Monroe Doctrine : Turner, Chap. XII ; D. C. Oilman, /awes Moreroe, Chap. VII ; Schouler, Vol. Ill, pp. 277-293 ; McMas- ter, Vol. V, pp. 28-47; J. W. Foster, Century of American Diplo- macy, pp. 438-454 ; W. F. Reddaway, Monroe Doctrine. 8. The Reorganization of Political Parties : Turner, Chaps. XV, XVI ; Wilson, Division and Reunion, Chap. I ; Schouler, Vol. Ill, Chap. XII; McMaster, Vol. V, 488-520; Edward Stan- wood, History of the Presidency, Chaps. XI, XII. 9. The Tariff a Sectional Issue: Turner, Chaps. XIV, XIX; Callender, Chap. X ; F. W. Taussig, Tariff History of the United States, pp. 68-108. sj.^ ' e Winnipeg , .^Lakc of Xy^tlie Woods ih it 80 75 1 .^L^/IV*^-"^ 70 ay w '\y-~ «■ N ■^ y I yPeoria pVTss'o U R I >v. J'^ntUCK I Jeffersoff> -I City >• '! \ X_ id tIenn Esi^'E:.--"'' -e^MBAti \ 3^ \ ~- /JFlareiicE"^ \ ^ (/ II '^ If /?/^ I /"v \ --. o I .S/ /Leo I, \_MoWlel. \S ', "fTo Rhf-Q-' nlctsoiivffle "% Z7 L F F^ HOTTED STATES - 1835-1830 ■^x- 95 Gi-eenwich 90 PART IV SECTIONAL DIVERGENCE CHAPTER XVI JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY The year 1830 marks the opening of the great sectional debate in Congress which cuhninated thirty years later in secession and civil war. In order to understand the long series of events leading up to that terrible character- conflict it is necessary to have a clear apprehen- isticsofthe sion of the underlying economic differences be- 1830* i860 tween the North and the South which formed the basis of sectionalism. The South was by nature an agricultural and exporting section, while the North was commercial and manufacturing. During the decade 1820-1830 the average annual value of the exports of cotton, tobacco, and rice was about $33,000,000, while all other domestic exports from the entire country amounted to only $20,000,000. The South^was dependent upon foreign markets for the sale of its products and there- fore adv ocate d free trade , while the N orth_ felt that its de- velopment was dependent upon the pro tect ion of its indus- tries and the creation of a home market. Slave labor was not suited to the climate or to the diver- sified industry of the North, while it flourished under South- ern skies and was ideally adapted to the cultivation of the staple crops of tobacco, rice, sugar, and cotton. As free and slave labor are mutually exclusive, free labor became in time 271 272 Sectional Divergence fc>^ the fixed type at the North, and slave labor the fixed type at the South. Und§r the impetus of skilled labor Northern industries became more and more diversified, while the South was limited by its labor system to a few staple products. The expansive agricultural system of the South demanded a liberal public land policy, while the North on account of the scarcity of labor tried to restrict the sale of public lands, and to retard the westward movement of population. In like manner the South favored territorial expansion, and the North opposed it. Foreign immigration further accentuated sectionalism, for it passed by the South where it had to face the competition of slave labor, and poured over the North and Effect of ^Yest. Immigration did not become a very im- foreign im- ° -^ migration portant factor until the latter half of the period secdons Under consideration. The number of foreigners coming to our shores was not recorded until 1820. From that time on the figures by decades are as fol- lows : 1820-1830, 143,439; 1830-1840, 599,125; 1840-1850, 1,713,251; 1850-1860, 2,598,214. Many of these immi- grants were skilled laborers, familiar with the industrial methods and processes of the old world, and they expanded further the naturally diversified industries of the North and West, changing the whole face of civilization, while the South remained fixed in its economic system. The significance of foreign immigration was as great on its political as on its economic side. The newcomers, imbued with European ideas of government and without inherited State or local ties, swelled immensely the forces that were making for nationahty. The South, it is true, expanded territorially, but the main features of its social and industrial system underwent scarcely any modification, while the rest of the country became more and more unlike that section in fundamental gjcfcial structure. As soon as the South began to feel its isolation and to realize Jackson ian Democracy 273 the danger of being outvoted on vital questions of economic policy, it assumed the defensive and took refuge behind the doctrine of State sovereignty. A generation of Southerners then grew up under the leadership of Calhoun who stoutly opposed the new doctrine of national sovereignty as preached by Webster, and regarded the preservation of the Union on the terms of the original compact as the most vital of all issues. In 1830 the population of the United States was 12,866,000, showing an increase of about thirty-three per cent over the census of 1820. Each succeeding census Qro^^hand showed as large a rate of increase until 1860, when distribution the total population of the country was 31,443,000. ^^ Pop^^^tion In 1830 there were 2,009,000 slaves and over 300,000 free blacks. The white population of the free States was at this time 6,871,000 and that of the slave States 3,660,000. Tak- ing the white population by sections, the Middle and New England States had 5,417,000; the slave States bordering on the Atlantic from Delaware to Florida had 2,116,000; while the remaining States, then constituting the West, had 2,998,000. The combination of the South and West was strong enough, with the aid of New York or Pennsylvania, to keep the Democratic party in power, and only twice between 1830 and 1860 did this party fail to elect its candidate for the presidency. The election of Jackson in 2828. introduced a ncnv era in American politics. It represented the triumph of western or frontier democracy over the conservatism of the ^j^^ triumph eastern States. Jackson himself was totally of western different in character, training, and experience emocracy from his predecessors. All of th(^ other presidents had been reared amid scenes of culture and refinement and had been tried in high executive or diplomatic positions before being called to the highest office in the Nation. Jackson was a product of the southwestern frontier and had lost little of 274 Sectional Divergence the self-reliance, of the restless activity, of the intolerance of opposition, and of the sense of loyalty to his friends, which had enabled him to make his way to the front in that some- what boisterous community. At the same time he had a dignified reserve and a stately courtesy which placed him at perfect ease in the most refined society. His de- mocracy was also of a new type and different from that of Jefferson. Jefferson believed in a democracy restrained by law ; Jackson believed in a democracy which knew no restraint but the will of the people. Van Buren, the secre- tarj'' of state, was the only man of marked abil- ity in Jackson's first cabinet and the only one on whose judgment he placed much reliance, though Eaton, the secretary of war, and Barry, the post- jackson's master-general, also enjoyed his confidence. In advisers addition to these he had outside of the cabinet a group of personal friends and political supporters who con- stituted his real advisers. Among them were Major W. B. Lewis, Amos Kendall, Isaac Hill, and Duff Green, who was soon supplanted by F. P. Blair. This group of unofficial ad- visers was popularly called the "Kitchen Cabinet," because it was commonly said that they went in and out of the White House through the back door. Jackson's inauguration was indicative of the change that had taken place. Never before had so many office seekers Andrew Jackson. Jacksonian Democracy 275 or such large crowds gathered in Washington. The streets were filled with people, and the crowds surged into the White House without restraint to attend the president's The spoUs reception, standing on chairs and sofas, jostling system the waiters and overturning trays of costly china in their eagerness to be served. The people had at last come into their own. Jackson honestly shared the general belief that the administration of Adams had been thoroughly corrupt, and he made no effort to check the general de- mand of his friends for a division of the spoils of government patronage. He believed that honesty was of greater impor- tance than experience in public office and he fa- vored the principle of rotation in office. "To the victors belong the spoils" was accepted as a political maxim. While Jackson made a larger number of removals than any of his predeces- sors, he did not remove as many office-holders as some of his successors. In fact for the next fifty years the spoils system flourished without serious effort to check it. In December, 1829, Senator Foote of Connec- ticut introduced a resolution questioning the ex- pediency of the further survey and sale of public Webster lands, which came up for consideration in January ^ ^^^ and precipitated the most memorable debate ever held in Thomas H. Benton. Foote 's resolution and the Hayne- 276 Sectional Divergence the United States Senate. Benton, of Missouri, and other western senators resented any attempt of the New England States to check the rapid sales of public lands as an attack on their section, and Benton's speech on Foote's resolution aroused much bitter feeling in the Senate. J Hayne of South Carolina opposed the resolution on con- stitutional grounds. He held that Congress had no right to pass laws that would bear more heavily on one section than another, and intimated that a State need not submit to hos- tile legislation. It was evident that he had the tariff in mind and was endeavoring to further cement the political union of the South and West. Webster replied to Hayne and the debate soon took a wide range involving the nature of the Federal Union and the principles of constitutional construc- tion. Hayne expounded the views advanced by Calhoun in the "South Carolina Exposition," while Webster maintained that the Union had been formed by the people and not by the States, that the national government was sovereign within the range of powers specified in the Constitution, and that nullification carried into practice would be nothing short of revolution. Webster's argmnent made a great impression in the North, and while some of his positions were historically un- true, he gave voice to sentiments of national sovereignty that were rapidly gaining ground in his section of the country. Foote's resolution failed to pass and the public land policy advocated by the South and West became a little later firmly established. Calhoun, who was the real leader of the nullification movement, was now trying to gain support for his doctrine. He failed to receive any encouragement from the between Virginians who were in close alliance with the New Calhoun and York wing of the party now dominated by Van T&cksou Buren. He also failed to receive the support of Georgia, which was engaged in a long controversy with the Jacksonian Democracy 277 Cherokee Indians involving the question of State's rights, for Jackson sided with the State of Georgia and notified the Indians that they must move beyond the Mississippi. '/Meanwhile Jackson and Calhoun had been gradually drift- ing apart. Early in his administration the president had been deeply offended by the effort of Mrs. Calhoun and other ladies connected with the administration to withhold social recognition from the wife of the secretary of war, Mrs. Eaton, who as Peggy O'Neal, the daughter of a Washington tavern keeper, had attained a questionable notoriety in her younger days. Van Buren, who was a widower, had stood by Jackson in his defense of Mrs. Eaton, and this had drawn the presi- dent into closer relations with his secretary of state. Still there had been no open breach with Calhoun, and Jackson's attitude on nullification was not definitely known. Calhoun and his friends now planned a great banquet for Jefferson's birthday, April 13, 1830, at which they hoped to entrap the president into some expression of approval of nullification. When called upon, Jackson surprised them by proposing as his toast this sentiment, ''Our Federal Union; it must be preserved." Calhoun, who followed him, replied with the toast, "The Union, next to our liberty, most dear." It had already been intimated to Jackson that Calhoun as secretary of war in Monroe's administration had disap- proved of his rash conduct in Florida, although Calhoun had written him a letter, at the direction of the president, con- gratulating him on his success. Shortly after the Jefferson- day dinner a letter was obtained from Crawford, who had also been a member of Monroe's cabinet, stating that Cal- houn had advised censuring Jackson for his conduct in Florida. This letter was shown to the president, and he at once called on Calhoun for an explanation. An angry cor- respondence ensued between the president and vice-presi- dent, which resulted in an open breach. It also resulted in 278 Sectional Divergence the complete reorganization of the cabinet, so as to exclude the Calhounites and place the Van Buren faction in control. Jackson favored a single term for the president and wanted the Constitution amended to that effect, but as the time Renomina- ^^^' nominating candidates drew near, his friends tion of insisted that he should accept a second term, and jac son ^ number of State legislatures renominated him. He feared that if he declined to run Calhoun might win the nomination over Van Buren, and he readily complied with the demand of his friends. The dominant party was now known as the Democratic party, and Clay had organized the National Republicans, soon to be known as Whigs, into ^ a strong opposition party. A third party now made its appearance and nominated a candidate for the presidency. This was the Anti-Masonic party which originated in New York. In 1826 William Morgan, of Batavia, New York, who had published a book revealing the secrets of freemasonry, mysteriously disap- peared, and it was generally believed that members of the Masonic Order had murdered him. The Masons were bitterly denounced and a widespread movement was at once organized for the purpose of suppressing the Order. In Sep- tember, 1831, the new party held a national convention in Baltimore and nominated WiUiam Wirt for the presidency. This was the first national nominating convention, and the example of the Anti-Masonic party was at once followed by the other parties. The National Republicans held a convention in Baltimore in December and nominated Henry Clay. At tKe suggestion of this convention an informal assembly of young men was held in Washington in May, 1832, for the purpose of ratify- ing the nomination of Clay. This Washington gathering adopted and pubhshed the first poUtical platform. Later in the same month the Democrats held a convention in Bal- timore for the purpose of nominating a candidate for vice- Jacksonian Democracy 279 president. The nomination of Jackson was accepted without opposition, and after the adoption of the two-thirds rule which has governed all subsequent Democratic conventions, Van Buren was nominated for the vice-presidency. In searching for a campaign issue Clay made a fatal mis- take. As the Northern and Western Democrats favored the tariff he could make little of that issue, and his The election favorite poUcy of internal improvements aroused °^ ^^^2 Uttle interest in the East. The Bank of the United States had, however, applied for a new charter and Jackson was known to be strongly opposed to granting it. In his first annual message he had questioned the expediency of rechar- tering the bank and he had also expressed doubts as to its constitutionaUty, although the Supreme Court had long since decided that question. The bank was such a formi- dable institution and Jackson's attitude appeared so unrea- sonable that in July, 1832, in the midst of the campaign, Clay's friends pushed through Congress the bill recharter- ing the bank, hoping to embarrass Jackson. The president promptly vetoed the bill in an able message in which he denounced the bank as a monopoly. The campaign was now fought out on the bank issue, but contrary to Clay's expectations Jackson's position met with widespread approval and he received 219 electoral votes to Clay's 49. South Carohna, not wishing to vote for Jackson, cast her eleven votes for John Floyd of Virginia. Clay car- ried Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Maryland, Delaware, and Kentucky, and the Anti-Masonic party carried Vermont. Jackson carried all the other States. Meanwhile in July Congress had passed a new go^^jj tariff act and the president had signed it. This Carolina act was distinctly a protectionist measure. While cTrd^nance it did away with most of the "abominations" of ofNuiiifica- 1828, it levied high duties on cotton and woolen November goods, iron, and other articles produced in this 24, 1832 280 Sectional Divergence country. On articles not produced in the United States it reduced the duties or removed them altogether. The aver- age rate on dutiable articles was about 33 per cent. It satis- fied the demands of the protectionists and laid down a prin- ciple which they hoped would be permanently established. To Calhoun and his followers the new tariff was much more objectionable in principle than the acts of 1824 and 1828, and in October the legislature of South Carolina sum- moned a convention to meet in November for the purpose of consider- ing what action the State should take. On No- vember 24 the conven- tion passed the Ordi- nance of Nullification, declaring the tariff acts of 1828 and 1832 un- constitutional, null and void, and directed the legislature to take the necessary steps to pre- vent the enforcement of the said acts within the limits of South Carolina after February 1, 1833. Hayne resigned his seat in the Senate to become governor of South Carolina, and was succeeded by Calhoun, who The com- resigned the vice-presidency in order to be free promise to defend the action of his State on the floor. But tariff of 1833 Jackson was in no wise disconcerted. In Decem- ber he issued a long proclamation to the people of South Carolina, in which he denounced nullification as uncon- stitutional and secession as treasonable and declared that .John C. Calhoun. Jacksonian Democracy 281 the laws of the United States must be executed. In Janu- ary, 1833, two measures were taken up in Congress. One was the "Force Bill," authorizing the president to use the army and navy in enforcing the law, and the other was a tariff bill, proposing a reduction of duties. As February 1, the time when the Ordinance of Nullifica- tion was to go into effect, drew near, the nullifiers agreed to await the outcome of the tariff discussion before resorting to force. Finally Clay introduced a compromise tariff bill, which provided for a gradual reduction of all duties in excess of 20 per cent until July 1, 1842, when there would be a uni- form rate of 20 per cent, which was what the Southerners demanded. For nine years, however, there was to be a large degree of protection. This bill passed Congress a few days before the close of the session and at the same time the "Force Bill" was enacted. The South Carohna convention then reassembled and repealed the Ordinance of Nullifica- tion, and then, in order to hit back at the administration, rather fooUshly passed an ordinance nullifying the "Force Bill." Had not the South been divided against itself the outcome might have been different, but with Andrew Jackson in the presidential chair there was little chance of South CaroUna being able to resist the enforcement of the law. Still the compromise of 1833 was in a measure a victory for Calhoun and his followers. Except for the brief period of 1842-1846, when the duties were again raised, the protective principle received little further countenance from the national govern- ment until the Civil War. The nullification controversy ruined Calhoun's chance of ever becoming president, al- though he never ceased to cherish that ambition, but it es- tablished his position as the recognized champion of Southern interests. As soon as the nullification controversy was out of the way, Jackson turned his attention to the bank. Most of its 282 Sectional Divergence officers were opposed to him politically and it was charged that the bank, particularly the branch bank at Portsmouth, T.„i,c.„^' New Hampshire, had discriminated against Jack- Jackson s ^ ' ° " War on son's friends and worked for his defeat. Jack- * ^ ^" son's opposition to the bank was, however, of much longer standing. He beheved that it was a dan- gerous monopoly, and now that the people had indorsed his position in the cam- paign of 1832, he decided to withdraw thi* govern- ment funds from the bank without waiting for the expiration of its charter, which was to take place in 1836. His object was to strengthen the State banks by de- positing the government funds with them, so that his enemies who con- trolled the bank could not call in its loans at the last minute and pro- duce a panic or threaten Congress into recharter- ing the bank over his veto. When Jackson laid his plan before the cabinet he found that Louis McLane, the secretary of the treasury, was The removal unwilling to order the removal of the government ofthede- deposits from the bank. Jackson transferred posi s, I 33 j^- j^ ^^ ^j^g State Department and appointed William J. Duane, of Pennsylvania, to succeed him. Duane was flattered at the appointment and accepted the post, but after several months' delay finally refused either to remove Nicholas Biddle, President of the Bank of the United States. Jacksonian Democracy 283 the deposits or to resign. Jackson promptly removed him and transferred Roger B. Taney from the post of attorney- general to that of secretary of the treasury. Taney immedi- ately designated certain State banks as government deposi- tories and ordered all funds deposited in them after October 1. The deposits in the Bank of the United States, amounting to over $6,000,000, were not withdrawn at once, but were gradually drawn on, so that when the bank closed January 1, 1836, it still had over $600,000 of government funds. Clay introduced in the Senate and secured the passage of resolutions censuring Jackson for the removal of the deposits. Benton later moved that the resolutions of censure be ex- punged and continued to bring up his motion at each session of the Senate until finally in 1837, when there was a majority of Democrats in that body, the expunging resolution passed. The Senate refused to confirm Taney's appointment as secretary of the treasury, but when Marshall died in 1835 Jackson appointed Taney chief justice. In his annual message of 1835 Jackson announced that the national debt had all been paid, but he warned Con- gress against future extravagance. Meanwhile ^, ^. The dis- a large surplus was accumulating to the credit tributionof of the government in the "pet banks," as those the surplus, . 1837 selected to receive government funds were called. Many new banks were organized and political influence was freely used to secure deposits. This system encouraged spec- ulation on a large scale, particularly in government lands, and with the increase in the number of banks there was an enormous increase in bank note currency. The sale of pubhc lands to speculators increased greatly the revenue derived from that source, and what to do with the surplus became a burning political question. The first step would naturally have been to reduce the tariff, but the compromise of 1833 had settled that question for several years to come and no one cared to reopen it. 284 Sectional Divergence As Jackson was opposed to internal improvements, the only thing to do seemed to be to distribute the money among the States. In June, 1836, Congress passed an act directing that the surplus in the treasury on January 1, 1837, in excess of $5,000,000, be distributed among the States in proportion to population in four quarterly installments. As the Consti- tution did not expressly authorize gifts from the public treas- ury, the money was to be distributed in the form of a loan. Under this act $28,000,000 was distributed in three install- ments, but when the time came for the fourth installment the panic of 1837 had set in and there was not enough money left to continue the distribution. The States were never called upon to repay the loan. The last measure of financial importance adopted by Jack- son was the "Specie Circular" of July 11, 1836. With the The "Specie ii^A^tion of the currency, speculation in public Circular," lands had gone on to an amazing extent and pay- ^ ^ ments were made in the notes of State banks of very doubtful value. Jackson had declared himself in favor of gold and silver as the "true constitutional currency," and Benton had introduced a resolution in April, 1836, declaring that "nothing but gold and silver coin ought to be received in payment for pubhc lands," but his motion was tabled. Jackson, therefore, determined to act on his own respon- sibihty in order to prevent the government from finding itself, through the failure of western banks, with a lot of worthless paper on its hands, and in July had a circular letter sent to the land agents directing them to receive in future nothing but gold and silver in payment for pubhc lands. While this measure did not produce, it undoubtedly hastened, the crisis of 1837. After the Revolution Great Britain had refused to admit American ships to her West Indian ports and Jay had failed to make a satisfactory adjustment in the treaty of 1794. After the War of 1812 efforts to secure concessions were re- Jacksonian Democracy 285 newed, but without success. Congress then adopted a policy of " countervaiUng legislation" and closed American ports to British ships coming from the West Indies. . During the Adams administration Great Britain affairs: the offered certain concessions, but Adams demanded West India trade and more than she was wilhng to concede. Jackson's the French followers made political capital out of the diplo- " ^P°^*^,*'°° matic deadlock, and when he became President he adopted a more conciliatory attitude. The British gov- ernment then expressed its willingness to come to terms and the matter was adjusted, so that American ships were at last admitted to British West Indian ports. Jackson also pressed with vigor American claims against France arising out of the seizure of ships and cargoes by' Napoleon. France finally agreed to pay 25,000,000 francs to be distributed among the claimants by the government of the United States. The satisfactory settlement of these two controversies added greatly to the national prestige and to Jackson's popularity with his countrymen. By the Florida treaty of 1819 the United States surren- dered, as we have seen, whatever claim it had to Texas. Two years later Mexico became independent of Spain , . 1 rr\ The inde- and the provinces of Coahuila and iexas were pendenceof later united and organized as one of the United '^o^^^'q a States of Mexico. Very soon settlers from the United States began pouring into Texas and President Adams, foreseeing trouble with Mexico, authorized the American minister to propose the purchase of Texas. Mexico refused to entertain the proposal at this time or when it was made a second time shortly after Jackson became president. Ameri- cans continued to pour into the country notwithstanding the efforts of the Mexican government to check immigration and in spite of hostile legislation directed against the American communities. In 1835 there were nearly 30,000 Americans in Texas and 286 Sectional Divergence they decided to drive out the Mexicans and establish an in- dependent state. The Mexican forces were soon driven across the Rio Grande, but Santa Anna, the president of Mexico, soon appeared with an army of several thousand men. A heroic band of 183 Texans was besieged in the fort of The Alamo at San Antonio and held out for two weeks, when the place was carried by storm. Not a single member of the garrison escaped death. Their heroic defense inspired the Texans to action and Sam Houston quickly collected a force which defeated Santa Anna in the battle of San Jacinto April 21, 1836. Santa Anna was him- self taken prisoner and released two months later only after prom- ising to grant the Texans their independence. His government repudiated this agreement, but took no steps to reconquer the Texans. An independent repub- lic was established with Sam Houston as president, but offers of annexation were made to the United States. Jackson, however, deferred action, partly because he did not want to get into trouble with Mexico and partly because he did not wish to inject this question into the presidential campaign then in progress. Jackson had his party well in hand and he had long de- cided that Van Buren should be his successor. In May, The election l^'^^' more than a year before the usual time for of Van the opening of the presidential campaign, a Demo- uren, i 3 ^ratic convention met in Baltimore and nominated Van Buren by acclamation, though without any great enthu- siasm. A ballot was taken for vice-president and Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky was nominated. The Whigs thought it best not to nominate a candidate and held no General Sam Houston. Jacksonian Democracy 287 convention, but they hoped by running different men in different parts of the country to capture enough electoral votes to throw the election into the House. Van Buren received 170 electoral votes, which was more than a major- ity. Of the Whig cancUdates William Henry Harrison received 73 votes, White of Tennessee 26, and Webster of Massachusetts 14. South Carolina, unwilling to vote for Jackson's candidate, cast her 11 votes for Mangum of North Carolina. Johnson did not receive a majority of the electoral votes, but he was chosen vice-president by the Senate. Although a shrewd political adviser, Van Buren possessed few of the gifts of a popular leader. He labored under the hancUcap of having received his high office at the Administra- hands of Andrew Jackson rather than from tionofVan the people. He announced his intention of ""^^^ treading in the footsteps of General Jackson, but he lacked Jackson's self-reliance and he soon lost the confidence of his party and of the public at large. Scarcely had Van Buren taken his seat in the presidential chair when the country entered upon a period of financial depression such as had never been seen before and Financial has been equaled only once since. Van Buren panic of was in no way responsible for this state of affairs. ^ ^^ The crisis had been brought about by overspeculation, and it had been hastened by Jackson's financial poUcy. The Whigs charged it all to the destruction of the bank and hoped to force the establishment of a new one. Van Buren pro- posed instead the absolute divorce of the government from the banks and got introduced into Congress the "Independent Treasury Bill," which provided that the government should keep its fund locked up in the vaults of the treasury and of subtreasuries to be established in different parts of the coun- try. The bill was twice defeated, but it finally became a law in 1840. 288 Sectional Divergence TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. Jacksonian Democracy: Wilson, Division and Reunion, pp. 19-26; Schouler, Vol. Ill, pp. 426-453; Wm. MacDonald, Jacksonian Democracy, Chaps. I-III ; Sumner, Andrew Jackson, Chap. I ; Stanwood, History of the Presidency, Chap. XII. 2. The Spoils System : Wilson, Division and Reunion^ pp. 26- 34 ; Schouler, Vol. Ill, pp. 453^61 ; MacDonald, Chap. IV ; McMaster, Vol. V, pp. 519-536; Bassett, Life of Andrew Jackson, Vol. II, Chap. XXI. 3. The Public Land Question : Wilson, Division and Reunion, pp. 41-48; MacDonald, Chap. VI; McMaster, Vol. VI, pp. 11- 29; Sumner, Andrew Jackson, pp. 184-191. 4. The Breach between Calhoun and Jackson : Wilson, Division and Reunion, pp. 52-59; Schouler, Vol. Ill, pp. 488-501, Vol. IV, pp. 31-37; Sumner, Andreiv Jackson, Chap. VII; Bassett, Life of Andrew Jackson, Vol. II, Chap. XXIV. 5. The National Nominating Convention: McMaster, Vol. VI, pp. 114-152; MacDonald, Chap. XI; Stanwood, History of the Presidency, Chap. XIV. 6. The Nullification Controversy : Wilson, Division and Reunion, pp. 59-68; Schouler, Vol. IV, pp. 38-40, 85-111; MacDonald, Chaps. V, IX; McMaster, Vol. VI, pp. 148-176; Sumner, Andrew Jackson, Chap. X, XIII; Bassett, Life of Andrew Jackson, Vol. II, Chap. XXVI ; Carl Schurz, Henry Clay, Vol. II, Chap. XIV. 7. The Bank Controversy : Wilson, Division and Reunion, Chap. Ill; Schouler, Vol. IV, pp. 132-182; MacDonald, Chaps. VII, XIII ; McMaster, Vol. VI, pp. 1-11, 133-140, 184-211 ; Sum- ner, Andrew Jackson, Chap. XI, XIII ; Bassett, Life of Andrew Jackson, Vol. II, Chaps. XXVII-XXIX. 8. Foreign Affairs under Jackson: MacDonald, Chap. XII ; Mc- Master, Vol. VI, pp. 236-241, 299-303; Sumner, Andrew Jackson, pp. 164-174 ; Bassett, Life of Andrew Jackson, Vol. II, Chap. XXX. 9. The Independence of Texas: Schouler, Vol. IV, pp. 247- 256 ; McMaster, Vol. VI, pp. 250-270, 461-482 ; Bassett, Life of Andrew Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 673-678, 735-743; R. M. McElroy, Winning of the Far West, Chaps. I, II ; H. Bruce, Life of General Houston. 10. Martin Van Buren : Wilson, Division aiid Reunion, pp. 93- 101; Schouler, Vol. IV, Chap. XV; MacDonald, Chap. XVII; McMaster, Vol. VI, pp. 389-419; E. M. Shepard, Martin Van Buren. CHAPTER XVII Henry Clay. THE PERIOD OF THE MEXICAN WAR In spite of Van Buren's unpopularity and the misfortunes of his administration no other aspirant appeared to contest his party lead- _ . . /. ^ The election ership and he of Harrison was renomi- and Tyler, 1840 nated without opposition by a conven- tion which met in Balti- more May 5, 1840. As there were several candi- dates for the vice-presi- dential nomination the convention decided not to choose between them, expecting that the choice would ultimately devolve upon the Senate. A platform was adopted embodying the charac- teristic principles of Jeffersonian and Jack- sonian democracy. The Whigs had already held their convention at Harris- burg, Pennsylvania, December 4, 1839. Clay, who had been the most active organizer of the party, was eager for the nomi- nation, but as the party was made up of such diverse elements it was deemed best to nominate William Henry Harrison, 289 290 Sectional Divergence whose political principles were not so clearly defined or so well known. For the vice-presidency they nominated John Tyler of Virginia, a strict-constructionist Democrat, whose opposition to Jackson had carried him into the Whig party. As the Whigs could not agree upon a platform, they de- cided to conduct a spectacular campaign and to arouse popu- lar enthusiasm for the old hero of Tippecanoe. Log cabins were drawn through the streets on floats, with barrels of cider outside and live raccoons tied to the door. The campaign was turned into a carnival of merrymaking and the immense throngs that gathered at street parades and mass meetings joined in singing popular songs ending in the refrain of "Tip- pecanoe and Tyler too." These methods were successful. Harrison and Tyler received 234 electoral votes and Van Buren only 60. This campaign is also memorable for the appearance of the Abolition party, which nominated James G. Birney of New York as its first candidate for the presi- dency. Office-seekers flocked to Harrison's inauguration in even larger numbers than had attended the first inauguration of Death of Jackson, and notwithstanding the fact that the Harrison, Whig party had bitterly denounced Jackson's AprU4, 1841 j.gi^Qvals from office, the demands of Harrison's followers were overwhelming. The president, who was sixty- eight years of age, could not stand the strain, and exactly one month after his inauguration he suddenly succumbed to an attack of pneumonia. For the first time in the history of the country the vice- president succeeded. Even had Harrison lived it would have been a difficult task to hold together a party formed out of the various elements that had opposed Jackson, but with Tyler the case was hopeless, for he was entirely out of sym- pathy with the dominant faction headed by Clay, and now that Harrison was dead Clay regarded himself as the respon- sible leader charged with carrying out the party program. Period of the Mexican War 291 Tyler retained for the present Harrison's cabinet, with Daniel Webster as secretary of state and friends of Clay in the other departments. When Congress met Tyler's in extra session on the last of May, in pursuance break with of a call issued by Harrison shortly before his * ® '^^ death, Clay promptly announced his program, which in- cluded the repeal of the subtreasury act, the incorporation of a new bank, and the enactment of a new tariff law. Tyler did not like Clay's assumption of party leadership and when the bill establishing a bank in the District of Co- lumbia with branches in the States was presented for his sig- nature he vetoed it. The Whig leaders were greatly dis- concerted, but they sent one of their number to the president with the draft of a new bill for a "Fiscal Corporation," omit- ting certain features of the first bill and avoiding the use of the word bank. Tyler suggested certain further changes in the phraseology of the bill, which were promptly agreed to, and in due course it passed Congress and was presented again for his approval. His resolution wavered and, after several days' consideration, finding himself unable to overcome his constitutional objections to a bank in any form, he returned the bill with his veto. The Whigs were thoroughly enraged and all the members of the cabinet except Webster resigned, denouncing Tyler's bad faith. Clay summoned a party caucus, which formally declared that "all political connection between them and John Tyler was at an end." Tyler agreed to the repeal of the subtreasury act and the following year signed the tariff act of August 30, 1842, which reestablished the protective principle. Webster had remained in Tyler's cabinet partly because he did not care to acknowledge Clay's leadership and partly because of important negotiations then Webster- i/ pending with Great Britain. The boundary be- Ashburton \.^ ■ 1 ^T T^ • , 1 ^. 1 Treaty, 1842 tween Maine and New Brunswick as defined in the treaty of 1783 had been the subject of serious dis- 292 Sectional Divergence pute. Maine settlers had pushed into the valley of the Aroostook, the ownership of which was in dispute, and in 1838 and 1839 a border warfare was imminent. The legislature of Maine made an appropriation for defense and Congress authorized the president to resist any attempt of Great Britain to enforce exclusive jurisdiction over the disputed territory. General Scott was sent to the scene of action and put a stop to the so-called "Aroos- took War" by arranging a truce and joint occu- pation until the matter could be adjusted diplo- matically. When Webster became secretary of state he tookjj the matter up and finally on August 9, 1842, signed with Lord Ashburton a treaty, which adjusted satisfactorily not only the Maine boundary, but the boundary from Lake Superior to the Lake of. the Woods and as far west as the Rocky Mountains. The treaty also contained a clause binding the two parties to maintain on the African coast large enough squadrons to suppress effectually the slave trade. A few months after the signature of the treaty with Eng- land Webster resigned from the cabinet and was succeeded The Texas by A. P. Upshur of Virginia. Having been repu- question diated by the Whigs, Tyler was now trying to build up a Democratic party of his own, but most of the old Jackson men held aloof. The annexation of Texas had now Daniel Webster. Period of the Mexican War 293 become a leading political issue and on this question he hoped to unite the South behind him. But for the opposition of the antislavery people Texas would have been annexed in 1837. But Jackson, as we have seen, thought it prudent to postpone the question and avoid making it a political issue. Tyler's attention was drawn to Texas by the intrigues of Great Britain and France with the officials of that republic and with Mexico, intrigues which recent investigations show were more hostile to the United States than even Tyler sup- posed. Upshur was secretly negotiating a treaty of annexa- tion when he and the secretary of the navy were blown up by an accidental explosion on the gunboat Princeton in February, 1844. Calhoun was now invited to accept the position of secretary of state and the treaty was concluded April 12, but it was rejected by the Senate. The question of annexation became the leading issue in the presidential campaign which was just opening. The annexation of Texas was inevitable. So far from being forced on the country as the result of a slaveholders' con- spiracy, it was a perfectly natural step in Ameri- can expansion and but for the growing antislavery jeaders^^'^^ sentiment it would have encountered little oppo- threaten sition outside of New England. As soon as it j|^t^^'°°' became known in 1843 that Tyler was contemplat- ing annexation, John Quincy Adams, who had tried to pur- chase Texas when president, presented the following resolu- tion to the committee on Foreign Relations : "That any at- tempt of the government of the United States, by an act of Congress or by treaty, to annex to this Union the republic of Texas, or the people thereof, would be a violation of the Constitution of the United States, null and void, and to which the free States of this Union and their people ought not to submit." The committee refused to report the resolution to the House, but Adams, Giddings, and other antislavery leaders issued an address to the people of the free States, de- 294 Sectional Divergence daring "that annexation, effected by any act or proceeding of the Federal government, or any of its departments, would be identical with dissolution," that "it would be a violation of our national compact" to which they were conjfident the people of the free States would not submit, and that it would not only result in a dissolution of the Union, but fully jus- tify it. The Webster-Ashburton treaty had agreed upon the 49th parallel as the boundary between the United States and The Oregon Canada from the Lake of the Woods to the Rocky question Mountains. West of the mountains the Oregon country was still in dispute. The claims of the United States were based on Captain Gray's discovery of the Columbia River in 1791, the expedition of Lewis and Clark, and the Florida treaty, in which Spain had accepted the 42d parallel as the northern boundary of her possessions. The British claims were based on the voyage of Captain Cook in 1778 and on the trading stations established in the region by the Hudson Bay Company. Russia had also laid claim to the region, but England and the United States had united in opposing her, and by treaties of 1824 and 1825 she had abandoned all claim to the coast south of 54° 40'. In 1818, England and the United States had agreed to the joint occu- pation of the territory without prejudice to the claims of either party and this arrangement had been continued indef- initely in 1827, subject to termination on twelve months' notice by either party. By 1844 a large number of Americans had gone to Oregon, especially from Missouri, and they urged the government to look out for their interests. The United States had been willing to adopt the 49th parallel as the boundary, but Eng- land had rejected this proposition, as she wanted her posses- sions to extend as far south as the Columbia River. Ameri- cans now began to claim the whole of Oregon, and the question was united with that of Texas annexation. "Fifty- Period of the Mexican War 295 four Forty or Fight" became one of the slogans of the cam- paign of 1844. When the Democratic convention met in Baltimore, May 27, 1844, it was found that a majority of the delegates were committed to Van Buren, who still retained his ^.^ • „ hold on the party organization and still had the tionofPoik, backing of Andrew Jackson. The two-thirds rule ^ '*'* had in previous conventions been applied in the selection of the vice-president, but there had never been any balloting in nominating a candidate for the presidency and Van Buren 's friends held that there was no reason why it should be ap- plied. After a discussion lasting the greater part of two days the two-thirds rule was finally reaffirmed. This action de- feated Van Buren, for he had written a letter shortly before the meeting of the convention in which he had opposed the annexation of Texas on the ground that it could not be ac- complished without a war with Mexico, and he could not command enough Southern delegates to give him the neces- sary two-thirds vote. An effort was then made to nominate Lewis Cass of Michi- gan, while R. M. Johnson and James Buchanan each had a strong following also. The name of James K. Polk of Ten- nessee was presented to the convention on the eighth ballot and on the ninth he was nominated. He had served for a time as speaker of the House and had also been governor of Tennessee, but he had never been seriously considered for the presidency and his nomination was a surprise to the country. He was the first "dark horse." George M. Dallas of Pennsyl- vania was nominated for the vice-presidency. The plat- form urged the "re-occupation of Oregon and the re-annexa- tion of Texas at the earliest practicable period." The Whig convention had been held in Baltimore four weeks before the Democratic convention, and Henry Clay had been nominated by acclamation. He had expected to be opposed by Van Buren and he had taken substantially the 296 Sectional Divergence same attitude on the Texas question. Polk's open advocacy of annexation threatened to draw off Clay's Southern follow- The can- ^^^' ^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ campaign advanced Clay wrote didacyof letters to his Southern friends in which he tried to Clay and the hg(^gg on the question of annexation. While this outcome or . . . . the shifting of position enabled him to carry North campaign Carolina and Tennessee it caused him to lose New York, where the Abolitionist candidate drew enough of his strength to give the State to Polk. Polk, also, had to do some hedging on the tariff question in order to hold Pennsylvania, but expansion was the para- mount issue and on this issue Polk was elected, receiving 170 electoral votes to Clay's 105. The Abolitionist party, which had received about 7000 votes in 1840, again nominated Birney on a stirring platform and received over 65,000 votes. The election had settled the question of the annexation of Texas, and Tyler, who was now working with the Demo- crats, without waiting for Polk to come into office, Annexation • i i i /-i • i i p i • of Texas, hurned through Congress in the last days oi his March i, administration a bill providing for the annexation of Texas by joint resolution. It provided that Texas should be admitted as a State and that with her consent four other States might be formed out of her territory, but that in any State so formed north of the Missouri Com- promise line neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should be permitted. The Republic of Texas agreed to the pro- posed terms, adopted a State constitution, and by joint reso- lution of December 29, 1845, was admitted into the Union as the State of Texas. It was formerly the practice of American historians to portray Polk as a man of second-rate ability and to denounce The admin- ^^^ Mexican War, which was the most important istrationof event of his administration, as a national crime °^ into which he ruthlessly led the country. As a matter of fact few, if any, presidents have carried out pre- r Period of the Mexican War 297 determined policies with greater success or ruled their party with a stronger will. The Mexican War was the necessary- result of the annexation of Texas, as both Clay and Van Buren had foreseen and asserted in the early stages of the presidential campaign, and Polk was no more responsible for it than the thousands of his fellow citizens who had voted for him. Polk selected an able cabinet. James Buchanan became secretary of state, Robert J. Walker secretary of the treasury, William L. Marcy secretary of war, John Y. Mason attorney-general, and George Bancroft secretary of the navy. In 1846 Bancroft was sent as minister to England, but during his term in the cabinet he succeeded in getting Congress to establish the Naval Academy at Annapolis. While Polk had tried to avoid taking a positive stand on the tariff, Secretary Walker, who professed to be an advocate of free trade, suggested in his first report a reduc- The tariff tion of the duties, and a bill drawn at his dictation ^^^ °^ '^46 was enacted into law July 30, 1846. As a matter of fact, it was far from being a free trade measure, for it still afforded a considerable degree of protection, but it proved to be a very satisfactory law and continued in force until 1857, when the duties were still further lowered. The reduction of the tariff caused the Democrats to lose Pennsylvania at the Congres- sional election of 1846 and at the presidential election of 1848. Another measure of importance of about the same date was the reenactment of the independent treasury act, which the Whigs had repealed in 1841. This method of handling the public funds, first suggested by Van Buren, now became a permanent policy. Before the close of Tyler's administration Congress under- took to carry out the pledge of the Democratic Adjustment platform relating to Oregon, and the House passed of the a bill February 3, 1845, providing for the organi- ^^^/by "^'^ zation of a territorial government with the parallel treaty, June of 54° 40' as the northern limit, but the Senate '5- ^846 298 Sectional Divergence refused to concur. When Polk came into office he took the matter up with vigor. He first offered to compromise with England on the line of the 49th degree, and when this offer was declined he asked permission of Congress to give the necessary notice for the termination of the joint-occupation agreement, to provide for the military defense of the terri- tory, and to extend over it the laws of the United States. In April, 1846, notice was given to England, but at the same time the hope was expressed that the matter might be adjusted diplomatically. As Polk had correctly surmised, England had no intention of going to war over the dispute, and as soon as it was evident that tlie United States was in earnest she gracefully yielded and accepted the terms which had first been proposed. By the treaty of June 15, 1846, the boundary was fixed at the 49th parallel. As 'war with Mexico was now imminent, the public generally approved of the compromise, though the criticism was made by some at the North that the South, having secured in Texas a large addition to slave territory, was now indifferent about the expansion of free territory. As Mexico had never recognized the independence of the Republic of Texas, she protested against its annexation to Causes of ^^^^ United States and promptly withdrew her the Mexican minister from Washington. The rupture of diplo- " matic relations under such circumstances usually leads to war and it did so in this case. Furthermore a mass of claims of American citizens against Mexico had accumu- lated in the State Department, and Mexico had persistently refused to recognize them or to submit them to arbitration. As Mexico refused to be reconciled to the loss of Texas and its annexation to the United States, she refused, of course, The south- ^^ agree upon any boundary. Santa Anna had era bound- agreed to the Rio Grande as the southwestern ary of Texas bQ^j^fiaj-y Qf Texas, but his entire arrangement had been repudiated by Mexico. As a Mexican province lOW A V^;, TERRITORY TERRITORY CLAIMED BY TEXAS WHEN ADMITTED INTO THE UNION 1845 Mexico Period of the Mexican War 299 Texas had extended only to the Nueces River. The southern bank of the Nueces was occupied by the Texans, but from that point to the Rio Grande the region was uninhabited. When Polk came into office he determined to adjust these matters and also, if possible, to acquire California, which was sparsely settled and not likely to continue in the hands of a weak power like Mexico. Polk had the foresight to see the immense importance to the United States of the Pacific coast. Had Great Britain been permitted to acquire the whole of Oregon, she would inevitably have acquired California too and thus shut us off entirely from the Pacific. Negotiations with Great Britain and with Mexico were simultaneously pushed by him with characteristic vigor. Polk hoped to arrive at an amicable adjustment with Mexico, but in case diplomacy failed he was prepared for war. In November, 1845, he dispatched John Slidell siideii's to Mexico with the hope of reestablishing diplo- °"ssion matic relations. Slidell was instructed to bring to the atten- tion of the Mexican government the claims of American citi- zens and the question of the Texas boundary, and to offer $30,000,000 for California and New Mexico. In case Mexico was willing to sell this territory and accept the Rio Grande boundary, the United States would agree to assume the claims of its citizens. The Mexican government refused to receive Slidell or to entertain his proposals. Meanwhile, General Zachary Taylor was stationed with a force of 3500 men on the southern bank of the Nueces River, having been sent there as soon as annexation was decided on for the purpose of guarding the frontier -pavior* against invasion. As soon as the failure of Sli- occupies the dell's mission became known, Polk ordered Taylor area"*^ to advance to the north bank of the Rio Grande. The order was promptly obeyed and Taylor stationed his troops in a commanding position opposite Matamoros, where the principal Mexican force was concentrated. The Mexican 300 Sectional Divergence general regarded this as an invasion of Mexican territory and notified General Taylor that he must break his camp within twenty-four hours and retire beyond the Nueces River. This of course he refused to do and on the 24th of April a Mexican force crossed over to the north bank of the river War and fell on an American detachment, which they declared captured after killing or wounding sixteen men. In his message of May 11, 1846, the president laid these facts before Congress, together with the papers relating to Slidell's mission, and declared that war existed "by the act of Mexico herself," that she had "invaded our territory and shed American blood upon American soil." Two days later Congress passed an act for the prosecution of the Mexican War, authorizing the enlistment of 50,000 men and appro- priating $10,000,000. When hostilities began General Taylor had to fall back to protect his base of supplies, but he soon advanced again General ^^^ ^^ ^^^® battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Taylor's Palma on May 8 and 9 defeated and routed a advance Mexican force of nearly double his number under General Arista. He then crossed the river and on the 18th occupied Matamoros. His force was soon increased to 12,000, only half of whom, however, were properly equipped. On September 24, after three days of continuous fighting, he captured Monterey, which was strongly fortified and held by a force of 10,000 men under General Ampudia. He then advanced to Saltillo and Victoria, while the navy took pos- session of Tampico. As the Mexican government was not yet inclined to come to terms, President Polk decided to send an expedition against the City of Mexico by way of Vera Cruz. Ta3dor was a Whig and his victories had brought him such great popularity that his name was already being mentioned for the presidency. Polk concluded that Taylor had won glory enough for one man, and not being able to find a Democrat in the army to I Period of the Mexican War 301 whom he could entrust the command of the new expedition, he was finally forced to give it to another Whig, General Win- field Scott. At the same time Taylor was ordered to send a large part of his force to join Scott. A copy of this order fell into the hands of the Mexicans and General Santa Anna at once decided to concentrate his forces in the north and crush Taylor before Scott could advance against the City of Mexico. As Santa Anna approached with 20,000 men, Taylor took a strong position in the pass of Buena Vista, where he was attacked February 23, 1847, and although outnumbered four to one, he held his position against a fierce assault that lasted for two days. As Scott's expedition was about to land at Vera Cruz, Santa Anna hastened back to the defense of the capital, and Taylor remained in undis- turbed control of the region south of the R,io Grande. Meanwhile Colonel Stephen Kearney had left Fort Leaven- worth for California with a small force shortly after war was declared, and after taking possession of Santa -r-, 1 1 • 11- 1 Vi T-v- 1 Theoccu- Fe had contmued his march to San Diego by way pationof of the Gila Valley. When he reached California CaUfomia, in December, 1846, he found that the American fleet had already taken possession of San Francisco and Monterey and that most of the Mexican garrisons had been driven from the country. This result had been brought about by the combined efforts of the navy and a small force of Americans raised by Captain John C. Fremont, who had crossed the continent on an exploring expedition with a view to locating an overland route from the Mississippi to the Pacific. Commodore Stockton had appointed Fremont gov- ernor of California and the latter was not disposed to recog- nize Kearney's superior authority. In fact he had to be placed under arrest before Kearney could proceed to organize a provisional government in accordance with his instructions. Thus the vast region of California and New Mexico was won by a few hundred men with little effort or loss of life. 302 Sectional Divergence General Scott's expedition of 12,000 men landed a few miles south of Vera Cruz, March 9, 1847, and three weeks Scott's later forced the town to surrender with its garri- expedition qq^ of 5000 men and 400 guns. Although not fully prepared for an immediate advance, Scott had to hurry his troops away from the coast in order to avoid the yellow fever season, which was fast approaching. To reach the City of Mexico Scott's army had to march 280 miles along a road which zigzags over lofty mountain ranges and reaches at one of the passes an elevation of 10,000 feet. The City of Mexico itself is about 7000 feet above the sea level. At Cerro Gordo, where the road from the coast enters the mountains, General Santa Anna collected an army of 12,000 men to contest the American advance. In a three days' fight, April 17-19, General Scott forced the Mexican position, captured 3000 men, and completely routed the rest of the army. General Santa Anna collected a part of his scattered forces at Pueblo, but soon retired to the City of Mexico. On May 15 the American army occupied the city of Pueblo. Here Scott had to remain for three months, as the terms of about one third of his troops had expired and he had to wait for the arrival of new recruits. Mean- while peace negotiations were undertaken without result by Nicholas P. Trist, chief clerk of the State Department, who had accompanied the army with the draft of a treaty in his pocket. Early in August the army resumed its march against the City of Mexico, but Santa Anna had gathered together an General Winfield Scott. b Period of the Mexican War 303 army of 20,000 men and the direct approach to the city- was strongly guarded. Scott decided, therefore, to make a detour to the south and approach the city from that direction. After inflicting heavy losses on tjfj'c'ityof the Mexicans in hard-fought battles at Contreras Mexico, and Churubusco, Scott consented to a truce, ^^^[V^„^^ , . 14, 1047 hoping that the Mexicans would come to terms and avoid an assault on the city. As it was evident that the Mexicans were merely playing for time, operations were resumed on the 8th of September and on the 13th Chapulte- pec, a natural fortress of great strength mounted by batteries and strongly manned, was carried by assault. The Ameri- cans were now at the gates of the city, and on the following day it was surrendered, Santa Anna having withdrawn during the night. General Scott had become greatly provoked with Trist, who had been sent along with the expedition to negotiate terms of peace at the earliest practicable moment, and The treaty he complained to the president that peace nego- ofGuada- tiations were interfering with military operations, gf^aigo An order was finally sent for Trist's recall, but February 2, when it arrived he was satisfied that the Mexicans ^ '^ were at last willing to come to terms and he continued the negotiations, which resulted in the signing of the treaty of peace at the little town of Guadalupe Hidalgo, February 2^ 1848. Trist was finally arrested and sent back to the United States, but his treaty was submitted by the president to the Senate and ratified. The Texas boundary was fixed at the Rio Grande, and New Mexico and California were ceded to the United States in return for a payment of $15,000,000. The United States also agreed to assume the claims of its citizens against Mexico. The unparalleled success of the American arms had led to a demand for the annexation of the whole of Mexico, but Polk adhered strictly to his original purpose. Rarely has a vie- 304 Sectional Divergence t>^ torious nation displayed such moderation. Polk was not influenced by the foolish clamor against hauling down the flag which half a century later influenced McKinley in his decision concerning the Philippines. The war had been well fought. Grant, who took part in the operations against Mexico, said years afterwards that he regarded the strategy and tactics of Scott as faultless. Besides Grant, many others who became leaders in the Civil War received their training under Scott and Taylor, among them Robert E. Lee, Stone- wall Jackson, Jeft'erson Davis, Joseph E. Johnston, George H. Thomas, George B. McClellan, H. W. Halleck, and George G. Meade. With the annexation of Texas and California, the westward movement received a new stimulus. The discovery of gold The new ^^ California early in 1848, about the time that westward the treaty was signed, caused a rush of settlers movemen ^^^ adventurers from all parts of America and Europe to that region. In two years the population of California had grown to 100,000. In order to get there the gold-hunter and the settler had to take the long and difficult sea voyage around the Horn, or risk the terrors of yellow fever in crossing the isthmus, or encounter the hardships and dangers of a six months' journey across the continent. The acquisition of California at once drew the attention of the government to the future importance of the inter- oceanic canal routes, and steps were immediately taken to secure permanent rights of way. In 1846 a treaty Negotiations -i-it^t/-. ii j/^i for an was Signed With New Granada, the present Colom- isthinian ]j[q^^ ]-,y which the United States acquired a right of way across the isthmus of Panama by any mode of communication then in existence or that might be sub- sequently developed. In 1850 the Unit eel States and Eng- land signed the much discussed Clayton-Bulwer treaty, by the terms of which England surrendered certain rights which Period of the Mexican War 305 she had acquired in Central America and the United States agreed that any canal that might be built through Nicaragua ! or at any other point connecting the two oceans should be under the joint control of the two powers. The Middle West was now expanding and filling up with people at a rapid rate. Several causes combined to make the forties and the fifties an era of development Thebuiid- and progress. In the first place railroads were ingof rapidl}^ taking the place of canals as means of ^^^ '^°^ ^ transportation, thus spreading the population more evenly over the country and enabling it to leave the rivers and waterways. The first steam locomotive used in this country was invented by Peter Cooper in 1830 and made its first trip from Baltimore to Ellicott City, Maryland. This was the beginning of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. In 1843 a line was completed from Charleston, South Carolina, to Augusta, Georgia. In 1832 a little road was built from Albany to Schenectady, which was the beginning of the New York Central. By 1840 it was possible to travel by rail from New York to Wilmington, North Carolina. Pittsburg was reached by the Pennsylvania Railroad in 1852, and Wheeling by the Baltimore and Ohio in 1853. In 1854 the Charleston and Savannah Railroad was completed to Chattanooga, and in 1858 it was continued to Memphis. During the fifties the Illinois Central and other western roads were built with the aid of land grants, and by 1860 the Middle West was well provided with railroads. During the thirties and forties the canal was the principal means of transportation, but dur- ing the fifties the railroad mileage was extended from about 5000 to over 25,000. With the railroad came also the tele- graph, invented by Morse in 1844. Within ten or fifteen years all the principal cities were connected by telegraphic communication. Improvements in agricultural implements kept pace with 306 Sectional Divergence improvements in the means of transportation. The iron plow, with detachable parts which could be renewed when broken or worn out, came into general use ; thresh- ment of ing machines of various kinds supplanted the older western methods of separating the grain from the straw and chaff ; and finally the reaper brought about the great- est change that had ever taken place in agricultural methods. The first successful reaper was invented by Cyrus Hall McCormick, of Rockbridge County, Virginia, in 1831. Scores of reaping machines had been invented in this country and abroad, but none of them proved successful. Young McCormick, who had assisted his father in the construction of an unsuccessful reaper at the forge on his farm, finally invented the type of machine which is now used the world over. In 1834 he took out his first patent, but it was several years before the machine was perfected. In 1844 he made a trip through the West and was quick to grasp the immense possibilities of the reaper on the vast prairies of that region. He moved at once to Cincinnati and later to Chicago and be- gan the manufacture of reapers on a large scale. The reaper, while useful everywhere, was an inestimable boon to the West, for it enabled the farmers to put in vast crops of grain on the prairies which it would have been impossible, where labor was scarce, to gather in by means of the old cradle. The reaper was one of the greatest factors in the rapid development of the West. In the forties foreign immigration began to assume large proportions. In 1842 over 100,000 foreigners came to our Foreign im- shores and in 1854 the number exceeded 400,000. migration This movement was due primarily to the famine in Ireland and the revolutions in Germany, but it was accel- erated by the rapid extension of the American frontier. Some of the immigrants remained in the Eastern States, where they took the place of the native-born Americans who were mov- ing to the West. This was especially true of the Irish. The Period of the Mexican War 307 Germans, on the other hand, preferred going directly to the frontier and they played an important part in the develop- ment of some of the Western States. Between 1830 and 1850 six new States were admitted to the Union ; Arkansas in 1836, Michigan in 1837, Florida and Texas in 1845, Iowa in 1846, and Wisconsin in 1848. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. Tyler's Break with the Whigs : Wilson, Division and Reunion, pp. 133-139; Garrison, Westward Extension, Chaps. Ill, IV; McMaster, Vol. VI, pp. 601-637 ; Schouler, Vol. IV, pp. 367-395 ; Roosevelt, Thomas Hart Benton, Chap. XI. 2. The Webster-Ashburton Treaty : Garrison, Chap. V ; McMas- ter, Vol. VII, pp. 271-284 ; Schouler, Vol. IV, pp. 396^04 ; Foster, Century of American Diplomacy, pp. 282-298; J. S. Reeves, Ameri- can Diplomacy under Tyler and Polk, Chaps. I, II. 3. Texas and Oregon : Wilson, pp. 141-148 ; Garrison, Chaps. VI-XI ; Stanwood, History of the Presidency, Chap. XVII ; McEl- roy. Winning of the Far West, Chaps. Ill, IV ; McMaster, Vol. Vil, pp. 286-367, 391-420 ; Schouler, Vol. IV, pp. 457-491 ; Reeves, Chaps. VII-X ; Justin H. Smith, Annexation of Texas. 4. Causes of the Mexican "War: Garrison, Chaps. XIII, XIV; McEIroy, Chap. V ; McMaster, Vol. VII, pp. 432-439 ; Schouler, Vol. IV, pp. 495-527 ; Reeves, Chap. XII ; G. Hunt, John C. Calhoun, Chaps. XVII, XVIII; President Polk's War Message of May 11, 1846, in Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. IV, pp. 437—443. 5. Military Operations : Garrison, Chap. XV ; McElroy, Chaps. VI, VIII, IX-XI; McMaster, Vol. VII, pp. 440^61, 506-509; Schouler, Vol. IV, pp. 535-550, Vol. V, pp. 1-61. 6. The Occupation of California : McElroy, Chap. VII ; McMas- ter, Vol. VII, pp. 462-472, 585-614; Schouler, Vol. IV, pp. 528- 535 ; Reeves, Chap. XI ; E. D. Adams, British Interests and Activities in Texas, Chap. XI. 7. The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo: McElroy, Chap. XII; McMaster, Vol. VII, pp. 509-525; J. B. Moore, American Diplo- macy, pp. 234-236 ; Reeves, Chap. XIII. 8. Transportation and Western Development: McMaster, Vol. VII, pp. 190-220; E. L. Bogart, Economic History of the United States, Part III ; K. Coman, Industrial History of the United States, Chap. VIII ; CaUender, Economic History, Chap. VIII. CHAPTER XVIII SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES From the Missouri Compromise to the beginning of the Mexican War there was an effort to exclude all direct dis- Eariy op- cussion of slavery from the halls of Congress. An position to active antislaver}^ propaganda was, however, car- s avery ^-^^ ^^^ outside of Congress and was now assuming formidable proportions. The first opposition to slavery came from the Quakers of Pennsylvania in the eighteenth century. At the time of the Revolution, Jefferson, Mason, and most of the leading statesmen of Virginia regarded slavery as a moral and social evil and looked forward to a not far distant emancipation. What to do with the emancipated slave, was the question which none could solve. An earnest attempt was made to colonize the free negroes in Africa by the American Colo- nization Society which was formed in 1816. The plan was officially endorsed by Virginia, Georgia, Maryland, Tennes- see, and Vermont, and by the United States government, which extended its protection to Liberia, the territory on the west coast of Africa selected by the Society as the site for its colony. Several thousand negroes were sent over to Li- beria, but large numbers of them succumbed to the African fevers and this deterred others from going, even had the Society been'able to raise the necessary funds. The coloniza- tion scheme was a noble effort on the part of Southern states- men and Northern philanthropists to solve the problem. Among the presidents of the Society were Monroe, Madison, Marshall, and Henry Clay, who was one of its most earnest promoters. 308 Slavery in the Territories 309 The movement against slavery was now world-wide. In 1832, after a long and memorable contest, the British Par- liament abolished slavery in the British West ^j^^ Indies and appropriated $100,000,000 to compen- aboUtion sate the owners. Within the next twenty years ^o^^™^'^ most of the other European countries abolished slaver}^ in their colonies. In 1831 Wilham Lloyd Garrison founded in Boston the Liberator, a paper devoted to the immediate and unconditional abolition of slavery in the United States, and in 1833 the American Antislavery Society was organized with the same object in view. Since the Constitution pro- tected slavery. Garrison denounced the Union as ''a covenant with death" and the Constitution as ''an agreement with hell." The program of the abolitionists was to arouse pubHc opin- ion at the North and to distribute literature among the slaves of the South in order to create in them a longing for liberty. Later the "Underground Railroad" was organized for the purpose of enabling slaves to escape from their masters. Secret agents conducted them at night from point to point, supplying their wants and concealing them during the da}^ at appointed stations, until they were safely across the border in Canada. Garrison's crusade naturally created great indignation at the South, and when, a few months after the founding of the Liberator, a slave insurrection broke out in The South- Virginia, it was generally believed that it had been amptonin- . . ". . . surrection, instigated by the abolitionists. In August, 1831, iSai.and Nat Turner, a negro preacher of Southampton the debate ~ • 1 1 • c 11 1 1 c on slavery m County, with the assistance oi a small band oi the Virginia slaves, suddenly began murdering the white people legislature in his community, and before steps could be taken to arrest them sixty-one persons, mostly women and children, had been barbarously slain. This was the most serious slave insurrection that had ever been known in the South and it 310 Sectional Divergence S)^ led to a memorable discussion of the whole slavery question at the next session of the Virginia legislature. In January, 1832, Thomas Jefferson Randolph, a grandson of Jefferson, proposed to submit to the voters of the State a plan for freeing all slaves born after July 4, 1840, and for removing them be- yond the limits of the United States. The question occupied the attention of the legislature for weeks and the debate at- tracted the attention of the entire country, but the committee to whom the plan was referred finally reported adversely by a majority of one vote. In the northern tier of slave States thousands of slaves were freed by the voluntary action of their masters. In The prob- Virginia alone more slaves were freed by voluntary lemofthe emancipation between the Revolution and the ree negro Qiyil War than were freed in the entire North by statute. The presence of the free negro in slave communities presented a serious problem, and most of the Southern States found it necessary to place restrictions on emancipation, for- bidding it altogether unless the freedmen were removed be- yond the limits of the State. John Randolph, who died in 1833, provided in his will for the emancipation of all his slaves and directed his execu- tors to purchase lands for them north of the Ohio. His exec\itors bought a large tract of land in the State of Ohio and took the negroes on the long journey, but at the border of the county in which the land lay they were met by men armed with rifles who ordered them back and they were not allowed to enter. Indiana and Illinois passed laws prohib- iting free negroes and mulattoes from settling within their borders. If the free negro was considered a menace in the free States, it is not strange that he was so considered in the slave States. The abolition crusade threw the South on the defensive and as the Southern members of Congress could not secure legislation excluding abolition literature from the mails, the Slavery in the Territories 311 States enacted stricter laws regulating slavery, placing the slaves under closer surveillance and forbidding their masters to teach them to read. Garrison's movement met at first with violent opposition at the North. Garrisons Upon one occasion he narrowly escaped death cmsade at the hands of a mob in the streets of Boston, 3°^}^*° while EHjah P. Lovejoy, the editor of an aboli- tionist paper in Illinois, was actually killed by a mob in the town where he published his paper. The abolitionists flooded Congress with antislavery peti- tions until finally in 1836 the House passed a resolution di- recting that in future all such petitions be tabled without reading. John Quincy Adams considered this action a denial of the constitutional right of petition and he soon became the channel through which petitions were presented. Day after day he would rise in his seat and present petition after peti- tion, but the Speaker never let him get beyond the words "abolition of slavery." As the number of petitions did not diminish and as the so-called "gag rule" merely gave the abo- litionists a standing ground of complaint, it was repealed in 1844. The abolition crusade soon carried the slavery dis- cussion into the churches, and between 1840 and 1850 several of the religious denominations became divided into Northern and Southern branches. The growth of the abolition movement and the intolerance of the antislavery agitators aroused the sensitiveness of the Southern people and drove them first into an apolo- Defense of getic position and later into an open defense of slavery slavery. William Gilmore Simms wrote in 1852 : "Twenty years ago, few persons in the South undertook to justify Negro slavery, except on the score of necessity. Now, very few persons in the same region question their perfect right to the labor of their slaves, — and more, — their moral obligation to keep them still subject, as slaves, and to compel their labor, so long as they remain the inferior beings which we now find 312 Sectional Divergence them, and which they seem to have been from the beginning. This is a great good, the fruit wholly of hostile pressure." Slavery was justified by some on grounds of economic necessity, by others on grounds of the racial inferiority of tli^ negro, and by others on the ground that it was recognized in both the Old and the New Testaments. The economic ar- gument became especially popular during the forties. It was in brief that the prosperity of the South was dependent upon staple crops produced by negro labor and that negro labor was far more efficient under the slavery system than it would be under the wage system. This was doubtless true at that time. To the statesmen and philanthropists of the South, however, the inferiority of the negro was the main reason for keeping him in bondage. To their minds the negro problem loomed up larger than the slavery problem. The abolitionist believed that by freeing the slave the problem would "be solved. The Southerner, on the other hand, be- lieved that the free negro would present a far more serious problem socially and politically than the slave. Any statesmanlike solution of the problem seemed now hopeless. National emancipation, even with compensation Calhoun's to the slave owners, would have produced an in- position dustrial revolution, the outcome of which no one could foresee, besides leaving the race problem unsolved. Calhoun and other Southern leaders realized that if the North, already holding the majority in the House of Repre- sentatives, should also acquire control of the Senate, na- tional emancipation would sooner or later be attempted. In an address to their constituents, signed by forty-eight senators and representatives, written by Calhoun, and issued in January, 1849, we find these prophetic words : "If [emancipation] should be effected, it will be through the agency of the Federal Government, controlled by the domi- nant power of the Northern States of the Confederacy, against the resistance and struggle of the Southern. It can then only Slavery in the Territories 31S be effected by the prostration of the white race ; and that would necessarily engender the bitterest feelings of hostility between them and the North. But the reverse would be the case between the l^lacks of the South and the people of the North. Owing their emancipation to them, they would regard them as friends, guardians, and patrons, and centre, accordingly, all their sympathy in them. The people of the North would not fail to reciprocate and to favor them, in- stead of the whites. Under the influence of such feelings, and impelled by fanaticism and love of power, they would not stop at emancipation. Another step would be taken — to raise them to a political and social equality with their former owners, by giving them the right of voting and hold- ing public offices under the Federal Government. . . . But when once raised to an equality, they would become the fast political associates of the North, acting and voting with them on all questions, and by this political union between them, holding the white race at the South in complete subjection. The blacks, and the profligate whites that might unite with them, would become the principal recipients of federal offices and patronage, and would, in consequence, be raised above the whites of the South in the political and social scale." A more accurate picture of what actually took place during the period of Reconstruction it would be difficult to draw. Calhoun's only mistake was in supposing that the white people of the South could under any conditions be made to submit indefinitely to negro rule. In Calhoun's mind there were in 1850 two alternatives open to the Southern people, either to preserve the balance between the sections in the Senate or to form a separate confederacy. Shortly after the beginning of the Mexican War, Repre- sentative Wilmot of Pennsylvania had moved as an amend- ment to an appropriation bill the proviso that TheWUmot neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should P''°v*^° exist in any territory that might be acquired from 314 Sectional Divergence Mexico. Although this resolution passed the House, it was held up in the Senate and did not become law, but it injected the slaver}^ issue into the debates of Con- gress once more, and the discussion continued without intermission and with ever-increasing bitterness until the secession of the Southern States. Calhoun dreaded the re- opening of the slavery question in Congress, and for that reason opposed the Mexican War and the acquisition of California and New Mexico. Toombs, Stephens, and other Southern Whigs took the same position, but the great major- ity of Southern Democrats favored the war and territorial expansion. The question of slavery in California and New Mexico now overshadowed all others. A natural solution would have been the extension of the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, but to this the antislavery North was unalter- ably opposed. By Mexican law this region was free, and the advocates of the Proviso held that slavery could not be introduced except by act of Congress, which they proposed to prevent. Calhoun, Jefferson Davis, and other Southern leaders claimed, on the contrary, that the institution of slavery was a part of the public law of the United States, which had been extended over the region by the very act of conquest, and that therefore it must be recognized and protected. A third view, advanced by Lewis Cass, of Michigan, and later taken up by Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, was that Congress did not have the right either to legis- The doctrine , ^'^ . . r ^ -x of "squatter late slavery mto a territory or out oi a territory, sover- but that the question should be left for . the cicnty * settlers, or "squatters," as they were popularly called, to decide for themselves. This view was dubbed by its opponents, in derision, the doctrine of "squatter sovereignty," but it was called by Douglas "popular sover- eignty." Although this view accorded in general with the Slavery in the Territories 315 doctrine of States' rights, the Southerners were not wilHng to admit that the inhabitants of a territory had the right to exclude slavery or any other kind of property from the common territory of the United States. With sectional issues thus pressing themselves on the attention of the country it was difficult for either of the two great political parties to preserve its ahgnment. Both Whigs and Democrats omitted from their dentiai platforms all reference to the question of slavery campaign of in the territories, and tried to conduct the cam- paign along the old lines. The Democratic convention met in Baltimore in May, 1848, and as Polk did not seek a renomi- nation, Lewis Cass, of Michigan, was chosen as the candidate for the presidency. This was the first instance of the nomi- nation of a Northern man with Southern principles, a policy which the Democratic party followed until 1860 with the hope of holding its followers in the Northern States. The Whigs, on the other hand, who met in convention in Phila- delphia in June, nominated General Zachary Taylor, of Loui- siana, a large slaveholder, with the object of holding the Southern wing of their party. Millard Fillmore, of New York, was nominated for vice-president. The Democratic party in New York had for some time been split into two factions, one headed by Marcy and the other by Van Buren. The Marcy faction, known as Organiza- " Hunkers," had the support of the Tammany tionofthe Society and of the practical politicians, while the Free-SoU "Barnburners," as the Van Buren faction was called, were so bent on reform that they were likened to the old Dutch farmer who burned his barn to get rid of the rats. The "Barnburners" repudiated the nomination of Cass and held a convention at Utica in June, at which they nominated Van Buren for the presidency on a platform which advocated the Wilmot Proviso. The Abolitionists had already nominated John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, but 316 Sectional Divergence they now saw the opportunity to unite the antislavery Dem- ocrats and the antislavery Whigs who were disgusted at the attempt of both parties to ignore the slavery question. A convention was therefore held at Buffalo in August and the Free-Soil party was organized, with Van Buren as its candidate, on a platform opposing the further extension of slavery, — "No more slave States and no more slave terri- tory." The new party inscribed on its banner, "Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men." Taylor and Fillmore were elected, receiving 163 electoral votes to Cass's 127. The Free-Soilers did not carry a State, but they polled nearly 300,000 popular votes, and in several States they held the balance between the older parties. When the new Congress met in December, 1849, CaUfornia had already called a constitutional convention without The Com- waiting for the usual enabling act of Congress and promise of had adopted a State constitution, which excluded ^^^° slavery. The president had given his approval to this proceeding and he now recommended that California be admitted as a State. The admission of Cahfornia as a free State would upset the balance in the Senate^ on which depended the equihbrium of the Union. There were at this time fifteen slave and fifteen free States. The Southern members of Congress refused to allow Cahfornia to come into the Union until the question of slavery in the rest of the Mexi- can cession was determined. On January 29, 1850, Clay introduced in the Senate a series of resolutions as the basis of a compromise. He pro- posed that Cahfornia should be admitted under her free constitution; that territorial governments should be or- ganized in the rest of the Mexican cession without any re- striction as to slavery; that the boundary between Texas and New Mexico should be adjusted and that Texas should be paid $10,000,000 for surrendering her claims to the dis- puted area ; that the slave trade should be abolished in the Slavery in the Territories 317 District of Columbia, although it was considered inexpedient to abolish slavery there as long as it continued in Mary- land ; and that Congress should enact a more stringent fugi- tive slave law, making it the duty of United States marshals and other federal officials to enforce its provisions. The Compromise was debated for months and finally enacted in a series of separate measures. It was supported in the Senate by Clay, Webster, Cass, and Doug- ^j^^ jje^ate las. It was opposed by Seward, an antislavery on the com- Whig, by Chase and Hale, Free-Soilers, by Benton, ^'°"^'^^ an independent Democrat, and by Calhoun and Davis, pro- slavery Democrats. Clay, now seventy-four years of age, had returned to the Senate after an absence of seven years to play once more the part of the "Great Pacificator," and he advocated the measure with great earnestness before throngs that filled the galleries, the floor, and the lobbies of the chamber. On March 4, 1850, Calhoun's last formal speech was read before the Senate by James M. Mason, of Virginia. Calhoun himself was too feeble to deliver it, although he caihoun's was rolled into the chamber in a chair to hear it last speech read. Before the end of the month he had passed away. In this last speech he declared that the equilibrium between the two sections had been destroyed, that the Union was in danger, and he appealed to the North, the stronger party, to save it. His terms were : " The North must give us equal rights in the acquired territory ; she must return our fugitive slaves ; she must cease the agitation of the slave question ; and she must consent to an amendment to the Constitution, which will restore to the South the power she possessed of protecting herself before the equilibrium was destroyed by the action of this government. The admission of CaUfornia will be the test question." He did not explain the nature of the amendment, but after his death there was found among his papers a plan for two presidents, one from the slave 318 Sectional Divergence and one from the free states, each having a veto on the acts of Congress. Three days after Calhoun's speech was read Webster spoke. He began by saying: "I wish to speak to-day, not as a Massachusetts man, nor as a Northern man, but Seventh -of- as an American." After reviewing some of the March historical aspects of the slavery question he con- SDCCCll V A tinned, "Now as to CaUfornia and New Mexico, I hold slavery to be excluded from those territories by a law even superior to that which admits and sanctions it in Texas. I mean the law of nature, of physical geography, the law of the formation of the earth. That law settles forever, with a strength beyond all terms of human enactment, that slav- ery cannot exist in California and New Mexico. ... I would not take pains uselessly to reaffirm an ordinance of nature, nor to reenact the will of God. I would put in no Wilmot proviso for the mere purpose of a taunt or reproach." As regards fugitive slaves, he expressed the opinion that the complaints of the South were just and that the North had failed in her duty. Referring to the abolition societies, he said : "I think their operations for the last twenty years have produced nothing good or valuable." This speech brought forth a storm of indignation at the North, particularly in New England. Webster's position was condemned and he himself severely censured by a gather- ing in Faneuil Hall. Referring to his support of the Com- promise, Theodore Parker said : " I know no deed in American history to which I can compare this but the act of Benedict Arnold." Webster was compared to Lucifer, the fallen angel, and there was no reaction until his death two years later. When that event occurred the revulsion of feeling was sudden and complete. "Massachusetts smote and broke the heart of Webster, her idol, and then broke her own above his grave." There can be no doubt that Webster's speech was prompted by a sincere patriotism and it is equally true that Slavery in the Territories 319 it was based on wise statesmanship, but to such an extent had sectional prejudice been aroused that the antislavery North was as much opposed to compromise as the pro- slavery South. There were many other notable speeches on the Com- promise. Seward undertook to refute Webster's argument, and in the course of his remarks declared that sewardand there was "a higher law than the Constitution," ^^"f^s a phrase destined to have a moral influence that Seward never dreamed of. Jefferson Davis, on whom the mantle of Cal- houn was about to fall, also spoke and stated clearly what would satisfy the South, — "that is, an equal right to go into all territories, all property being alike protected," but he added, in default of this, "I will agree to the drawing of the line of 36° 30' through the territories acquired from Mexico." The proposal to upset the balance between the sections in the Senate by the admission of California, without any prospect of the admission of another slave State, presented such a serious situation that for the th w u first time at the South secession was now seriously viiie con- considered, and at the suggestion of South Caro- ^®°^°° Una Mississippi called a convention of Southern States to meet in Nashville in June, 1850. The Southern Whigs de- cUned to support this movement, and when the convention met there was found to be such a wide divergence of views among its members that after adopting resolutions, one of which demanded the extension of the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, it adjourned to await the action of Congress. On July 4 President Taylor, who opposed the Compromise and favored the Wilmot Proviso, was taken suddenly ill and on the 9th he died. Fillmore, who succeeded to ^j^^ q^^_ the presidency, favored the Compromise. He promise completely reorganized his cabinet, making Web- ^^°p*^^ ster secretary of state. During August and September 320 Sectional Divergence the various parts of the Compromise were put through Con- gress, In November the Nashville convention reassembled, but without a full representation. It passed resolutions rejecting the Compromise and calling on the Sbuthern States to summon another convention to take measures to restore the rights of the South within the Union if possible, "and if not to provide for their safety and independence." The Com- promise had by this time so gained in public favor and the country was so prosperous that no further action was taken. Both the leading parties found it difficult to select candi- dates for the campaign of 1852. The Democratic conven- The election tion met in Baltimore June 1, and for forty-eight of 1852 ballots the votes were divided between Cass, Buchanan, and Douglas. Finally on the forty-ninth ballot FrankUn Pierce, of New Hampshire, was nominated. He was the second "dark horse," a man of good abihty and winning manners, who had served without distinction in both Houses of Congress and had attained the rank of brigadier- general in the Mexican War. The Whig convention was also held in Baltimore two weeks later. Fillmore, Winfield Scott, and Webster were the leading candidates. Scott was finally nominated on the fifty- third ballot. Both Democrats and Whigs upheld the Com- promise in their platforms and deprecated any further agita- tion of the slavery question. The Free-Soilers nominated John P. Hale. They denied in their platform that the Com- promise was a finality, declared that slavery was a sin against God and a crime against man, and demanded the immediate repeal of the fugitive slave law. The Democrats were sincere in their support of the Com- promise, while a large body of Whigs led by Seward had opposed the endorsement of the fugitive slave law in their party platform. The result showed that the great majority of the American people favored the Compromise. Pierce received 254 electoral votes and Scott 42, while the Free- Slavery in the Territories 321 Soilers polled only a little more than half the number of votes they had received four years before. Calhoun had cUed in 1850. Clay and Webster both died during the campaign of 1852, Clay in June and Webster in October. All had aspired to the presidency, but ^j^^ passing none of the three had attained it. Even that high of the old office could have added nothing to the permanence ®^ ^^^ or luster of their fame. New leaders were now taking their places, leaders bred in the bitterness of sectional controversy, men with no less patriotism, perhaps, but with stronger prejudices and less patient forbearance. The most promi- nent of the new group were Seward, Sumner, Chase, Douglas, Davis, and Toombs. The year 1852 is also memorable for the appearance of Uncle Tom's Cabin, a novel by Harriet Beecher Stowe deahng with slavery. Although neither a true jj^^^^ representation of slavery nor a literary master- Tom's piece, this book appealed to the sympathetic im- ^°^'" agination on a subject which the politicians endeavored in vain to exclude from public discussion but which "would not down." It was read by millions, translated into various languages, and had a larger circulation than any other novel ever written. It made little impression on the older genera- tion, but it was one of the most powerful agencies in keeping aUve the agitation against slavery and it molded the opinions of the younger men who elected Lincoln president in 1860. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. Slavery and Abolition: Wilson, Division and Reunion, Chap. Ill; H. A. Herbert, Abolition Crusade and Its Consequences; J. F. Rhodes, History of the United States, Vol. I, Chap. I ; A. B. Hart, Slavery and Abolition, Chaps. XI-XVIII ; Munford, Virginia's Attitude toward Slavery and Secession, Chap. IX. 2. Southern Defense of Slavery : Rhodes, Vol. I, pp. 365-375 ; J. C. Reed, The Brothers' War, Chap. XIV; Munford, Chaps. 322 Sectional Divergence XXIII-XXVI ; Jefferson Davis, Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Vol. I, pp. 3-14 ; U. B. Phillips, Robert Toombs, Chap. VII ; T?ie Pro-Slavery Argument, a volume of essays by Chancellor Harper, Governor Hammond, Dr. Simms, and Professor Dew (1852). 3. The Wilmot Proviso : Garrison, Westward Extension, Chap. XVI ; Schouler, Vol. IV, p. 543, Vol. V, pp. 66-70, 95-99 ; A. H. Stephens, War between the States, Vol. II, pp. 165-170 ; McMaster, Vol. VIII, pp. 1-19. 4. The Doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty : A. C. McLaughlin, Lewis Cass, pp. 231-257; Allen Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas, Book II ; Garrison, pp. 275-278, 300. 5. The Campaign of 1848: Garrison, Chap. XVII; Stanwood, History of the Presidency, Chap. XVIII ; McLaughhn, Lewis Cass, Chap. VIII. 6. The Compromise of 1850: Garrison, Chap. XX; Rhodes, Vol. I, Chap. II ; Schouler, Vol. V, pp. 157-198 ; McMaster, Vol. VIII, pp. 10-48; Stephens, Vol. II, pp. 176-240; H. C. Lodge, Daniel Webster, Chap. IX; Schurz, Henry Clay, Vol. II, Chap. XXVI ; F. Bancroft, William H. Seward, Vol. I, Chaps. XIV-XVI. 7. The Election of 1852: T. C. Smith, Parties and Slavery, Chap. Ill; Stanwood, Chap. XIX; Rhodes, VoL I, Chap. Ill; McMaster, Vol. VIII, pp. 166-181. CHAPTER XIX THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT Pierce was inaugurated .under apparently propitious circumstances. The widespread satisfaction with the Com- promise of 1850 and the faUing off in the vote . ^ _ " Anaggres- polled by the Free-Soilers seemed to indicate sive foreign that the slavery question had been at least tem- p®^**^^ porarily eliminated from national politics. The new ad- ininistration hoped by the adoption of a bold foreign policy to keep the attention of the nation diverted from this issue. Under Fillmore Webster and also Everett, who succeeded him in the State Department, had tried to handle foreign questions in a way to arouse national pride and patriotism and their efforts had met with success. Soon after Pierce came into office a new treaty was nego- tiated with Mexico, by which we acquired an important tract of land south of the Gila River in Arizona known as the "Gadsden Purchase" ; in 1854 a Canadian reciprocity treaty was signed with England ; during the same year, Commo- dore Perry forced the ruler of Japan to sign the famous treaty which opened up that country to foreign commerce ; and a number of other treaties relating to American com- merce, to neutral rights, and to extradition were negotiated with various powers. William L. Marcy, who directed these negotiations, was one of our ablest and most successful secretaries of state. Pierce had in his cabinet two other men of great ability, Jefferson Davis as secretary of war, and Caleb Gushing, of Massachusetts, as attorney-general. 323 324 Sectional Divergence In the earlier days Jefferson, John Quincy Adams, and other farsighted statesmen had coveted Cuba and regarded its annexation to the United States as only a The at- . . tempts to question of time. Down to the Mexican War our acquire fg^j. ^^s that Cuba might be annexed by England or France and our policy was to guarantee the possession of the island to Spain. Clay declared as secre- tary of state in 1825 that we could not consent to the occu- pation of Cuba or Porto Rico "by any other European power than Spain under any contingency whatever," and Daniel Webster in 1843, while occupying the same post, as- sured Spain that in any attempt to wrest Cuba from her ''she might securely rely upon the whole naval and mihtary resources of this country to aid her in preserving or recover- ing it." After the Mexican War American foreign policy assumed a much more aggressive character, and Cuba became an object of desire not only to the slaveholding population of the South, but to a large part of the nation, on account of its strategic importance, lying athwart the Gulf of Mexico and commanding also the now important interoceanic canal routes. Between the Mexican and Civil wars, there- fore, repeated efforts were made to purchase the island from Spain. In 1848 Secretary Buchanan offered Spain $100,000,000 for Cuba, but the offer was indignantly re- jected. The failure of the purchase scheme was followed by the filibustering expeditions of General Lopez in 1850 and 1851, in which many Americans participated. Lopez was finally captured and executed by the Spanish authorities and about fifty Americans were summarily shot without a trial. When news of these executions reached New Orleans a mob attacked and sacked the Spanish consulate. These incidents naturally caused strained relations between the two gov- ernments. The Irrepressible Conflict 325 President Pierce announced in his inaugural address that the policy of his administration would "not be controlled by any timid forebodings of evil from expansion." ^j^^ .. q^_ This was taken to refer to Cuba ; and the ap- tend Mani- pointment as minister to Spain of Pierre Soule ^^ °' ' ^^ of Louisiana, a Frenchman by birth and education, who had been exiled for political reasons, created an unfavorable im- pression in this country and abroad, for his views on the Cuban question were well known to be of a radical char- acter. Shortly after Soule's arrival at Madrid the two countries were brought to the verge of war by the seizure in Havana harbor of the Black Warrior, an American ship charged with a technical violation of the port regulations. The ship and cargo were subsequently restored, but the over- zealous handling of the incident by Soule rendered any fur- ther negotiations for the purchase of Cuba by him utterly useless. Under these circumstances Marcy directed Soule to con- fer with Mason and Buchanan, our ministers at Paris and London. The three ministers met at Ostend, a watering place in Belgium, in October, 1854, and drew up a report to Marcy which was subsequently made public and became known as the "Ostend Manifesto." They advised that the United States offer Spain a fair price for Cuba, suggesting $100,000,000, and in case of her refusal to sell, that the United States should seize the island, if the welfare and safety of the Union demanded it. Marcy politely but firmly repudiated the recommendations of the report, and Soule promptly resigned. The manifesto had, however, the de- sired effect of helping to secure for James Buchanan the Democratic nomination for the presidency in 1856. Meanwhile the fugitive slave law had created such in- tense opposition in the North that it was found practically impossible to enforce it. The "Underground Railroad" was very active in the fifties and thousands of slaves were being 326 Sectional Divergence enticed away from their masters over into the free States. When pursued and arrested they were with increasing fre- FaUureof Quency rescued from the hands of the officers of the fugitive the law and concealed or sent on to Canada, s ave aw j^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^j^^^ arose in Boston, Federal troops had to be sent to the scene in order to enable an owner to reclaim a runaway slave. Most of the Northern States nullified the fugitive slave law by the enactment of "per- sonal liberty" laws, which gave fugitive slaves the right to jury trials. The fugitive slave law was con- sidered a vital part of the Com- promise of 1850 and public men of both the North and the South had asserted that upon its faith- ful execution depended the life of the Union. In a speech at Capon Springs, Virginia, June 28, 1851, Daniel Webster said: "I have not hesitated to say, and I repeat, that if the Northern States refuse, wilfully and deliberately, to carry into effect that part of the Constitution which respects the restoration of fugitive slaves, and Congress provide no remedy, the South would no longer be bound to observe the compact." Every time a runaway slave was arrested and rescued by a mob hundreds of converts were made to the antislavery cause. Men were beginning to fear that after all the Compromise was not a finality, when the whole question was suddenly reopened in Congress by Stephen A. Douglas in a bill which he proposed for the organization of the territory of Nebraska. The vast region extending from Missouri and Iowa to the Rockies, which went under the name of Nebraska, had never been organized and was still occupied by Indians. Stephen A. Douglas. The Irrepressible Conflict 327 It was now proposed to remove the Indian tribes from a portion of this territory and open it up to settlers. The whole of Nebraska was north of the Missouri Compro- ^^^ ^ mise line and according to that agreement Nebraska slavery was forever excluded, but Douglas now ^^''' ^^^'^ declared that a new principle had been adopted in the Com- promise of 1850, that is, the principle of popular sovereignty. He therefore questioned the validity of the Missouri Com- promise and provided in a bill which he introduced January 4, 1854, that the territory of Nebraska, or any portion of the same, when admitted as a State or States, "shall be re- ceived into the Union with or without slavery, as their con- stitutions may prescribe at the time of their admission." On January 16 Dixon, a Whig senator from Kentucky who was filling Clay's unexpired term, offered an amendment providing in express terms for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Douglas at first objected to the amendment, but after conferring with Dixon he finally decided to embody it in his bill. So far Douglas had not consulted any of the Southern leaders, but on Sunday, January 22, he called on Jefferson Davis and got him to accompany him to the White House. The matter was discussed at length with President Pierce and he finally gave his approval to the bill. On the following day Douglas offered as a substitute for his first bill one which expressly repealed the Missouri Compromise and provided for the organization of two territories instead of one, Kansas and Nebraska. The evident purpose was to make one State slave and the other free. In support of his measure Douglas said: "The legal effect of this bill is neither to legislate slavery into these territories nor out of them, but to leave the people The debate to do as they please. If they wish slavery, they on the bill have a right to it. If they do not want it, they will not have it, and you should not force it upon them." While Sumner, S'^S Sectional Divergence &'■ Wade, and Seward made able speeches against the bill, Chase's speech established hhn at once as the leader of the antislavery forces. The bill passed the Senate March 4 by a vote of 37 to 14 and the House May 22 by a vote of 113 to 100. The vote in the House showed the extent to which the measure threatened the disruption of both political parties. The Southern Democrats were solidly for the bill and the Northern Whigs solidly against it, but the Northern Demo- crats were divided, 44 for and 42 against, and the Southern Whigs were also divided, 12 for and 7 against. Many writ- ers have expressed the opinion that but for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise the Civil War would not have taken place. While this is probably an extreme view, it is undoul:)t- eclly true that the Kansas-Nebraska Act introduced a new phase of the slavery conflict which led straight to the Civil War. Douglas, a Northern Democrat, was responsible for the measure. It was his personal influence that carried it through Douglas's Congress. What was his motive and what end motives (\[(\ {^q have in view? The most usual answer to this ciuestion has been that it was a direct liid to the Southern Democrats for the presidential nomination, which Douglas undoubtedly coveted. Recent writers have, however, ad- vanced another explanation. The question of a transcon- tinental railroad was being much discussed at this time and there was great rivalry over the choice of a route. The Gadsden Purchase had opened the way for a road to Cali- fornia along the route later followed by the Southern Pacific, and Jefferson Davis as secretary of war sent a corps of engineers into the field and had this route surveyed. This route would of course be a great boon to Memphis and New Orleans. St. Louis and Chicago, on the other hand, wanted the road built west through the Nebraska territory, and the best way to secure the adoption of that route seemed to be to remove the Indians from that territory and open it up as speedily as possible to settlers. The Southern The Irrepressible Conflict 3^29 leaders wished to delay as long as possible the admission of any more States north of the Missouri Compromise line. If, however, the way were opened for the admission of one slave State and one free State, not only would the Southern opposition be removed, but the rivalry between the sections would lead to a more rapid settlement of the region, which was the thing most desired. For several years it had been difficult to hold the old party alignments. In 1852 many of the Southern Whigs, notably those of Georgia led by Toombs and Stephens, j^^gj^g jj^ repudiated General Scott, the Whig candidate, of political and henceforth allied themselves with the Demo- ^^^^^^^ cratic party. In the North many of the antislavery Demo- crats had joined the Free-Soilers. Between 1852 and 1854 a new political organization came into being under the name of the American or "Know- Nothing" part}'. This party was based primarily on op- position to foreigners, who were now coming to our shores in increasingly large numbers, and the object of the new party was to lengthen the period necessary for naturalization and to exclude foreigners and Roman Catholics from office. The organization was a secret one with lodges, countersigns, and symbols, and for a time it made rapid progress and gained control of several States. A great many Southern Whigs went into this movement rather than into the Demo- cratic party. The American party tried to ignore the slavery question, but divided like other parties on the Kansas- Nebraska Bill and soon went to pieces. By far the most important of the immediate effects of Douglas's measure was the formation of the Republican party. The fight against the bill in Congress had brought together antislavery Whigs, antislaverj^ tionofthe Democrats, antislavery "Know-Nothings," Free- Republican Soilers and Abolitionists. On July 6, 1854, a convention of anti-Nebraska men was held at Jackson, 330 Sectional Divergence &^ Michigan, a full State ticket was nominated, and the name RepubUcan was adopted by the new party. On July 13, the anniversary of the Ordinance of 1787, anti-Nebraska State conventions were held in Wisconsin, Ohio, Indiana, and Vermont. In the Congressional elections at the North the new Doug- las policy was the paramount issue and it was overwhelmingly repudiated. The House which passed the Kansas-Nebraska Bill had a majority of 84 Democrats ; in the House elected after its passage the Democrats were in a minority of 75. Of the 42 Northern Democrats who had voted for the bill only 7 were reelected. Douglas tried to show that the result was due to the gains of the ''Know Nothings," but the new Congress was organized by the Republicans, who elected Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachusetts, as speaker. Meanwhile the principle of popular sovereignty was producing unexpected results in Kansas. It had been The struggle generally expected that Kansas would become a for Kansas slave State, and Missouri farmers were soon moving across the border, a few of them carrying their slaves with them. A movement was started in Massachusetts, however, to prevent the Southern settlers from controlling Kansas. This was the Emigrant Aid Society, formed for the purpose of sending New England settlers into the ter- ritory. The antislavery settlers soon organized an "Un- derground Railroad" and slaves began escaping from Missouri through the free settlements in Kansas. The Missouri- ans were greatly enraged and as a measure of self-defense determined to make Kansas a slave State. When the elec- tion for members of the territorial legislature was held March 30, 1855, large numbers of Missourians rode over the border, voted, and returned home. The pro-slavery advocates carried the election and the legislature adopted a slave code modeled after that of Missouri. The Free-Soilers, however, refused to recognize The Irrepressible Conflict 331 the election as valid, and without any authorization from the territorial authorities or from Congress, they held a con- stitutional convention at Topeka October 23, 1855, framed a constitution prohibiting slavery, and organized a govern- ment which appHed to Congress for admission as a State. There were thus two governments in the territory and con- ditions were ripe for the border warfare which soon broke out. Meanwhile the Emigrant Aid Society was supply- ing its settlers with rifles sent out in boxes marked "books." "Beecher's Bibles" was the name popularly given them. President Pierce upheld the authority of the territorial legislature and refused to recognize the legality of the Topeka movement. Douglas took the same view of the grooks's case and there took place in the Senate the assault on angriest debate that had ever been known in ^^^^^ that body. Sumner replied to Douglas in a speech to which he gave the title of "The Crime against Kansas." It was prepared with unusual care and sent to the printer before delivery. The special objects of his attack were Douglas and Senator Butler of South Carolina. The speech abounded in personal insults and veiled insinuations which the carefully chosen language rendered all the more exasperating. Sumner himself boasted, with characteristic egotism, that it was the "most thorough philippic ever uttered in a legislative body." Douglas was present and defended himself with his usual vigor, meeting the personal attacks with counter-attacks. But Senator Butler was not present to defend himself, being detained at his home in South Carolina by an illness from which he never recovered. His nephew, Preston Brooks, who was a representative from South Carolina, determined to avenge the insult, and entering the Senate chamber after adjournment two days later, he attacked Sumner, who was seated at his desk writing, and gave him a severe beating with a cane. A resolution to expel Brooks was introduced in the House, but it failed to receive the necessary two-thirds 332 Sectional Divergence &'■ vote. He promptly resigned his seat, however, only to be returned by the almost unanimous vote of his constituents. The incident aroused sectional hatred to an extent never before known in the history of the country. The struggle in Kansas had meanwhile developed into a state of border warfare. In May, 1856, the United States " Bleeding Marshal summoned a posse to assist him in Kansas " making certain arrests in Lawrence, the principal Free-Soil settlement, where his deputy had been resisted. Seven hundred and fifty men accompanied him to Lawrence and destroyed the newspaper office, a stone hotel built to serve as a fort, and the house of the man who had been elected governor under the Topeka constitution. Three days later John Brown perpetrated the Pottawat- omie murders. Accompanied by four sons, a son-in-law, and two other men, he went at night to the homes of some of the pro-slavery settlers, and, calUng the men outside, led them a short distance from their houses and murdered them (five in all) with short cutlasses. In a short time a state of civil war prevailed in Kansas. Such was the state of the country at the opening of the presidential campaign in 1856. The Democratic party held The election its convention in Cincinnati in June and of 1856 nominated James Buchanan as its candidate. Pierce and Douglas were his principal rivals for the nomi- nation. The platform reaffirmed the principle of "non-in- terference by Congress with slavery in State and territory, or in the District of Columbia." Two weeks later the new Republican party held its convention in Pliiladelphia and nominated Colonel John C. Fremont, of CaUfornia, on a platform which opposed the extension of slavery and de- clared it to be the duty of Congress to exclude slavery from the territories of the United States. The Kn'ow-Nothing party named Ex-President Fillmore as their candidate and this nomination was endorsed by The Irrepressible Conflict 333 what remained of the Whig organization. Buchanan re- ceived 174 electoral votes, Fremont 114, and Fillmore only the 8 votes of Maryland. Buchanan carried all the slave States except Maryland, and in addition Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois, and California. Fremont carried 11 States, among them Massachusetts, New York, and Ohio. The size of his popular vote was a great surprise. Buchanan received 1,838,169; Fremont 1,341,264; and Fillmore 874,534. Although Fremont was by no means a strong can- didate, the new party in its first fight drove the Whig party from the field and took its place as one of the two great national parties. The question as to the right of Congress to exclude slavery from the territories finally came before the Supreme Court of the United States in the famous Dred Scott Th D d case. Dred Scott was a negro slave owned by an Scott de- army surgeon, who in 1834 took him to an army •^'^*°"' ^^57 post in IlHnois and later to another post west of the Mississippi in territory from which slavery was excluded by the terms of the Missouri Compromise. The negro made no effort to secure his freedom while residing in free territory, but some years after his master had taken him back to Mis- souri he sued for his freedom, first in the courts of Missouri and later in the United States courts, on the ground of his previous residence in free territory. The case was first argued in the Supreme Court in Feb- ruary, 1856, and the members of the Court had decided in conference to dismiss the case on the ground that Dred Scott was not a citizen and had no right to bring suit in the United States courts, but Justice McLean, a candidate for the Republican nomination for the presidency, determined to make poHtical capital out of the case by writing a dis- senting opinion reviewing the history of African slavery in America from the Free-Soil point of view. The Southern members of the Court objected to this, and it was finally 334 SectionaJ Divergence decided to defer the decision until after the presidential elec- tion and to hear the case reargued at the December term. The case was reheard in December, 1856, but the decision was not delivered until two days after the inauguration of Buchanan the following March. Meanwhile much pres- sure was indirectly brought to bear on the Court to enter into the merits of the case instead of dismissing it on a tech- nicahty. It was thought that the question of slavery in the territories might thus be settled once for all by the highest tribunal in the land. In the opinion delivered by Chief Justice Taney it was held that Dred Scott was not a citizen of the United States within the meaning of the Constitution and therefore could not sue in the Federal courts. Negroes were not included in the term "citizens" by the framers of the Constitution. But the opinion did not rest here. In the course of his argu- ment the chief justice canvassed the question as to whether the Missouri Compromise, under which Dred Scott claimed the right to sue, was a valid enactment. He came to the conclusion that the act was not constitutional, that a slave was property and that Congress had no right to exclude this particular kind of property any more than any other kind of property from the common territory of the United States. This decision met with a storm of indignation at the North and it was many years before the Supreme Court recovered from the odium that was heaped upon it. During the Civil War Lincoln ignored the Court with impunity and during the years following the war Congress threatened it into silence on the vital issues of Reconstruction. The Dred Scott decision settled nothing, much less the Kansas question. Robert J. Walker, the former secretary The Kansas ^^ ^^^^ treasury, was appointed by Buchanan as question governor of Kansas, and he ordered an election again ^^ delegates to a constitutional convention to be held in June, 1857. The antislavery people, who had The Irrepressible Conflict 335 already drafted withovit authorization the Topeka constitu- tion, declined to participate in the election. The convention met at Lecompton, and drafted a constitution recognizing slavery. The slavery question was to be submitted to the people ; that is, they were to vote for the constitution with slavery, or for the constitution without slavery. There was no chance to vote against the constitution as a whole, and it contained a clause protecting property in slaves already in the territory. There were only about 200 of these. The constitution with slavery was ratified by the people at the polls by a majority of nearly 6000, l^ut again the antislavery people refrained from voting. They, however, now con- trolled the legislature, which ordered the constitution as a whole to be resubmitted to the people. This time the pro- slavery people remained at home and the Lecompton con- stitution was rejected by 10,000 votes. It thus appeared that the antislavery people were in the majority, but the pro-slavery inhabitants had the advantage of legality on their side. February 2, 1858, President Buchanan submitted a copy of the Lecompton constitution to Congress and recommended the admission of Kansas. Douglas had from the first ad- vised the president against sanctioning the Lecompton con- stitution on the ground that it did not represent the wishes of a majority of the people of Kansas, and Governor Walker took the same view. They objected to the form in which it had first been submitted. When the bill to admit Kansas under the Lecompton constitution came up in the Senate, Douglas denounced the president's course in strong terms. The breach between him and the administration was complete and henceforth he was denounced by the extreme Southern wing of the Democratic party as a renegade and a traitor, while he regained his hold on the North. His position was apparently bold and sincere. He claimed that he was up- holding his favorite doctrine of popular sovereignty, no matter which way it cut. 336 Sectional Divergence &" The bill passed the Senate by a vote of 33 to 25, Douglas voting against it with Hale, Seward, Sumner, Wade, and other antislavery leaders. The bill passed the House with an amendment requiring the resubmission of the Lecompton constitution to the people of Kansas, but the Senate refused to concur. The English bill, a compromise measure, was then passed by both Houses. It offered Kansas a large grant of government lands on condition that the people should ratify the Lecompton constitution. If they rejected it, then the territory was not to be admitted until it had a large enough population to entitle it to a representative in Con- gress. On August 2, 1858, the proposition was rejected by 11,300 out of a total vote of 13,088. Kansas was not ad- mitted until 1861, when it came in as a free State. During the summer of 1858 the people of Illinois had to decide whether they would elect a Democratic legislature The Lincoln- which would send Douglas back to the Senate Douglas De- or a Republican legislature which would choose ates, I 5 Abraham Lincoln, who had come forward .as a candidate. Lincoln challenged Douglas to a series of joint debates. The seven debates which followed in different parts of the State attracted the attention of the entire country. The discussion centered on the respective merits of Douglas's doctrine of popular sovereignty in the terri- tories and the Republican doctrine of congressional control. On the outcome of the contest depended in large measure not only Douglas's seat in the Senate, but his chances for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1860. Lincoln tried to force Douglas either to repudiate his doctrine of popular sovereignty or to deny the full applica- tion of the Dred Scott decision, for the two were at variance. According to Douglas's doctrine a territory had the right either to adopt or to exclude slavery. According to the decision of the Supreme Court Congress had no power to exclude slavery from a territory. In "the first debate at The Irrepressible Conflict 337 Freeport Lincoln asked, how could a territory forbid slavery when Congress could not? Did a territory have more power than the Congress which created it? Douglas an- swered that legislation hostile to slavery by the people of a territory would make the territory free soil in spite of the Dred Scott decision. This view was in direct opposition to the Southern position that it was the duty of Con- gress to protect slave proj> erty in the territories. Douglas won the sena- torial fight by a major- ity of eight votes in the legislature, but Lincoln had forced him into a position which cost him the support of the South- ern Democrats two years later. The debate brought Lincoln, who was a com- paratively unknown man, into national prominence and led to his nomination for the presidency in 1860. In October, 1859, the country was thrown into a state of feverish excitement by the announcement that John Brown, who had achieved evil notoriety in jjiejohn Kansas, had with the aid of eighteen conspirators Brown raid, seized the United States Arsenal at Harper's ^ ^^ Ferry, Virginia, with the intention of arming the negro slaves and starting a servile insurrection. His intention was to carry the arms from the arsenal to the neighboring mountains and establish "camps of freedom" to which the slaves could resort. United States troops and Virginia militia were at once John Brown. 338 Sectional Divergence rushed to the scene and after a stout resistance, in which ten of his followers were killed, Brown was captured. Dur- ing the trial that followed he displayed extraordinary forti- tude and would make no defense except that he had been commissioned by God to free the slaves of the South. His serene manner and strange words impressed those who heard him during the trial and won him thousands of friends at the North. He was condemned and hanged by authority of the State of Virginia. It was found in the investigation that funds and firearms had been furnished him by prominent men at the North, among them Gerrit Smith, Theodore Par- ker, T. W. Higginson, G. L. Stearns, F. B. Sanborn, and Dr. S. G. Howe. When these names became known, Gerrit Smith went mad, Howe, Stearns, and Sanborn fled to Canada ; Theodore Parker had already gone to Europe ; Higginson remained in Boston and was not disturbed. Some of these men knew Brown's plans in detail ; others claimed that they thought the arms were intended for Kansas. Many men of note at the North indorsed Brown's deed, and he soon became a popular hero. The affair had a most unfor- tunate effect on public opinion at the South. It strength- ened the hands of the radicals and solidified the forces that were making for secession. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. The Cuban Question: T. C. Smith, Parties and Slavery, pp. 85-88; Rhodes, History of the United States, Vol. II, Chap. VI; McMaster, Vol. VIII, pp. 133-143, 161-164, 181-186, 332- 361. 2. The Fugitive Slave Law in Practice : Smith, pp. 22-27 ; Rhodes, Vol. I, pp. 207-226, 499-506; Schouler, Vol. V, pp. 204- 214, 293-296 ; McMaster, Vol. VIII, pp. 46-54. 3. The Kansas-Nebraska Bill : Smith, Chap. VII ; Rhodes, Vol. I, pp. 424-498 ; Jefferson Davis, Rise and Fall of the Confed- erate Government, Vol. I, pp. 26-34 ; Schouler, Vol. V, pp. 279-293 ; McMaster, Vol. VIII, pp. 192-231; Allen Johnson, Stephen A. The, Irrepressible Conflict 339 Douglas, Chap. XI ; P. O. Ray, Repeal of Missouri Compromise, Chap. IV; F. H. Hodder, "Genesis of Kansas-Nebraska Act" in Wisconsin Historical Society Proceedings, 1912, pp. 69-86. 4. The Border War in Kansas: Smith, Chap. IX; Rhodes, Vol. II, Chap. VII ; McMaster, Vol. VIII, pp. 215-264 ; Sehouler, Vol. V, pp. 320-363, 382-100. 5. The Election of 1856: Smith, Chap. XII ; Stanwood, Chap. XX; Rhodes, Vol. II, Chap. VIII; McMaster, Vol. VIII, pp. 264-276. 6. The Dred Scott Case: Smith, Chap. XIV; Rhodes, Vol. II, Chap. IX ; McMaster, Vol. VIII, pp. 278-282 ; Sehouler, Vol. V, pp. 376-381. 7. The Lincoln-Douglas Debates : Smith, Chap. XVI ; Rhodes, Vol. II, pp. 302-343 ; McMaster, Vol. VIII, pp. 317-337 ; Johnson, Stephen A. Douglas, Chap. XVI. 8. John Brown : F. E. Chadwick, Causes of the Civil War, Chap. V ; Jefferson Davis, Vol. I, pp. 35-47 ; Rhodes, Vol. II, pp. 384- 416 ; Oswald Garrison ViUard, John Brown. CHAPTER XX SECESSION When the campaign of 1860 opened Douglas was the leading candidate for the Democratic nomination, but the Lincoln-Douglas debates had made hmi an in the unacceptable candidate to the Southern wing of Democratic the party. The Democratic National Con- vention met in Charleston, South Carolina, April 23, 1860. Douglas had a majority of the delegates, but it was soon evident that he could not secure the necessary two thirds. As the California and Oregon delegations acted with the South, the anti-Douglas men had 17 out of 33 States, and hence, a majority of the committee on resolutions. They reported a platform embodying a series of resolutions which Jefferson Davis had introduced in the Senate in January, 1860. These resolutions repudiated the theory of popular sovereignty, upheld the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, called on Congress to protect slavery in every territory of the United States, and demanded the repeal of the personal liberty laws in the Northern States. The minority report presented by the Douglas men re- affirmed the platform adopted by the party four years before at Cincinnati, which upheld the doctrine of popular sov- ereignty. After a long wrangle, the Douglas platform was adopted by a vote of 165 to 138. Yancey, the chairman of the Alabama delegation, then arose and announced the withdrawal of Alabama from the convention. Mississippi, Louisiana, South Carolina, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas followed. 340 Secession 341 On the following day the convention decided that two thirds of the whole electoral vote was necessary to nominate a ticket, and proceeded with the balloting. On the first ballot Douglas received 145 votes, Nomination of Douglas Hunter 42, Guthrie 35, and 30 votes were scat- by the tered among six other candidates. In the next Northern >, , ,. . r-f-7 1 11 . /-x wing, and of two days the convention cast 57 ballots. On Breckin- several ballots Douglas received 162 votes, ridge by the which was a majority but not two thirds. As wing there seemed no chance of reaching a nomination, the convention then adjourned to meet in Baltimore on July 18. The delegates who had seceded from the conven- tion met in another hall in Charleston and formed a sepa- rate body, electing James A. Bayard of Delaware as chair- man, and after adopting the platform which the regular con- vention had rejected, they adjourned to meet in Richmond. When the regular convention reassembled in Baltimore an effort was made to bring the two wings of the party to- gether, but as soon as the convention was organized Virginia led another secession, followed by most of the delegates from Tennessee, North Carolina, Kentucky, and Maryland. This time the seceders carried with them the chairman of the convention, Caleb Cushing of Massachusetts. The regulars then proceeded to balloting and on the second ballot nominated Stephen A. Douglas as their candidate for the presidency. They then reaffirmed the platform adopted at Charleston and adjourned. The Democrats who bolted at Baltimore proceeded at once to nominate John C. Breckinridge as their candidate, and this nomination was confirmed by the first group of bolters who had assembled in Richmond. Breckinridge's wing adopted the platform which had been rejected by the Charleston convention. Meanwhile, the Republican Convention had assembled in Chicago on May 16. Seward had for some time been 342 Sectional Divergence considered the leading candidate for the Repubhcan nomi- nation, but some of the party leaders distrusted him and others for personal reasons were strongly an- of Lincoln tagonistic. When the convention met Seward by the ^nd his friends were quite confident of his nomi- nation, but Lincoln, whose name had not been seriously considered in the East, had the support of Indiana, Illinois and Iowa, and a few individual delegates, and he was the favorite candidate of the crowds that paraded the streets and filled the convention hall. Seward led on the first two ballots, but Lincoln was a close second, and his unex- pected strength made such an impression on the convention that Seward's enemies soon combined on Lincoln and on the third ballot he was nominated. The Republican platform repudiated the principle enun- ciated by the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott decision. It declared "that the new dogma, that the Constitution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all of the territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent ; is revolutionary in its tendency and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom." Another ticket was put before the voters by the Constitu- tional Union party, which was made up of what remained of the Whig and "Know-nothing" organizations, of^^'uby"" This party held its first and only convention in the Consti- Baltimore and nominated John Bell of Tennessee Union^arty ^^^ president, and Edward Everett of Massa- chusetts for vice-president. It adopted a short platform pledging itself "to recognize no political principles other than the Constitution of the country, the Union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws." Secession 343 The Southern Democrats seemed to be forcing a "rule or ruin" pohcy, and most historians have taken the view that the radical leaders were already bent on seces- sion. This is the usual explanation that has J^esuU?or^ been given of the folly of putting two Demo- the split in cratic tickets in the field. The truth is, how- *^^°^^°: ' cratic Party ever, that nobody at that time expected that Lincoln could win with three candidates opposing hun. It was confidently expected by the Southern delegates that no candidate would receive a majority of the electoral votes, and that the choice of a president would thus devolve upon the House of Representa- tives, in which event they had reason to hope that Breckinridge would be chosen president. As the campaign developed, however, and it became evident that Lincoln would carry more States than had been antici- pated, Jefferson Davis, acting in behalf of the Southern wing of the Democratic party, called on Douglas and proposed that both he and Breckinridge should withdraw so as to allow the two Democratic factions to unite on a third candidate. Douglas declined to entertain the proposition, saying that as he had received a majority of the votes in the Charleston convention, he did not think it was incumbent upon him to withdraw from the race. Abrahl\m Lincoln. 344 Sectional Divergence Lincoln carried all of the Northern States, except New Jersey, where he received four of the seven electoral votes. The election His total electoral vote was 180, Breckinridge's of Lincoln 72^ Bell's 39, and Douglas's 12. The popular vote was as follows: Lincoln 1,866,000, Douglas 1,375,000, Breckinridge- 847,000, Bell 587,000. With the election of Lincoln the more radical Southern leaders at once began to make plans for withdrawing from the Union and forming a Southern Confederacy. How the T 1 • 1 1 ■ 1 T-N 1 • T • 11 result was in his debates with Douglas m 1858, Lincoln had regarded at declared : "A house divided agahist itself cannot the South , T 1 T 1 • ^ stand. 1 believe this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided." Seward, who had been regarded as the foremost leader of the Republican party, and who was later selected by Lincoln for the position of secretary of state, had referred to the contest between the North and the South as an "irrepressible conflict," which must make the nation all slave or all free. Notwithstand- ing the public declaration of the party in its platform that it would not interfere with the domestic institutions of any State, many Southerners believed that the Republican party would in the near future inevitably undertake a general policy of emancipation. Furthermore, Lincoln had not received a single electoral vote south of Mason and Dixon's line, and he was the first president who had ever been elected to that office by a strictly sectional vote. The South Carolina legislature was in session when the result of the election became known, and it im- South^*""" mediately called a State convention, which was Carolina and to decide whether the State should remain in the States^ Union or not. The delegates to this convention w !«&'^ Ljttf. V M iMi/ntgomeryf g\e< \Qi a; Snab ^ ^^'■^TSew Orleaus B u:n^ited states in 18C1 The heavy line shows the limit of territory held by Confederates, 1 from 90 Greenwich V ^ Secession 351 alternative of supplying troops for the purpose of subjiigat- ing their sister States or of s(!(;e(Iinji; and joininf^ with th(;in in the Southern Confederacy. As thcur political affiliations, their conunercial and industrial interests, and their vi(!ws of constitutional in^(!rpretation, no less than th(; institu- tion of slavery, bound them to the States farther south, there was little dou})t as to what the outcome would be. On April 17 the State Convention of Virj^inia passed the ordinance of secession by a vote; of 88 to 55, and provided that it should be submitt(!(l to tlu; peoph; for ratification. Governor Letcher immediately seized the United States arsenal at Harper's Ferry and the Navy Yard at Norfolk, and made a provisional agreement with the Confederate government. North ('arolina, T(!rmessee, and Arkansas followed the (ixampk; of Virginia. Th(! first l>loodshed of the Civil War occurred in the streets of Baltimore on the 19th of April, the; anniv(!rsary of the Battle of Lexington. One of the first IT-., 11 1 The first r(!giments to respond to Luicoln s call was the bloodshed, Sixth Massachusetts, which had to pass through ^p"! iq, Baltimore in order to reach the national capital. The great majority of Baltimoreans sjonpathized with the South or at any rate were strongly opposed to coercing the Southern States, and when the regiment undertook to pass through the city the streets were filled with excited throngs of people. The mayor of the city and the chief of police did everything in their power to preserve order, but the mob began throwing missiles at the soldiers, some of whom opened fire without the authorization of their officers. An irregular fight occurred in which several soldiers and a num})er of people, most of them innocent bystanders, were killed. The governor of Maryland at once had the bridges on the Harrisburg and Philadelphia Railroads burned, and Washington was cut off from both railway and telegraphic communication with the North. The Seventh New York 352 Sectional Diver2;ence fe^ regiment went by water from Philadelphia to Annapolis and reached Washington April 25, followed shortly by the Fifth Massachusetts. The crisis had now passed. Other regiments continued to pour into the capital. On IMay 3 the president issued a call for 42,00Q volunteers for three years. There was now a sharp contest for the control of Missouri and Kentucky and the western counties of Virginia. Union sympathizers, with the aid of the Federal gov- ^j^^ contest ernment, prevented the secession of Missouri in the border and Kentucky, and the active interference of the ***^^ Federal government in Maryland prevented the secessionists from organizing in that State. The trans-Alleghany coun- ties of Virginia had always been politically opposed to the counties in the eastern part of the State. Their trade re- lations were largely with the Ohio River Valley. General McClellan was promptly sent into this region with troops from Ohio. Confederate forces were defeated at Philippi and Rich Mountain, and General Garnett, the Confederate commander, was killed at Carrick's Ford in July, 1861. Western Virginia thus fell at a IjIow under the control of the Federal government, and a movement was soon started to organize a separate State. As the Federal Constitution provides that a State cannot be divided without its consent, there was some perplexity at first as to how a new State could be constitutionally erected. A convention of delegates from the "loyal counties" of Virginia met and organized what they called "the restored government of Virginia." This government, which embraced the counties west of the Alleghanies and a few counties bordering on the Potomac, went through the form of giving the consent of Virginia to the organization of West Virginia. The population of the United States, according to the census of 1860, was a Httle over 31,000,000; that of the States remaining in the Union was about 22.000,000. Secession 353 while the Confederate States had a population of about 9,000,000, of which over 3,500,000 were slaves. ' ' ' ' . . , Relative The North, however, was at this time by no means strength of enthusiastic about the war. In fact, President North and Lincoln's policy created strong opposition. The South, on the other hand, with the exception of eastern Tennessee, was almost a solid unit. A great many historians have been perplexed to account for the fact of Southern solidarity. Not more than one man in five owned slaves. Why, they ask, should southern the non-slaveholding population have engaged solidarity in a war which was fought to maintain the supremacy of a slaveholding aristocracy? In answer it may be said, in the first place, that neither side at the outset admitted that slavery was the issue at stake. At the North both presi- dent and Congress denied that there was any intention of interfering with slavery in any State in which it existed. The preservation of the Union was the avowed object of the war and it was not until 1862 that it was turned into a crusade against slavery. The South, on the other hand, claimed to be fighting solely in defense of constitutional rights. In the second place, even had abolition been the avowed object of the North from the first, the non-slaveholding population of the South would have entered the struggle with just as much enthusiasm, for their racial instinct was strongly developed and they abhorred the abolition theory of racial equahty. The poor white of the South would have been the last man to desire to bring about the freedom of the negro and his poHtical or social equality with the white. At the time that the war broke out, the United States had a very small military estabUshment gf southlrn and it was thoroughly disorganized by the with- officers from the Ur ■ army drawal of officers who decided to stand by their States. Probably a third of the officers in the army were Southerners, and most of these resigned and 354 Sectional Divergence went South. Notable exceptions were General Scott and George H. Thomas, both Virginians, who decided to remain in the Union army. At the beginning of the war President Davis's military- experience both in the field and in the War Department, gave him a great advantage over President Lincoln. Davis was a graduate of West Point, had served with distinction in the Mexican War, and as secretary of war under Pierce had displayed marked abihty in re- organizing and improv- ing the service. There was probably no man in the United States who was better posted on the condition of the arm}^, or who was better acquainted with its per- sonnel. This probably explains the fact that Davis selected at the outset generals of marked ability who maintained their posi- tions throughout the war, while Lincoln, who had to depend upon the advice of others, and who was influenced by poUtical con- siderations, selected men who proved in most cases incompe- tent, and did not succeed in placing thoroughly competent officers in command of his armies until years of experience had evolved them. Before the beginning of hostilities General Scott sum- moned to Washington Colonel Robert E. Lee, who had Jefferson Davis. Secession 355 been stationed in Texas. The old general had a warm affec- tion for Lee, and declared that he had displayed more conspicuous ability in the Mexican War than any The decision other officer in the army. Lee was a Virginian of °* ^®® Virginians. Connected by marriage with the family of Wash- ington, son of the famous "Light-Horse Harry" Lee of the Revolution, and holding through his wife a magnificent estate just across the Potomac from the national capital, it was indeed difficult for him to decide what course to pursue. In January, 1861 , he wrote to his son from Texas as follows : " Se- cession is nothing but revolution. . . . Still, a Union that can only be maintained by swords and bayonets, and in which strife and civil war are to take the place of brotherly love and kindness, has no charm for me. I shall mourn for my country and for the welfare and progress of mankind. If the Union is dissolved and the government disrupted, I shall return to my native State and share the miseries of my people, and save in defence will draw my sword on none." About the time that Virginia adopted the ordinance of secession, Lee was offered the command of the Union armies. To this offer, which was made by President Lincoln through Francis Preston Blair, he repUed : "If I owned the four milUons of slaves, I would cheerfully sacrifice them to the preservation of the Union, but to lift my hand against my own State and people is impossible." TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. The Presidential Campaign of i860: F. E. Chadwiek, Causes of Civil War, Chaps. VII, VIII ; Stanwood, Chap. XXI ; Rhodes, Vol. II, Chap. XI ; Jefferson Davis, Rise and Fall of Confederate Government, Vol.1, pp. 47-57; Phillips, Robert Toombs, Chap. VIII; W. E. Dodd, Jefferson Davis, Chap. XI. 2. Secession of South Carolina and the Gulf States : Chadwiek, Chap. IX; Rhodes, Vol. Ill, pp. 115-214; Phillips, Robert Toombs, Chap. IX ; Dodd, Jefferson Davis, Chap. XII, XIII. 356 Sectional Divergence 3. Attitude of President Buchanan : Chadwick, Chaps. X-XV ; Rhodes, Vol. Ill, pp. 217-248; McMaster, Vol. VIII, pp. 493-509; Schouler, Vol. V, pp. 491-512; [James Buchanan] Mr. Buchanan s Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion. 4. Lincoln and Fort Sumter: Chadwick, Chaps. XVII-XIX ; Rhodes, Vol. Ill, pp. 325-356; Stephens, War between the States, Vol. II, pp. 345-355; Bancroft, W. H. Seward, Vol. II, Chaps. XXVIII, XXIX. 5. Secession of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkan- sas : Chadwick, Chap. XVI; Rhodes, Vol. Ill, pp. 378-393; J. L. M. Curry, Civil History of Confederate States, Chap. IV ; Munford, Virginia's Attitude toioard Slavery and Secession, pp. 248-300; G. Bradford, Lee the American, Chap. II. 6. Constitutional and Ethical Aspects of Secession : W. B. Wood and J. E. Edmonds, History of the Civil War in the United States, Chap. I ; Jefferson Davis, Vol. I, pp. 77-85 ; C. F. Adams, Studies Military and Diplomatic, pp. 203-231, 291-343; J. C. Reed, Brothers' War, Chaps. IV, XV; J. L. M. Curry, Chaps. I, IX; W. G. Brown, Lower South in American History, Chap. II ; Mun- ford, pp. 301-304. PART Y THE CIVIL WAR CHAPTER XXI THE OPENING CAMPAIGNS, EAST AND WEST From the Potomac to northern Georgia and Alabama the territory of the Confederacy was divided into two dis- tinct theaters of miUtary operations by tlie 11- 1- ,> : , ,, Two distinct Appalachian cham oi mountams, a hundred or theaters of more miles in width. South of the Potomac military this range was crossed by only one railroad, which ran through Lynchburg, Bristol, and east Tennessee to Chattanooga. From this point roads connected with At- lanta to the southeast, Memphis to the west, and Nashville to the northwest. Early in the war the Federal govern- ment undertook three forward movements, while the Con- federates acted on the defensive. The main campaign was directed against Richmond, and the Army of the Potomac which* undertook this task was also charged with the duty of defending Washington. In the West an attempt was made by the combined operations of army and navy to occupy the line of the Mississippi River, and thus to cut off from the Con- federacy Texas, Louisiana, and Arkansas. Another large army undertook to occupy Kentucky and Tennessee, and then to penetrate through the heart of the Confederacy to Atlanta. The two movements in the West were, of course, closely connected. 357 358 The Civil War The Civil War began with a desperate struggle for Mis- souri, Kentucky, and West Virginia, but attention was Operations ^^^^ drawn to operations in northern Virginia, in northern President Davis entered Richmond, the new Virginia capital of the Confederacy, on May 29, 1861. At this time General Joseph E. Johnston was at Harper's Ferry with an army of 9000 men, and General Beauregard was at Manassas Junction with about 21,000. There was also a small force at Aquia Creek to defend the Richmond and Fredericksburg Railroad. General Winfield Scott, who was still in command of the United States army, was disinclined to adopt an offensive policy with raw troops enlisted for three months, but there was an insistent demand at the North for a forward move- ment, and "On to Richmond!" was the popular cry. Scott's first plan was to take Harper's Ferry while McDowell held Beauregard at Manassas. Accordingly Pat- terson advanced from Chambers- burg, Pennsylvania, with a large force against Harper's Ferry, and Johnston fell back to Winchester on June 15, Harper's Ferry being untenable on account of the over- towering Maryland heights. McDowell, who was in command of the Army of the Potomac, now planned an attack on Beauregard, provided Johnston could be held in the Valley. Patterson, McDowell advances who had over 20,000 men with him, was ordered against ^q (detain Johnston, or in case he should under- take to leave the Valley, to follow close on his heels. Meanwhile, Beauregard had taken up a strong po- sition behind Bull Run, with his left facing the Stone Bridge General Beauregard. The Opening Campaigns 359 The War in the East. 360 The Civil War on the Warrenton turnpike. McDowell advanced against the Confederate army with about 30,000 men. Patterson, however, failed to carry out his part of the program. John- ston gave him the slip and sent Jackson's brigade over the Blue Ridge at Ashby's Gap and on to Piedmont Station, where it took the train and reached Manassas at four p.m., July 19. The other brigades were delayed by a wreck, but by the morning of the 21st three of Johnston's four brigades were with Beauregard's army. In the battle which took place on the 21st McDowell threw his right across Bull Run, forced the Confederates First back from the Stone Bridge so that his center Manassas, coulcl cross, and thus with two thirds of his army or u un t^ggg^j^ ^Q yqW ^p ^]^g Confederate line from left to right. By noon this preliminary movement had been successfully completed. Then began the second stage of the battle, which was waged for the possession of the Henry House hill. Here General T. J. Jackson managed to hold his position in the face of greatly superior forces until Beau- regard and Johnston were able to bring up reenforcements. It was at this time that General Bee, endeavoring to rally the broken line of his Carolinians, exclaimed: "Look at Jackson! There he stands like a stone wall," thus giving him the name by which he was to be known to history. More than once the Federals gained the plateau, but Jack- son finally charged them with the bayonet and turned the tide. With the arrival of General Kirby Smith's brigade, which was the last of Johnston's brigades to leave the Valley, the Confederates swept the Federals from the field and the retreat soon degenerated into a panic. McDowell had ordered his army to fall back to Center- Rout of the ville, but it was utterly impossible to stop the Federal rout there, and the troops throwing away arms and "^^ ammunition, and abandoning their artillery and wagon trains, rushed on in wild confusion to seek refuge The Opening Campaigns 361 in the defenses of Washington. Bull Run was a terrible shock to the North. Congress reahzed now that the South could not be conquered by raw recruits in a summer's cam- paign. On the day folloAving the battle an act was passed providing for the enhstment of 500,000 men for three years. In view of the state of demoralization that prevailed in the capital, the Confederate generals have been criticized for not attempting to take Wash- ington, but the Confederate army, made up mostly of new recruits who had never been in action l)ef ore, was thoroughly exhausted from the long daj^'s fight, and could not possibly have continued the pursuit without rest and re- cuperation. As a result of the defeat at Manassas, McDowell was relieved of the command of the McCieiian Army of the Potomac '^^ command and George B. McClellan was called from West Virginia to succeed him. McClellan was at this time in his thirty-fifth year. He had graduated in the class of 1846 at West Point, had seen service in the Mexican War, and had been sent abroad to observe operations in the Crimean War. In 1857 he had resigned from the army to take up railroad work. When the war broke out he was assigned the task of dri\dng the Confederates out of the counties which afterwards formed the State of West Virginia. When McClellan assumed command of the Army of the Potomac he found it in a deplorable condition. He set to work at once to organize the new army authorized by Con- gress and to restore confidence. He was opposed to any for- General McClellan. 362 The Civil War ward movement until he could organize and discipline the mass of recruits that came pouring into Washington. Mean- while, Johnston and Beauregard wanted to invade Maryland, which was certainly sound poUcy from amihtary point of view, but for political reasons President Davis was opposed to any offensive movement, and insisted on acting on the defensive. On November 1, 1861, General Scott resigned his com- mand on account of the infirmities of age, and McClellan was placed in command of all the armies of the United States. He continued to take his time in organizing the Army of the Potomac, and paid no heed to the popular demand that he attack Johnston at Manassas. The president and cabinet were bent on operations before winter, but in De- cember McClellan was taken ill with typhoid fever, and it was the middle of January before he could take up his official duties again. The Federal cause met with its first striking success in the West. Before the close of 1861 the Union forces had Federal occupied the greater part of Missouri, but the successes in southern portion of the state was still held by the the West Confederates. In Kentucky the campaign of 1862 opened with the Confederates under Albert Sidney Johnston holding a Une from Columbus on the Mississippi to Bowling Green. Facing them were the Federal forces under General Halleck commanding the Department of Missouri with headquarters at St. Louis, and the Army of the Ohio under General Buell concentrated between Louis- ville and Bowhng Green. Grant had a smaller force at Cairo, which was under the general command of Halleck and known as the Army of the Tennessee. In northern Tennessee, near the Kentucky border, the Confederates had constructed Fort Henry on the east bank of the Tennessee River and Fort Donelson twelve miles away on the west bank of the Cumberland. On February 3, 1862, Grant started up the Tennessee against Fort Henry The Opening Campaigns 363 with 15,000 men and a fleet of seventeen gunboats under Commodore Foote. Four of these were partially protected with armor and had been constructed for the government by J. B. Eads of St. Louis. Operations in the West, 1862. Fort Henry was commanded by high bluffs across the river and there was little hope of holding it, so General Tilghman decided to send his infantry to Fort FaUofFort Donelson, while he remained in the fort with Henry one company of artillery in order to gain time for the infan- try to make their escape. After an hour and a half of bombardment, Tilghman surrendered Fort Henry on Feb- ruary 6. This was the first important success won by the Federals in either theater of the war. On the following day Johnston ordered the troops to fall back from Bowling Green to Nashville, and at the same time sent 12,000 men to reenforce the garrison FaUofFort at Donelson. This was a bad move. He should Donelson have fought Grant with his whole force at Donelson. This 364 The Civil War would have been the surest way to protect Nashville. Grant sent his gunboats down the Tennessee and up the Cumber- land, while his army marched against Fort Donelson on the 12th of February. On the 14th the gunboats began the attack, but were forced to retire. The guns at Fort Don- elson were placed high above the water, practically unas- sailable by gunboats, and they commanded a clear stretch of the river. Grant and Foote now determined to reduce the fort by regular siege operations. The Confederate gar- rison numbered 18,000, about the same as Grant's force, but Generals Floyd, Pillow, and Buckner thought they were greatly outnumbered and decided to cut their way out to Nashville. Grant succeeded in stopping this movement and forcing them back into the fort with heavy losses on both sides. It was now too late for the entire Confederate force to with- draw and Fort Donelson had been rendered untenable. Floyd and Pillow left by steamer with some of their infantry, and Forrest rode out with his cavalry, but Buckner remained in command and on February 16, 1862, surrendered with about 12,000 men. The fall of Fort Donelson made a profound impression. The North was exalted and the South correspondingly depressed. Kentucky was now secured to the Federal cause and the way was opened for the invasion of Tennessee. The double success laid the basis of Grant's military reputation, though at the time his superior, Halleck, from Invasion of his headquarters at St. Louis, claimed the chief Tennessee credit. In fact for a tmie Grant was actually superseded in the command of the Army of the Tennessee, but the misunderstanding which had arisen between him and Halleck was soon cleared up, and on March 17 he re- sumed command of his army at Savannah in western Ten- nessee. Buell occupied Nashville late in February and Johnston retreated to Murfreesboro, but the roads were so bad that Buell did not follow him. The Opening Campaigns 365 Johnston, however, soon withdrew into northern Alabama in order to estabhsh connections with Beauregard, who was collecting the scattered garrisons from the upper Mississippi forts at Memphis and holding the railroad line from Memphis to Corinth. On March 10 the Confederates evacuated Columbus on the Mississippi and retired down the river to New Madrid and Island No. 10. Pope was sent by Halleck to attack this new position. On March 11 President Lin- coln created the new department of the Mississippi and placed Halleck in command of all the forces in the West. The new department was a good thing, but Halleck proved an unfortunate choice for commander. As Johnston and Beauregard were concentrating at Corinth, Halleck ordered Buell, 1 n TVT 1 Battle of who was still at N ash- shiioh, or ville, to unite his forces Pittsburg with those of Grant at Savannah on the Tennessee River north of Pittsburg Landing. Halleck did not expect the Con- federates to take the offensive and was in no hurry to arrive at the front and assume command. March 29 Johnston assumed command at Corinth of the united Confederate forces, now numbering 40,000 men, and determined to attack Grant before Buell could join him. Buell's division began arriving at Savannah about noon, April 5. Grant was very careless about the disposition of his forces, and made no effort to get Buell's division across the river. Sherman occupied the advanced position of Grant's arm}^, with headquarters about two miles from Pittsburg Landing on the Corinth road near Shiioh Church. On Sunday morning, April 6, at 6 a.m., the Confederates General Albert* Sidney Johnston. 366 The Civil War fell on Sherman's division at Shiloh and drove them back from one position to another until they finally stood their ground on Snake Creek. Grant, who had spent the night at Savannah and has- tened over in the morning when he heard the firing, had a hard time holding his position, which became known as the "Hornet's Nest." Early in the afternoon Johnston, who was leading Bragg's division against Grant, was killed. This caused delay and Bragg's division was drawn off late in the day by order of Beauregard. During the night Grant got about 25,000 fresh troops over the river. The Confederates renewed the attack at 5 a.m. the next morning, but were repulsed. The losses on both sides were heavy ; the Federal loss being considerably over 10,000, and the Confederate only a few hundred less. Shiloh was the first large battle in the West, and the bloodiest which had at that time been fought in America. The death of the brilliant Albert Sidney Johnston was a great loss to the Confederacy. Halleck arrived April 11. He was in no hurry to ad- vance, but awaited the arrival of Pope's army. On April 8 Pope had captured 7000 Confederates at Island Federal forces seize No. 10 and New Madrid. By May 1 Beaure- Memphis g^rd had been reenforced to 50,000 men, but he did not care to risk another battle, for Halleck's forces now numbered 100,000. The latter advanced very cautiously, intrenching each position. On May 29 Beaure- gard evacuated Corinth and fell back to Tupelo, fifty miles south on the Mobile and Ohio Railway. On June 6 the Confederate fleet of gunboats was destroyed at Memphis and the Federals took possession. With the occupation of Memphis and Corinth, the spring campaign in the West came to an end. The Memphis and Charleston Railway was held by the Federals ; the Mississippi had been opened from the Ohio to Vicksburg, and Kentucky and Tennessee were in the hands of the Union forces. The Opening Campaigns 367 Meanwhile, Commodore David Glasgow Farragut was opening the Mississippi from the mouth. New Orleans was considerably the largest city in the Confederacy The capture and a great commercial center. About ninety of New miles below the city were Forts St. Philip and ^ ^^^^ Jackson, and there was a Confederate naval force in the river under Commodore Mitchell. On April 18, 1862, the Federal mortar flotilla under David D. Porter opened fire on the forts. Over 16,000 shells were fired at them in six days, but they did not surrender. On April 20 the boom across the river was broken by Lieutenant Caldwell on the Itasca and on the 24th Farragut ran past the batteries with his fleet and attacked the Confederate naval flotilla above. Farragut's force was greatly superior and he had an easy victory. On the 25th at noon the fleet, having silenced the batteries near the city, appeared before New Orleans. Among the population of 160,000 the wildest confusion prevailed. On May 1 General Benjamin F. Butler disembarked with his troops and took command of the city. His harsh rule aroused the intense hatred of the entire South, and his name became a byword for arbitrary conduct and official corruption. Farragut proceeded up the river; Baton Rouge and Natchez surrendered at the first summons, and no resist- ance was encountered until Vicksburg was Vicksbufif reached. Vicksburg, midway between New stuiheidby Orleans and Memphis, about four hundred miles theCon- federates from each, is situated on a high bluff commanding the river, and is an exceptionally strong position. The Admiral Farragut. 368 The Civil War Confederates had spared no effort or expense in fortifying it. On June 28 Farragut ran past Vicksburg with most of his fleet, but he could not silence the forts. While Farragut was opening the Mississippi, McClellan had transported his army to Fortress Monroe in order to McCieiian's ^fl'^S'^^ce Oil Richmond by way of the Peninsula, plan of His plan was at first opposed by Lincoln and the campaign politicians because of the fear that it would expose Washington to attack. They wanted to keep the army be- tween Washington and the Confederates and to advance on Richmond by the direct route. McClellan 's plan was The Opening Campaigns 369 finally agreed to, and while he was preparing to move his army the entire North was thrown into a state of conster- nation by the appearance in Hampton Roads of the recently constructed Confederate ironclad Virginia. The United States ship Merrimac had been burned when the Norfolk Navy Yard was abandoned. The Confed- erates raised the hull xheAferrf- and covered her with mac and the heavy armor made by ^''""<"' joining: railroad rails together. She was rechristened the Vir- ginia, though at the North she continued to be known as the Merrimac. When she appeared in Hampton Roads, March 8, 1862, she at once attacked the Federal squadron of wooden ships. She rammed the Cumher- land and sank her, fired the Congress and forced her crew to surrender, and ran the Minnesota and other members of the squad- ron into shallow water. The next morning she returned to complete the destruction of the Federal fleet, but during the night Ericsson's Monitor, which had been built at the Brooklyn Navy Yard, had ap- peared on the scene. Most of the Monitor was submerged and her characteristic feature was the revolving gun turret, which gave her a greater range of action than any ship hitherto constructed. She was described by those who first saw her as resembling a cheesebox on a raft. As soon as the Merrimac sighted the Monitor they made for each other. The fight began about eight-thirty on the morning of March 9. For hours the two ships pounded each other John Ericsson, inventor of the Monitor. 370 The Civil War at close range, but most of the shots glanced off without doing much damage. The Merrimac tried in vain to ram A revolution ^^^^ Monitor, but that craft being more easily in naval handled successfully eluded these attempts, wa are Finally about 1 p.m. the Monitor withdrew to shallow water with her pilot house damaged and her commander blinded. As the Merrimac could not get at her adversary, she returned to Norfolk to repair her injuries. When Norfolk was abandoned a few weeks later, the Merrimac was not ready to put to sea, and owing to her heavy draft it was impossible to take her up the James, so she was destroyed by the Confederates. On December 30 the Monitor foundered off Cape Hatteras on her way to join the blockading squadron before Charleston. This fight had, however, revolutionized naval warfare. The North at once began building turreted ships of the Monitor type, and the revolving turret was destined to be the characteristic feature of the later battleship. McClellan arrived at Fortress Monroe April 2. He again dis- played his usual de- ofthe liberation. With an Peninsular army of 100,000 men campaign he spent a month besieging Yorktown. On April 17 Joseph E. Johnston took com- mand in person at Yorktown, having under him 53,000 men. He had no idea of undergoing a bombardment and timed his evacuation nicely, withdrawing his army May 3, three days before McClellan's intended at- tack. McClellan was taken by surprise, but gave orders for immediate pursuit. On May 5 the Federal army was General Joseph E. Johnston. The Opening Campaigns 371 checked with heavy loss at Williamsburg, but Jolinston continued his retreat to Richmond. McClellan consumed a fortnight in moving his army from Williamsburg to the Chickahominy, a distance of forty or fifty miles. The James River, now in possession of the Federal navy from its mouth to Drewry's Bluff, eight miles below Richmond, would have offered a much better base, but President Lin- coln had held McDowell with a large force at Alexandria, and later near Fredericksburg, in order to protect Washing- ton, and the plan was for this force to connect with Mc- Clellan's right. Therefore, instead of advancing up the James, McClellan had to approach Richmond along the Chickahominy from the east, so that he could connect with McDowell. On May 24 he was informed that 20,000 of McDowell's troops had been ordered to the Valley to co- operate with Fremont against Stonewall Jackson, who was chasing Banks toward Harper's Ferry. Jackson's Valley Campaign of 1862 was one of the most brilliant recorded in military annals. Late in February a Federal army under General Banks crossed the Tflclcson's Potomac and occupied Winchester and Strasburg. vaUey Cam- A part of this force was later sent east to Manassas P*jg° °* and the rest fell back to Winchester. Jackson pursued with a greatly inferior force, and was repulsed with heavy loss at Kernstown March 23, 1862. Banks pursued Jackson up the Valley with 19,000 men, leaving several thousand to guard Harper's Ferry. Across the mountains in West Virginia Fremont had within easy reach 15,000 men in different detachments which he was slowly concentrating for the purpose of uniting with Banks in the Valley. As Banks's advance reached Harrisonburg, Jackson, who had with him between 7000 and 8000 men, moved into Elk Run Valley, east of the Massanutten Mountain, so as to be in communication with Ewell's division of about 9000, which was holding the line of the Rapidan. As Jackson's 372 The Civil War total force of less than 17,000 men was opposed by 40,000, it was necessary for him to fight before Fremont and Banks could unite. Early in May Jackson summoned Ewell to watch Banks and with his own force mysteriously left the Valley. It was generally believed that he was on his way to join Johnston at Richmond, but after crossing the Blue Ridge he put his troops aboard train and rushed them west to Staunton. He then marched rapidly to the village of Mc- Dowell, twenty-seven miles northwest of Staunton, and sud- denly fell on one of Fremont's detachments under General Mil- roy. This force was utterly routed and Fremont's move- ments for the time being para- lyzed. Hurrying back to Staunton, Jackson at once started down the Valley, suddenly crossed the Massanutten range so as to unite with Ewell at Luray, de- Cross Keys f sated a Federal force at Front Royal, and sent Banks in full flight over the Potomac with the loss of one third of his army and all his baggage and supplies. Shields's division was immediately detached from McDowell's corps and sent back to the Valley to prevent Jackson from following Banks into Maryland. McClellan's plans were thus thwarted at a critical moment. Shields recaptured f^ront Royal, but Jackson promptly retired up the Valley to Woodstock. Fremont came over the mountains from West Virginia and started in pursuit of Jackson, while Shields moved up the Luray Valley, east of the Massanutten Mountain. Jackson retired to Harrisonburg and then turned east to General " Stonewall ' Jackson. and Port Republic The Opening Campaigns 373 Port Republic, where he held the only bridge by which his pursuers could unite. On June 6 General Turner Ashby, the brilliant commander of Jackson's cavalry, was killed in a skirmish two or three miles south of Harrisonburg. On the 8th Fremont was repulsed at Cross Keys and on the following day Jackson fell upon Shields at Port Republic and crushed him. During this battle Fremont burned the bridges in Jackson's rear so that the latter could not turn on him as he had intended. With his enemies in full retreat Jackson again mj^steriously left the Valley and riding ahead of his troops quietly entered Richmond on the 23d for a conference with Lee. Meanwhile, there had been heavy fighting around Rich- mond. On May 31 General Johnston attacked the two corps of McClellan's army south of the Chicka- hominy. The heaviest fighting took place at assumes Seven Pines. It was indecisive, but Johnston was command of wounded. The fight was renewed the next morn- federate ing in a half-hearted way, but at 2 p.m., June 1, army before General Lee, who had been acting as military adviser to President Davis, arrived on the scene and took command of the army, which he withdrew to Richmond. This battle, together with the heavy rains which washed away several of the bridges over the Chickahominy, kept McClellan quiet for some time. The latter also made a new disposition of his troops, placing them all south of the river, except the corps commanded by Fitz-John Porter. June 12 to 15 General J. E. B. Stuart made his famous ride around McClellan's army, cutting off communications, de- stroying large bodies of stores, and discovering for General Lee the location and strength of the Federal forces. As soon as General Lee received Stuart's report he de- cided to call Jackson from the Valley and to hurl Lee's bold his force on the right of Porter's isolated corps, strategy A. P. Hill was to cross over the Chickahominy at 374 The Civil War Meadow Bridge and advance toward Mechanicsville, thus causing the Federals to abandon the Mechanicsville bridge and enable Longstreet and D. H. Hill to cross. This plan involved a division of Lee's army. Fifty thousand Con- federates would be concentrated against Porter and only 27,000 would be left to face McClellan. McClellan had 75,000 men south of the Chickahominy. General Lee took the chance, however. He knew McClellan well and while he considered him an able fighter, he did not consider him capable of bold strategy. Jackson's division was half a day late in arriving on the scene of action. A. P. Hill waited at Meadow Bridge until 3 o'clock on June 26, then, fearing further Mechaidcs- ^^lay, he crossed the river and came in front of viiieana Porter, but he met with a bloody repulse at ^ainess Mechanicsville. The next morning at daylight Porter, learning that Jackson was in his rear, retired to a strong position east of Gaines's Mill, his troops forming a semicircle with the extremities on the river cover- ing two bridges. The battle began about 2 : 30 p.m. in an attack by A. P. Hill, who hurled his troops in vain against the strong Federal position. Longstreet and Jackson, not knowing of the strength of Porter's position, were both waiting for Hill to dislodge him. At this time the Confederate army had a very poor staff organization, and the lack of cooperation was due to this fact. After the fight had raged for an hour Jackson began a general advance. Night found Porter's troops exhausted and his center pierced. He fell back hastilj'' to the bridges, leaving 22 guns and 2800 prisoners in the hands of the Confederates. The timely arrival of Sumner's brigades was all that prevented a rout. During the night Porter got his troops across the river. McClellan now decided to retreat to the James. This decision disconcerted General Lee, who expected him to The Opening Campaigns 375 retreat to his base on the Pamiinkey. As most of Lee's troops were across the Chickahominy, an entire day, June 28, was lost before the Confederate advantage Malvern could be pressed. On June 29 and 30 there was ^i^i fighting along White Oak Swamp and at Frayser's Farm. Here again the poor staff organization was in evidence, and Jackson's troops were slow in getting into action. Of Lee's 75,000 men, only 25,000 were actually engaged. During the night of June 30 General Lee decided, against the judgment of Stonewall Jackson, to attack McClellan's position at Malvern Hill. On the following day a short but fierce engagement ensued, in which the Confederates lost 5000 men, and the Federals about one third of that number. McClellan, however, continued his retreat to Harrison's Landing, where he was within reach of his gun- boats and transports, and there was nothing to do but watch his movements. In the entire seven days' fighting the Confederates lost 20,000 and the Federals 16,000. The Confederates, however, captured 52 guns and 35,000 rifles, partfally filling the much-felt need of modern weapons. At the first news of McClellan's repulse, Washington was again thrown into a state of consternation, and General Pope was called from the West and given com- ^ossof con- mand of the armies of Fremont, Banks, and fidence in McDowell, in order to defend Washington. The McClellan Administration had lost confidence in McClellan and Gen- eral Halleck was called East and placed in command of all the armies of the United States. On July 25 Halleck went to Harrison's Landing to confer with ]\IcClellan. The latter wanted to renew operations along the James and to cut the line of communication with Petersburg, but he demanded 20,000 more troops, still laboring under the de- lusion that Lee had 200,000. On August 3 the government recalled the Army of the Potomac in spite of McClellan's protest. 376 The Civil War When Pope assumed command before Washington, he issued a bombastic address to his troops, saying that in the General West they were in the habit of seeing the backs Pope in Qf their enemies. He also remarked, when asked northern where he would make his headquarters, that his Virginia headquarters would be in the saddle. His plan was to seize Gordonsville, where the railroad from Richmond to the Valley intersected the line from Washington to the South, but General Lee sent Jackson to that point and later A. P. Hill to reenforce him. It was important for the Confed- erates to deliver a blow before Pope could be reenforced by the Army of the Potomac, and Jack- son decided to advance to Cul- peper Court House. On August 9, 1862, Jackson had a sharp fight at Cedar Run, seven miles south of Culpeper, with his old opponent Banks, in which the latter was finally driven back with heavy losses. On August 13, as soon as Lee saw that McClellan was embarking his troops, he sent Longstreet's division toward Gordonsville, and on the 15th he arrived himself and held a council of war. After maneuvering along the line of the Rapidan, Pope withdrew his forces behind the Rappahannock. Lee finally decided on the bold plan of again dividing his army in the face of the enemy and sending Jackson , . , with 25,000 men around through Thoroughfare TflCKSon s flank move- Grap for the purpose of falling upon Pope's stores ment to g^j^^j communications and forcing him from his position. Several miles west of Manassas lies the small range of the Bull Run Mountains. The principal General Longstreet. The Opening Campaigns 377 break in this range is Thoroughfare Gap. Jackson's army started on its long circuitous march August 25. On the 26th he passed through the Gap and turned southeast to Bristoe Station. Here he was thirteen miles in the rear of Pope's headquarters and right across his line of communica- tions. Stuart's cavalry with a small detachment of infantry went to Manassas station that night and destroyed immense stores of supplies, after taking all that they could carry away. As soon as Pope realized that Jackson was in his rear he began concentrating his troops between Warrenton and Gainesville. Jackson, however, had fallen back Popeout- to a position between Gainesville and Bull Run, generaied . near the field of the first great fight, to await the arrival of Lee and Longstreet's division. Had Pope acted on Mc- Dowell's advice and seized Thoroughfare Gap he might have prevented the union of the two wings of the Confederate army, but he seems to have been completely mystified by the movements of Lee and Jackson and let the opportunity slip. On the 28th Jackson repulsed the Federal attack at Gainesville, with heavy losses on both sides, and the follow- ing day he was being hard pressed at Groveton when Long- street's division arrived. On the 30th Pope renewed the attack and for hours the battle raged on the already historic field of Bull Run, but with the positions of the Union and Confederate ge^ond armies in large part reversed. The Federal battle of forces were finally repulsed all along the line and made their last stand on the Henry House hill. When night came on the Federal left wing still held the crest of the hill, but under cover of darkness the whole Federal army retired across Bull Run to Centerville. Here Pope assumed a strong position. Although his army still largely outnumbered that of Lee, he continued his retreat on the following day to the fortifications at Washington. Two of 378 The Civil War McClellan's corps joined Pope before the battle, but Fitz- John Porter, who commanded one of them, was charged with faihire to cooperate. After a long trial he was cashiered, but it appeared later that great injustice had been done him and years afterward he was restored to his place in the army by special act of Congress. On September 3 McClellan, whose army had been brought up the Potomac to Alexandria, was placed in command of Results of ^^^ defenses of Washington, and a few days the later Pope was relieved of his command and campaign McClellan again placed in charge of the army. Lee's campaign had been a brilliant success. He had driven the enemy from the Rappahannock to the defenses at Wash- ington. He had captured thirty guns, 20,000 rifles, and 7000 prisoners, and inflicted on the Federals the loss of 13,500 in killed and wounded. His own loss was 10,000. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. First Manassas, or Bull Run: Wood and Edmonds, Civil War in the United States, Chap. V ; Rhodes, History of the United States, Vol. Ill, pp. 443-457; W. H. Russell, My Diary North and South, pp. 434-478 ; J. K. Hosmer, Appeal to Arms, Chap. IV ; G. F. R. Henderson, Stonewall Jackson, Vol. I, Chap. VI ; J. C. Ropes, Story of the Civil War, Chap. IX. 2. Federal Successes in the West : Wood and Edmonds, Chap. XIII; Rhodes, Vol. Ill, pp. 581-600, 617-628; Hosmer, Chap. VI ; Ropes, Vol. II, Chap. I ; U. S. Grant, Personal Memoirs, Chaps. XXI-XXIV. 3. The Fall of New Orleans: Rhodes, Vol. Ill, pp. 629-630; Hosmer, Chap. VIII ; E. S. Maclay, History of the Navy, Vol. II, Chaps. IX, X ; Jefferson Davis, Rise and Fall of Confederate Gov- ernment, Vol. II, Chaps. XXVIII, XXIX. 4. The Fight between the Merrimac and Monitor : Rhodes, Vol. Ill, pp. 608-614 ; Maclay, Vol. II, Chaps. V, VI ; Allan, Army of Northern Virginia, pp. 10-11, 27-28; Jefferson Davis, Rise and Fall of Confederate Government, Vol. II, Chap. XXVII ; Battles and Leaders, Vol. I, pp. 692-744 ; J. T. Scharf, Confederate States Navy, Chaps. VII-X. The Opening Campaigns 379 5. The Peninsular Campaign : Wood and Edmonds, Chap. VII ; Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 1-10; Hosmer, Chap. IX; Ropes, Vol. II, pp. 99-116; E. P. Alexander, Military Memoirs of a Confederate, Chaps. IV, V ; A. L. Long, Memoirs of Robert E. Lee, Chap. IX ; W. Allan, Army of Northern Virginia, pp. 1-64. 6. Jackson's Valley Campaign of 1862 : Wood and Edmonds, Chap. IX; Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 11-23; Hosmer, Chap. X; Henderson, Stoneivall Jackson, Vol. I, Chaps. VIII-XII ; W. Allan, Jackson s Valley Campaign. 7. The Seven Days' Fighting around Richmond : Wood and Edmonds, Chap. VIII; Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 24-54; Hosmer, Chap. XI; Ropes, Vol. II, pp. 132-212; Henderson, Stonewall Jackson, Vol. II, Chaps. XIII, XIV; Alexander, Chaps. VIII-X; Long, Chap. X ; Allan, Army of Northern Virginia, pp. 70-150. 8. Second Manassas : Wood and Edmonds, Chap. X ; Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 97-138 ; Hosmer, Chap- XII ; Ropes, Vol. II, pp. 218- 310; Henderson, Stonewall Jackson, Vol. II, Chaps. XVI, XVII; Alexander, Chap. XI ; Long, Chap. XI ; Allan, Army of Northern Virginia, pp. 197-321. CHAPTER XXII THE fflGH TIDE OF THE CONFEDERACY After the overwhelming defeat of Pope at Second Manassas, General Lee decided to invade Maryland, and ,j.j^g having gained the consent of President Davis, his Antietam troops crossed the Potomac September 4 and 5 campaign ^^^ occupied Frederick City. On September 15 Jackson captured Harper's Ferry, with the entire garrison of 12,500 men, and reunited with Lee before McClellan was ready to attack. Lee's full strength was now barely 50,000. McClellan advanced toward Frederick City with 85,000 men, and Lee decided to make his stand behind the Antietam River. At Frederick McClellan came into pos- session of a dispatch lost by one of Lee's staff officers, which revealed the Confederate plan of campaign, but he failed to make full use of the opportunity which it presented. On September 17 occurred the battle of Antietam, called by the Confederates the battle of Sharpsburg. McClellan's attempts to crush the Confederate left failed. The center was the next point of attack, but A. P. Hill's division reen- forced the line at this point, and the Federals were again repulsed. McClellan's losses in this battle were over 12,000, while General Lee's were 9500. Tactically, the Confederates had shghtly the advantage, and on the day following the battle the forces stood facing each other, but McClellan de- cUned to renew the contest, and Lee was not strong enough to attack him. As a decisive victory was necessary to enable General Lee to maintain himself north of the Potomac, he withdrew during the night, and the following day his 380 High Tide of the Confederacy 381 entire command recrossed into Virginia. The fruits of the campaign lay with McClellan. President Lincoln took advantage of Lee's repulse to issue his preliminary proclamation of emancipation. He had been considering this measure for some months, but, notwithstanding the pressure brought to bear pj'j^ci^""^ on him by the aboUtionists, there were weighty tionof reasons for not sooner taking the step. In the ^™n°"''*' first place he had insisted at the outset that the war was being waged solely for the restoration of the Union and that he had no constitutional right or intention of inter- fering with the domestic institutions of any State. Then, too, the announcement of such a policy at an earlier date would have caused serious disaffection in the border States, particularly in Kentucky. The border States were now secured, so that this reason no longer held. Furthermore, feeling at the North had undergone a marked change and abolition sentiment had made great headway. The South, on the other hand, was in great dread of a slave uprising, though events proved that there was no ground for such fears. President Lincoln hoped, therefore, not only to unite the North by turning the war into a crusade against slavery, but also to make the negroes the secret friends of the North and to compel many Southerners to leave the army and return to the plantations to protect their women and children. Of greatest weight, however, was the probable effect of the proclamation on public opinion abroad, partic- ularly in England, where the cabinet was then seriously considering a proposition to recognize the independence of the Confederacy. The proclamation was strictly a war measure. A month before it was issued President Lincoln wrote to Horace Greeley: "If I could save the Union without a war freeing any slave I would do it ; and if I could measure save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it ; and if I could 382 The Civil War save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would do that also." This last was the course he followed, for the proclamation declared that on the first day of January, 1863, "all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebeUion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free." The holding of slaves in the border States that remained in the Union was still legal, as the war power under which the president acted did not extend to these States. After Antietam General Lee slowly crossed the Potomac without any effort on McClellan's part to hinder him. It McClelian ^^^ more than a month before the president and again cabinet could persuade McClelian to follow the supersede Confederate army into Virginia. Lee remained for awhile in the Valley. He then sent Longstreet's corps across the Blue Ridge to Culpeper Court House, while he kept Jackson in the Valley to menace McClellan's com- munications, and to threaten another invasion of Maryland. McClelian was preparing an advance on Longstreet before the latter could be reenforced, when on November 7 he was relieved of command and Burnside appointed to take his place. McClellan's egotism and want of respect for the president were almost intolerable. Furthermore, he was opposed to emancipation and was already spoken of as a possible Democratic candidate for the presidency. With all his shortcomings, he was the best commander the Army of the Potomac ever had. Burnside who succeeded him was probably the most incompetent general officer then serv- ing in that army. The new commander resolved to abandon McClellan's plan, move his army down the Rappahannock to Fredericks- The battle of ^^^S' cross the river at that point, and push Fredericks- steadily forward to Richmond. Lee succeeded ^^^ again in uniting the two wings of his army, and took up an exceedingly strong position at Fredericksburg. High Tide of the Confederacy 883 On December 13, 1862, Burnside, spurred on by the im- patience of the cabinet at Washington, crossed the river and made a frontal attack on Lee's position. He was repulsed with terrible slaughter. Lee was unable to deliver a counterstroke, as the Federal retreat was secured by six bridges and the batteries massed on Stafford Heights. Throughout the 14th and 15th, the two armies lay facing each other. On the night of the 15th during a severe storm, Burnside withdrew his army to the north bank. On January 26, 1863, Burnside was removed and Hooker appointed to succeed him. Hooker had gained the reputa- tion of a hard fighter. He had been strongly ji^^^^j. opposed to Burnside and had intrigued against succeeds him. He seemed to be the most competent man in ^^^^^ ^ the Army of the Potomac and President Lincoln did not wish to try another man from the West after his experience with Pope. After reorganizing his army. Hooker decided to turn Lee's left by crossing the Rappahannock River ]:>y several fords higher up and concentrating his right wing of four corps at Chancellorsville. Meanwhile, Sedgwick was to cross the river below Fredericksburg with two corps and hold the Confederate army in its intrenched position. Another corps was to remain at Falmouth in reserve. On April 27 the movement began. On May 1 Hooker advanced from Chancellorsville against the Confederate lines, but Jackson had united with Lee and the Confed- erates were so much stronger than Hooker expected that when his advance was sharply checked, he fell back to his Une at Chancellorsville. The Confederate position was a dangerous one. The Federal center and left were impreg- nable, but Stuart reported that the Federal right could be turned. Lee and Jackson now undertook a bold move. About 4 A.M. on May 2 Jackson's corps set out on a fourteen-mile detour for the purpose of turning Hooker's right. Jack- 384 The Civil War son took with him 26,000 men, while Lee with 17,000 undertook to keep Hooker employed. Hooker had 70,000 Battle of ™^^ ^^^^^ ^^^'^ ^^^ 40,000 with Sedgwick, only Chancellors- eleven miles distant. The Confederate plan was ^* ® reckless in the extreme, but some desperate move Was necessary. At 6 p.m. Jackson fell on Howard's corps, taking them completely by surprise. It was supper time, the men were smoking, playing cards, and preparing the evening meal. In ten minutes the first Federal brigade was in full flight, and a quarter of an hour later the whole cUvision was in flight. About 7 P.M. the Confederate advance became slower, owing to the character of the country, and Jackson rode forward to Death of make a reconnoissance. As he and his staff re- stonewaii turned, a company of North Carolina infantry mis- jac son took them for Federal cavalry and fired several shots, wounding Jackson. On the morning of the 3d the Confederate army was still divided and in a dangerous condition. Either on that day or the next Hooker could have assumed the offensive with good chances of an overwhelming victory, but he de- layed and hesitated and lost his nerve. With a force double the size of Lee's, Hooker allowed himself to be defeated in detail and finally driven back across the Rappahannock. Considering the numbers engaged it was the worst defeat suffered by any Union army during the war. The death of Jackson on May 10 made Chancellorsville in a way the turning point of the war. The great flank marches at Second Manassas and at Chancellorsville are lasting monu- ments of the united daring and genius of Lee and Jackson. Lee decides For a month the two armies faced each other on an q^ opposite banks of the Rappahannock. Presi- invasionof t-v • -n i > i i c • i- i Pennsyi- clent Davis still advocated a deiensive poucy and vania gtiU hoped that the "Copperheads" at the North or foreign intervention would put an end to the war. Lee High Tide of the Confederacy 385 was convinced that the only hope of dislodging the enemy and defending Richmond lay in an invasion of the North. Davis finally consented to a forward movement and on June 3 Lee started in the direction of Culpeper. In a great cavalry fight at Brandy Station Stuart defeated Pleasanton. Lee then advanced over into the Valley by way of Front Royal, and Hooker withdrew from Falmouth toward Wash- ington. Lee now determined to invade Pennsylvania with his entire army by way of the Cumberland Valley. Ewell's corps led the way. On the 23d two divisions reached Chambersburg and Early was sent to York. The corps of Longstreet and Hill crossed the Potomac on the 24th, and the following day Hooker crossed with his army and occupied Frederick City. His plan was to move along the eastern base of the South Mountain Range and at the first opportunity to attack Lee's line of communications. The government had, however, lost confidence in Hooker and on the refusal of Halleck to approve of some of his plans he tendered his resignation. It was promptly accepted and on June 28 General George Gordon Meade was appointed to command. Meade abandoned Hooker's idea of threaten- ing Lee's communications and decided to intervene between him and Philadelphia in case he marched north, or between him and Baltimore and Washington in case he turned south. The two armies rapidly converged on Gettsyburg, much more rapidly than either commander anticipated. The absence of Stuart's cavalry kept General Lee in _, p 1 T-> 1 1 The two the dark as to the movements of the 1* ecieral armies con- army. Stuart had swept around the rear of verge on . . Gettysburg that army and crossed the Potomac between it and Washington. The rapid advance of the Federals had forced him to make a long detour to the northeast and he did not reach Gettysburg until the afternoon of the second day's fight. As a result of Stuart's absence Hooker had 386 The Civil War been over the Potomac three days before General Lee knew it, and now the latter was not accurately informed as to Meade's movements. While the various Confederate divisions were being drawn in from the north and west toward Gettysburg, Meade was rapidly concentrating his army southeast of that town. On the 30th a division of Federal cavalry occupied Gettysburg and on the morning of July 1 Reynolds arrived with the First Corps and led one of his divisions about a mile west of the town on the Chambersburg road to support the cavalry outposts. Here they encountered Heth's division of Hill's corps advancing from the west, and a battle ensued on the banks of Willoughby Run in which the gallant Reynolds was killed and the Federal forces were driven back through Gettysburg. Hancock, who arrived at an opportune moment early in the afternoon, brought order out of confusion and rapidly Results of concentrated the scattered Union forces along the first the brow of Cemetery Hill. When General Lee ay s g t reached Seminary Ridge he ordered Ewell's corps forward to capture Cemetery Hill, warning him, however, not to bring on a general engagement until the arrival of Longstreet's corps. A false report that a Federal force was threatening Ewell's left caused him to postpone the attack until it was too late to do anything that night. Thus ended the first day's fight at Gettysburg. So far, the Confederates had the better of the fighting. That night the Federal position was reenforced and strengthened. General Lee decided, however, to renew the The second attack. His plan was for Longstreet to attack d«y the Federal left and Hill to make a demonstration against the center, while Ewell's corps carried Culp^s Hill, occupied by the Federal right. Longstreet delayed his attack, which was to have been made early in the day, until 4 P.M. He had opposed Lee's plan, as he considered the High Tide of the Confederacy 387 Federal position too strong to be. carried. He had advised Lee to maneuver Meade out of his position by a movement around his left. There was no excuse, however, for his lack of cooperation after his plan had been overruled. The Federal position was a strong one. The Unes ex- tended in the form of a fishhook from Gulp's Hill to Round Top, except that on the left Sickles's corps occupied an ad- vanced position, with an angle extending out to the Emmits- burg road. When Longstreet did get into action he was a good fighter, and Sickles's position was carried by Hood's division of Longstreet's corps, but the Con- federates failed in the attempt to seize Round Top. Ewell's assault on Gulp's Hill, which was delayed until Longstreet's attack, was not successful, though several Federal positions were carried. The Con- federates, on the whole, had the advantage of the day's fighting. Furthermore, Stuart's Cavalry and Pickett's division had arrived on the scene of action. General Lee therefore decided to continue the fight next day. The Federal generals were less confident, but after a council of war, Meade decided to stand his ground and fight it out. Lee now decided to assault the Federal The third center, although Round Top had been reenforced '^^y by the fifth and sixth Union corps. At the same time Ewell was to attack the Federal right. A part of his force had taken a position in the rear of the Federal line at Gulp's Hill and at dawn on July 3 the Federals attacked and over- whelmed it. By 11 A.M. the struggle for Gulp's Hill was at an end and Ewell's attack thwarted. Longstreet displayed General Pickett. 388 The Civil War the same reluctance that he had shown on the preceding day. Pickett's division was selected to charge the Federal center and it was to be reenforced by men from Hill's corps. By 9 A.M. Pickett was ready for the advance. It was 1 P.M., however, before the order was given. After a terrific Pickett's artillery duel, which lasted for an hour, the charge infantry column was started on its fateful charge. Pickett's men had nearly a mile to cover. As they advanced down the slope they received the full fire of the Union batteries. Then for a brief period they were partially sheltered by the ravine. Then, as they advanced up the face of the ridge, they were again met by a withering fire. Thousands fell ; the line faltered, but Pickett's division pushed on in the lead. The crest of the hill was won and the Federal line forced back, but there was no support at hand and nothing to do but to retreat. Of 4900 men in Pickett's own division over 3000 were killed or taken prisoners. Of fifteen regimental commanders, ten were killed, and five wounded. Of the three brigadiers, Garnett and Armistead were killed, and Kemper was wounded. Pettigrew's division suffered nearly as severely as Pickett's. Meade's army attempted no counterstroke, but remained secui-ely in its position. On the following day, July 4, General Lee slowly began his retreat into Mary- land. The Federal loss at Gettysburg was 23,000 and the Confederate a little over 20,000. On the day that Lee began his retreat from Gettysburg, Pemberton surrendered Vicksburg to Grant. The fall of Military Vicksburg was as great a blow to the fortunes of operations in the Confederacy in the West as Gettysburg was the West -^ ^j_^g p^^g^ ^^^g^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^f ^^^ Orleans in the spring of 1862, Vicksburg and Chattanooga were the two most important strategic positions in the West, and for their possession a fierce and stubborn contest was waged. Chattanooga was an important railroad junction High Tide of the Confederacy 389 and the door to East Tennessee. As that part of Tennessee which hes between the Cumberland and Great Smoky Mountains was strongly Union in sentiment, Lincoln was anxious to drive the Confederates out and organize a govern- ment among those who favored the Union. The task of capturing Chattanooga and occupying East Tennessee was assigned to Buell and the army of the Ohio. But before Buell had fairly started on his campaign he was thrown on the defensive by the aggressive movements of the Con- federate Generals Braxton Bragg and Kirby Smith. Late in August, 1862, Kirby Smith marched from Knox- ville across the Cumberland Mountains into Kentucky, defeated a Union force which opposed him, and confederate occupied Lexington, the center of the famous invasion of blue-grass region. From this position he ^®°*"*^^y threatened both Louisville and Cincinnati, and caused wide- spread alarm. Meanwhile, Bragg, who had succeeded Beauregard in the West, had crossed the Tennessee River at Chattanooga and was advancing northward through Middle Tennessee, while Buell concentrated his forces at Murfreesboro, and then started for his base on the Ohio at Louisville. The two armies were thus advancing along parallel lines and it became a race for Louisville. Bragg got the lead and could probably have entered Louisville, but he was afraid to do so with Buell close on his heels, so he turned eastward to be in touch with Kirby Smith, and Buell got into Louisville late in September. Bragg and Smith met with the same conditions in Ken- tucky that Lee encountered about the same time in Mary- land. There were a great many Confederate Battle of sympathizers, but no general uprising. Buell Perryviiie soon advanced from Louisville with 58,000 men, and for several days he and Bragg were maneuvering for position. On October 8 occurred the battle of Perryviiie, largely accidental in origin, as neither commander intended to bring 390 Tlie Civil War on a general engagement. The Confederates engaged in this battle numbered 17,000, while Buell made use of only about half his force. The Federal left wing was turned by Hardee, who inflicted heavy losses and captured 15 guns. The Confederates, however, were not strong enough to push their advantage, and retreated during the night to Harrodsburg and later into Tennessee. Though not a decisive battle, Perryville ranks among the major engage- ments of the war on account of the severity of the losses. On October 30 Buell was relieved of command and Rose- crans placed at the head of what was henceforth known as Battle of ^^® Army of the Cumberland. While Rosecrans Murfrees- was rebuilding the railroads and strengthening his ° communications between Louisville and Nash- ville, preparatory to an advance on Chattanooga, Bragg concentrated his forces at Murfreesboro. In a desperate three days' fight, December 31, 1862, to January 2, 1863, both sides lost heavily ; but Bragg finally withdrew toward Chattanooga. Rosecrans, however, remained for the next six months on the defensive, holding Kentucky and the greater part of Tennessee. The campaign of 1863 opened in the West with the com- bined attack of the Federal army and navy on Vicksburg. TheVicks- "^^^ most difficult problem which Grant had to burg face was to find solid ground near the city on campaign which to encamp his army. In December Sher- man had attempted to gain a foothold on the bluffs north of the city, but had been repulsed with heavy loss. At the same time Grant's attempt to reach Jackson from Corinth was thwarted by the Confederates, who cut the railroad communications in his rear. During February and March, while most of his troops were at Milliken's Bend, several unsuccessful attempts were again made to occupy the bluffs north of the city. At the same time Sherman's corps was engaged in the attempt to dig a canal across the peninsula High Tide of the Confederacy 391 opposite Vicksburg so that transports and supply ships could pass without coming within range of the guns, and the troops be landed on the east bank of the river below the city ; but the Confederates stationed batteries so as to command the southern outlet of the canal and the project was abandoned. Grant finally decided to carry out a plan which, though hazardous in the extreme, he had been considering for some time. It was for Porter's fleet to rim past the bat- teries with the supplies, while Grant was to lead his troops by land to New Carthage and then take them across the river to Grand Gulf, about thirty miles south of Vicksburg. Having successfully exe- cuted this movement by the end of April, with some damage to the fleet. Grant decided to aban- don his base at Grand Gulf, to get in the rear of Vicksburg and cut it off from Jackson, and to establish a new base north of the city at Yazoo. On the first of May he defeated a part of Pemberton's army at Port Gibson and advanc-ed rapidly toward Jackson. On May 13 Joseph E. Johnston, who had been appointed commander of all the Confederate forces in the West, arrived at Jackson on his way to form a junction with Pemberton, but he came too late, and on the following day after slight resistance abandoned the state capital to Grant. The latter then turned on Pemberton and two days later defeated him in a fierce fight at Champion's Hill. Pemberton was driven 392 The Civil War back into Vicksburg and Grant's troops advanced north and occupied Chickasaw Bkiffs. On the 19th and again on the 22d Sherman's troops tried to carry the Confederate trenches by assault, but they were Siege and repulsecl with heavy loss and Grant decided to fall of settle down to regular siege operations. Pem- Vicksburg bg^ton, who was thus shut up in Vicksburg with over 30,000 men, had been ordered by Johnston on the 17th to abandon the place, but he interpreted the orders as discretionary and decided to stand his ground. Johnston did not care to assume the responsibility of withdrawing troops from Bragg, who was holding Rosecrans in check at Chattanooga, so Pemberton was left to his fate. After having been subjected to an almost continuous bombard- ment from cannon and mortars, and after the garrison and population had been reduced to the point of starvation, Pemberton surrendered Vicksburg July 4, 1863, the day after the defeat of Lee at Gettysburg. In the movement against Vicksburg Grant displayed greater strategic ability than in any other campaign in his career. In September Grant and Sherman marched eastward to the relief of Rosecrans, who was besieged by Bragg in Chatta- . nooga. After the battle of Murfreesboro Rose- around crans had remained inactive in middle Tennessee Chatta- fQj. several months. Late in June, 1863, he at last began a forward movement, and within ten days, by means of his greatly superior force, he maneuvered Bragg out of strong positions and forced him to retire across the Tennessee River. Next to Richmond, Chattanooga was now the most important position in the Confederacy. It was protected on the north by the Tennessee River, and on the south by high ridges of the Appalachian Mountains, guarding the passes into Georgia. Encouraged by his bril- liant success, Rosecrans determined not only to capture Chattanooga, but to destroy Bragg's army. Burnside had High Tide of the Confederacy 393 been ordered to advance with the Army of the Ohio from Lexington, Kentucky, against Knoxville, Tennessee, and it was not deemed advisable for Rosecrans to advance against Chattanooga until Burnside's movement was well under way. It was the middle of August before these concerted movements began. Early in September Rosecrans succeeded by clever strategy in getting his army across the Tennessee River, whereupon Bragg, to avoid being shut up in gattieof Chattanooga, withdrew his army to Lafayette, Chicka- a point about twenty-five miles south of the city. ™^"^* Thinking that the Confederates were in full retreat, Rose- crans hurried his troops forward in pursuit through widely separated mountain gaps, when Bragg suddenly turned on him at Chickamauga Creek. The concentration of the Federal army was effected only with great difficulty and at great hazard, and had Bragg pushed his attack more vigorously his victory would have been overwhelming. He was waiting, however, for the arrival of Longstreet's corps from the Army of Northern Virginia, which had to make the long railroad journey through the Carolinas and Georgia. The arrival of these reenforcements made the numerical strength of the two armies about equal. With the arrival of a part of Longstreet's corps on Sep- tember 19 Bragg began the attack. The Confederates fought with great spirit next day, and would have com- pletely routed the Federal army but for the splendid conduct of General George H. Thomas. As it was, Rosecrans's right wing was swept from the field, and he himself carried along with the fleeing rabble all the way to Chattanooga, where he sent a telegram to Washington, saying that his army was "overwhelmed" by the enemy. Thomas, however, with 25,000 men held his position on Horse-Shoe Ridge against repeated assaults until after dark, when he retreated to Chattanooga. 394 The Civil War After the fight Bragg laid siege to Chattanooga, hoping to starve Rosecrans out, and the latter was soon reduced Battle of to extremities. Chickamauga was a terrible shock Chattanooga t,o the cabinet at Washington, and at a midnight session it was decided to detach the Eleventh and Twelfth corps under Hooker from Meade's army in Virginia and send them west by the Baltimore and Ohio railroad. The forces of Sherman and Grant were already on the way. On October 16, 1863, Grant was placed in command of the department of the Mississippi, which comprised the Armies of the Cum- berland and of the Tennessee. Sherman succeeded him in command of the Army of the Tennessee, while Rosecrans was removed and Thomas placed in command of the Army of the Cumberland. Grant reached Chattanooga October 23. By the middle of November he was ready to begin operations against Bragg. On the 24th Hooker seized the top of Lookout Mountain in the "Battle above the Clouds." On the 25th Thomas's troops stormed and carried Missionary Ridge, and Bragg retreated south into Georgia. The Federal army numbered about 60,000 and its losses were 6000. While Bragg had 33,000 troops, his actual losses in killed and wounded were less than the Federal, but he lost forty guns and 6000 prisoners. This was the only battle in the war in which all four of the greatest Federal generals were engaged, Grant, Sherman, Thomas, and Sheridan. Sherman was immediately sent to Knoxville, where Burnside was besieged by Long- street. As he approached, the latter was forced to retire. Chattanooga and Knoxville were securely held by the Federals until the end of the war. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. The Antietam Campaign: Wood and Edmonds, Civil War in the United States, Chap. XI ; Allan, Army of Northern Virginia, pp. 322^44 ; Ropes, Story of the Civil War, Vol. II, pp. 323-379 ; High Tide of the Confederacy 395 Long, Memoirs of Robert E. Lee, Chap. XII ; Henderson, Stonewall Jackson, Vol. II, Chaps. XVIII, XIX; Rhodes, History of United States, Vol. IV, pp. 139-155; Hosmer, Appeal to Arins, Chap. XIII. 2. The First Emancipation Proclamation : Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. VI, pp. 96-98; Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VI, Chap. VIII ; Gideon Welles, Diary, Vol. I, Chap. Ill ; Jefferson Davis, Rise and Fall of Confederate Government, Vol. II, Chaps. XXV, XXVI; Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 157-172; Hosmer, Chap. XIV. 3. Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville : Wood and Edmonds, Chaps. XII, XV; Allan, pp. 459-519; Ropes, Vol. II, Chap. VI; Long, Chaps. XIII, XIV; Henderson, Stonewall Jackson, Vol. II, Chaps. XX-XXV ; Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 192-202, 256-266 ; Hos- mer, Chaps. XVI, XVII. 4. The Gettysburg Campaign : Wood and Edmonds, Chap. XVI ; Long, Chap. XV ; Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 268-297 ; Hosmer, Chap. XIX ; C. Battine, Crisis of the Confederacy, Chaps. V-IX. 5. Review of Operations in the West, 1 862-1 863 : Wood and Edmonds, Chap. XIV; Ropes, Vol. II, Chaps. IV, V; Hosmer, Chap. XV. 6. The Fall of Vicksburg : Wood and Edmonds, Chap. XVII ; U. S. Grant, Personal Memoirs, Vol. I, Chaps. XXX-XXXVIII ; Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 299-319; Hosmer, Chap. XVIII. 7. The Fight for Chattanooga : Wood and Edmonds, Chap. XVIII; Grant. Personal Memoirs, Vol. II, pp. 31-88; Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 395-407 ; Hosmer, Outcome of Civil War, Chaps. II, III. CHAPTER XXIII THE BLOCKADE AND FOREIGN RELATIONS Historians of the Civil War have described military operations in great detail, but they have paid little attention to the blockade and to the attitude of foreign adeand governments. During the first two years of the foreign ^^j. ^.he Southerners had decidedly the advantage in the field and scarcely anybody in the Con- federacy and very few foreign observers believed that the North would ever succeed in conquering the South. The outcome was in fact the result of the naval supremacy of the North and the failure of foreign governments. to inter- vene. In 1860 the Southern States produced about seven eighths of the world's supply of cotton, and the mills of England and Faith in the France, with their thousands of hands, were supremacy dependent upon the cotton crop of the South. o cotton jj^ view of these facts, it is not surprising that the Southern people believed that Cotton was King and that any attempt on the part of the North to keep it from the markets of Europe would result in the speedy intervention of England and France and the recognition of the Confeder- acy. It was this belief, held with an infatuation from which the actual failure of foreign negotiations alone could release them, that caused the Southerners to enter upon the war without any naval preparation and without taking into con- sideration the possibilities of the blockade, which was in the end destined to be the determining factor in the contest. 396 The Blockade and Foreign Relations 397 On April 19, 1861, President Lincoln, acting, he said, "in pursuance of the laws of the United States and of the Law of Nations," proclaimed a blockade of the giocj^ade Confederate ports from South Carolina to Texas, and beiiiger- and eight days later extended it so as to include ®°*^^ the coasts of North Carolina and Virginia. On May 13 the Queen of England issued a declaration of neutrality, which was followed by similar declarations from France and other maritime powers. This action did not commit the powers to a recognition of the independence of the Confederacy, nor to the reception of diplomatic agents. It merely extended to the Confederates the rights of belligerents, that is, it entitled their flag to recognition on the high seas, and their ships of war and commerce to the same privileges in neutral ports as were accorded the ships of the North. The action of England was deeply resented in the United States and was made the subject of reiterated complaint. It was considered an unfriendly act, and the first step toward ultimate recogni- tion of Confederate independence. Before the outbreak of hostilities the Confederate govern- ment had taken steps to gain admission into the family of nations. In March, 1861, Robert Toombs, secre- The Con- tary of state, sent abroad a commission headed federacy by W. L. Yancey with instructions to go to Lon- ^^^^j^^ ^f ^°!" don and thence to the other European capitals dependence to press the claims of their country to full recognition as an independent power. On May 3 the commissioners were granted a private interview by Lord Russell, the British foreign secretary, but they received little encouragement. It was at once clear that his policy was to delay recognition and to await the outcome of the struggle. At Paris they found the attitude of the Emperor Louis Napoleon more favorable, and they were informed that recog- nition was a mere matter of time, but that England and France had agreed to pursue the same course and to act together. 398 The Civil War In a dispatch to Toombs, the commissioners expressed con- fidence that neither England nor France was averse to the disintegration of the United States, but they feared that pubhc opinion against the Confederacy on the slavery ques- tion would embarrass the governments in dealing with the question of recognition. On August 29, 1861, President Davis appointed James M. Mason of Virginia as special commissioner to England and John Slidell of Louisiana as special commissioner to France. Mason and Slidell ran the blockade at Charleston October 12 and proceeded to Havana, whence they sailed November 7 on the English mail steamer Trent, for South- siideii taken ampton. On the following day when passing from aboard through the Bahama Channel, the Trent was overhauled by the United States man-of-war San Jacinto, commanded by Captain Wilkes, and the Confederate commissioners, together with their secretaries, were forcibly removed and taken to Fort Warren in Boston Harbor. The act of Captain Wilkes met with almost universal approval at the North. He was officially commended by the secretary of the navy, feted at Boston and New York, and given a vote of thanks by the House of Representatives. Neither Seward nor Lincoln appeared to realize at the time that the seizure of Mason and Slidell was not sanctioned by the law of nations. On December 20 Lord Lyons, the British minister at Washington, made a formal demand on Mr. Seward for the surrender of Mason and Slidell. The United Britain States was given seven days to make a reply. If, demands ^t the end of that time the British demand was not complied with. Lord Lyons was instructed to close the legation and leave Washington. At the same time England made extensive naval preparations and sent 8000 troops to Canada. The British note was couched in polite and conciliatory terms, and Lord Lyons communi- The Blockade and Foreign Relations 399 cated it to Secretary Seward in a most friendly and tact- ful way. On December 26 Seward replied that Mason and Slidell would be surrendered on the ground that the case was not clearly covered by existing international law, though he argued at length that they might be considered either as contraband or as the embodiment of dispatches. The Confederates were greatly disappointed at the outcome, as they had hoped that the controversy would lead to a rupture between Eng- land and the United States. Mason and Slidell were transferred to a British man-of- war in January, 1862, and reached London in February, where they were granted an unofficial interview Attitude of by Lord Russell, the British foreign secretary. England Li giving a report of this interview, Mr. Mason said : "On the whole, it was manifest enough that his personal sjmi- pathies were not with us, and his policy inaction." In a communication addressed to Lord Russell, Mr. Mason dis- cussed at length the blockade and inclosed a list of vessels entering and clearing from Cuban ports engaged in commerce with the Confederate States. He argued from these facts that the blockade was not effective, and was therefore a violation of the Declaration of Paris, and that consequently England and France were under no obligation to observe it. As a matter of fact, the United States foimd it impossible at the outset to blockade the entire coast of the Confederacy, and it was more than a year before the blockade was anything like effective. Thus England and France had sufficient grounds for ignoring it, but they did not wish to get into a war with the United States, and refrained from taking advantage of the situation. The French emperor when approached on the subject agreed that the blockade was not effective and said that he would long since have taken the necessary steps to put an end to it, but that he could not obtain the consent of the 400 The Civil War British ministry and that he was unwilhng to act alone. He declared that he was prepared to send a formidable fleet to Attitude of the mouth of the Mississippi if England would France send an equal force ; that they would demand free ingress and egress for their merchant vessels with their cargoes of goods and supplies of cotton which were essential to the world. In July, 1862, Mason and Slidell addressed formal notes to . the British and French governments asking for recognition of Confederate independence. Lord Russell replied that in view of the capture of New Orleans and the advance of the Federal forces up the Mississippi, her Majesty's government were still determined to wait. The French government again declined to act without England. Pope's defeat at Bull Run August 30, 1862, and Lee's ad- vance into Maryland soon drew the attention of the British ministry again to the subject of recognition, and led to a very interesting correspondence between the prime minister, Lord Palmerston, and Lord Russell. On Sep- tember 14 the prime minister wrote that the Federals "got a very complete smashing," and if Washington or Baltimore should fall into the hands of the Confederates, he asked whether England and France should not "address the con- tending parties and recommend an arrangement upon the basis of separation." Russell replied: "I agree with you that the time has come for offering mediation to the United States government with a view to the recognition of the independence of the Confederates. I agree further, that, in case of failure, we ought ourselves to recognize the Southern States as an independent State." Palmerston decided to await the outcome of the Antietam campaign, but that still left matters in doubt and caused further delay. On October 7 Gladstone, who was chancellor of the Exchequer, made a speech at Newcastle which attracted wide attention. In it he said: "There is no doubt that Jefferson Davis and other leaders of the South have made The Blockade and Foreign Relations 401 in' an army ; they are making, it appears, a navy ; and they have made what is more than either — they have made a na- tion. . . . We may anticipate with certainty the ^^j^^ success of the Southern States so far as their sep- indiscreet aration from the North is concerned." Coming ^^^^^^ from a prominent member of the cabinet, the natural con- clusion drawn from this speech was that the British ministry had decided to recognize the Confederacy. As a matter of fact a cabinet meeting had been called for the special purpose of considering that question, but Gladstone's speech, which was unauthorized, raised such strong protests from members of the cabinet and others influential in public life, that when the cabinet convened no action was taken. The Emperor Napoleon now proposed to England and Russia that they unite with him in an offer of mediation, but both governments declined. Two months later, after the crushing defeat of the Federal Napoleon army at Fredericksburg, the French emperor offers made an offer of mediation through his representa- tive at Washington, but the offer was politely declined by Seward. The battle of Antietam was the turning point in the diplomatic history of the Civil War. Had General Lee been able to maintain himself in Maryland for a few weeks, it seems almost certain that the South would have been recognized by England and France, and recognition would have meant intervention and the raising of the blockade. For some time President Lincoln had been considering with his cabinet the question of issuing a proclamation of emanci- pation and turning the war into a crusade against slavery. Taking advantage of General Lee's lamationof repulse at Antietam, Lincoln issued the prelimi- emancipa- nary proclamation September 22, 1862. This announcement produced very little impression in England and called forth a good deal of ridicule from the friends of the South, who characterized it as a bid for the sympathy of the 402 The Civil War laboring classes abroad, but the final measure of January 1, 1863, convinced the world that the North was committed to the cause of abolition. The workingmen of England, who had suffered untold hardships from the blockade and who in the early stages of the war had felt very little sympathy with the North, were now stirred to the depths and thronged the meetings that were everywhere held for the purpose of endorsing the new policy of Lincoln. These demonstrations strengthened the hands of the members of Parliament and the cabinet who opposed the recognition of the South. During the Gettys- burg campaign, the question of recognition was debated at length in the House of Commons, but on July 13, 1863, the mover of the resolution, being convinced that a majority of the House were against it, withdrew it from further consideration. A few days later came the news of the fall of Vicksburg and the defeat of Lee at Gettysburg. There was henceforth little chance of foreign intervention. In 1862 England allowed the Alabama, a cruiser built for the Confederate government near Liverpool, to leave The case of her waters. Charles Francis Adams, the Ameri- the Alabama q^u minister at London, produced overwhelming evidence to show that this ship was destined for the Confeder- ate service, but the British government neglected to take any steps toward detaining it until it was too late. The Alabama and other cruisers constructed or purchased in England destroyed vessels and cargoes to the value of many millions and almost drove the commerce of the United States from the seas. The Alabama was a new type of commerce destroyer. The plans of her commander, Captain Raphael Semmes, were thoroughly sj^stematized. He would cruise along one track of commerce for about two months and then, when his movements were attracting attention, he would cruise in a different field. He thus managed to elude pursuers. His The Blockade and Foreign Relations 403 ship was propelled by steam, and also fully provided with sails. Most of his captures were made under sail, as he had difficulty in getting coal. He always managed, however, to keep on hand a sufficient suppl}^ to use his engines when in danger of capture. As he could not take his prizes into port, most of them were destroyed after the removal of passengers and crew. He was scrupulously careful of life in these transfers and not a soul was lost. When he could not pro- vide for the safety of those aboard he let the ship go. At the close of the war the United States demanded of England reparation for the damage inflicted on American commerce by the Alabama and other Confederate cruisers. England denied at first all liability in the matter, but finally agreed to submit the question to arbitration and had to pay heavy damages. In the fall of 1863 Mr. Adams called Lord Russell's atten- tion to two ironclads on the docks at Birkenhead, which were being built under a disguise for the Con- » ,- 1 , , T-> • • . Futile efforts federacy. After some delay the British govern- oftheCon- ment ordered their detention. These were formi- federates to secure iron- dable vessels, and Captain Bulloch, who con- dads in tracted for their construction, was con\dnced England that they could break the blockade at Charleston and Wilmington. In 1863 Napoleon authorized the building of a Confederate navy in France, provided the destination of the ships could be kept secret. A number of ships were actually in process of construction, but after Gettysburg the emperor became frightened and in the fall of 1863 with- drew his sanction of the scheme. Only one of the vessels, the StoneiDoll, was ever delivered to the Confederates. Until the last year of the war blockade running was carried on quite actively. Boats were specially constructed for this purpose, and a favorite port of rendezvous for the block- ade runners was the British port of Nassau in the Bahamas. Goods could be shipped from England to Nassau and there 404 The Civil War be transferred to blockade runners, which at night would slip through the Federal squadrons into Charleston, Wilmington, or some port in Florida. A great many block- „,^^;^„!„^ ade runners also went out from Havana. At running and indirect car- first the United States government hesitated to cmftraband ^eize a neutral ship bound for a neutral port and there seemed no way to break up this trade, but finally the Federal navy seized an English ship bound for Nassau with a cargo destined for the Confederacy. She was taken to New York and the case was tried in the United States District Court, which condemned both ship and cargo. On appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States, the ship was released, but the cargo was condemned on the ground that its ultimate destination was the Con- federacy. This decision was leased on an application or an extension of the doctrine of continuous voyage, which had originally been laid down by the English admiralty courts. The Supreme Court held that it was the destination of the goods rather than of the ship which determined their liability to capture. About the same time another ship bound for Matamoros, Mexico, opposite Brownsville, Texas, was seized and the cargo, which contained contraband articles destined for the Confederates, was also confiscated on the same grounds. These decisions rendered shipment of goods to the Confederates much more difficult. The doctrine thus developed by the United States was further extended by England in the Boer War, and in the great European War which began in 1914 it became an issue of vital importance. In order to appreciate the disastrous consequences of the blockade, it should be remembered that the South was an Economic agricultural community. Its wealth was derived effects of the from the cultivation of cotton, rice, tobacco, and °^ ^ ^ other staple crops. Its vast mineral resources were not only undeveloped but largely undiscovered. The Blockade and Foreign Relations 405 Agriculture was the main occupation of the people and for manufactured articles of almost every kind, including arms and ammunition, they were dependent upon the outside world. At first the blockade was not effective and supplies were obtained in Europe, but during the second year of the war the export of cotton was almost completc^ly cut off and the importation of Europc^an supplies fell off proporti()nat(»ly. The Confederacy was thus thrown back on its own resources. Stupendous efforts wer(i made to manufacture the necessary supplies for the army, but at great expense and with only limited success. The only hope lay in foreign intervention, but England and France managed to get on without American cotton and suffer(\l the blockade to continu(\ Next to the recognition of Confederate independence, the most serious danger that threatened the Union from without during the Civil War was the occupation poreienin- of Mexico by French troops, and the establish- tervention ment of an (^mpire under Maximilian of Austria. '° ^^'^^ In 1861 England, France, and Spain landed troops in Mexico for the purpose of collecting claims held by their subjects against the government of that country. The three powers had agreed to act together, l)ut before their troops had been long on Mexican soil Great Britain and Spain became con- vinced that the Emperor Napoleon had ulterior designs, and they withdrew their contingents. The French troops then took possession of a large part of Mexico, and under their auspices a convention was called, which decided to estabUsh an empire and Maximilian to invite Prince MaximiUan of Austria to accept of Austria the crown. Relying on the support of France, F^amjeon Maximilian finally accepted and sailed for Mexico, the throne The French invasion and overthrow of the o^ Mexico Mexican Government were in direct violation of the Monroe Doctrine, but the United States had its hands tied and could do nothing but protest. 406 The Civil War Napoleon's Mexican venture undoubtedly furnishes the secret of his friendly feeling for the Confederacy. The success of his scheme was deliberately calculated on the over- throw of the American Union. The Confederates quickly caught at the suggestion of an alliance between Mexico and the South with the power of France to back it, but Napoleon was afraid of the American navy, and did not care to go the whole length of recognizing the Confederacy as an independent power without the cooperation of England. His designs on Mexico, however, made England very cautious about entering into any agreement with him. At each successive step taken by the French to estabUsh their power in Mexico Secretary Seward protested, and after the close of the war his protests assumed the form of a practical ultimatum and Louis Napoleon finally withdrew his troops. In December, 1864, Judah P. Benjamin, the Confederate secretary of state, informed President Davis that there Last effort ^^^ ^^ remaining hope of securing foreign aid to secure unlcss the Confederacy was willing to abandon oreignai slavery, and he urged that a commissioner be sent abroad with full powers to negotiate treaties on the basis of emancipation and government seizure of cotton with which to pay for arms and munitions. Davis finally consented to the plan and selected for the delicate mission Duncan F. Kenner, of Louisiana, one of the largest slave- holders in the South and chairman of the ways and means committee of the Confederate Congress. In case the move proved successful, Davis hoped to persuade the Congress to ratify the treaties and carry out their stipulations. After vainly trying to get out through the blockade at Wilmington, Kenner went to New York in disguise and through the aid of a friendly hotel proprietor secured passage for Europe. When he reached London and Paris Sherman's army was already in the Carolinas and Lee was making his last stand before Petersburg. The British and French governments The Blockade and Foreign Relations 407 received the proposal but gave it scant consideration. A few days later came the news of Lee's surrender at Appomat- tox. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. Recognition of Belligerency: Rhodes, History of United States, Vol. HI, pp. 417-434; Bancroft, W. H. Seumrd, Vol. II, Chap. XXXI ; J. M. Callahan, Diplomatic History of the Southern Confederacy, Chap. IV; C. F. Adams, Charles Francis Adams, Chap. IX. 2. The Trent Affair: Rhodes, Vol. Ill, pp. 520-543; Bancroft, W. H. Seward, Vol. II, Chap. XXXIII; Adams, Charles Francis Adams, Chap. XII; T. L. Harris, The Trent Affair. 3. Attitude of England and France : Rhodes, Vol. Ill, pp. 502- 519; Schouler, Vol. VI, pp. 111-129; Callahan, Chaps. V-IX ; Adams, Charles Francis Adams, Chaps. XIII-XVI ; C. F. Adams, Trans- Atlantic Historical Solidarity, Chaps. II, III. 4. The Alabama and Other Confederate Cruisers : Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 85-95, 365-372, 510-511; Adams, Charles Francis Adams, Chap. XVII ; Maclay, History of the Navy, Vol. II, Chap. XX ; J. R. Soley, The Blockade and the Cruisers, Chap. VII ; Scharf, Confederate States Navy, Chap. XXVI ; Raphael Semmes, Service Afloat; J. D. Bulloch, Secret Service of Confederate Slates in Europe. 5. The Blockade of the Confederacy : Soley, The Blockade and the Cruisers, Chaps. II-VI ; Scharf, Chap. XVI; Maclay, Vol. II, Chap. XXIII; Bancroft, W. H. Seward, Vol. II, pp. 374-382; C. F. Adams, Studies Military and Diplomatic, Chap. VII. 6. French intervention in Mexico: Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 345, 471, Vol. VI, pp. 205-211; Bancroft, W. H. Seward, Vol. II, Chap. XL ; J. B. Moore, Digest of International Law, Vol. VI, pp. 483-506. CHAPTER XXIV THE OUTCOME OF THE WAR While the South, as a result of the blockade, was being thrown back on its own resources and was slowly dying of exhaustion and inanition, the North was growing Develop- . . mentof prosperous. Instead of being adversely affected Northern }^y ^\^q wsiY, Northern commerce and manufac- resources tures were greatly stimulated. This result was due in part to the fact that the North had already made considerable industrial progress, in part to the wise legis- lation of Congress, and in part to the advantages derived from foreign commerce, for, although the Confederate cruisers forced Northern commerce to seek shelter under foreign flags, the great volume of trade with other countries was not interrupted. In 1862 Congress chartered the Union Pacific Railway and provided for its construction by enormous grants of Railroad and P^bHc lands ; it passed the homestead bill which land made it possible for actual settlers on the pubUc egis a ion (domain to acquire lands at nominal fees ; and it provided for the establishment by the States of colleges of agriculture and the mechanic arts to be supported in part out of the proceeds of the sales of pubhc lands. Few Con- gresses have passed acts of such far-reaching importance. These and similar measures were designed to strengthen the resources of the country and of the government. The customs receipts were greatly increased by a high protective tariff, though the primary object of the tariff was to stimulate domestic industries, while internal revenue receipts were enormously increased by taxes on manufactures, 408 The Outcome of the War 409 on the gross receipts of railroad, steamboat, and express companies, on various articles of luxury, and on incomes. A stamp tax was laid on bank checks, receipted j^geting the bills, and on various classes of legal and commer- cost of the cial documents. It was impossible, however, to "^^^ raise enough money to meet the enormous cost of the war, which soon reached $1,000,000 a day and finally exceeded $3,000,000. Bonds bearing interest at a specified rate and redeemable at a specified time were issued in large amounts. Nevertheless finances were seriously deranged, gold became very scarce, and Congress found it necessary to authorize the issue of paper money to the amount Currency of $500,000,000, which it undertook to force into legislation circulation by making it full legal tender. Notwithstanding this latter precaution the notes rapidly depreciated to about half the value of gold, and specie payments had to be suspended. It was fifteen years after the close of the war before the government was in a condition to redeem these notes in gold. In 1863 the national banldng system, proposed by Secre- tary Chase, was established. It not only helped to provide a sound currency secured by the deposit of United States bonds, but it created a permanent demand for these bonds. It took several years, however, to extend the new banking system throughout the country and to get it into full oper- ation, so that it did not afford immediate financial reUef ; but during the years following the war it was of great as- sistance in providing a more stable currency and in helping the government to return to specie payments. The Civil War imposed a terrific strain on constitutional government both North and South. Between the fall of Fort Sumter in April, 1861, and the convening . of Congress in July, President Lincoln assumed constitu- a temporary miUtary dictatorship. He pro- tionaigov- claimed a blockade of the coasts of the Confed- eracy, thus assuming the constitutional right of Congress 410 The Civil War to declare war ; he called for 42,000 volunteers to serve for three years, and added 22,000 men to the regular army and 18,000 to the navy, without constitutional warrant ; furthermore, he authorized General Scott to suspend the writ of habeas corpus at any point on the railroad hne be- tween Philadelphia and Washington, and when the Supreme Court gave its opinion that this power was given by the Constitution to Congress and ordered the release of prisoners, he directed the miUtary authorities to ignore the order of the Court. An act of Congress of August 6 validated all acts, proc- lamations, and orders of the president relating to military Congress affairs issued since the 4th of March preceding, backs the The president continued the practice of suspend- presi ent ^^^ ^^^q y^^Yit of habeas corpus, and the number of arbitrary arrests and imprisonments of inhabitants of Northern States accused of disloyalty grew to large propor- tions and caused a decided reaction of popular feeling. The election of 1862 shook the power of the Repubhcan party, and Congress finally placed the suspension of the writ on a legal basis, providing for a judicial examination within twenty days after each arrest and the discharge of the pris- oner on the failure of the grand jury to indict. In the South, too, the writ of habeas corpus was sus- pended, but by act of Congress and under more restrictions Conditions than at the North. The powers of government in the South were, however, overtaxed from the first and the executive was given free rein. Civil affairs were soon overshadowed by military, and the Confederate Congress sank into comparative insignificance. Little attention was paid to its debates and few men of abihty who were fit for service in the field cared to serve in it. The burden of carrying on the war fell more heavily on the States than at the North. Both Congress and State legislatures issued bonds and paper currency in large amounts, and The Outcome of the War 411 this paper rapidly depreciated in value until it became almost worthless. Conscription was resorted to by the Confederate Congress early in the war. By act of April, 1862, all males between the ages of eighteen and thirty-five were drafted Military into the army. In September of the same year conscription the age limit was raised to forty-five, and before the end of the war boys of sixteen were included. In March, 1863, the Congress of the United States passed a Draft Act, providing for conscription by lot. Any drafted person could be exempted from service by hiring a substitute or by paying $300. The law was very badly administered and it was charged that it was made to fall very heavily upon Democrats. It caused great excitement and dis- satisfaction, particularly in some of the eastern cities, and duiing the "draft riots" in New York, July 13-16, 1863, the week after Gettysburg, a large part of the city was at the mercy of a mob, which burned and plundered houses and lynched a number of negroes. Several regiments had to be called from the army to disperse the rioters. After Gettysburg and Vicksburg the South was thrown on the defensive. General Lee conducted his army in good order across the Potomac and tendered his res- The South ignation, which President Davis declined. Lee on the and Meade spent the remainder of the summer ® ensive and fall maneuvering between the Rapidan and the Rappa- hannock, but no engagements of importance took place. Lee's strength was reduced by sending Longstreet with two divisions to the assistance of Bragg in Tennessee, and Meade, thought, apparently, that he was doing enough in protecting Washington. Finally the two armies went into winter quarters on opposite sides of the Rapidan, Lee's headquarters being at Orange Court House, and Meade's near Culpeper. On March 9, 1864, General Grant received his commission as lieutenant general at the hands of President Lincoln 412 The Civil War in Washington. He remained in the capital no longer than was absolutely necessary, but hurried to the front to take personal command of the army, which pointed was encamped on the north bank of the Rapidan. lieutenant This army numbered 99,000 men and 274 guns. North of the Rappahannock was Burnside's corps of 19,000 men and 42 guns. Meade offered his resigna- tion, but Grant desired him to continue at the head of the Army of the Potomac. Grant now decided to march on Rich- mond by turning Lee's right flank. As Lee's army numbered only 60,000 men and 224 guns, he would be compelled to fall back. Although Grant's movements would take him through the "Wilderness," as the flat, thickly woodecf country southwest of Fredericksburg was called, he chose this line of advance in order to keep in touch with his base of supplies on the navigable rivers. Grant's great flanking move- ment began May 2, and on the 5th and 6th was fought the battle of the Wilderness. The Battle of the Confederates gained ground on their left and Wilderness q^ ^.he right they forced Hancock back into his intrenchments, but in the attempt to carry the intrench- ments they were repulsed with heavy loss. On May 7 Grant began another movement by the left flank, and from the 8th to the 18th there was almost con- tinuous fighting near Spottsylvania Court House. Grant sacrificed men by the thousands, but again failed to break Lee's Une. On the night of the 20th he began withdrawing his troops from Lee's Robert E. Lee. His last photograph, taken in 1869. Spottsyl- vania and Cold Harbor The Outcome of the War 413 front and began another flanking movement of a more ex- tended character, which finally resulted in the battle of Cold Harbor, June 3. Here Grant undertook to carry Lee's entire line by assault, but was repulsed with terrible slaughter, exceeding anything ever known in warfare before. He had been baffled at every point and he now withdrew his army across the James, and began his movement to enter Rich- mond from the direction of Petersburg. In the forty days movement from the Rapidan to the James, he lost 65,000 men, more than Lee had in his entire army at the beginning of the campaign. Lee's losses were only a third as great, but he could ill afford them even at such a terrific cost to his opponent. Grant now undertook to carry out the same plan which McClellan had proposed two years earher. Why did not Grant, like McClellan, take his army to the i^^^^j^ g_ James by water? He had expected in his ad- tenceof vance on Richmond the cooperation of General ^"*^®'" B. F. Butler, who was in command of the Army of the James, but Butler was utterly incompetent and failed to advance at the right time in accordance with his instructions. Had he advanced on Petersburg before Beauregard's arrival from North Carohna, Grant's terrible sacrifice at Cold Harbor would have been spared. On May 16 Beauregard repulsed Butler at Drewry's Bluff. Butler's incompetency was nothing short of criminal, and Grant asked for his re- moval, but Halleck, who was still the president's chief military adviser, was afraid to call for Butler's resignation on account of "his talent at political intrigue, and his facili- ties for newspaper abuse." In July, 1864, General Jubal A. Early made a sudden march into Maryland and his army succeeded Early and in reaching the outskirts of Washington. The Sheridan in city was thrown into a state of consternation, * ® ^ ®y but the authorities soon saw that it was a mere raid, and 414 The Civil War it failed to produce the designed effect on Grant's operations. Sheridan was sent to the Valley to hold Early in check, but on October 19 his army was surprised at Cedar Creek during his absence and almost routed. He arrived on the field in time to turn defeat into victory. His cavalry then raided the Valley of Virginia, destroying crops and provisions, and driving all the hve stock before them with the ob- ject of so devastating that region that it would be impossible for a Con- federate army to march through it. Henceforth operations in Virginia were confined largely to the region around Richmond. General Lee not only had to defend the Confeder- ate capital, but he had also to hold Petersburg in order to keep up com- munications with the south. He strongly intrenched his army in a long line, extending east of Richmond and Petersburg, while Grant settled down with deliberation for a protracted siege. Here the two armies spent the winter of 1864-1865. Grant's army with its base on the James was kept well supplied with provisions and equipment, while Lee's army was growing thin and emaciated from slow starvation. When Grant was called East, Sherman was left in command in the West, with instructions to advance against Atlanta, while Joseph E. Johnston succeeded Bragg and undertook Trench fighting before Richmond and Peters- burg General Philip H. Sulkidax. The Outcome of the ^Ya^ 415 the difficult task of holding Sherman in check. The latter began his advance from Chattanooga early in Maj', 1864, with 99,000 men. Johnston was at this time The fight for intrenched at Dalton in northern Georgia with Atlanta an army numbering about 53,000. Sherman turned John- ston's position, and the latter had to fall back. As the Federal army continued to advance, Johnston fell back along the Une of the railway from Chattanooga to Atlanta, con- testing every inch of ground and tearing up the tracks and destroying the bridges as he proceeded, but Sherman's en- gineers repaired the bridges and tracks almost as rapidly as his army advanced. As Sherman's army greatly outnumbered the Confederate, he proceeded by a series of flanking movements. Johnston fell back from one intrenched position to another, but as the Federal commander had enough troops to outflank him, he had to continue falling back. Finally Johnston took up a strongly fortified position at Kenesaw ]\Iountain, twenty- five miles from Atlanta. This position was assaulted by Sherman, but he was repulsed with heavy loss. Sherman then made another flank movement and the Confederates fell back on Atlanta. Johnston's policy had caused great dissatisfaction at the South, and on July 17 he was replaced by General John B. Hood. As Hood was expected to fight, he did not long delay engaging the enemy, and during the latter part of July a series of fights occurred around Atlanta in which paiiof the losses on both sides were heavy. Hood Atlanta managed to hold Sherman's greatly superior force in check for over a month, but on September 2, 1864, he finally evacuated Atlanta, and the next day Sherman's troops entered. The capture of Atlanta caused great rejoicing at the North, for it was the first important military success of the year. In August Farragut had won the battle of Mobile Bay, destroying the Confederate fleet and reducing 416 The Civil War the fort. The last Confederate port on the Gulf was thus closed. After the fall of Atlanta, Hood began a series of attacks on Sherman's communications which drew the latter north Sherman's ^^ pursuit. Hood withdrew westward into march to the northern Alabama. When Sherman became con- ^®* vinced that his adversary was not wilHng to risk a general engagement, he sent Thomas north to hold Ten- nessee, while he returned to Atlanta. In a speech at Macon a])out this time Jefferson Davis compared Sher- man's position to that of Napoleon in Russia, and predicted that when he began his retreat his army would be harassed and destroyed. But Sherman had no intention of re- treating. On the con- trary, he was planning a movement which took the Confederates com- pletely by surprise, and which caused the author- ities at Washington great anxiety. He proposed to cut loose from his base, abandon his line of com- munications, and march through the fertile fields of Georgia, the very heart of the Confederacy, to the sea. It was with great difficulty that he persuaded Lincoln and Grant to consent to his plan. "I propose," Sherman wrote to Thomas, "to demonstrate the vulnerability of the South and make its inhabitants feel General William T. Sherman. The Outcome of the War 417 that war and individual ruin are synonymous terms." About the middle of November he started from Atlanta on his march to Savannah with an army of 62,000 finely Shermans equipped soldiers. His last message to Grant ruthless was : "I will not attempt to send couriers back, ^° ^^ but trust to the Richmond papers to keep you well ad- vised." Meanwhile Hood had invaded Tennessee with the confident expectation that he would draw Sherman after him. The opposing armies were thus marching in op- posite directions, and Sherman's march was unimpeded, Hardee's infantry and Wheeler's cavalry, the only Con- federate forces encountered, not being strong enough to seriously harass him. True to his intentions, Sherman systematically devastated the countr}^ through which he passed. Writing from Savannah he says: "We have consumed the corn and fodder in the region of country thirty miles on either side of a line from Atlanta to Savannah as also the sweet pota- toes, cattle, hogs, sheep, and poultry, and have carried away more than 10,000 horses and mules as well as a countless number of their slaves. I estimate the damage done to the State of Georgia and its military resources at $100,000,000 ; at least $20,000,000 of which has inured to our advantage and the remainder is simple waste and destruction." Sherman's success had an important effect on the presi- dential campaign then in progress. At the outbreak of hostilities the great majority of Democrats at the North supported the administration, and dentiai many of the War Democrats, as they were called, campaign became merged in the Republican party. Those who opposed Lincoln's measures were denounced as "South- ern Sympathizers," and the more extreme ones were dubbed "Copperheads." The suspension of the writ of habeas corpus and the large number of arbitrary arrests drove many sincere Union men into the opposition, and in the 418 The Civil War elections of 1862 the Republicans met with many reverses, even losing the great State of New York. As the time for holding the nominating conventions drew near there was considerable doubt as to whether Lincoln could be reelected, and his friends and supporters decided to appeal to all Union men irrespective of party to support him. Lincoln made no effort to conceal his candidacy and happil}^ summed up the situation by saying that it was dangerous "to swap horses while crossing a stream." In the call for a convention the term Republican was carefully avoided and the assembly which met in Baltimore on June 7 and nominated Lincoln for a second term was known officially as the National Union Convention. Having placed a Republican at the head of the ticket, the convention chose a Union Democrat, Andrew Johnson of Tennessee, as its candidate for vice-president. A week earlier a con- vention of radical Republicans in session at Cleveland, Ohio, had nominated John C. Fremont for the presidency. The Democrats met in convention in Chicago in August and nominated as their candidate General George B. McClel- McCleilan ^^^ ^^ ^ platform which declared the war to have opposes "been "four years of failure" and urged the cessa- *°'^° ° tion of hostilities and a restoration of the Union through a convention of the States or other peaceable means. In accepting the nomination General McClellan denied that the war had been a failure and declared that there could be no peace until "our present adversaries are ready for peace on the basis of the Union." The capture of Mobile by Farragut in August and of Atlanta in Sep- tember by Sherman showed conclusively that the war had not been a failure and left no doubt as to the outcome of the presidential campaign. Fremont withdrew and Lincoln carried every state that participated in the elec- tion with the exception of Delaware, New Jersey, and Kentucky. The Outcome of the War 419 When Hood entered Tennessee from northern Alabama, he was opposed by General Schofield, who had instructions from Thomas to hold the Confederates in check until the Federal army could be concentrated at portant Nashville. As Schofield was outnumbered, he operations in the West had to retire before Hood, who overtook him and forced a fight at Franklin on November 30. The Federal force held its position until after nightfall, when it withdrew across the river and united with Thomas at Nashville. The Confederates claimed the victory, but their losses were out of all proportion to those of the Federals. Hood with 26,000 men now settled down before Nashville and intrenched himself and waited for Thomas to take the initiative. Although the latter had 48,000 men, he delayed making an attack until Grant grew very impatient and threatened to remove him. Finally, after completing all the preparations prompted by his cautious nature, he began the attack December 15, and on the following day completely shattered Hood's army. The Chattanooga-Atlanta cam- paign with its sequels, the march to the sea and Thomas's defeat of Hood, was the most decisive of the war. It cut the Confederacy in twain. From Savannah Sherman set out February 1, 1865, and on the 17th his army entered Columbia, the capital of South Carolina. The greater part of this city was de- stroyed by fire. On the 18th a detachment of marchi Sherman's army occupied Charleston, and on through the 1 111 1 \i7-i • Carohnas the 21st another detachment captured vVilmmg- ton, North Carolina. The feeling in the Northern army against South Carolina was especially bitter, ancLthe course of the army through that State was marked by burning houses and the general destruction of property. Sherman's army reached Goldsboro, North Carolina, March 23, 1865. Meanwhile Joseph E. Johnston had been placed in command of the remnant of Hood's army, and with what other troops 420 The Civil War he could collect he undertook to check Sherman's advance. Lee's army was the only other Confederate force of any size left in the field, and that was now making its last stand in Virginia. Sherman's rapid advance through South Carolina and North Carolina, in February, 1865, had the effect of arousing Grant to action. Had Sherman continued his The sur- render of advance to Richmond he would have got all the Lee at credit for ending the war. Finally, on April 2, Petersburg fell, and Lee had to abandon Rich- mond, which the Federal troops entered on the 3d. Lee Valentine's Recumbent Statue over the Tomb of Lee, in the chapel of Washington and Lee University at Lexington, Virginia. had hoped to unite with Johnston's army in North Carolina, but the movement in this direction was checked by Sheri- dan's cavalry at Five Forks. On the 9th Lee and Grant held a conference at Appomattox and Lee surrendered all the forces under his command. Lee was never greater than in defeat. He might have withdrawn his army to the moun- tains of southwest Virginia, as many of the Southern leaders The Outcome of the War 421 advised, and have prolonged the war indefinitely, but he realized that this would mean the introduction of a guerrilla warfare, which would result in the plunder and devastation of the South. As soon as it was evident that his army could no longer meet the enemy in the open field, he assumed the responsibility of ending the war at once and surrendered. Grant was as great in victory as Lee was in defeat. He released both men and officers on parole and permitted them to keep their horses, "because they would need them for the spring plowing and farm work." On April 26 General Johnston surrendered his army to Sherman near Durham, North Carolina, and the few remain- ing Confederate forces ■ soon disbanded or sur- rendered. Early in May Jefferson Davis was imprison- captured in Georgia and sent to Fortress Monroe, ^^^} °^ where he was kept in close confinement for two years under indictment for treason. He was then released on bail, but the case was never brought to trial. In the midst of the rejoicing at the North that followed Lee's surrender occurred the tragedy of Lincoln's assassina- tion. On the evening of April 14, five days after Lincoln's Appomattox, the pi-esident was shot in Ford's <^®^t^ Theater in Washington by John Wilkes Booth, an actor whose mind seems to have been unbalanced. The South had nothing to gain by such an act, and coming as it did at this particular time, nothing could have been a greater calamity. The armies of the United States and of the Confederacy were both made up of citizen soldiers, and probably no armies in the history of warfare ever displayed greater forbearance and self-restraint in dealing with non-combatants, or more chivalry in their relations with each other. The most marked exceptions to this were Butler's conduct at New Orleans, Sherman's march through Georgia and the Carolinas, and the raids of Hunter 4i^!2 The Civil War and Sheridan in the Valley of Virginia. As regards the treatment of prisoners, each side has charged the other with cruelty antl neglect. The Southern military prisons have been pictured as pens of filth, disease, and starvation. As a matter of fact, a careful study of the mortality statistics shows that there was little difference in the treatment of prisoners North and South. When we consider the fact that the North refused to exchange prisoners, and thus forced the Confederates to keep in confinement more men tlian they could properly take care of, and -when we con- sider the further fact that the Northern soldiers were well supplied with provisions, while the Southerners during the latter part of the war were always on short rations, there is, as James Ford Rhodes says, no reason why the North should reproach the South. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. Conditions at the North: Wilson. Division and Reunion, pp. 210-221, 227-2;W; Khodi's, Vol. V. Chap. XXVIl ; Cambridge Modern Ilislory, Vol. VII, Chap. XVIII ; A. B. Hart, Salmon P. Chase, Chaps. TX, XI. 2. Conditions at the South : Wilson, Division and Reunion, Chap. X; Rhodes, Vol. V, Chap. XXVIII; Cambridge Modern Ilislorij, Vol. VII, Chap. XIX ; Currj', Civil History of Confederate States, Chap. V; G. C. Eprgfleston, Rebel's Recollections, Chaps. Il-lV; J. C. Schwab, Confederate States of America. 3. Grant in Command : Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 433-439 ; Hosmer. Outcome of Civil War, Chap. V; Grant, Personal Memoirs, pp. 107- 145; Bat tine. Crisis of the Confederacy, pp. 345-360. 4. The Wilderness Campaign: Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 440-447; Hosmer. Chap. VT ; Battine. Chap. XI; Wood and Edmonds, Civil War in the United States, Chap. XX ; Long, Memoirs of Robert E. Lee, Chaps. XVI, XVII; E. P. Alexander, Military Memoirs of a Cofifederate, Chap. XX. 5. Early and Sheridan in the Valley: Rhodes. Vol. IV. pp. 496- 505. 526-536 ; Wood and Edmonds, Chap. XXIV : Long. Memoirs of Robert E. Lee, Chap. XVIII. The Oulcomc of llio W;ir 423 (). Sherman's March to the Sea: Kliodcs, Vol. V, pp. 1 44, HPt- lOS; Wood and Kdmonds, Chaps. XXII, XXIII ; .Icricrsoii Davis, Rise and Full of Confederate doveninieiit, Vol. 11, ( "hai)s. XLVIII, LI; W. T. Shormaii, I'ersonal Memoirs, Vol. II, (Miaps. XVI- XXIIT. 7. The Presidential Campaign of 1864 : Uhodcs, Vol. IV.pp.AiS ry.i\); Ilo.sincr, Chap. IX; Slanwood, Hislorij of the i' residency. Chap. XXII ; ,1. T. Morse, Abraham Lincoln, Vol. II, Chai)s. IX, X; A. H. Ilarl, Salmon P. Chase, (^Iiap. .\ll. S. The Surrender of Lee at Appomatto.x : Kliodcs, Vol. V, pp. 112-131; Long, Memoirs of. Robert E. Lee, Cli;ips. XXI, XXII; (iraiil, Personal Memoirs, Chap. LXVI I ; C. V. Adnins, Lee at Apponitittox, Chap. I ; (Ji. Bradford, Lee the American, Cliaj). VII. CHAPTER XXV RECONSTRUCTION OF THE SOUTHERN STATES With the gradual collapse of the Confederacy there arose the question as to the status of the States which had seceded Lincoln's ^^^^ were now occupied by Federal troops. How plan of re- were their governments to be reconstructed and construction ^j^g^^ ^g^g ^q j^g ^j^g status of their inhabitants, black and white ? President Lincoln's plan of reconstruction was outlined in his Proclamation of December 8, 1863. It authorized the reestablishment of State governments in the South whenever voters qualified under the suffrage pro- visions of 1860, to the number of one tenth of those who voted in the presidential election of that year, should take the oath of allegiance to the United States and agree to abide by the acts of Congress and the proclamations of the president concerning slavery. Arkansas had been reor- ganized on this principle prior to the proclamation, and Louisiana ^nd Tennessee were reorganized in the same way by President Lincoln after the proclamation. Andrew John- son, as military governor of Tennessee, carried out the work in that State. These States were reorganized on the basis of white suffrage. Lincoln had no intention of conferring the franchise on the negro as a class, though he did hope to see it conferred by the States on a few of the more intelligent. Johnson's policy was substantially the same as Lincoln's. He still stuck to the ten per cent basis. He was not as liberal as Lincoln in his proclamation of amnesty. Johnson s policy op- He confined the suffrage to white men, and like posed by the Lincoln, while he favored a qualified suffrage for negroes, he regarded that as a matter for the States to settle. It should be remembered that at this 424 Reconstruction of the Southern States 425 time all the Northern States but six denied the negro the ballot. Johnson was criticized for not convening Congress in extra session, but there is no record that any member of the cabinet advised such a step. In April Sumner hoped that it would not be done. He thought then that Johnson would confer the suffrage on the negro by executive decree. When he found that he could not persuade the president to take this step, Sumner changed his opinion about Congress. In August he wrote : "Refer the whole question of reconstruc- tion to Congress, where it belongs. What right has the president to reorganize States?" Other radical RepubUcan leaders now began to take issue with the president. Thad- deus Stevens wrote to Sumner: "Is there no way to arrest the insane course of the president in reorganization?" Still the work of reconstruction went on and The Nation said that the president's poUcy had "the miraculous prop- erty of appearing to satisfy all parts and parties ^ ^ ^ 1 11 1 • 1 (• The South- 01 the country, and called it another era oi em states good feeling." The Southern States held con- comply with . . • 1 1 conditions stitutional conventions m accordance ^^^th the imposed by president's instructions, declared the ordinances ^^^ . ... president of secession null and void, repudiated the war debt, and ratified the Thirteenth Amendment, abolishing slavery. These were the conditions of reconstruction im- posed by the president. By the opening of Congress, December 4, 1865, the work had been practically completed, and representatives and senators from most of the Southern States were present with their credentials. On December 8, 1865, the secretary of state issued his proclamation declaring that the Thirteenth Amendment was in force, having been ratified by twenty- seven of the thirty-six States. Among the ratifying States he named eight that had seceded. The radicals in Congress, however, had no intention of 426 The Civil War readmitting the Southern States on the terms offered by the president. A peculiar feature of the situation was that as a result of the aboHtion of slavery the repre- Consfrcss takes a sentation of the Southern States in Congress would hand in re- ]jq greatly increased. Prior to the war only three fifths of the slaves were counted as population in apportioning representatives ; now that slavery was abolished the entire negro population would be counted. If white men continued in control in the South there was little chance that the Repubhcan party could long continue in control of the national government. In the minds of the radical leaders the only hope lay in undoing what Lincoln and Johnson had done and in reorganizing the South on the basis of negro suffrage. The first step was to refuse to seat the representatives and senators from the Southern States. In this matter the president could not interfere. In making up the pre- liminary list of the House, therefore, the clerk was instructed by the Republican caucus to omit the names of representa- tives from the Southern States, and Thaddeus Stevens offered a resolution that a joint committee -of nine from the House and six from the Senate be appointed to inquire into the condition of the former Confederate States and report "whether they or any of them are entitled to be represented in either House of Congress." This resolution was adopted by a large majority without waiting to hear the president's message, and a week later it passed the Senate. The president's message, which was read December 5, was an able state paper written in admirable tone probably Conditions by George Bancroft, the historian. It reviewed in the South ^t length the course of the administration with reference to the Southern States. On December 18 the president announced in a special message to Congress that the "Rebellion" had been suppressed; that in all the in- surrectionary States, except Florida and Texas, the people Reconstruction of the Southern States 427 had reorganized their governments, and that in those two States satisfactory progress was being made. He also sub- mitted to Congress reports from General Grant and Carl Schurz on conditions in the South. Grant declared, as a result of his observations on an extended tour, that there was no further thought of resistance in the minds of the Southern people, that they had accepted the results of the war and were anxious to resume as speedily as possible their accustomed occupations. Schurz's report, likewise based on extended personal observations, set forth very different views. He said that the people of the Southern States had not accepted in good faith the results of the war, that they had no sense of loyalty to the government of the United States, and that they were not yet ready to be restored to the control of public affairs. Unfortunately indiscreet measures adopted by the reorganized Southern legislatures between October, 1865, and March, 1866, gave color to Schurz's views. These measures were the so-called ''Black Codes," intended to define the legal status of the freedmen, to regulate conditions of labor, and to check the disorder and vagrancy which were already making such alarming progress among the negro population suddenly freed from white control and unaccustomed to the exercise of self-restraint. These laws were not very different from those in force in Jamaica and other places where there was a large negro population, but the North did not understand the necessities of the situation and considered them an out- rageous infringement of personal liberty. On February 19 Johnson vetoed the Freedmen's Bureau , bill, wliich enlarged the powers of the Bureau established by act of March 3, 1865, for the purpose of protect- The breach ing and aiding the newly liberated slaves. The between the . . , . , , 11 president necessary two tmrds to pass it could not be ob- and tained in the Senate, so the bill failed. On Congress February 22 the president, who was suddenly called upon 428 The Civil War to address a large gathering that had collected at the White House, made a very unfortunate speech, in which he severely criticized the radical members of Congress. This speech made a bad impression on the country, and it tended to widen the breach between the president and the radical leaders. Along with the Freedmen's Bureau bill, Trumbull had reported from the judiciary committee the Civil Rights bill. This bill, its authors claimed, simply made effective the pro- visions of the Thirteenth Amendment, but there was con- siderable doubt of its constitutionality. It passed the Sen- ate February 2, 1866, by a vote of 33 to 12, and after con- siderable discussion, it finally passed the House March 13, by a vote of 111 to 38. Stevens made a violent attack on the president in the House, taking as his text the 22d of Feb- ruary speech, which he caused to be read for the purpose, ap- parently, of goading him into vetoing the bill. In a message to the Senate the president stated his objec- tions to the bill at length, the main one being that it con- ferred citizenship on the negro when eleven of the thirty-six States were unrepresented, and attempted to fix by Federal law "a perfect equality of the white and black races in every State of the Union." He considered it unconstitutional and an invasion of the rights of the States. The Senate passed the Bill over his veto on April 6, by a vote of 33 to 15. Three days later the House passed it by a vote of 122 to 41. This was the most important measure that had ever been passed by Congress over the veto of a president. In view of the doubt as to the constitutionality of the Civil Rights bill, its main provisions were embodied in the The Four- Fourteenth Amendment, which was proposed in teenth the House by Stevens. In June Congress decided Amendment ^^ submit it to the States, and its ratification by the Southern States was made a further condition of their readmission. The amendm'ent did not directly impose Reconstruction of the Southern States 429 negro suffrage on the States, but it aimed to accomplish that purpose indirectly by the second section, whereby the representation of a State in the House was to be cut down in proportion to the number of male citizens over twenty- one years of age who were deprived of the right to vote. The first section, which was of even more far-reaching importance, declared: "All persons born or naturaUzed in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; nor shall any State deprive any person of Hfe, Uberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protec- tion of the laws." The original Constitution undertook to protect individuals against the encroachments of the central government ; the Fourteenth Amendment undertook to protect hfe, liberty, and property against State interference. It had the effect of placing not only individuals, but corpora- tions, under the protection of the Federal Courts and involved the most radical changes ever made in the American con- stitutional system. During the congressional campaign in the summer and fall of 1866, the president made a tour through the Middle West which was popularly referred to as "swing- "Swinging ing the circle." On this tour he addressed large the Circle" bodies of citizens who were frequently disorderly and ill- mannered, and amid frequent interruptions he denounced in severe terms the leaders of the radical Republicans. This tour lined up most of the Republicans against Johnson, and the Republican majorities in the election of members of Congress were larger than those given to Lincoln two years before. In the new Congress there were in the Senate forty-two RepubHcans and eleven Democrats, and in the House one hundred and forty-three RepubHcans and forty- 430 The Civil War nine Democrats, a working majority of considerably over two thirds. The Republicans could now carry out any reconstruction policy which they chose, notwithstanding the opposition of the president. The radical members of Congress were quick to catch the drift of public sentiment. On December 10, Blaine, Negro who had not hitherto been regarded as an ex- suffrage tremist, declared in the House that the people had now demanded at the polls an additional condition of reconstruction ; namely, the bestowal of the suffrage on the negro. Meanwhile, Texas in October and Georgia in November, 18G6, had refused to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment. In December the Amendment was rejected by Florida, Alabama, North Carolina, and Arkansas, and in January, 1867, by South Carolina and Virginia. Alabama and Virginia came very near ratifying it, and would probably have done so but for the influence of President Johnson. The opinion is expressed by some historians that if the Southern States had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment, the more conservative Republicans would have remained in control and been able to carry out the plan already agreed on in the case of Tennessee, but the temper of Congress after the election of 1866 was distinctly radical. It Avas not the rejection of the Fourteenth Amendment, but the big RepubUcan majorities of November, 1866, that decided the fate of the Southern States. Early in the session Con- gress extended the suffrage in the District of Columbia to the negro. This was a forewarning of what was coming. The constitutional status of the Southern States was a question upon which neither lawyers nor political philoso- Thecon- phers had been able to formulate a consistent stitutionai theory. According to the Southern theory the Southern States that had attempted secession were still states States, all the essentials of statehood remaining unchanged. This was the theory on which Sherman Reconstruction of the Southern States 431 acted when in si'^nting terms of surrender to Johnston he had agreed that the existing State governments should be recognized. This agreement was repudiated by the administration, and the State governments were over- thrown by the mihtary commanders. The presidential theory, which has ah'eady been set forth, was, in brief, that the Southern States had never ceased to be members of the Union ; that their governments had temporarily fallen into the hands of disloyal persons ; and that just as soon as loyal governments were, reestablished in these States they could resume their functions as members of the Union. Charles Sumner advanced the theory of State suicide, which was that the Confederate States had through treason forfeited their rights as States and relajised into y^^^soi the status of territories, subject like the other Sumner and territories to the exclusive jurisdiction of Con- ^^^"^ gress. The view advanced by Stevens was even more radical. He agreed with Sumner as to the effect upon the States of their own disloyal acts, but denied that they pos- sessed even the attributes of territories under the Constitu- tion. He claimed that they were conquered provinces subject to the arbitrary will of Congress and he denied to their inhabitants even the rights enjoyed under the Con- stitution by citizens of the territories. Other members of Congress held a view which, while less consistent theoretically, was more practical as a working basis. It was that the people in each seceding State had committed a political crime against the nation and forfeited for the time being their political rights ; that the constitu- tional clause guaranteeing to each State a repul)lican form of government makes Congress, and not the president, the final arbiter as to the political status of a State, and that therefore Congress should direct the work of reconstruction and decide when and on what conditions the States should be readmitted. Sumner and Stevens held that the States 432 The Civil War which had seceded no longer existed. The forfeited rights theory held that their territory remained intact, but that their political rights were for the time being in abeyance. In December, 18G6, the Supreme Court handed down an important decision in the Milligan case. The Court held b.y a division of five to four that neither the president nor Congress had the power to au- .thorize the trial of citi- zens by a military tri- bunal, where the civil courts were open and in the unobstructed ex- ercise of their jurisdic- tion. Stevens denounced this as almost as in- famous as the Dred Scott decision. The radical leaders of Con- gress did not propose to be thwarted by the Supreme Court, and as a threat introduced a bill into the House re- quiring a unanimous decision of the Court in cases involv- ing the constitutionality of an act of Congress. This reso- Attitudeof lution was never brought to a vote. Although the Supreme Chief Justice Chase had been one of the radical antislavery leaders, he now took a conservative view of the constitutional relations of the States and the Union, and by his decisions tried to prevent any revolu- tionary changes from taking place as a result of the Civil War. On January 3, 1867, Stevens called up a bill which he had Thaddeus Stevens. Reconstruction of the Southern States 433 introduced to provide for State governments on the basis of negro suffrage and white disfranchisement. After further consideration by the Committee on Reconstruc- Radical re- tion, the bill was finally reported to the House construction on February 6. It set aside the reorganized State govern- ments in the late Confederate States, with the exception of Tennessee, and divided them into five military districts, over each of which the general of the army was to place a military commander. The bill passed the House February 13, by a vote of 109 to 55. Meanwhile, Senator Williams of Oregon had introduced the same bill in the Senate. On February 17 it passed that body, with an amendment to the effect that military governments should terminate when the late Confederate States should adopt universal suffrage, conferring the vote on the negro. It also provided that the military governors should be appointed by the president, instead of by the general of the army. It was considered beyond the powers of Congress to deprive the president of his position as commander-in-chief of the army. As the session was drawing to a close, the bill was pushed by the radicals in the conference committee and finally agreed upon, with an amendment excluding from the suffrage and from office those persons who were excluded by the Fourteenth Amendment. On March 2 the president vetoed the Bill, but on the same day it was passed over his veto. Thus two years after the war was over the work of restoration carried on by Lincoln and Johnson was undone and the South thrown back under military rule. The act of March 2 was later supplemented by the acts of March 23 and July 19. In addition to the Reconstruction Act the same Congress passed the Tenure-of-Office Act, likewise over the president's veto. This act took away from the president Tenure-of- the power of removing without the consent of office Act the Senate any officeholder confirmed by that body. The object of the act was to insure the execution of the recon- 434 The Civil War struction measures by making the members of the cabinet and other civil officeholders independent of the president. Stanton, the secretary of war, was in full accord with the radi- cal element in Congress and in direct opposition to the presi- dent. As the Southern States were now being governed through the War Department, the position of secretary of war was one of first importance, and the president naturally wanted that office filled by some one in whom he had full confidence. He finally decided therefore to call for Stanton's resignation, and on August 5, 1867, sent him the following note : "Public considerations of a high character constrain me to say that your resignation as Secretary of War will be accepted." Stanton promptly replied: "Public considerations of a high character, which alone have induced me to stay at the head of this Department, constrain me not to resign the office of Secretary of War before the next meeting of Congress." The president was now left the alternative of backing down from his position, or of removing Stanton from office. Suspension Grant advised him not to remove Stanton, but of Stanton ^g ^g^g determined to do so, and in this deter- mination he had the backing of several members of his cabinet. He realized the necessity of appointing in Stanton's place, ad interim, some one in whom the country had the fullest confidence, so he prevailed on General Grant to take the office. On August 12 the president notified Stanton that he was suspended, and directed him to transfer the office and rec- ords to General Grant. Stanton replied that the president had no right to suspend him from office, but that he had "no alternative but to submit, under protest, to superior force." A few days later General Sheridan was removed from the post of commander of the District of Louisiana and Texas for insubordination in publicly criticizing the president of the United States. About the same time General Sickles was removed from the command of the district comprising Reconstruction of the Southern States 435 North and South Carohna. It was charged by the radicals that these removals were made by the president in order that he might obstruct the carrying out of the will of Congress as embodied in the reconstruction acts. So many men were disfranchised or excluded by the iron- clad oath required of officeholders and voters that the military commanders found some difficulty in obtaining boards of registration, and had to ap- baggers " point agents of the Freedmen's Bureau, military ^^^ " scaia- officers, ex-union soldiers who had settled in the South, and a few negroes. ''Ignorance was thus enfran- chised and intelligence disfranchised." Northerners who came South for the purpose of obtaining office under the reconstruction regime became generally known as "carpet- baggers," while the meaner sort of whites who accepted office were known as "scalawags." By disfranchising the whites and conferring the suffrage on the negro the radical leaders hoped to make the South Republican and to insure the continuance of their party in power. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court was utterly helpless to stay the hands of the radicals. It was known that five of the nine justices considered the reconstruction supreme acts unconstitutional, and Mississippi and Geor- Court gia tried to get the question before the Court by ^'^'p^®^^ enjoining the president, secretary of war, and other officials from enforcing the acts, but the Court decided that it had no right to restrain the executive branch of the government in this way. About the same time Colonel McCardle, a Vicksburg editor, who had been arrested and imprisoned by General Ord, appealed his case to the Supreme Court, but Congress quickly passed a bill depriving the Court of juris- diction in such cases, and the Court concluded that it was safest to acquiesce. The Supreme Court was thus completely subdued, and the only thing standing in the way of the rad- ical program was the president. 436 The Civil War For a year the question of impeaching the president had been under consideration. On December 12, 1867, he sent to the Senate a message giving his reasons for fweefthe" Suspending Stanton. On January 13, 1868, by president a vote of 35 to 6, the Senate refused to concur in Grant ^"^'^^ the suspension. The next day General Grant surrendered the War Department to Stanton. This act caused a complete breach between the president and the general commanding the army. The president declared that General Grant had given his solemn pledge that in case the Senate should refuse to concur in the sus- pension of Stanton, he would not surrender the War Depart- ment without a conference with him. The president charged Grant to his face with bad faith, and Grant was unable to give a satisfactory explanation of his conduct. The president now determined to ignore altogether the Tenure-of -Office Act. On February 21 he issued orders removing Stanton and ap- pointing General Lorenzo Thomas secretary of war ad interim. Stanton refused to surrender the office and had Thomas arrested. On February 24 the House resolved, by a vote of 126 to 47, to impeach the president, and on the following day a committee appeared Isefore the bar of the Senate The House -c i i i c • • n resolves to to lormally notiiy that body oi its action. Stan- impeach the ton's arrest of Thomas had been made on the charge of violating the Tenure-of-Office Act. The president and the attorney-general now tried to get this case before the Supreme Court, but the Republican leaders, knowing the attitude of the Court and that a decision against the constitutionality of the act would remove the ground for impeachment, advised Stanton to release Thomas, and thus prevented the case from coming before the Court. Stanton, meanwhile, was barricaded in his office and remained there day and night for several weeks with armed men in the liasement ready to defend him in case the president should order Thomas to take forcible possession. Reconstruction of the Southern States 437 The chief article in the impeachment was the charge that Johnson had violated the Tenure-of-Office Act. On March 5 Chief Justice Chase took the chair in the jn^pgach- Senate Chamber, and the formal proceedings ment pro- began. The president was represented by an '^^^ *°^^ array of able counsel, while the prosecution was conducted by Stevens, Butler, Logan, and other members of the House who were conspicuous for parti- sanship as well as for ability. Elaborate arguments were made on each side. Finally, on Satur- day, May 16, the vote was taken on the Eleventh Article, which was considered the strongest, as it covered the violation of the Tenure-of-Office Act. The vote stood 35 for conviction and 19 against. It was evident that the impeachment had failed, although there was lacking only one vote of the necessary two thirds. The court then adjourned until May 26. The radicals were wild with rage. Seven Repuljlicans voted "not guilty," and it was thought by some that the vote was a "frame up," that is, that the Senate ^, •1- , • 1 Thepresi- wanted to humiliate the president as much as dentac- possible, but did not care to assume the responsi- quitted but ... . numiliated bility of removing him. The fact that Wade, the president pro tempore of the Senate, who was distrusted by some of his colleagues, would succeed to the presidency doubtless had some weight in determining the vote. During the interval between the adjournment on May 16 and the resumption of the impeachment proceedings on the 26th, the Republican National Convention met at Chicago and nominated General Grant for the presidency. On the 26th Andrew Johnson. 438 The Civil War the vote was taken in the Senate on the other articles of impeachment, but remained 35 to 19. The Senate, as a court, then adjourned sine die. Stanton immediately relinquished his position in the War Department and Gen- eral Schofield was appointed and confirmed as secretary of war. No president of the United States has fared so badly at the hands of historians as Andrew Johnson. Only in recent Character of Y^^^^ with the publication of the Diary of Gideon Andrew Welles and the acquisition of Johnson's papers Johnson ^^ ^^^ Library of Congress has the verdict of his contemporaries been set aside. Few men have risen to such high station from such humble beginnings. Sprung from the class of "poor whites" in East Tennessee and a tailor by trade, he never had a chance to learn to read and write until taught by his wife after their marriage. His strong intellect, positive convictions, and ready speech, crude but forceful, enabled him to forge his way to the front, but to the last his character was marred by marks of the hard con- ditions of his youth. At several of the critical moments of his public career he gave way to unseemly outbursts of passion and once or twice to his fondness for strong drink, though his excesses in this matter were greatly exaggerated. He was placed on the ticket with Lincoln as a Union Democrat and, succeeding to the presidency at a most critical period, he had to deal with a Congress which was strongly and radi- cally Republican. He was despised by the South because he had the poor white's jealousy of the Southern aristocrat and wanted to make treason odious by hanging Jefferson Davis and other leaders of the Confederacy, and he was distrusted by the North because he had the poor white's contempt for the negro and wanted to deny him civil and political equality. Yet no one who makes an impartial study of his career can deny to him the two great virtues of patriotism and moral courage. Reconstruction of the Southern States 439 On May 20, 1868, the National Union Republican Con- vention met in Chicago. Grant had been a Democrat be- fore the war and there had been some doubt as to Nojnination his position until his break with President Johnson, and election As soon as it became known that he would accept ° ^^^^ the Republican nomination there was no serious thought of any one else. He was nominated with great enthusiasm, and Schuyler Colfax of Indiana, speaker of the House, was named for vice-president. The Democratic Convention met in New York July 4. George H. Pendleton's ''Ohio idea," which was to redeem the bonds in greenbacks instead of coin, was popular in the West, and he led on the earlier ballots. General Hancock and Senator Hendricks then developed unexpected strength, but neither could secure the necessary two-thirds vote. Finally after twenty-one ballots had been cast the name of Horatio Seymour of New York, who was presiding over the convention, was put in nomination and unanimously in- dorsed. Grant received 214 electoral votes and Seymour 80, but three of the Southern States were not allowed to participate and six of those which had recently been reconstructed gave their votes to Grant. Seymour carried New York, New Jersey, and Oregon, and most of the border States, and had he carried the solid South he would have been elected. The power of the Republican party was thus seriously threatened and its leaders became more determined than ever to hold the South through the negro vote. By June, 1868, all of the Southern States except Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas had ratified the Fourteenth Amend- ment and been readmitted to representation in ^.^^ Congress. It was soon evident that the second Fifteenth section of that amendment would not assure the ^™^'^<^™^°* vote to the negro, for the Southern States would prefer to have their representation in Congress reduced rather than 440 The Civil War submit to negro rule. The Fifteenth Amendment was, therefore, proposed, declaring that "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude." The ratification of this amendment was made a further condition of read- mission in the case of Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas, and later in the case of Georgia also, for that State was again thrown back under military rule. In 1870 this amendment was declared in force and the remaining States were read- mitted. Public affairs at the South were now dominated by carpet- baggers and scalawags through the manipulation of the The South negro vote. The agents of the Freedmen's under negro Bureau played a leading part in organizing the ^^ ® negroes against their late masters through means of the Union League and its secret ritual. The reconstruc- tion conventions and legislatures contained numbers of negroes and the extravagance of the governments knew no bounds. The public debts of several States increased at an alarming rate without any corresponding benefit to the people. Vast sums were spent in the purchase of mahogany desks, costly carpets, and other furnishings for legislative halls and the offices of pubhc officials. In the capitol at Columbia, South Carolina, the legislature maintained a free restaurant where its "black and tan" members could satisfy their desires for meat or drink at any hour free of charge. In order to check outrages and to punish insolent negroes or carpet-baggers a secret organization known as the Ku- TheKu- Klux Klan was organized in Tennessee in 1867 KiuxKian ^.nd within two years spread over the entire South. With masks and white coverings for horse and rider its members dashed along the country roads at night or through the streets of villages terrorizing the negro and Reconstruction of the Southern States 441 keeping him from attending the secret meetings of the Union League. At first the Klan played mainly upon the super- stitions of the negro, but it did not hesitate to visit serious offenses with prompt punishment even to the point of taking life. The rule of this "invisible empire" naturally led to excesses and after a congressional investigation in 1871 an act was passed empowering the president to use the army in suppressing the Klan. It had, however, put a damper on the political aspirations of the negro and done much to reestablish white supremacy in the South. When General Grant became president he had had no experience whatever in civil administration. He was un- fortunate in the selection of advisers and in Grant's first his appointees to important offices. In addition administra- to this, there were thousands of men who had helped to save the Union who were clamoring for public office or government patronage. The result was that Grant's administration was one of the most corrupt in the history of the government. In 1869 James Fisk and Jay Gould, two of the most unscrupulous stock speculators in Wall Street, planned a deliberate scheme to secure a corner in gold, and through indirect influence they succeeded in getting Grant to instruct the secretary of the treasury to sell no more gold, as he had been doing from time to time in order to keep the price from soaring too high. Their plan came very near succeeding, and Friday, September 24, 1869, has ever been known as "Black Friday" in Wall Street. The plot was revealed to Grant in time to prevent the com- plete success of the scheme, but not until a number of bank- ing firms had failed and others had suffered severely. As early as 1870 the opposition to Grant within his party led to the organization of a Liberal Republican Liberal movement. When it became evident that he Republican would be renominated, the Liberal Republicans ™°^^°^^" decided to place a candidate in the field. They held a 442 The Civil War National Convention at Chicago in May, 1872, and nomi- nated Horace Greeley of New York for president, and B. Gratz Brown of Missouri for vice-president. Among other things, the new party demanded "the immediate and ab- solute removal of all disability imposed on account of the rebellion which was finally subdued seven years ago, believing that universal amnesty will result in complete pacification in all sections of the coun- try." The Democratic Convention met in Bal- timore in July and de- cided to indorse Greeley, and to adopt the platform of the liberal Republi- cans. The Republican Con- vention had meanwhile met in Philadelphia and nominated Grant by ac- clamation. Some of the Democrats who were not willing to indorse Greeley held a separate conven- tion and nominated Charles O'Connor of New York. The Labor party and the Prohibitionists also put candidates in the Grant field. In the election Grant received 3,597,070 reelected yotes, Greeley 2,834,079, and O'Connor 29,408 votes. Greeley had carried only six States, Georgia, Ken- tucky, Maryland, Missouri, Tennessee, and Texas. He was heartbroken at the result and died a few weeks after the election. Grant received 286 electoral votes out of a total of 366. There being double returns from Louisiana Horace Greeley. Reconstruction of the Southern States 443 and Arkansas, the votes of those States were thrown out by Congress. Grant's second administration was marred by greater corruption and scandal than his first. In order to build the Union Pacific Railroad, there had been or- An era of ganized a construction company known as the corruption Credit Mobilier. The directors of this company undertook to defraud the stockholders, and in order to prevent a con- gressional investigation they distributed large amounts of the stock to members of Congress at about half its market value. A great many of the most prominent men in public life were miplicated to a greater or less degree. On March 3, 1873, Congress passed the so-called "Salary Grab" Act increasing the salaries of the president, vice- president, and Supreme Court justices, as well as raising the salaries of members of Congress from S5000 to S7500 a year. The worst feature of the act was that it was to be retroactive and to date from the beginning of the Congress which was just closing. This amounted, of course, to the members of Congress voting themselves each a bonus of $5000. The act raised a storm of protest and was re- pealed l\y the succeeding Congress. In 1875 it was discovered that a grouj? of distillers in St. Louis had, through the connivance of the United States collector of internal revenue, defrauded the government out of millions of dollars. Grant's secretary. Colonel Bab- cock, was implicated in the affair, and Grant himself had accepted costly gifts from the collector. In 1876 it was discovered that Belknap, the secretary of war, had bar- gained for the appointment of an Indian agent, and that the agent had paid Mrs. Belknap annually the sum of S6000. The evidence against Belknap was overwhelming and the House passed a resolution of impeachment, but a few hours before the resolution actually passed Belknap tendered his resignation to President Grant, who promptly accepted it. 444 The Civil War The presidential campaign of 1876 was one of the most exciting in the history of the country. Blaine was the The Haves- leading candidate for the Republican nomination, Tiiden but the fact that he was imphcated in the railroad campaign scandals proved fatal to his ambition, and the convention, which met in Cincinnati the middle of June, 1876, finally nominated Rutherford B. Hayes of Ohio. The Democrats nominated Samuel J. Tiiden, a New York lawyer, who had achieved a national reputation by his vigorous prosecution of the ■ Tweed Ring. The Greenback party, which wanted to continue in circulation the large volume of paper currency that had been issued during the war, also put a candidate in the field. Early in the evening of election day, November 7, it was known that Tiiden had carried New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and Indiana, and on the following morning nearly every newspaper in the country announced his elec- tion, but there were two notable exceptions, the New York Herald and the New York Times, which said that the result was in doubt. The Times tabulated the vote as follows : Tiiden 184, Hayes 181, and the four votes of Florida in doubt, but claimed by the Republicans. Later in the day the same paper announced that Hayes had 185 votes and Tiiden 184, and that night the Republican National Committee issued a bulletin claiming the election for Hayes by one vote. As it turned out finally, Tiiden had 184 undisputed votes and Hayes 165, while there were in dispute 7 votes in South Carolina, 4 in Florida, 8 in Louisiana, and 1 in Oregon. Hayes needed every disputed vote in order to win. In Oregon one of the Republican electors, being a post- master, was constitutionally ineligible and the governor The con- gave a certificate of election to the highest elector tested on the Democratic ticket. The secretary of returns state, however, issued a certificate to the three Republican electors. In Florida, where the vote was very Reconstruction of the Southern States 445 close, the Democratic member of the returning board gave the certificates to the Democratic electors, while his two colleagues declared the Republican electors chosen. In Louisiana and in South Carolina there were two gov- ernors and two legislatures, the Republican government in each case upheld by Federal bayonets and the Democratic government claiming to be the legitimate choice of the people. Double returns were therefore forwarded to Wash- ington from both States. In Louisiana the Republican board of State canvassers went back of the returns and threw out several thousand Democratic votes in order to give Hayes a majority. James Ford Rhodes says in this connec- tion : "As a matter of fact. Wells (the chairman of the board) and his satellites in secret conclave determined the presi- dency of the United States, but, before returning the vote of Louisiana for Hayes, there is little doubt that he offered to give it to Tilden for $200,000." The question which now arose was who should decide which were the valid certificates when Congress was ready to count the votes. On this point the Constitu- ^j^^ tion is ambiguous. The twenty-second joint electoral rule adopted by Congress in 1865 provided that <^°™™iss*°° if either House refused to accept the vote of an}?- State, the vote of that State should be thrown out. In 1873 the votes of Louisiana and Arkansas had been excluded under this rule. In January, 1876, the Senate rescinded this rule, but it was not rescinded bj^ the House. The Senate was Republican and the House Democratic, hence an agreement was impossible. Tilden had a popular majority of 264,000 and a good chance to win, but he did not manage his case well. On January 29, 1877, Congress passed an act creating an electoral commission which was given full power to de- termine the cases in dispute. This commission was composed of five senators, three of whom were Republicans and two 446 The Civil War Hayes declared elected Democrats, five representatives, two of whom were Republi- cans and three Democrats, and four members of the Supreme Court, two of whom were Republicans and two Democrats. The four justices were to select a fifth member of the Court as the fifteenth member of the commission. When the measure was agreed upon, it was expected that Justice Davis, who was an independent in politics, would be se- lected, but just before the bill was passed Davis was elected to the United States Senate by the legislature of Illinois and resigned from the Court. Justice Bradley, a Repub- lican, was finally put on the commission, which was thus composed of eight Republicans and seven Democrats, and in every important case that came before them the vote stood eight to seven. All the votes in dispute were given to Hayes, and he was declared to have been elected president of the United States. This result, however, was not reached until March 2, 1877, two days before the day set for the inauguration of the new president. The country had been through a serious political crisis, and narrowly escaped another civil war. The Democrats, however, offered no resistance, and it is now generally known that assurances were given to the Democratic leaders Rutherford B. Hayes. Reconstruction of the Southern States 447 through some of Hayes's friends that in case they would acquiesce in the decision of the commission Hayes would immediately withdraw the troops from the South. As this was an object which the Democrats had of Home long tried to l)ring about, they were satisfied Rule at the with the compromise. One of the most un- fortunate features of Hayes's conduct was the fact that he rewarded Wells, the chairman of the Louisiana Returning Board, and his friends by appointing them to good positions under the Federal government. The Republican governors of Louisiana and South Carolina who had certified the Hayes returns were unable to maintain themselves without Federal aid and withdrew with the troops, leaving the field to their Democratic opponents, who were promptly recognized by Hayes. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. Lincoln's Plan of Reconstruction: Proclamation of Decem- ber 8, 1863, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. VI, pp. 213- 215 ; Wilson, Division and Reunion, pp. 254-257 ; Rhodes, History of the United States, Vol. IV, pp. 484^87, Vol. V, pp. 46-57, 132- 137; J. T. Morse, Abraham Lincoln, Vol. II, Chap. VllI ; J. W. Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution, Chap. II ; W. A. Dun- ning, Essays on Civil War and Reconstruction, Chap. 11. 2. Character and Policy of Andrew Johnson : Schouler, History of the United States, Vol. Vll, pp. 1-42; Rhodes, Vol. V, pp. 516- 565 ; Dunning, Reconstruction, Political and Economic, Chap. Ill ; Burgess, Chap. III. 3. Congressional Plan of Reconstruction: Schouler, Vol. VII, pp. 43-92 ; Rhodes, Vol. V, pp. .565-625, Vol. VI, Chap. XXXI ; Dunning, Reconstruction, Chaps. IV-VI ; Burgess, Chaps. IV-VIl. 4. The Impeachment of President Johnson : Schouler, Vol. VII, pp. 99-123; Rhodes, Vol. VI, Chap. XXXIII; Dunning, Essays, Chap. V ; Burgess, Chap. IX. 5. The Nomination and Election of Grant: Dunning, Recon- struction, Chap. VIII ; Stanwood, History of the Presidency, Chap. XXIII ; Schouler, Vol. VII, pp. 123-128 ; Rhodes, Vol. VI, Chap. XXXIV. 448 The Civil War 6. The South under Negro Rule : Dunning, Reconstruction, Chaps. VII, XI, XIII, XIV; Burgess, Chap. XII; Schouler, Vol. VII, pp. 168-176 ; Rhodes, Vol. VI, Chap. XXXVII ; W. L. Flem- ing, Reconstruction in Alabama; J. W. Garner, Reconstruction in Mississippi ; H. A. Herbert, Why the Solid South' 7. Grant as President: Schouler, Vol. VII, Chaps. II, III; Rhodes, Vol. VI, Chap. XXXIX ; Dunning, Reconstruction, Chap. XVIII; M. Storey, Charles Sumner, Chaps. XXII-XXV. 8. The Disputed Election of 1876: Dunning, Reconstruction, Chaps. XIX-XXI; Rhodes, Vol. VII, Chaps. XLIII, XLIV ; Schouler, Vol. VII, pp. 301-355 ; Stanwood, Chap. XXV. PART YT THE NEW NATION CHAPTER XXVI ECONOMIC CHANGES, 1877-1897 The period from 1877 to 1897 was one of economic change and political readjustment. It witnessed the rapid expansion of business, the settlement of the West through The period the building of railroads and immigration, the 1877-1897 organization of trusts, the formation of labor unions and the use of boycotts and strikes, the rise and fall of the Populist party, and the failure of both State legislatures and Congress to regulate the new forms of industrial organization. The period closed with an alliance between business and politics, in which business controlled, and the Republican party, which came into possession of all branches of the government in 1897, publicly proclaimed itself the agent of business prosperity. The Centennial of the Declaration of Independence was celebrated at the beginning of this period by an exliibition which was the first revelation of the country's vast resources. The great Columbian Exposition held in Chicago in 1893 registered the wonderful industrial progr&ss that had been made in less than two decades. The Democratic party, which had lost control of the Federal government in 1860 through a factional split, recovered ground rapidly after the Civil War prequent and in the elections of 1874 regained control of political the House of Representatives. In fact, in <^^*"ses eight of the eleven Congresses convened between 1875 and 449 450 The New Nation 1897 the House had a Democratic majority, though in all but two of these Congresses the Senate was Republican. In four of the six presidential elections held during these years the party in power was defeated ; it was a period of political change and uncertainty. During the whole of Hayes's administration the House was Democratic and during the second half the Senate also was Democratic, so that even had he possessed the powers of leadership which he lacked he could not have put through any party legislation. His administration was concerned with questions relating to the resumption of specie payments, the refunding of the national debt, and the status of paper money and of silver in our currency. By the Refunding Acts of 1870 and 1871 the treasurer was authorized to buy up bonds bearing five, six, and seven Resumption ^^^ ^^^^ interest and to issue new bonds at four of specie and four and one half per cent. In 1869 an act payments ^£ Congress pledged the good faith of the United States to pay in coin "all obligations not otherwise redeem- able" and to redeem legal tender notes in specie "as soon as practicable." Finally, in 1875 Congress passed the Re- sumption Act, which directed the secretary of the treasury to begin the redemption of greenbacks in gold on the first of January, 1879. The agitation for the retention of the greenbacks as a permanent part of our currency had begun about 1868 and ^^ ^ ^ had made great headway in the West. The The demand ^ i i /^ i i • i for an in- Independent or Greenback party nommated flated candidates for the presidency in 1876, 1880, currency and 1884, but the advocates of an inflated currency finally united forces with those who favored the free coinage of silver. The ratio of 16 to 1 for the coinage of silver and gold had been fixed by law in 1834, but as silver was under- valued little or none was brought to the mint. As the silver dollar had been practically out of circulation for a generation Economic Changes 451 Congress in 1873 dropped it from the list of coins. This demonetization of silver, which attracted very little attention at the thne, was later referred to as "the crime of 1873." With the development of the silver mines of the West there arose a demand for the recoinage of silver, and in 1878 Congress passed over the president's veto the Bland-Alli- son Bill, which directed the secretary of the treas- ury to purchase from $2,000,000 to $4,000,000 worth of silver bullion each month and to coin it into standard silver dollars. Hayes had never been a real party leader; his nomination in t,, ^ ^„„ 1 ne cam- 1876 had been paignof due entirely to ^ ° considerations of "avail- ability." Though he had corrected many of the abuses of the Grant ad- ministration he had not gone far enough to sat- isfy the advanced advo- cates of civil service reform. He had thus antagonized both reformers and spoilsmen and his advocacy of the gold stand- ard had alienated other members of his party. There was therefore no serious thought of his renomination in 1880. The leading candidates in the Republican party were Grant and Blaine. On thirty-six ballots Grant led, but the deep-seated opposition to a third term prevented his nomina- tion. As there was little chance of Grant's supporters going over to Blaine the convention finally selected James A. James A. Garfield. 452 The New Nation Garfield of Ohio as the most available candidate. On the nomination of Senator Conkhng of New York, who was recognized as Grant's spokesman, Chester A. Arthur, who had been removed from the position of collector of the port of New York by President Hayes for pernicious political activity, was placed on the ticket as candidate for the vice- presidency, to the great dismay of the reform wing of the party. The Democrats nomi- nated as their candidate General Winfield Scott Hancock, a man of high character backed by a splendid military record during the Civil War. The campaign was sin- gularly devoid of real pohtical issues. The Democratic orators made undue use of "the crime of 1876," by which their party had been de- prived of the presidency. Shortly before the elec- tion the tariff question assumed unexpected importance. The Democratic platform had declared for a tariff "for revenue only," and General Hancock when accused of being a free trader tried to avoid the issue by declaring that the tariff was a local question. Garfield received 214 electoral votes to Hancock's 155, though his popular majority was less than 10,000 in a total of nearly 9,000,000 votes. In the selection of his cabinet Garfield tried to heal the breach in the Republican party ; the appointment of James Winfield S. Hancock. Economic Changes 453 G. Blaine as secretary of state and most of the other ap- pointments were made with this end in view. One of Conk- Hng's friends was appointed postmaster general, Death of but this failed to satisfy him, and when the presi- Garfield dent made his own choice for the collectorship at New York Conkling opposed the confirmation, and his colleagues, as an act of senatorial courtesy, held up the appointment. The president, however, refused to be dictated to by the New York senator, whereupon Conkling and his colleague, Thomas C. Piatt, resigned their seats and appealed to the New York legislature, then in session. They failed, how- ever, to secure vindication at the hands of that body and new senators were chosen for their places. The party was also divided on the question of prosecuting the frauds which had been discovered in the Post Office Department in connection with the "star routes, " as the stage coach routes in the West were designated. Some of the Republican leaders were involved and undertook to check the investigation. On July 2, 1881, less than four months after his inaugura- tion. President Garfield was shot in a railroad station in Washington by a disappointed office seeker who was prob- ably insane. He hovered between life and death for weeks, and finally died on September 19, in a cottage on the Jersey coast where he had been taken by the advice of his physicians. The presidency now devolved upon Arthur, who, contrary to general expectation, filled the oflftce with great credit to himself and with general satisfaction to the country. Arthur's administration was occupied with civil service reform and labor disputes. The circumstances surrounding the assassination of Garfield directed popular Arthur's ad- attention to the question of civil service reform, ministration Although President Arthur had been regarded as a spoilsman, he recommended to Congress the passage of an act creating the first Civil Service Commission and in 1883 signed this 454 The New Nation important measure. He also continued the prosecution of the "star route" frauds. In 1882 he vetoed the River and Harbor Bill, which had grown to unreasonable proportions. As a result of the high tariff rates established during the Civil War a surplus was accumulating in the treasury, and Congress undertook in 1882 a revision of the tariff. This revision was non-partisan, the House being Republican and the Senate equally divided, with two Independents holding the balance of power. The tariff was ''revised but not changed," both parties containing protectionists as well as advocates of tariff for revenue only. It was at about this time that organized labor Organized began to be a labor force in Ameri- can politics. The strike as a method of advancing the interest of the laboring man first came into general use in America about 1876 and 1877. The Knights of Labor, formed in 1869, was a secret organization including laborers of all trades. In 1881 the American Federation of Labor was organized on the basis of the trade union, but with the same general object of promoting the interests of laborers through State and national legislation. In 1884 the office of com- missioner of labor was created in the Department of the Interior. As the two dominant political parties were now nearly equal in strength the attitude of the laboring classes, Chester A. Aiithur. Economic Changes 455 especially of the foreign born who made up such a large proportion of the ranks, became a question of vital im- portance. The Republican National Convention met in Chicago early in June, 1884, and nominated James G. Blaine for president and John A. Logan for vice-president, ^j^^ „ j^^ _ Blaine had come near winning the nomination in wump " 1876 and in 1880, and as he had been Garfield's ^^^^^P^'g" intimate friend and political adviser he now had additional strength. Outside of his own state, Maine, he had little strength in New England, but he had a large personal follow- ing throughout the rest of the country and his nomination created widespread enthusiasm. While there had been vague warnings that his nomination might alienate the reform element of the party, no one had accurately gauged the extent of the opposition. The announcement of Blaine's nomination was followed by a formidable revolt of prominent Republicans and party news- papers. The Independents were especially strong in New York, where the term " Mugwump" was first applied to them. The movement was led by such prominent Republicans as Carl Schurz, George William Curtis, and Henry Ward Beecher. The leading candidate for the Democratic nomination was Grover Cleveland, who had been elected governor of New York in 1882 by the unheard of majority of 192,000. He had carried out important reforms in that State notwith- standing the opposition of Tammany Hall, and it was known that his nomination would be acceptable to the Republican bolters. When the Democratic Convention met in Chicago early in July, Cleveland was nominated on the second ballot. The Mugwumps supported him and their support determined the issue. Although "purity in politics" was the watchword of the Independents, probably no campaign in American history has been fought so largely on personalities. Scandalous 456 The New Nation reports concerning the morals of the two candidates were circulated. Blaine made an open play for the foreign vote, Election of but an incident which occurred on the eve of the Cleveland election probably cost him the State of New York and the presidency. A clergyman, who headed a delegation which met him in New York as he was returning from a campaign tour, said in the course of his re- marks that the Demo- cratic party was the party of "rum, Roman- ism, and rebellion." The phrase was taken up by the press and erroneously attributed to Blaine. It cost him thousands of votes throughout the country and had the effect in New York of solidifying the Irish vote for Cleveland. Cleve- land had a majority of 37 votes in the Electoral College, but his popular majority in New York was only about 1100. A change of 600 votes would have given New York and the presidency to Blaine. Grover Cleveland was the first Democratic president in- augurated since Buchanan. Throughout the whole of his Grover first administration the Senate was Republican, Cleveland gQ j^ ^y^g impossible for the president and the Democratic House to carry out the pledges of the party platform. Cleveland was a man of great force of character and mdependence of judgment. Although he had had no Grover Clevel.\nd. Economic Chancres 457 ■^ft experience in national politics, he possessed qualities which quickly won him the confidence of the people. He always had the courage of his convictions ; during his first term he vetoed 260 private pension bills ; his vetoes were based on careful examinations, and the Grand Army of the Republic refused in 1887 to pass a resolution of censure. He also vetoed a River and Harbor Bill, which he considered an un- warranted raid on the pubhc treasury. Notwithstanding the sohcitations of the Democratic pohticians, he carried out a con- sistent pohcy- of civil service reform and by executive orders nearly doubled the number of those in the classified service. Cleveland's first administration witnessed the rapid development of the territory between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains. Most of the great trans- The growth continental railroads had by this time either by of the West construction or consolidation completed their lines to the Pa- cific. The railroads encouraged immigration and coloniza- tion ; they had lands to sell and wanted freight to haul ; they had to create communities in order to realize profits. The land laws of the United States, that is, the preemption, homestead, and timber laws, had been framed in the interest of the small landholder and no provision had been made for enterprises requiring large acreage. Railroad and lumber companies openly violated these laws and Cleveland under- took to correct frauds and abuses. He successfully ousted cattle companies which had fenced in pubUc lands and driven off "trespassers" with rifles. He also recovered lands which had been granted to railroads and forfeited by non-completion to the extent of 50,000,000 acres. - The Dawes Indian Act of 1887, by permitting Indians to hold land in severalty, was the first step in the process of making the Indian a citizen and breaking up the tribal organization. Shortly before the close of Cleveland's administration the Department of Agriculture was created with a seat in the cabinet. 458 The New Nation Railroad construction and the consolidation of lines had proceeded at such a rapid rate that the State legislatures Regulation found it impossible to cope with the new problems of railroads ^^^t were continually arising. Cut rates, re- bates, special privileges, and various forms of discrimination were becoming all too common. In the Granger Cases in 1877 the Supreme Court had held that the States had the right to establish rates by law even though these rates affected interstate commerce. In 1886, in the case of the Wabash Railroad v. Illinois, the Court reversed its opinion, holding that railroads were subject to regulation, but that such regulation where interstate rates were concerned was exclusively a Federal function. The next year Congress passed the Interstate Commerce Act creating a commission of five, no more than three of whom should belong to one party, vested with the power to investi- gate and prevent unfair discrimination in rates. The con- struction placed by the courts upon the act deprived the commission of some of the powers which Congress had in- tended to bestow upon it, and it was some years before the defects in the original act were remedied by further legisla- tion. The railroads were not disposed to recognize the quasi- public nature of their business and did everything they could to evade the law. A large part of the Civil War debt had been paid off and the rest funded in long term bonds. Most of the emergency Surplus and taxation of the Civil War period had been repealed, pensions ]y^i i\^q j^jg}^ tariff Continued to roll up a large sur- plus in the treasury and this surplus invited extravagance in appropriations. The annual River and Harbor Bill had grown to enormous proportions and both Arthur and Cleve- land had found it necessary to interpose the veto. The poUticians, however, discovered a new means of dis- posing of the surplus. The Grand Army of the Republic, originally a social and fraternal organization, now began a Economic Changes 459 systematic raid on the treasury and was soon converted into a powerful political machine. Pensions had been granted hitherto for disabiUties received in the service. In 1887 Congress passed a bill granting pensions for incapacity and dependence of every kind, and Cleveland promptly vetoed it. A bill of the same character was, however, passed under Hariigon in 1890, which in the course of ten years took out of the pubhc treasury $1,350,000,000. Pensions were later granted to all who had seen three months' service, so that during the next decade the appropriations were even larger, and they still continue. As the South, has paid its share of this enormous sum, which has been distributed mainly in the North and West, the pension system has had the effect of imposing on the South one of the heaviest war indemnities that any conquered people have ever been called to pay. The system has not only impoverished the South, but it has also won thousands of supporters for a high tariff. President Cleveland had other ideas as to the method of reducing the surplus. In his annual message of 1887 he gave almost his entire attention to the topic of The tariff tariff reform. In 1888 a tariff bill introduced becomes a from the Ways and Means Committee by Roger P^'^y^sue Q. Mills of Texas led to a great debate in the House. Al- though some of the Democratic leaders had urged Cleve- land against taking this step, when the issue was finally drawn he had the solid support of the Democratic party. The Republicans were equally united against the measure, and thus for the first time in more than twenty years the two great national parties were lined up on a definite, clear- cut issue. The bill passed the House of Representatives, but with the Republicans in control of the Senate it was not allowed to come to a vote in that body. President Cleveland had thus staked his political fortunes on a single issue. There was Httle doubt that he would again 460 The New Nation be the nominee of hjs party and it was generally expected that Blaine would a second time be his opponent. When Ti,»^»^ the Democratic convention assembled in St, Louis Ine cam- paign of in June Cleveland was nominated by acclamation with great enthusiasm ; Allen G. Thurman of Ohio was nominated with equal enthusiasm for the vice- presidency. The RepubUcan convention met in Chicago on June 19. In January Blaine had addressed a letter from Florence, Italy, to the chairman of the RepubUcan National Com- mittee, in which he declared that on account of "considera- tions entirely personal" he had decided not to permit his name to be presented to the convention. This letter was a bitter disappointment to his friends and poUtical followers ; many of them refused to accept it as a final declination of the nomination. A large number of candidates, however, at once entered the field, and when the convention met there was no indication as to who would win the honor. Benjamin Harrison of Indiana was finally nominated, with Levi P. Morton of New York for vice-president. During the campaign that followed the attention of the country was given to debates on the tariff. There was only Defeat of one incident that distracted attention from this Cleveland issue. About two weeks before the election a letter was made pubUc written by Lord Sackville-West, the British Minister at Washington, to Charles F. Murchison, a resident of CaUfornia, who had represented himself as a former British subject, now a naturaUzed American. He sought advice from the British minister as to how he should vote in the coming election. Lord Sackville-West replied that he thought Cleveland was more friendly to England than Harrison. The whole affair was a hoax ; Murchison was a fictitious name. The Republicans published the correspond- ence, with the intention of drawing the Irish vote from Cleveland. The president, however, promptly brought the Economic Changes 461 matter to the attention of the British government, and on the failure of Lord SaHsbury to take any action, Cleveland gave the British minister his passports. Although Cleveland received 100,000 more popular votes than Harrison, the latter had a majority of 65 in the electoral college. The most important measures of Harrison's administration were the Mclvinley Tariff Act, the Sherman An- Harrison's ti-Trust Act, administra- and the Sher- ^'°'' man Silver Purchase Act. Notwithstanding the fact that Cleveland had re- ceived more popular votes than Harrison, the Republicans regarded their victory as a repudi- ation of Cleveland's tariff policy and proceeded to pass a new act which em- phasized more than ever the doctrine of protec- tion. The McKinley Tariff of 1890 increased the amount of protection and at the same time reduced the revenue. Raw sugar was admitted free and a bounty of two cents a pound was granted to the American producer of sugar. This act contained two novel features : it author- ized the president to impose a duty on tin plate as soon as the American mills were ready to manufacture it ; and through the influence of Blaine, who was Harrison's sec- retary of state, a reciprocity provision was introduced whereby certain imports from Latin America were to be Benjamin Harrison. 462 The New Nation admitted at lower rates in return for favors granted to American goods. The question of controlling the larger corporations and trusts had been under discussion for several years. Al- The Sher- though drafted by Republicans the Sherman Anti- man Anti- Trust Act was not entirely a party measure. It rust ct declared illegal "every contract, combination in the form of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint of trade or commerce among the several States, or with foreign nations." The same Congress passed the Silver Purchase Act, directing the secretary of the treasury to purchase 4,500,000 ounces of silver each month and to issue in pay- ment thereof treasury notes redeemable in gold or silver at the discretion of the secretary of the treasury. At the same time Congress declared that it was tlie intention of the United States to maintain the two metals on a parity. On account of its large appropriations for pensions, river and harbor improvements, and other reckless expenditures this Congress became famous as the "BilHon Dollar" Congress. The solid Democratic South was a thorn in the side of the Republican party, and in the campaign of 1888 that party Disfran- pledged itself to the enforcement of the Fourteenth chisement and Fifteenth Amendments. In 1890 a Force Bill, o t e negro ^j^j^j^ placed the control of Southern elections in Federal hands, passed the House and was championed in the Senate by Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts. It was, however, defeated by a combination of Southern senators and Republican senators from the silver States of the West. This combination was destined to have an important in- fluence on national politics a few years later. Meanwhile, the growth of the Populist party in the South, dividing the whites, threatened to give the negroes the balance of power, and it became necessary to find some method of depriving the negro of the suffrage. In this significant movement Mississippi led the way. The new Economic Chansjes 463 '& State constitution of 1890 prescribed for all voters the pay- ment of a poll tax of two dollars by the first of February of the year in which the election was held, and abihty to read any section of the State constitution or to understand and interpret it when read. It further disquahfied from voting all those who had been convicted of "bribery, burglary, theft, arson, obtaining money or goods under false pretenses, per- jury, embezzlement or bigamy, " offenses which were common among the negroes. While these requirements excluded a large percentage of negro voters, they also excluded quite a large number of whites. In order to meet this difficulty the Louisiana constitution of 1897 adopted the famous "grandfather clause," which provided that no male person who was entitled to vote on January 1, 1867, and no son or grand- " grand- son of any such person over twenty-one years father ^ of age at the time of the adoption of the new constitution should be denied the right to vote by reason of his failure to possess the necessary educational or property qualifications. This clause restored to the electorate the poor and illiterate whites who would otherwise have been excluded. This, or some similar device for disfranchising the negro, was adopted within a few years by most of the Southern States. The grandfather clause was, however, of only temporary duration, that is to say, voters could reg- ister under it prior to a certain date. After the date men- tioned new appHcants for registration had to meet the educa- tional or property test. Several cases designed to test the validity of the new South- ern constitutions were carried to the Supreme Court of the United States, but the Court turned them down on technical grounds and failed to pass on the merits of the question. The new Oklahoma constitution of 1910, however, undertook to make the grandfather clause of permanent duration. In a decision handed down June 21, 1915, the Supreme Court 464 The New Nation held that the exemption from the literacy test of persons who voted in 1866 and their descendants was contrary to the Fifteenth Amendment, as it perpetuated the conditions which that amendment was intended to destroy. The effect of the new Southern constitutions has been to ehminate the negro from politics. During the days of The new reconstruction and for some years afterwards he South -yyas deprived of political power through intim- idation, fraud, and bribery. The necessary resort to such measures lowered the political morale of the South and created unfortunate conditions in many of the Southern States. The present method, although an evasion of the Fifteenth Amendment, is effective and renders unnecessary a resort to fraud and intimidation. Under the new con- stitution of Mississippi only 8615 out of 147,000 negroes of voting age were registered ; in Louisiana the number of negro voters fell from 127,000 in 1896 to 5300 in 1900. In 1900 there were over 350,000 adult male negroes in South Carolina and Mississippi, yet the total Republican vote in both these States was only 5433, of whom probably 2000 were whites. It thus appears that about 99 of every 100 negroes failed to vote. The North has to a large extent acquiesced in this result. This attitude of mind has been brought about, partly by the realization that the bestowal of unlimited suffrage upon the negro was a stupendous error, and partly by the develop- ment of the industrial South with the aid of Northern capital. During the last thirty years industries which were undreamed of in the days of cotton and slavery have been developed with amazing rapidity. With the production of timber, coal, iron, and the manufacture of cotton the South has entered upon an era of industrialism, which has given rise to problems that do not differ essen- tially from those that claim the attention of other parts of the country. Economic Changes 465 In 1876 Colorado was admitted to the Union ; no other State was admitted until 1889. Before the expiration of Cleveland's term the Democrats passed, and the Theadmis- president signed, a bill admitting North Dakota, sionofnew South Dakota, Montana, and Washington. As ^^*^^ these States were likely to be Republican, the Democrats had not been disposed to admit them, but after the election of 1888, when it became evident that the Repubhcans would control all branches of the national government, the Dem- ocrats had no reason for further delay and admitted these States. Idaho and Wyoming were not included in the bill, but they were admitted by the Republicans in 1890. The Republicans, on the other hand, prevented Arizona and New • Mexico from coming in in 1889 and 1890 because they would naturally be Democratic. They were not admitted until 1912. Utah presented quite a different case. That territory had acquired a large population and attained a high degree of prosperity by 1850, but hostility to the Mormons on account of the existence of polygamy kept Utah from being admitted until 1896. With the admission of Idaho and Wyoming there was for the first time a continuous belt of States from the Atlantic to the Pacific. The frontier had at last disap- peared ; most of the public land that was suitable for cultiva- tion had been occupied. If the population of the West was to continue to increase, irrigation and more intensive methods of cultivation must be introduced. As a nation we had been lavish and wasteful in the use of natural resources and the necessity for conserving these resources had not been apparent. The rapid settlement of the West had been unduly stimu- lated by the railroads. The Western farmer operated on borrowed capital. As long as the rainfall was suf- ^j^^ ^.j^^ ficient crops were good and he was able to pay the of the interest on his mortgages. In 1889 the rainfall was ^op^^'^^s decidedly below the normal and crops failed over large areas, 466 The New Nation causing widespread dissatisfaction. The farmer felt that the government was run in the interests of Eastern merchants and manufacturers. There was httle difRcuity in convincing him that the McKinley Tariff had been framed in the inter- est of the capitahstic classes. In the 80's the Farmers' Alliance had become a national organization superseding the Granger movement of the 70's. In December, 1889, the Farmers' Alliance held a national convention at St. Louis and took the first step in the organiza- tion of the People's party. The leaders of the movement, convinced of the hopeless conservatism of the two older parties, hoped to combine in one radical party organized labor and organized agriculture. The labor leaders regarded the new movement with favor, though as the event proved the new party did not succeed in winning the undivided labor vote. The decline in agricultural prices and the increasing cost of manufactured articles created a demand in the West and South for cheaper money, and the demand for the free coinage of silver, stimulated by the mining interests of the West, became one of the chief tenets of the new party. In the congressional elections of 1890 the Republicans lost control of the House. In many of the Western States there was a combination of Democrats and Farmers' Alli- ance men, and in the new House there were 236 Democrats, 8 Populists, and only 88 Republicans. The Republicans retained control of the Senate by a narrow margin. Harrison and Cleveland were again the candidates in 1892. David B. Hill had been elected governor of New York in Ti,»^o™ 1888 although the electoral vote of the State had 1 he cam- ° paignof gone to Harrison, and it was openly charged that ^ ^^ Hill had betrayed Cleveland through a combina- tion with the Republicans in order to secure his own election as governor. In February, 1892, Hill, who through Tam- many Hall controlled the New York organization, held a "snap convention" and secured a delegation pledged to his Economic Changes 467 support against Cleveland. When the Democratic conven- tion met in Chicago, however, on June 21, Cleveland was nominated on the first ballot. The Republican convention had met at Minneapolis two weeks earlier and renominated Harrison. Harrison had not grown in popularity either with the politicians or with the rank and file of his party and there had been a widespread demand for Blaine. But the latter, who was in bad health, had written a letter announcing that he was not a candidate. Three days before the meeting of the convention he threw the party into a state of bewilderment by suddenly resigning the position of secretary of state. It was known that his relations with the president were strained and his resigna- tion, without any accompanying explanation, was taken by many as an indication that he had changed his mind about the nomination. No explanation of his action has ever been given. Harrison was nominated on the first ballot, though Blaine received 182 votes. Cleveland and Harrison were both conservatives and the platforms on which they ran agreed in making the tariff the main issue of the campaign. The People's party, There- which met in convention at Omaha, July 2, boldly election of denounced what was termed "a sham battle over ^^^^° the tariff, " and put forth one of the most radical and signifi- cant platforms ever placed before the American people ; it contained most of the important reforms which were the subject of political agitation for the next twenty-five years. Among other things it advocated the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, a graduated income tax, postal savings banks, government ownership of telegraph and telephone lines, the Australian ballot, the restriction of immigration, an eight hour day on all government work, the initiative and referendum, and the election of United States Senators by direct vote of the people. The contest between the two older parties centered about 468 The New Nation the tariff. The McKinley Bill had reduced the revenue and caused a rise in prices ; the Republicans were on the defensive and the Democratic party posed as the champion of the consumer. The result of the election was a surprise to everybody. Cleveland carried not only the solid South and all the doubtful States by large majorities, but he also carried the Republican strongholds of Illinois, Wisconsin, and California. One of the surprises of the election was that General James B. Weaver, the Populist candidate, received over 1,000,000 popular votes and the electoral votes of five States, Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Nevada, and North Dakota, as well as one of the three votes of Oregon. With the inauguration of Cleveland the Democratic party came into full control of the government for the first The panic of time since 1860, but it was called upon unex- 1^93 pectedly to face the most serious financial crisis in the history of the country. For fourteen years the country had enjoyed uninterrupted prosperity. Financial disturbances abroad, beginning with the failure of Baring Brothers, had before the close of Harrison's administration started a heavy exportation of gold, the stock of which in the treasury had already been considerably reduced through the operation of the McKinley Tariff and the expenditures for pensions and river and harbor improvements. Meanwhile the operation of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act had greatly increased the amount of credit money. Furthermore, there had been overspeculation and inflation of values. When Cleveland came into office the gold reserve in the treasury, on which the value of silver and paper money depended, was rapidly dwindling. Neither party had ex- pressed itself unequivocally on the silver issue, but Mr. Cleveland was outspoken in his support of the gold standard and, summoning Congress to meet in extra session in August, he urged the immediate repeal of the Sherman Act. The House promptly repealed the act but the Senate debated Economic Changes 469 the matter until the last of October, when the repeal was carried through that body with the aid of Republican Senators. With the Democratic party badly split on the financial question the regular session of Congress in December under- took to enact a new tariff law. A bill framed by The Wilson William L. Wilson and embodying the views of Tariff Act tariff reform which had been advocated by the Democrats during the recent campaign was successfully put through the House. This measure placed a number of raw materials on the free list, reduced duties upon manufactured goods, substituted ad valorem for specific duties in a large number of cases, and in order to supplement the reduced revenue from the tariff imposed a two per cent tax on all incomes in excess of $4000. The bill was badly mutilated in the Senate, where the Republicans, with the aid of a group of Democratic Senators headed by Arthur P. Gorman, succeeded in striking coal, iron ore, and sugar from the free list. President Cleveland was so chagrined at the failure of a Democratic Senate to carry out the party pledges that he permitted the bill to ])e- come a law without his signature. A few months later the Supreme Court of the United States declared the income tax unconstitutional by a vote of five to four, one of the justices who was understood to favor the tax having unexpectedly changed his mind. The failure of banks, the closing of factories, and the general business depression that ensued from the financial crisis threw hundreds of thousands of workmen Labor out of employment and produced during the troubles winter of 1893-1894 the most serious labor disturbances that the country had ever witnessed. Mobs of the unemployed threatened to coerce city councils and State legislatiu'es, while a widely advertised band known as "Coxey's Army" was organized in the far West and marched to Washington 470 The New Nation for the purpose of demanding relief from the Federal govern- ment. In June, 1894, the members of the American Railway Union entered upon a sympathetic strike to aid the em- ployees of the Pullman Car Company and refused to op- erate trains to which Pullman Cars were attached. As serious rioting occurred in Chicago and the city and State authorities seemed unable to control the mob. President Cleveland promptly ordered United States troops to Chicago to prevent interference with the mails. Against this action Governor Altgeld of Illinois vigorously protested on the ground that the national government had no right to send troops into the State to preserve order unless he requested them. Meanwhile, a Federal judge had issued an injunction order- ing the members of the American Railway Union to refrain from interfering with the operation of certain designated railroads. Eugene V. Debs ignored the injunction and was arrested and imprisoned for contempt of court. This use of the injunction, which was frequently resorted to later by other Federal judges, became one of the principal griev- ances of the Labor party. The Democratic party was now hopelessly divided on the question of finance. The president had driven the advocates Thesniitin ^^ ^^^^ silver into close alliance with the Populists, the Demo- He had antagonized organized labor.. Business cratic party figpression was attributed by the advocates of free silver in the South and West to the president's maintenance of the gold standard and by the Republicans of the East to the Wilson tariff. The failure of the Supreme Court to up- hold the income tax helped to increase the deficit in the treasury. In the congressional elections of 1894 the Repub- licans secured control of both House and Senate. President Cleveland had apparently been repudiated by the country as well as by his own party. His further efforts to maintain Economic Changes 471 the gold standard through the sale of bonds and the agree- ment made in February, 1895, with J. P. Morgan to protect the gold reserve in the treasury against further raids, caused him to be denounced in the harshest possible terms by the silver wing of his party. In 1892 the Democratic and Republican parties had both tried to dodge the silver issue. In the preconvention cam- paign of 1896 the Repubhcans again tried to avoid The silver committing themselves on this issue. Their princi- 's^"® pal candidate, William McKinley of Ohio, had openly advo- cated free silver, but as he was also the author of the tariff bill of 1890 and as the Republicans in- tended to make the tariff the main issue of the campaign, he seemed to be the strongest candi- date. His campaign for the nomination was man- aged by Marcus A. Hanna, a successful busi- ness man of Cleveland, who now introduced ef- fective business methods into politics. During the preceding winter Hanna had gone South and through the free use of money among the negroes had secured for McKinley the Southern delegates to the Republican convention. He did his work so thoroughly and systematically that when the convention met at St. Louis, June 16, the nomination of McKinley was secured on the first ballot. The question of the platform was not so easily decided. The advocates of William Jennings Bryan. 472 The New Nation the gold standard finally prevailed and thirty-four silver Republicans withdrew from the convention. The Democratic party met in Chicago early in July. No candidate had the lead and the attention of the whole coun- try was centered on the question as to whether the convention would pronounce in favor of free silver or not. The Silverites controlled from the start and the platform demanded "the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1 without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation." In the debate on the silver plank William J. Bryan of Nebraska captivated the convention by a brilliant speech Nomination in advocacy of free silver, closing with the now of Bryan famous words : "You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns ; you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold." He was nominated on the fifth ballot. At this time he was only thirty-six years of age and, although he had been a member of Congress, his name was unknown in the East. The Populists met in St. Louis a few days later and indorsed Bryan. This fusion with the Democrats was the deathblow to the People's party, which had been launched under such favorable auspices in 1892. The Gold Democrats repudiated Bryan and placed a second ticket in the field with John M. Palmer of Illinois as their candidate for president and Simon B. Buckner of Kentucky for vice-president. Bryan, a young and vigorous speaker, introduced a new method of campaigning. He traveled all over the country preaching the gospel of free silver to hun- dreds of thousands of his fellow citizens. McKinley, on the other hand, remained quietly at his home at Canton, Ohio, receiving delegates on his front porch. The election but leaving the conduct of the campaign to his of McKinley friend Hanna. Old political lines seemed to have disappeared ; the old parties were, for the time being, re- placed by a gold party and a silver party. Hanna succeeded The Dingley Tariff and Economic Changes 473 in firmly cementing the alliance between business and the Republicans, and McKinley, who was loudly proclaimed "as the advance agent of prosperity," was elected. Bryan carried the solid .South and a number of States in the West, but all the States north of the Potomac and east of the Mississippi went for McKinley. The vote was the heaviest that had ever been cast ; Bryan received 6,500,000 and McKinley over 7,000,000 votes. Shortly after the inauguration of ]\IcKinley, Congress was convened in extra session and enacted the Dingley Tariff, which was signed July 24, 1897. The duties imposed by this measure were higher than those of the McKinley bill. As an excuse for these ^^^ so^d excessive rates the act authorized the president to negotiate reciprocity treaties with foreign nations, by which it was claimed that many of the duties would be lowered. A number of such treaties were negotiated by John A. Kasson and submitted by the president to the Senate, but that body failed to ratify them. Before the next presidential election the Gold Standard Act was put through Congress by the Republicans, com- mitting them unequivocally to the policy of maintaining a sufficient gold reserve in the treasury to keep the country on a gold basis. The alliance between the Republican party and big business was thus firmly cemented, and the Spanish War with the new cjuestions that it raised obscured for several years the radical tendencies that had come to light in the campaigns of 1892 and 1896. TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. Financial Readjustment after the Civil War: E. E. Sparks, National Development, pp. 137-147 ; F. L. Paxson, The New Na- tion, Chaps. II, IV, V; D. R. Dewey, Financial History of the United States, Chap. XV. 2. Civil Service Reform : Sparks, Chaps. X, XII ; D. R. Dewey, 474 The New Nation National Problems, Chap. II ; E. B. Andrews, The United States in Our Own Time, Chap. IX. 3. The Election of Cleveland in 1884: Sparks, Chap. XIX; Paxson, Chap. VIII ; Andrews, Chap. XVII ; Stanwood, History of the Presidency, Chap. XXVII. 4. The Far "West: Paxson, Chap. IX; Sparks, Chap. XV; Dewey, National Problems, Chap. I. 5. The New South : Paxson, Chap. XII ; Sparks, Chaps. VI, VIII ; Dewey, National Problems, Chap. X ; Andrews, Chap. XXV ; P. A. Bruce, Rise of the New South. 6. The Tariff Issue : Dewey, National Problems, Chaps. IV, VIII, XI, XVII, Financial History, Chaps. XVIII-XX ; F. W. Taussig, Tariff History of the United States, Part II, Chaps. II-VII. 7. The Trusts : Dewey, National Problems, Chap. XII ; Pax- son, Chap. X ; E. L. Bogart, Economic History of the United States, Chap. XXVII. 8. The Rise of the Populists : Paxson, Chaps. XI, XIII ; C. A. Beard, Contemporary American History, Chap. VI; Stanwood, History of the Presidency, pp. 508-518. 9. Financial Depression and Labor Disturbances : Dewey, A'^a- tional Problems, Chaps. XVI, XVIII ; Andrews, Chap. XXIV. 10. The Silver Question : Dewey, Financial History, Chaps. XVII, XIX, National Problems, Chaps. XIV, XX ; Paxson, Chap. XIV; Andrews, Chap. XXVI; Beard, Chap. VII; Stanwood, Chap. XXXI. \ CHAPTER XXVII FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1865-1897 The Civil War left standing two serious disputes with foreign powers, the one with France over the presence of her troops in Mexico and the other with England over the "Alabama Claims." As the Civil War drew to of the a successful conclusion Secretary Seward's pro- French from . , . . Mexico tests against the contniued intervention 01 i* ranee in Mexico became more and more emphatic. Finally in December, 1865, he declared to France that friendly rela- tions would be seriously jeopardized by a continuance of her Mexican policy and a little later he demanded to know when the military occupation would come to an end. The Emperor Louis Napoleon finally decided that he could not risk a war with the United States and on April 5, 1866, announced that the French troops would evacuate Mexico in three detachments, covering a period of eighteen months. When the time came for the first detachment to withdraw, no action was taken, but Napoleon explained to the United States that he had decided to withdraw all his troops in a body the following spring. The success of Prussia in the Austrian War of 1866 was a serious blow to Napoleon's prestige and in order to prepare for the conflict with that power, which he now regarded as inevitable, he decided to leave Maximilian to his fate. That unhappy prince was soon overthrown by Juarez and summarily shot. When the United States first demanded reparation for the damage inflicted on American commerce by the Alabama and other Confederate cruisers the British government dis- 475 476 The New Nation claimed all liability on the ground that the fitting out of the cruisers had not been completed within British jurisdic- " The tion. Even after the close of the war the British Alabama government continued to reject all proposals for a ^™^ settlement. The American nation, flushed with victory, was bent on redress and so deep-seated was the re- sentment against England that the Fenian movement, which had for its object the establishment of an independent re- public in Ireland, met with open encouragement in this country. In 1866 several thousand Irishmen undertook to invade Canada from the United States, and were driven back by the Canadian authorities. At the same time numbers of Irishmen who had been naturalized in this country returned to their native land and conspired against England. Many of them were arrested and the American government felt called upon to ask for their release. The House of Repre- sentatives encouraged the Fenian movement to the extent of repealing the law forbidding Americans to fit out ships for belligerents, but the Senate failed to concur. The successful war waged by Prussia against Austria in 1866 disturbed the European balance and rumblings of the ^^ approaching Franco-Prussian war caused un- Th,6 Johnson- easiness in British cabinet circles. Fearing that Clarendon if Great Britain were drawn into the conflict the convention . i • i i American people might take a sweet revenge by fitting out "Alabamas" for her enemies, the British govern- ment assumed a more conciliatory attitude and in January, 1869, Lord Clarendon signed with Reverdy Johnson, who had succeeded Adams as minister to England, a convention pro- viding for the submission to a mixed commission of all claims which had arisen since 1853. Though the convention in- cluded, it did not specifically mention the "Alabama Claims," and it failed to contain any expression of regret for the course pursued by the British government during the war. The Senate therefore refused by an almost unanimous vote to Foreign Relations, 1865-1897 477 ratify the arrangement, much to the disappointment of Secretary Seward, who had hoped to settle this question be- fore leaving the State Department. Seward's successor, Hamilton Fish, renewed the negotia- tions through Motley, the American minister at London, but the latter was unduly influenced by the ex- xhe Treat treme views of Sumner, chairman of the Senate of Committee on Foreign Relations, to whose influ- Washington ence he owed his appointment, and got things in a bad tangle. Fish then transferred the negotiations to Washington, where a Joint High Commission appointed to settle the various disputes with Canada convened in February, 1871. The main obstacle in the way of a settlement was now the chair- man of the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate. Sumner insisted that England should pay damages not only for the property actually destroyed by the Confederate cruisers, but also indirect damages for the increased rates of insurance, for the loss sustained through the transfer of American shipping to foreign flags, and for the prolongation of- the war resulting from England's hasty recognition and subsequent encouragement of the Confederates. Realizing that the sinn total of these claims would be too vast even for England to pay, he suggested that the least she could do would be to withdraw from this hemisphere, leaving Canada and her West Indian possessions to be annexed by the United States. President Grant had now lost all patience with Sumner, who had violently opposed his pet scheme for the annexation of Santo Domingo, and when the Senate con- vened in March, 1871, Sumner was dropped from the Com- mittee on Foreign Relations, Motley was recalled from Lon- don, and on May 8 the treaty of Washington was signed. Besides providing for the settlement of questions that had arisen with Canada in regard to commerce, navigation, inshore fisheries, and the northwest boundary, the treaty of Washing- ton provided for submitting the "Alabama Claims" to an 478 The New Nation arbitration tribunal composed of five members, one ap- pointed by England, one by the United States, and the The Geneva other three by the rulers of Italy, Switzerland, arbitration ^^^1 Brazil. When this tribunal met at Geneva the following year the United States, greatly to the surprise of everybody, presented the indirect claims as well as the direct, and Great Britain threatened to withdraw. Ch'arles Francis Adams, the American member of the tri- bimal, rose to the occasion, however, and decided against the contention of his own government. The indirect claims were rejected by unanimous vote and on the direct claims the United States was awarded the sum of $15,500,000. Al- though the British member of the tribunal dissented from this decision, his government promptly paid the award. This was the most important case that had ever been sub- mitted to arbitration and its successful adjustment encour- aged the hope that the two great branches of the English speaking people would never again have to resort to war. The purchase of Alaska from Russia in 1867 was one of the most important achievements of Seward's secretaryship The our- ^^ state. It came as a great surprise to the public, chase of There was no demand for this frozen zone and the Alaska ^^^^ ^^^^ j^ would ever be of any value was openly ridiculed. But Seward was the greatest of all American ex- pansionists. As early as 1846 he declared that our popula- tion was destined "to roll its resistless waves to the icy barriers of the North, and to encounter oriental civilization on the shores of the Pacific." He also believed that we would expand to the South and predicted that the city of Mexico would be "the ultimate central seat of power of the North American people." When, therefore, he learned in 1867 that Russia was willing to sell her American possessions he was quick to open negotiations. The price finally agreed upon between him and Baron Stoeckl, the Russian minister, was $7,200,000. The Foreign Relations, 1865-1897 479 '& treaty was promptly ratified by the Senate with only two dis- senting votes and proclaimed June 20, 1867. The House, which was bitterly hostile to the administration, did not so readily consent to vote the appropriation, but finally did so the following year. It was charged at the time, and later in- vestigations seem to confirm the charge, that a part of the purchase money was used in bribing members of Congress to vote for the appropriation. The United States thus secured for a trifling sum a vast area of nearly 600,000 square miles immensely rich in unsuspected minerals. From the fur seals alone the government has received double the amount of the purchase price. The experience of the navy during the Civil War demon- strated the importance of securing coaling stations and naval bases in the West Indies. The Danish Islands of St. Thomas, St. John, and Santa Cruz had been Se^pur-' a favorite resort for the war vessels of the United chase of the States, most of the other West Indian Islands ■y/e'sHndies being favorably disposed to the Confederates. In December, 1805, Secretary Seward started on a cruise for his health, in the course of which he visited St. Thomas and also Santo Domingo. On his return he immediately opened negotiations with the Danish minister, who was authorized to sell the Danish group for $15,000,000. Seward thought this too much, but the following year a treaty was signed at Copenhagen by which Denmark agreed to sell two of the islands, St. Thomas and St. John, for $7,500,000, provided the inhabitants should agree to the transfer. In January, 1868, a popular vote was taken, and the in- habitants, most of whom were English speaking, expressed themselves almost unanimously in favor of American annex- ation. The Danish Rigsdag ratified the treaty, but after a delay of several months the Foreign Relations Committee of the United States Senate reported unanimously against it and the matter was dropped. 480 The New Nation In 1867 Seward sent Admiral Porter and the assistant secretary of state to Santo Domingo "with authority to nego- tiate for the purchase of Samana bay and penin- to annex ^ sula. The failure of the Danish treaty, however, Santo rendered the success of this scheme unlikely and omingo ^j^^ House put an end to Seward's negotiations by overwhelmingly voting down a resolution favoring the ad- mission of Santo Domingo as a territory with the consent of the inhabitants. General Grant, however, took the matter up shortly after the beginning of his administration and sent his secretary. Colonel Babcock, to Samana bay to report on its suitability for a coaling station. The president of Santo Domingo, finding it difficult to maintain himself in power, expressed his willingness to open negotiations for annexation and Colonel Babcock, although without diplomatic authority of any kind, promptly signed a treaty which he carried back with him to Washington. The cabinet received the treaty in silent amazement and Secretary Fish spoke of resigning, but Grant urged him not to do so. The president finally sent the treaty to the Senate, where through the influence of Sumner it was defeated, the vote being a tie when two thirds was necessary for ratification. In his message of December 5, 1870, the President again urged the importance of acquiring Santo Domingo, and Congress finally agreed to send a commission to between the island. The report of this commission was Sumner and favorable, but it was impossible to get either a treaty or a joint resolution through Congress. Sumner's speech against the scheme, w'hich he ostentatiously named "Naboth's Vineyard," greatly angered Grant and was followed by the removal of Sumner from the chairmanship of the Committee on Foreign Relations and the recall of his friend Motley from London. The connection of this incident with the settlement of the '^Alabama Claims" has already been discussed under that topic. Foreign Relations, 1865-1897 481 With the rapid increase of immigration during the two decades preceding the Civil War a number of cases of conflict arose between the American doctrine of expatria- Expatriation tion and the European doctrine of perpetual alle- and natural- giance. In 1868 Congress passed an act declaring '^^*^°° that the right of expatriation was "a natural and inherent right of all people, indispensable to the enjoyment of the rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," and di- recting that naturalized citizens of the United States should receive abroad the same protection that was afforded to na- tive citizens under the same circumstances. During the same year George Bancroft negotiated a treaty with the North German Confederation, which recognized the full effects of naturalization after a residence of five years in the country of adoption. During the next four years similar treaties were negotiated with other German states and with Great Britain, Belgium, Norway and Sweden, Austria-Hun- g'ary, Denmark, and Ecuador. But troul)les soon arose with those countries which re- quired universal military service over the case of young men who emigrated to America shortly before reaching the mili- tary age and later visited the country of their l)irth. In these controversies the United States found it impossible to uphold the doctrine that naturalization released a man from all ob- ligations to his former sovereign when he voluntarily placed himself again within the jurisdiction of his native state. The moral force of the American doctrine was further weakened by the acts of 1870 and 1875 restricting naturalization to "white" persons and persons of "African" nativity or de- scent. Under these laws Japanese, Chinese, and members of other races, not "white" or "African," have been excluded from American citizenship and thus denied the right to change their allegiance. Immigration to the United States prior to the Civil War reached its high tide in 1854 when 427,833 foreigners reached 482 The New Nation our shores. The numbers fell off greatly during the Civil War and it was 1873 before the figure of 1854 was again reached. There was a sudden rise in 1880 and by 1882 the number of immigrants reached 788,992, a figure not equaled again for twenty-one years. The stream of immigration usually flows to the relatively prosperous country and its volume is a fair gauge of economic and in- dustrial conditions. The financial crisis of 1893 and the suc- ceeding years of depression caused a drop by 1898 to 229,299. Prior to 1880 three fourths of all persons who migrated to America came from the Celtic and Teutonic countries Efforts to ^^ northern and western Europe, mostly from the restrict im- United Kingdom and Germany. About 1880 the migration numbers from southern and eastern Europe began to increase and soon assumed formidable proportions. Owing to differences of race, religion, and standards of living, the new groups of immigrants were less easily assimilated than the old and tended to congregate in the slums of the larger cities, giving rise to problems that were new to Ameri- can experience. The restriction of immigration by legislation presents many practical difficulties. The first restrictive acts were directed against the Chinese, but in 1885 Congress prohibited the importation of laborers imder contract, and various other acts have excluded convicts, prostitutes, lunatics, idiots, paupers, potygamists, and persons suffering from conta- gious diseases. In 1897 an act establishing a literacy test passed both houses of Congress, but was vetoed by Presi- dent Cleveland. With the American occupation of California Chinese la- borers were welcomed to our shores and they played a great Chinese part in the development of the coast States, par- exclusion ticularly in building the Pacific railroads. The trade in coolies, a form of peonage, was prohibited by act of Congress in 1862. By 1880 the opposition to the Chinese on Foreign Relations, 1865-1897 483 account of their lower standards of living was general among the other laboring classes of the United States, and a com- mission was sent to China to arrange for the restriction of Chinese immigration. The result was the treaty of 1880, by the terms of which the government of China consented to the exclusion of laborers, provided that teachers, students, merchants, and travelers should be allowed to come and go of their own free will, and that return certificates should be issued to laborers already in the United States for the purpose of allowing them to visit China. In 1882 Congress passed an act excluding Chinese laborers for a period of ten years. The alleged fraudulent transference of the return certifi- cates to new immigrants led Congress to suspend the privilege by the act of October 1, 1888, a measure which was not only harsh, but in violation of the treaty of 1880. In 1892 Con- gress passed an act extending all laws against the admission of Chinese for another period of ten years and requiring all those within the limits of the United States to procure within a year from the collectors of internal revenue certificates of residence, under penalty of deportation. In 1894 China again consented to the exclusion of laborers, provided return certificates should be issued to any laborer wishing to visit China who had a wife, child, or parent in the United States, or property therein of the value of one thousand dollars. The Chinese exclusion laws have been administered with undue severity, and overzealous officials have too frequently subjected Chinese gentlemen of culture and refinement to unnecessary hardships and indignities. The Civil War diverted attention from the project of digging the isthmian canal contemplated by the Clayton- Bulwer treaty, and the construction of the Union Pacific Railroad rendered the enterprise for the attempt to time being of secondary importance. Attention dig a canal was, however, suddenly drawn to the subject in 1878 by Colombia's concession of a right of way through 484 The New Nation Panama to a French company under the presidency of Ferdi- nand de Lesseps, the builder of the Su^z canal. The pros- pect of the speedy construction of a canal under French control led to a sudden and radical change of policy on the part of the United States. In a special message to Congress March 8, 1880, President Hayes declared that any canal connectmg the Atlantic and Pacific oceans would be "virtu- ally a part of the coast-line of the United States," and must be under American control. Garfield expressed approval in his inaugural address of the policy of his predecessor, and Secretary Blaine soon began his famous correspondence with the British gov- ^^d^^ The ernment for the purpose of securing modifications Clayton- of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. His argument ^eaT^"^ that the United States had outgrown the treaty, and the declaration of his successor, Mr. Freling- huysen, that it was really voidable at the pleasure of the United States, made little impression on the British govern- ment, which simply announced the intention of adhering to its rights under the treaty. President Cleveland reverted in 1885 to the policy outlined in the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, and Mr. Olney declared in 1896 that the only way to modify the stipulations of 1850 was through a direct appeal to Great Britain for a reconsideration of the whole matter. Mean- while the failure of the French enterprise postponed the con- struction of the canal until after the Spanish War. During Blaine's short tenure of the office of secretary of state in 1881 he undertook to extend the influence of the Latin- United States in Central and South America by American sending out a general invitation to a conference relations ^^ |^g j^^^^l ^j^^ following year in Washington "for the purpose of considering and discussing methods of pre- venting war between the nations of America." The contin- uance of the war between Chile and Peru caused a postpone- ment of the plan, but in 1888 President Cleveland approved Foreign Relations, 1865-1897 485 an act of Congress providing for the International American Conference, which was held in Washington during the winter of 1889-1890. When the conference assembled Blaine was again secretary of state and presided over its opening session. The dele- gates declared that arbitration was "a principle of American international law/' and outlined a general plan for the settlement of various classes of inter- national disputes, which their governments, how- ever, failed to ratify. The conference resulted, nevertheless, in the organ- ization a few years later of the Bureau of Ameri- can Republics, now housed in a beautiful building in Washington, and in the decision to hold other conferences at convenient intervals. In 1891 the United States and Chile got into an ugly wran- Dispute with gle and were Chile brought to the verge of war over an attack on American sailors on shore leave at Valparaiso. President Balmaceda of Chile had tried to make himself dictator, but was over- thrown by the Congressional party, and some of his adherents sought refuge in the American legation, where they were harbored by minister Egan. The populace of Valparaiso re- sented the action of the American minister and was further aroused against the United States by the detention of the James G. Blaine. 486 The New Nation Itata, a vessel which left San Diego, Cahfornia, with a cargo of arms for the Congressionalists. The attack upon Ameri- can sailors, in which some of the crew of the Baltimore were killed, appeared, therefore, to be due to resentment against the official acts of their government. After considerable delay President Harrison had just laid the matter before Congress when a belated apology from Chile arrived and war was averted. The charge that the United States had inter- fered in behalf of one of the parties in a civil strife created an unfavorable impression throughout Latin America and counteracted to a considerable extent the good effects of the Washington conference. In 1891 the chief of police in New Orleans was murdered by members of a secret Italian organization known as the Mafia. When those accused of the murder were Italians at acquitted by the ]\iry, as a result, it was believed, JJ®^ of threats from other members of the society, they were seized by a mob and lynched. The State courts failed to convict any of the lynchers and the Italian government indignantly demanded redress. Secre- tary Blaine declared that the case came within the jurisdic- tion of the State courts and that the United States govern- ment had no right to interfere. In the case of some Chinamen who were killed by a mob in Colorado about this time a similar reply w^as made to the demands of the Chinese government. Blaine's position was really untenable in international law. The United States government is responsible to the outside world for all acts of American officials. State or national. As a mark of dis- pleasure Italy withdrew her minister from Washington, but Congress, while disclaiming all liability, finally voted an in- demnity to the families of the murdered Italian citizens as an act of favor. For more than a century after the independence of the United States was proclaimed the highest grade in the diplo- Foreign Relations, 1865-1897 487 matic service was that of minister. Ambassadors were sup- posed to represent the "person" of the sovereign rather than the state and it was not considered in accordance with democratic ideals to send or receive persons the dipio- of ambassadorial rank. The growing importance °^^*\'= service of the United States in international affairs and the repeated recommendations of -some of our representatives abroad led Congress in 1893 to authorize the higher grade, and Thomas F. Bayard was appointed as the first American ambassador to England. Our representatives to the prin- cipal European countries, to Mexico, Brazil, and Japan were subsequently raised to the new grade and the representatives of those countries to the United States were given correspond- ing rank. The change was made without increase of pay or allowance for the more expensive scale on which ambassadors are ex- pected to live, so that it has had the effect of restricting our highest diplomatic posts to men of large wealth. Notwith- standing this fact the change was probably inevitable and it has been on the whole beneficial. During Harrison's administration attention was drawn to American interests in the Pacific. In 1878 the United States had acquired a coaling station in the Samoan ^njerican islands, and in 1889 serious trouble with Germany interests in arose over the attempt of that power to control t^®^^"^*^ the government of the group. England also had interests there, and the dispute was adjusted by a treaty establishing a joint protectorate of the three powers over the islands. Early in the nineteenth century American missionaries and traders had gone to the Hawaiian Islands and their descendants, having groM'n wealthy and influential, favored annexation to the United States. In 1893 the American party with the connivance of the American minister and the aid of United States marines overthrew the reigning queen and established a provisional republic. A treaty providing 488 The New Nation for the annexation of the islands was soon signed and sub- mitted by President Harrison to the Senate. Before a vote on the treaty was taken President Cleveland came into office and a commission was sent to Hawaii to conduct an investi- gation. As a result the flag of the United States was hauled down and the marines withdrawn. The provisional govern- ment was strong enough, however, to prevent the restora- tion of the queen and in 1894 President Cleveland recog- nized the Republic of Hawaii. Annexation was, however, merely delayed until Dewey's victory in Manila Bay made it inevitable. During Cleveland's first administration the dispute with Canada over the interpretation of the treaty rights of Ameri- The Bering ^^^^ ^° engage in the inshore fisheries became Sea con- acute and a number of American vessels were troversy seized for alleged violation of the treaty. England and the United States were unable to arrive at a satisfactory settlement of this question, but it was temporarily adjusted and the main points reserved for future arbitration. About the same time the controversy over the right of Canadians to take seals in Bering Sea threatened serious trouble with England. The habits of the seal are interesting and peculiar. During the breeding season the herds occupy for a period of several months islands belonging to the United States. When the young are strong enough to put to sea the herds start on the long annual voyage out into the Pacific to return to the same breeding grounds at the proper season. The United States government could regulate the catching of seals by its own citizens both on the islands and at sea, but the question arose as to its right to prevent Canadians from taking seals beyond the three-mile limit. In other words, were the seals the property of the United States and did the American government have a right to protect them on the high seas? In 1886 some Canadian sealers were seized by the United States revenue cutters at a distance of Foreign Relations, 1865-1897 489 more than sixty miles from land and they were condemned by the district court at Sitka. President Cleveland, how- ever, ordered their release. The seal question was complicated by the dispute over the northeastern fisheries, and Great Britain was prevented by the state of feeling in Canada from coming to any The fur seal satisfactory agreement with the United States, arbitration At the beginning of Harrison's administration seizures of Canadian sealers were renewed and Secretary Blaine under- took to defend the action on the ground that the indiscrimi- nate killing of seals in the open sea was rapidly exterminat- ing the herds and was therefore contra bonos mores, and on the further ground that Russia had exercised exclusive rights in Bering Sea and that these rights had been ceded to the United States with Alaska. In 1892 a treaty was signed submitting the points at issue to arbitration. The tribunal which met in Paris the following year refused to recognize the claim of the United States to property right in the seals and declared that Bering Sea was a part of the high seas and not subject to the special jurisdic- tion of the United States. The arbitrators suggested, how- ever, certain regulations for the protection of the seals, which were put into effect by the two governments. These regula- tions proving inadequate, the seals were again threatened with extermination, and after lengthy negotiations the ques- tion was adjusted on a more satisfactory basis by the treaty of 1911, to which Russia and Japan as well as England were parties. As a result of Blaine's unsuccessful correspondence with England on the canal question the Monroe Doctrine had fallen into disrepute, when it was suddenly revived in a striking and sensational way by President Venezuelan Cleveland in the famous Venezuelan boundary con- boundary troversy. Venezuela had never been able to get England to agree on a boundary Une between her territory 490 The New Nation and British Guiana, and the British government had from time to time enlarged its claims. Venezuela repeatedly urged arbitration, but Great Britain refused to submit the question to third parties unless her claim to a large part of the disputed area was first recognized. The dispute had been going on for half a century and diplo- matic relations between the two countries had been severed when President Cleveland decided to take up the case for Venezuela. On July 20, 1895, Secretary Olney dispatched a note to the British government in which he reviewed the question at length, reciting the willingness of Venezuela to arbitrate and the refusal of Great Britain to do so. He claimed for the Monroe Doctrine a place in the code of in- ternational law as an American statement of the well-recog- nized right of a state to intervene in a dispute between other states when it considers its interests affected. He concluded by asserting that the United States regarded the controversy as one in which both its honor and its interests were involved. To this dispatch Lord Salisbury replied at length, refuting Mr. Olney's arguments and denying that the Monroe Doc- trine was a principle of international law. In a vigorous message of December 17, 1895, President Cleveland laid the correspondence before Congress, stating even more emphatically the interpretation of the President x- ^ i- cieveiand Monroe Doctrine advanced in Mr. Olney's dis- appeais to patch and asking for an appropriation for the ex- penses of a commission, to be appointed by the president, which should make the necessary investigation and report upon the true boundary with the least possible delay. "When such report is made and accepted," he con- tinued, "it will, in my opinion, be the duty of the United States to resist by every means in its power, as a willful aggression upon its rights and interests, the appropriation by Great Britain of any lands or the exercise of governmental jurisdiction over any territory which after investigation Foreign Relations, 1865-1897 491 we have determined of right belongs to Venezuela." Lest there should be doubt as to his meaning he added, " In making these recommendations I am fully alive to the responsibility incurred and keenly realize all the consequences that may follow." The public on both sides of the Atlantic was amazed and stunned. Without any but a few government officials being aware that there was any serious cause of dispute the two countries were suddenly brought to the verge of war. Congress promptly voted the appropriation and the president appointed the boundary commission. In England surprise gave way to indignation, but before Lord SaUsbury could decide upon a course of action public attention was unexpectedly drawn to another ^A^flr Averted quarter of the globe. Before the year was out Dr. Jameson made his unsuccessful raid into the Transvaal, and a few days later the German Emperor sent a telegram of congratulation to President Kruger. The wrath of Eng- land was diverted from America to Germany. A few days later Lord SaHsbury offered to place at the disposal of the boundary commission the British records relating to Ven- ezuela and Guiana, and before the report of the commission was completed Great Britain signed a treaty with Ven- ezuela submitting the case to arbitration. President Cleveland's message was the subject of much criticism both at home and abroad, but the position which he took has since been approved by most American writers on diplomacy. It turned out to be a most opportune asser- tion of the intention of the United States to protect the American continent from the sort of exploitation to which Africa and Asia have fallen a prey. Cleveland's bold asser- tion of Americanism had a clarifying effect on relations with England, whose attitude has since been uniformly friendly. In fact, before two years had elapsed Mr. Olney signed with Sir Julian Pauncefote a general arbitration treaty, which, however, was rejected by the Senate in the closing days of 492 The New Nation the Cleveland administration, partly as a result of the presi- dent's unpopularity. The Cuban question was nearly a century old when it again reached an acute stage toward the close of the Cleveland The Cuban administration. From the days of Thomas Jeffer- question gQj^ Americans had considered the acquisition of this important island highly desirable, but prior to the Mexican War the main object of our Cuban diplomacy was to prevent its acquisition by Great Britain or France. During this early period the United States repeatedly offered to guarantee Spain's possession provided she would not cede the island to one of the larger European powers. Lying athwart the Gulf of Mexico and controlUng the outlet of the Missis- sippi Valley as well as the more important approaches to the proposed isthmian canal, Cuba was too important a prize to pass into the hands of a strong naval power. If we could not get it ourselves, we preferred seeing it remain in the pos- session of a weak power like Spain. Between the Mexican and Civil wars the United States made several unsuccessful efforts to secure the island b'y pur- chase, while Cuban ''patriots" with the aid of adventuresome Americans made repeated efforts to annex it by means of fiHbustering expeditions fitted out in the United States. These latter were a serious strain on peaceable relations with Spain and war appeared several times to be imminent. After the Civil War the main object of American diplo- macy was the extension of commercial relations and the pro- " The Ten tection of American interests in Cuba. In 1868 Years' a formidable insurrection against Spanish rule " broke out in the island coincident with the over- throw of the monarchy in Spain. The "Ten Years' War," from 1868 to 1878, during which a succession of governments in Spain attempted to suppress the insurgents, was charac- terized by great cruelty, the destruction of property, and a general disregard of the interests of foreigners, especially Foreign Relations, 1865-1897 493 Americans. Early in the struggle President Grant wanted to extend belligerent rights to the insurgents, but was pre- vented from doing so by Secretary Fish. In 1873 the Virginius, a vessel bearing the American flag and carrying men and mihtary supplies for the insurgents, was captured on the high seas by a Spanish war vessel and carried into the port of Santiago, where fifty-three of the passengers and crew, including some British and a number of American citizens, were summarily executed. As neither Spain nor the United States had recognized the insurgents as belligerents, she had no right to seize the vessel outside of her own territorial waters, and the execution of Americans without the formalities of a legal trial was in open violation of treaty rights. The incident caused great excitement in the United States and for a time war seemed unavoidable, but the matter was finally settled by the payment of an in- demnity and the surrender of the captured vessel. The indefinite prolongation of the struggle in Cuba, the persistent neglect by Spain of treaty obhgations, and her refusal to rech'ess grievances combined to make intervention by the United States, either alone agementof or in combination with other powers, the only the Cuban solution that appeared at all feasible. In a note of November 5, 1875, Secretary Fish expressed himself in this sense to the Spanish government, and copies of the note were transmitted to our representatives at London, Paris, BerHn, Vienna, Rome, and St. Petersburg with instructions to sound the governments to which they were accredited with a view to securing their approval or cooperation. The move did not meet with success, the European cabi- nets refusing to lend any countenance to the American pro- posal for intervention. Reports of the negotiations got into the public press and Mr. Fish was severely criticized for vio- lating the Monroe Doctrine by consulting the powers of Europe on what had been uniformly considered since the days 494 The New Nation of John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay as a question which concerned only Spain and the United States, Congress called for a report of the negotiations, but Mr. Fish returned an evasive answer, and it was twenty years before the full correspondence was made public. The war dragged out its weary course for three more years. Finally in 1878 it was brought to a close through the exhaustion of both parties and the promise of defuiite reforms by Spain. The reforms were, however, not carried out in good faith and the old policy of exploiting the resources of the island for the benefit of Spaniards was continued. In 1895 the last insurrection against Spanish rule in Cuba began, and soon developed the same features as the "Ten The Cuban Years' War." The poUcy of Maximo Gomez, the insurrection insurrectionary chief, was to fight no pitched bat- ° ^ ^^ ties, but to keep up incessant skirmishes, to destroy sugar plantations and every other source of revenue, with the end in view of either exhausting Spain or forcing the intervention of the United States. With the opening of the second year of the struggle General Weyler arrived in Havana as governor and captain-general and immediately inaugu- rated his famous " reconcentration " poHcy. The inhabit- ants of the island were directed by proclamation to "recon- centrate themselves" within a week in the towns occupied by Spanish troops, under penalty, if they refused, of being treated as rebels. The majority of those who obeyed the proclamation were women and children, who, as a result of being cooped up in crowded villages under miserable sanitary conditions and without adequate food, died by the thousands. The sympathies of the American people were greatly aroused and strengthened the demand for intervention. Numbers of persons claiming American citizenship were thrown into prison by Weyler's orders. Some of them were native Americans, but the majority were Cubans who had Foreign Relations, 1865-1897 495 sought naturalization in the United States in order to return to Cuba and claim American protection. The Cleveland administration found it difficult to prevent the insurgents from drawing arms and supplies from the United States. Early in the struggle the presi- •Cleveland's dent issued a proclamation calling attention to the policy insurrection and warning all persons within American juris- diction against committing acts unfriendly to Spain. He consistently refused to extend belligerent rights to the insur- gents, who occupied no definite territory or seacoast and had no stable government. In February, 1896, Congress tried to force his hand by passing a resolution recognizing a state of war in Cuba and offering Spain the good offices of the United States for the estabhshment of Cuban independence. The president was not bound by this resolution and, although it passed both houses by overwhelming majorities, he ignored it. In his last annual message to Congress President Cleveland re- viewed the Cuban question at length and declared that, if the struggle continued much longer, "a situation will be presented in which our obUgations to the sovereignty of Spain will be superseded by higher obhgations, which we can hardly hesitate to recognize and discharge." TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. "The Alabama Claims" and the Geneva Arbitration: Rhodes, History of the United States, Vol. VI, Chap. XXXVIII; C. F. Adams, " The Treaty of Washington," in Lee at Appomattox and Other Papers; F. Bancroft, William H. Seward, Vol. II, pp. 492-.500. 2. The Purchase of Alaska: Rhodes, Vol. VI, pp. 211-213; Foster, Century of American Diplomacy, pp. 405-410 ; Bancroft, William H. Seward, pp. 470-479 ; W. A. Dunning, " Paying for Alaska," in Political Science Quarterly , September, 1912, pp. 385-398. 3. Attempts to Annex the Danish West Indies and Santo Do- mingo : Bancroft, William H. Seward, pp. 479-491; Rhodes, Vol. 496 The New Nation VI, pp. 346-354 ; Andrews, United States in Our Own Time, pp. 48-56. 4. Immigration and Chinese Exclusion : Wilson, Division and Reunion, pp. 298-300 ; Sparks, National Development, pp. 32-34 ; Coman, Industrial History of the United States, pp. 368-374: ; Foster, American Biplomacy in the Orient, Chap. VIII. 5. The French at Panama: Sparks, Chap. XIII ; J. B. Hender- son, American Diplomatic Questions, pp. 137-158; Andrews, pp. 399-404; Dewey, National Problems, pp. 117-123. 6. The Fur Seal Dispute: Dewey, pp. 208-214; Dunning, British Empire and United States, pp. 285-291 ; Henderson, Amer- ican Diplomatic Questions, Chap. I. 7. The Venezuelan Boundary Dispute: Dewey, pp. 304-313; Dunning, Chap. VII; Henderson, pp. 411-446; Foster, Century of American Diploinacy, pp. 467-474. 8. The Cuban Question: A. B. Hart, Foundations of American Foreign Policy, Chap. IV ; J. H. Latane, Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Spanish America, Chap. Ill ; J. M. Callahan, Cuba and International Relations, Chaps. XII-XIV; F. E. Chad- wick, Relations of the United States and Spain : Diplomacy, Chaps. XVI-XXIII. CHAPTER XXVIII THE WAR WITH SPAIN After the passage of the Dingley Tariff the McKinley administration was occupied largely with foreign affairs. With the TheMcKin- Cuban ques- ley adminis- tion rapidly ^'^^'°'' approaching a crisis John Sherman, the veteran senator from Ohio, was appointed secretary of state, not because of any fitness for the position, but in order to make a place in the Senate for Mark Hanna, McKin- ley's campaign manager. General Woodford was sent to Madrid to suc- ceed Hannis Taylor and the administration b'\fi;an immediately to apply itself to a settlement of the Cuban question. The good offices of the United States were again tendered and Spain was reminded of the resolution passed by Congress the year before and warned that Congress was soon to convene again. As a result of this pressure the Spanish ministry 497 William McKinley. 498 The New Nation resigned and on October 14 the liberal ministry of Sagasta assumed office. Weyler was recalled and General Blanco appointed governor and captain-general of Cuba. The new ministry promised to grant autonomy to Cuba, and President McKinley declared in his message of December 6, 1897, his intention of allowing time for the new policy to be tested. The promise of autonomy came too late ; the Cubans would no longer be satisfied with anything short of independence. On January 13, 1898, there was serious rioting in Havana as a demonstration against the autonomy scheme and Consul- General Fitzhugh Lee told his government that he doubted whether Blanco could control the situation and that it might be necessary to send warships for the protection of Americans. As a result of this suggestion the United States battleship Maine was sent to Havana toward the last of January and The blowing while she was lying quietly at anchor attention up of the was diverted to Washington by an incident which "'"^ led to the retirement of the Spanish minister, Dupuy de Lome. On February 9 the New York Journal published in facsimile a letter from the minister to a friend in Cuba which severely criticized President McKinley and contained reflections on his character. The letter was genuine, though surreptitiously acquired, and there was no satisfactory explanation which de Lome could offer. On being notified that the immediate recall of the minister was expected, the Spanish government repHed that his resignation had been tendered and accepted by cable. Before the excitement over this incident had subsided, the battleship Maine was suddenly blown up at her anchorage in Havana harbor on the night of February 15 and two of her officers and 258 of her crew were killed. An American naval court of inquiry reported after a careful examination of witnesses and of the wreck that the destruction of the ship was due to a submarine mine. A Spanish board of inquiry claimed in a brief report made a few days later that The War with Spain 499 the explosion had occurred in the forward magazine of the ship. It is generally admitted that the American report was correct, but the responsibility for the mine has never been disclosed. Notwithstanding the demands of the "yellow" press, the American people displayed great self-control until the report of the court of inquiry was made public, ^^^^f Then all restraint was thrown aside and the diplomatic country witnessed an outburst of warlike fervor ^^^gotiations such as had not been seen since 1861. "Remember the Maine" became a watchword and the demand for war was overwhelming. President McKinley decided, however, be- fore resorting to war to make one more effort at a diplo- matic settlement. He proposed an armistice between Spain and the insurgents pending negotiations for a permanent adjustment through the good offices of the United States. The Spanish government refused to grant an immediate armistice, but made vague suggestions about leaving the pacification of the island to a Cuban parliament. President McKinley regarded negotiations with Spain as closed, and announced that he had decided to refer the whole question to Congress. His message was delayed a few days at the urgent request of Consul-General Lee in order to give time for Americans to get out of Cuba, and on Sunday, April 10, he was informed by the Spanish minister that at the solicitation of the Pope the queen had decided to declare an armistice and to call a Cuban parliament. The prom- ised concessions were ambiguously expressed and seemed too much like another play for time. The president de- cided, therefore, not to withhold the matter from Congress any longer. In his message of April 11 the president reviewed the Cuban question at length and came to the conclusion that forcible intervention was the only solution, and was justified not only on grounds of humanity, but as a measure for the 500 The New Nation protection of the lives and property of American citizens, and for the purpose of putting a stop to a conflict which was a constant menace to our peace. He referred to the Maine only incidentally as "a patent and impressive proof of a state of things in Cuba that is intolerable." There was little doubt that a reference of the question to Congress meant war. The House acted with unusual promptness, but the Senate differed from the demands the House in wanting to recognize the Cuban republic withdrawal as then organized. The House prevailed and on fromCuba April 19, the anniversary of the battle of Lex- ington, and of the first bloodshed of the Civil War on the streets of Baltimore, the fateful resolutions were adopted, declaring that the people of Cuba ought to be free and independent, demanding the immediate withdrawal of Spain from the island, and authorizing the president to use the land and naval forces of the United States and the militia of the several States for the purpose of carrying these resolutions into effect. Another resolution disclaimed any intention to exercise sovereignty or control over Cuba except for its pacification, and asserted that the United States would then leave the government and control of the island to its people. These resolutions were, of course, equivalent to a declaration of war, and as soon as they were approved by the president the Spanish minister asked for his passports. As soon as the Spanish minister withdrew from Washing- ton, Rear-Admiral William T. Sampson, commander of the The block- North Atlantic squadron, then at Key West, was adeofCuba ordered to blockade the northern coast of Cuba, while Commodore Winfield Scott Schley was stationed with a "flying squadron" at Hampton Roads in readiness to protect the American coast in case the Spanish fleet aimed a blow in that direction, or to join Sampson in case it ap- peared in the West Indies. The War with Spain 501 The heavy fighting force of the United States consisted of four battleships of the first class, the Indiana, Iowa, Massachusetts, and Oregon; one of the second class, the Texas; and two armored cruisers, the Brooklyn and the New York. Spain had five armored cruisers of greater re- puted speed than any of ours except the Brooklyn and the New York, one battleship of the Indiana type, and several destroyers, a type of which we had none. It was generally supposed that the Spanish navy was somewhat superior to the American. On April 29 Admiral Cervera's division of the Spanish fleet left the Cape Verde Islands for the West Indies, but its destination was unknown, and there were many conjectures in the papers as to whether it would appear in Cuban waters or attack some unguarded point on the coastof the United States. While the American people were eagerly awaiting the appearance of Cervera's squadron in American waters, they were suddenly thrilled by the news of a great Battle of naval victory in Manila Bay. When war was Manila Baj, declared Commodore George Dewey was at Hong-Kong, where he had collected the half dozen not very formidable cruisers and gunboats on the Asiatic station. Acting under instructions which were cabled to him from Washington, he set sail for Manila Bay with the purpose of capturing or Admikal Dewey. 502 The New Nation destroying the Spanish fleet. During the night of April 30 he entered the south channel leading into the bay and by daybreak was off Manila, near enough to see the shipping. South of his position lying eastward from Cavite the Spanish fleet was at anchor. With his flagship, the Olympia, in the lead Dewey closed in on the enemy and for more than two hours kept up a continuous fire on the Spanish ships and shore batteries, inflicting great damage. At 7:35 a.m. the American fleet stood out into the bay and the men were ordered to go to breakfast. Shortly after eleven the squad- ron returned to complete its work and in less than an hour and a half most of the Spanish vessels were in flames. In this remarkable battle the American cruisers escaped all but slight injury and only seven men were slightly wounded. On receiving the news of this victory President McKinley appointed Dewey rear-admiral and recommended that he be promoted to the grade of admiral and receive the thanks of Congress. In spite of Dewey's great victory his position was critical. He could have taken the city of Manila, but he did not have the men to hold it and it was two months before critical posi- reenforcements reached him. The most serious tionat cause of embarrassment was the presence in Manila Bay of a German squadron of five war- vessels superior in strength to Dewey's. The German commander, Admiral Diederichs, displayed open sympathy with the Spaniards, disregarded Dewey's blockade of Ma- nila, and committed breaches of naval etiquette. Dewey finally sent his flag-lieutenant to tell him that "if he wants a fight he can have it right now." The friendly attitude of the British commander at this crisis stood Dewey in good stead, and Admiral Diederichs promptly disavowed the acts complained of. No satisfactory explanation of the German admiral's conduct has ever been given. Dewey's victory hastened the annexation of the Hawaiian The War with Spain 503 Islands. In June, 1897, President McKinley submitted to the Senate a treaty providing for the annexation of the group, but it was found impossible to secure the consent of two thirds of the Senators. The advocates of annexation then determined to gain their end by a joint reso- lution and this resolution was still under consid- eration when the war with Spain began. Under the pressure of Dewey's posi- tion the importance of a naval station in the mid- Pacific won over many of the opponents of an- nexation, and the joint resolution passed the House June 15 and the Senate July 6. Meanwhile important events were happening in American waters. Cervera's fleet was very slow in crossing the Atlantic and much uneasiness was felt in the United States ,, . . Movements as to its destmation. Sampson grew restless of the and moved eastward to Porto Rico with a part„^*^*"***^ squadron of his fleet with the intention of intercepting Cervera in case he made a dash for the coast of the United States or of blockading him in case he put in at San Juan. While Sampson was off Porto Rico Cervera appeared off Martinique, and learning the location of the American fleet turned southward to Curasao. A week later he slipped unobserved into Santiago, Cuba. As soon as news of the arrival of the Spanish fleet off Martinique was received at the Navy Department, Schley William T. Sami'.sijn. 504 The New Nation was dispatched with the "flying squadron" from Hampton Roads to Key West and Sampson was hastily recalled from Porto Rico. When the latter reached Key West May 18, he ordered Schley to proceed around the west end of Cuba to Cienfuegos and in case he did not find Cervera there to go on to Santiago. Schley arrived before Santiago on the 26th, a week after the arrival of Cervera's fleet, but as the auxiliary cruisers on scouting duty before that port were ignorant of Cervera's arrival Schley began the much discussed retrograde movement to Key West. Two days later, after receiving dispatches from the Navy Department indicating that Cervera was at Santiago, he returned and es- tablished a blockade. Sampson arrived June 1 and assumed command. During the search for Cervera's fleet much uneasiness was felt for the safety of the Oregon, which left Bremerton, Washington, before the war was declared and was making the long journey around the Horn. She had been last heard from at Bahia, Brazil, May 9 and it was feared that she might encounter the whole Spanish fleet, but she turned up safely off the Florida coast on the 24th ready for service after a memorable voyage of fourteen thousand miles. As soon as the Spanish fleet was blockaded in Santiago the government decided to send a military expedition to The cooperate with the navy. The two hundred Santiago thousand volunteers who had responded to the call campaign ^£ ^^^ president in May had been kept in camps in different parts of the country. Most of the regular in- fantry and cavalry, together with several volunteer regi- ments, had been assembled at Tampa and organized as the Fifth Army Corps. The preparations made for equipping and provisioning large bodies of men were wholly inade- quate. The sanitation of the camps was bad, and dysentery, malaria, and typhoid fever soon made their appearance. The administrative inefficiency of the War Department under The War with Spain 505 Secretary Alger became painfully evident when the Fifth Army Corps was sent to Santiago. The expedition was placed under the command of Major- General William R. Shafter, who was physically unfit for military service and unable to leave his tent during the most critical period of the campaign. The force which sailed from Tampa June 14 consisted of 815 officers and 16,072 enlisted men, regulars with the exception of the Seventy- first New York, the Second Massachusetts, and the First Volunteer Cavalry of "Rough Riders," organized by Leonard Wood and Theodore Roosevelt. On the 22d this force effected a landing with great difficulty, owing to the failure to provide wharves and launches, at Daiquiri, a point a few miles east of the entrance to Santiago Bay. The next day General Lawton advanced and seized Siboney, and on the 24th General Wheeler with Young's brigade defeated a Spanish force at La Guasima. During the next week the troops suffered greatly from the heavy rains, poor rations, and bad camp accommodations. On June 30 preparations were completed for an advance on San Juan Hill, a strategic point on the direct road to Santiago. Early next morning Lawton began Battle of San an attack on El Caney, a position on the right J"^° ^^ of the American advance, expecting to carry it without much resistance in time to cooperate with the main movement, but the Spaniards developed unexpected strength at this point and held him in check until the late afternoon. Mean- while the main column had advanced slowly and with great difficulty through the thick brush and along the narrow trail leading to the San Juan blockhouse, the Spanish ar- tillery killing numbers of men before they could get into position to return the fire. By noon the advance had crossed the little San Juan River, the dismounted cavalry division under Sumner deploying to the right and Kent's division of infantry to the left di- 506 The New Nation rectly in front of the blockhouse. The various regiments and brigades were, however, in great confusion and exposed to a galling rifle and artillery fire. Order had to be restored before proceeding to the final charge. As soon as the lines could be re-formed the order to advance was given and the infantry division charged up the hill in the face of a de- structive fire and cap- tured the blockhouse, while the cavalry division drove the Spaniards from the trenches on the right. The Spaniards kept up a constant fire from the trenches nearer Santiago until noon of July 3. During the three days' fighting the American losses were 145 killed, 914 wounded, and 72 missing. The capture of San- tiago now seemed to the Spaniards merely a question of a few days, though the Americans were by no means confident of an The naval ^^rly conclusion of the campaign. In fact, battle of Shafter was thinking of withdrawing his army antiago ^^ ^ safer and more sanitary position. Cervera finally decided, however, to go out and face destruction rather than to remain in Santiago Bay and surrender the fleet with the fall of the city. The American fleet had been maintaining a close blockade in expectation of such a decision. WiNFiELD Scott Schley. The War with Spain 507 Sampson believed that the Spanish fleet would make the attempt to escape at night, and on Sunday morning, July 3, a little before nine o'clock he started east on his flagship to meet General Shafter in conference at Siboney. Forty minutes later the smokestacks of the enemy's ships were sighted slowly steaming toward the narrow mouth of the bay. As the American ships with one accord closed in on them, Cervera's flagship turned west, followed by the other members of the fleet. At this point, Commodore Schley's flagship, the Brooklyn, suddenly turned out to sea, making a loop across the course of the Texas, causing the latter to reverse her engines in order to avoid a collision. His object seems to have been to leave the slower Spanish vessels to the fire of the battleships and with the cruiser Brooklyn, which had greater speed, to overtake those in the lead and prevent the escape of a single one. In this running fight the Spanish ships were riddled with shells and set on fire. One after another ran ashore, the last one being forced by the Brooklyn and Oregon to beach and surrender forty-five miles west of where the fight began. In this remarkable battle there were only two casualties on the American side, one man killed and one wounded, both on the Brooklyn. Two weeks after the naval fight Santiago surrendered. General Miles then embarked for Porto Rico with a force of 16,000 men and in a two weeks' campaign over- ran most of that island with the loss of three killed '^^^'^^^^^'"'^ and forty wounded. A large number of troops Rico and the had also been sent to the Philippines. It was ManUa^^ evident, therefore, that while the war had been undertaken for the liberation of Cuba, the United States did not feel under any obligation to confine its military oper- ations to that island. Having met all the demands of honor, Spain asked the French government, July 18, to authorize the French ambassador at Washington to arrange with President McKinley the preliminary terms of peace. 508 The New Nation These negotiations resulted in the protocol of August 12, in which Spain agreed to the following demands : first, the immediate evacuation of Cuba and the relinquishment of Spanish sovereignty ; second, the cession of Porto Rico and one of the Ladrones by way of indemnity; and third, the occupation by the United States of "the city, bay, and harbor of Manila pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace which shall determine the control, disposition, and government of the Philippines." On the day following the signing of this protocol, and before the news reached the Philippines, American troops under General Merritt captured the city of Manila after a formal resistance, the governor- general agreeing not to use his heavy batteries provided Dewey would refrain from shelling the city. Two controversies growing out of the war with Spain assumed such importance that they cannot be passed by. The first, relating to the conduct of the War De- sies growing partment, was the charge made by Major-General out of the Miles, commanding the army, that much of the refrigerated beef furnished the troops was "em- balmed beef," preserved by secret chemicals of injurious character. The commission appointed to investigate the matter made a report which did not fully sustain the charge, but the report was not convincing. In the course of the investigation Commissary-General Eagan made such an abusive attack on General Miles that he was sentenced by a court-martial to dismissal for conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman. Some months later the president called for Secretary Alger's resignation and Elihu Root of New York was appointed secretary of war. The other controversy, which was waged in the papers for months, was as to whether Sampson or Schley was in com- mand at the battle of Santiago. Finally, at the request of Schley, a naval court of inquiry was appointed in 1901 to investigate charges of inefficiency and cowardice. The The War with Spain 509 court expressed the opinion that his conduct prior to the battle of Santiago had been characterized by "vacillation, dilatoriness, and lack of enterprise." Admiral Dewey, a member of the court, differed from his colleagues, however, and in his opinion proceeded to discuss the question which was at the bottom of the whole controversy. He declared that at the battle of Santiago Schley "was in absolute command and is entitled to the credit due to such command- ing officer for the glorious victory which resulted in the total destruction of the Spanish ships." This made matters worse than ever. On appeal to President Roosevelt he de- clared that Sampson was technically in command but that after the battle began not a ship took orders from either Sampson or Schley. "It was a captains' fight." In pursuance of the terms of the protocol the peace com- missioners met at Paris October 1. An entire month was taken up with the Cuban question, the Spanish The treaty commissioners striving in vain to saddle the of peace Cuban debt either on the United States or on the people of Cuba. The discussion in regard to the Philippines occupied most of the next month. When President McKinley ap- pointed the American commissioners his mind was not fully made up on this important question. His first intention seems to have been to retain the bay and city of Manila as a naval base, and probably the whole of Luzon. Public sentiment in the United States in favor of acquiring the whole group made rapid headway and after an extended trip through the South and West, during which he sounded opinion on this question, the president instructed the commissioners to de- mand the entire group. The commissioners were later authorized to offer $20,000,000 for the cession. On other points the United States secured what had been demanded in the protocol, and the treaty was signed December 10, 1898. The treaty precipitated an earnest debate in the Senate. Senator Hoar declared that the proposal to acquire and 510 The New Nation govern the Philippine Islands was in violation of the Decla- ration of Independence, the Constitution, and the whole spirit of American institutions. The treaty could not be ratified without the aid of Democrats and the result was in doubt when Bryan went to Washington and advised his friends to vote for ratification, saying that the status of the Philippines could be determined in the next presidential campaign. The outbreak of hostilities between the Fili- pinos and the American troops occupying Manila put an end to the debate and on February 5, 1899, the treaty was ratified. With the purchase of the Philippine Islands the United States assumed the task of governing 7,500,000 orientals The ' ^^ alien speech and race, 600,000 of whom were Philippine Mohammedan Moros or members of wild pagan insurrection ^^.-^^^g r^^^ civilized part of the population were members of the Roman Catholic Church, but for years there had been widespread opposition to the domination of the friars, who controlled most of the land, and latterly a formidable insurrection against the Spanish government which upheld the friars. Aguinaldo, the youthful leader of the insurrection of 1896, had left the islands a few months before the beginning of the Spanish war, and shortly after the battle of Manila Bay Dewey sent one of his ships to Hong-Kong to bring him and his staff over to assist in operations against Manila. When the city surrendered, Aguinaldo and his forces were not allowed to enter, and were forced to remain outside the American lines. This situation gave rise to strained rela- tions and when it became evident that the United States had no intention of recognizing a Filipino republic hostilities began. On the night of February 4, 1899, some of Aguinaldo's men approached the American lines without making known their intentions and were fired upon. The conflict soon be- came general and the insurrection against American control The War with Spain 511 rapidly spread throughout the islands. As the Americans extended their lines out from Manila the main body of in- surgents retired northward to the great plain of central Luzon. As the time of the volunteers who had enlisted for the Spanish war was up, operations were delayed until new troops could arrive. By the fall General Otis had over 30,000 men under his command and in October the forward movement began. The Filipinos were unable to check, except temporarily, the advancing columns of Gen- erals MacArthur, Lawton, and Wheaton and by the middle of November they were driven from the plain of central Luzon and scattered among the mountains. At the same time troops had been sent to the other prin- cipal islands and all open resistance was at an end. Con- trary to the belief of the Americans, however, x„«„^»,c •^ _ _ _ ' ' Two years the Filipinos had not given up the struggle. ofguen-iUa They had merely decided to abandon the open "^^^^^^^ field and to resort to guerrilla warfare. After a period of inactivity, which was necessary for the redistribution of the insurgent forces, it became evident that the insurrection had merely taken on a new form. For the next two years the struggle was waged by the Filipinos with great cruelty, treachery, and ferocity, and our troops soon learned to retaliate in kind. That murder, rape, torture, and other crimes were too frequently committed by American soldiers and by native scouts commanded by American officers was brought out after an exhaustive investigation by a Senate committee in a report of over three thousand pages. For more than a year after the dispersion of the Filipino army the whereabouts of Aguinaldo was a matter which greatly perplexed the American commanders. Finally, in February, 1901, his hiding place was revealed through letters intercepted by Lieutenant J. D. Taylor, and General Fimston with a party of Macabebe scouts disguised as in- surgents succeeded in capturing him. Contrary to expec- 512 The New Nation tations the capture of Aguinaldo had very little effect on the insurrection, which dragged on for another year and was finally suppressed only after the Americans adopted a rigid concentration policy confining the friendly inhabitants in the insurrectionary districts to the towns occupied by the troops and treating all others as enemies. In January, 1899, President McKinley sent a commis- sion headed by President Schurman of Cornell University to the PhiUppines for the purpose of assisting lishmeiTtof ^^ ^^^® extension of American authority through- civil govern- out the group. Before the members reached PWHp'pines Manila the insurrection broke out and there was little that the commission could do beyond the preparation of an interesting and valuable report on the people, resources, and climate of the islands. The following year another commission headed by Judge WiUiam H. Taft of Ohio was sent out for the purpose of assisting the military authorities in the work of organizing civil government. On July 4, 1901, the civil powers hitherto exercised by the mihtary governor were by the direction of the president vested in the head of the commission, and Judge Taft was inaugurated as the first civil governor. A Kttle later three native Filipinos were added to the commission. By act of July 1, 1902, Congress provided a permanent government for the islands. The action of the president in appointing the commission and in creating the office of civil governor was approved and made permanent ; the in- habitants of the islands were declared to be "citizens of the Philippine Islands, and as such entitled to the protec- tion of the United States"; and certain provisions of the Constitution of the United States guaranteeing life, Uberty, and property, were extended to the FiHpinos. The act further provided for the ultimate creation of a legislative assembly, with the Philippine Commission as the upper house. Such an assembly was organized in 1907. As the The War with Spain 513 members of the commission and upper house are appointed by the president with the consent of the Senate, the Fili- pinos have a very small measure of control over their own affairs and still demand autonomy or complete independence. The annexation of Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philip- pines raised questions new to the Constitution and to Amer- ican experience, which called for new solutions, xhe status President McKinley took the view that the Con- ofdepend- stitution and laws of the United States did not ^''"^^ apply to newly acquired territory until extended by Congress ; while Congress later assumed that in legislating for the new possessions it was not bound by all of the provisions of the Constitution. After two years of popular discussion as to whether "the Constitution followed the flag" the Supreme Court sustained the positions taken by the president and by Congress. In the famous "Insular Cases" five of the nine justices held that the new dependencies were not a part of the United States within the meaning of that clause of the Constitution which requires that all duties shall be uniform throughout the United States. By act of April 30, 1900, the Hawaiian Islands were fully incorporated in the United States and given a form of ter- ritorial government like that of Arizona and New Mexico. By the Porto Rican act passed about the same time tariff duties were imposed on commerce between that island and the United States for a period of two years. The form of government prescribed for Porto Rico was of the same gen- eral type as that provided for the Philippines. Most of the real power is in the hands of a governor and executive coun- cil appointed by the president with the consent of the Senate. The dissatisfaction with the form of government has been largely overcome by the prosperity which the islanders have enjoyed under free trade with the United States. At the time that the United States went to war with Spain China seemed on the point of being partitioned out 514 The New Nation among the powers of Europe. In November, 1897, Germany established herself at Kiao-chau ; in March, 1898, Russia The threat- Procured from China a lease of Port Arthur ; and ened parti- a Httle later England secured Weihai-wei, In tiono na ^^(-[^j^jqjj ^o cessions of territory these powers acquired extensive concessions for the construction of rail- ways and exclusive mining privileges in their respective "spheres of influence," in utter disregard of China's treaty obligations to other nations. The movement for the partition of China was well under way when the Philippine Islands came within the grasp of the United States, and the idea that they would afford a naval base for the protection of American rights in China undoubtedly influenced President McKinley in coming to the decision to retain them. The commerce of the United States with China at this time was second to that of England alone, and the govem- Theopen- ment did not rehsh the idea of being excluded door policy from the Chinese market, so John Hay as secre- tary of state made a clever diplomatic move, with the back- ing of England and Japan, to check the aggressions of Russia and Germany. In a note of September 6, 1899, he addressed the principal European powers and Japan on the subject of the "open door" in China, requesting each of them to make a formal declaration to the effect, (1) that it would not in- terfere with the vested interests of other powers in its sphere of influence, (2) that the existing Chinese tariff should con- tinue in force and be collected by Chinese officials, and (3) that foreigners should not be discriminated against in the matter of port dues and railroad rates. England and Japan were willing to bind themselves to this policy, but the other powers, while protesting in a general way their adherence to the principle, avoided making a formal declaration in the sense requested by Secretary Hay. Although not wholly successful, the move came at The War with Spain 515 an opportune time and had a good effect. Later, however, Hay had to ask permission of Russia to send American consuls into Manchuria, which we regarded as Chinese terri- tory. The rapid exploitation of China naturally aroused a strong an ti -foreign sentiment, and an organization formed ostensibly for the practice of athletics and known jhe Boxer as the Society of Boxers began an indiscriminate movement attack on foreigners. The movement was secretly ^° ^°^ encouraged by the Empress Dowager and in many cases imperial troops united with the Boxers. Numbers of for- eigners were murdered and by May, 1900, the situation of the foreign legations had become critical. About June 1 three hundred and fifty guards from foreign vessels suc- ceeded in getting through to Peldng, but the larger de- tachments which were to follow a few days later were defeated and driven back. On June 20 Baron von Ketteler, the German minister, was murdered on his way to keep an appointment at the foreign office and from that date until August 14 the lega- tions were closely besieged by a half-disciplined army of Boxers and imperial troops. The foreign powers decided to send an army to Peking to release their ministers, if alive, or avenge them, if dead. This expedition, in which 2500 American infantry and a troop of cavalry participated, had to fight its way slowly to the Chinese capital, which it reached August 14, bringing deliverance to the diplomats and mis- sionaries, who, by fortifying themselves in the British lega- tion, had with difficulty held back their assailants. The Chinese government was compelled by the powers to put to death guilty officials and to pay an indemnity of over $300,000,000. The porrion assigned to the United States, $24,000,000, was found to be greatly in excess of the claims for injuries sustained and over half of it was returned by the United States to China. The Chinese government 516 The New Nation showed its gratitude by setting this sum aside as a fund for the education of Chinese students in America. The war with Spain introduced a new era in American diplomacy. While the United States has always been a . . world power in the sense that it has been the A new era in ^ American great exponent of civil liberty and a stanch diplomacy upholder of legality in international relations, the events of 1898 brought the American government into more vital contact with some of the great problems of world pohtics. The acquisition of the Philippines, the dispatch of troops to China, and the appointment of delegates to the Hague Conference of 1899 caused serious misgivings in the minds of those who were wedded to the old order. The Hague treaty establishing the permanent court of arbitration was, however, signed by the American delegates under the reservation of a formal declaration to the effect that it would not require the United States to depart from its traditional policy in regard to questions that were Euro- pean on the one hand or purely American on the other. An active participation in affairs of general international interest did not lead to any weakening of the Monroe Doc- trine. In fact, that principle of our foreign policy has been more frequently and broadly asserted since the Spanish "War than ever before. The so-called imperialistic policies of the Republican party had encountered bitter opposition and it was generally The election believed that the campaign of 1900 would be of 1900 fought squarely on this issue. The RepubUcan convention met in Philadelphia in June, nominated Mc- Kinley and Roosevelt, and indorsed all that the RepubUcan administration had done. The Democratic convention, which met at Kansas City July 4, declared imperiaUsm to be .the paramount issue, but it nominated Bryan for the presi- dency and reaffirmed the faith of the party in the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. Bryan was also The War with Spain 517 nominated by the fusion wing of the PopuHst party and by the Silver RepubUcans. Mark Hanna again conducted McKinley's campaign with characteristic cleverness, maldng use of the "full dinner- pail" as an emblem of "Mclvinley prosperity." The presi- dent remained at home and took Uttle part in the canvass, while Bryan pursued his familiar method of traveUng over the country and personally addressing hundreds of thou- sands of voters. But his record as a speech-maker was rivaled in this campaign by Theodore Roosevelt, who was determined not to be submerged by the vice-presidential nomination which had been forced upon him against his will. He made a tour through the Northern and Western States, attracting large crowds and creating enthusiasm by his ag- gressive manner of handling political issues. The campaign was, however, less exciting than that of 1896. Many Republicans were opposed to imperialism and lukewarm in their support of McKinley, while many Democrats refrained from voting for Bryan on account of their opposition to the free coinage of silver. McKinley carried all of the Northern and most of the Western States and had a majority of 137 votes in the electoral college. President McKinley was inaugurated for his second term March 4, 1901, but on September 6, while attending the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, he was shot by an anarchist, and died on the 14th of Death of the same month, being the third president of the and succes- United States to fall by the hand of an assassin, ^ion of He had enjoyed great popularity as president and his death was universally regretted. Theodore Roosevelt, who was thus unexpectedly called to the presidency, was the most energetic and aggressive character that had occupied that high position. In spite of his declaration on taking the oath of office that he would "continue absolutely unbroken the policy of President 518 The New Nation McKinley," his attitude from the first was that of aggres- sive leadership, and during the next three years he broke many of the precedents of our political history. Probably no man in American public life had ever succeeded in keeping himself so constantly before the people, either in cartoon and caricature, or in photographs and sketches in the papers and magazines. His popularity soon became the despair and confusion of the Republican machine and of the Democrats alike. He had the enthusiasm and idealism of the reformer combined with unusual political astuteness, and whatever people might think of his policies his handling of public questions never failed to provoke discussion, which is the life of democracy, TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. The Spanish War : Woodrow Wilson, History of the American People, Vol. V, pp. 269-300 ; E. B. Andrews, United States in Our Own Time, Chap. XXVII ; J. H. Latane, America as a World Power, Chaps. I-IV; F. E. Chadwick, Spanish- American War; H. H. Sargent, Campaign of Santiago de Cuba; A. T. Mahan, Lessons of War with Spain; J. D. Long, New American Navy; W. S. Schley, Forty-Five Years under the Flag ; R. D. Evans, A Sailor's Log; T. Roosevelt, Rough Riders; C. S. Olcott, Life of Willia7n Mc Kinley, Vol. II, Chaps. XXIV-XXVIII ; W. R. Thayer, Life of John Hay, Vol. II, Chap. XXIII ; T. Roosevelt, Autobiography, Chap. VII. 2. The Philippines and Other Dependencies : Andrews, United States in Our Own Time, Chap. XXVIII ; J. H. Latane, America as a World Potver, Chaps. V, VIII-X ; C. A. Beard, Contemporary American History, Chap. VIII ; A. C. Coolidge, United States as a World Power, Chaps. VII-IX ; J. W. Foster, American Diplo- macy in the Orient, Chaps. XI-XIII ; C. S. Olcott, Life of William McKinley, Vol. II, Chaps. XXIX, XXX; G. F. Hoar, Auto- biography, Vol. II, Chap. XXXIII ; W. F. Willoughby, Territories and Dependencies of the United States ; J. G. Schurman, Philippine Affairs; H. P. Willis, Our Philippine Problem; D. C. Worcester, Philippine Islands and Their People; W. C. Forbes, Decade of American Rule in the Philippines ; C. B. Elliott, The Philippine Islands, 2 Vols. The War with Spain 519 3. The Threatened Partition of China and the Open-Door Policy: J. W. Foster, American Diplomacy in the Orient, Chap. XIII ; J. H. Latane, America as a World Power, Chap. VI ; A. C. Coolidge, United States as a World Power, Chaps. XVII, XVIII ; P. S. Reinsch, World Politics; C. S. Conant, United States in the Orient; A. H. Smith, China in Convulsion; B. L. P. Weale, Re- shaping of the Far East ; T. F. Millard, The New Far East; A. S. Daggett, America in the China Relief Expedition. CHAPTER XXIX AMERICA AS A WORLD POWER While foreign affairs claimed a larger share of public attention during Roosevelt's first administration than ever before, there was a notable revival of interest in firs°^ad- ^ ^^^® problems of labor and capital which the war ministration with Spain had temporarily thrown into the back- ground. The president astonished the country by intervening in a great coal strike ; he alarmed the capitalistic classes by beginning an attack on trusts ; he disconcerted the poli- ticians by pushing forward the investigation of extensive public land and postal frauds, which resulted in the criminal conviction of two United States senators ; he antagonized the South by inviting Booker Washington, the negro head of Tuskegee Institute, to his table at the White House and by appointing a negro postmistress in Mississippi and a negro collector at Charleston ; these and many other acts were bitterly assailed, but public sentiment in the main sustained the president. Roosevelt introduced a new epoch in American politics. His appeal was always to the moral sense of the average American and he showed little regard for special interests, classes, or sections. The general prosperity of the country during McKinley's administration and the rapid accumulation of capital greatly The growth accelerated industrial combinations. The trust of trusts movement dated back to 1882 when the Standard Oil Company was formed by placing the control of a num- ber of separate companies dominated by the Rockefeller interests in the hands of a single board of trustees. This 520 America as a World Power 521 method of cooperation for the suppression of competition was extended to the production of sugar, tobacco, and various other articles of consumption, as well as to the management of railroad and steamship lines. In 1901 the most gigantic of all combinations was formed when the United States Steel Corporation, organized under a New Jersey charter, purchased the stock of eleven great companies which had control of three fourths of the steel indus- try, thus bringing under one management capital aggregating $1,100,000,- 000. In his first annual message to Congress President Roosevelt be- gan an attack on trusts and large aggregations of capital and followed it up by the successful prosecu- tion of the Northern Se- curities Company in 1903. In this case a corporation organized under the laws of New Jersey by James J. Hill and J. P. Morgan, for the purpose of holding a majority of the stock of the Great Northern and the Northern Pacific railroads, was dissolved by the Federal courts as a violation of the Sherman anti- trust law of 1890. The dissolution of the holding company failed, it is true, to restore competition between the roads, but it convinced the people that competition could no longer be relied on to regulate rates, and that governmental control of some kind was necessary. Theodore Roosevelt. 522 The New Nation In May, 1902, the miners in the anthracite coal region of Pennsylvania went on a strike to secure an increase in wages, Theanthra- ^ decrease in the hours of work, and the recogni- cite coal tion of their union. The strike involved 147,000 ^*" ^ workmen, lasted five months, and caused a general coal famine throughout the country. In October President Roosevelt invited John Mitchell, the he^l of the United Mine Workers of America, and the presidents of the coal- carrying railroads, which constituted the coal trust, to a conference at the White House. Mitchell offered to submit the miners' claims to an arbitration commission appointed by the president, but the railroad presidents flatly rejected this proposal and urged that Federal troops be sent into the coal fields. Meanwhile the president was being severely criticized for taking action in a matter deemed wholly beyond his con- stitutional functions and for encouraging the miners by recognizing their union. As a last resort, he hurriedly sent for J. P. Morgan, the financial backer of the coal trust, and persuaded him to bring the railroad presidents to terms. They were forced to accept arbitration, the men at once returned to the mines and relieved the famine, and five months later the commission, after careful investigation, made a report which was decidedly favorable to the miners. When Congress demanded the withdrawal of Spain from Cuba in 1898, it was with the declaration that "The United American States hereby disclaims any disposition or inten- occupation tion to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction or control ° " * over said island except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island with its people." Never has a pledge made by a nation under such circumstances been more faithfully carried out. The administration of Cuba during the period of American military occupation was a model of its kind. General America as a World Power 523 Leonard Wood, the military governor, and his associates found things in utter confusion in most parts of the island. They established order, relieved distress, organized hospitals and charitable institutions, undertook extensive public works, reorganized the system of public schools, and put Havana, Santiago, and other cities in first-class sanitary condition. The discovery by Major Walter Reed, a surgeon in the United States army, of the fact that yellow fever is trans- mitted by the bite of a mosquito is regarded as one of the great achievements of modern medical science. This dis- covery was at once put to the test in Havana, with the result that the city was rendered free from yellow fever for the first time in one hundred and forty years. Mean- while General Wood had summoned a constitutional con- vention, which in February, 1901, adopted a constitution modeled in general after that of the United States. The new constitution failed, however, to define the future relations of Cuba with the United States. This subject was brought to the attention of the convention by General Wood, but no action was taken. The United States, however, had no intention of withdrawing from the island until a definite understanding on this vital point was reached. A provision, known as the Piatt Amendment, was there- fore inserted in the army appropriation bill of March 2, 1901, directing the president to leave the con- The Piatt trol of the island to its people so soon as a gov- amendment ernment should be established under a constitution which guaranteed, (1) that the government of Cuba would never make any treaty impairing the independence of the island, (2) that it would never contract any debt which could not be met by the ordinary revenues, (3) that the United States should have the right to intervene for the protection of Cuban independence and the maintenance of a stable government, (4) that the acts of the military government during the period of American occupation should be ratified, (5) that 524 The New Nation the government of Cuba would continue to carry out the measures adopted for the sanitation of the cities, and (6) that the United States should be granted naval stations in Cuba. These provisions were finally agreed to and added as an appendix to the Cuban constitution. They were also em- bodied in a treaty with the United States. The Piatt Amendment was drafted by Secretary Root shortly before the close of McKinley's administration and carefully con- sidered by the cabinet before being imposed upon Cuba. It established a formal protec- torate and converted American policy into law. On May 20, 1902, Tomas Es- trada Palma was inaugurated as The Cuban first president of Cuba repubUc and General Wood handed over the government of the island to him. No under- standing was reached before the withdrawal of American troops on the subject of commercial relations between Cuba and the United States. It was of vital importance to the Cubans to have their sugar, the principal product of the island, admitted to the American market on special terms. Otherwise it could not compete with the bounty-fed beet sugar of Europe, or with the sugar of Porto Rico and Hawaii, now admitted free. President Roosevelt urged Congress to authorize a reci- procity agreement admitting Cuban sugar at a reduced rate, but his efforts to do justice to Cuba were thwarted for two years by the beet-sugar interests of the Northwest and the cane sugar growers of Louisiana. The cause of Cuban reciprocity was delayed rather than helped by the Elihu Root. America as a World Power ' 5^5 active support of the American Sugar Refining Company, known as the "Sugar Trust," which wanted all the raw sugar it could get, and therefore favored the president's policy. Under the reciprocity treaty which finally became law in December, 1903, trade with the United States rapidly increased, but the Cubans had not learned the primary lesson of democracy — submission to the will of the ma- jority. Shortly after the reelection of President Palma in 1906 a serious insurrectionary movement began which had for its object the overthrow of his government. The United States finally had to send troops to Cuba and pro- claim a provisional government. The second period of American occupation lasted a little over two years, when the control of the government was again restored to the people of the island with the warning from President Roose- velt that it was "absolutely out of the question that the island should continue independent" if the "insurrectionary habit" should become "confirmed." In December, 1902, Germany, England, and Italy block- aded the coast of Venezuela for the purpose of forcing the government of President Castro to pay interest ^. ,, 1 ^ , 1 11 1 1 • 1 • ^ The Monroe on bonds and other debts due their subjects. Doctrine Through the mediation of the American minister, p"* *° *^® . test Herbert W. Bowen, Venezuela agreed to submit the claims to arbitration, and this proposal was accepted by England and Italy. Germany, however, refused to arbitrate until President Roosevelt threatened to send the entire Atlantic fleet, which had been collected at Porto Rico under Admiral Dewey, to Venezuela to prevent any further action by the German navy. As soon as Germany was convinced that the United States would fight to main- tain the Monroe Doctrine, she agreed to arl^itrate, being influenced, no doubt, by the fact that England was satisfied with the recognition of her claims and showed no desire to push matters further. 526 • The New Nation President Roosevelt's experience in the Venezuelan affair led him to the conclusion that if the United States wished The big- ^o prevent European intervention in Latin-Amer- stick policy ican states, it must make those states behave themselves. In his annual message of December 6, 1904, he announced his new policy to the world in these words : "Any country whose people conduct themselves well can count upon our hearty friendship. If a nation shows that it knows how to act with reasonable efficiency and decency in social and political matters, if it keeps order and pays its obligations, it need fear no interference from the United States. Chronic wrongdoing, or an impotence which re- sults in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society, may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require interven- tion by some civilized nation, and, in the western hemi- sphere, the adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence to the exercise of an international police power." This announce- ment of what became popularly known as the "big-stick" policy raised a storm of criticism and ridicule both at home and abroad, but the president was about to give the world an example of its practical application. For several months prior to the above announcement, it had been evident that the Dominican Republic was hope- lessly bankrupt. Certain European powers were supervision discussing the question of seizing the custom- of the houses and paying the interest due their subjects. Re^Wic^" In order to prevent what, in view of the enormous size of the debt, promised to be the occupation of American territory by European powers for an indefinite period, President Roosevelt proposed that the United States should take charge of Dominican customs. In February, 1905, a treaty was concluded with the Dominican Republic by which it was agreed that a receiver of customs ■West from 80° Groi-nwich America as a World Power 527 appointed by the president of the United States and backed by the American navy should administer the finances of the repubhc, using a certain percentage of the customs receipts to meet the foreign obhgations and setting aside a certain percentage for the support of the government. The president's pohcy met with determined opposition in the Senate, but he persisted in his course and finally carried his point. American supervision of Dominican customs proved so successful that President Taft negotiated treaties extending the same sort of financial supervision to Nicaragua and Honduras, which the Senate, however, refused to ratify, and President Wilson carried the same policy much further in the treaty with Hayti, which was ratified in 1916. The United States not only took a prominent part in establishing the Permanent Court of Arbitration at the Hague, but had the honor of appearing before it The Hague in 1902 as the first litigant in the case of the United Court States V. Mexico in the matter of the Pious Fund of the Californias. This case involved a trust fund raised by the Jesuits in the seventeenth century for the conversion of the California Indians. After the purchase of Upper California by the United States in 1848, the Mexican government as administrator of the fund refused to pay any part of it to the Catholic bishops of that State. The Hague Court decided that they were entitled to their share, confirming a decision rendered by a mixed commission in 1868. To President Roosevelt was also due the submission of the second case to the Hague Court, for he suggested that tribunal as the proper body to decide an important ques- tion arising out of the intervention of Germany, England, and Italy in Venezuela in 1902. The Hague Convention did not bind any power to submit any dispute to arbitration. Resort to the court was purely optional, but in 1903 and 1904 a number of European powers 528 The New Nation concluded treaties binding each other to submit to arbitra- tion disputes involving points of law or the interpretation of treaties. Secretary Hay negotiated similar treaties with France, England, Germany, and a number of other powers, but the Senate amended them in such a way as to prevent the president from submitting any dispute to arbitration without the consent of that body. President Roosevelt regarded this action as nullifying the compulsory feature of the treaties and did not refer them back to the other powers. The second Peace Conference, which met at the Hague in 1907 and laid before the powers important codifications of international law, was proposed by President Roosevelt, though the call was actually issued by the Czar of Russia, who had called the first conference. The discovery of gold in the Klondike in 1897 led to a serious dispute between American and Canadian officials The Alaskan ^^^^ ^^^ Alaskan boundary, a large part of which boundary had never been surveyed. The shortest and ispute quickest route to the gold-bearing region was by trails leading up from Dyea and Skagway on the headwaters of Lynn Canal. These and other hitherto insignificant points soon became important places and were claimed by the Canadians. The Anglo-American joint high commis- sion which met at Quebec in 1898 failed to arrive at an agreement on this question and the American government became aware for the first time of the sweeping character of the Canadian claims. The question hinged on the in- terpretation of the Anglo-Russian treaty of 1825, for the United States acquired in 1867 whatever rights were con- firmed to Russia by tKat treaty. While the language of the Anglo-Russian treaty was vagUe and indefinite, the United States claimed that the intention of the treaty was to give Russia a long strip of land wide enough to cover the heads of all bays, inlets, and arms of the sea, and to shut England out from deep water America as a World Power 529 north of parallel fifty-four forty. In fact, the correspondence of the British negotiator in 1825 shows that he tried to secure a deep-water outlet and failed. President Roosevelt was not willing to arbitrate in the ordinary way rights which seemed so clear. He agreed, however, to submit the question to a commission composed of three Americans, two Canadians, and Lord Alverstone, chief justice of England. If Lord Alverstone decided with the American members of the commission, the United States would win ; if he decided with the Canadians there would be no decision. He did decide with the Americans and the two Canadians dissented. The deep-water outlets were all awarded to the United States, though the boundary line was drawn nearer to the coast than the Americans had claimed. The Canadians were much disappointed and it was charged that Lord Alverstone had sacrificed their interests in order to advance the British policy of friendly relations with the United States. The storm center of Roosevelt's first administration was the Panama Canal. The voyage of the Oregon around the Horn during the war with Spain impressed upon ^j^^ ^ the American people, as nothing else could do, the Pauncefote importance of. an isthmian canal from a naval ^^^ point of view. When President McKinley, at the close of the war, applied himself to the question, his first task was to secure a modification of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. Lord Pauncefote, the British ambassador, met Secretary Hay halfway in his negotiations, and a treaty signed February 5, 1900, authorized the United States to construct and assume the management of the canal, either directly or through a company, but retained the principle of neutralization and adopted a set of rules which were substantially the same as those of the Constantinople Convention governing the Suez Canal. This treaty was so amended by the United States Senate as to render it unacceptable to the British government. 530 The New Nation After the lapse of a year a new agreement was submitted to the Senate by President Roosevelt and ratified De- cember 16, 1901. The new Hay-Pauncefote treaty abro- gated in express terms the Clayton-Bulwer convention and provided that the United States might construct a canal under its direct auspices to be under its exclusive management. The principle of neutralization was nominally retained, but under the sole guarantee of the United States with power to police the canal, and the clause of the first draft forbidding fortifications was omitted. The next question to be determined was the choice of a route. American engineers had almost all favored the The choice Nicaragua route and a commission headed by of a canal Admiral John G. Walker, after a series of inves- '^°"^® tigations covering two years and costing over $1,000,000, reported November 16, 1901, in favor of that route. On January 9, 1902, the Hepburn Bill providing for the construction of a canal through Nicaragua passed the House by the almost unanimous vote of 308 to 2. The report of the commission had meanwhile created a crisis in the affairs of the New Panama Canal Company of France, whose property and interests on the isthmus, which it estimated at $109,000,000, would be worthless unless it could sell out to the United States. Early in January the French company made by cable an offer to sell at $40,000,000 and on January 18 the Walker commission revised its report and recommended to the president the adoption of the Panama route instead of that through Nicaragua. Under these circumstances, instead of passing the Hepburn Bill, the Senate adopted the Spooner amendment, which directed the president to acquire the rights and property of the Panama Canal Company at a cost not exceeding $40,000,000 ; to acquire from the Republic of Colombia the right of way through Panama ; and as soon as these rights were acquired to proceed to construct a canal; but should America as a World Power 531 he be unable to secure a satisfactory title to the property of the French company, and the necessary right of way from Colombia "within a reasonable time and upon reasonable terms," then he was instructed to secure a right of way through Nicaragua and to proceed to build a canal at that point. The House finally concurred in the Spooner amendment, Attorney-General Knox reported that the French company could give a clear title, and on January 22, 1903, The Panama Secretary Hay signed with Mr. Herran, the Colom- revolution bian representative in Washington, a treaty by the terms of which the United States agreed to pay Colombia $10,000,000 cash and an annuity of $250,000 for the lease of a strip of land six miles wide across the isthmus. This treaty was ratified by the United States Senate, but rejected by the Colombian Senate, August 12, 1903, by unanimous vote. The advocates of the Nicaragua route now began to take courage and to demand that, as "the reasonable time" allowed in the Spooner act for the president to acquire a right of way through Panama had expired, it was his duty to turn to Nicaragua. Had things continued in this situa- tion until the meeting of Congress in December, President Roosevelt would undoubtedly have been forced to adopt the Nicaragua route ; this he was determined not to do. On November 3 the people of Panama rose in revolt against Colombia and declared themselves independent. United States marines were immediately landed on the isthmus with instructions from the president to prevent the landing of Colombian troops within fifty miles of Panama. About a week later the Republic of Panama was formally recognized as an independent state. Such hasty recognition of a new republic was without precedent in the annals of American diplomacy and natiu'ally confirmed the rumors that the whole affair had been prear- ranged. The president promptly negotiated a treaty with 532 The New Nation the Panama Republic by which the United States agreed to pay $10,000,000 and an annual sum of $250,000 for the Anaccom- lease of a zone of land ten miles wide across pushed fact the isthmus. In submitting this treaty to the Senate the president declared, in justification of his course, that Colombia was not entitled "to bar the transit of the world's traffic across the isthmus" and that the intervention of the United States was justified by our rights under the treaty of 1846, by our national interests, and by the interests of collective civilization. Several years later Mr. Roosevelt, in a public speech, said : "If I had followed traditional conservative methods I should have submitted a dignified state paper of probably two hundred pages to the Congress and the debate would be going on yet, but I took the Canal zone and let Congress debate, and while the debate goes on the canal does also." The Panama episode created strained relations with Colombia and made a bad impression throughout Latin-America. The United States has since been eyed with suspicion by its weaker southern neighbors. The construction of the canal was finally placed in the hands of General Goethals and a corps of army engineers, and it was opened to commerce August 15, 1914, though it was not completed at that time and traffic was subsequently interrupted by landslides. Although President Roosevelt was immensely popular with the rank and file of his party, the Republican leaders The election would have been glad to nominate some one else of 1904 if they had dared to do so. After the death of Senator Hanna in February, 1904, there was no remaining thought of opposition and the Republican National Conven- tion, which met at Chicago in June, unanimously nominated Roosevelt. The party platform contained nothing new or startling, but challenged a vote of confidence from the people upon Roosevelt's record. The Democratic Convention, which met at St. Louis in f America as a World Power 533 July, was dominated by David B. Hill and the advocates of a return to "safe and sane democracy." Judge Alton B. Parker, of New York, was tendered the nomination. As the Democratic platform was silent on the money question. Judge Parker declared in a telegram to the convention that he regarded the gold standard as firmly and irrevocably established, and if his view should prove to be unsatisfactory to the majority he should have to decline the nomination. On receipt of this telegram there was great excitement and futile talk of revising the platform or of choosing another candidate. Judge Parker proved to be a man of good sense, but thoroughly conservative and without initiative when aggressive leadership was needed. Toward the close of the campaign Parker made several speeches in New York, in which he called attention to the fact that Cortelyou had resigned the position as secretary of commerce and labor in order to become chairman of the Republican campaign committee, and he charged that he was using information he had acquired as a member of the cabinet for the purpose of collecting campaign funds from corporations. To this charge Cortelyou made no reply, but three days before the election President Roosevelt issued a signed statement in which he declared : "The state- ments made by Mr. Parker are unqualifiedly and atrociously false." Subsequent revelations as to the amounts contributed by corporations to the Republican fund left no doubt as to the effectiveness of Cortelyou's methods, whatever may be thought of his motives. Roosevelt was elected by the largest popular vote and the largest popular majority ever recorded for any president. He carried even Missouri, while Parker did not carry any state outside the South. The reform movement, which had been gathering strength for several years, reached its high water mark shortly after the beginning of Roosevelt's second term in the White 534 The New Nation House. The public exposures of the Standard Oil and other trusts had convinced the people that many large fortunes The high ^^^ been accumulated fraudulently and that there tide of was a large group of capitalists who were sys- reform tematically exploiting the public. As a result of charges made during the campaign against the great corporations in New York, a committee of the legislature of that State was appointed to investigate the management of life insurance companies. This committee, of which Charles E. Hughes was counsel, soon uncovered an almost incredible state of corruption in the Wall Street circles of high finance. The testimony showed that the. insurance companies, like other corporations, were in the habit of making heavy campaign contributions. The temper of the people was shown by the fact that Hughes, who had conducted the investigations, was elected governor of New York in 1906 and again in 1908 without reference to the wishes of the Republican machine. The reform movement was strong in the cities and several municipal revolutions were brought about. Exposure be- came the order of the day and the public eagerly read the daily papers, weeklies, and monthlies, which devoted their columns to laying bare corruption and fraud in State and national government or in business enterprises which af- fected the public. The exposure of the meat packers by a clever novelist led to direct legislation by Congress providing for the inspection of ■ meats at the slaughter houses and had great influence in hastening legislation for insuring purity in foods and drugs. In 1906 Congress passed the Hepburn Railway Bill, giving the Interstate Commerce Commission power to fix rates and to prescribe uniform methods of book- keeping for the roads. This bill also prohibited the grant- ing of passes to any but railroad employees, thus putting an end to a notorious abuse of long standing. While many of the newspapers and magazines were per- Americci as a World Power 535 fectly sincere in their efforts at reform, others were less scrupulous, and their attacks were prompted purely by the desire for sensationalism or l)y hope of l)lackmail. Presi- dent Roosevelt tried to check the more radical agitators l)y comparing them to Bunyan's man with the muck-rake, and the term "muck-rakers" soon came into general use. The indiscriminate attack on big business and "predatory wealth" undoubtedly reacted on the credit conditions of the country and led to financial disturbances in -j-he crisis the fall of 1907, which threatened to become very of 1907 serious. A number of banks failed and the financial leaders became alarmed. They claimed that the president's attack on trusts, the passage of new laws, and the enforcement of the pure food regulations had brought about the panic. Their attack on the Roosevelt policies merely convinced the people that the president was right and that it was time for big business to be brought under public control. One of President Roosevelt's greatest services to the nation was undoubtedly the movement to conserve the natural resources. Not only had a large part of ^, 1 T 1- 1 1 1 1 . Theconser- the public lands been granted out to corporations, vation but private interests had also secured control of movement most of the coal, lumber, and water rights. In 1902 Congress passed the Newlands Bill, which began the great work of national irrigation. The act provided that all moneys received from the sale of public lands in certain western States be set aside as a special fund in the treasury, to be known as the "reclamation fund," to be used for the con- struction and maintenance of irrigation works. In order to prevent private appropriation of water rights in localities suited for irrigation, about 43,000,000 acres of land were withdrawn and reserved for homesteads after the completion of the irrigation projects. Under the operation of this act millions of acres of land will be brought under cultivation and provide homes for 536 The New Nation hundreds of thousands of Americans. In 1908 President Roosevelt invited the governors of all the States to a con- ference at the White House, at which they were urged to cooperate with the national government in the great work of conservation. In the field of diplomacy the most important events of Roosevelt's second administration were connected with the The Russo- Russo- Japanese War. As has already been stated, Japanese Secretary Hay's efforts to maintain the open door ^^ in Manchuria were not entirely successful. Russia continued her encroachments, and in 1904 Japan finally de- livered an ultimatum which resulted in war. Throughout the remarkable contest that followed the sympathies of the American people were mainly with Japan. Japan won a series of brilliant naval and military victories, but her re- sources were finally at the point of exhaustion, and at the suggestion of the Japanese Emperor, as we now know. President Roosevelt intervened and urged the two powers to bring the war to a close. The peace commissioners of Russia and Japan met at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, in the summer of 1905. The Japanese commissioners had been instructed to demand a large war indemnity; this Russia refused to grant, and President Roosevelt advised the Japanese negotiators to give up the demand. When the terms of the treaty of Portsmouth reached Tokyo, there was rioting in the streets of the capital and great indignation against the government for making what were considered unfavorable terms. The commissioners put all the blame on President Roosevelt, so that public opinion in Japan was thoroughly aroused against the United States. In October, 1906, the American public suddenly became aware of the fact that an active anti-Japanese agitation was in progress in California. The San Francisco Board of Education passed a resolution directing all Japanese, Chinese, America as a World Power 537 and Korean children to be sent to an Oriental public school specially provided for them. The Japanese government was quick to resent this action, and its ambassador r^^^ demanded that Japanese residents of California Japanese in be protected in the full enjoyment of their treaty °""^ rights. President Roosevelt directed the district attorney to assist the Japanese in their efforts to have their rights vindicated by the courts. The incident created great interest throughout the country and raised the question as to whether the United States had the power to make a treaty that would override the laws of a State. The question was temporarily adjusted by the agreement of the Japanese government not to issue passports to Japanese laborers desiring to come to the United States. The San Francisco School Board there- upon agreed to admit Japanese children to the ordinary schools under certain conditions of age and ability to use the English language. The real difficulty with the Japanese question is that the Japanese people feel that they have made good as a nation and are entitled to full recognition as a civilized people, while the laws of the United States admit to natural- ization only white persons and persons of African descent or nativity. Congress could at any time pass a law admitting the Japanese to naturalization, which would probably fully satisfy the Japanese government, but the feeling against such a measure is so intense on the Pacific coast that Con- gress is never likely to pass such an act. Japanese resent- ment of the school incident was so great that the press of both the Orient and America was filled with predictions of war and there were frequent reports that Japan was pre- paring to seize the Philippines. President Roosevelt was so greatly annoyed at the attitude of Japan that in the autumn of 1907 he decided to send a great American fleet on a voyage around the world and to 538 The New Nation have it visit Japanese waters. The fleet left Hampton Roads in 1907, made the long voyage around the Horn and across the Pacific, was received with marked courtesy by the Japanese government, and returned to America without any untoward incident. President Roosevelt had announced upon several occasions that he would not be a candidate for a third term, as he The election regarded his first term in all essentials the equiva- of 1908 ignti of a regular term. As the policies which he had developed and advocated in his characteristic way during his second term were still on trial, the important question was who should be selected to carry them out. The names of Root, Taft, and Hughes naturally suggested themselves in this connection. As secretary of war and later as secre- tary of state Elihu Root had made a great record and had impressed the country as being the ablest man in the cabinets of both McKinley and Roosevelt. Wilham H. Taft had had long experience as United States circuit judge, had served with distinction as civil governor of the Philippines, and as secretary of war was in charge of the construction of the Panama Canal ; apparently no man had ever had a better training for the presidency and, moreover, Taft possessed a degree of personal popularity which Root lacked. Charles E. Hughes as governor of New York was more actively identified with politics and was regarded as a reformer. Some time before the opening of the campaign Roosevelt let it be known that Taft was his choice and he employed all the influence of his administration in securing Taft delegates to the Republican National Convention. When that body met at Chicago Taft was nominated on the first ballot, and a platform indorsing the Roosevelt policies was adopted. The Democratic National Convention met at Denver and for the third time nominated William J. Bryan for the presidency. The Democrats claimed that Roosevelt had adopted most of the Bryan policies, that Bryan could America as a World Power 539 no longer be regarded as a radical, and as the platforms of the two parties did not differ essentially the voters were left to choose between the two candidates. Taft was elected by a large popular majority and received 321 elec- toral votes to Bryan's 162. GENERAL REFERENCES E. B. Andrews, The United States in Our Own Time, Chap. XXX ; F. L. Paxson, The New Nation, Chaps. XVII-XIX ; C. A. Beard, Contemporary American Histonj, Chaps. IX-XI ; J. H. Latane, A7nerica as a World Power, Chaps. VI, X-XVIII ; T. Roosevelt, Autobiography, Chaps. X-XV; W. R. Thayer, Life and Letters of John Hay, Vol. II, Chaps. XXV-XXX ; Stanwood, History of the Presidency (Edit, of 1916), Vol. II, Chap. Ill ; F. A. Ogg, National Progress, Chap. I. CHAPTER XXX THE NEW DEMOCRACY Roosevelt had been keenly alive to the new social and economic conditions created by modern industrialism, and TheTaftad- he had caught the new spirit of democracy that ministration had arisen in the West and was sweep- ing over the country. He tried earnestly to make the Republican party progressive, but he did not succeed in divorc- ing it from its alliance with big business. Taft was at heart a conserva- tive and the business in- terests were quick to seize the opportunity to side- track the Roosevelt poli- cies. Before the close of his administration President Taft had a divided party on his hands and the way was open for the return of the Democratic party to power. The trouble in the Republican party began over the tariff. Dissatisfaction with the Dingley rates had developed in the Middle West during Roosevelt's first administration. He had seemed for a time to encourage the movement for tariff 540 William H. Taft. The New Democracy 541 revision, but during his second administration he succeeded in avoiding the issue. The Repubhcan platform ^j^^ Payne- of 1908, however, pledged the party to tariff re- Aidrich vision, and shortly after his inauguration President *^ Taft called a special session of Congress for the consideration of this question. A bill introduced into the House by Representative Payne reduced the Dingley rates, but in the Senate, when it came into the hands of Senator Aidrich, it was so amended as to increase the amount of protection. President Taft succeeded in getting the conference committee to make a few reductions and to insert a provision levying an income tax on corpora- tions, and he also proposed as part of the agreement a con- stitutional amendment providing for a general income tax. The measure caused a split in the Republican party, seven Republican senators and twenty Republican representatives voting against it. The tariff had been revised upward instead of downward, and when President Taft in a speech at Winona, Minnesota, claimed that the Payne-Aldrich Bill was a fulfillment of the party pledge, the revisionists received the statement with open ridicule. The serious nature of the split in the Republican party became evident as a result of dissensions in the department of agriculture and in the department of the in- The in- terior. In the fall of 1909 a controversy arose surgents between Dr. H. W. Wiley, who had charge of the enforce- ment of the pure food laws, and his chief, Secretary Wilson. The public became convinced that Dr. Wiley's efforts to enforce the law were not properly backed by the adminis- tration. About the same time a subordinate in the depart- ment of the interior made public charges against Secretary Ballinger, claiming that his administration of the forestry laws was marked by favoritism and lack of zeal for the policies inaugurated by Roosevelt. Gilford Pinchot, head of the bureau of forestry and an intimate personal friend of 542 The New Nation Roosevelt, became involved in the controversy and in January, 1910, the president dismissed him from office. Congress appointed a committee to investigate the charges against Ballinger, and although he was nominally vindicated the public became convinced that the Taft administration was not carrying out in good faith the Roosevelt policies. Taft held such moderate views as to the constitutional powers of the presidency as compared with Roosevelt that he appeared to the public to have fallen into the hands of the "stand-pat" wing of his party. Those Republicans who revolted against the reactionary tendencies of their party became known as "Insurgents." The leaders of this move- ment were Senators La FoUette and Cummins, both of whom aspired to the presidency. In the House of Representatives the chief of the "stand- patters" was Speaker Cannon, who exercised more despotic sway than had ever been dreamed of even by "Czar" Reed in the days of Harrison and McKinley. In March, 1910, the insurgents united with the Democratic minority and changed the rules so as to deprive the speaker of his most important powers. In the elections of 1910 the Democrats carried a majority of the House of Representatives and elected governors in Democratic Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, New victories Jersey, and Indiana. When the next Congress convened, Champ Clark of Missouri was elected speaker and Oscar Underwood of Alabama was made chairman of the Ways and Means Committee. Both were candi- dates for the Democratic nomination for the presidency and eager to make a record. The new House passed several tariff measures, ignoring the reports of the board appointed by President Taft in 1909 for the scientific revision of the tariff. These measures passed the Senate with the aid of the insurgents, but were vetoed. In January, 1911, the president concluded a reciprocity The New Democracy 543 agreement with Canada as a part of the tariff program. The Democrats of tlie House aided in passing this meas- ure, as they considered any reduction of the Canadian Payne- Aldrich rates a good thing. The insurgents reciprocity opposed it, as they considered it injurious to American farming interests. The president succeeded in forcing it through the Senate, after reveahng more fully than ever the serious split in the Republican party, but the measure was finally defeated by the overthrow of the Liberal party in Canada, which was caused in part by the charge that the Liberals favored ultimate annexation to the United States. It fell to President Taft's lot to fill more vacancies on the Supreme Bench than any other president had ever been called upon to fill in one term. He appointed ^. Justice White chief justice in 1910, and later he Supreme appointed five new justices. While his appointees "^* were all men of high character and professional standing, it was felt in some quarters that they were men who would take a conservative view of the great social and eco- nomic questions that were agitating the country. The Taft achiiinistration kept up the prosecution of the trusts under the Sherman law, which had been renewed under Roosevelt. In the Trans-Missouri Case in 1897 the Supreme Court had decided in effect that all combinations in restraint of trade, whether reasonable or unreasonable, were contrary to the Sherman Anti-Trust law. In 1911, in cases against the Standard Oil Company and the American Tobacco Company, the Court ordered the dissolution of these combinations, but Chief Justice White in delivering the opinion of the Court said that by restraint the statute meant "undue" restraint of trade, thus introducing the element of "reasonableness." These companies were dis- solved, but big business was reassured by the new doctrine laid down by the Court. The foreign policy of the Taft administration was not 544 The New Nation particularly striking. Philander C. Knox, a successful cor- poration lawyer of Pittsburg, had not had the kind of training Taft's °^ experience to fit him for the position of secretary foreign of state. By his "dollar diplomacy" he under- ^° ^^^ took to advance American financial enterprises in Latin-America. His proposal to neutralize the railroads of Manchuria, at that time a bone of contention between Russia and Japan, by organizing foreign syndicates to purchase and control them, antagonized both of those countries and further aroused anti-American sentiment in Japan. Personally President Taft devoted much time and thought to the promotion of international arbitration. Under his direction a number of treaties providing for the compulsory arbitration of all "justiciable" disputes were negotiated, but the United States Senate amended them so radically as to render them unacceptable either to the administration or to the foreign powers with whom they had been signed. Notwithstanding the defeat of many administration measures. President Taft's term witnessed the passage of a The close of ^^^i^ber of important acts. An act passed in Taft's ad- June, 1910, provided for the establishment of a ministration gyg^gj^-j Qf postal savings banks, and a bill estab- lishing a parcels post, introduced by a Democrat, David J. Lewis of Maryland, and favored by President Taft, was finally enacted into law August 24, 1912, thus overcoming at last the long and bitter opposition which the express companies had corruptly maintained against this important extension of the post office department. The income tax amendment, proposed by Pres- and Seven- ident Taft in 1909, having been ratified by the. teenth necessary number of states, was proclaimed as the Sixteenth Amendment in P'ebruary, 1913. The Seventeenth Amendment, providing for the direct election of United States senators by the people, which had The New Democracy 545 passed the House half a dozen times within the preceding twenty years, was finally adopted by the Senate in 1911 and submitted to the States. Having received the neces- sary number of ratifications, it was proclaimed May 31, 1913, shortly after the beginning of Wilson's administration. During the twenty years preceding the election of 1912 there had been repeated expressions of dissatisfaction with representative government, and many new forms of democracy had made their appearance. The representa- initiative and referendum in legislation were tivegovem- adopted by South Dakota in 1896, by Utah in 1900, by Oregon in 1902, by Montana in 1906, by Oklahoma in 1907, by Missouri and Maine in 1908, by Arkansas and Colorado in 1910, by Arizona and California in 1911, and in 1912 by Washington, Nebraska, Idaho, and Ohio. The recall of elective officers, adopted by Los Angeles in 1903 and Seattle in 1906, was widely advocated throughout the West, and the proposal was made to extend it to judges of State courts. The movement for greater popular control over party machinery found expression in the enactment of a State-wide primary law by Wisconsin in 1903, by Oregon in 1904, and by Illinois in 1905. The commission form of city government, doing away with the familiar city council and placing municipal affairs in the hands of a small board of administrative officers, was first adopted by the city of Galveston after the destructive tidal wave of 1904, to meet a temporary emergency, but proved so satisfactory that it was continued as a permanent form of city government. The same type of city govern- ment, with varying modifications, was later adopted by Des Moines, Iowa, and other cities. The appearance of these new institutions of democracy was due to a deep-seated distrust on the part of the people of State legislatures, party organizations, and city councils. The cause of woman suffrage made great headway during 546 The New Nation this period and became a subject of national agitation. Women were given the vote first by Wyoming in 1890, then by Colorado in 1893, by Utah and Idaho in 1896, by Wash- ington in 1910, and within the next four years by Cahfornia, Arizona, Kansas, Oregon, Illinois, Nevada, and Montana. During the political crisis of Taft's administration, Roose- velt was absent from the United States, engaged in a hunting The return trip in Africa. When he returned in June, 1910, of Roosevelt ^^g whole country was eager to know what he would have to say about Taft's stewardship. Many of Roosevelt's warmest personal friends had split with the president, the spirit of reform was rampant in the West, and there seemed to be a trend toward the Democratic party. A few weeks after his return Roosevelt plunged into the New York fight between the Hughes and Barnes wings of the Republican party, defeated Vice-President Sherman for the chairmanship of the State convention, and secured the nomination of Stimson for governor. The defeat of the latter in November was hailed as the "elimination" of Roosevelt, but he was not to be so easily disposed of. On August 31, in a speech at Osawatomie, Kansas, he laid down a new political creed which he named the "New Nationalism." In this address he embraced the whole Western program : Federal regulation of trusts, a graduated income tax, tariff revision, labor legislation, direct primaries, and the recall not only of administrative officers, but of judicial decisions. In February, 1912, in an address before the constitutional convention of Ohio he came out strongly for the intiative, referendum, and recall. . In January, 1912, a group of "Insurgents" met tion of the at the house of Senator La Follette in Washing- Progressive ^on and organized the National Progressive Re- publican League. A second meeting of this group was held in the office of Senator Bourne in April. They assured La Follette of support if he would become a candi- The New Democracy 547 date for the presidency. In July he began an active cam- paign, and in October a national conference of Progressive Republicans at Chicago indorsed him, although Pinchot, Garfield, and other friends of Roosevelt held aloof from the La Follette movement. In February, 1912, seven Republican governors united in a letter to Roosevelt urging him to become a candidate for the Republican nomination. He replied, February 24, that he would accept the nomination if tendered, and expressed a desire to let the people decide the matter in direct primaries. He immediately began an active campaign for delegates to the Republican National Convention and the fight between himself and Taft, who expected the nomination, became extremely bitter. Roosevelt exclaimed, "My hat is in the ring," and showed every intention of waging the fight to a finish. As the Republican machine stood by Taft he had a safe majority of the delegates that came to the Chicago conven- tion, though Roosevelt carried the States in t<, „ „_ ' ^ 1 lie cam- which primaries were held and secured over 400 paignof delegates. In addition, the latter contested on ^^" various pretexts the seats of 250 Taft delegates, thus claim- ing a majority of the convention. The national committee refused to recognize these claims and Taft was renominated. Roosevelt denounced this action as "theft," addressed a mass convention of his followers, and sent them home to organize a new party. The Democratic convention met in Baltimore July 1. The principal candidates for the nomination were Speaker Clark, Chairman Underwood of the Ways and Means Committee, Governor Harman of Ohio, and Woodrow Wilson, who had resigned the presidency of Princeton University to become governor of New Jersey. On a number of ballots Clark received a majority and his nomina- tion seemed a question of time, but the Wilson followers 548 The New Nation would not give up the fight, and Bryan, who regarded Clark as the candidate of the Democratic machines in the Eastern States, finally came out openly for Wilson, who was nomi- nated on the forty-sixth ballot with Governor Thomas Mar- shall of Indiana for vice-president. Early in August Roose- velt's followers met in Chicago and organized the National Progressive party. The movement attracted many social reformers and free lances, but the number of political leaders in attendance was significantly small. Roosevelt was nomi- nated amid great enthusiasm, and Governor Hiram Johnson of California was placed on the ticket as candidate for vice- president. Roosevelt conducted a vigorous campaign, but his attack was directed against Taft rather than against Wilson. The antagonism between Republicans and Progressives became exceedingly bitter. Although Wilson's popular vote was about a million less than the combined Republican and Pro- gressive votes, he received 435 electoral votes to Roosevelt's 81 and Taft's 15. It was some months after the inauguration of Wilson before the politicians began to comprehend the new type Woodrow of nian whom the people had called to the pres- Wiison idential chair. They readily admitted his intel- lectual force and his extraordinary gifts as a writer and speaker, but these powers did not convince them of his fitness for the presidency. What they could not under- stand was his grasp of the details of political organization, of the game of politics as actually played, and above all his sympathetic interpretation of the popular will, and his use of publicity as a weapon of coercion. Although Roosevelt had developed latent presidential powers to a striking ex- tent, even he had failed to realize the full possibilities of the office. Wilson's belief in presidential initiative and party leader- ship, based on principle and derived from a profound study The New Democracy 549 of English as well as of American politics, was more con- sistently exercised. He broke the precedents of a hundred years, disconcerted the politicians, and astonished but pleased the people by going before Congress and personally urging legislation on important matters. No president had ever been so successful in forcing the hand of Congress and compelling that body to enact into law party pledges and popular demands. President Wilson called Congress to meet in extra session in April, 1913, and appeared before the two houses to urge in person the revision of the tariff to which the Constructive platform had pledged the party. The Under- legislation wood Act, which became law October 3, 1913, was a revision downward of the existing tariff and was framed with a view to encouraging rather than restricting foreign trade. The Federal Reserve Act of December 23, 1913, radically revised the financial system which had grown up under the National Banking Act of 1863. Its object was to decen- tralize credits by establishing reserve banks in convenient centers throughout the country and thus preventing the accumulation of reserve currency in the New York banks. It has made the currency more elastic and greatly diminished the danger of financial panics to which the old system fre- quently gave rise. In January, 1914, the president again appeared before Congress and proposed anti-trust legislation. He suggested a clearer definition of illegal practices than was provided by the somewhat vague and general language of the Sherman Act of 1890. He also proposed a trade commission with power to investigate and prevent illegal practices and inter- locking directorates. These proposals were debated for months but finally embodied in the Federal Trade Commis- sion and Clayton Anti-Trust bills which were passed in October, 1914. Congress then adjourned, having been in almost continuous session for eighteen months and having 550 The New Nation passed measures of more far-reaching importance than any Congress since the Civil War. In foreign affairs President Wilson had from the first exceedingly difficult problems to face. His administration was scarcely under way when the attention of the Japanese country was once more drawn to the anti-Japanese legislature agitation in California. This time the State in California , . , legislature proposed to deny to aliens who were ineligible to American citizenship the right to acquire agri- cultural land. The president sent Secretary Bryan to California to urge moderation upon the legislators. His mission was not wholly successful. The act as finally passed safeguarded the treaty rights of aliens, but as the Japanese treaty did not specifically cover the point in question, the Japanese were left without redress. The dispute with England over the Panama Tolls Act was another question which the president had to handle The Panama ^^i^^ care. The British government claimed that tolls the exemption of American vessels engaged in the question coastwise trade from the payment of tolls was a violation of the Hay-Pauncefote treaty. The president be- lieved that the British interpretation of the treaty was correct and he had the difficult task of having to persuade Congress to repeal the exemption clause of the Tolls Act. This was done June 15, 1914. In May, 1911, Porfirio Diaz, who had been president of Mexico since 1884, was forced to retire, and Francisco Madero, the leader of the revolt, was elected president, question ^^^ efforts to improve the condition of the native race aroused factional opposition and on Febru- ary 18, 1913, he was seized and imprisoned as the result of a conspiracy formed by one of his generals, Victoriano Huerta, who forthwith proclaimed himself dictator. Four days later Madero was murdered while in the custody of Huerta's troops. Henry Lane Wilson, the American Ambassador, The New Democracy 551 promptly urged his government to recognize Huerta, but President Taft, whose term was rapidly drawing to a close, took no action and left the question to his successor. Insurrections against Huerta's rule broke out almost immediately in several parts of the country and he was unable to extend his authority over the disaffected areas. President Wilson and Secretary Bryan were fully justified in refusing to recognize him, though they probably made a mistake in announcing that they would never do so, and in demanding his elimination from the presidential contest. This action made him deaf to advice from Washington and utterly indifferent to the destruction of American life and property. One of the serious features of the Mexican situation was that the revolutions were financed by American capitalists who had large investments in mines, rubber plan- ^j^^ occupa- tations, and other enterprises. The American tion of Vera Ambassador, Henry Lane Wilson, was a partisan "^"^ of Huerta, so that the State Department could not rel}^ upon information derived from him and had to recall him at a critical moment. Meanwhile the financial interests which had backed the Huerta revolution were clamoring for his recognition, but the president paid no heed to their demands or criticisms and continued to pursue his "policy of watchful waiting." On April 20, 1914, the president asked Congress for authority to employ the armed forces of the United States in demanding redress for the arbitrary arrest of American marines at Vera Cruz, and the next day Admiral Fletcher was ordered to seize the customhouse at Vera Cruz. This he did after a sharp fight with Huerta's troops in which 19 Americans were killed and 70 wounded. The American charge d'affaires. Nelson O'Shaughnessy, was at once handed his passports, and all diplomatic relations between the United States and Mexico were severed. 55^ The New Nation A few days later the representatives of Argentina, Brazil and Chile tendered their good offices for a peaceful settle- ment of the conflict, and President Wilson promptly accepted Recognition their mediation. The resulting conference, which of Carranza convened at Niagara, May 20, was not successful in its immediate object, but it resulted in the elimination of Huerta, who resigned July 15, 1914. On August 20 General Venustiano Carranza, head of one of the revolutionary factions, assumed control of affairs at the capital, but his authority was disputed by General Francisco Villa, another insur- rectionary chief. On Carranza's promise to respect the lives and property of American citizens the United States forces were withdrawn from Vera Cruz in November, 1914. In August, 1915, at the request of President Wilson, the six ranking representatives of Latin America at Washington made an unsuccessful effort to reconcile the contending factions in Mexico. On their advice, however. President Wilson decided in October to recognize the government of Carranza, who now controlled three fourths of the territory of Mexico, as the de facto government of the republic. As a result of this action Villa began a series of attacks on American citizens and raids across the border, which in March, 1916, compelled the president to send a punitive expedition into Mexico and later to dispatch most of the regular army and large bodies of militia to the border. President Wilson's Mexican policy was avowedly based on his larger Pan-American policy. The fact should not be overlooked that the rapid advance of the The new i • i Pan-Amer- United States in the Caribbean Sea durmg the icamsm ^^^^^ ^^^ decades had created violent opposition and alarm in certain parts of Latin America. As a result of the Spanish War the United States acquired Porto Rico and a protectorate over Cuba ; a little later President Roosevelt seized the Canal Zone from Colombia and es- tablished financial supervision over Santo Domingo; and The New Democracy 553 at the time of the Mexican crisis American marines occupied Hayti and Nicaragua. It was widely beheved in Latin America that the United States had converted the Monroe Doctrine from a protective pohcy into a pohcy of imperial- istic aggression. Another step in Caribbean expansion was taken in 1917 when the Danish West Indies were pur- chased. Under these circumstances every move in the Mexican situation was viewed with suspicion. The understanding which had existed for some years between the three leading Latin-American States, Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, gener- ally referred to as the ABC alliance, was believed to have been formed for the purpose of checking the encroachments of the United States. In accepting the mediation of the ABC powers in Mexico and later asking their advice, President Wilson took a long step toward overcoming the resentment and alarm created by Roosevelt's aggressive action in seizing Panama and waving the big stick over our Southern neighbors. As a result of President . Wilson's policy relations with Latin America were placed on a better footing than they had been for a generation. GENERAL REFERENCES C. A. Beard, Contemporary American History, Chaps. XII, XIII ; F. L. Paxson, The New Nation, Chap. XX ; F. W. Taussig, Tariff History of the United States, Chap. VIII ; E. Stanwood, History of the Presidency (Edit, of 1916), Vol. II, Chap. IV; F. A. Ogg, National Progress, Chaps. II-XVII ; J. B. Moore, Principles of American Diplomacy, pp. 215-238, 365-419. CHAPTER XXXI THE EUROPEAN WAR At the outbreak of the great European War in August, 1914, President Wilson issued the usual proclamation of neutrality, and no one foresaw the issues that European would shortly arise and the extent to which the ^" vital interests of the United States would be in- volved. The first task was to bring home the thousands of American tourists who were stranded in all parts of Europe by the sudden mobilization of armies. The sudden inter- ruption of international trade, particularly the export of cotton, caused a general business depression and the country was saved from a serious financial panic only by the opera- tions of the Treasury Department under the new Federal Reserve Act. Business revived when American firms began taking orders from England, France, and Russia for large supplies of arms and munitions of war. The sale of contraband was perfectly permissible under international law, but as the British navy controlled the seas, the Germans and Austrians were unable to get munitions from America, and denounced the trade in war supplies as one-sided and unneutral. Mean- while the German invasion of Belgium with its ruthless atrocities had shocked the moral sense of the world and enlisted the sympathies of the great majority of Americans on the side of Germany's enemies. When the horrors of the Belgian invasion became fully known many Americans began to criticize the president for not having protested against, or tried to prevent, what nobody at the time an- ticipated or believed possible. 554 The European War 555 The British navy found httle difficulty in stopping all direct trade with the enemy in contraband articles, but this was of little avail so long as the trade con- interference tinned through the ports of Italy, Holland, and with neutral the Scandinavian countries. In order to stop this ^^ ^ indirect carriage of contraband the British government inaugurated, in the early stages of the war, a policy of search and detention which imposed great hardships on neutral vessels and neutral commerce. The list of contraband articles was greatly enlarged Jind, on the plea that great freight ships could not be properly searched at sea, they were taken into port, sometimes far out of their course, and detained for indefinite periods. Great Britain further assumed that contraband articles shipped to neutral countries adjacent to Germany and Austria were intended for them unless proof to the contrary was forthcoming. The United States protested vigorously against this policy, but the force of its protest was weakened by the fact that during the Civil War the American govern- ment had pursued substantially the same policy in regard to goods shipped by neutrals to Nassau, Havana, Mata- moros, and other ports adjacent to the Confederacy. In fact the doctrine of continuous voyage or transshipment which England was applying was an American doctrine enunciated by the Supreme Court to justify the seizure of British goods during the Civil War. Soon after the outbreak of hostilities Germany began scattering floating mines in the path of British commerce, and on November 3, 1914, the British govern- submarine ment, as an act of retaliation, declared the North warfare Sea a "war area" and warned neutral vessels not to enter without receiving sailing directions from the British squad- ron. Under pressure of what amounted to a stringent blockade, the German naval authorities decided to employ their large submarine flotilla, which had been unable to 556 The New Nation inflict any serious damage on the British navy, in an attack on British commerce. On February 4, 1915, Germany proclaimed a war zone around the British Isles, including the whole of the Channel, declared that all enemy merchant vessels encountered in these waters after the 18th would be destroyed, even though it might not be possible to save the passengers and crews, and added the warning that neutral vessels could not always be prevented from suffer- ing from the attacks intended for enemy ships. Against this decree the United States at once protested and warned the German government that it would be held to a "strict accountability" for the destruction of American ships or the loss of American lives. The submarine policy was nevertheless inaugurated on the date set and within a few weeks two Standard Oil tankers bearing the American flag had been torpedoed and several American citizens had lost their lives. Before the American government had decided what action to take the whole world was startled by the deliberate torpedoing, without warning, off the southern point of Ireland, of the great ocean liner Lusitania, May 7, 1915. She was bound from New York for Liver- pool, and had 1917 souls on board. Of this number 1153 perished, including 114 American men, women, and children. The German press hailed the sinking of the Lusitania as a triumph of the submarine policy. In America it was defended only by the extreme pro-Germans. The Lusitania press of the country denounced it as an act of bar- corre- barism and it was generally believed that the German ambassador would be given his pass- ports as soon as the press reports of the disaster were officially confirmed. President Wilson, however, decided to exhaust the resources of diplomacy before breaking off relations with Germany, and in a calm and dignified note to the German government he reasserted the right of Americans to travel on the high seas, denounced the illegality of sub- The European War 557 marine warfare, and called on Germany for a disavowal of the act and for reparation, so far as reparation was possible. The German reply was unsatisfactory. It claimed that the Lusitania was armed and therefore not entitled to be treated as an ordinary merchantman, and that the destruction of a ship bearing ammunition to the enemy was an act of "just self-defense." President Wilson was on the point of dispatching a second note to Germany when Secretary of State Bryan tendered his resignation, stating as his reason that the new note meant war, and that therefore he could not sign it. Robert Lansing of New York, a well-known authority on international law and counselor for the Department of State, was appointed to succeed him. While the Lusitania correspondence was still in progress, matters were brought to a crisis in August, 1915, by the torpedoing of the White Star liner Arabic, involv- . . . . ^ Germany mg the loss ot two American citizens. Count promises to BernstorfT realized fully the seriousness of the modify her situation, and without waiting for the American government to act, promptly assured Secretary Lansing that if it should prove true that American lives were lost on the Arabic, it was contrary to the intention of his government. This announcement indicated a change of policy on the part of Germany, and paved the way for further negotiation. The submarine campaign had not seriously interfered with British commerce, and it had brought Germany to the verge of war with the United States. On September 1, Count Bernstorff gave assurances that henceforth liners would not be sunk by submarines without warning and without saving the lives of noncombatants, provided they would not attempt to escape or offer resistance. This pledge, solemnly given in order to avert a crisis, was not kept in good faith. The German submarines con- tinued their unlawful attacks and matters were again brought 558 The New Nation to a crisis in March, 1916, when the Sussex, an unarmed passenger steamer, was torpedoed without warning in the The attack EngUsh Channel. About eighty passengers, in- on the eluding Several citizens of the United States, "**^^ were killed or injured. The German government at first denied responsibility for the disaster, but conclusive evidence was finally adduced, showing that the vessel was attacked by a German submarine, and on April 18 Secretary Lansing drew up an ultimatum declaring that unless the German government should immediately abandon its methods of submarine warfare against passenger and freight vessels, the United States would have "no choice but to sever diplomatic relations with the German Empire alto- gether." In reply the German government stated that its naval forces had received orders not to sink merchant vessels without warning and without saving human lives, unless the vessels should attempt to escape or to offer re- sistance. The United States accepted this assurance as an abandonment of the submarine policy announced on February 4, 1915, and for some months there was a marked cessation of submarine activity. After the German and Austrian governments had tried in vain to persuade the American government that the trade in munitions of war was unneutral, and after activities in the German propagandists had failed in their the United efforts to get Congress to place an embargo on the export of munitions, an extensive conspiracy was formed to break up the trade by a resort to criminal methods. In July, 1915, an attempt was made by a German instructor in an American university to assassinate J. P. Morgan, the chief fiscal agent in America of the British government. Numerous explosions occurred in munitions plants, destroy- ing many lives and millions of dollars of property, and bombs were placed in a number of ships engaged in carry- ing supplies to the allies. The Austrian ambassador, The European War 559 Dr. Dumba, lent his active support to a plan to cripple the munitions plants by widespread strikes among employees. As a result, his recall was demanded by Secretary Lansing in September, 1915. The German military and naval attaches at Washington, Captain Franz von Papen and Captain Karl Boy-Ed, were involved in these activities and in November their recall was likewise demanded. These conspiracies were not con- fined to foreigners, but many naturalized Americans of German origin were involved and arrayed against the gov- ernment of the United States. The term "hyphenated" American was applied to them and soon came into general use. In his annual message of December, 1915, President Wilson publicly denounced those men who had "poured the poison of disloyalty into the very arteries of our national life," and urged Congress to enact laws which would enable him to handle the situation. The German propagandists resolved to defeat Wilson for reelection at all hazards and thus made the "hyphen" a distinct issue in American politics. The Congress which met in December, 1915, passed a number of measures of far-reaching importance. The National Defense Act provided for a regular army ^j^^ of 186,000 officers and men, a federalized National National Guard of over 400,000 men, a system of civilian ^^^^""^^ ^ct training camps for reserve officers, and the establishment of plants for the production of nitrates and other products used in the manufacture of munitions. The bill was passed after a long fight between the advocates of a new "con- tinental army" and those who favored federalizing the existing National Guard. The secretary of war and the general staff favored the former, but their plan was defeated by Chairman Hay of the House Committee on Military Affairs. The president's apparent willingness to accept the Hay Bill led Secretary Garrison to resign from the cabinet 560 The New Nation in February, 1916, and a month later, Newton D. Baker of Ohio was appointed secretary of war. The naval program was likewise the subject of heated debate. The measure which was finally enacted in August, 1916, went far beyond the original proposals of the secretary of the navy. It provided for an expenditure of over $500,000,000 for new construction within the next three years. In order to meet increased army and navy expenditures a new revenue act was passed in September, doubling the normal tax on incomes and raising the surtax on DortMit^cts l^i"g6 incomes to a maximum of 13 per cent on in- comes of $2,000,000 or over ; the taxes on in- heritances, on munitions, and on corporations were also increased. Other important measures passed during the same session were the act establishing a Shipping Board, the act extend- ing a larger measure of autonomy to the Filipinos and promising them ultimate independence, the act excluding from interstate commerce products into the manufacture of which child labor entered, and the usual river and harbor bill involving millions of needless expenditure. The strong leadership displayed by Wilson in putting through Congress his program of progressive legislation R nomina- ii^^ured his renomination for the presidency, not- tion of withstanding the severe criticism which his foreign ^^^°° policy called forth. His handling of the Mexican situation aroused bitter opposition, while his failure to secure effectively the rights of neutrals in the European War alienated many of those who had voted for him in 1912. There was, however, no opposition within the party and when the Democratic National Convention met in St. Louis, June 14, Wilson and Marshall were renominated unanimously. The Republican convention which met in Chicago a week The European War 561 earlier had a much more difficult situation to face. Its task was to choose a candidate who would be acceptable to the Progressive party and thus prevent that party from again placing Roosevelt in the "field. In RepubUcans Februarv Elihu Root made what was intended ^^ Progressives to be a "keynote" speech before a Repubhcan convention in New York, denouncing the president's foreign pohcy as "weak, vacillating, and stultifying." The Republi- cans dared not openly criticize Wilson's legislative measures for fear of antagonizing the Progressives, so they were forced to make the foreign policy the paramount issue. Colonel Roosevelt had, however, been even severer than Root in his criticism of the administration, and his friends claimed that he was the logical candidate to place in the field against Wilson. The Progressives made it clear at any rate that they would not support Root. Republican hopes were then centered in Justice Charles E. Hughes of the Supreme Court, who had been out of politics for six years, and whose views on the issues which had split the party were not known. While there was little enthusiasm for Hughes, it was thought that he would be acceptable to both Republicans and Progressives. His position on the Supreme Court gave him an excuse for maintaining a Sphinx- like silence on all the vital issues before the country. With the hope of agreeing on the same candidate the Republican and Progressive conventions met in Chicago on the same day, June 7. It was soon evident that Nomination the Republican convention was controlled by the °* Hughes "Old Guard," as the conservatives and reactionaries were called, while the members of the Progressive convention were eager to nominate Roosevelt without waiting to see whom the Republicans would choose. Their leaders held them back, however, and proposed a conference between committees of the two conventions. The Republican con- ferees proposed Hughes as a compromise candidate, while 56^ The New Nation the Progressives insisted on Roosevelt, and no agreement was reached. On the fourth day the Repubhcan conven- tion began balloting, and it was soon evident that Hughes would be nominated. On learning this the Progressives nominated Roosevelt by acclamation a few seconds before the Republicans finished balloting for Hughes. Eventually Roosevelt declined the Progressive nomina- tion and urged his followers to support Hughes, but many of them refused to be led back into the Republican party and cast their votes for Wilson. Hughes conducted an active campaign, traveling from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and later making a second tour through the Middle West. He violently -assailed Wilson's Mexican policy, but on the vital issues raised by the European War he was noncom- mittal. He was apparently trying to hold the German- American vote, which was normally Republican, while Roosevelt created widespread enthusiasm among native Americans by denoun(dng in emphatic terms the misdeeds of Germany and the failure of Wilson to protect American lives and property. About the middle of August a new turn was given to the campaign by the threat of a general strike of railroad men The threat- ^^^ ^^^ eight-hour day and extra pay for overtime, ened rail- In order to avert the threatened calamity to roa str e jougii^esg j^nd industry. President Wilson invited the labor leaders and th(^ railroad managers to a conference at the White House, and proposed that the demands of the men be provisionally (conceded and that in the meantime Congress should authoi'ize him to appoint a commission to observe and report the results. This proposal was accepted by the labor leaders but i-ejectcd by the railroad presidents. The strike was ord(n-ed for September 4, and on August The Adam- 29 the president went before Congress and urged son law immediate legislation along the line of his pro- posals. He suggested, in addition, the enlargement of the The European War 563 Interstate Commerce Commission, increased freight rates, and provision for a public investigation before a strike or lockout might be lawfully attempted. Congress promptly passed the Adamson law embodying the eight-hour day, extra pay for overtime, and the commission to observe and report, but postponed action on the other proposals. The act was signed September 3 and the strike averted. The president's course was widely assailed as a surrender under pressure to the labor leaders, who, it was claimed, had taken advantage of the political situation at home and the delicate state of foreign relations to gain their ends. The Adamson law was eagerly seized by Hughes as a cam- paign issue and became the main target of his attack during the rest of the canvass". Throughout the greater part of the campaign President Wilson remained at his summer residence, "Shadow Lawn," where he received delegations and delivered a The election number of carefully prepared addresses. He ap- returns pealed to his record and paid little attention to the criticisms of his opponents. Up to the last many voters were un- decided as to how they would cast their ballots. The election turned out to be one of the closest in the history of the country, and for several days after the votes were cast the result was in doubt. By nine o'clock of election night it was evident that Hughes had carried New York, Indiana, and Illinois, and many of the Democratic papers, including the New York Times, conceded his election. The next day, however, when the country districts and the smaller States of the West were heard from, the returns were more favorable for Wilson. Hughes carried West Virginia, Delaware, and all of the northern States east of the Mississippi except New Hampshire and Ohio ; west of the Mississippi he carried only Iowa, Minnesota, South Dakota, and Oregon. The remaining thirty-one States were carried by Wilson. 564 The New Nation The election probably turned on the Progressive vote of the West more than on any other one factor. This was The vote in particularly true of the vote in California, where California (;on(litions were peculiar. Governor Hiram John- son, who had been the Progressive candidate for vice- president four years before, was elected to the United States Senat(^ on the R(>publican ticket by nearly 300,000 votes over his Democratic opponent, while Wilson carried the State by a majority of 3800 over Hughes. The latter lost the State by identifying himself during his visit to Cali- fornia with the leaders of the reactionary faction of the Republican party, thus alienating the former Progressives. In this campaign the women's vote figured conspicuously for the first time in a presidential contest, and the first woman representative was elected to Congress, Miss Jean- nette Rankin of Montana, but the women's vote does not appear anywhere to have had a decisive effect on the out- come. The same was true of the German vote and of the labor vot(% l)oth of wliich were divided. During the sunnner- and fall of 1916 the European armies were at a deadlock on tlu^ w(^st(u-n front. In the East the n A * Germans made a successful drive into Rumania President Wilson's and on Dc^ccmbcr 6 occupied the capital city, peace move Bucharest. Six days later Germany, acting for herself and her allies, announced to the Entente Powers her willingness "to enter forthwith upon negotiations for peace." No terms were proposed and she let it be known that none would be announced until the offer to negotiate was accepted. President Wilson ti-a.nsmitted the German note to England and France without comment. On the 18th, however, he addressed an identic note to the govern- ments of all the nations at war requesting them to state definitely the terms on which they would deem it possible to make peace. This note was for a time regarded in England and France The European War 565 as unwarranted meddling and as an indorsement, in a way, of the German proposal, but when the replies of the warring nations were made public, the first impressions of the presi- dent's move were modified. The Central Powers merely replied that they were ready to enter into negotiations and tried to fasten on their enemies the responsibility for con- tinuing the war. The Entente Powers, on the other hand, stated fairly definitely the measure of reparation and restitu- tion and the guarantees which they considered indispensable conditions of a permanent peace. Meanwhile it was rumored that Germany was construct- ing ocean-going submarines of a new and larger type and that she intended to resume unrestricted sub- marine warfare on a more extensive scale than xhe an- ever. On January 22, 1917, President Wilson nouncement delivered a notable address to the Senate, in stricted which he outlined the principles on which the submarine W3.rf3TG United States would be willing to enter into a after Febru- League for Peace, hoping that if a satisfactory ^''y i- ^917 basis for the future peace of the world could be established, the war might be brought to a close. On January 31, however, the German ambassador handed Secretary Lansing a formal note announcing a new zone around Great Britain and France and warning him that all ships, those of neutrals included, found within the zone after February 1 would be sunk. The eyes of the country were again focused on the presi- dent with an intensity of interest which had not been felt since the sinking of the Lusitania. On February 3, he ap- peared before Congress and in calm and measured tones announced that Count Bernstorff had that day been given his passports and that all diplomatic intercourse with Germany was at an end. This announcement was en- thusiastically received by the great majority of the American people, who were soon in a state of hourly expectation of 566 The New Nation the "overt act" which the president said he would await before recommending further action. During the next three weeks two American ships were sunk by German submarines, but without loss of life. Ship- owners were, however, unwilling to send their ^^fu^L^^ vessels to sea, and American commerce was tied on the pro- _ ' posaitoarm up in American ports under a practical embargo ^ps ^^^ ^^'^^ ^y decree of the German government. Under these circumstances President Wilson again ap- peared before Congress, February 26, and asked for author- ity to arm American merchantmen, in order that they might protect themselves in passing through the danger zone. The House voted overwhelmingly for the resolution giving the president the necessary authority, but under the rules of the Senate permitting unlimited debate, a small group of eleven senators, led by La Follette of Wisconsin and Varda- man of Mississippi, prevented a vote being taken and Con- gress adjourned March 4 without action by the Senate. Popular indignation against the recalcitrant senators was raised to a fever heat by the disclosure, on March 1, of the ^j^g famous "Zimmermann Note," in which the Ger- Zimmer- man foreign secretary invited Mexico to unite mann no e ^[n^ Germany and Japan in a war against the United States. The dispatch was addressed to the German minister in Mexico and was transmitted through Count Bernstorff at Washington, but was intercepted and came into the possession of the State Department. Both Mexico and Japan indignantly denied any knowledge of the note or any possibility of their being led into such a scheme. ! The failure of the Senate to act on the resolution giving the president authority to arm merchantmen made it Revision of necessary for him to call an extra session of Con- Senate rules gress, which convened April 2. The Senate had already convened in extra session on March 5, and in response to the demands of public opinion had revised its rules, placing The European War 567 reasonable limits on deljate and making it impossible for a small group to delay action indefinitely. Meanwhile the president had been forced to the conclusion that the arming of merchantmen would not be a sufficiently effective means of dealing with the submarine xi,^«,»o: ° _ i he presi- terror. On April 2 he appeared before a joint dent's war session of the two Houses and urged "that the ^ '^^^^ Congress declare the recent course of the German govern- ment to be in fact nothing less than war against the govern- ment and people of the United States ; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it ; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense, but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the government of the German Empire to terms and end the war." The president did not, however, stop here. The recent Russian revolution had created a new international outlook and given him a new vision of the future. In his address, therefore, he laid bare the menace to all free peoples of an autocratic government like that of Germany and proclaimed a world-wide war of democracy against autocracy. The lofty idealism of the president's address struck a responsive chord in the hearts of lovers of liberty the world over. "It is a fearful thing," he said in conclusion, "to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, — for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free. To such a task we can dedicate our lives 568 The New Nation and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured." On April 6, after discussion lasting several days as to the form the resolution should take, Congress finally declared War with ^^^^^ ^ state of war existed between Germany and Germany the United States. A few days later the vast sura ec are ^£ seven billion dollars was appropriated for carry- ing on the war. This was the largest single appropriation made by any legislative body in the history of the world. Nearly half of it was to be used in loans to foreign govern- ments. The foreign loan was to be raised by bond issues, but the president urged that our own expenditures for the war be raised as far as possible by increased taxation. Con- gress at once undertook the task of providing for a great army to be raised by selective draft and of framing new revenue laws. GENERAL REFERENCES J. B. Moore, Principles of American Diplomacy , pp. 66-101 ; F. A. Ogg, National Progress, Chaps. XVIII-XXI ; Woodrow Wilson, Why We Are at War (A collection of the president's ad- dresses preceding and following the declaration of war) ; Andre Cheradame, The Pan-German Plot Unmasked; Arthur BuUard, The Diplomacy of the Great War; J. M. Beck, The Evidence in the Case; G. L. Beer, The English- Speaking Peoples; J. B. Scott, The American View of the War against the Imperial German Government, 2 Vols. ; U. S. Department of State, Diplomatic Corre- spondence with Belligerent Governments Relating to Neutral Rights and Commerce; The American Year Book (issued annually since 1910 by Appleton) ; A. B. Hart and A. O. Lovejoy, Handbook of the War for Public Speakers, issued by the National Security League, contains excellent bibliography on the various phases of the war. APPENDIX A. DECLAEATION OF INDEPENDENCE. In Congress, July 4, 1776. A DECLARATION BY THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED. When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident: — That all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, de- riving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happi- ness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usur- pations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies ; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of gov- ernment. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establish- ment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world. 569 570 Appendix A He has refused his assent to laws the most -wholesome and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained ; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large dis- tricts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of repre- sentation in the legislature — a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomforta- ble, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise ; the State remain- ing, in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasions from with- out, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States ; for that purpose obstructing the laws for the naturalization of foreigners ; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the condi- tions of new appropriations of lands. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people and eat out their substance. He has kept among us in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our Legislatures. He has affected to i-ender the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitutions, and unacknowledged by our laws ; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation : For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any mur- ders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States ; For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world ; For imposing taxes on us without our consent j Declaration of Independence 571 For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury ; For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended offenses ; For abolisliing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its bounda- ries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for intro- ducing the same absolute rule into these colonies ; For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments ; For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his pro- tection, and waging war against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burned our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most bar- barous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. He has excited domestic insurrection among us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress iu the most humble terms ; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince whose character is thus mai'ked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting in our attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity ; and we have conjured them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our sepa- ration, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the 572 Appendix A world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and de- clare, That these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the Brit- ish crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And, for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. The foregoing Declaration was, by order of Congress, engrossed, and signed by the following members : — JOHN HANCOCK. NEW HAMPSHIRE. Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thornton. MASSACHUSETTS BAY. Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry. RHODE ISLAND. Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery. CONNECTICUT. Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott. NEW YORK. William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Prancis Lewis, Lewis Morris. NEW JERSEY. Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart, Abraham Clark. PENNSYLVANIA. Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross. DELAWARE. Caesar Rodney, George Read, Thomas M'Kean. MARYLAND. Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll, of Car- rollton. VIRGINIA. George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton. NORTH CAROLINA. William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn. SOUTH CAROLINA. Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jr., Thomas Lynch, Jr., Arthur Middleton. GEORGIA. Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton. Declaration of Independence 573 Besolved, That copies of the Declaration be sent to the several assem- blies, conventions, and committees, or councils of safety, and to the several commanding officers of the continental troops : that it be proclaimed in each of the United States, and at the head of the army. APPENDIX B. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Preamble. We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the com- mon defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Consti- tution for the United States of America. Article I. Legislative Department. Section I. Congress in General. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Repre- sentatives. Section II. House of Bepresentatives. 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States ; and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. 2. No person shall be a represe ntativ e who shall not have attained to the age o f twenty-five years , and been seven years a fitiz en of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. ~~~ '~' ^ 3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all otlier persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The num. ber of representatives shall not exceed one fo r every thirty thou saiud^but I each State shall have at least one representative ; and until such enumera- \ 574 "^ The Constitution 575 tion shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five. New York six. New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 4. When vacancies happen in the representations from any State, the / executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such ' vacancies. ^ 5. The House of Representatives shall choose their speaker and other i officers, and shall have the sole power of impeachment. Section III. Senate. [1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two .senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof for six years, and each Senator shall have one vote.ji 2.- Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided, as equally as may be, into three classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every secondj^ear ; [and if vacancie s hap- pen, by resignation or otherwiseTdurmg the recess of the Legislature of any State, the executive thereof may make tempora ry appointments until the next meetmgof the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies.]' 3. No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the age of t hirty year s, and been nine ye ars a_citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. 4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Sena te, but sha ll have no vote, unless they be_e£uall y div ided. 5. The Senate shall choose their officers, and also a president pro tem- pore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States. 6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the chief justice shall preside ; and no person shall be convicted without t he concurr ence of two-thirds of the members present. 7. Judgment in case of impeachment shall not extend farther than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit under the United States ; but the party convicted 1 Changed by Amendment XVII. 576 Appendix B shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment according to law. Section IV. Both Houses. 1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof ; but the Congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the place of choosing senators. 2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by- law appoint a different day. Section V. The Houses Separately. 1. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifica- tions of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business ; but'a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner and under such penalties as each house may provide. 2. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member, 3. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the members of either house, on any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 4. Neither house during the session of Congress shall, without the con- sent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. Section VI. Disabilities of Members. 1. The senators and representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall in all caseSv except treason, felony, breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and in going to or returning from the same ; and for any speech or debate in either house, they shall not be questioned in any other place. 2. No senator or representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office^under the authority of the United States, which shall have teen created, or the emoluments whereof shall The Constitution 577 have been increased, during such time ; and no poison holding any office under the United States sliall be a member of either house during his continuance in office. Section VII. Mode of Passing Laws. 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Repre- sentatives ; but the Senate ma.y propose or concur with amendments, as on other bills. 2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States ; if he approve, he shall sign it ; but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to that house in which it shall have origi- nated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if ap- proved by two-thirds of that house, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law in like manner as if he had -signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. 3. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a ques- tion of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States ; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or, being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and limita/- tions prescribed in the case of a bill. Section VIII. Powers granted to Congress. The Congress shall have power : 1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay tho debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States ; 2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States ; 3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes , 578 Appendix B 4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States ; 5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures ; 6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeitmg the securities and current coin of the United States ; 7. To establish post-offices and post-roads ; 8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their re- spective writings and discoveries ; 9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court ; 10. To define and punish felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against the law of nations ; 11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water ; 12. To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years ; 13. To provide and maintain a navy ; 14. To make rules for the government and regulation of land and naval forces ; 15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions ; 16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the dis- cipline presci'ibed by Congress; 17. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places pur- chased, by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings ; and, 18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any depart- ment or office thereof. Section IX. Powers denied to the United States. 1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited by the The Constitution 579 Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight ; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. 2. The privilege of the vwit of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it. 3. No bill of attainder, or ex-post-factg law,-shalLbe passed. 4. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken. 5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. 6. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another ; nor shall vessels bound to or from one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. 7. No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. 8. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States ; and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. Section X. Poioers denied to the States. 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit ; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex-post-facto law, or law impairing the obliga- tion of contracts ; or grant any title of nobility. 2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any im- posts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws ; and the net produce of all duties and imposts laid by any State on imports or exports shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States, and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. 3. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in times of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State or with a foreign power, or en- gage in war unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delays. 580 Appendix B Article II. Executive Department. Section I. President and Vice-President. 1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and, together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows : 2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of senators and representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress ; but no senator or representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector. 3. [The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by bal- lot for two pei'sons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each ; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The Presi- dent of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for President; and if no person have a majority, then, from the five highest on the list, the said House shall in like manner choose the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice-President.] ^ 4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they will give their votes, which day shall be the same throughout the United States. 5. No person except a natural-born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to 1 Altered by the Xllth Amendment. The Constitution 581 the office of President ; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been four- teen years a resident within the United States. 6. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President ; and the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or ina- bility, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall then act as President ; aad such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed or a President shall be elected. 7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a com- pensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any of them. 8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the fol- lowing oath or affirmation : "I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." Section II. Poioers of the President. 1. The President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States when called into the actual service of the United States ; he may require the opinion in writing of the principal officer in each of the executive departments upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices ; and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. 2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and con- suls, judi^es of the Supreme CjDurt, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for and which shall be established by law ; but the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions, which shall expire at the end of their next session. 582 Appendix B Section III. Duties of the President. He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either of them ; and in case of dis- agreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. Section IV. Impeachment of the President. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United States shall be removed from office on impeachment for and conviction^ t rea- son, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. Article III. Judicial Department. Section I. United States Courts. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior ; and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation, which shall not be dimin- ished during their continuance in oJice. Section II. Jurisdiction of the United States Courts. 1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made or which shall be made, under their authority ; to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls ; to all cases of admi- ralty and maritime jurisdiction ; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party ; to controversies between two or more States ; between a State and citizens of another State ; between citizens of dif- ferent States ; between citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants of different States ; and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens, or subjects.^ 2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and con- suls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, 1 Altered by Xlth Amendment. The Constitution 583 with such exceptions and under sucli regulations as the Congress shall make. 3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed ; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. Section III. I'reason. 1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and com- fort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of trea- son; but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted. Article IV. The States and the Federal Government, Section I. State Eecords. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. Section II. Privileges of Citizens, etc. 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. 2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. 3. No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regu- lation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. Section III. New States and Territories. 1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union ; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State ; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned, as well as of the Congress. 584 Appendix B 2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and regulations respecting, the territory or other property belonging to the United States ; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so con- strued as to prejudice any claims of the United States or of any particular State. Section IV. Guarantee to the States. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a re- publican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; and, on application of the Legislature, or of the executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened), against domestic violence. Article V. Power of Amendment. The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it neces- sary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the applica- tion of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by conven- tions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress ; provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first Article ; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. Article VL Public Debt, Supremacy of the Constitution, Oath OF Office, Religious Test. 1. All debts contracted and engagements entered into before the adop- tion of this Constitution shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution as under the Confederation. 2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. 3. The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution ; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States. The Constitution 585 Article VII. Ratification of the Constitution. The ratifications of the Conventions of nine States shall be sufiBcient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. Done in Convention, by the unanimous consent of the States present, the seventeenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, and of the Independence of the United States of America the twelfth. AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. Article I. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof ; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. Article II. A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. Article III. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be pre- scribed by law. Article IV. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be vio- lated, and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. Article V. No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia when in active service in time of war or public danger ; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a witness against himself ; nor 586 Appendix B be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; noi shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation. Article VI. In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor ; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense. Article VII. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved ; and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States than according to the rules of the common law. Article VIII. Excessive bail shall not be required, 'nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted. Article IX. The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be con- strued to deny or disparage others retained by the people. Article X. The powers not granted to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or to the people. Article XI. The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State, Article XII. 1. The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person The Constitution 587 voted for as Vice-President, and tliey shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate ; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certifi- cates, and the votes shall then be counted ; the person having the greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately by ballot the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the repre- sentation from each State having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President, whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of death or other constitutional disability of the President. 2. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list the Senate shall choose the Vice- President ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. Article XIII. 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. Article XIV. 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No States shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; 588 Appendix B nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, with- out due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States ac- cording to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of per- sons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice- President of the United States, representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male members of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of represen- tation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty- one years of age in such State. 3. No person shall be a senator or representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or holding any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid and comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave ; but all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be held illegal and void. 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce by appropriate legislation the provisions of this article. Article XV. 1. The right of the citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce by appropriate legislation the provisions of this article. The Constitution 589 Article XVI. i The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on incomes, from whatever source derived, without apportionment among the several States, and without regard to any census or enumeration. Akticle XVII. 2 The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two senators from each State, elected by the people thereof, for six years ; and each senator shall have one vote. The electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures. When vacancies happen in the representation of any State in the Senate, the executive authority of such State shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies : Provided, That the legislature of any State may empower the executive thereof to make temporary appointment until the people fill the vacancies by election as the legislature may direct. This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect the election or term of any senator chosen before it becomes valid as part of the Constitution. 1 Passed July, 1909; proclaimed February 25, 1913. 2 Passed May, 1912, in lieu of parajiraph one. Section 3, Article I, of the Constitution, and so much of paragraph two of the same Section as relates to the filling of vacancies; proclaimed May 31, 1913. INDEX ABC alliance, 553. Abercromby, General James, 85, 86. Abolition, 309; bibliography, 321. Abolition party, 290, 296, 315. Abraham, Plains of, 89. Acadia, 72. Adams, Charles Francis, 402, 478. Adams, Charles Francis, Junior, 346. Adams, John, portrait, 207 ; Revolu- tionary activities of, 105, 116, 120- 127, 130; vice-president, 191; presi- dent, 207-211. Adams, John Quincy, portrait, 266 supports embargo policy, 229 peace commissioner at Ghent, 246 secretary of state, 254 ; president, 265-269 ; opposes annexation of Texas, 293 ; defends right of peti- tion, 311 ; makes threat of seces- sion, 346. Adams, Samuel, 112, 113, 116, 186. Adamson law, 562. Agriculture, Department of, 457. Agriculture, development of , in West, 306. Aguinaldo, 510, 511. Aix-la-Chapelle, the Peace of, 79. Alabama, admitted, 258; secedes, 345. Alabama, The, 402 ; bibliography, / 407. ''"Alabama Claims," 475, 470, 477; Ijibliography, 495. Alamance, battle of the, 106. Alamo, the, 286. I Alaska, purchase of, 478 ; Inbliog- ' raphy, 495. y Alaskan boundary dispute, 528. Albany Congress, 82. Albemarle Sound, 55. Alexander, General William, 130, 131. Alexander VI, Pope, issues bull of May 4, 1493, 8. Alger, Russell A., inefficiency of the War Department under, 505 ; resignation of, 508. Alien Act, 210; bibliography, 222. Allen, Ethan, 121. Altgeld, Governor, 470. Alverstone, Lord, 529. Amendments, to the Constitution, the fir.st ten, 193 ; bibliography, 205; twelfth, 211; thirteenth, 425; fourteenth, 428, 429, 430; fifteenth, 439, 464 ; sixteenth and seventeenth, 544. America, the naming of, 9. American Antislavery Society, 309. American cabinet, 192. American coast, blockade of, 1813, 238 ; bibliography, 250. American Colonization Society, 308. American diplomacy, beginnings of, 146. See Neutrality, Monroe Doc- trine, Open-door Policy, Treaty. American doctrine of expatriation, 481. American Federation of Labor, 454. American fleet, voyage of, around the world, 1907, 537. American neutrality and the mission of Genet, 202 ; bililiography, 206. American Republics, Bureau of, 485. American Revolution, 92. American system, 267. American Tobacco Company, 543. Amherst, Colonel Geoffrey, 86, 88. Anderson, Major Robert, 349. Andre, Major John, 162. Andros, Sir Edmund, governor- general of New England, 51, 59, 60. % Index Anglican Church, the, 68. Annapolis Convention, 179. Anthracite coal strike, 1902, 522. Antietam campaign, 380, bibliog raphy, 394. Anti-Federalists, 185, 197. Anti-Masonic party, 278. Appomattox, Lee's surrender at, 420 ; bibliography, 423. Arabic, torpedoed, 558. Arbitration treaties, 491, 527, 528, 544. Aristotle, 2. Arkansas, admitted to the Union, 307; secedes, 350, 356. Armed Neutrality, 155. Armistead, General Lewis A., 388. Arnold, Benedict, portrait, 101 ; at Ticonderoga, 121 ; at Quebec, 122 ; on Lake Champlain, 132 ; at Fort Stanwix, 139 ; at Free- man's Farm, 143, 144 ; treason of, 161, 162; in Virginia, 166; bibliography, 174. " Aroostook War," 292. Arthur, Chester A., portrait, 454 ; president, 453. Articles of Confederation, 175 ; defects of, 178 ; proposal to amend. 179; bibliography, 189. Ashby, General Turner, 373. Ashley, Lord, 55. Asiento of 1713, 77, 78. Atlanta, fall of, 415. Attorney-general, office of, created, 192. Australian ballot, 467. Bacon, Nathaniel, rebellion of, 57 ; death of, 58; bibliography, 71. Bahamas, discovered by Columbus, 7. Bainbridge, Captain William, 238. Baker, Newton D., secretary of war, 500. Balboa, Vasco Nunez, 10. Ballinger, Secretary Richard A., 541. Baltimore, British attack on, 245 ; l)il3liography, 250. Baltimore, Cecilius Calvert, second Lord, portrait, 29 ; adopts policy of religious toleration, 30. Baltimore, Charles Calvert, third Lord, dispute with Penn over Pennsylvania and Delaware boundaries, 53. Baltimore, George Calvert, first Lord, 28. Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, begin- ning of, 305. Bancroft, George, 297, 426. ♦^'^Bank, United States, first, 196, 197 ; second, 251 ; applies for new charter, 273 ; Jackson's war on, 281-283 ; bibliography, 288. Banks, Nathaniel P., 330, 37Q. " Barnburners," 315. Barron, Commodore James, 227. Bayard, James A., 247. Bayard, Thomas F., first American ambassador to England, 487. Beaumarchais, Pierre A. C. de, 146. Beauregard, General Pierre G. T., portrait. 358 ; fires on Fort Sumter, 350 ; at first Manassas, 358 ; at Shiloh, 355; at Drewry's Bluff, 413. Beecher, Henry Ward, 455. Belgium, invaded by Germans, 554. Belknap, William W., secretary of war, impeached, 443. Bell, John, nominated for president, 342. Belligerency, recognition of Con- federate, 397; bibliography, 407. Bemis Heights, battle of, 143. Bennington, battle of, 138. Benton, Thomas Hart, portrait, 275 ; opposes Foote's resolution, 276 ; defends Jackson's course in re- moving deposits, 283. Bering Sea controversy, 488. Berkeley, Sir William, portrait, 27 ; expels Puritans from Virginia, 44 ; deals severely with Bacon's followers, 58. Berlin Decree, 225. Bernstorff , Ambassador, 557 ; given jjassports, 565. Biddle, Nicholas, portrait, 282. " Big-stick " policy, 526. " Billion Dollar " Congress, 462. Biloxi Bay, French settlement on, Vb Index mi Birney, James G., 290, 296. " Black Codes," 427. Blaine, James G., portrait, 485 ; attitude on reconstruction, 430 ; candidate for presidential nomina- tion, 1880, 451 ; secretary of state, 453; nominated for president, 1884, 455; refuses to become a candidate in 1892, 467; Pan- American policy, 484, 485. Blair, Francis Preston, 355. Blair, James, OS. Bland- Allison Bill, 451. Blockade of the Confederate States, 397 ; economic effects of, 404 ; ))lockade running, 404. Bobadilla, Francisco de, 8. " Bonus Bill," 253. Boone, Daniel, portrait, 107. Border states, attitude of, on seces- tsion, 347. Boston, British troops sent to, 105 ; bibliography. 111; "Tea Party," 1773, 113 ; closing of the port, 114, 115; blockade of, 117; "Boston Massacre," 105. Botetourt, Lord, 105. Bowen, Herbert W., 525. Boxer movement in China, 515. Boycotts, 449. Boy-Ed, Captain Karl, 559. Braddock, General Edwin, 82, 83. Bradford, William, 33. Bradley, Justice, 446. Bradstreet, Colonel John, 87. Bragg, General Braxton, 389, 392. Brandy Station, fight at, .385. Brandywine, battle of the, 140 ; bil>liography, 145. Brazil, discovered by Cabral, 4. Breckinridge, John C, nominated for president, .341. ' British attack on Washington and ritish West Indies, trade with, 203, 204. Brooklyn Heights, battle of, 130. Brooks, Preston, assault on Sumner, 331. Brown, John, portrait, 337 ; in Kansas, 332 ; raid on Harper's Ferry, 337 ; execution of, 338 ; bibliography, 339. Bryan, William J., portrait, 471 ; first nomination for presidency, 472 ; indorsed by Populists, 472 ; second nomination for presidency, 516 ; third nomination for presi- dency, 538 ; supports Woodrow Wilson, 548 ; as secretary of state goes to California to prevent anti- Japanese legislation, 550 ; resigns from cabinet, 557. Buchanan, James, candidate for Democratic nomination in 1844, 295 ; secretary of state, 297 ; tries to purchase Cuba, 324 ; con- nection with Ostend Manifesto, 325 ; nominated for presidency, 332 ; breach with Douglas, 335 ; attitude on secession, 348 ; bibliog- raphy, 356. Buckner, General Simon B., 472. Buell, General Don Carlos, 389. Buena Vista, battle of, 301. Bull Run. See Manassas. Bulloch, Captain James D., 403. :unker Hill, Ijattle of, 119; bibliog- raphy, 128. Burgoyne, General John, sent to Boston, 118; advances from Canada to the Hudson, 137-139; checked at Freeman's Farm, 143 ; surrenders at Saratoga, 144. Burke, Edmund, 93, 100, 114. .364, 36: Baltimore, 245 ; bibliography, 250. i Burnside, 382, 383 *■ British blockade of American ports 1813,238; liililiography, 250. V/Sritish colonial system, defects in /T / the, 92. V British intrigues with the Indians, /' 232 ; Ijibliography, 234. v/ British orders in Council, 225 ; bibliography, 233. Burr, Aaron, elected vice-president, ^"211; kills Alexander Hamilton, 221 ; forms conspiracy in the west, 222; bil)liograi)hy, 223. Butler, General Benjamin F., 367, 413. Butler, Pierce, 180. Byrd, William, of Westover, 70. Index Cabinet, American, 192. Cabot, John, 9. Cahokia, 153. Calhoun, John C, portrait, 280; reports bill establishing second Bank of the United States, 251 ; secretary of war, 254 ; vice- president, 265; prepares "South Carolina Exposition," 268; develops doctrine of State sovereignty, 273 ; breach with Jackson, 276, 277, bibliography, 288 ; nullification controversy, 280, 281 ; concludes treaty for annexa- tion of Texas, 293 ; views on slavery, 312 ; last speech, 317 ;' death, 321. California, occupation of, 301, bibliog- raphy, 307 ; discovery of gold in, 304 ; question of slavery in, 314 ; admitted to Union, 316 ; anti-Japanese agitation in, 536, 550; presidential vote, 1916, 564. Calvert, Cecilius, second Lord Balti- more, portrait, 29 ; adopts policy of religious toleration, 30. Calvert, Charles, 59. Calvert, George, first Lord Baltimore, 28. Calyert, Leonard, 30. G&mden, battle of, 160 ; bibliography, / 174. ■Xanada, French settlement in, 72, 73, bibliography, 91 ; British con- quest of, 87-90, bibliography, 91 ; invited to send delegates to Continental Congress, 117; inva- sion of, 1775, 122, bibliography, 128; war on the frontier of, 1813- 14, 241-244, bibliography, 250; reciprocity treaty with, 1854, 323, 1911, 543. Canning, George, British foreign secretary, 263, 264. Cannon, Joseph G., 542. Capital, location of the national, 195. Caribbean Sea, advance of the United States in, 553. Carleton, General Guy, 130, 132. Carolina, charter of, 1663, 55. Carolinas, Sherman's march through, 419. " Carpet-baggers," 435. Carr, Dabney, 113. Carranza, General Venustiano, recog- nition of, 552. Carroll, Charles, of Carrollton, por- trait, 127. Carteret, Sir George, 46. Gartier, Jacques, 11. Carver, John, 33. Cass, Lewis, 295, 315. Catholics, 28. Cerro Gordo, battle of, 302. Cervera, Admiral, 501, 503. Champion's Hill, fight at, 391. Champlain, Samuel de, 72. Chancellorsville, battle of, 384 ; bibliography, 395. Charles I, personal government of, 35. Charles H, restoration of, 46, 57. Charleston, founding of, 1680, 56; population, 1760, 62 ; attack on, June, 1776, 126; fall of. May 12, 1780, 158. Chase, Salmon P., leader of anti- slavery forces in Senate, 328 ; secretary of the Treasury, 409 ; Chief Justice, 432, 437. Chase, Samuel, impeachment of, ^'Cniatham, Earl of. See William Pitt. Chattanooga, campaign of 1863, 392 ; battle of, 394 ; bibliography, 395. Cherokees, 200, 277. Chesapeake-Leopard encounter, 227. Chickamauga, battle of, 393. Child labor, products of, excluded from interstate commerce, 560. Chile, dispute with, 485. China, threatened partition of, 514 ; Boxer movement in, 515 ; bibli- ography, 519. Chinese exclusion, 482 ; Ijibliography, 496. Chinese indemnity, return of, 515. Chippewa, Ijattle of, 243. Chrystler's Farm, l)attle of, 243. Churches, divided by .slavery dis- cussion, 311. Circumnavigation, of the globe, 10. Civil Rights Bill, 428. Civil service, 213. Index Civil Service Commission, 453. Civil Service Reform, bibliography, , 473. Civil War, financial readjustment after, bibliography, 473. Civil War in England, 36. Claiborne, William, 28, 30. Clarendon, Earl of, portrait, 46. Clark, Champ, 542, 547. rk, George Rogers, portrait, 152 ; expedition of, 152 ; bibliography, 156. Clark, William. See Lewis and Clark. Clay, Henry, portrait, 289; speaker of the House, 232 ; peace com _^d Clive, Robert, wins battle of Plassey, 90. Coercive acts of 1774, 114; bibliog- raphy, 128. Cold Harbor, battle of, 413. Coligny, Admiral, leader of the Huguenots, 13. Colombia, rejects Hay-Herran Con- vention, 531. Colonial policy, of the Restoration, 46, bibliography, 71 ; of 1763, 97. Colonial system, defects in, revealed by the French and Indian War, 94. Colorado, admitted to the Union, 1876, 465. missioner at Ghent, 247 ; advocates Columbia, District of, 192. Missouri Compromise, 261 ; candi- date for presidency, 1824, 265 ; secretary of state, 266; duel v^'ith John Randolph, 266 ; candi- date for presidency, 1832, 278 ; defeated by Jackson, 279 ; assumes leadership of Whigs, 290 ; candi- date for presidency, 1844, 295 ; defeated by Polk, 296; proposes Columbia University, 70. Columbus, Christopher, belief that the earth was a sphere, 2 ; early life, 5 ; first voyage, 6 ; later voyages, 8 ; death, 9 ; bibliog- raphy, 17. Commerce, colonial, 66, 67; bibliog- raphy, 71. Commerce, interior, based on cotton /raphy, 128. 6:*'CotT Compromise of 1850, 316; death, /and slavery, 260. i^i^^3' . . ^ 'Commission form of city government, Clayton Anti-Trust bill, 550. 545. Clayton-Bulwer treaty, ncgotiatedr:13ommittees of correspondence local 304; efforts to modify, 484^-' ;i2; intercolonial, 113; bibliog- abrogated, 530. ' . . ^ . - Cleveland, Grover, portrait, 456; nominated for presidency, 1884, 455 ; election of, 456, bibliography, 474 ; events of his first adminis- tration, 456-459; defeated by Harrison, 1888, 460; reelected in 1892, 467 ; events of his second administration, 468-470; opposes annexation of Hawaiian Islands, 488 ; Venezuelan message, 490 ; Cuban policy, 495. ^-Ch'nton, De Witt, 253. ;:-Clinton, Sir Henry, sent to Boston, 118 ; fails in attack on Charleston, 126; in battle of Long Island, 131 ; evacuates Philadelphia, 149 ; withdraws to New York, 150; captures Charleston, 158; sends Andre to confer with Arnold, 162 ; plans invasion of Virginia, 165, 166; outwitted by Washington, 168. Compromises, the three fifths, 183; between the big states and the little states, 182, bibliography, 189 ; on slavery, 184, bibliography, 190; Missouri, 261, bibliography, 270; tariff of 1833, 280; of 1850, 316, bibliography, 322. Confederacy, blockade of the, 397; bibliography, 407. Confederate cruisers, 403; bibliog- raphy, 407. Confederation. See Articles of Con- federation. Congregationalists, 32. Congress, First Continental, 115, bibliography, 128; Second Con- tinental, 120; flees to Baltimore, 135 ; appoints peace com- missioners, 169; Congress of the United States, first session, 192. Conkling, Roscoe, 453. Index on, See Connecticut, the beginnings of, 38, bibliography, 45 ; population in 1750, 61 ; ratifies the Constitution, 186. Connecticut River, the Dutch 38. Conscription, militarj% 411. Conservation movement, 535. Constantinople, the fall of, 4. Constitution, amendments. A »i end merits. Constitution, ratification of the, 185- 188 ; biljliography, 190. Constitutional Union party, 342. Constitutions, the Fundamental, of 1669, 55. Constructionists, loose and strict, origin of, 197. Continental Congress. See Congress. Continuous voyage, doctrine of, 404, 555. Contraband, sale of, 554. Cooper, Peter, 305. " Copperheads," 384. Cornstalk, chief of the Shawnees, 109, 110. Cornwallis, Lord, in battle of Long Island, 131 ; in New Jersey cam- paign, 136 ; in battle of the Brandywine, 142 ; in battle of Camden, 160 ; campaign against Greene in the Carolinas, 163-165; campaign in Virginia, 167 ; retires to Yorktown, 168 ; surrenders, 169. Coronado, Francisco de, 12, 13. Cortes, Hernando, 11. Cotton, culture, 256, 257 ; internal commerce and western develop- ment based on, 260 ; faith in the supremacy of, 396. Cotton gin, invention of, 256. Cotton Kingdom, 258. Cowpens, battle of, 164 ; bibliog- raphy, 174. " Coxey's Army," 469. Crawford, William H., 253, 254, 265. Credit Mobilier, the, 443. Creeks, 200. Cresap, Michael, 108. Cresap, Colonel Thomas, 81. '' The Crisis," 135. Crittenden, Senator John J., 347; compromise, 348. Cross Keys, battle of, 372. Crown Point, captured by Seth Warner, 121. Cuba, discovered by Columbus, 7 ; attempts of United States to ac- quire, 324, 325, bibliography, 338; policy of Grant, 492, 493; in- surrection of 1895, 494 ; policy of Cleveland, 495, bibliography, 496; blockade of, 500 ; Congress demands the withdrawal of Spain from, 500 ; American occupation of, 522 ; second period of American occupation of, 525 ; Cuban con- stitution, 524 ; Cuban reciprocity, 524, 525 ; Cuban republic, 524. Cumberland Road, 252. Currency, colonial, 67 ; continental paper, 173. Curtis, George William, 455. Cushing, Caleb, 323. Dale, Commodore Richard, 215. Dale, Sir Thomas, 25. Dane, Nathan, 177. Danish West Indies, negotiations for the purchase of, 1867, 479, bibliography, 495 ; purchase of, 1917, 553. Dartmouth College case, 255. Davis, Jefferson, portrait, 354 ; on compromise of 1850, 319 ; secretary of war, 323 ; confers with Douglas on Kansas-Nebraska bill, 327 ; interest in transcontinental rail- road, 328 ; tries to reunite Douglas and Breckinridge wings of Demo- cratic party, 343 ; president of the Confederate States, 354 ; cap- tvu'e and imprisonment, 421. Dawes Indian Act of 1887, 457. Deane, Silas, 146. Dearborn, General Henry, 236. Debs, Eugene V., 470. Debt, revolutionary, 178, 194 ; of the States, assumption of, 195. Decatur, Stephen, 215, 236, 238. Declaration of Independence, July 4, 1776, 127 ; bibliography, 128. Declaratory Act of 1766, 102. Index J Deerfield, Indian attack on, 77. Delaware, ratifies the Constitution, 1.S5. Democratic party, organized by Jefferson, 198; reorganized by- Jackson, 278 ; division in, 340, 343 ; status after Civil War, 449. Democratic Republicans, 267. Des Moines, 545. d'Estaing, Count, 149, 150, 157. Detroit, 236. Dewey, Admiral George, portrait, 501 ; wins battle of Manila Bay, 502. Diaz, Bartholomew, 4. Diaz, Porfirio, 551. Dickinson, John, member of Con- tinental Congress, 116; leader of conservatives, 120; opposes in- dependence, 127 ; member of Federal Convention, 180. Diederichs, Admiral, 502. Dingley Tariff, 473. Dinwiddle, Governor, 81. Diplomacy, American, beginnings of, 146. See Neutralily, Monroe Doc- trine, Open-Door Policy, Treaty. Diplomatic service, changes in, 487. Distribution of the surplus, 1837, 283. Doctrine of continuous voyage, 225. " Dollar diplomacy," 544. Dominican Republic, financial super- vision of, 520. Dorchester Heights, 122. Douglas, Stephen A., portrait, 326; proposes Kansa.s-Nebraska bill, 327 ; motives, 328 ; breach with President Buchanan, 3.35; candi- date for presidency, 341. Draft Act, March, 1863, 411. Draft riots, in New York, Julv 13-16, 1863,411. Draft, selective, 568. Drake, Sir Francis, IS. Dred Scott decision, 1857, .333, bibliography, 339; repudiated by Republican platform, 342. Drummond, William, 58. Duane, William J., 282. Dumba, Dr., Austrian ambassador, 559. Dunmore, Lord, portrait, 109; dis- solves the Virginia House of Burgesses, 115; harries the coast of Virginia, 125. Dunmore's War, 109; results of, 110; bibliography. 111. Dutch, on the Connecticut River, 38 ; settlements on the Hudson, 47-49 ; bibliography, 71. Dutch West India Company, 48. Eagan, Commissary-General, 508. Early, General Jubal A., 385, 413; bibliography, 422. East Jersey, 51. Eaton, Mrs., wife of the secretary of war, 277. Education, colonial, 69 ; bibliography, 71. Eight-hour day, 467. Elective officers, recall of, 545. Electoral commission of 1877, 445. Elizabeth, Queen, 31 ; foreign policy of, 18. Elkton, Maryland, 140. Ellsworth, Oliver, 180, 184. Emancipation, gradual, 256 ; vohm- tary, 310; preliminary proclama- tion of, .381, bibliography, 395; ^.final prochiniation of, 401. 1/ Embalmed beef," 508. •^Embargo Act, Dec. 22, 1807, 227, 229; bibliography, 2.34. Endicott, John, .34. England, Civil War in, 36. See Great Britain. Ericsson, John, inventor of the Monitor, portrait, 369. Erie Canal, 253. Essex, case of the, 224. European War, 554. Everett, Edward, 342. Ewell, General Richard S., 371, 385, 387. Expatriation, American doctrine of, 481. Exploration, of the American coast, 9, 10, bil)Iiography, 17; of the interior of the continent, 11-13, bibliography, 17. Fallen Timber, the liattle of, 200. Farmer's Alliance, 466. Index Farragut, Commodore David Glas- gow, portrait, 367 ; 240, 367, 415. Federal Convention, 179. Federal Courts, 255. Federal Reserve Act, 1913, 549. Federal Trade Commission, 1913, 550. " Federalist," the, 187. Federalists, favor ratification of the Constitution, 185 ; organized as a political party by Hamilton, 197, 198 ; hostile to French Revolution, 201 ; pass Alien and Sedition acts, 210 ; defeated in election of 1800, 211; in New England, 218, 249; cease to exist as a party, 254. Fendall, Josias, 59. Fenian movement, 476. Fenno, John, 198. Ferdinand, King of Spain, 6. Ferguson, Major Patrick, 162, 163. Fifteenth Amendment, 439 ; evasion of, 464. Fifteenth century, limits of geo- graphical knowledge in, 1 ; bibliog- raphy, 17. " Fifty-four Forty or Fight," 295. Fillmore, Millard, succeeds to pres- idency on death of Taylor, 319 ; nominated by Know-Nothing party, 332. Finances of the Revolution, 173. Financial crisis of 1907, 535. Financial depression following panic of 1893, 469 ; bibliography, 474. Financial panic of 1837, 287 ; of 1893, 468. Fish, HamUton, 477, 493. Fisheries, early development of, in New England, 66. Five Forks, battle of, 420. Florida, ceded to Great Britain, 90 ; ceded back to Spain, 200 ; ceded to U. S. by the treaty of 1819, 262 ; admitted to the Union, 307 ; secession of, 345. See West Florida. " Flying squadron," 500, 504. Foote's Resolution, 275. Forbes, General John, 86. Force Bill, of 1833, 281 ; of 1890, 462. Forrest, General Nathan B., 364. Fort Christina, 49. Fort Donelson, fall of, 363. Fort Duquesne, 82, 83, 86, 87. Fort Edward, 138. Fort Frontenac, 87. Fort Henry, fall of, 363. Fort Le Boeuf, 81. Fort Lee, 133. Fort McHenry, 245. Fort Maiden, 235, 241. Fort Stanwix, 139. Fort Sumter, 349; fall of, 350; bibliography, 356. Fort Ticonderoga, 86. Fort Washington, 133. Fort Wilham Henry, 85. Fourteenth Amendment, 428, 429, 430. Fox, Charles James, 93, 114. France, Treaty of alliance with, Feb. 6, 1778, 148; breach with, 209, bibliography, 222 ; attitude of, in the Civil War, 397, 400, bibliog- raphy, 407. Franklin, Benjamin, portrait, 147 ; founds public library, 70 ; member of Albany Congress, 82 ; member of committee on Declaration of Independence, 127 ; at the French Court, 147 ; in peace negotiations of 1782, 169, 170, 171 ; member of Federal Convention, 179. Franklin, fight at, 419. Franklin, State of, 178. Fredericksburg, battle of, 382 ; bib- liography, 395. Freedmen's Bureau, 427. Freedom, religious, 54. Freeman's Farm, battle of, 143. Free-Soil party, 316, 320. Frelinghuysen, Frederick T., 484. Fremont, John C, career in Cali- fornia, 301 ; nominated for pres- idency by Republican party, 1856, 332; nominated by Republican faction, 1864, 418. French, explorers, 11; in Florida, 13 ; in Nova Scotia, 72 ; in Canada, / 72, bibliography, 91 ; in Louisiana, / 74, 75, bibliography, 91. Trench and Indian Wars, 76-89; bibliography, 91. Index French aid and alliance during the Revolution, 148 ; bibliography, 156. French army, at Newport, 161. French attempt to dig a canal at Panama, 483 ; bibliography, 496. French decrees, 225 ; bibliography, 233. French intervention in Mexico, 405 ; / bilJiography, 407. ^rench Revolution, 201. vFrench " Spoliation Claims," 285. French squadron, at Yorktown, 169. French West Indies, illicit trade with, 94, 95. Frenchtown, 241. Freneau, Philip, 198. Frontenac, Count, 74, 76. Frontier, di.sappearance of the, 465. Fugitive slave law, 317, 325, .326; bibliography, 338. Funston, General Frederick, 511. Fur seal arbitration, 489 ; bibliog- / raphy, 496. ^Gadsden Purchase, 323, 328. " Gag rule," 311. Gage, General Thomas, 118, 120. Gaines's Mill, battle of, 374. Gallatin, Albert, 213, 247. Galveston, adopts corami.ssion form of city government, 545. Gama, Vasco da, 4, 9. Garfield, James A., portrait, 451 ; 451-452, 453. Garrison, Lindley M., secretary of war, resigns, 559. Garrison, William Lloyd, 309. Gaspee, the Imrning of the, 112. Gates, Horatio, appointed adjutant general, 121 ; in Saratoga cam- paign, 143 ; in the Carolinas, 159 ; superseded by General Green, 163. Gates, Sir Thomas, 25. Genet, Edmond C, mission of, 202 ; bibliography, 206. Geneva arbitration, 478 ; bibliog- raphy, 495. Geographical knowledge, limit.s of, in the fifteenth century, 1. George III, character and policy of, 93 ; the new colonial policy of, 97 ; bibliography. 111. Georgia, the founding of, 63, 186 ; overrun by the British, 157 ; secedes, 345. German immigration, to Pennsyl- vania, .54, 62; to the West, 307. German invasion of Belgium, 554. German propagandists, 558, 559. German squadron in Manila Bay, 502. German troops in the Revolution, 129. Germantown, founding of, 54 ; battle of, 142, bibliography, 145. Germany, blockades Venezuela, 525 ; declares war zone around the British Isles, 556 ; diplomatic rup- ture with, 565; declaration of war with, 5()8. Gerry, Elbridge, 180, 185, 208. G/ettysburg, battle of, 386-388, bib- / liography, 395. ''Ghent, treaty of, 247 ; bibliography, 250. Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 19 ; portrait, 19. Gist, Christopher, 80, 81. Gladstone, William E., speech at Newcastle, 400. Goethals, General George W., 532. Gold Democrats, 472. Gold, discovery of, in California, 304 ; in the Klondike, 528. Gold standard, supported by Cleve- land, 468 ; in Republican platform of 1896, 472; adopted by Congress, 473 ; approved by Judge Parker, 533. Gomez, Maximo, 494. Gondomar, Count, 26. Gorman, Arthur P., 469. Government ownership of telegraph and telephone lines, 467. Grafton, Duke of, 102. " Grandfather clause," 463. Granger cases, 458. Granger movement, 466. Grant, General U. S., in battle of Shiloh, 365, 366; in Vicksburg campaign, 391, 392; in Chatta- nooga campaign, 394 ; appointed lieutenant general, 411; at Appomattox, 420 ; report on condi- tions in the South, 427 ; acting 10 Index secretary of war, 434 ; breach with President Johnson, 436 ; nomination and election to presi- dency, 439 ; first administration of, 441 ; reelected, 442; candidate for third term, 451 ; relations with Sumner, 477, 480; Cuban policy, 492, 493 ; bibliography, 442, 447, 448. Grasse, Count de, 168. Great Bridge, battle of, 12,5. Great Britain, and Monroe Doctrine, 263-265 ; demands surrender of Mason and Slidell, 398 ; attitude of, in the Civil War, 397, 399, bibliography, 407 ; and Venezuelan boundary dispute, 489-491 ; atti- tude of, in Spanish War, 502 ; supports open-door policy, 514. Great Lakes, limitation of armaments on, 250. Great Meadows, fight at, 82. Greeley, Horace, portrait, 442 ; nominated for presidency, 442. Green Mountain Boys, 121. Greenback party, 450. Greene, General Nathanael, at siege of Boston, 119; evacuates Fort Lee, 133 ; at Newport, 151 ; supersedes Gates, 163 ; campaign against Cornwallis, 165, 166. GreenvUle, the treaty of, 200. Guadalupe Hidalgo, treaty of, 303 ; bibliography, 307. Guilford Court House, battle at, 165. Gulf States, secession of, 345, bibliography, 355. Habeas corpus, writ of, suspended, 410. Hague Conference, of 1899, 516; of 1907, 528. Hague Court, 527. Hale, John P., nominated for presi- dency by Abolitionists, 315 ; by Free-Soilers, 320. Halleck, General H. W., 362, 365, 375. Hamilton, Alexander, at Yorktown, 169 ; proposes revision of Articles of Confederation, 179 ; member of Federal Convention, 180 ; writes Federalist essays, 188 ; secretary of the treasury, 193 ; financial program, 194-197, bibliography, 205 ; attitude on French Revolu- tion, 201 ; appointed general in army, 209 ; killed in duel by Aaron Burr, 221. Hamilton, Colonel, the British com- mander at Detroit, 152, 153. Hampton, General Wade, 243. Hancock, John, president of Massa- chusetts provincial congress, 117; president of Continental Congress, 120 ; governor of Massachusetts, 194. Hancock, General Winfield Scott, portrait, 452 ; in battle of Gettys- burg, 386 ; nominated for presi- dency, 452. Hanna, Marcus A., manager of McKinley's campaigns, 471, 517; senator, 517; death, 532. Harlem Heights, 131, 132. Harman, Governor Judson, 547. Harper's Ferry, seizure of United States arsenal at, by John Brown, 337 ; captured by Jackson, 380. Harrison, Benjamin, portrait, 461 ; nominated for presidency, 460 ; administration of, 461 ; re- nominated, 467 ; favors annexa- tion of Hawaiian Islands, 488. Harrison, General William Henry, defeats Indians at Tippecanoe, 232; in War of 1812, 241, 242; candidate for presidency, 287 ; elec- tion to presidency and death, 290. Hartford Convention, 248. Harvard College, 69. Harvey, Sir John, 27. Havana, captured by British, 89. Hawaiian Islands, revolution in, 487 ; proposed treaty of annexa- tion, 488 ; annexed to United States by joint resolution, 503 ; given territorial form of govern- ment, 513. Hawkins, Sir John, 18. Hay-Herran convention, 531. Hay-Pauncefote treaty, 529. Hayes, Rutherford B., portrait, 446 ; nominated for presidency, 444 ; Index 11 declared elected, 446 ; adminis- tration of, 484. Hayes-Tilden campaign, 444. Hayne, Robert Y., debate with Webster, 276. Hayti, discovered by Columbus, 7 ; financial supervision of, 527. See Santo Domingo. Heath, General, 1.33. Henry, Patrick, portrait, 96 ; in the "Parson's Cause," 95, 96; resolutions against the Stamp Act, 98-100 ; member of the Virginia Committee of Correspondence, 113; member of the Continental Congress, 116; calls Virginia to arms, 124 ; colonel of a regiment, 125; governor of Virginia, 152; opposes Constitution, 187 ; joins Federalist party, 198. Hepburn Bill, 530. Herkimer, General Nicholas, 139. Hessian troops in the Revolution, 129, 136; bibliography, 144. Hill, General A. P., 37.3. HiU, General D. H., 374. Hill, David B., elected governor of New York, 466 ; in the Democratic convention of 1904, 533. Hill, James J., 521. Hoar, George F., senator, 509. Holland, Cromwell's war with, 43 ; in the American Revolution, 155. Holy Alliance, 263. Home Rule, restored at the South, 447. Homestead Bill, 408. Honduras, financial supervision of, 527. Hood, General John B., 387, 415. Hooker, General Joseph, succeeds Burnside, 383 ; seizes top of Lookout Mountain, 394. Hooker, Rev. Thomas, 38. Horse-Shoe Ridge, 393. Houston, Sam, portrait, 286; 286, 345. Howe, Admiral Lord, 118, 130. Howe, General Robert, 157. Howe, General William, at Boston, 118, 120, 123; in the battle of Long Island, 131 ; failure to cooperate with Burgoyne, 138, 139 ; movement against Philadel- phia, 140-142 ; resigns command, 149. Hudson, Henry, voyage of, 47. Hudson River, the strategic impor- tance of, 15 ; British attempt to seize the line of the, 137, bibliog- raphy, 145. Huerta, Victoriano, 551, 552. Hughes, Charles E., investigates insurance companies, 534 ; governor of New York, 538; candidate for presidency, 561. Huguenots, 13. Hull, General William, 235. " Hunkers," 315. Hurons, 72. Hutchinson, Mrs. Anne, 37. Hutchinson, Governor, 100. Hyphenated Americans, 559. Idaho, admitted to the Union, 1890, 465. Illinois, county of, organized, 153 ; admitted to the Union, 258 ; excludes free negroes, 310. Immigration, foreign, 272, 300, 481 ; restriction of, 467, 482 ; bibliog- raphy, 496. Impeachment, of Pickering and Chase, 214 ; of President Johnson, 436, 437 ; of Secretary Belknap, 443. Imperialism, 517. Impressment of seamen, 225, 226, bibliography, 233. Improvements, internal, 252, 284. Income tax, graduated, in platform of People's party, 467 ; declared unconstitutional, 469 ; constitu- tional amendment, 544. Independent treasury act, 287, 297. Independents. See Mugwump. India, 4. Indian, the North American, name, 7 ; number and distribution, 15 ; life, 16; bibliography, 17. Indian massacre of 1622, 26. Indian trade, 66. Indiana, admitted to the LTnion, 258; excludes free negroes, 310. u Index Indians, British intrigues with, 152, 199, 232 ; Spanish intrigues with, 201 ; bibliography, 206, 234. See French and Indian Wars. Industry, development of, in New England and the middle colonies, 66. Initiative and referendum, 467, 545. Injunction, used by Federal judges, 470. "'Insular Cases," 513. " Insurgents," faction in Republican party, 542, 546. International American Conference of 1889-1890, 4S5. International arbitration, 544. Interstate Commerce Act, 458. Interstate Commerce Commission, given power to fix rates, 534. Intervention, foreign, hope of Con- federacy in, 384, 402 ; of Louis Napoleon in Mexico, 405. Iowa, admitted to the Union, 307. Irish, the, immigration of, 306. Iroquois, the position of, in central New York, 14 ; hostile to the French, 72 ; controlled by William Johnson, 79. " Irrepressible conflict," 344. Irrigation, 535. Isabella, Queen of Spain, 6. Isthmian canal, negotiations for, 304. See Panama Canal. Italians, lynched at New Orleans, 486. Italy, blockades Venezuela, 525. Jackson, Andrew, portrait, 274 ; in the Revolution, 159 ; in battle of New Orleans, 246 ; invades Florida, 262 ; candidate for presi- dency, 265 ; elected president, 269 ; first administration, 274, 275 ; breach with Calhoun, 276 ; reelection of, 279 ; war on the Bank, 282 ; vigorous management of foreign affairs, 285 ; bibliog- raphy, 288. Jackson, General Thomas J. ("Stonewall"), portrait, 372; at First Manassas, 360 ; Valley cam- paign of 1862, 371-373 ; with Lee before Richmond, 374-375 ; at Second Manassas, 376, 377 ; cap- tures Harper's Ferry, 380 ; at Chancellorsville, 383 ; death, 384 ; bibliography, 379. James I, 32. James, Duke of York, 50. Jamestown, 22. Japan, Commodore Perry's visit to, 323 ;] supports open-door policy, 514 ; war with Russia, 536. Japanese in California, 537, 550. Jay, John, portrait, 204 ; peace commissioner, 169; part in the negotiations of 1782 at Paris, 171 ; contributes to the Federalist, 188 ; sent on special mission to England, 204. Jay treaty, 204, 208; bibliography, 206. Jefferson, Thomas, portrait, 212 ; member of committee on inter- colonial correspondence, 113; drafts Declaration of Independ- ence, 127 ; declines mission to France, 147 ; narrowly escapes capture by Tarleton, 167 ; drafts ordinance for Northwest Terri-, tory, 177 ; secretary of state, 193 ; helps to determine location of national capital, 195 ; expounds strict construction views, 197 ; organizes Democratic or Re- publican party, 198 ; favorable to . French Republic, 201 ; vice-presi- dent, 208 ; drafts Kentucky Res- olutions, 210 ; chosen president, 211 ; events of first administra- tion, 212-220 ; reelected president, 220 ; events of second adminis- tration, 224-229 ; favors English alliance, 264 ; bibliography, 222, 233. Jesuit missionaries, 73. Johnson, Andrew, portrait, 437 ; vice-president, 418 ; policy as president, 424, 425 ; events of his administration, 426-435 ; im- peachment proceedings, 436-438 ; character, 438 ; bibliography, 447. Johnson, Governor Hiram, candidate for vice-president, 548. Johnson, William, 79. Index 13 Johnson, William Samuel, 180. Johnson-Clarendon convention, 476. Johnston, Albert Sidney, portrait, 365, 362, 366. Johnston, General Joseph E., por- trait, 370 ; in the Bull Run cam- paign, 358; opposes McClellan in the Peninsula campaign, 370; commander of Confederate forces in the West, 391; replaced by Hood, 415 ; restored to command, 419 ; surrenders his army to Sherman, 421. Joliet, Louis, 73. Jones, John Paul, 154 ; bibliography, 156. Judiciary Act of 1789. 193; repeal of, 214. Kalb, Baron de, volunteers services in American Revolution, 147 ; sent to the Southern department, 159; killed at Camden, 160. Kansas, the struggle for, 330-334 ; admitted to the Union, 1861, 336; bibliography, 339. Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 1854, 327; bibliography, 338. Kaskaskia, 153. Kearney, Colonel Stephen, 301. Kenesaw Mountain, battle of, 415. Kenner, Duncan F., 406. Kent Island, 30. Kentucky, admitted to the Union, 205 ; contest for control of, in the Civil War, 352. See Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. Kernstown, battle of, 371. Ketteler, Baroc von, 515. Key, Francis Scott, 245. Kidd, Captain William, 67. King George's War, 78. King Philip's War, 59. King, Rufus, 180, 253. King William's War, 76. King's College, 70. King's Mountain, battle of, 162 bibliography, 174. " Kitchen Cabinet," 274. Klondike, discovery of gold in, 528 Knights of Labor, 454. " Know-Nothing " party, 329, 332. Knox, General Henry, 193. Knox, Philander C, 544. Knoxville, occupied by Federal troops, 394. Knyphausen, General, 141, 142. Kosciuszko, General Tadeusz, 147. Ku-Klux Klan, 440. Labor disturbances, 469; bibliog- raphy, 474. See Strikes. Labor Unions, 449. Lafayette, Marquis de, portrait, 168 ; volunteers services in Amer- ican Revolution, 146, 147 ; returns to France to seek aid for American cause, 161 ; conducts campaign against Cornwallis in Virginia, 166-169. La Follette, Senator Robert M., 546, 566. Lake Erie, Perry's victory on, 241. Land laws, 457. Lansing, Robert, secretary of state, 557. La Salle, Robert Cavelier, Sieur de, portrait, 74 ; explores the Mis- sissippi, 74, 75. Latin-American relations, 484. Laudonniere, Rene de, 13. Laurens, Henry, 155, 169. Lawrence, Captain James, 238, 239. Lawton, General H. W., 505, 511. League for Peace, 565. Lecompton, constitution, 335. Lee, Arthur, 147. Lee, General Charles, appointed major general, 121 ; disloyal to Washington, 133; captured by a party of British dragoons, 134; traitor to the American cause, 140 ; treasonable conduct at Monmouth, 150. Lee, General Fitzhugh, 498, 499. Lee, Major Henry (" Light-Horse Harry"), portrait, 163; storms fort at Paulus Hook, 151 ; sent to the Carolinas, 164; supports the Constitution in the Virginia convention, 187 ; commands forces raised for suppression of the Whisky Rebellion, 196. Lee, Richard Henry, member of committee ou iutercolouial 14 Index correspondence, 113 ; member of Continental Congress, 116; moves resolution of independence, 126 ; opposed to Constitution, 187. Lee, General Robert E., portrait, 412 ; recumbent statue, 420 ; offered the command of the Union armies, 355 ; assumes command of the Confederate army, 373 ; decides to invade Maryland, 380 ; decides to invade Pennsylvania, 384 ; surrenders at Appomattox, 420 ; bibliography, 423. Leisler, Jacob, 61. Leon, Ponce de, 10. Lesseps, Ferdinand de, 484. Lewis, General Andrew, 109, 110. Lewis and Clark, expedition of, 220; bibliography, 223. Lewis, Major W. B., 274. Lexington, the battle of, 118 ; bibliog- raphy, 128. Liberal Republican movement, 441. Liberator, the, 309. Liberia, 308. Liberty, Sons of, 101. Libraries, colonial, 70. Lincoln, Abraham, portrait, 343 ; candidate for Senate, 336 ; nomi- nated for presidency, 342 ; elected president, 344 ; conciliatory atti- tude, 347 ; calls for militia to put down secession movement, 350 ; calls for volunteers, 352 ; issues proclamation of emancipation, 381, 401 ; assumes temporary military dictatorship, 409 ; elected for second term, 418 ; assassination of, 421 ; plan of reconstruction, 424 ; bibliography, 447. Lincoln, General Benjamin, 157, 158, 169. Lincoln-Douglas Debates, 1858, 336 ; bibliography, 339. Livingston, Robert R., 127, 216. Loans, foreign, during the Revolu- tion, 173. Locke, John, 55. Lodge, Henry Cabot, views on secession, 346 ; supports Force Bill in Senate, 462. Logan, Iroquoian chief, 109, 110. Lome, Dupuy de, Spanish minister to the United States, 498. London Company, the, 21. Long Island, battle of, 130. " Long Knives," 108. Longstreet, General James, portrait, 376; at Gaines's Mill, 374; at Gettysburg, 386 ; at Chickamauga, 393. Lookout Mountain, seized by Hooker, 394. Lopez, General, filibustering expedi- tions of, 324. Louis XVI, execution of, 201. Louisburg, capture and restoration of, 79 ; final capture of, 86. Louisiana, explored and named by La Salle, 74 ; settlement of, 75 bibliography, 91 ; ceded to Spain, 90; ceded to Napoleon, 216 ceded to the United States, 217 boundaries of, 218; bibliography, 222 ; admitted to the Union, 258 secession of, 345 ; electoral vote in Hayes-Tilden contest, 445. L'Ouverture, Toussaint, 216. Lovejoy, Elijah P., 311. Loyalists. See Tories. Lundy's Lane, battle at, 244. Lusitania, sinking of the, 556. Lyons, Lord, 398. Mac Arthur, General Arthur, 511. Macdonough, Captain Thomas, 244. Macomb, General Alexander, 244. Macon, Nathaniel, 221. Madero, Francisco, 550. Madison, James, portrait, 230 ; member of Federal Convention, 179; journal of, 180; opposed to slavery compromise, 184 ; sup- ports the Constitution in the Virginia convention, 187 ; con- tributes to the Federalists, 188 ; leader in Congress, 192 ; opposes Hamilton's program, 194, 195 ; author of the Virginia Resolutions, 210; elected President, 229 ; sends war message to Congress, 232 ; elected for second term, 233 ; favors joint action with England against Holy Alliance, 264. Index 15 Magellan, Fernando, voyage of, 10. Maine, first settlements, 41 ; secured by Massachusetts, 42 ; annexed by Massachusetts, 61 ; admitted to the Union, 261 ; boundary dispute, 292. Maine, United States battleship, blown up, 498. Malvern HUl, 375. Manassas, first battle of, 360, bibliography, 378 ; second battle of, 377, bibliography, 379. Manchuria, proposal to neutralize the railroads of, 544. Manhattan, island of, first settle- ment, 48. Manila, city of, captured by British, 89 ; captured by American troops, 508. Manila Bay, battle of, 501 ; German squadron in, 502. Marcy, William L., political leader in New York, 315; secretary of state, 323, 325. Marquette, Father Jacques, 73. Marshall, John, supports the Con- stitution in the Virginia convention, 187 ; mission to France, 208 ; secretary of state, 213 ; appointed chief justice, 214; great decisions, 254, 255. Martin, Luther, 180. Maryland, founding of, 28, bibliog- raphy, 45 ; under the Restora- tion, 59 ; under a royal governor, 61 ; troops in the Revolution, 130, 135, 160; influence on land cessions, 176. Mason and Dixon's line, 53. Mason, George, member of Federal Convention, 179, 184, 185. Mason, James M., taken from aboard the Trent, 398; interview with Lord John Russell, 399. Mason, John Y., 325. Massachusetts, the founding of, 34 ; deprived of her charter, 59 ; new charter, 60 ; population, 61 ; annexes Plymouth, 61 ; armexes Maine, 61 ; government re- organized, 114; ratifies the Con- stitution, 186. Massachusetts Company, the, 35. Massacre, Indian, 1622, 26. Maximilian, Prince, of Austria, accepts crown of Mexico, 405 ; overthrow and execution, 475. Mayflower, the, 33. McClellan, George B., portrait, 361 ; assumes command of the army of the Potomac, 361 ; Peninsula campaign, 370-375 ; Antietam campaign, 380; relieved of com- mand, 382 ; candidate for presi- dency, 418. McCormick, Cyrus Hall, inventor of the reaper, 306. McCulloch t;. Maryland, 254. McDowell, General Irvin, at first Manassas, 358 ; assigned to defense of Washington, 371. McKinley, William, portrait, 497 ; nominated for presidency, 471 ; elected president, 472 ; adminis- tration of, 497 ; war message of, April 11, 1898, 499; decides to retain the Philippines, 509 ; nomi- nated and elected for a second term, 516; death, 517. McKinley Tariff, 461. McLane, Louis, 282. Meade, General George Gordon, appointed to succeed Hooker, 385 ; at Gettysburg, 386, 387; offers resignation, 412. Mechanicsville, liattle of, 374. Mecklenburg Declaration of In- dependence, 125. Menendez, Pedro, 13. Mercer, General Hugh, 137. Merchant ships, proposal to arm, 566. Merrimac, fight with Monitor, 369 ; bibliography, 378. Merritt, General Wesley, captures /city of Manila, 508. Inexican question, 551-553. •pMexican War, causes of, 298, 300; bibliography, 307. Mexico, conquest of, by Cortes, 11 ; French intervention in, 405 ; bibli- ography, 407; revolution of 1911, 551 ; recognition of Carranza, 552. 16 Index Mexico, city of, captured by General Scott, 303. Michigan, admitted to the Union, 307. " Midnight appointments," 213. Milan Decree, 22.5. Miles, General Nelson A., 507, 508. Minutemen, 119. Missionary Ridge, battle of, 394. Mississippi, admitted to the Union, 258 ; secedes, 345. Mississippi River, discovered by De Soto, 12 ; discovered by Mar- quette, 73 ; explored by La Salle, 74 ; closed to Americans, 200 ; free navigation of, 200. Missouri, admitted to the Union, 261 ; secession of, prevented, 352. Missouri Compromise, 261 ; bibliog- raphy, 270 ; repeal of, 327 ; declared unconstitutional, 334. Mitchell, John, .522. Mobile, founded, 75 ; occupied by United States, 262. Mobile Bay, Farragut wins battle of, 415. Mohawk Valley, 73. Molasses, used by New England distilleries, 66 ; Molasses Act of 1733, 67, 94. Money, paper, 68. Monitor. See Merrimac. Monmouth, battle of, 150 ; bibliog- raphy, 156. Monroe Doctrine, origin of, 263, 264, bibliography, 270; violation of, by France, 405 ; upheld by Cleveland in Venezuelan boundary dispute, 489, 490 ; and world politics, 516; put to test by Ger- many, 525. Monroe, James, recalled from France, 208 ; associated with Livingston in negotiating the Louisiana treaty, 217, 218; nomi- nated for presidency, 253 ; elected president, 254 ; reelected in 1820, 265. Montana, admitted to the Union, 405. Montcalm, Marquis de, 85, 89. Monterey, battle of, 300. Montgomery, General Richard, 122. Moore's Creek, fight at, 126. Morgan, General Daniel, portrait, 164 ; joins American army before Boston with company of riflemen, 122 ; in Saratoga campaign, 139, 143, 144 ; defeats Tarleton at Cowpens, 164. Morgan, J. P., 521, 522. Morris, Gouverneur, 179, 183. Morris, Robert, 179. Morristown, Washington in winter quarters at, 137. Morse, Samuel F. B., 305. Motley, John Lathrop, 477. Moultrie, Colonel William, 126. " Muck-rakers," 535. " Mugwump," 455. Muhlenberg, Frederick A., first speaker of the House of Rep- resentatives, 102. Muhlenberg, General J. P. G., 169. Munitions of war, trade in, 554, 558. Murfreesboro, battle of, 390. Nantes, Revocation of the Edict of, 75. Napoleon I, adjusts differences with United States, 209 ; acquires Louisiana from Spain, 216; under- takes the reconquest of Santo Domingo, 216; issues Berlin and Milan decrees, 225 ; pursues tor- tuous policy toward United States, 230. Napoleon, Emperor Louis, favorable attitude toward the Confederacy, 397 ; offers mediation, 401 ; inter- venes in Mexico, 405 ; decides to withdraw troops from Mexico, 475. Narvaez, Panfilo, Spanish explorer, 11. Nashville, battle of, 419. Nashville convention, 319. National banking system, 409. National Defense Act, 559. National Nominating Convention, origin of, 278 ; V)ibliography, 288. National Progressive party, 548. National Progressive Republican League, 546. Index 17 National Republicans, 207, 278. National Union Convention, 418. National Union Republican Con- vention, 439. Nationality, the germ of, 189 ; development of, after War of 1812, 254 ; effect of immigration on, 272. Naturalization, restricted, 481. Naval Academy, established at Annap- olis, 297. Navigation act, of 1651, 43; of 1660, 47. Navy, Department of the, created, 200. Negro, problem of the free, 310; disfranchisement of, 462. Neutral trade, interference with, 555. Neutrality, proclamation of, April 22, 1793, 202; proclamation of, 1914, 554. New England, the Council for, 21, 34 ; Confederation, the, 42 ; Sir Edmund Andros appointed governor-general of, 59 ; troops in the Revolution, 135 ; Federal- ists, 218, 229, 249 ; attitude during War of 1812, 247; bibliography, 250. New France, settlement of, 72 ; government of, 80. New Hampshire, grant to Mason and Gorges, 41 ; annexed to Massachusetts, 42 ; ratifies the Constitution, 186. New Haven, the colony of, 40. New Jersey, grant to Berkeley and Carteret, 50; becomes a royal province, 52 ; occupied by the British, 134 ; plan submitted to Federal Convention, 181, 182; ratifies the Constitution, 186. New Jersey, College of, 70. " New Nationalism," 546. New Netherland, settled by the Dutch, 48 ; conquered by the English, 49. New Orleans, founded, 75 ; battle of, 246, bibliography, 250 ; right of deposit at, 262 ; capture of, 367 ; bibliography, 378. New South, the, 464, 474. New York, population in 1750, 61 ; struggle over ratification of the Constitution, 187, 188. New York City, population in 1750, 62; in the Revolution, 129-132; bibliography, 144. Newfoundland, explored by the Corte-Reals, 10. Newlands Bill, for irrigation, 535. Newport, Captain Christopher, 22. Newport, occupied by the British, 134 ; attempt of American forces to recover, 151 ; bibliography, 156. Newspapers, the first colonial, 70. Niagara, fighting around, 243. Nicaragua, financial supervision of, 527. Nicholson, Governor Francis, 60, 61. Nicolls, Richard, 50. Nonconformists, act of Virginia Assembly against, 27 ; origin of term, 32. Nonexportation agreement, 116. Nonimportation agreement, 116. Non-intercourse Act, 1809, 229, 231 ; bil)liography, 234. Norfolk, binned by British, 125. North America, explorations of the coast of, 10. North American Indian. See Indian. North Carolina, attempt to settle Roanoke • Island, 19; the begin- nings of, 55, bibliography, 71 ; the " Regulators," 106; the revo- lutionary movement in, 125; delays entering the Union, 188; secedes, 350 ; bil)liography, 356. North Dakota, admitted to the Union, 465. North, Lord, appointed prime min- ister, 106; proposes terms of con- ciliation, 148 ; resigns, 170. North Point, battle of, 245. Northern Securities Company, 521. Northwest Territory, conquest of, by George Rogers Clark, 153 ; state claims ceded to the United States, 176 ; ordinance for govern- ment of, 177; posts in, held by British, 199 ; surrendered by the Jay treaty, 204. 18 Index Nova Scotia, the French in, 72 ; ceded to the British, 77. Nullification controversy, 279-281 ; bibliography, 288. Oglethorpe, James, 6.3. Ohio, admitted to the Union, 258. Ohio Company, chartered, 80. Ohio River, the Forks of the, 81 ; bil)liography, 91. Olney, Richard, secretary of state, 490, 491. Open-door policy, 514 ; bibliography, 519. Ordinance of 1787, 177. Ordinance of Nullification, 280 ; repeal of, 281. Oregon, Spanish claims acquired by the United States, 262 ; conflicting claim.s of England, Russia, and United States, 294 ; divisional line arranged with England, 297 ; bibliography, 307. Oregon, voyage of the, 504. Oriental trade, 3. Oriskany, 139. " Ostend Manifesto," 325. Oswald, Richard, 170. Otis, General E. S., 511. Otis, James, opposes writs of assist- ance, 95 ; opinion on Stamp Act, 98 ; denounces Patrick Henry's resolutions, 100. Pacific, American interests in the, 487. Paine, Tom, publishes " The Crisis," 135. Palma, Tomas Estrada, governor of Cuba, 524. Palmer, John B., candidate for presidency, 472. Palo Alto, battle of, 300. Panama, congress of American Republics at, 267 ; revolution, 531 ; Republic, 532. Panama Canal, French company, 483 ; bibliography, 496 ; Hay- Pauncefote treaty, 529 ; choice of route, 530 ; Tolls Act, 550. Pan-Americanism, the new, 553. Panic of 1893, 468. Papen, Captain Franz von, 559. Parcels post established, 544. Paris, the Treaty of, 1763, 89. Parker, Alton B., candidate for presidency, 533. Parker, Captain John, 118. " Parson's Cause," 95. Parties, political. See Democratic, Republican, Whig, Aholition, Free- Soil, Know- Nothing, Populist, Pro- gressive. Pastorius, Francis Daniel, 54. Patronage, political, 213. See Spoils Syste?n . Patroon, the, system, 48, 49. Patterson, Wiliiam, 180, 181. Paulus Hook, capture of, 151. Pauncefote, Sir Julian, 491. See Hay-Paunccfotc Treaty. Payne-Aldrich tariff, 541. Peace Conference at the Hague. See Haggle Conference. Peace convention, of 1861, 348. Peggy Stewart, burning of the, 113. Pemberton, General John C, 391. Pendleton, George H., 439. Peninsula campaign, the, 370 ; bibliog- raphy, 379. Penn, William, founder of Pennsyl- vania, portrait, 51 ; secures grant of Pennsylvania, 52 ; dispute with Lord Baltimore over Pennsylvania and Delaware boundaries, 53 ; bibliography, 71. Pennsylvania, charter, 1681, 52; poi)ulation in 1750, 61 ; bibliog- raphy, 71 ; ratifies Constitution, 186. Pennsylvania, University of, 70. Pensacola, seized by Jackson, 262. Pension bills, vetoed, 457. Pension system, 459. People's party. See Populist Party. Pequot War, 40. Perry, Commodore Matthew Cal- braith, visits Japan, 323. Perry, Captain Oliver Hazard, por- trait, 242 ; victory on Lake Erie, 242. Perryville, battle of, 389. " Personal liberty " laws, 326. " Pet banks," 283. Index 19 Pettigrew, General James J., in Pickett's cliarge, 388. Pettigru, James L., 345. Philadelphia, founded, 53 ; popula- tion in 1750, 62. Philippine Islands, Magellan's voyage to, 10; ceded to United States, 509 ; insurrection against Americans, 510; establishment of civil government in, 512; bibliog- raphy, 518. Pickens, General Andrew, 158, 164. Pickering, Judge John, impeachment of, 214. Pickett, General George E., por- trait, 387 ; charge at Gettysburg, 388. Pierce, Franklin, nominated for presidency, 320 ; elected, 321 ; administration of, 32.3-332. Pike, Zebulon Montgomery, 220. Pilgrims, the, 33. Pinckney, Charles, member of Federal Convention, ISO. Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth, member of Federal Convention, ISO ; commissioner to France, 208 ; candidate for presidency, 220. Pinckney, General Thomas, nego- tiates treaty with Spain, 201. Pious Fund of the Californias, 527. Piracy, colonial, 67 ; bibliography, 71. Pitt, William (Earl of Chatham), portrait, 114; directs conduct of the French and Indian War, 85 ; opposes colonial policy of George III, 93 ; enters House of Lords, 103 ; opposes coercive acts of 1774, 114; death, 149. Pittsburg Landing, or Shiloh, battle of, 365. Plantation system, beginnings of, 64, bibliography, 71 ; extended over the Southwest, 257, 258, bibliography, 269. Plassey, battle of, 90. Piatt amendment, 523, 524. Piatt, Thomas C, resigns his seat, 453. Plymouth,'settlement of, 33 ; annexed to Massachusetts, 61. Plymouth Company, the, 21. Pocahontas, portrait, 22, 23. Point Pleasant, battle of, 110. Political parties, origin of, 197, bibliography, 206 ; reshaping of, 266, bibliography, 270 ; disruption of, on the slavery issue, 328 ; re- shaping of, 329. See Parties. Polk, James K., nominated for presidency, 295 ; administration, 296-304. Polo, Marco, 1. Pontiac, the conspiracy of, 90. Pope, General John, 375, 376. Popular sovereignty, doctrine of, as applied in the slavery contest, 314; bibliography, 322; applied to Kansas by Douglas, 327, 335 ; subject of dispute in the Demo- cratic convention of 1860, 340. Population, growth of, in the colonies, 1640-1660, 44 ; 1700-1750, 61 ; bibliography, 71 ; of United States in 1830, 273; in 1860, 352. Populist party, growth of, in the South, 462; in the West, 465- 467 ; platform of 1892, 467 ; en- dorses Bryan, 472, 517 ; bibliog- raphy, 474. Port Gibson, Grant's victory at, 391. Port Republic, battle of, 372. Port Royal, settled by the French, 72 ; caijtured by the British, 77. Porter, Captain David, 2.39. Porter, Admiral David D., 367. Porter, General Fitz-John, at Gaines's Mill, 373, 374; court- martialed for alleged failure to cooperate with Pope, 378. Porto Rico, occupied by American troops, 507. Portsmouth, treaty of, 536. Portuguese, discoveries of, 4 ; bibliog- raphy, 17. Postal savings banks, advocated by Populists, 467 ; established by act of Congress in 1910, 544. Powers, implied, doctrine of, applied by Hamilton, 197 ; expounded by Marshall, 254, 255. Powhatan, Indian chief, 23. Preble, Commodore Edward, 215. 20 Index Presidential elections, of 1789, 191 ; of 1792, 199; of 1796, 207; of 1800, 211; of 1804, 220; of 1808, 229; of 1812, 233; of 1816, 253; of 1820, 265; of 1824, 265; of 1828, 269 ; of 1832, 279 ; of 1836, 286; of 1840, 289; of 1844, 295, 296; of 1848, 315, bibliography, 322; of 1852, 320, bibliography, 322; of 1856, 332, bibliography, 339; of 1860, 340-344, bibliog- raphy, 355 ; of 1864, 417, bibliog- raphy, 423; of 1868, 439; of 1872, 442; of 1876, 444-446, bibliography, 448; of 1880, 451; of 1884, 455, 456; of 1888, 460; of 1892, 466; of 1896, 471-473; of 1900, 516; of 1904, 532; of 1908, 538; of 1912, 547; of 1916, 560-563. Primary system of nominating candi- dates, 545, 547. Prince Henry, the Navigator, 4. Princeton, battle of, Jan. 3, 1777, 136 ; bibliography, 144. Prisoners, treatment of, during the Civil War, 422. Privateers, in the Revolution, 154 ; in the War of 1812, 240 ; bibliog- raphy, 250. Prizes, in the War of 1812, 240; bibliography, 250. Progressive party, organized, 548 ; in the cami)aign of 1916, 561-564. Progressive Republicans, organiza- tion of, 546. Protective policy, 267. Providence (Annapolis), founded, 28. Public land policy of the United States, 258, 272. Public land question, 275 ; bibliog- raphy, 288. Pulaski, Count Casimir, volunteers services in the American Revolu- tion, 147; killed, 158. Pullman Car Company strike, 470. Puritans, settlement of, in Virginia, 27 ; migration to New England, 31, bibliography, 45 ; supremacy of, in England, 43, bibliography, 45. Putnam, General Israel, at siege of Boston, 119; appointed major- general, 121 ; at Brooklyn Heights, 131 ; in New Jersey, 133. Quakers, in the colonies, 51, 52. Quebec, the founding of, 72. Quebec Act, 114, 152. Queen Anne's War, 77. Quincy, Josiah, 105, 345. Rahl, Colonel, commander of Hes- sians at Trenton, 136. Railroads, building of, 305 ; trans- continental, projected, 328 ; Union Pacific chartered, 408 ; completion of lines to the Pacific Coast, 457 ; regulation of, 458. Raleigh, Sir Walter, attempts to colonize America,' 19 ; bibliography, 45. Randolph, Edmund, introduces the Virginia plan in the Federal Con- vention, 180 ; refuses to sign the Constitution, 185 ; supports the Constitution in the Virginia conven- tion, 187; attorney-general. 193; withdraws from the cabinet, 205. Randolph, John, (of Roanoke), con- ducts impeachment of Chase, 214; opens attack on Madison, 221; fights duel with Clay, 266; frees slaves by will, 310. Randolph, Peyton, president of Con- tinental Congress, 116, 120. Randolph, Thomas Jefferson, pro- poses plan for gradual emancipa- tion of slaves in Virginia, 310. Rankin, Miss Jeannette, first woman representative elected to Congress, 564. Reaper, invented by Cyrus Hall McCormick, 306. Reciprocity, with Canada, 323, 543 ; in Dingley Tariff Act, 473; with Cuba, 525. Reconcentration policy, of General Weyler in Cuba, 494. Reconstruction, Lincoln's plan, 424 ; congressional plan, 433 ; bibliog- raphy, 447. Reed, Major Walter, demonstrates transmission of yellow fever by the mosquito, 523. Index 21 Reform movement, under Roosevelt, 534. Religion, in the colonies, 68, 69 ; Ijibliography, 71. Religious toleration, in Maryland, 30, 44 ; in Rhode Island, 38. Removal of deposits from the Bank of the United States, 282. Republican party, formation, of 329 ; nominates Colonel John C. Fre- mont, 332 ; nominates Lincoln, 342v. Republicans, Jeflfersonian, 198. Resaca de la Palma, battle of, 300. Restoration, colonial policy of the, 46; bil)liography, 71. Revere, Paul, 118. Revolution, American, 92 ; theoret- ical basis of, 103 ; historical view of, 104; finances of, 173, 178; debt incurred by, 194. Reynolds, General John F., killed at Gettysburg, 386. Rhode Island, founding of, 37 ; religious toleration in, 38 ; bibliog- raphy, 45 ; fails to send delegates to the Federal convention, 180 ; delays entering the Union, 188. Ribaut, Jean, 13. Richmond, capital of the Con- federacy, 358 ; seven days' fight- ing around, 373-375, bibliography, 379 ; fall of, 420. Rights, the theory of natural, 104. River and Harbor Bill, vetoed by Arthur, 454 ; vetoed by Cleve- land, 457. Roanoke Island, 19. Robertson, James, founder of Tennessee, 108. Rochambeau, Comte, arrives at Newport, 161 ; participates in the Yorktown campaign, 168, 169. Rockingham, the Marquis of, 102. Rodgers, Commodore John, en- counter with the Little Belt, 231 ; commands American Navy in War of 1812, 236. Roosevelt, Theodore, portrait, 521 ; organizes regiment of " Rough Riders," 505 ; nominated for vice- presidency, 516; succeeds to presi- dency on death of McKinley, 517 ; mea.sures of first administration, 520 ; checks German intervention in Venezuela, 522; "big-stick" policy, 526 ; recognizes the Re- public of Panama, 531 ; nominated for second term, 532 ; promotes conservation movement, 535 ; in- tervenes in Russo-Japanese War, 536 ; upholds Japanese rights in California, 537 ; agrees to become candidate for third term, 547 ; accepts nomination of Progressive party, 548 ; declines second nomi- nation of Progressive party, 562. Roosevelt policies, failure of Taft to uphold, 540-542. Root, Elihu, portrait, 524 ; appointed secretary of war, 508 ; author of Piatt Amendment, 524 ; suggested for presidency, 538 ; criticizes Wilson's foreign policy, 561. Rosecrans, General William S., commands Union forces in Mur- freesboro campaign, 390 ; in Chattanooga campaign, 392-394. Ross, Major-General Robert, killed at North Point, 245. " Rough Riders," 505. Rule of 1756, 224. Rum, importation of, forbidden in Georgia, 04 ; used by New England in slave trade, 66, 94. " Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion," 456. Rush, Richard, 264. Russell, Lord, British foreign secre- tary, 397. Russian revolution, 567. Russo-Japanese War, 536. Rutledge, John, member of Federal Convention, 180 ; favors con- tinuance of slave trade, 184. Ryswick, Treaty of, 76. St. Augustine, founded, 13. St. Clair, General Arthur, evacuates Ticonderoga, 138 ; defeated by Indians of the Northwest, 200. St. Eustatius, the island of, 155. St. Lawrence River, exploration of, 11. ^^z Index St. Leger, Colonel, invades New York by way of Oswego, 138 ; compelled by Arnold to abandon siege of Fort Stanwix, 139. St. Marks, seized by Jackson, 262. St. Mary's, settled by Leonard Calvert, 29. Sackville-West, Lord, 460. " Salary Grab " Act, 443. Samoan islands, 487. Sampson, Rear-Admiral William T., portrait, 503 ; established blockade of Cuba, 500 ; engages in search for Cervera's fleet, 503 ; blockades Santiago, 507. Sampson-Schley controversy, 508. San Francisco Board of Education, excludes Japanese from schools, 536. San Jacinto, battle of, 286. San Juan Hill, battle of, 505. San Salvador, discovered by Columbu.s, 7. Sandys, Sir Edwin, treasurer of the London Company, 26 ; gives Pil- grims permission to settle in Virginia, 32. Santa Anna, General, defeated by Houston in battle of San Jacinto, 286 ; attacks Taylor at Buena Vista, 301. Santiago, military campaign, 504 ; naval battle of, 506. Santo Domingo, Napoleon under- takes the reconquest of, 216; Grant's efforts to annex, 480 ; bibliography, 495. Saratoga, surrender of Burgoyne at, 144 ; the " Convention " of, 144 ; bibliography, 145. Savannah, Americans repulsed at, 157. " Scalawags," 435. Schley, Commodore Winfield Scott, portrait, 506 ; in command of the "Flying Squadron," 500; in search for Cervera, 504 ; in battle of Santiago, 507. Schurz, General Carl, report on conditions in the South, 427 ; supports Cleveland for the presi- dency, 455. Schuyler, General Philip, appointed major-general, 121 ; opposes Bur- goyne's advance, 138, 139 ; re- placed by Gates, 143. Scotch-Irish, immigration to America, 62, 63. Scott, General Winfield, portrait, 302 ; defeats British at Chippewa, 243 ; appointed to command Mexican expedition, 301 ; cap- tures city of Mexico, 303 ; candi- date for presidency, 320 ;_ com- mands United States army at beginning of Civil War, 358 ; resigns, 362. Search, belligerent right of, abused bv British, 225, 226 ; bibliography, 233. Secession, antislavery leaders threaten, 293 ; of South Carolina, 344; of the Gulf States, 345; historical view of, 345, 346 ; of Virginia, North Carolina, Ten- nessee, and Arkansas, 350, 351 ; bibliography, 355, 356. Sectionalism, the basis of, 271, 272. Sedition Act, 210 ; bibliography, 222. Semmes, Captain Raphael, com- mander of the Alabama, 402. Senate rules, revision of, 566. Senators, U. S., election of, by direct vote, 467, 544. Separatists, seek refuge in Holland, 32. Servitude, white, 65 ; bibliography, 71. Seven Pines, battle of, 373. Seven Years' War, 93. Seventeenth Amendment, 544. Severities, in Civil War, 421, 422. Sevier, John, founder of Tennessee, 108 ; in battle of King's Mountain, 162 ; governor of the " State of Franklin," 178; leads expedition against the Cherokees, 201. Seward, William H., opposes Com- promise of 1850, 319; candidate for Republican nomination, 341 ; opposes expedition for relief of Fort Sumter, 349 ; secretary of state, 398 ; surrenders Mason and Index 23 Slidell, 399 ; protests against French invasion of Mexico, 475 ; negotiates purchase of Alaska, 478 ; favors expansion in West Indies, 479, 480. Seymour, Horatio, candidate for presidency, 439. Shafter, Major-General William R., in command of American troops in Santiago campaign, 505. Shaftesbury, Earl of, 46. Sharpsburg, battle of, 380. Shays, Daniel, rebellion of, 179. Shelburne, Lord, 170. Shelby, Isaac, 162. Sheridan, General Philip, portrait, 414; in Chattanooga campaign, 394 ; raids Valley of Virginia, 414 ; bibliography, 422. Sherman, John, appointed secretary of state, 497. Sherman, Roger, member of com- mittee to draft Declaration of Independence, 127; member of Federal Convention, 180. Sherman, General William T., por- trait, 416 ; in Vicksburg campaign, 390 ; in Chattanooga campaign, 394 ; "captures Atlanta, 415 ; march to the sea, 416 ; ruthless policy, 417 ; march through the Carolinas of, 419 ; forces surrender of Johns- ton's army, 421 ; bibliography, 423. Sherman Anti-trust Act, 462, 521. Sherman Silver Purchase Act, 468. Shiloh, or Pittsburg Landing, battle of, 365. Shirley, Governor of Massachusetts, plans capture of Louisburg, 78. Sickles, General Daniel E., at Gettysburg, 387 ; removed from command of the district of North and South Carolina, 434. Silver, demonetization of, 451 ; free coinage of, demanded in the West, 466; in populist platform of 1892, 467 ; the main issue in the presi- dential election of 1896, 471, 472 ; reaffirmed by the Demo- cratic platform of 1900, 516 ; bibliography, 474. Silver Purchase Act, 462. Silver Republicans, 517. Simms, William Gilmore, views on slavery, 311. Sixteenth Amendment, 544. Slave trade, domestic, prohibited in District of Columbia, 317. Slave trade, foreign, beginnings of, 18; England accjuires monopoly of, 65, 77 ; first Continental Congress decides to discontinue, 116; permitted for twenty years by the Constitution, 184 ; pro- hibited by State statutes, 256 ; United States agrees in Webster- Ashburton treaty to suppress, 292. Slavery, established in the colonies, 65, bibliography, 71 ; excluded from the Northwest Territory, 177, 178; subject of compromise in Federal Convention, 183, 184, bibliography, 190 ; extended by invention of cotton gin, 255, 256 ; basis of western development, 260 ; in Missouri Compromise, 261, bibliography, 269 ; early opposi- tion to, 308 ; debate in the Virginia legislature, 309 ; divides churches, 311 ; Southern defense of, 311 ; Calhoun's position on, 312 ; economic argument in support of, 312 ; question of, in California, 314 ; bibliography, 321 ; emanci- pation proclaimed by Lincoln, 381, 401 ; in foreign negotiations of the Confederacy, 406. Slidell, John, mission of, to Mexico, 299 ; taken from aboard the Trent, 398. Smallwood, General, commands Maryland brigade at battle of Long Island, 131. Smith, Captain John, portrait, 23 ; share in founding Virginia, 23 ; character and writings, 24. Smith, General Kirby, at Bull Run, 360 ; invades Kentucky, 389. Smuggling, with Spanish colonies, 78. Soto, Hernando de, discovers the Mississippi River, 12. Soule, Pierre, minister to Spain, 325. 24 Index South, the economic dependence of the West on the, 259 ; political alliance with West, 260 ; solidarity of, 353 ; under negro rule, 440, bibliography, 448 ; restoration of Homo Rule, 447. Southampton, the Earl of, 26. Southampton insurrection, 309. South Carolina, the beginnings of, 56, bibliography, 71 ; overrun by the British, 158 ; insists on slave trade, 184 ; ratifies the Consti- tution, 186 ; secedes, 344, bibliog- raphy, 355. " South Carolina Exposition," 268. South Dakota, admitted to the Union, 465. Southern Democrats, 343. Southern States, reconstruction of, 424, 433 ; constitutional status of, 430. Spain, at war with England during the American Revolution, 155, bibliography, 156 ; closes the Mississippi to Americans, 200 ; intrigues with the Indians, 201 ; cedes Louisiana to Napoleon, 216; withdrawal from Cuba demanded by Congress, 500 ; war with, 501-507; peace terms, 508, 509. Spanish-American revolution, 263. " Specie Circular," 284. Specie payments, resumption of, 450. Spoils system, 275, 287. " Spoliation Claims," 285. Spooner amendment, 530. Spotswood, Alexander, Governor of Virginia, 67. Spottsylvania Court House, battle of, 412. " Squatter sovereignty." See Popu- lar sovereignty. Stamp Act, passage of, 98 ; protests against, 101 ; repeal of, 102 ; bibliography. 111. Standard Oil Company, organization of, 520 ; dissolution ordered, 543. Stanton, Edwin M., secretary of war, suspension of, 434 ; removal of, 436. " Star routes " frauds, 453. Star-Spangled Banner, 246. Stark, General John, at siege of Boston, 119 ; at battle of Benning- ton, 138. State, Department of, organized, 192. State governments, organization of, 123, 124; bibliography, 128. State sovereignty, doctrine of, 273, 346. Stephen, General Adam, at German- town, 142 ; court-martial and dismissal of, 143. Stephens, Alexander H., portrait, 347 ; opposes secession, 345. Steuben, Baron von, volunteers services during Revolution, 147 ; reorganizes American army at Valley Forge, 149. Stevens, Thaddeus, portrait, 432 ; views on status of Southern States, 431 ; author of radical reconstruction, 433. Stirling, Lord. See General William Alexander. Stockton, Commodore, 301. Stoeckl, Baron, 478. Stony Point, captured by Anthony Wayne, 151. Stowe, Harriet Beecher, author of " Uncle Tom's Cabin," 321. Strikes, 449, 454, 470, 562. Stuart, General J. E. B., cuts McClellan's communications, 373 ; in Gettysburg campaign, 385. Stuyvesant, Peter, 49, 50. Submarine warfare, 555, 565. Suffrage, negro, 430. Sugar Act of 1764, 97, 102. Sullivan, General John, 131, 142, 151. Sullivan's Island, 126. Sumner, Charles, assaulted by Pres- ton Brooks, 331 ; views on status of Southern States, 431 ; obstructs settlement of " Alabama Claims," 477 ; breach with Grant, 480. Supreme Court, jurisdiction and prestige extended by Marshall, 254, 255 ; criticized for Dred Scott decision, 334 ; conservative attitude on questions of recon- struction, 432, 435 ; large number of justices appointed by Taft, 543. Index 25 Sussex, attack on the, 559. Swedish West India Company, 49. Taft, William H., portrait, 540; appointed head of Philippine Com- mission, 512 ; nominated for presi- dency, 538 ; administration of, 540 ; speech at Winona on the Payne-Aldrich Tariff, 541 ; foreign policy of, 543 ; candidate for reelection, 547. Talleyrand, 208. Tammany Society, 315. Taney, Roger B., secretary of the treasury, 283; Chief Justice, 3.34. Tariff, act of 1816, 252; becomes a sectional issue, 267 ; act of 1828, 268; bibliography, 270; act of 1846, 297 ; high protective duties imposed during Civil War, 408 ; reform, 459 ; act of 1890, 461 ; bibliography, 474. Tarleton, Colonel Banastre, 164, 165, 167. Taylor, John, 210. Taylor, General Zachary, in Mexican War, 299-301; nominated by Whigs, 315; elected president, 316; death, 319. Tecumseh, Indian chief, 232, 242. Telegraph, invented by Morse, 305. Tennessee, the beginnings of, 107 ; admitted to Union, 205 ; secedes, 350, 356. Tenure-of-office Act, 433, 436, 437. Territorial expansion, attitude of sections on, 272. Texas, claim of United States under the Louisiana treaty, 218, 261 ; surrendered by the Florida treaty, 262 ; declares independence, 285, bibliography, 288 ; annexation of, becomes political issue, 292 ; in- trigues of Great Britain and France with, 293 ; annexed by joint resolution, 296 ; admitted to the Union, 296, bibliography, 307; secedes, 34.5. Thames River, fight at, 242. Thirteenth Amendment, 425. Thomas, General George H., 354, 393, 394. Thomas, General Lorenzo, 436. Ticonderoga, failure of Abercromljy's expedition against, 86 ; captured by Ethan Allen, 121 ; evacuated by St. Clair, 130. Tippecanoe, battle of, 232. Tobacco, cultivated in Virginia, 26 ; basis of early plantation system, 64 ; used as currency, 67. Toleration, religious, in Maryland, 30 ; in Rhode Island, 38. Toombs, Robert, 397. Topeka constitution, 335. Tories, harsh treatment of, 123, bibliography, 128 ; in New York, 132; in Philadelphia, 134; a burden to Sir Henry Clinton, 149 ; raids of, 151 ; in the Northwest, 153 ; in South Carolina, 158 ; in the peace negotiations, 171, 172. Toscanelli, 5. Townshend Acts of 1767, 103 ; repeal of, 106; bibliography. 111. Trade, oriental, 3, bililiography, 17; fur, 66, 73. See Slave trade, West Indies. Transportation, canals as means of, 253, 305. See Railroads. Transshipment, of contraband, 555. Treasury, Department of the, organized, 192. Treaty, of Utrecht, 77; of Aix-la- Chapelle, 79; of Paris, 1763, 89; of 1778, with France, 201, 209; of 1783, with Great Britain, 170- 173; Louisiana Purchase, 217; of Ghent, 247, 250 ; Florida, 262 ; Webster-Ashburton, 291 ; Guada- lupe-Hidalgo, 303, 307; Clayton- Bulwer, 304 ; Canadian reciproc- ity, 323; with Japan, 323; of Waf;hington, 477 ; Hay-Paunce- fote, 529. Trent affair, 398 ; bibliography, 407. Trent, Captain William, 81. Trenton, battle of, 136 ; bibliography, 144. Tripoli, war with, 215 ; bil)liography, 222 Trist, Nicholas P., 302. Trusts, growth of, 462, 474, 520. Truxtun, Captain Thomas, 209. 26 Index Tryon, Governor, 106, 151. Turner, Nat, 309. Twopenny Act, 95. Tyler, John, succeeds to presidency on death of Harrison, 290 ; administration of, 291-293, bibliog- raphy, 307 ; presides over peace convention, 348. " Uncle Tom's Cabin," 321. " Underground Railroad," 309, 325. Underwood, Oscar W., 542, 547. Underwood Tariff Act, 549. Union Pacific Railway, chartered, 408. United States Steel Corporation, 521. Utah, admitted to the Union, 465. Utrecht, Treaty of, 65, 77. Vaca, Cabe?a de, 12. Valley Forge, 149 ; bibliography, 156. Van Buren, Martin, secretary of state, 274 ; elected president, 286 ; administration, 287, bibliog- raphy, 288 ; nominated by Free- Soilers, 315, 316. Vardaman, J. K., Senator, 566. Venango, 81. Venezuela, boundary dispute with England, 489, bibliography, 496; blockaded by England, Italy and Germany, 525. Vera Cruz, American occupation of, 551. Vergennes, Comte de, 146, 148, 171. Vermont, admitted to the Union, 205. Verrazano, Giovanni da, 11. Vesputius, Americus, 9. Vicksburg, Grant's campaign against, 390; siege and fall of, 392; bibliography, 395. Villa, General Francisco, 552. Vincennes, capture of, 153. Virginia, name, 19 ; settlement, 22- 27, bibliography, 45 ; submits to parliamentary commissioners, 1651, 43; under Charles II, 57; population, 61 ; number of slaves and white servants, 65 ; Assembly proposes intercolonial committees of correspondence, 113 ; Assembly proposes a general congress, 1774, 115 ; troops in the Revolution, 135, 158; delegates to Continental Congress instructed to propose independence, 126 ; plan of union submitted to the Federal Conven- tion, 180 ; ratifies the Constitution, 187 ; opposes assumption of State debts, 195 ; prohibits importation of slaves, 256 ; debate on slavery in the legislature, 309 ; secedes, 350, bibliography, 356. Virginia and Kentucky resolutions, 210 ; bibliography, 222. Virginia Company, the, 20. Virginius, the, 493. Volunteers, Lincoln's call for, 352. Walker, Admiral John G., 530. Walker, Robert J., 297, 334. War, Department of, established, 192. War of the Austrian Succession, 78. War of democracy against autocracy, 567. War of i8i2, declared, 232; events of, 235-246 ; treaty of Ghent, 247; attitude of New England, 247-249; results, 249. Ward, General Artemas, 119, 121. Warner, Colonel Seth, 121, 138. Washington, city of, becomes seat of government, 212; the burning of, 245, bibliography, 250. Washington, State of, admitted to the Union, 465. Washington, Treaty of, 477. Washington, Booker T., 520. Washington, George, portrait, 117; sent to warn the French against encroachments in the Ohio Valley, 81 ; member of Braddock's expedi- tion, 83, 84 ; in command on the frontier, 85 ; member of the Continental Congress, 116; chosen to command the American army in the Revolution, 121 ; assumes command before Boston, 122 ; abandons New York, 131 ; retires across the Delaware, 133 ; appeals for troops, 135 ; defeats the British at Trenton and at Princeton, 136; Index 27 in winter quarters at Morristown, 137 ; opposes Howe's niovement against Philadelphia, 140-142 ; at Valley Forge, 149 ; bibliography, 156; at Monmouth, 150; at Yorktown, 169 ; chairman of the Federal Convention, 180; for- wards the Constitution to Con- gress, 185 ; election and inaugura- tion of, 191 ; makes tour of New England, 194; reelected, 199; Farewell Address, 205 ; appointed to the chief command, 209. Washington, Colonel William, 164. Watauga Association, Articles of the, 108. " Watchful waiting," the policy of, 551. Wayne, General Anthony, portrait, 167; 151, 167, 200. Weaver, General James B., 408. Webster, Daniel, portrait, 292 ; debate with Haync, 275 ; secretary of state, 291 ; seventh-of-March speech, 318; death, 321; speech at Capon Springs, Virginia, cjuoted, 326. Webster-Ashburton Treaty, 291 ; bibliography, 307. West, expansion of the, 251, 258; economic dependence on the South, 259 ; political alliance with South, 260 ; bibliography, 269. West Florida, British province of, 200 ; and the Louisiana Purchase, 218; controversy over, 219; occupied by United States, 261, 262 ; bibliography, 270. West Indies, trade with, 66, 95, 285. West Jersey, 51. West Point, 133. West, Thomas, Lord Delaware, 25. West Virginia, organization of, 352. Western democracy, 273. Western development, 304 ; bibliog- raphy, 307. Western Reserve, 177. Weyler, General, 494, 498. Wheaton, General Lloyd, 511. Wheeler, General Joseph, 505. Whig party, formation of, 278 ; nominates Harrison and Tyler, 289, 290; repudiates Tyler, 291; nominates Henry Clay, 295 ; nomi- nates General Taylor, 315; nomi- nates General Scott, 320 ; dis- integrates, 329, 333. Whigs, in the Revolution, 123. Whisky Rebellion, 196 ; bibliography, 206. White, Edward D., appointed chief justice, 543. White Plains, battle of, 132. Whitney, Eli, 256. Wilderness, battle of the, 412; l)ibliography, 422. WUey, Dr. H." W., 541. Wilkes, Captain Charles, 398. Wilkinson, General James, repulsed at Chrystler's Farm, 243. William, and Mary, 60, 75. William and Mary College, 68, 69. Williams, Roger, 37, 38. Williamson, Hugh, 183. Wilmot Proviso, 313, 315; bibliog- raphy, 322. Wilson, Henry Lane, 551. Wilson, James, 127, 180, 182. WUson, William L., 469. WUson, Woodrow, portrait, frontis- piece; nominated for presidency, 547 ; elected, 548 ; appears before the two houses of Congress, 549 ; Pan-American policy of, 553 ; renomination of, 560 ; war address of April 2, 1917, 567. Wilson Tariff Act, 469. Winona, Taft's speech at, 541. Winthrop, John, portrait, 36 ; 27, 35. Wirt, William, 254, 278. Wisconsin, admitted to tjie Union, 307. Wolfe, General James, at siege of Louisburg, 86 ; selected to com- mand the expedition against Quebec, 87 ; victory and death, 89. Woman suffrage, .545, 504. Wood, General Leonard, 505, 523. Woodford, General William, 125, 158. Writs of assistance, 95. Wyoming, admitted to the Union, 465. Wythe, George, 152. 28 Index X, Y, Z affair, 208. Yale College, 70. Yancey. W. L., 397. Yazoo Bill, 221. Yeardley, Sir George, 25. York, James, Duke of, 50. Yorktown, Cornwallis retires to, 168 ; siege of, 169 ; bibliography, 174. Zimmermann note, 566. HISTORY The Ancient World. Revised Edition By Professor Willis Mason West, of the University of Minnesota. Part One, Greece and the East. i2mo, cloth, 324 pages. Price, ^i.oo. Part Two, Rome and the West. i2mo, cloth, 371 pages. Price, $1.00. Complete Edition. i2mo, cloth, 681 pages. Price, ^1.50. THE New Ancient World is well within the scope of the abili- ties of the youngest students in high schools and academies. Its style is simple, direct, vivid, and interesting, and never fails to impress even the most immature reader, who carries away from a study of this book a series of striking pictures of ancient life. The author emphasizes the unity in historical development; he shows that national life, like individual life, has continuous growth and development, and that a knowledge of the past ex- plains the present. Every experiment in government in ancient times has its lesson ; and in the hands of Professor West history becomes an instrument for teaching the duties of modern citizen- ship. (i) Most stress is laid on those periods and those persons who contributed most to the development of civilization. (2) Space is found for the exciting and the picturesque when- ever it is matter of historical importance. Narrative and biog- raphy abound. (3) Little weight is given to the legendary periods of Greek and Roman history, and the space thus gained is devoted to the wide-reaching Hellenic world after Alexander, and to the Roman Empire which had so deep an influence on later history. (4) In every paragraph the leading idea is brought out by italics^ and illuminating quotations introduce many chapters. (5) The book teaches the use of a library by giving specific references to topics for reports. (6) There are forty-six maps and plans, which are made the basis of study, suggested by questions given in the text. There are also one hundred eighty-one illustrations taken from authentic sources. 88 HISTORY Readings in Ancient History : Illustrative Extracts from the Sources By William Stearns Davis, Professor of Ancient History in the University of Minnesota; Introduction by Professor WILLIS Mason West. Volume I : Greece and the East. i2mo, 375 pages. Price, ^i.oo. Volume II : Rome and the West. lamo, 423 pages. Price, ^i.oo. THIS book sets before the student beginning the study of Ancient History a sufficient amount of source material to illustrate the important or typical historical facts which will be mentioned in his text-book. The volumes are not designed for hard study, to be tested scrupulously by minute questioning ; they are meant for reading, — a daily companion to any standard text-book in Ancient History, — and the boy or girl so using them is sure to breathe in more of the atmosphere of the ancient world, and to get more taste of the notable literary flavor per- vading Greek and Roman history, than would be possible from the study of a conventional text-book. Volume I contains 1 25 different selections, of which the follow- ing are typical : The Ethics of an Egyptian Nobleman, Inscrip- tion ; An Assyrian Palace, Alaspero ; The Shield of Achilles, The Iliad ; How Glaucus tried to tempt the Delphic Oracle, Herodo- tus ; The Ring of Polycrates, Herodotus ; How Leonidas held the Pass of Thermopylae, Herodotus ; The Last Fight in the Harbor of Syracuse, Thucydides ; Anecdotes about Socrates, Diogenes Laertius ; How Lysias escaped from the "Thirty," Lysias ; How Elephants fought in Hellenistic Armies, Polybius. Volume II contains 149 selections, including: Brutus condemns his Own Sons to Death, Livy ; How the Plebeians won the Con- sulship, Livy ; The Honesty of Roman Officials, Polybius ; The Reign of Terror under Sulla, Plutarch ; The Wealth and Habits of Crassus the Millionaire, Plidarch ; The Personal Traits of Julius Caesar, Suetonius; A Business Panic in Rome, Tacitus; The Bill of Fare of a Great Roman Banquet, Macrobius ; How a Stoic met Calamity in the Days of Nero, Epictetus ; The Precepts of Marcus Aurelius, Marcus Aurelius. 94 HISTORY The Modern World By Professor W. M. WEST, i2mo, cloth, 794 pages. Price, ^1.50. THIS volume, intended as a companion to the author's Ancient H'orM, is a revision of his Modern History. As in the Ancient World, there has been a determined effort to make a simple history that can be easily understood bv pupils in the early years of the High School. Interesting phases of history are given prominence, difficult ideas have been avoided, the language throughout is simple. One new feature of the Modern World is five preliminary chapters, giving an outline of history from prehistoric times to the accession of Charlemagne. These chapters serve as an excellent review for a course in Ancient History, or even make it possible to use the Modern World to cover the general history of the world. The book contains nearly two hundred handsome illustrations and is provided with fifty-three maps, all but five ofwhich are colored. Like the Modern History the book gives especial prominence to the period since the French Revolution. The author treats with comparative briefness many phases of the history of the Middle Ages in order to gain adequate space for the marvellous nineteenth century, and so for an intelligent introduction to the twentieth. American Government By Dr. Frank Abbott Magruder, i2mo, cloth, 488 pages. Price, THE economic element in government is emphasized through- out this book. It has a thorough treatment, not only of theoretical government, but especially of practical politics, cau- cuses, marking ballots, registration. The enormous influence of the judiciary is made clear, and it is shown how, through interpretation, they often legislate. It contains a frank discussion of the weaknesses of our government, as well as of its strong points. 89 HISTORY American History and Government By Professor WILLIS MASON WEST. With maps and illustrations i2mo, cloth, 814 pages. Price, ^2.00. THIS volume fuses the study of American history with the study of our political institutions in their practical workings — each group of institutions being taken up for complete study where it may best be understood as a product of progressive history. Large place is given to economic and industrial devel- opment, as the main explanation of political growth, with clear consciousness of the constant interaction between these mighty forces. Aside from this combination of "History" and "Civics," the book is unique in three great features : (i) the large place given to the influence of the West ; (2) the attention given to the deeply significant labor movements of 1825-1840; (3) and the story of the recent Progressive movement. Indeed, a fourth of the space is given to the last forty years. The common delusion of a golden age of democracy in the days of Jefferson or of John Winthrop is firmly exposed and cor- rected, and the student is surely and skilfully led to look forward, not backward. The tremendous problems of to-day, too, are put forward with no shading of their difficulties. The book is in no sense a special plea ; but it is written in a sincere conviction that a fair presentation of American history must give to American youth a robust and aggressive faith in democracy. A Source Book in American History By Professor WiLLlS MASON WEST. lamo, cloth, 608 pages. Price, ^1.50. THIS is a companion volume to American History and Gov- ernment. It contains much material never before accessible to young students. No extract has been selected unless it has some definite articulation with the purpose of the main text. 90 HISTORY A Short History of England By Charles M. Andrews, Farnam Professor of History in Yale University. With Maps, Tables, and numerous Illustrations. i2mo, cloth, 473 pages. Price, $1.40. THIS history of England aims to present within the compass of about 400 pages the main features of England's story from earliest times to the present day. The book traces in rapid sur- vey the development of the people and institutions of England from Anglo-Saxon times to the close of the year 191 1, and shows by what steps the primitive organization of a semi-tribal people has been transformed into the highly complicated political and social structure of the United Kingdom and the British Empire. It re- tains on a smaller scale the essential characteristics of the larger work by the same author, with some additions, chiefly of a geographical and biographical character, and many omissions of details. The author tells a clear and simple story, avoiding technical expressions and yet passing over no important feature of the history that is necessary for the proper understanding of the subject. The aim of the book is to be instructive as well as interesting. The narrative is made as continuous as possible, that the pupil may follow in unbroken sequence the thread of the story. It is accompanied with a large number of newly selected illustrations and an ample supply of maps and chronological tables. The elaborate bibliographies contained in the larger work have been omitted and only a small but selective list of the best books in brief form has been retained. The history has been brought down to date in matters of scholarship as well as chronology, and contains many views and statements not to be found in the larger work. It is designed as a text-book for half-year, or elementary courses, but it might well be used by any reader desiring a brief and suggestive account of the main features of England's history. 92 m I