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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 Hollinger 
 
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SOUTHERN WAR CLAIMS 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. EDWARD S. BRAGG, 
 
 OP 
 
 WISCONSIN 
 
 IN THE 
 
 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 
 
 MAY 1, 1878 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 1878. 
 
 tD- infM 
 

 
SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. EDWAED S. BRAGG. 
 
 The House having met for debate, Mr Covert in the Chair as Speaker pro tem- 
 pore — 
 
 Mr. BRAGG said : 
 
 Mr. Speaker : This House has before it a bill entitled "A bill to 
 reimburse the College of William and Mary, in Virginia, for property 
 destroyed during the war." 
 
 There underlies this proposed measure, sir, a question of more than 
 ordinary import. The discussion of it commenced with a glowing 
 tribute paid the College of William and Mary and her renowned 
 alumni by the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. Goode.] 
 
 The gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. Eoring,] a classic son of 
 Harvard, responded in an effort so replete with elegant diction and 
 scholarly attainment and rich in historic reminiscence that the senses, 
 for the time dazzled and bewildered by its learning and beauty, were 
 captivated ; judgment forgot its office and sentiment took its place. 
 
 I confess it an ungrateful task for a plain, blunt-spoken man, devoid 
 of magnetism or oratorical art, but possessed only of an earnest con- 
 viction of the truth of his sentiments, to obtrude himself upon the 
 scene to jar and disrupt with his discordant voice the delicious reve- 
 ries produced by the sentimental elixir, so subtly administered. But, 
 sir, a sense of duty to my countrymen, South as well as North, will 
 not permit me to sit quietly by and see the great evil attending the 
 passage of this bill fastened upon us by specious sophistry. 
 
 Words, with me, sir, serve their true purpose when used to express, 
 not conceal, ideas. It matters not if I am called a bigot or fanatic, I 
 maintain that this bill is a crafty device to foist upon us southern 
 war claims as skillfully planned and as certain in results as the 
 wooden horse that carried woe and ruin within the walls of far-famed 
 Troy. 
 
 The amount proposed to be given is not large, but the shadow it 
 casts before it is large enough to darken the land. 
 
 The reasons given are plausible ; the disciple of ^Esculapius gilds 
 with a rich sugar-coating a noxious drug that the stomach of his 
 patient revolts at, but when it is once swallowed the purpose is as 
 surely accomplished as though no device had been used to make the 
 vile dose palatable. So the learned doctor from Harvard has heaped 
 the stores of his learning, thickly interspersed with sentiment, over 
 and around this measure to hide* its real meaning and significance, 
 but the patient, beguiled by the garnishment into the adoption of the 
 prescription, cannot escape its fatal consequences. 
 
 Before entering upon the consideration of these consequences, let 
 us briefly review the alleged facts out of which this claim arises. 
 They are recited by the learned advocates of the measures as follows : 
 
 During the first year of the war, until May, 1862, the college was held first as> 
 
barracks and then as hospital for confederate forces. From that time until the 
 close of the war, except for a few hours on the 9th day of September, 1862, it was 
 occupied by Union troops, and was used by them for the storing of military sup- 
 plies and other purposes of convenience to our armies. In a skirmish on the 9th 
 day of September, 1862, the main building was burned by the Federal forces, who 
 occupied them, and at a later period of the war, during which the same forces held 
 possession of them, all the remaining houses upon the college premises were, with 
 the inclosures, burned wholly or in part pulled to pieces. 
 
 From this statement of facts, independent of positive evidence, 
 which I believe exists, proving the same thing, I maintain it is appar- 
 ent that the confederates, and not the Union troops, fired the building, 
 and that they, and not we, are the vandals, if the burning was an act 
 of vandalism. 
 
 Mark the statement : 
 
 From May, 1862, except for a few hours on the 9th day of September, 1862, it was 
 occupied by Union troops for storing military supplies and other purposes of con- 
 venience. In a skirmish on the 9th day of September, 1862, it was fired, &c. 
 
 The question is pertinent, who occupied the college buildings for 
 the few hours on the 9th of September, 1862, when the buildings were 
 vacated by the Union troops ? Kebel cavalry in flagrant war. The 
 report shows there was no fire before they took possession, but one 
 broke out soon after they left. To one familiar with the operations 
 of such raidiDg parties this tells the story as well as a cloud of wit- 
 nesses. But the committee find that after the building was retaken 
 straggling soldiers, inflamed by liquor and smarting under defeat, 
 fired it. That is to say, the committee find, as one of the grounds to 
 sustain this bill, that rebel raiders were too generous to destroy Yankee 
 stores and so the Yanks from sheer spite burned their own. I sub- 
 mit to my friend from Mississippi, [Mr. Chalmers,] who won distinc- 
 tion in the cavalry service, whether such magnanimity on the part of 
 cavalry was ever known until discovered in a congressional commit- 
 tee-room. 
 
 But, sir, I only allude to this cavalry phenomenon as an incident 
 of what is sought to be made history to give coloring to the prayer 
 for relief. In my opposition to this measure I stand on no nice dis- 
 tinction as to whether one side or the other fired the building, but I 
 take the broad ground that its destruction was one of the ravages of 
 war, for which there is not the least liability for reimbursement. Such 
 is the universal law of nations. It was settled by an American Con- 
 gress in 1797, when Washington, Jefferson, and Monroe and many of 
 the long list of the illustrious dead whose spirits have been invoked 
 and memories revived and passed in panoramic view before this House 
 in the early stages of this discussion were the directing spirits of 
 this Government — 
 
 That the loss of houses, and other sufferings by the general ravages of war, have 
 never been compensated by this or any other government. — American State Papers ; 
 Claims, page 199. 
 
 Come, then, shades of the mighty dead, and open the eyes of these 
 thy followers, and so direct their judgments that they professing the 
 most unbounded admiration and reverence for your wisdom shall not 
 for paltry alms violate your precepts. 
 
 But, sir, viewed in another light, the College of William and Mary 
 forfeited any right which she may have had as an educational insti- 
 tution sacred from the touch of war by becoming herself an engine 
 of war, an active participant in rebellion. She not only sent her 
 pupils to the red field of battle with words of encouragement and 
 Messing, but she banished the muses from her groves, threw wide open 
 her gates, and made hervenerable halls barracks for soldiery to destroy 
 the Government from which now in all humility she asks recompense. 
 
I do not state this too stroDgly ; the report shows that before the foot- 
 steps of a northern soldier darkened her halls, they had been con- 
 verted into barracks and a hospital, in aid of the rebellion. The learned 
 faculty cannot plead ignorance of consequences in case of failure ; 
 but they never counted failure among the possibilities. I shall not 
 go into details of the horrors of that war, and of its cost in blood and 
 treasure. I deprecate the reopening of that subject on this floor as 
 much as any man ; but I say to the Representatives of the South, in 
 all kindness, the discussion of it will last, and properly so, while you 
 force it into notice by the presentation of claims resulting from it. 
 
 It is with you to withdraw the subject from discussion or to keep 
 it constantly before us by introducing such claims as the present. 
 It was a bitter, murderous conflict, and the battle was lost through 
 no flinching of yours. The world never witnessed greater devotion 
 to a bad cause, and your personal bravery won from your enemy re- 
 spect and admiration. When the smoke of the conflict cleared away, 
 like brave men, as you are, you bade farewell to the cause you could 
 not maintain, and in good faith accepted the situation and came back 
 to the house of your fathers to support and defend it against all foes, 
 foreign and domestic. 
 
 Wonderful in its proportions as the war was, it has been followed 
 by results still more wonderful, and he who sees the yielding of the 
 barriers of sectional hate before an enlightened patriotism, and upon 
 their ruins a reunion of national brotherhood being rapidly cemented, 
 may exclaim of a truth — 
 
 Peace hath her victories 
 No less renowned than war ! 
 
 I appeal to my southern friends on this side of the House, will you 
 deliberately rake the ashes off the slumbering embers, and fan them 
 into a blaze again ? I believe in my heart you will not. But I am 
 bound to tell you, and I do it in kindness, for though in war I was 
 your open enemy, in peace I am your earnest friend, and as such I 
 say to you "The people of the North will never submit to be taxed 
 to reimburse your people, or your States out of the National Treasury 
 for any losses that they sustained directly or indirectly from the re- 
 bellion." It was your rebellion, you have harvested its fruits, and 
 must patiently bear its results, bitter though they be. 
 
 There may be men in the North— their voice has been heard on this 
 floor speaking words of encouragement to you in presenting claims 
 like this one for reimbursement; but it is no true expression of 
 northern sentiment ; they are the words of a siren that lures to death. 
 You heard them and trusted them in 1860 and 1861 ; will you trust 
 them again now ? 
 
 Can you blame the North for their determined opposition to such 
 reimbursement ? Had you been victors instead of vanquished, would 
 you have imposed taxes upon your people, groaning under the weight 
 of a debt contracted in overpowering us, additional burdens to com- 
 pensate us for our losses ? Southern statesmanship is too wise and 
 far-seeing for that. The democratic party of the North desires to ad- 
 vance your present interest and future welfare ; but this does not 
 mean relieving you from any of your losses, or assuming any of your 
 obligations. She recognizes you in your present status as worthy of 
 trust and confidence in all that relates to the present and future, and 
 the States you represent as free, equal, sovereign States ; and upon 
 all questions disconnected with the war, she stands your true friend, 
 believing and teaching that the prosperity of the common country is 
 best advanced by the culture and promotion of the rights and inter- 
 
6 
 
 ests of each and all of its constituent parts. Her policy is broad 
 and catholic, and when it shall again prevail the burdens of Gov- 
 ernment will be lightened, class legislation will cease, the rights of 
 the poor will be respected as well as the wishes of the richer, and an 
 era of prosperity will dawn upon the nation. 
 
 The republican party was born of sectionalism ; it grew to its great 
 strength, fattening upon the fruits of the folly and madness of south- 
 ern men, and now, when the people have sickened with its corruptions 
 and violations of the written law, will you for the temporary grati- 
 fication resulting from an insignificant appropriation, or a thousand 
 of them, awaken a distrust in the northern mind of your purposes 
 and make prophetic the declarations of gentlemen upon the other 
 side that you are here in the interest of southern claims and that 
 the fruits of a democratic majority in the Congress will be the con- 
 summation of your purpose! God forbid! You have felt the iron 
 heel of central power upon your necks ; you have seen your States 
 robbed in the name of law by the myrmidons of a republican oligarchy ; 
 you have enjoyed the elective franchise under the dictation of a cor- 
 poral and his squad, and have been deprived of the fruits of the 
 ballot-box by unblushing fraud and crime that in barbarian China 
 would have brought a judgment of "hari-kari" upon its perpetra- 
 tors; but in enlightened, free America, instead of punishment it 
 hath brought official reward to all connected with it, because they 
 did the bidding of the corrupt party whose lease of power was ex- 
 tended by it. 
 
 In the light of the past, my southern friends, are you now willing to 
 furnish again a battle-cry to your old enemy that shall place it again 
 in power and enable it in its caprice to re-enact the scenes you have 
 passed since the close of the war and your return to citizenship. 
 
 Southern claims is the last card left to the republican party to play. 
 Upon it rests the last hope of the organization, and it is for you in a 
 great measure to determine whether it shall prove the ruling trump. 
 
 It would be an act of injustice to my own belief and an act of 
 greater injustice to you did I here hesitate to say that these claims, 
 about which so much has been and will be said are not presented of 
 your own volition nor in the hope or belief that they will or ought to 
 be paid. Your sense of right, I feel safe in saying, is averse to the 
 payment of the cloud of claims that find admittance here because of 
 the great right of every citizen to present for consideration his petition 
 or claim, whether it be just or unjust, so only that it be done in language 
 that is respectful. 
 
 But men are not always permitted to act upon individual convic- 
 tion. A member of this House is a representative ; he acts for others 
 more than himself ; he is the agent through whom each individual 
 constituent has a right to be heard. And when an impoverished con- 
 stituency or constituent demands consideration he would be more 
 than mortal if he could refuse to introduce his claim for relief to the 
 consideration of this House. 
 
 "We men of the North know and feel the difficulties under which 
 you labor, and the delicate position in which you are placed, with 
 Scylla upon the one side and Charybdis on the other. And for this 
 reason I appeal to the Representatives of the northern democracy 
 to stand by the pledged faith of their party and by an unbroken vote 
 on this question save the country, save their southern friends, save 
 their party from the baleful effects that will certainly follow this 
 precedent. 
 
 Let it be known that under no guise, under no pretext will such 
 claims be paid, and the work is done, and the pressure of a constitu- 
 
ency in favor of such bills will cease, and the galleries of this House 
 wiii be cleared of the hungry, anxious, eager crowd of claimants, that 
 sit day after day watching and waiting for the hour to come when 
 their claims shall be reached and passed. 
 
 We upon this side of the House are in no wise responsible for this 
 condition of affairs. The republican party opened the door, in an 
 effort to toll the southern voters into their camp. 
 
 The war had no sooner closeC than "presto," hosts of loyal people 
 were discovered, where nothing but black-handed treason had been 
 seen before. \ 
 
 What produced the change ? , A willingness to vote the republican 
 ticket, combined with the three great cardinal virtues of that party, 
 addition, division, and silence, was an accredited test of loyalty. And 
 to provide a reward for these loyal converts to radicalism a court 
 was organized to adjust their claims, and a republican Congress com- 
 menced paying and continued to pay southern claims while it re- 
 mained in power, until the sums paid its retainers footed up many 
 millions. And when its power passed away their loyal wards were 
 bequeathed to us as a legacy, when the scenes shifted again. Carpet- 
 bagging had lost its prestige, and southern claimants lapsed into their 
 original sinful state, and the cry against rebel claims to be paid by 
 their northern democratic confederates became the burden of the song 
 of every loyal republican campaigner in the North. And yet the fact 
 stares them in the face that this bill was originally introduced by a 
 republican and reported favorably by a republican committee, and is 
 now supported most strenuously by a republican. 
 
 Such cant and hypocrisy is best described by designating it as the 
 climax of modern republicanism. 
 
 I submit to you, men of the South, whether the men who availed 
 themselves and are still seeking to avail themselves of the laws of a 
 republican Congress providing Jlfor the payment to loyal southern 
 men (so called) were in fact loyal to this Government during the war. 
 I believe that you who know them best will bear me out in the asser- 
 tion that their pretended loyalty was and is a sham and a fraud, and 
 that the amount of losses claimed to have been sustained by them in 
 most instances is fully equal if not a greater fraud than the pretense 
 of loyalty that accompanies them. 
 
 There were no loyal men who remained in the South during the 
 war. It was not in the nature of things. Their sympathies may 
 have been with us in the outset, but it is not in flesh and blood to 
 sympathize with men who are killing our brothers, kinsfolk, and 
 friends, sacking our villages and towns, and laying waste our country, 
 no matter in what cause it is done. He who professes he did so adds 
 the sin of perjury to that of disloyalty, or proves himself to be devoid 
 of the ordinary instinct of human nature and unworthy of the con- 
 sideration or respect of anybody. 
 
 Whenever there was a show of loyalty it came from a class of men 
 who sang "Kally round the flag" and the rollicking notes of li Dixie" 
 with equal unction, false to either side in turn and thoroughly despised 
 by both. I never believed in them when they were the proteges of 
 the republican party, and think still less of them now. 
 
 But to recur more directly to the measure under consideration, I 
 am bound in all fairness to admit that the friends of it disclaim it as 
 a southern war claim but support it as a great educational measure. 
 Their disclaimer does not change the character of the bill. 
 
 You may break, you may shatter the vase, if you will, 
 But the scent of the roses will cling round it still. 
 
8 
 
 ■III 
 
 002 656 606 I 
 
 And so will this bill present all the distinctive features of a south- 
 ern war claim, call it what other name you may. Such special plead- 
 ing does great credit to the ingenuity of 1 he pleader, but it will not 
 and ought not deceive the people. 
 
 Is it really expected that the northern people will believe the lamp 
 of science is to go out and the world ha left in Cimmerian darkness 
 if the college of William and Mary is pot built up at the expense of 
 the nation f There are eight other colleges in Virginia alone, namely : 
 Washington and Lee University, Richmond College, Hampden and 
 Sidney College, Randolph Macon College, Roanoke College, Univer- 
 sity of Virginia, and Emory and Henry College. Are none of these 
 of sufficiently high tone to meet the requirements of Virginia's rising 
 statesmen that we must donate $65,000 to repair the loss sustained 
 by a rebel corporation during the war ? 
 
 Had the College of William and Mary clung as closely to the Gov- 
 ernment in the hour of her pride and glory as she does now in pur- 
 suit of alms, her sons would not have been cheered on to battle against 
 the Union and her halls converted from the home of science and letters 
 to barracks for rebel soldiery. If we give alms to her, caught in 
 flagrant war, how can we refuse all other institutions of learning in 
 the South, and there are many of them, which were destroyed or 
 injured by troops in the progress of war? 
 
 If a precedent be established for institutions of learning, are we 
 so blind that we cannot see that places of religious worship have 
 equal, if not greater, claim, and are already pressing them supported 
 by better reasons than are urged for this bill ? Orphan asylums, 
 lodges of benevolent societies, court-houses, State-houses, public 
 libraries, and what then shall prevent the payment of individual 
 losses ? It is true there are several steps, but they are in order, and 
 one is a logical deduction from the other, and is as certain to follow 
 as morning follows night and noon follows morning. 
 
 If rebel corporations have a right to repayment can there be any 
 appreciable difference in principle between paying the corporation 
 and the corporators in severalty ? 
 
 Facilis Averni descensus. There can be no stop when you once com- 
 mence ; you may disclaim the precedent, but, like " Poor Rip of the 
 Catskills," you will yield at each new temptation, soothing conscience 
 each time by declaring " We won't count this one ! " 
 
 The battle must be fought at the gate sooner than at the porch, at 
 the threshold rather than at the altar. The hungry wolf cannot be 
 driven from the door by meat thrown to him when he comes. No 
 more will greedy claimants cease their importunate solicitation if 
 their petition be ever heeded, be it never so slightly. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I love and revere ancient institutions of learning as 
 much as any man, but I state my candid convictions that sooner than 
 pass this bill it will be far better for the country— better for Virginia 
 herself — to keep the old college in ruins, a monument of Virginia's 
 folly and madness, putting the simple inscription upon her broken 
 arches — 
 
 Quem Dens vult perdere prius deraentat : 
 Circumspice !