.^^•v 
 
 V ^ 
 
 

 
 •A' 
 
 
% < J^ ; /d 
 
 / 
 
 ^Vr, 
 
 %%:i Wimm^ (jj-jj^j ©i2j«is si? ai})!^ Wkm^^ 
 
 BACCALAUREATE SERMON, 
 
 TO THE 
 
 GRADUATING CLASS 
 
 OP 
 
 •Wi^SHIIsraTON OOLLEaE 
 
 AUGUST 31, 1862, 
 
 BY JOHN W. SCOTT, D. D. 
 
 PEESIDENT OF THE COLLEGE. 
 
 h 
 
 WASHINaXON, PA.: 
 
 PRINTED AT THE REPORTER AND TRIBUNE OFFICE. 
 
 1862. 
 
' 0-4.3 
 
C R R E S P N D E IT C E 
 
 Washington, Pa., October 13, 1862. 
 John W. Scott, D. D.: 
 
 Dear Sir : — The undersigned having heard, with the highest 
 gratification, the able SermonJ delivered bj you to the late Graduating Class of 
 Washington College, and believing that a still wider diffusion of the sentiments of 
 Christian Patriotism contained therein would be productive of good, would most 
 respectfully solicit a copy for publication. 
 
 We remain, with the highest esteem, 
 
 Your obedient servants, 
 
 C. M. REED, JOSEPH HENDERSON, 
 
 SAME. CUNNINGHAM, V. HARDING, 
 A. W. ACHESON, JACOB SLAGLE, 
 
 JOHN S. BRADY, THOS. M'KEAN. 
 
 JAMES ARMSTRONG, 
 
 Washington, Pa., October 14, 1862. 
 
 Messrs. C. M. Reed, S. Cunningham, A. W. Acheson, John S. Brady, James 
 Abmstkong, and others : 
 
 Gentlemen : — The manuscript of the Sermon which 
 you request for publication is herewith placed at your disposal. This is done with 
 the more readiness : 
 
 1. Because the Sermon referred to has, perhaps, been misapprehended ; cer- 
 tainly, it has been very grossly misrepresented. 
 
 2. Because, while the Press justly claims freedom of opinion, and the free 
 expression of it, some public papers seem to forget that the Pulpit is equally enti- 
 tled to a free expression of opinion — to say nothing of the minister's duty "not to 
 shun to declare all the counsel of God," without fear or favor, as he himself under- 
 stands it ; not as some bigoted political partizan, whose piety is somewhat occa- 
 sional, and rather spasmodic even then, would officiously understand it for him. 
 Like the angel at the pool of Bethesda, the faithful minister must go down at the 
 proper season, and trouble the water, or there will always be around him "a great 
 multitude of impotent folk, of blind, halt, withered," whose infirmities will remain 
 unhealed. 
 
 3. Because the subject of American Slavery, though a political question in 
 the wide Aud proper sense of politics — a sense which connects it with the problem 
 of our national existence, and therefore makes it equally the concern of all politi- 
 cal parties — is essentially a moral and religious question, and only incidentally 
 connected with party politics. It is therefore evidently wrong to ignore this sub- 
 
ject in the pulpit, because of the outcry against political preaching raised by 
 unprincipled demagogues and unreasoning partisans. The keeping out of the 
 pulpit subjects so essentially connected with the moral and political life of the 
 nation, and with the peace, unity and religious life of the church as the subject of 
 slavery, is a most cunning device of Satan, which has already wrought unspeaka- 
 ble evil. This ignoring of slavery because merely incidentally connected with party 
 politics, though essentially connected with the morals, religion and very life of the 
 nation, is going even beyond the demands of Satan's own rule of taking an ell when 
 allowed an inch. This is permitting him to take the substance, when he has merely 
 the accident, and has that, only on the monstrous assumption that the politics of 
 nations are under his peculiar care and administration. 
 
 The author of this Sermon fully believes in rebuking the impudence of Satan 
 herein, and in speaking out for the honor of Him whose right it is to rule, by caus- 
 ing the principles of his religion to pervade the affairs of all nations, their politics 
 included, and thus to be really the salt of the earth. The author believes in speaking 
 out for the honor of " Christ's Crown and Kingdom," even in the pulpits of Christ's 
 own house ; believes in instructing the people in " all the counsel of God," however 
 it may fare with partisan political platforms of whatever name, or with those who 
 can see nothing in politics higher, better, nobler than the triumph of party with 
 its accompanying spoils. 
 
 Entire originality is not to be expected in a discussion of Slavery at this day, 
 except in the method of presenting it. That is pretty much all that is claimed for 
 the following discourse, which is here presented just as it was preached, except 
 wbnt is added in a short appendix. 
 
 I remain, gentlemen, very respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 J. W. SCOTT. 
 
BACCALAUREATE SERMON 
 
 1 Chron. 12: 32. "Which wese men that had rxDEBSiASDixG cf the 
 
 TIMES." 
 
 Matt. 16: 3. "Cas te not disceks the sigx3 of the times ?" 
 
 In both these passages " the times " is used in the same sense 
 as in common discourse. The phrase denotes " the state of things 
 at a particurar period/' It is sometimes used in a limited sense, 
 denoting the state of a particular class of things, for example, the 
 condition, or the effects of the condition of agricultiu-al, commer- 
 cial, political, or religious affairs, during a particular season. More 
 frequently, perhaps, it is used in a wider sense, denoting the effect 
 of the combined influence of all classes of things, physical, moral 
 religious, social, as exhibited at any particular period — during any 
 particular season. 
 
 Men often think and speak loosely concerning the times, as if 
 the times made themselves. But do things get into this or the 
 other particular state of their own accord ? Especially, do different 
 classes of things combine to produce a definite result, without the 
 direction of an oTerruling power ? Xo : the times are but clock- 
 faces, showing the results of a power -svorking within. They are 
 but indexes of God's government of the world. 
 
 By " the signs of the times " is meant something which indicates 
 a coming change in the governmental conduct of affau-s — a change 
 more or less extended in its effects, embracing the affairs of the 
 individual, the family, the neighborhood, the state, nation, world. 
 
 There are signs in the moral and social heavens, as in the physi- 
 cal. There, also, the appearance of the sky forebodes fair weather 
 or foul. Nor let it be forgotten, that changes are brought about 
 by causes operating as definitely and uniformly in the moral as in 
 the physical world. In the physical, changes are indicated by signSy 
 which the observant and wise imderstand, and which lead them to 
 prepare for the coming storm ; while the simple and inconsiderate 
 heed not, see not, till the lightnings are gleaming, the thimders 
 
r ■/.:—. aitd ^e rains desee-mimg ar ■ ' ' 'Tn. :^o. - " " ■ 
 
 - r -. - - i ifise csoL K' <: -- -iiMiso-i -^ - 
 
 ..red to take adraatage of it immediatelT ; 
 .sMk Ike mirarj let rnanT sneli jwrecioiffis ©pportimities pa^ xlh:-- 
 
 prored- ^ ,. 
 
 Tie sam.^ difereitce of conduct is obserrat.: -- -- 
 
 ctaiures in the times. 
 
 rj^g^,. . • -■ ---xc eoirmieii»istlie men ot lis^.>: -:-"-••_ -_- 
 
 ..V - of tive nmes. Bo'uMess thej -:. : 
 
 Ic^ intdfem ol.5^r.^ e^ tie si^ of i*e times. __A otange ^.^. 
 teen sDaing on in tfcie go^nearmrient of tlie - " . - - " '^^ 
 
 |. .:„ .. -^.--.^fg-P^ aiKordins" to Gods pv.-_ - . 
 f_ " _:xx5eof SanltQlSLatofDaTidL S*«t3,iLd causes, were em- 
 ploTei- as alira.T-5. ex^pt "wfeea God works Tmr:-^ 
 .- '- ---- -'--t!ie result intended. Tiiese ni-: 
 
 ^ . :, at woxt, nndejrstood tliem- and wejre e^aase- 
 
 '^iMndy prepared to m ia mik tke c^Mirse indicated by God's 
 
 " '_-_ Z^r^d pasage tlie Pnarisees and gaddmeees. are eensnired 
 for not Q^bserring- tEie signs ®f tfce times, and ' ' 
 
 - - ■ - -■_ A leadings of Pro^TitLc---. . 
 
 '^ I . -__ _^ -. aoiiQ.ns'j b.Iinded l j p-rejmdice ; deaf 
 
 even t© &e calls of God : and w^ consainentlv amsk^ hj ik& 
 advancing wiieels--- -.,-diredied eivil and religtonES porogre^ 
 
 SadL o^n-^a^ons . : : _-- . inendv occw in God's dealings yaik fete 
 nidons. Our own nasion is pa^ng tteyngfe sac^ a diaiige of the 
 
 times now. - t x. ii 
 
 - ----- t'lis fe.et I have mam^t it not inapprcpnate to cail 
 
 -■ " - :f die gradnamig eks&. even on tMs interesting and 
 
 solemn occasion, to ^ The Timis, and Signs^of '' " ^ ^ ^ " 
 
 ,-- - - ^ niution- I would tiiat Ton. TOung -.---■ - 
 
 ^ -iis umet Kterary retreau, men wKo siiall l^ actnowl- 
 
 li^l among tout feUo^w^ as liaving understanding of tte times, 
 
 andmen^-^' -. :-em the sgns of tlie times. 
 
 -^^ - _ ._ , _ . ->, ^lew. tiie test wonld naturaly Ir^^d i^s to 
 
 a eonsid^ration of wMt is implied in an nnderstanding of t!ie tiines. 
 
 and of some of ike partieilars indicated W tlie signs of tiie tunes 
 
 in oTir own eoTHLtrr. 
 
 Were tMs order followed, we wonld fed tliat an mderstandmg 
 of tiie times tas implied in it Utk a knowledge of tiie c^m-e^ 
 
proper m^acs fox t. _ '^-r e";^ cf ■zii* inn-i^. ELsr*. f iii fTtiS 
 
 sekcc :\ _ _. __ : :: _, _^ . : — _. 
 
 tLzEig? — a£ tLer scir esfs: in «3vzr •iisirx.rK'i ccgzirj. iJiif 
 
 . . . . : : . ;f iJb^ rressiri 5£as>5- •■?£ "izt^ ze ■Twr 
 
 l-nL in n- -rie-r. is Ai'^-'J^itii S^z^.trj. E" Ton TZL-lsrscsjzji fe za- 
 
 ■nr - rn^rH'Cau cme:-^ wTcc c^rr na* ^r^ t-ttx ~w. zl 
 
 a J - -<r ^~? 1^ :i:L'icr?csz.'Sr^ ri: :_t t^- -Li.'1 if jnx 
 
 '.z.^ . ^r =n^i:T: "whiiii '?:izii~z ^T-f£i"3 are c^T.:= r~' r 'i^rrr- iz. 
 
 '. : i-r."5c;i":'ji tttiIl this oe.<c 55ii"'ci?L. tc^ zia~ S»e saSz- ix s Jr»i ■!-"?- 
 
 ■ ~- " " : ?izr:s cf iLe liiiftS. i5 liifse sr? zii's" txifinr*! 
 
 r c^r Lbese reas*:'!::^ I pr'::^i06e t(«> wKLZZEre Tsj-izr assesHSkE- «a tie 
 G ir's jz ; ~~ zycs 2J5ri;«mF9 izr. 
 
 — r ?iUi.. 
 
 ETrr^T.i.-'^ -" * c — --r- -r-.^ -I -»<5- -^-^rr- --TB TT^ Tt^MOmo^ fr«i»'ifel«»jr/ •^-'.•3 
 
 
 
 -.-^-,,^'« 
 
 
 Hff 
 
physical, mental and moral faculties of another — his peer — the 
 same in nature with himself. For example, you cannot possibly 
 conceive, save in the way of a "wild and idle fancy, of Gabriel own- 
 ing one hundred or one thousand of his fellow angels, and convert- 
 ing liis trumpet into an overseer's horn. Nor, though informed 
 that Michael, the archangel, did at least once contend even with 
 the devil, disputing about the body of Moses, can you think of him 
 as engaged in dispute with some slavedriving angel, and higgling 
 about the price of a fellow angel. Sucli a state of things, to say 
 nothing of escapes and pursuits, of stripes and groans and tears — 
 as existing " up yonder," where the cry " holy ! holy ! holy ! is 
 the Lord of Hosts ! " is constantly heard, both near at hand and 
 afar off, resounding throughout all the land, is utterly uniMnkahle. 
 
 Prop. Second : That human Slavery is the result of the fall and 
 consequent deioravity of man, in common with other social evils. 
 
 Prop. Third : That although Slavery is an evil, it may exist 
 under such circumstances, that the toleration of its existence for the 
 time being, is a less evil than the removal of it, just then, would be; 
 and that such toleration is consequently justifiable in such cases. 
 
 Herein I would difler radically from our Abolition friends. I 
 look upon them, in common with other extremists, as involved in 
 great error. They may mean well. No doubt many of them are 
 very conscientious. But they fall into the fallacy which leads to 
 all kinds of fanaticism, of reasoning from the abstract to the concrete; 
 of concluding that what is right or wrong in the abstract, is right 
 or wrong also in the concrete. They forget that the very same act 
 is right or wrong according to the circumstances under which, and 
 the intention with which it is performed. 
 
 Prop. Fourth : That nevertheless, though the immediate remo- 
 val of Slavery may not always be a duty, yet its ultimate removal 
 is always to be kept in view as a solemn duty, incumbent upon all 
 parties in any way connected with it." 
 
 It is here implied that slavery is to be tolerated only so long as 
 slaveholding is continued from motives of benevolence to the slave 
 himself ; for instance, until he can be placed beyond the reach of 
 unjust laws, or until he can be properly educated for freedom. In 
 entire accordance with these views of the teachings of the Philoso- 
 phy of Slavery, are the deliverances respecting the nature of Slav- " 
 ery made by the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church. 
 Indeed, I know not how better to express my own views of this 
 
9 
 
 Suv^::. ihan : ' '' r '- ' "' - -„ _ .^ ji^S. '-We 
 
 cons: ler the TC . : . : the human race 
 
 hj another as a gross violation of the most precious ani sacred 
 rights of i .^ - _ ^f 
 
 God, * ^ . .^^- 
 
 ciples of the Gospel of Christ. * * Slavery creates a paradox 
 in the mora. zs ration^ l ' rral 
 
 beings in =1 ■: . .; as scarcelv .. .._ . :_- , . "^er 
 
 of moral action." This is Dlastrated at some length hv a spedS- 
 cation of particulars. The evil consequences of slav err :ed 
 
 out with great force, and are said not to be ^^iniagi:-:.. v. _-. to 
 connect themselves with its very exisience." 
 
 Tet the Assembly adds : *•' We do indeed tenderly sympathize 
 with those portions of our church and our country where the evil 
 of slavery has been entailed upon them. * * At the same time 
 we earnestly exhort them, to continue, and if possible, to increase 
 their exertions to effect a total abolition of slavery. We exhort 
 them to siiier no greater delay to take place in this most interest- 
 ing concern, than a regard for th.e public welfare truly and indis- 
 pensably demands." 
 
 An examination of the Scripture doctrine on this subject wonld 
 lead to the same conclusion with that reached by the Assembly. 
 The Assembly, indeed, professedly derives its doctrines on thig 
 subject, as on other subjects, from the teachings of Scripture.* 
 Slavery is nowhere commended in the Scriptures ; is tolerated, 
 however, for the time being : the duties of both masters and slaves 
 are laid down as to be observed where and while it exists ; yet at 
 the same time such principles are inculcated as tend to its entire 
 removal. 
 
 He, then, who would act consistently with the dictates of right 
 reason ; with the dictates of an enlightened conscience ; with the 
 doctrines of the Presbyterian Church, and with the teachings of 
 the Holy Scriptures; he who would avoid that which is deter- 
 mined to be a moral wrong, in the light of all these authorities, 
 will never hold a slave except so long as may be for the slave's 
 own good ; wiU never hold a slave because he is his property ; hold 
 him from motives of mere self-interest ; hold him or sell him for 
 gain. 
 
 Secoiui. The oeigin of Slavery also shows it to be morally 
 wrong. 
 
 * See Appendix A. 
 
10 
 
 As we Have seerij it is incidental to our fallen and depraved 
 condition, like other evils. It could never have hegim to exist 
 ■without injustice and oppression — without the violation of inalien- 
 able rights, the highest and dearest rights of man as an intellectual 
 and moral being. As for American Slavery, by what right does 
 any man hold a slave in this "land of the free ? " By the law of 
 the State, you will say. "Where did the State get the right to 
 give you the privileg'e of violating the moral constitution, interwo- 
 ven with man's nature by his Creator, and of violating the moral 
 code of the universe ? Such law of the State is clearly unconstitu- 
 tional/^ that is, if negroes have the same mental and moral consti- 
 tution with other men, as is postulated in this discourse ; it is a sheer 
 usurpation. But in fact there is no law in any of our States 
 estahlishiny Slavery. This is asserted and insisted on by the 
 friends of slavery themselves. We must look farther for the origin 
 of American Slavery. It is derived from the western coast of 
 benighted and heathen Africa. There, as we are informed by 
 Chief Justice Marshall, the right is claimed, though it is discarded 
 by all Christendom, of enslaving captives taken in war. 
 
 To tlds origin is American Slavery traced even by the courts in 
 the Slave States themselves. The Supreme Court of Georgia says : 
 "Licensed to hold slave property, the Georgia planter held the 
 slave as a chattel ; either directly from the slave trader, or from 
 those who held under him, and he from the slave-captor in Africa. 
 The property of the planter in the slave became, thus, the property 
 of the original captor." (Georgia Reports, p. 555, as quoted in 
 Sumner's Barbarism of Slavery.) 
 
 American Slavery is, therefore, clearly wrong as to its origin'. 
 
 Third. The laws regulating Slavery show that it is morally 
 wrong. 
 
 Quotations might be given from the civil codes of different 
 Slave States, did time permit. Judge Stroud sums up the matter 
 thus : "The cardinal principle of slavery — that the slave is not to 
 be ranked among sentient beings, but among things — is an article of 
 property, a chattel personal — obtains as undoubted law in all of 
 the [Slave] States." (Stroud's Law of Slavery, p. 22, as quoted 
 by Sumner.) 
 
 ISTow look at the relation which is thus established. In the 
 graphic words of Senator Sumner, " The slave is held simply /or 
 the use of his master, to whose behests his life, liberty and happi- 
 
 '^' See Appendix B. 
 
11 
 
 •ness are devoted, and by whom he may he bartered, leased, mort- 
 gaged, bequeathed, invoieed, shipped as cargo, stored a5 goods, 
 sold on execution, knocked off at public auction, and even staked 
 at the gaming table, on the hazard of a card or a die ; all accord- 
 ing to law. Nor is there au^'thing ■\vithin the limit of life, inflicted 
 on a beast, which may not be inflicted on the slave. He may be 
 marked like a hog, branded like a mule, yoked like an ox, hobbled 
 like a horse, driven like an ass, sheared like a sheep, maimed like 
 a cur, and constantly beaten like a brute; all according to law." 
 (Barbarism of Slavery, p. 4.) 
 
 The slave laws, as this orator also shows, besides upholding the 
 claim of property in man, which claim originated in savage 
 Africa, as we have seen, abrogates the marriage contract and the 
 parental relation, closes the gates of knowledge to the slave, and 
 appropriates all his toil. On these particulars' I cannot dwell. 
 Not many words are needed to show that a system which requires 
 such laws for its maintenance, is necessarily and evidently wrong. 
 
 Let this suffice for the moral aspect of Slavery. Its philosophy, 
 its origin, its laws, besides the deliverances of Christian Churches, 
 and the teachings of the Scriptures, shew that it is morally wrong. 
 
 2. The political relations of Slavery. 
 
 In considering the nature of Slavery, we come next, in accord- 
 ance with our plan, to its political relations. Here would be the 
 place to exhibit the influence of slavery on the growth of popula- 
 lation ; on the value of property ; on agriculture, commerce and 
 manufactures ; on internal improvements ; and on educational and 
 religious institutions. A comparison of the Slave States with the 
 Free would afford abundant materials for illustrating this part of 
 the subject, and shewing that slavery is a great 'political as well 
 as moral evil. 
 
 But I pass this as unsuited to the day, and proceed to consider : 
 
 3. The social relations of Slavery. 
 
 Slavery, in this aspect of it, affects both the dominant and the 
 enslaved race. 
 
 First. As to the enslaved race. Homer long since put forth in 
 lofty song, what all succeeding ages have coniirmed : " The day 
 that makes a man a slave, takes away half his worth." The slave 
 is degraded below the natural level of humanity. He neither re- 
 gards himself, nor is regarded by others, as possessing the dignity, 
 the privileges, the means of securing happiness, the motives, the 
 
&.^r:L As -: 
 
 bie *esi: 
 
 .1 IS 
 
 If 
 
 s r?"T!T^ a man. 
 
 - - ■ V can 
 
 - f Mr. Jt: 
 
 '^^an ma^i'Sr 
 
 ^ slave, i always 
 
 . i>€Tverted. 
 
 7- - ;:ety in all 
 
 — 1 arts a pe» 
 
 \ :: i on this. I 
 
 ::s - --■ ^^'l 
 
 '.ions con- 
 It even be 
 
 says:* '-The 
 
 -T'etnal 
 
 : ■:: -Lrting 
 
 :--. :. :. :i.e 
 
 '.ale ii ; ior man is 
 
 ^^ -'--s. ^'"■^^ m 
 e 
 
 vrrath, 
 
 -, gives a lx<se 
 
 _ . - lis morals 
 
 . . with what 
 
 "■" 7 ''iie- 
 
 . desTToys the 
 
 er I And can 
 
 ^ have r'?T!iOTed 
 
 _ loindsofthe' iit 
 
 V :-d 
 
 -' ' - - , ; :.::v-L-::a I 
 
 :> forever; 
 * * thai an excl : : sitoation is among poa= = ; 
 

 -th 
 
 IMIUT-tiXS SIiIL SSSQcr-rr-?^ °__ _ ._ -s::^ anar 
 
 ssesL a. --- '. --- ^_^_ 
 
 
 --:;3 - ■• *jr iiM£ 
 
 
 Skeqss r* ft re* . ^ , . iim. £a:«K.r"i!,<g&. fc i? 5.. "jieb 
 
 £^: " _ _ . - ^T^ 
 
 
 -_•? 
 
 . t^t iiiX. 
 
14 
 
 possible ways, including treason, which were then, and have since 
 been, exhibited on such a gigantic scale. 
 
 Second. Slavery has also unfavorably affected the Southern 
 character in other respects. It has rendered the dominant race 
 haughty, selfish, self-important, boastful, vain-glorious, impatient 
 of opposition, and of the restraint of wholesome laws. Their own 
 will becomes to them both law and gospel. The character thus 
 hinted at rather than described, has long shown itself in both 
 church and state, as well as in social life. Hence rebellion, when 
 their wishes were thwarted in the conduct of national affairs, with 
 volcanic outbursts of evil principles and fiendish passions. 
 2. % dividing the different CJmrches into North and South. 
 What disputings did this subject of slavery cause in the various 
 Christian denominations ! What angry debates among Christian 
 brethren, and final partings in anger ! Strand after strand of the 
 great ecclesiastical bond of union between the North and the South 
 gave way. The seeds of discord, strife and war were widely scat- 
 tered, in connection with these church difficulties, in both sections 
 of the country. 
 
 3. Bt/ developing the importance and magnitude of the Cotton 
 
 interest. 
 
 This, in turn, enhanced beyond all precedent, the value of slave 
 property, inspired the desire for the re-opening of the foreign slave 
 trade, and for new tracts of fertile land. Hence, dreams of fabu- 
 lous wealth ; of the acquisition or conquest of foreign territory ; of 
 a separate government, to be suited to the demands of the cotton 
 interest ; and of all nations being held tributary to the aggrandize- 
 ment, and submissive to the demands of the new empire by their 
 self-interest— that is, by their need of Cotton. However visionary 
 all this may seem to us, such views prompted many leading minds 
 in the South to plot disunion for a quarter of a century past, and 
 have aided powerfully in bringing on war to secure disunion.^ 
 
 4. By promiMng to the demand of peculiar privileges in the 
 administration of the General Government. 
 
 Such demands were long, perseveringly and most offensively 
 put forth. Trivileges, commercial and territorial, with special 
 statute provisions for the protection and benefit of slavery, were 
 insisted on. These demands were long submitted to for the sake 
 of union and peace ; were submitted to even to the verge of servil- 
 ity ; submitted to until the North was despised in the eyes of those 
 
15 
 
 ,mt i t' ",' ™^»"-'P'"'«l »"J "'••■'ven ; submitted to 
 
 until they became absolutely intolerable in their bau.rhtiuess 
 arrogance and offensiveness ; and the war is no^ she.i„| of lai 
 -nner of sputt the xTorth i., when peacefnl thoughts^are laid 
 
 5. By lecomiiuj an element of political power. 
 
 in this respect its influence was exerted in a two-fold way 
 
 mch. This t did by the slave representation in Congress • by 
 over riding all other issues, and making that section a tmit n' po^ 
 litical action. It thus gave the South often a controlling inflnenee 
 in elections ; gave it the balance of power, and caused its co oper 
 rverjtr'"' '' ' ""'-'■ '' '- "--' ^"H-rtance in a";^ 
 
 vidtT"'^' , ^!.''"''"" "" °'"'''°" "^ P0""<"" ■■'''vancement to indi- 
 viduals, m both sections of the country. In some portions of t^^e 
 North he who could talk most and loudest against slaveiy became 
 a great man at ouco-the man for the times He must be cZo 
 
 he Legislature or to Congress, no matter what were his iitft - 
 tions in other respects, or what his moral character. I„ ''l 
 of he South, he who could abuse the abolitionists most effelanv 
 could rail most vociferously against all anti-slavery sent bio ft^ 
 an movements as so many grievous impositions on southe™ i "X 
 also became a great man at once-the very man for the times 
 Thus agitation by unprincipled demagogues became the order of 
 the day, and the southern heart was fired Ah n,» i ^i * ! 
 of blood have been required, and will jel bel, J. 7 f; :^:7 
 that unholy fire of the Southern heart ! ' ' °"' 
 
 6. £i/ promoting potitical corruption 
 
 the NoiTh' Xs *"al3 ""T '" '"" "° ""'"'="' ™"-"P«» «' 
 me JNoith. Alas alas! party, party, instead of princii Ic has 
 
 h en everywhere ! The most unscrupulous means have h en 
 
 sec to secure party ends. How often have the worst inltead of 
 
 party ends Hence, bribery, the most unblushing bargain and 
 sale in our legislative and judicial halls ' " 
 
 But slavery is the most potent ingredient in the seethin-. cald- 
 on of national corruption, giving out more deadly qnalitie: as it 
 boils and bnbbles in the heated mass, than witcl 's ca d n ev 
 knew ; and " making the hell-broth slab and good " 
 
16 
 
 I cannot now wait to illn-^te ttk statement, except by refer- 
 ring to wtat has already be«n said about the moral, pollUoal and 
 social etiects of slavery. 
 
 T B,J ai-ing rUe to afaUi theory of our Go'xrvMcm. 
 
 The Declaration of onr national independence gave existence to 
 one not to many nations. Xone of the colonies possessed the es- 
 sential elements of nationaUty in its separate capaaty, and there- 
 fore none of them asserted its own separate sovereignty. As the 
 Ur,ite.i State>, the Colonies first claimed separate ^f'^'^^y-J^^ 
 as .uch were recognized by the mother conntry, and by all other 
 tarion= This nationality «s not even achieved through the ao- 
 rioHf Colonial or State Governments as such, '^but through that 
 of a Col^ess of delegates appointed by the people's conventions 
 ^d assembhes, in the name and by the authority of the good 
 We of these colonies." The power, of sovereignty, there tore, 
 resided in the Tnited people of all the colonies as me people or 
 ^^ion not in the senarate State governments ; resided m the rey- 
 Tltr^ar^ Government, that L.. in Congress, first ; afterwards in 
 t Z^mSient exisnug under the Articles of Contederation 
 rxce;t so far as u-mrped on the part of the several States ; and 
 TaUy in the government inaugorated under our present national 
 
 Constitution. Madison • '• The States 
 
 With thL= view agree the wora= of Mr. ilacL-on. 
 
 never no-sessed the essential nghts of sovereignty, they 
 
 never po- . .^ » , the sovereign powers were 
 
 Z^^C::^:^- .As ,uoted by the Princeton Ee- 
 
 vie'tr Oct. 1S61. p. 61o.) , .v ^ ^*- 
 
 The Confederation was the result of u.urpat^.n on the part of 
 the S ates. acquiesced in for the time, but soon becatne a .allure 
 o^r^ and palpable, that even the usurped rights of sovereign 
 power .weet as sovereign power b, were gladly relincim^hed by 
 tbT"4jrs for the sake of securing " a firm nanonal government, 
 ^e X^anees nnder which our present Constitu^on was 
 
 "™tr ^ f oi ^i^rrt:!^-:: hrdrn'::::d 
 
 rerrSLlf^o^feira^on, ^^ ^^^^T^^^ 
 question. 
 
i: 
 
 The false theory of ora- national govermnent to which I refer, 
 is the reviving of the old idea of a Confederation of soyerei^n 
 States ; a mere compact of co-equal sovereigns, dissoluble at 
 pleasure. ^Ir. Calhoun was prominent ia putting forth this doc- 
 trine. In his time it was connected with r^estiolia of commerce, 
 and failed— faHed, perhaps, because Daniel Webster was in the 
 Senate, and Andrew Jackson was President of the United States. 
 Mr. Calhoun himself is said to have suggested the necessity of 
 connecting it with the slavery question, in order to unite 'the 
 South in Its reception. It has been so connected : the South has 
 been united in its reception, and the results are now upon us. 
 
 In our last General Assembly I heard a venerable minister 
 speak of the logical fallacy involve<i in this false theory. H- re- 
 garded it as the origin of the war. The Demon of' Logic' was 
 regarded as the chief agent in this fearful work. The Demon of 
 Logic has, no doubt, played a conspicuous, vet onlva subordinate 
 part The Demon of Slavery is the Master Demoi bavins under 
 him many agents : saying to the Demon of Logic go, ind he 
 goeth : and to the Demon of Rhetoric come, and he cometh ; and 
 to the eloquent orator do this, and he doeth it. And thus a false 
 theory of govemmem has become the very culmination of the 
 influence of slavery upon "the times r has bi^ome the immediate 
 cause of the war. 
 
 HE. Some of the es-dicaho.vs of G.3d"s PBOvrDEsrcE re- 
 sPEcnxii AiCEKECAN Slavest. 
 
 Time win not permit an elaboration of this part of the sutject. 
 The results indicated may be expressed in a general wav thus : 
 Uat Atnca - A -{ca is ahcut to ciase ; and America m 
 Africa to leg:::. 
 
 1. " Signs " of both these resulrs may be seen in providential 
 arrangements in both countries. 
 
 In America, many things indicate an approaehinc: emdus of the 
 colored race, as if the end of their mission hither was alm-^t 
 accomplished. 
 
 In Africa, a wide field is opened up not onlv for their we' - r- 
 reception, when forced away from this land, but for a ^rea: i^i 
 gloriotis mission of usefulness, = - - 
 
 Xot needed here, they are needed there. An element of dis- 
 union and weakness here, they will be an eleven: -f — -— --i 
 
18 
 
 streiif^tli there. Discouraged and hindered in all their efforts to 
 rise to an equalLty of privilege, or even to the proper level of men 
 here, a ^vide aad effectual door is opened to them there. Hayti 
 and Central America may be talked of and tried on a small scale, 
 but I doubt not that Africa will be found the heaven-appointed 
 home for her cwu American descendants. 
 
 What a sublime instance it ^vill be of the manner in which God 
 brings good out of evil ! What a magnificent display of the truth 
 that God " who has made of one blood all nations of men for to 
 dwell on all the face of the earth, has determined the times before 
 appointed, and the bounds of their habitation." (Acts 17 : 26.) 
 The times appointed before seem to be drawing near. The night 
 of bondage in " the land of the free," is well nigh spent. The day 
 of deliverance is dawning. 
 
 2. That slavery in this country is doomed, is indicated also by 
 the determination of the North to maintain the unity of our na. 
 tionality at every sacrifice and at all hazards. 
 
 3, By the infatuation of the South in casting away the real pro- 
 tection secured to slavery by the national Constitution in the Slave 
 States, and grasping after additional protection against infringe- 
 ments of their constitutional rights— infringements remote, contin- 
 gent, merely possible, in great measure imaginary. The fable of the 
 dog that lost the piece of meat which he was carrying across a stream, 
 is applicable to their case, with terrible significance. The emblem of 
 our national freedom— our glorious eagle— shall not much longer 
 be subjected to the incongruous, humihating, ignominious task of 
 spreading the protection of his mighty wings over a system so fraught 
 with oppression, sin and shame. The union as it was is fast be- 
 coming as a dream when one awakcth out of sleep.* How_ we 
 could have slept so long on the crumbling brink of such a smoking,^ 
 heaving, hissing volcano, is utterly amazing ! 
 
 4. By the utter alienation and intense hatred existing so gen- 
 erally in the South against the North. This coupled with the de- 
 termination of the North to maintain unity of nationality, renders 
 a breaking up of the peculiar form of society superinduced by the 
 slave system in the South, not only probable, but apparently neces- 
 sary to permanent union and peace between the two sections. 
 
 5. By the failure of the conservative mode of carrying on the 
 war heretofore pursued. It seems now to be an admitted fact, that 
 
 * See Appendix E. 
 
19 
 
 the policy heretofore pursuetl, to give it the softest name, has been 
 a mistaken pohcy. As one has forcibly said, it has been " an at" 
 tempt to unite impossibilities ; to make war and keep the peace ; to 
 strike hard and not hurt ; to invade sovereign States, and not 
 meddle with their sovereigntj' ; to put down rebellion and not med- 
 dle with its cause ; to bring an infuriated people into enforced 
 union with their enemies ; and to leave all their causes of quarrel 
 unsettled and vigorous, and yet hope for future concord." (^. Y 
 Independent, August, 3 802.) 
 
 This policy is to be abandoned as fatuous, absurd, and in the 
 present posture of affairs savoring no little of stark lunacy. 
 
 A stringent, trenchant, effective policy in carrying on the war 
 being adopted, the alienation and bitter hate in the South will, if 
 possible, be increased, and will undoubtedly be extended to many 
 so-called union men there ; war will become war ; and in the terri- 
 ble struggle, slavery, even if let alone, will spontaneously abolish 
 itself. God grant that it may be removed without the horrors of 
 a servile insurrection ! 
 
 I am free tc say farther, that I cannot see with those who think 
 that allowing the slaves of rebels to co-operate in putting down 
 this atrocious rebellion — even arming them, when, where, and in 
 such numbers as a sound discretion might dictate — would tend 
 towards such a dreadful result. The tendency, in my view, is just 
 the other tvay. Allow them the privilege, under military discipline 
 and restraint, of helping in this war, and thereby securing their 
 own freedom, and you open a safety valve — it may be the only 
 safety valve practicable in the circumstances in which we are yet 
 likely to be placed — to prevent an explosion of the indiscriminate 
 and terrible vengeance of an oppressed and ignorant race.* 
 
 I say again, may God in his mercy bring about a removal of 
 slavery without a servile insurrection ! 
 
 Young Gentlemen of the Gkaduatixu Class : 
 
 To aid in enabling you to understand the times, and 
 to discern the signs of the times, I have thus placed before you, 
 as I have been able, the main element in the production of 
 the present evil times in our beloved country. May you under- 
 stand the times aright, and act your several parts accordingly. 
 May you perform your duties, when you go forth into the 
 
 * See Appendix F. 
 
20 
 
 world, as well as you have done in College. For I here bear 
 testimony that as a Class, your conduct, diligence and success 
 have given unusual satisfaction to all your instructors. Our 
 intercourse has been pleasant. The memory of it will linger 
 long around those college halls, and often come sweeping over 
 our spirits as we sit in the familiar class room, which you so 
 long and so well adorned, like the sweet yet plaintive strains 
 of an -Siolian harp. You will be missed, young gentlemen, I 
 am free to say — missed in many ways — in none more than in 
 the moral and religious influence which, as a class, you have 
 always exerted in the College. Twenty-two, out of the thirty 
 members of your class, have been witness-bearers for Christ ; 
 and others of you soon will be, I confidently trust. We send 
 you forth, therefore, with cheerful hopes for the future, as well 
 as with pleasant memories of the past. 
 
 Our work of instruction, as to you, is now^ ended. Soon 
 will you be separated from us and from one another. Your 
 ranks are already thinned by the call of our country. The life- 
 long separation has already begun. But though we be separa- 
 ted from one another, and shall soon be separated from all 
 earthly things, may it be found " that neither death, nor life, 
 nor angels, nor principalities, nor powers, nor things present, 
 nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, nor any other crea- 
 ture, shall be able to separate us from the love of God, which 
 is in Christ Jesus our Lord." (Rom, 8 : 38-39.) 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 NOTE A. Page 9. 
 
 This seems to me a much stronger form of the Scnpture argument than mere 
 quoting of Scripture texts, with comments thereon by the individual speaker. We 
 have here, 'in brief space, the result of a careful and critical examination of texts 
 of Scripture applicable to the question on hand, reached not only by the individ- 
 ual, but by the collected wisdom of the Presbyterian Church, as represented in her 
 General Assembly. 
 
 NOTE B. Page 10. 
 
 The meaning of the author here has been misapprehended by some. This is a 
 mere play upon the word unconstitutional — a pun, in short, and nothing more. It 
 does not imply that the authorbelieves in the higher law doctrine as that is gener- 
 ally understood. He does not so believe, as is evident from other parts even of 
 this sermon ; for example, where he speaks of " the South casting away the real 
 protection secured to slavery by the national constitution," &c. (page 18.) A law 
 may be unjust, yet constitutionally in force ; and in such case must be obeyed, or 
 the penalty of it 8uflFered,_until it be constitutionally repealed. 
 
 NOTE C. Page 12. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson being "the Father^of American Democracy," this quotation must 
 afford peculiar satisfaction ;to our democratic friends. Doubtless the editors of 
 that party will be eager to transfer it bodily to their columns, and so give their 
 readers the opportunity of knowi7ig and admiring the noble sentiments of their 
 great political ancestor. This would be so good a work, that we might expect it 
 to be followed up" by their making similar quotations from Washington, Jefferson, 
 Franklin and others of the revolutionary fathers. The people, thus enlightened 
 and instructed, would be all the more zealous and earnest for preserving the Union 
 as it was expected and " meant to be " by these venerated patriots. 
 
 NOTE D. Page 13. 
 
 In the Appendix to the Sermon of the Rev. Dr. R. L. Stanton, delivered at Chil- 
 licothe, Ohio, September 26th, 1861, ^the day appointed by the President of the 
 United States for fasting, humiliation and prayer, I find abundant proof of the 
 charge here alledged. (pp. 42-44, and^also p. 47.) 
 
 Dr. Sfanton brings forward historical evidence to prove these two points among 
 others, viz : 
 
 1. " That to prevent the further introduction of African slaves, to prohibit the 
 
22 
 
 further extension'of the system of slavery, and even to secure its final abolition, 
 were promiDeat objects of the Revolution which established our national indepen- 
 dence." 
 
 2. " That all the leading men of that day, with very rare exceptions, agreed in 
 these views and objects." 
 
 He quotes from the "American Archives " in proof of these points. I transfer 
 the following r.s a specimen, showing the sentiment which prevailed among the 
 fathers, south as well as north. 
 
 The Articles of Association, formed by " the delegates from the various Colonies 
 met in Congress in Philadelphia, were adopted unanimously," yet contain the fol- 
 lowing language : 
 
 " That we will neither import nor purchase any slave imported after the first 
 day of December next, after which time we will wholly discontinue the slave trade, 
 anJ will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell 
 our commodities and manufactures to those who are concerned in it." 
 
 "And we do further agree and resolve that we will have no trade, commerce, 
 dealings or intercourse whatever with any colony or province in North America, 
 which will not accede to, or which shall hereafter violate this Association, but will 
 hold them as univorthy of the rights of freemen, and as inimical to the liberties of this 
 country." 
 
 Georgia alone was not represented in that Congress. The people of that Colony, 
 however, met in convention January 12th, 1775, and adopted the following resolu- 
 tion. It will be seen how the corner-stone of empire, laid by the Hon. A. H. Ste- 
 phens, of Savannah, Georgia, March 21st, 1861, was regarded by the Georgia 
 fathers : 
 
 " To show to the world that we are not influenced by any contracted or inter- 
 ested motives, but a general philauthrophy for all mankind, of tvhaiever climate, 
 language or complexion, we do hereby declare our disapprobation and abhorrence of 
 the unnatural practice of slavery in America, (however the uncultivated state of our 
 country, or other specious arguments may plead for it,) a, practice founded in injus- 
 tice and cruelty, and highly dangerous to our liberties, (as well as lives,) debasing 
 part of our felloiD creatures below men, and is laying the basis of that liberty we con- 
 tend for, (and which we pray the Almighty to continue to the latest posterity,) 
 upon a VERY WRONG FOUNDATION. We therefore resolve at all times to use our 
 utmost endeavors for the manumission of our slaves in this colony, upon the most 
 safe and equitable footing for the master and themselves." 
 
 That a sad change for the worse has taken place in public sentiment in Georgia, 
 and the other slave States, since those days, needs no further proof. 
 
 That the sentiments of the fathers continued to prevail even in the south until a 
 comparatively recent period, will be clearly seen from the following, (Sermon of 
 Dr. S., p, 47,) which shows at the same time that the Church led the State in this 
 matter ; 
 
 " In proof of the point that the Church led the State in the change of views on 
 the merits of the system of slavery, may be cited an article from the New Orleans 
 True Witness, a religious paper, edited by Rev. R. M'Innis, a Presbyterian clergy- 
 man, a native Mlssissippian, who has the means of knowing whereof he affirms. It 
 is under date of August 18, 1860. It may be added, also, that the Synod of Mis- 
 sissippi officially declare the same thing stated in this article, as to the leading 
 responsibility of this change. The editor remarks as follows : 
 
 " ' Smylie on Slavery. — It is an interesting historical fact, that Rev. James 
 
23 
 
 Smylie, an old-school Presbyterian minister, was the first person in onr country 
 ■who took boldly the position that slavery was not inconsistent with the teachings 
 of the Bible. He was one of the first Presbyterian ministers who came to the 
 south-west, and assisted in forming the Mississippi Presbytery in 1816. The gen- 
 eral view held at this time and for many years after, south as well as north, was 
 that slavery was an evil. The question had not been examined. All took it for 
 granted that slavery was an evil, and inconsistent with the spirit and teachings of 
 the word of God. Hence the sentiments expressed by our church in 1818 — which, 
 by the way, has been most shamefully garbled and misrepresented — were at the 
 time the sentiments of the whole country, and was regarded as a pretty strong 
 eoathern document, hence all the scuth voted for it. In fact, so strong was the 
 feeling for emancipation, that this act of 1818 discouraged it in our members where 
 the slaves were not prepared for it, while it condemned the " harsh censures and 
 uncharitable reflections " of the more ultra men of the north. We have referred to 
 this merely to call attention to the fact that the opioion of the whole country was 
 that slavery was an evil. And we know of no man who took a different position, 
 until Rev. James Smylie, in answer to a letter addressed to him as stated clerk of 
 the above Presbytery, wrote a reply in which be attempted to show that neither 
 the Old nor the New Testament pcriptures declared slavery to be a sin, but both 
 recognized it as an institution belonging to the great social system. This letter, 
 which has long since been published in a pamphlet of some eighty pages, small 
 type, was not only the first, but it is in our view the ablest and most convincing 
 scriptural argument ever published on the subject. It shows research, ability, 
 honesty, and is unanswerable. When the substance of this letter was delivered in 
 1835 and '36 in the churches of Mississippi, in the form of a sermon, the people 
 generally, large slav^ ' '— --o, did not sympathize with hitn in his views. We 
 recollect hearing hi:- :asion for some three hours, and every person, with- 
 
 out exception, thougLi: hitn somewhat fanatical. The idea that the Bible did sanc- 
 tion slavery was regarded as a new doctrine even in Jlississippi. Yet Ptev. James 
 Smylie — and a more honest man never lived — was honestly sincere in his convic- 
 tions and his views, and he went ahead against the tide of public opinion. His 
 scriptural argument has never been answered, nor can it be. This letter was the 
 first thing that turned public attention in the south, and especially in the south- 
 west, to the investigation of the subject ; and every scriptural argument we have 
 seen is but a reproduction of this, while none is so clear, full and unanswerable. 
 It ought to be republished. 
 
 " ' Some two years after the publication of this letter, George M'Duffie, a senator 
 of South Carolina, announced similar views in Congress, and was regarded there 
 as taking a strange and untenable position — one which met with little sympathy in 
 that body. The fact is, the south had never examined the suVject, and were finally 
 driven to it by the intolerant fanaticism of ultra men at the north. 
 
 " ' We mention the above facts not to provoke discussion, but merely to show the 
 state of public opinion at the time on the subject of slavery ; and to show that the 
 south is indebted to a minister of our church for the first clear and unanswerable 
 argument against the generally admitted view that slavery was a sin.'" 
 
 From all which it further appears that the southern head was enlightened some 
 time before the southern heart was fired. The people of the south were no wiser 
 than other people in regard to the nature of slavery, but were regarding it as an 
 evil— A. si.v, till the Rev. James Smylie arose, and he " changed all that." 
 
24 
 
 NOTE E. Page 18. 
 
 Since this sermon was delivered the President has sent forth his Emancipatioc 
 Proclamation, which adds greatly to the dream-like aspect of "the union as it 
 was ;" but renders much more hopeful " the union as it was meant to be." 
 
 NOTE F. Page 19. 
 
 This passage has been greatly misrepresented, as though the author was in favor 
 of servile insurrection, &c. 
 
 It will be seen that instead of this, he regards the arming of th? slaves in tho 
 manner proposed as the best, and in some places the only means of preventing ser- 
 vile insurrection. Others may view the matter differently ; but this is his opinion, 
 deliberately formed and confidently retained. He thinks that those assume a fear- 
 ful responsibility who would suppress and stifle the dreaded vengeance of an op- 
 pressed people, instead of giving it vent in a safe and legitimate way — a way in 
 which it could be kept under control and rendered auxiliary in putting down this 
 most wicked rebellion. Without such vent, an outbreak, uncontrolled, and for the 
 time uncontrollable, seems to the author to be, sooner or later, inevitable. 
 
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