O V O ,-J^ i' W\' ^t "^<^ ■ )^X^ki v^^ s • • ■■'V%--v .^^^ % ■ o -^-0^ ^^--^ "V - = « o ' <>^ V 4 o O » . . 1 • .0 .0 -r. V- -^ 4 O . ^ ° - ° ' - <> V o V m^:^\ ^^ ^v ^-^^ V *"""' \^^ % "■ ./- ., %..^^M^ X/ /^a^'^ X.^ ^ • • ' A% o o 4^^ ^^ v^' -^ "^^..^^ V^ .:^v^^/%.^^|^-,. f? ".-j' ..^' ^/ ^mam^^ ■BB '^s^^ 'a>v I \ .Vv' -3^^ v*-" .'^ V' *-*- V — Bwaa^iMB^BMB m n MmBu^ M ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF IHE American Museum of Natural History. Vol. I. Part II. SOME PROTECTIVE DESIGNS OF THE DAKOTA. BY CLARK WISSLER. NEW YORK : Published by Order of the Trustees. February, 1907. Monoffraph ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE American :\rrsEUM of Natural History Vol.. 1, I'XIM II. soMi: i'i{()ri:( ri\ I-; dhsigns of tuk Dakota. Hv ^'l.AUK Wl.S.SI.KH. CONTENTS. Inthodhction SHIKLI)-DF>iir,NS (Ihost-d.wck Dk-sions . TiiH Hooi' Tmk WiIIHI.WIM) TlIK TlIlNDKH Thk Spider OoNCM'sinx 21 31 40 43 46 48 52 ILLUSTI{.\ll()NS. Plates. \'. Model of :i Shield. Museum No. 50-2929. Diameter, 39 cm. \"I. Shield-ilesign on a Cape, Museum No. 50-3102. Width of cape, 178 cm. \ II. Model of a Shield, Museum No. 50-54G7. Diameter, 46 cm. Text Figures. 1. Shield-cover with Design ..... 2. ShieUl-design, from a Drawing by a Native 3. Drawing, by a Native, of a Shield-cover . 4. Shield-design, from a Drawing by a Native 5. Spider-design for a Shield, from a Drawing by a Native 6. Shield-design, from a Drawing by the Man who dreamed of it PAGE 24 25 26 26 27 28 19 .^"^ .^ u .V 20 Anthropological Papers American Museum oj Natural History. [Vol. I. v^ V- 7. Shield-design representing a Thvmderstonn, from a Draw 8. Model of a Shield with Pictographic Design 9. Design on Sioux Shield captured by a Fox Indian 10. Front of a Ghost-dance Garment 11. Back of Garment shown in Fig. 10 . 12. Designs on the Front of Ghost-dance Garment 13. Designs on the Back of Garment shown in Fig. 12 14. Front of a Ghost-dance (Jarment licaring Dragon-Hy Dc 1.5. Back of Garment .shown in Fig. 14 . 16. Circular Dei^ign upon a Shirt .... 17. Sketch, by a Native, of an Elk-mysteiy Dancer carrying Mirror in the Centre ..... 15. Engraved Metal Cross ..... 19. Engraved Bone Object ..... 20. Whirlwind Design, from the Handle of a Club . 21. Whirlwind Design, from a Popgun . 22. Whistle, of Bone 23. Design of a Si)ider-ueb ..... 24. Sketch of a Robe for the Medicine-bow Ownei- 25. Design on a Metal Belt-ornament . 26. Design of the Spider-web on a Straight I'ipc . ing by a Native sign a H )Oi) with a TAGK 28 29 30 32 33 3& 37 38 39 41 42 44 45 46 46 47 49 51 52 52 HBonaanBDNaai INTIJODrcTloX. The decorative ait of the Dakota has liceii treated in a preeethiiir pajier, ill whieh lirief mention was made of reli a symhohcal ap|>cal to the source or concrete manifes- tation of a protective power, it is not i-asy to ijet the point of view and the spirit of the f.-iith that make these desi<;ns si<;niHcant, hut from the detailed c\|il;inalions of tlii'm some general idea can he l'(tnned. The descriptions ;;iven in this pii|)er are hased upon the statements of Indians, in most cases the execnters of the desi^rns. The attitude of the reader toward such a study as thi> is often llial of conchidin;; that the points of view set forth i»y a writer arc universal in the tribe. This leads to a <2;reat deal of superficial criticism. In the opinion of the writer, any rejection of su<-h study ix'cause (tuc or two or ><-\» ral Iiulians dcii\' all knowledfje of some or ail of the s[)ecific native accounts u|)on which conclusions are based, is al)surd. We mi;,dit as well test the artistic .sen.se of a city by call- in;: iu (»ne or t\\i» per>on> from the street. As a case in point, the reader is referred to the remarks of ,1. ( )wen I )orscy on the authenticity of Bush- otter's I)onblc Woman.' .V ;;rcat deal of the information received from Indians relative to reli^^ion is lar^jcK iiidi\idual, an secun' to it drew bullets also, and in this case with fatal results. From this they concluded that guns represented a mystic power superior to that of shield-designs, hut that the latter were still efficacious, except where so overj)owered. This explanation is interesting, because these men seem to have grasped the idea that the shield, being a conspicuous object, would attract the attention and thus the aim of the enemy; but they confused this pyscho- logical explanation of tiie observed facts with a mystic conception that the magic power of the design upon the shield was the cause or force that reached out and lay hold of the attention of the enemy. Yet the introduc- tion of fire-arms did not relegate the shield to oblivion; and shield-designs arc still cherished by men of the olden time, because they represent a kind of individual totem or protective power. The following descriptions of shield-designs are given with the inter- pretations of their owners. A shield-cover decorated with feathers, bearing a design used by a chief on ceremonial occasions, and said by him to be the copy of a shield carried in his y(juth, is shown in IMate v. The black bonier on top of the shield takes the form of the new moon, which it represents. In the centre of the shield is a well c\c<-utc(l drawing of an Imliaii on horseback. The horse is in blue, with zigzag black lines extending down the legs. The blue color of the horse indicates his eoimection with the thunder, or the j)Owers of the sky. The background of the shield is in yellow, but the lower part has been worked over with gri-en. Symmetrically arranged around the mounted figure are four circles of pur])lish color, representing a phenomenon observed in the sky. which .seems to have been either the halo of the sun, or the phe- nomenon that passes under the name of "sun-dogs." From the description of the owner of the shield, it appears that these four ciri'les were associated in his mind with the medicine-hoop. He stated that this design as a whole was the representation of what he saw in a dream; that the moon with its dark color was tlrawn to represent the night, because that was the time when he had this experience; and that in the dream he saAv a horse and rider appear in the sky surrounded by the four circular objects, as indicated upon the shield. It appears from his explanation, that the association of the rings with the medicine-hoop was his own individual interpretation of the significance of his dream. In the dream he could see a shield associated with these objects as they wouUl appear in reality; but in the design he attempted to convey an idea of what he saw in conformity with the con- ventional modes of representative art |)ractised by his tribe. Another shield-cover (Fig. 1) bears a bird-design, representing to the owner the osprcy (?). One half of the background of this shield is in yel- 24 Anthropological Papers Ayncrican Museum of Natural History. [Vol. I, low; the other half, in light green. ^ These two colors represent the appear- ance of the sky at sunrise; the yellow corresponding to the region of the dawn, and the green to the dark skv above. The four stars symmetrically arranged are colored black for the night, yellow for the dawn, blue for the evening, and red for the day; or in other words the whole circle is repre- sented. The design of the bird ]">resents some interesting details. The Fig. 1 (50-2970). Shield-cover with Design. Diameter, 42 cm. lightning-symbols represent the death-dealing power conferred upon the owner of such a shield-design at the time of his dream. The red marks upon the breast of the bird, representing the national emblem of the United 1 In the drawings, colors are indicated by the following devices: red, by horizontal shading; yellow, by vertical shading: green, by left oblique shading; blue or purple, by right oblique shading. Black and wliite have their conventional qualities. Tlie drawings were made by Miss R. B. Howe. .>^ 1907.] Wissler, Some Protective Designs of the Dakota. 25 States, were interpreted by the owner as symbolizing such death-dealing power in contending with sohUers. The peculiar feature upon the tail of the bird represents an additional experience, and was added to the shield about the year 1867, after a successful engagement with the United States troops, in which the owner of the shield participated. According to his account, the design on the tail of the bird is the conventional symbol of the spider-web, but is used here to represent an experience preceding the above engagement. As the war-party were moving forward, they saw a strange appearance in the sky, which took the form of this symbol. The sight of it caused the war-party to scatter; and the interpretation })laced upon this by the owner was, that its manifestation of supernatural power, which was to be conveyed to them, would cause their enemies to scatter in like con- fusion. During the confu.sion into which the party fell, the stars moved rapidly through the sky and the lightning flashed in all directions. This is rej)re- sented by the four corners of the design. .\t the top of the shield is a braid of .sweet-grass and a small buckskin bag ■containing medicines of a supposed charm-value. Before going into battle, .some of this sweet-grass was to l)e burnt, and ritualistic songs pertaining to the shield were to be sung. This having been done, the shield was sup- posed to protect its owner from his ene- mies. Eight feathers, arranged in pairs, are attached to the shield, and their quills are painted to correspond to the parts of the l)ackground to which they are attached. There is one interesting feature connected with this shield-design, and that is the fact that some of the old men disapproved of the owner placing the spider-web design uj)on the tail of the bird, because it was a mixing of supernatural manifestations. The incident connected with this design was regarded by them as most extraordinary, and as having been worthy of distinct and sej)arate representation. According to the accepted modes of interpretation, this experience should have been represented upon a new shield. The specimen shown in Plate vi is not a shield-cover, but was neverthe- less spoken of as a shield; and the design upon it is an old shield-design, 'ilie specimen is a cape (made of cotton) worn around the shoulders in such a way that the design could be seen upon the back of the wearer. Here Fig. 2. Shield-design, from a Drawing by a Native. 26 Anthropological Papers American Museum of .Yatural Histori/. [Vol. I, Fig. 3. Drawing, by a Native, of a Shield-cover. are represented the rainbow, the thunder-bird (possessing in this case characteristics which indicate that it was copied from the national enibU'ni of the United States), the new and full moon, and the stars. It will be observed that the stars in this case are four-j)ointed, similar to the design of the spider-wi-b, and they are regarded by the Indians as an example of the old original method of repre- senting them. As a great many Indians who formerly owned shields do not now possess shield-covers, the writer secured drawings made by them of their former shields. Such a sketch is reproduced in outline (Fig. 2). In the centre is a design of the spider-web filled in with red. The groimd of the shield is in blue, representing the sky. Above and below are circular areas in yellow, representing clouds or heaven. Lightning-symbols in red connect the yellow cloud-symbols w'ith the four corners of the spider-web design. As a final suggestion relative to this interpretation, the informant said, "The spider is the friend of the thunder." The manner in which the owner secured the shield-design represented in Fig. 3 is as follows. Once when a war-party of which lie was a member were about to take the war-path, it was predicted by an old man that he would be killed in the first battle. Before leaving with the party, he went to an old medicine-man for help, and this man made him a shield bearing the design described below. The bird represented is the haw^k, — flying from the sky, protected by the thunder from the hail- stones that fly thick and fast about him, — and symbolizes the manner in which the owner of the shield will pass safely through the hail of lead from the enemy. Four pairs of hawk-feathers are arranged symmetrically on the circumference of the shield. In the sliield-design in Fig. 4, we find a large circular area in the centre Fig. 4. Shield-design, from a Drawing by a Native. 1907] Wisslcr, Some Protective Designs of the Dakota. 27 painted yellow ami the .surrounding portion red. Around the circumfer- ence of the yellow portion are lilack spots, representing tufts of short crow- feathers. Upon the original shield, across the top, there was tied the skin of a weasel, represented in the drawing by a pictograph of that animal. Four pairs of feathers are arranged symmetrically on the circumference of this design. Tlif design i-epre.sented by Fig. 5 is rather striking, since an image of the sj)ider is placed in the centre of the shield surrountled by a circle of red, through which the numerous red lines radiate to the circumference of the design. These red lines re])rescnt the web of the spider. One end of a string is tied to the mouth of the sj)ider, with an eagle-plume at the other end, painted yellow. .Vround the circumference of the design is a wavy blue line, repn- .senting water. The owner of this de- sign received such a shield wlien a young man. and staled that he never I"i«- J- Si.i.ler-.lesiKn for a Shield, from a •' "^ _ IJrawiiig by a Native. understood why the me«licine-man who made it for him ])lacelue line around it, and for that rea.son he could not explain its significance. "^I'lie design represented in Fig. G was dreamed of by the owner himself, and in this dream he was presented with a shield bearing a design similar to the sketch. As he was almo.st blind, the sketch is very crude. In it appear again the thunder-bird, the stars, the yellow clouds, the red and blue lightning, the new moon, and the bear. It was claimed that the curved double line at the l)ottom represented both the mooo and the light- ning; the former by the colors, the latter by its form. Another interestitig point in this design is the representation of an eagle-feather upon the head of the bear. This is the conventional way of representing a supernatural bear as distinguished from a real bear.* The owner of this shield-design claimed, that, while he did not now^ and had not for years carried or kept about him a drawing of the design, he felt it as a kind of magic presence hovering around him, shielding him from harm. He stated, further, that, while he knew that other men used the symbols represented in his shield- design as the signs of particular powers and ideas, he himself had no such interpretation; for in the dream he saw nothing more than a shield bearing ' For an illustration see Catlin, North Americui Indians (7th ed., 1848\ I'hite 102. ■28 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. I, these designs, and received no instruction or information as to their signi- ficance. Their protecting power to liim la^' in the pecuHar supernatural presence which he always felt. The shield-design in Fig. 7 represents a thunderstorm. At the top, the clouds are represented in blue. Below this, falling rain is represented by short irregular lines, and tli(> lightning and thunder by zigzag lines ex- .^■ ^^ Fig. 6. Fig. 6. Shield-design, from a Drawing by the Man who dreamed of it. Fig. 7. Shield-design representing a Thunderstorm, from a Drawing by a Native. tending downward from the clouds on a background of clear sky. This design originated in the same manner as did the jjreceding; that is, a finished shield was seen in a dream. Plate VII is the reproduction of a model of a shield luade of shrunken bull-hide covered Avith buckskin. It was collected by Dr. J. R. Walker. The design is somewhat similar to the preceding. The u})per part is painted in blue to represent the clouds, and the lower part in bluish-green to rep- resent the sky. In the cloud-area is the drawing of a horse, symbolizing a, dream-horse (probably the thunder-horse). The thunder, or power, is symbolized by red zigzag lines extending downward from the cloud-area. An eagle-feather and twelve hawk-feathers are tied to a small buckskin bag of medicine, fastened to the shield in a manner suggesting their attach- ment to the mane of the horse. The circumference of the shield is deco- rated with small feathers, and foiu' pairs of eagle-feathers are also arranged symmetrically around the circumference. A shield (Fig. S) similar to the preceding represents a vision in which the dreamer was apparently supported by the thunder-horse in a contest with the mythical turtle. A small bag of medicine and a pendant eagle- plume are attached to the shield, as in the previous case. Feathers are 1907.] Wissler, Some Protective Designs of the Dakota. 29 Fig. 8 (.50-5456). Mo.k-l of a SliieM witli Picto-raphic Desisrn. Diameter, 47 cm. 30 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xatiiral History. [Vol. I, again arranged in four pairs. This specimen was collected by Dr. J. I{. Walker. In the Museum collection from the Sauk and Fox Indians, made by Dr. William Jones, is a shield captured from the Sioux, at the time of the outbreak of 1866, by a Fox in the employ of the United States Govern- ment. The design was painted upon the rawhide, but is now almost oblit- erated. Fig. 9 is a diagrammatic restoration. The writer saw an old buffalo-hide shield in the possession of an Assiniboine, at Fort Belknap, Montana. The design was painted upon buffalo-hide, and was similar to that in Fig. 9. He collected also from the Dakota a number of drawings representing military exploits. While twenty shields are represented in these drawings » fourteen of them bear simple circular de- signs, as shown in the adjoining figure. This suggests that the older type of shield- decoration made use of simple circular designs. This idea was supported by the testimony of a number of old men who ought to be competent to speak upon the subject. Of course, there is no reason why the image of the thunder-bird, so common upon modern shield-designs, should not have been used in ancient times; and the Avriter wishes to be understood as expressing this as an opinion based upon indirect evidence. These circular designs often represented the sun, other heavenly bodies^ or the sky, which suggests that formerly the shield as a whole may have been considered as a symbol of the sun. Tlie survivors of shield-using days seemed to have no actual knowledge of any connection between the shield-form and the sun, but usually expressed it as their opinion that it represented the sun, and that the feathers represented the sun's rays. This may have been suggested by the fact that eagle-feathers were sometimes arranged in a half-circle to represent the rays of the sun, and that, further- more, the rays of the sun were sometimes spoken of as feathers. Shield-designs could originate only in dreams and visions, and were painted by the person experiencing them, Avho prayed and sang over his work to give the shield power. Usually but four shields could be made from a single dream: to make a great number was sacrilege. Among-^ the Blackfoot, the shield w^as often accompanied by a ritual composed of songs and prayers; and they possessed a few shields Avith such important rituals that they were distinguished from the others as "medicine-shields." Fig. 9 (50-3569). Design on Sioux Shield captured by a Fox Indian. Diameter, 42 cm. 1907.] Wissler, Some Protective Designs of the Dakota. 31 There seems to have been a simihir condition among the Dakota, for it was often said that medicine-shickls were hung outside the tepees, upon tripods, and that during the day they were changed from time to time so as to keep tliem facing the sun. Tliis practice was observed by a number of Plains tribes. However, among the Dakota the tripod often gave place to a single pole. GHOST-DANCE DESIGNS. About the year 1S9() a religious movement, generally known as the "ghost-dance religion," infected the Plains Indians. The chief feature of this religion was the belief in a speedy return of the old time, the buffalo, and the extermination of the white race. The different tribes had various ideas of their duties with respect to this new faith, and, with the exception of the Dakota, they did not manifest direct hostility to the white race. This warlike people, however, were already greatly dissatisfied with the treatment they received from the Government and with the difficult condi- tions under which they lived. In consequence, they received the ghost- dance religion as a herald of the good time which, to their minds, was to be secured only by war with the white race. While a great many of the conditions in the immediate environment of the Dakota have been given by various writers as causes for the outbreak, the fact that these Indians interpreted the new religion as the manifestation of a warlike spirit was ])robably due to the fact that they were at heart a warlike people. Their ideas still run toward military things. As the essential idea of the ghost- dance religion was a return of the old time, the ceremonies pertaining thereto made use of the typical objects and ideas of the past. In tliis, of <'ourse, they were not entirely consistent, since they did not discard the use of fire-arms, and did not actually resurrect bows, arrows, and shields. Yet, as a substitute for the protective power of the shield, they introduced gar- ments bearing protective designs. These garments are generally known under the name of "ghost-shirts," and at the time of the outbreak were spoken of by white people as "bullet-proof shirts." The following are descriptions of these garments by eye-witnesses at the time of their first appearance : — "All the men and women made holy shirts and dresses they wear in dance. The persons dropped in dance would all lie in great dust the dancing make. They paint the white muslins they made holy dresses and shirts out of with blue across the back, and alongside of this is a line of yellow paint. They also paint in the front part of the shirts and dresses. A picture of an eagle is made on the back of all the 32 AntJiwpnlogirnl Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. 1^ shirts and dresses. On the shoulders and on the sleeves they tied eagle-feathers. They said that the bullets will not go through these shirts and dresses, so they all have these dresses for war. Their enemies' weapon will not go through these dresses. The ghost-dancers all have to wear eagle- feather on head." ' "I think they wore the ghost-shirt or ghost-dress for the first time that day. I noticed that the.se were all new. and were worn by about seventy men and forty ¥'ig. 10 (50-3053). Front of a Ghost-dance Garment. Length, 126 cm. women. The wife of a man called Return-from-scout had seen in a vi.sion that her friends all wore a similar robe, and on re\iving from her trance she called the women together, and they made a great number of the sacred garments. They were of white cotton cloth. The women's dress was cut like their ordinary dress, a loose robe with wide, flowing sleeves, painted blue in the neck, in the shape of a three- cornered handkerchief, with moon, stars, birds, etc., interspersed with real feathers, painted on the waist and sleeves. 1 George Sword, on Ghost-dance Religion (Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 798). 1907.] Wissler, Some Protective Designs of the Dakota. S3 "The ghost-shirt for the men was made of the same material — shirts and leggings painted in red. Some of the leggings were painted in stripes ninning up and down, others running around. The shirt was painted blue around the neck, and the whole garment was fantastically sprinkled with figures of birds, bows and arrows, sun, moon, and stars, and everj'thing they saw in nature. Down the out- side of the sleeve were rows of feathers tied by the quill-ends and left to fly in the Fin. 11 (50-3053). Back of Garment .shown in Fig. 10. breeze, and also a row around the neck and up and down outside of the leggings. I noticed that a mimber had stutTcd birds, squirrel-heads, etc., tied in their long hair. The faces of all were painted red with a black half-moon on the forehead or on one cheek.'' ' A.S i.s noted by the above, designs on these garments were made by individuals who iiad dreams or other unusual experiences similar to those I Mrs. Z. A. Parker (Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology,. p. 916). \ 34 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [\'ol. I, of the medicine-men ; and it would seem from this account that the designs and objects used in the dance were in every way similar to those employed before the ghost-dance religion appeared. The writer made the acquaint- ance of several individuals who had prepared such garments at the time of the ghost-dance, and from them he secured reproductions with explanations as to the significance of the designs. As some time had elapsed since the ghost-dance religion was at the height of its popularity, it is possible that the more special features belonging to it were forgotten by these men, and that they worked into the reproduced garments older and more conserva- tive ideas. However, the writer is of the opinion, and he took special pains to investigate as best he could, that whatever may have been lost in this way made no important changes in either the objective character of the designs or in the ideas expressed by them. As a matter of fact, the ghost-dance in some of its milder forms is still observed. Some garments secured by the writer are decorated on both front and back with designs chiefly pictographic. On the front of one (Fig. 10) is a large triangular space extending downward from the shoulders (one half of which is in red and the other half in blue), thickly dotted over with white spots representing hailstones. The red represents the morning; and the blue, the night. Extending across from side to side is a large arched figure made up of red, yellow, white, and green bands, representing the rainbow. Above this are two four-pointed stars, the red for the morning star and the black for the stars seen in the night. There is a large green star with eight points on the dividing-line between day and night, concerning which I secured no satisfactory explanation. At the apex of the triangular space are small dots of yellow, representing the dawn; and the sun is placed on each side of the division between day and night. The new moon is repre- sented by a black crescent. On the morning-side of this design is the pic- ture of a butterfly; while on the night-side, extending over into the morning, is a picture of a peculiar figure, which the artist regarded as a spirit-bird or man-bird, as he expressed it, with the medicine-hoop in his hand. The other portion of the dress is covered over with small dots in various colors, representing bullets. There are also pictures of butterflies, stars, and buffalo-tracks. On one side are two parallel wavy red lines, and on the other two in green, representing the lightning. On the other side of this garment, or the back (Fig. 11), is the repre- sentation of a bird, which seems to be mythical rather than realistic. The background upon which the figure rests is dotted to represent bullets or hail, as both have the same significance. The lower part of the garment is the most interesting. Here we have four buffalo-tracks arranged in rectangular relation to represent buffalo, and a circle or medicine-hoop (half of which 1907.] Wissler, Some Protective Designs of the Dakota. 35 is red and half green) with extending hnes of the same colors, representing the thunder, or its power. The idea of this association of the hoop, or, as it is sometimes spoken of, the mirror, is that this buffalo escapes bullets, or perhaps is immortal. Below the sign of the buffalo is a four-pointed figure, usually known as the spider-web design, representing the heavens; and below this is the rainbow. Two swallows are represented connected to the points in the spider-web design by lines, indicating that they enjoy the protection of this power, making them difficult to hit with bullets or other missiles. On another garment (Fig. 12), the triangular area at the top is entirely in red, covered with white spots representing hail, and bordered with wavy lines representing the rainbow. This represents the rainbow in the sky. The dark crescent represents the moon. Below is a large four-pointed star in black, representing the night, with a line extending over each side, representing the clouds. The small disk in red represents a bullet; and the small green crescent, the moon. Below these is the spider-web design, representing the heavens, over the four corners of w^hich the lightning aj)pears; but in this case the design is covered with dots representing the falling of the stars. Near this design we find the butterfly and the buffalo- tracks. The remaining space on the whole garment is covered with patches of color, representing the hail. On the opposite side (Fig. 13) are pecul- iar triaTigular designs, the background of which is in red bordered by straight lines, suggesting the rainbow; while on the red background are placed the design of the moon and two circles in such relation as to suggest a face. This design was spoken of as the "moon-face;" but this seems to have been an after-interpretation, since the artist wished to represent the medicine-hoop or mirror in the sky. [It seems likely that this is simply an adaptation of a head-dress used in the elk ceremony.] Below this we have a combination which appears to be the spider-web design combined with the figure of a bird, which is said to be the dream-figure, rejiresenting the l)ird seen on a tree. Below this we have the moon, rainbow, tracks of the buffalo, stars, butterfly, and a mounted warrior riding through the hail. In Fig. 14, the triangular space at the top is similar to that on the pre- ceding garment, and need not be described here. The body of the dress is covered with dragon-flies as they appear when flying over water. The stars represent reflections in the water; and the dashes of color, the hail. The wavy green lines extending down the full length of the garment repre- sent the lightning. In this case the red at the top is spoken of as the thun- der-cloud. On the opposite side (Fig. 15), the triangular area with its tail-like extension represents the rattlesnake. In addition we have tracks of .^■ 36 AntJiropological Papers American Museum uj Xalural History. [Vol. I, the buffalo dragon-fly, and butterfly, all associated as in nature. X'pon the sides of this garment are the designs of the lizard, swallow, and turtle. The above detailed statements concerning the designs and their import do not convey their full significance as it was brought out in discussions between the writer and the men who made these garments. In the first ^. <■ <^. > Fig. 12 (50-3054). Design.? on the Front of Ghost-dance Garment. Length, 128 cm. place we find on them symbols to be described in another section of this paper; namely, the spider-web designs and the medicine-hoop. It will be seen that in most cases the living creatures represented are those that seem to have power to escape the hailstones, because, as they say, no matter how severe the hailstorm may be, no one observes their dead or maimed upon the ground: therefore they assume that these creatures possess some .'\_ IHilllMMmWMIMl 1907.] Wisslcr, Some Protective Designs of the Dakota. 37 extraordiimiv power, or receive the attention of some protective power. The bird rej^reseiited floes not seem to be the thun(ler-l)ird, as is usually the case in Dakota art, but such species, usually birds of prey, as soar above the destructive range of the hail. The lizard and the turtle are spoken of as animals of great power, since they are killed with great dif- ficulty, from which it follows that tliey also enjoy the protection of some FiK. 13 (.50-3054). Dcsij,'iis on tlic llack of Gannciit sliown in Fiu. 12. power. This we may generalize by saying that the Indian placed upon these garments representations of living creatures that, according to his observation and experience, were seldom hit by missiles, or that possessed great vitality, making it difficult to kill them. Placed on the garments, they express a prayer, a hope, or an actual realization, on the part of the wearer, of the protective power by which these creatures are enabled to survive. .^ 38 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [\o\. I, % ,v The triangular designs at the top of these garments were spoken of as shields, the idea being that they were in some measure shield-designs, and performed the same function as did those upon shields in former times. Mr. Mooney expresses the opinion that the protective designs on garments used in the ghost-dance religion were not aboriginal with the Indian. :^ V Fig. 14 (50-3055). Front of a Ghost-dance Garment bearing Dragon-fly Design. Length, 125 cm. "The protective idea in connection with the ghost-shirt does not seem to be aboriginal. The Indian warrior habitually went into battle naked above the waist. His protecting 'medicine' was a feather, a tiny bag of some sacred powder, the claw of an animal, the head of a bird, or some other small object which could be readily twisted into his hair or hidden between the covers of his shield, without attracting attention. Its virtue depended entirely on the ceremony of the conse- cration, and not on size or texture. The war-paint had the same magic power of protection. To cover the body in battle was not in accordance with Indian usage, 1907.] Wissler, Some Protective Designs of the Dakota. 39 which demanded thiit the warrior should be as free and unincumbered in movement as fxjssible. The .so-called 'war-shirt' was worn chiefly in ceremonial dress-parades, and only rarely on the war-path." ' This statement, however, suggests that Mr. Mooney based his opinion upon objective evidence, while the opinion expressed by the writer is based Fif,'. 15 (50-3055). Back of Garment shown in Fig. 14. upon subjective evidence. A comparison of the interpretations of shield- designs and ghost-(h-css designs seems to leave little opportunity for any other conclusion than that the protective designs used in the ghost-dance were essentially the same as those used in former times upon shields and other objects. The garments may be foreign; but the idea of protective » Mooney (Fourteenth Annual Report ot the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 790). ^^ 40 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xatural History. [Vol. I, designs is most certainly not peculiar to the ghost-dance religion, since it was widely distributed among American tribes, and associated with cere- monial objects that were in use at least a century before the ghost-dance religion appeared. c If the writer had no other information at hand than that furnished bv ^ Mr. Mooney in his comprehensive study of the ghost-dance religion, he c ' would be inclined to regard the whole as the manifestation of aboriginal !^ religious ideas in response to a single foreign conception; namely, that of t^ the coming of a messiah and the destruction of the present order of the ^ world. The way in which the ghost-dance ceremonies were performed, the ideas expressed in the songs, the things the priests dreamed of, and the objects used in the ceremonies, are so characteristically Indian, that no other interpretation seems possible. However, in the present connec- 'V tion we are concerned with these designs as types of the universal primitive expression of belief in the presence of a guiding personal agency that looks J? into the affairs of men. \! THE HOOP. ^ The circle, or more properly the hoop, is a very important religious symbol among the Dakota. One form of it appears in the great hoop- game described by Louis INIeeker,^ and later by Dr. J. R. Walker.- l^his hoop is usually about two feet in diameter, and notched so as to divide the circumference into quadrants. While this hoop-game seems to be a true gambling game, it could be and was sometimes played as part of a ritualistic ceremony the object of which was to bring the buffalo. It is interesting to note that this large hoop is similar to the sacred wheel used by the Arapaho in the sun-dance. At the time of the ghost-dance out- break among the Dakota of Pine Ridge Reservation, jNIr. Mooney saw the hoop and the two pairs of sticks used with it carried in the ceremonies connected with the ghost-dance religion. He states : — "It is said that the medicine-man of Big Foot's band carried such a hoop with him in their flight from the north, and displayed it in eveiy dance held by the band until the fatal day of Wounded Knee. A similar hoop was carried and hung upon the centre tree at the dance at No Water's camp near Pine Ridge. To the Indian it symbolizes the revival of the old-time games." ^ The last line of the above quotation implies that the hoop was a part of the paraphernalia used in the ghost-dance ceremonies, because it sym- 1 Meeker (Bulletin of the Free Museum of Science and .\rt, University of Pennsylvania Vol. Ill, No. 1). ,,* 2 Walker (The Journal of the American Folk- Lore Society, October-December, 1905). < ^ 3 Mooney (Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnologv, p. 1075). ■>■ ^ 19U7.] Wissler, Some Protective Designs of the Dakota. 41 bolized the ancient games. On another page of the same article occurs the following: — "As it was the favorite game with the men in the olden times, a great many of the songs founded on these trance visions refer to it. and the wheel and sticks are made by the dreamer, and carried in the dance as they sing." ' It should l)e remembered, however, that the game was formerly })layed to restore the IniHalo when they were temporarily absent from their range; and, as one of the great objects of the ghost-dance religion was the return of the biiflalo as in the olden times, the reason for the use of the hoop in the ceremonies described by Mooney is apparent. In Mooney's account, a number of .songs pertaining to the hoop-game are given as sung by the various tribes practising the ghost-dance religion. Among these is a Dakota version, as follows: — ■ "The holy (hoop) shall niii, "Come and see it. The iioly (hoop) shall nm. Come and see it, The swift hoop shall run. Says the father, The .swift hoop shall run. Says the father." - A iii\lln<;il ;icc((uiil of tiic ho()|)-game is given by I )i'. .1. R. Walker, which indicates one of the pioliablc conceptions upon wliicii this religious u.se of the hoop rests.^ Tiic hoop-.symbol occurs in grapiiic roiin, sometimes upon garments. 'The writer sccnictl a shirt that was used by one of the leaders in ghost- dances, and which seems to have been a type of the O. so-called "bullet-proof shirt." TK\s garment is daubed with red about the neck and on the shoul- ders, but in addition bears four circular designs, also Kit' 16(50-2964). Circii- ^'^ ^'^'^^< ^^'''i hirge dots at their centres (Fig. 16). Di"amet*er! Uvnu '""'"'■ ^"G of thcsc dcsigus is placed upou the right breast; another, directly opposite, upon the back of the gar- ment; one u])on the right shoulder; and one upon the left. These are so arranged, that, no matter from what point you see the wearer, one of the circular designs will be visible. These designs were recognized as symbols of the medicine-hoop, and were supposed to have the pow'er to protect the wearer from all harm. The idea of placing the designs so that one of them should always be between the wearer and the source of danger may be original with the owmer of this shirt; but the number of them (four), and their arrangement according to the four directions, correspond to the common explanation of religious symbols. ' .Mooiiey (l-'oiirtceiuh .\nnual Hepori of the Bureau of American Etliiiology, p. 994). 2 Moonpy (Fourteenth .\niuial Keport of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 1075). 3 Walker (The Journal of the American Folk-Lore Society, October-December, 1905). 42 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. I, Meeker describes ^ a wheel-shaped hoop-ornament consisting of a ring enclosing four spokes at right angles to each other. According to his ac- count, this is a symbol associated with the hoop-game ; but similar speci- mens were seen by the writer upon the heads of Dakota men, who explained that these were symbols of the medicine-wheel or medicine- hoop, and did not refer to the hoop-gaijie. They were worn because they were regarded as symbols of the power that could protect the wearer from arrows, bullets, or other dangers. As is suggested by the above, the game-hoop is distinguished from the medicine-hoop as used in ceremonies. A medicine-hoop seems to have been used by all divisions of the Dakota, and, according to the descriptions received by the writer, to have been of several forms. In certain ceremonies where the elk played an important part, a hoop or ring was formed by twining together fresh twigs and leaves of the willow. In the centre of this hoop, a small mirror was held by four cords ar- ranged at right angles, and representing the four directions. A drawing of an elk- dancer by a native is shown in Fig. 17. The painted centre for the circular de- signs on a shirt (Fig. 16) described above, as well as the small wheel-shaped head- ornament, were said to represent a hoop of this type. The connection of this hoop with the idea of protection is well illustrated in the manufacture of one kind of red paint. It is produced by burning a kind of yel- low clay, found near the Black Hills, until it takes on the red color. The paint, however, is given its protective power by certain ceremonies performed as it is made. In the particular cere- mony observed by the writer, the yellow earth was pounded fine, and mixed with water until it became a stiff paste. This was then made into a flat disk about half an inch thick and from four to six inches in diameter, after which a hole or depression was made in the Fig. 17. Sketch, by a Native, of an Elk- mystery Dancer carrying a Hoop witli a Mirror in the Centre. Drawing col- lected by R. Cronau. 1 Meeker, op. cit., p. 35. ^H 1907.] Wissler, Some Protective Designs of the Dakota. 43" centre. The purpose of this, as explained, was to give it the form of a medicine-hoop, the hole in the centre corresponding to the place occupied by the mirror in the form of hoop just described. This disk was then burned in the fire until red, after Avhich it was pounded on a stone until fine enough for use. The ceremony in preparing the paint consisted of ritualistic songs and prayers, which reached their climax as the disk of clay was formed and perforated. The burning and the subsequent preparation were not regarded as parts of the ceremony. The idea, as expressed, was to connect the paint with the power represented by the hoop, so that when a warrior rubbed some of it upon his body, he came at once under the protection of this power. Another idea seems to be connected with the conception of the medicine- hoop, and that is the appearance of certain mythical animals with openings through their bodies where their hearts should be. The conception seems to be, that an animal without a heart is immortal and supernatural: at least, tliis is the way in which the mythical elk was described. According to the belief, there is a connection between this opening through the heart and the centre of the medicine-hoop, represented in the elk ceremonies by the mirror; but it is the opinion of the Avriter that this is an error on the part of the Indians themselves in associating two things that were formerly distinct.^ It seems rather curious that the mirror should become so closely asso- ciated with the hoop, and that the mirror should have appealed to them as a symbol of almost equal importance. The writer is of the opinion that the preceding cases, where the mirror and the hoop are considered as iden- tical symbols, are the result of a former close association of the two in cere- wjmonial affairs. J THE WHIRLWIND. In another place the writer has described the conception of the power of the whirlwind among some of the Dakota, but wishes at this time to refer to it again because of its relation to their system of protective designs." As stated in the former publication, there seems to be in the minds of some of the Dakota an association between the phenomenon of the whirlwdnd 1 In the Report of the Peahody Museum (Vol. Ill, p. 286) is a description by Miss Fletcher of some ceremonies in which the hoop and the mirror played a part. " The neophyte held one. having a circular mirror, fastened by four cords, from which he cast a reflection of the sun from time to time upon the grrotuid. or held up the hoop, and flashed the mirror." The explanation / given by this author of the significance of the mirror in these ceremonies differs from that 1/ secured by the writer; but Miss Fletcher's account seems to refer to a form of ceremony per- taining to the elk rites not mentioned in his notes. 2 Wissler (The Journal of the American Folk-Lore Society, October-December, 1905). 44 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [\'o\. I, and those mental states generally known as "confusion of mind." Some of them believed and still believe that the power in the whirlwind can be invoked to confuse the mind of an enemy. In common with many other American tribes, the Dakota believe the whirlwind to be associated with the fluttering wings of a moth, but they also associate this with the cocoon Fig. IS (50-2095). Engraved Metal Gross. CoUefted by R. Cronau. Length. 23 cm. of the same moth; and in symbolic representation the design representing the power of the whirlwind is of an elongated diamond-shape, and refers to the cocoon. The protection or aid of the whirlwind was secured by prayers, and these prayers were symbolized by the cocoon worn upon the ■MMymiwi ouot^M ]'M)7.] WissUr, Some Protective Disujna oj the Dakota. 45 |)fi-son, bv its image in stuffed buckskin, or by its graphic representation, sketched or painted. The power of the whirlwind was supposed to have been associated with the power of the spider-web. As an illustration of Fig. 19 (50-2898). Engraved Bone Object. Collected by H. Cronau. Length, 24 cm. this, we find engraved upon a German-silver cross (Fig. 18) the spider, and near it three representations of the whirlwind cocoon. Between the spider and these three designs is a zigzag line, implying the mystic power connection of the same. Again, on a forked bone object (Fig. 19), the use 46 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xalural History. [\'ol. I. of which is unknown, occur a number of incised designs, among whicli is again what seems to be the spider-web, the tracks of a quadruped (probably the buflalo), and four designs representing the whirlwind cocoon, accom- panied in each case by another design which cannot be determined, l)ut which resembles the footprints of a person. It is interesting to note that I Fig 20. Fig. 21. Fig, 20 (50-4380). Wliirhvind Design, from tlie Handle of a Club. Lengtli, 5 cm. Fig. 21 (50-4244). Whirlwind Design, from a Popgun. Length of design, 7.5 cm. the German-silver cross also bears the tracks of the l)uffalo, or some rumi- nant animal, in association with the spider. In the absence of direct in- formation, the writer hesitates to offer any interpretation of the design upon these specimens, although he feels that they could be interpreted with reasonable certainty. The design of the whirlwind resembles a feather-design, and no doubt the two are often confused. The difference seems to be, that, when repre- senting the whirlwind, half of the design is filled with parallel or crossing lines; while, when representing feathers, half of the design is filled in with color (see Fig. 19). The feather-design is more fixed in form than that of the whirlwind. Fig. 20 is a representation of the latter, from the handle of a club, where it appears in a series with the spider, lizard, elk, and turtle. Another form of the same design is repeated in a series on a wooden pop- gun (Fig. 21). THE THUNDER. The thunder is a very important deity among all the Indians of the Plains, and is usually associated with mihtary exploits. While the Dakota generally regard the thunder as a bird, usually symbolized by the eagle, yet they sometimes speak of it as a horse, a man, or a dog. The horse always appealed to them as a creature of mysterious origin, and in many cases was assumed to have been given by the thunder. In any event there is an association in their minds between the power of a war-horse and the thunder. The thunder is often represented by a zigzag or wavy line, usually in red; but this symbol really represents the power of the phenomenon in the abstract, because the Indian does have the conception of a force in iniiiHiiiiiianH^H^BBgHBBg I'JOT] Wissler, Some Protective Designs of the Dakota. 47 luitun-. Consequently this graplik- symbol is also a general sign for the presence of mysterious supernatural power. The whistles made from the leg and wing hones of eagles, and used among the Plains tribes, are gener- alFy employed by the Dakota to symbolize the cry of the eagle as a repre- sentative of the thunfier-bird. In battle, or sometimes in stress of great trial, they an' sounded to call up the power of the thunder to rescue the unfortunate one. As a rule, a zig- zag line is .scratched down the sides of these whistles. In this coimec- tion it is interesting to ni>t<' the following: ■' lieforo (luyliKht I set off with five IiKiiiins. . . This rausod :i halt, as we were siirroumU'il and liegaii to suspect that tlie enemy liail plannetl to cut u.s off. The Indians put on tlioir war- caps, utterinR some few words which I could not hear distinctly, and then be- Ran to whistle with a small hone instru- ment which they huiiR around their neo.se." ' This account (1S07) by an acute oirserver is interesting, because our present knowledge enables us to understand the nuittered prayers and the use of the whistle. The whistle shown in Fig. 22 is interesting because of the objects that accompany it. The whistle is from the wing-bone of an eagle, and near the top is a small bag contain- ing the medii'inc of the owner. The feathers of the yellow- winged woodpecker arc attached thereto, because this bird is considered as an a.ssociatc of the thunder-bird, or at least it holds some relation to the thunder, since the Dakota have observed, that, when a storm is approaching, this bird gives a peculiar shrill call not unlike the sound of the whistle spoken of above. This they Fiff. 22 (50-3023). Wliistle, of Bone. Length, 19 cm. ' New Liglit on the Karly History of the Greater Nortliwest, p. 436. 48 Anthropological Papers Americaji Museum of Xatural History. [\o\. T, interpret as speaking to the thunder. Consequently, the feathers of this bird, when attached to the whistle, are supposed to put the individual also in a position to speak to the thunder. This bird has a large dark spot on the throat, which is said to represent the moon and to be further evidence of the sacred character of the bird. Thus we have a combined charm repre- senting the woodpecker and the eagle, — two birds closely assoc-iated with the thunder. The ceremony of offering a filled pipe to the thunder was frequently observed by the Dakota. One man stated that once, when the camp was threatened by an approaching storm, he filled a large pipe, went to the top of a hill, and, facing the storm, made an offering to the thuntler by extending the stem upward, antl praying, with the result that the storm divided, and passed around the camp without serious damage to his people. In the decoration of pipe-stems, a bunch of horsehair is attached (usually colored red), and this is often spoken of as an emblem of the thunder-horse. This horsehair is to signify the presence of the [)ower of the thunder, as mani- fest in the horse, in all ceremonies connected with the i)ii)e. It is worth while noting that in this case we have an illustration of a ])eculiarity of religious lore, — the indirect symbolizing of a power by one of a series of objects in which that power is manifest. The United States emblem of the eagle with outstretched claws, holding arrows and the lightning, is regarded by the Dakota as an aj)peal on our part to the thunder-bird; and statements to the contrary arc usually inter- preted as white men's lies to deceive the Indians and to guard the power. There is little doubt that the Dakota manner of drawing the thunder-bird has been modified by the United States emblem, and that their own idea of his power has been influenced accordingly. THE SPIDER. The association between the spider, the spider web, and the thunder, is very close — so close, that it is difficult to understand the conception of the power of the spider without considering the power of the thunder. The spider is often spoken of as the "spider-man." It is also associated with the mythical elk. It was supposed to have great power. The observed fact that a spider manufactures a web, and that this web is not destroyed by bullets or arrows (since they pass through it, leaving only a hole), is cited by some individuals as the basis for the conception that the spider has power to protect people from harm. On the other hand, the spider is spoken of as a friend of the thunder; and it is a general beUef that the thunder will never harm the spider-web, or, what amounts to the same. HtOT.] Wisslcr, Some Protective Designs of the Dakota. 49 that the spider-web itself is a protection against thunder. As previously stated, the spider-web is represented by a peculiar four-cornered design. This design is sometimes said to represent the heavens, in which case the four points represent the four directions, the home of the winds, the four thunders, etc.; the supernatural character of the design being indicated by lightning-symbols extending from the four corners. In a preeeding ))aper,' the s|)ider-wcl) design was discussed in its rcla- Fig. 23 (50-309.5). Dfsigii of a Spider-web. tion to decorative art, where it w^as noted that among some divisions of the Dakota is a belief in a double woman,^ to whom, among other things, cer- tain ceremonial uses of this design are attributed. According to informa- tion secured by the w^riter, this character was also associated with the elk ceremonies, where she was often represented by two women tied together by » WLssler (Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XVII, p. 248). 2 Dorsey (Eleventli .\nnual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 480). 50 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [\'ol. I, a cord (about two feet in length), from the middle of which hung a doll or a ball. Women often receive power by dreaming of this character. Some such women are supposed to perform a kind of ceremony, somewhat secret, in which a child is taken out to a lonely place, where a swing or hammock- Hke structure is made in the form of the spider-web design, supported by the four corners, and the child is ]:»laced upon it. This is to bring good fortune to the child. A design of the spider-web might then be placed upon the robe of the child as a .symbol of its having experienced the cere- mony (Fig. 23). The men, however, use this design for military protection, in which connection it is not thought of as being associated in any way with the mythical double woman. It is, however, closely associated with the medi- cine-bow. This was a very sacred military object with the Dakota, of which only four duplicates could be had. It consisted of a bow of plain wood, of the usual length, to the end of which was attached a spear-head. Fastened to the bow was a stick somewhat longer, sharpened at one end, and decorated with feathers and other symbolic objects. The purpose of the stick was to support the bow, since all such sacred objects would lose their power if allowed to touch the ground. The bow was not used as a weapon, but was carried as a standard, because of its suppo.sed magical power over the enemy. The figure of the dragon-fly was usually painted upon the bow and its support, as well as dots representing insects that fly swiftly, and zigzag lines representing thunder. Feathers of the eagle, the magpie, the hawk, and, in fact, of all birds swift of wing, were likewise attached to it. The association between these insects and birds was the same as that previously noted; that is, since they were swift in motion, and difficult to strike, they represented the qualities desired by the bearers of the bow. These bows have long since passed out of existence, but survive in models made for commercial purposes. The account of the origin of the medicine-bow is as follows: — "A man dreamed of the thunder, and afterwards called in four men to assist him in making the medicine-bow. They went through the preHminaries (the sweat-house, etc.), after which a special tent was erected. The ground inside of this tent, where the dreamer and his four companions sat, was covered with sage- grass. A young man was called in to act as their assistant. He was sent out to cut elm sticks. He went out slowly, and after a time came back with the sticks. Then he was sent out to get together the feathers of swift flying birds, pieces of buffalo-hide, paints, etc. He went around the camp, and begged these of the people. "Then the four men set to work making the sticks under the direction of the dreamer. The dreamer gave a bow to one of the men, and a piece of bufTalo-hide in which to wrap the sticks, also a wooden bowl from which to eat. "After a time, the faces of the men were painted red. WTien the sticks were mssBsam 1007.] Wissler, Some Protective Designs of the Dakota. 51 finished, four men came in wrapped in bufifalo-robes, each carrying a drum. Now the four men who had prepared the sticks were ready to receive the bow, and the drummers began to drum and sing. Then the man who dreamed about the bow carried it outside of the lodge, pointing it toward the west. He was followed by the whole company, and. after .singing a song, they took a step forward and pointed the bow to the north; another step again, then pointed to the east; and then a step forward, pointing to the south. Then they ran toward the west, then toward the east, then toward the north, and then toward the south. [The significance of this is, that the thunder resides in the four directions of the heavens, and also goes in all directions, so that the carrying of the sticks toward the various points of the compass puts them in touch with the thunder.] Then they went back to the sweat- house, and the ceremony was complete. " The man who owns one of these bows must not wear iron on his penson, he must never give his food to any one else after eating from it himself, and he must never allow the bow, or any part of it, to touch the ground.'' ' The owner of