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GREAT BRIT REN.
VOL I
C. ON -T A TN: TcNG
The Reigus of JAMES I. ann CHARLES I.
me DAVIS HU M°E,- Es:
EDINBURGH:
Printed by Hamitron, Batrour, and NEILL.
s teetnanel
M,DCC,LIYV.
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Vw Nk BON. TT §
Ji AcwM—BauS. 3
at. ae Fe ig
Lntrodultion-——Death and charaéter of Queen Elizabeth —m—Fames's firft tranfa-
éTions. State of Europe. Rofni’s negotiations. Raleigh’s confpiracy.
Character of the puritans. Hlampton-court conference. A parliament.
Peace with Spain. Page 1
© HAAR. 3-H.
Gun-powder con/piracy. Charatter of the catholics.—_——A parliament. Ti ruce
betwixt Spain and the united provinces. A parliament.———Death of the French
King. —— Arminianifin. State of Ireland. | 20
CHAP... TE.
Death of Prince Henry.
Marriage of the Prince/s Eizabeth with ibe Palatine.
Rife of Somer fet. His marriage. Overbury poyfoned. Fall of Somerfet.
Rife of Buckingham. Cautionary towns delivered. Affairs of
Scotland. 46
CH APawlv,
Sir Walter Raleigh's expedition.
x
Eis execution. Infurreétions in Bohemia.
Lofs of the Palatinate. Negotiations with Spain—— A parliament.
Parties. Fall of Bacon. Rupture betwixt King and parliament. Pro-
tefiation of the commons. 68
oH A Pay,
Negotiations with revard to the marriage and the Palatinate. Chara&er of Buck-
ingham. Prince’s journey to Spain, Marriage-treaty broken. A parlia-
ment, Return of Briftol——Rupture with Spain, Treaty with France,
———Mansfeldt’s expedition. Death of the King. Eis character. 92
C Hae.
“ee F Y N.Y &
iy
CHAP. VL.
Civil government of England during this period.———Eccclefiaftical ZOVErMMENE .———
Manners. Finances. Navy. Commerce.——— Manufactures. ee
iI
Hits, — Learning ana arts.
< guogetoe pe Pee Mg ST.
, eR AP I.
Naval expedition againft Spain.——
Violent meafures of the
A parliament at W eftminfter —— At Oxford.
Second parliament. Impeachment of Buckingham.
court. War with France——Expedition to the ifie of Rhé. 143
ii CHAP, Wi.
iy | sie
. Third parliament. Petition of right. Prorogation. Death of
Buckingham. New feffion of parliament. Tonnage and poundage.
Arminiant{m. Diffolution. 167
/ CHAP. JAIL
. | Peace with France. Peace with Spain.————State of the court and miniftry.
4 ; Charagter of the Queen. Strafford. Laud. Innovations
in the church. Irregular levies of money. Severities in the flar-chamber -
and high commiffion. ——— Ship- money. Trial of Hambden. 196
CHA. 1V.
Difcontents im S-otland.—-——- Introduétion of the canons and liturgy. A tamulé
at Edinburgh. ———~—The covenant. A general affembly. Epifcopacy
Renewal of the war.
Difcontents in England.
A pacification.
Diffolution.
abolifbed.—_-——W ar.
Fourth Englifb parliament. Rout at
220
CHAP.
Newburn——Trcaty at Rippon ——Great council of the peers.
3
7 i )
Gt
&
a+
a
a
(
: > me ££ wie .
CMA Pai Vi
Meeting of the long parliament.—Strafford and Laud impeached.—Finch and Wind.
bank fly. Great authority of the commons,——The bifbops attacked ——Ton
nage and poundage———Triennial bill.——Strafford’s trial. Bill of attainder.
Execution of Strafford.——High commiffion and ftar-chamber abolifped ——King’ s
journey to Scotland. ? 2.50
Os ¢ ey. Se an 2
Settlement of Scotland.——Con/piracy in Ireland.——Infurreftion and maffacre.——
Meeting of the Englifo parliament.——T he remonftrance.—Reafons on both fides.
——Impeachment of the bifoops.—— Accufation of the five members.——Tumults.
— King leaves London-—-—Arrives in Yorke. Preparations for civil war. 290
CH AP. Wr
Commencement of the civil war.
State of parties.—— Battle of Edgehill. ——_
Negotiation at Oxford. Victories of the royalifts in the weft. Batile of
Stratton. Of Lanfdown. Of Roundway-down. Death of Hambden.
Briftol taken. Siege of Glocefter. Batile of Newbury. Aftions in
the north of England. Solemn league and covenant,— Arming of the Scotch.
State of Ireland. 336
CoH vA: P.. VIEL
Invafion of the Scotch——u—eBattle of Marfton-moor.--—Batile of Gropredy- bridge,
Effex’s forces difarmed.——Second battle of Newbury ——Rife and charatier
of the independents. ——Self- denying ordinante.——Fairfax, Cromwel,—=—T Treaty
of Uxbridge. Execution of Laud. 370
CHAP Lo BR
‘Montrofe’s victories. The new model of the army———-Battie of Nafeby. —Sur-
renaer of Briftol. The weft conquered by Fairfax. Defeat of Montrofe.
Ecclefaftical affairs. King goes to the Scotch at Newark. End of the
War .—»--King delivered up by the Scotch. 397
CHAP,
_ =
See: Pe ne
— o>, 4 e , » > 4
ak. = Lee ek |
ic
?
vi 2 ne 2 8 RT Ss.
OH AP. %.
Mutiny of the army. ——-The King feized by Foyce.——The army march againft fee
parliament. The army fubdue the parliament. The King flies to the ifle
of Wight. Second civil war. Invafion from Scotland. T he treaty
of Newport.-—The civil war and invafion repreffed——T be King feized again
by the army-—The boufe purged.——-The King’s trial —And execution——And
; A, 2 4.
character.
feck BR BT 2h.
Pp 12. 7. 5. read recovered their health. /. 23. read this vote. P. 13.1.
26. read into chancery. “P. 16. /. 14. read made way either fox Ps 32.
}. 8. read beheld. P. 62.1. 26. read minds. P. 99. J. 23. read the council P.
100. L 18. read the nuncio. P.124./. 24. read 80,000 pounds. P. 146.4. 13.
read burthens. P. 160. 1.19. read Sibthorpe. P.215./.19. deletwo. P.
237.1. 2. read fupplies. P. 263.1. 25. read windows. P. 347.1. g. read fub-
jects. P. 354. J. 6. read fifteen hundred. P. 360./. 15. read ftoeres.. Ps 37t-l.
penult. read as yet. P. 376.1. 1. for fuccefles, read advantages. 1. 23. read gave
orders. P. 392. /. antepen. read did not fuffice. P. 402. 4. 4.read an enemy.
P. atte 6. foo RIGOROUS, read VIGOROUS. § P.421. 1. 32. read
wipe off.
In thee NOTES.
Page 33. 1. 2. read on long leafes. P. 72. 1. 19. read fettlement. P. 73. 7.
42. read ce} Dorado. . 1. 2. read circumftances. _P. 74.1.1. read to have lain. P.
106./. penult. read Prerogativam noltram. P.419./.1. read this way of reafon-
ing.
Tt: HS
He ae eR: ¥
O F
GREAT BRITAIN
JAMES I
, lee oe ee es
Introauction. Death and charaéter of Queen Ehzabeth. Fames s firft
tranfaciions. State of Europe. Rofnz’s negotiations. Raleigh's
confpiracy. Character of the puritans, Hampton-court conference.
A parliament, Peace with Spain.
HE crown of England was never transferred from father to fon with
ereater tranquillity, than it paffed from the family.of Tudor to that of
Stuart. During the whole reign of Elizabeth, the-eyes of men had
been employed in fearch of her fucceffor; and when old age made the
profpect of her death more immediate, there appeared none but the King of Scot-
land, who could advance any juft claim or pretenfion to the throne. He was the
great-erandfon of Margaret, eldeft daughter of Henry VII. and, upon the failure
of all the male-line, his hereditary right remained unqueftionable. If the re-
ligion of Mary Queen of Scots, and the other prejudices contracted againit her,
had formed any confiderable obftacle to her fucceflion; thefe objections, which
ought always to be overlooked, except in very extraordinary emergencies, had no
place with regard to her fon. Men alfo confidered, that, tho’ the title, derived
You, I. A from
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vay.
Chap. I.
1603.
Death and
character of
Queen Eliza-
beth,
Firft tranfa-
étions of this
reign.
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
“?
oa
from blood, had been frequently violated fince the Norman conqueft, thefe li-
cences had proceeded more from force or intrigue, than from any deliberate mia-
xims of government. The lineal heir had {till in the end prevailed; and both
his exclufion and reftoration had been commonly attended with fuch convulfions,
as were fufiigient to warn all a ieh ‘not lightly to give way to fuch wregu:
larities. If the will of Henry VIII., authorifed by aét of parliament, had tacitely
excluded the Scottifh line; the Sse and caprices of that monarch had rendered
his memory fo odious, that a fettlement of this nature, unfupported by any juit
reafon, had no authority with the peop le. Queen Elizabeth too, with her dying
breath, had recognized the undoubted title of her kinfman James; and the whole
nation feemed to difpofe themfelves with joy and pleafure for his teception.. Tho’
born and educated amidft a forcign and a hoftile people, men hoped, from his cha-
racter of moderation and wifdom, that he would embrace the maxims of an Englifh
monarch; and the prudent forefaw greater advantages, refulting from an union with
Scotland, than difadvantagés from*{ubmitting to a price of that nation. The alacri-
ty, with whieh the Englith looked towards the fucceffor, had appeared fo evident
to Elizabeth, that it affected her with the deepett inslancholy and that wife Prin-
eefs, whofe penetration and Sepeees had given her the greateft infight into hu-
man affairs, had not yet fufliciently he ingratitude-es-courtiers, and levity
So ee SS =
of the people.
SHE expired on March 24. in the year 16035 after a long anda happy, becaufe
a prudent, reign, of more than forty four years. Never woman poflefled fuch glory
and renown. Who may be accounted the greateft of men, has been long and ftill
is difputed; but who merits the pre- -eminence among womankind, .will never be
doubtful, while the name of Elizabeth is preferved. Almoft every virtue, which
can finifh the character of a fovereign, entered into her compofition; and even her
feverity and frugality; where fhe inclined towards the extreme, fuited fo pecuharly
her circumstances and fituation, that the influence of thefe qualities feemed equally
beneficial with that of her more fhining virtues. Victory abroad,. and tranquillity
at home, had ever attended her; and fhe left the nation in fuch flourifhing circum-
ftances, that her fucceffor poflefled every advantage, except that of comparifon with
her Hfiitttibins name, when he mounted the throne of England.
Tue King’s journey from Edinburgh to London immediately afforded to the: in-
quifitive fome circumftances of comparifon, which even the natural partiality in
favor of their new fovereign, could not interpret to his advantage. As he pafted
along, all ranks of men flecked about him, from every quarter; allared by intereft
or curiofity, Great were the rejoicings, and loud and hearty the acclamations
which refounded from all fides; and every one could remember how the aflability
j and
, 4 Se HS I, 3
arid popularity of their Queen difplayed themfelves, amidit fuch concourfe and exul-
tation of her fubjects. But James, tho’ fociable and familiar with his friends and
courtiers, hated the buftle of a mixt multitude; and tho’ far from difliking flattery,
yet was he ftill fonder of tranquillity and eafe. He therefore iffued a proclamation,
forbidding this great refort of people ; under pretext of the fcarcity of provifions, and
other inconveniences, which would neceffarily attend it.
«He was not, however, infenfible to the great overflow of affection, which ap-
peared in his new fubjects; and being himfelf of an affectionate temper, he feems
torhave been in halte to make them fome return of kindnefs and good offices. To
this motive, probably, we are to afcribe that great profufion of titles, which was
obferved in the beginning of his reign; when in fix weeks time, after his ens
trance into the kingdom, he is computed to have beftowed knighthood on no
lefs'than 237 perfons. If Queen Elizabeth’s frugality of honors, as well as of
money, had been formerly repined at, it began now to be highly valued and e-
iteemed: And every one was fenfible, that the King, by his lavifh and prema-
ture conferring of favors, had failed of obliging the perfons, on whom he be-
{towed them. Titles of all kinds became fo common, that they were no longer
marks of diftinétion; and being diftributed, without choice or deliberation, to
perfons, unknown to the Prince, were*regarded more as the proofs of his wea
facility and good-nature, than of .any determined friendfhip or efteem.
A pafquinade was. affixed to St. Paul’s, in which an art was promifed to be
taught, very neceflary to afflift frail memories, in retaining the names of the new
Nobility.
We inay prefume, that the Englifh would have thrown lefs blame on the King’s
facility in beftowing favors, had thefe been confined entirely to their own na+
tion, and had not been fhared out, in too unequal proportions, to his old fubjects..
James, who, thro’ his whole reign, was more guided /by temper and inclination
than by the rules of political prudence, had carried alongwith him great num-
bers of his Scotch courtiers 3 whofe impatience and importunity were apt, in many
particulars, to impofe on the eafy nature of their mafter, and extort favors, ~of
which, it 4s natural to imagine, his Englifh fubje&ts would very loudly complain.
The Duke of Lenox, the Earl of Mar, the Lord Hume, Lord Kinlofs, Sir George
Hume, Secretary Elphinitone, were immediately added to the Englifh privy coun-,
eil. Sir George Hume, whom he created Earl of Dunbar, was his declared fa-
vorite as long as that Nobleman lived; and was the, wifeft.and molt, virtuous,
tho’ the leaft powerful of all thofe whom the King ever honored with that di-
itinction. Hay, fometime after, was created Vifcount Doncafter, and then Ear]
of ‘Carlifle, and got an immenfe fortune from the crown; all which he fpent in
A 2 3
oo SN SS ee
Chap. Le
£ ?
100 3°
Chap. I.
1603
had maintained a clofe correfpondence wi
Sth of June.
yee”
Md he roe rs fa
S Rofl ee 2 uk
od wt es = .
a ram )
ee ee
4 HISTORY! or GREAT BRITAIN.
a fplendid and courtly manner. Ramfay obtained the title of Earl of Holdernefs; an&
many others, being raifed, on a fudden, to the higheft elevation, encreafed, by
their infolence, that envy, which naturally attended them, as enemies and ftran-
gers. | | |
Ir mutt, however, be owned, in juftice to James; that he left almoft all
the chief offices in the hands of Elizabeth’s minitters, and trufted the conduct of
political concerns, both foreign and domeftic, to his Englith fubje@s. Among
thefe, Secretary Cecil, created facceflively Lord Effindon, Vifcount Cranborne,.
and Earl of Salifbury; was always regarded as his: prime minifter and chief coun-
fellor. Tho’ the capacity and penetration of this minifter were fufficiently known,
his favor with the King created great furprize on the firlt acceflion of that mo-
march. © Cecil was fon of the famous Burleigh, whofe merits towards his fovereign:
and his country were great, but whofe name was naturally odious to James; as the
declared enemy of his mother, and the chief caufe of her tragical death, that great:
ftain in the bright annals of Elizabeth. He himfelf, as wellas his father, had
ented the conduc
OQ) ‘C
x
#
partizan for the fucceflion in the houfe of Stuart. Sir Walter Raleigh, Lord Grey,
Lord Cobham, Cecil’s affociates, felt immediately the effects of thefe prejudices of
their mafter, and were difmiffed from all their employments: But Cecil, wha poffef-
fed all the art and cunning of a courticr, aswell as*many of the talents of a great
{tatefman, had found the means of making:Ins peace with James; and; unknown
both to Elizabeth and all the other minifters, had-entered into a fecret commerce
with the fucceffor, during the latter years of the Queen’s adminiftration.
- THE capacity of James and his minifters in negotiation was immediately put to
trial, on the appearance of ambaffadors from almoft. alk. the princes and {tates of
Europe, in order to congratulate the ‘King on his acceflion to the throne, and to
form with him new treaties and alliances. Befide minifters from Venice, Den-.
mark, the Palatine; Henry Frederic of Naffau, affitted by Barnevelt: the Penfi-
onary of Holland, reprefented the ftates of the united provinces. Aremberg
was fent by the Archduke Albert; and Taxis was expected in a little time from
Spain. But he who excited moft the attention ef the public, both en account
of his owh merit and that of his mafter,; was the Marquifs of Reofni, after-
wards Duke of Sully, prime minifter and favorite of Henry IV, of Francés
WHEN
i £2 oo. £ ;
Wuen the dominions of the houfe of Auftria were devolved on Philip TM. all Chap. B
Europe was ftruck with terror; left the power of that family, which had been ancy
raifed by fortune,’ fhould now be carried to an immeafurable height, by the wifdom rope.
and conduct of this mondrch. But never were apprehenfions found in the event
to be more groundlefs. Slow without prudence, ambitious without enterprize,
falfe without deceiving any body, and refined without any true judgment ; fuch
was the character of Philip, and fuch the character, which, during his life-time
and after his death, he impreffed.on the Spanith councils. Revolted or depopulated
provinces, difcontented or indolent inhabitants, were the. fpectacles, which thofe
dominions, lying in every climate of the globe, prefented to. Philip Il. a weak.
prince, and to the Duke’ of Lerma, a minifter, weak and odious. But tho’
military difcipline, which {till remained, was what alone gave fome appearance of
life and vigor to that languifhing body; yet fuch was the terror, produced by for-
mer power and ambition, that the reduction of the houfe of Auftria was the objec
of men’s vows, thro’out all the {tates of chriftendom. It was not perceived,
that the French empire, now united in domeftic peace, and governed by the moft
heroic and moft amiable prince, that adorns modern ftory, was become, of itfelf,
a fuflicient counterpoife to the Spanith greatnefs.. Perhaps, that prince himfelf did Rofni’s nego-
not perceive it, when he propofed, “by "his minifter, a league with James, Mr con. “ehons.
junction. with, Venice,, the united provinces,. and. the northern crowns; . in or-
der to attack the Auftrian dominions on every fide, and deprefs the exorbitant
power of that ambitious family. But the genius of the Englifh monarch was not,
equal to fuch vaft énterprizes. Peace was his favorite paflion; and it was his pe-
culiar felicity, that the conjunctures of the times rendered the fame object, which
was agreeable to him, in the higheft degree advantageous. to his . people..
Tur French ambaffador, therefore, was obliged.to depart from thefe extenfive.
aims, and to concert with James the means of providing for the fafety of the unir. 7
ted provinces: Nor was this object altogether. without itSdiffieulties. The King,.
before his acceflion tothe threne of England, had entertained very {trong {cruples
with regard to the revolt of the low countries; and being always open-and fins
cere, except when deliberately refolved:to diffemble, he had, on many. occafions,
gone fo far as to give to the Dutch the denomination oi rebels. But having:
converfed more fully with his Englifh minifters and courtiers, ‘he found their. at-
tachment to that republic fo ftrong, and their opinion of common intereft fo efta-
blithed, that he was obliged’ to facrifice to politics his fenfe of juftice;. ~~
((
JAM E°s oy, 9
THE Quceén too had eftablithed the high commiffion court, which preferved an uni-
formity of worthip thro’ all the churches, and inflited fevere penalties on all inno-
vators. - The powers, with which this court was invefted, were mottly difcre.
tionary; tho’ by law it could exa'a fine of twenty pound for every month that
any one was abfent from the eéftablithed worfhip. |
Bur tho’ the feverities of Elizabeth towards the catholics had much weakened that
party, whofe genius was averfe to the prevailing fpirit of the nation; like feveri-
ties had had fo little influence on the puritans, who were encouraged by that fpi-
rit, that no lefs than feven hundred and fifty clergymen of that party figned a peti-
tion to the King on his acceflion; and many more feemed willing to adhere to it.
They all hoped, that James, having received his education in Scotland, and ha-
ving ever profeffed a {trong attachment to the church eftablithed there, would at
leaft abate the rigor of the laws enadted apainft puritans; if he did not fhow them
more particular grace and encouragement. But the King’s difpofition had taken
ftrongly a contrary byafs.. The more he knew the puritanical clergy, the lefs
favorheborethem. He had remarked in their Scotch brethren a violent turh to-
wards republicanifm, and a zealous attachment to civil liberty ; principles nearly
allied to that religious enthufiafm, with which they were actuated. He had
found, that being imottly perfons of low birth and mean education, the fame lofty
pretenfions, which attended them in their familiar addreffes to their Maker, of
whom they believed themfelves the peculiar favorites, induced them to wfe the ut-
moft freedoms with their earthly fovereign. In both capacities, of monarch and
‘of theologian, he had experienced the little complaifance, which they were dif-
pofed to fhow him; whilft they controled his commands, difputed his tenets, and
to his face, before the whole people, cenfured his condu@ and behavior. If he
had fubmitted to the indignity of courting their favor by flattery and diffimulation,
he treafured up the {tronger refentment againit them, and-was determined to make
them feel, in their turn, the weight of his authority. Tho’ he had often met
with refiftance and faGion and obftinacy in the Scotch nobility, he retained no ill
will to that order; or rather thowed them favor and kindnefs in England, be-
yond what reafon and found policy could well juftify: But the afcendant, which
the prefbyterian clergy had affumed over him, was what his monarchica] pride
could never thorowly digett. |
He dreaded likeways the popularity, which attended this order of men in both
Kingdoms. As aufterity and felf-denial are imagined, in moft religions, to render
us acceptable to a benevolent Being, who creatéd us folely for happinefs; James
remarked, that the ruftic feverity of thefe clergymen and of their whole fe had
given them, in the eyes of the multitude, the appearance of fanctity and virtue.
"FOL, Ji B Strongly
Chep. I.
1904,
Conference at J} , :
Thefe were the mi hty queftions
Hampton- . gary 4
court.
HISTORY or "GREAT BRITAIN.
mirth and wine and {ports of all kinds, he appre-
f life, free and difengaged. And, being
to the fect of puritans; he was te
iO
Chap.I. Strongly inclined himfelf to
1604 + onded their cen‘ure for his manner 0
thus averfe, from temper as well as policy,
folved, if poflible, to prevent its farther growth in England.
Bur it was the character of James’s councils, thro’out his whole. reigi,
that, in their end, they were ife and equitable, than prudent and political,
Tho’ juftly fenfible, that no part of civil adminiftration required
dgment than the conduct of religious parties, whole va-
hies, have fo mighty an influence on public af-
this practical knowlege
d even dan-
more W
in the means.
greater care OF anicer ju
rjous geniufes, atections and antipat
e had not perceived, that in the fame proportion as
the fpeculative refinements in it are mean, an
aloufly into frivolous difputes, James gave
they could not otherwife have ac-
fairs; h
of theology is requifite,
gerous in a monerch. By entering 2¢
them an air of importance and dignity, which
he could no longer have recourle
and being himfelt enlifted in the quarrel,
the only proper method of appeafing it. Lhe church of
England had not yet abandoned the rigid doctrines of grace and predeftination +
The puritans had not yet totally feparated themfelves from the ehurch, nor open-
ly renounced epifcopacy. Tho the fpirit of the parties was confiderably diffe-
‘the ring in mariage, the ufe of the furplice, and the bowing at the name of Jefus.
which were folemnly agitated in the conference
fome bifhops and dignified clergymen on the one hand,
ty on the other ; the King and his minifters
quired ;
to contempt and ridicule,
at Hampton-court betwixt
and fome leaders of the puritan par
being preient.
ath of Janu- Tux puritans were here fo unreafonable as to compl
ary. management of the difpute; as if the fearch after truth were in any degree the ob-
ject of fuch con‘erences, and a candid indifference, fo rare even among private in-
quirers, in phitofopbical queftions, could ever be expected among princes and pre-
lates, in a theoligical controverfy.’ The King, it must be confefied, fromthe begin-
ning, fhowed the ftrongeft propentity to the eftablithed church, and frequently in-
eulcated'a maxim, which, tho’ +t has fome foundation, is to be received with great
limitations, NoBisSHOP, No xinG. Thebifhops, in their turn, were very liberal of
their praifes tewards the royal difputant ; and the Archbishop of Canterbury faid,
that undoubiedh bis Majefty [poke by the {pecial affiftance of God’s fpirit. A few alterations
in the liturgy were agreed to, and both parties feparated with mutual diffatisfaction.
Ir had freqaently been the p
eettainaffemblies, which they called prophe/yings 5
the fpirit, they difplayed their pious zeal im prayers and exhortations,
ain of a partial and unfair
ractice of puritanical clergymen to form together
where alternately, as moved by
and raifed
their
y AS Mee Se if, rr
their own enthufiafm, as well as that of their audience, to the higheft pitch, from
that focial contagion, which has fo mighty an influence on holy fervors, and from
the mutual emulation, which arofe in thofe trials of religious elogrence. Such dans
gerous focieties had been fupprefled by Elizabeth 5 and the minifters in this conference
moved the King for their revival. But Iai fharply replied Jf you aim at a
Scottith prefbytery, it agrees as well with monarchy as Gud and the devil. There Yack
and Tom and Will and Dick fhall meet and cenfure me and my counél. Therefore I re-
iterate my former /peech, Le Roi s’avifera. Stay, I pray, for one feven years before
you demand; and then, if ycu find me grow pu fie and fat, I may perchance kearken un-
to you. For that zovernment will keep me in breath, and vive me work enough. Stich
were the political confiderations, which determined the King in his choice among
religious parties.
Tue next affembly, in which James difplayed his learning and cloquerice, was
one, that fhowed fome more fpirit of Eberty than appeared among his bifhops and
theologians. The parliament was now to affemble; being fo long delayed on ac-
count of the plague, which raged in London, and to fuch a degree, that 30,000
perfons are computed to have died of it in a year; tho’ the City contained at that
time only about 1 §0,000 inhabitants.
THE fpeech, which the King made on opening the parliament, dif pl ys fully his
character, and proves him to have poffefled more knowlege and greater parts than
prudence or any juft fenfe of decorum and propriety. Tho’ few writing 5 of that age
santa this fpeech either in ftyle or matter; it wants that majeflic brevicy and re-
ferve, which becomes a king in his addreffes to the great councilof the nation. It
contains, however, a very remarkable f{troke of candor, where he confeffes his too
great facility in yielding to the follicitations of fuitors: A fault, which he promifes
to correct, but which adhered tohim, and diftreffed him, during the whole courfe
of his reign. |
TuE firft bufinefs, in which the commons were engaged, was of the utmoit im-
portance to the prefcrvation of their privileges; and neither temper nor refolution
were wanting in their conduct of it.
In former periods of the Englifh government, the houfe of commons were of fo
{mall woght in. the balance of the conftitution, that little attention had been given,
either by the crown, the people, or the houfe itfelf, to the choice and contimuance
of the members. It had been ufual, after parliaments were prolonged beyond one
felon, far the chancellor to exert a difcretionary authority, of iduing new writs to
fupply the place of any members, whom he judged incapable of attending, either on
account of theiremployment, their ficknefs, or other jmpediment... This praétice
gave that minifter, and confequently the prince, an unlimited pewer of garbling at
B 2 pleafure
Chap. f,
1604,
A parJiament.
March 19.
er me ae
a
Chap. f.
5604.
12 HISTORY of GREAT BRITAIN.
pleafure the réprefentatives of the nation; yet fo little jealoufy hadit created, that the,
commons, of themfelves, without any court-influence or intrigue, and contrary to
fome former. votes of their own, confirmed it in the twenty third of Elizabeth *..,
At that time, tho’ fome members, whofe place had been fupplied on account. of
ficknefs, having now received their health, appeared in the houfe, and claimed.
their feat ; fuch was the authority of the chancellor, . tl
him, his fentence was adhered to, and the new members were continued in their
places. Here a moft dangero
or rather the channels; in which power then ran, the.
1at merely out of re {pect to
us prerogative was conferred on the crown:. But.to.
{how the genius of that age,
crown put very little yalue on this authority; infomuch, that two days afterwards,
the chancellor, of himfelf , refigned it back tothe commons, and gave them power.
to judge of a particular vacancy in their houfe. _ And when the quettion, concern-
ing the chancellor’s new writs, was again brought on the carpet towards the end of
feflion, the commons were {9 little terrified at the precedent, that, tho’ they re-
admitted fome old members, whofe feats had been vacated, on account of flight in-
difpofitions, yet they confirmed, the chancellor’s fentence, in inftances where the
diftemper appeared dangerous and incurable’[. Nor did they proceed any farther, in
vindication of their privileges, than to vote, that during the fitting of parliament,
there dotelyeahany Lime, any writ go oul for the choofing ot.deiucning-any WeMver, with-
out the warrant of the houfe. Im ENizabeth’s reign, we may remark, and the reigns
preceding, feffions of parliament ufually continued not above the twelfth part fo long.
as the vacations; and during the latter, the chancellor’s power, if he pleafed to
exert it, was {till left, by the vote, as unlimited and unrettrained as ever.
In a fubfequent, parliament, the abfolute authority of the Queen was exerted
in a manner ftill more open; and began for the firft time to give alarm to the
commons. New writs having been iflued by the chancellor, where there was
no vacancy, and°a controverfy arifing upon that incident; the Queen fent a mef-
fage to the houfe, informing them, that it was impertinent for them to deal in
fuch matters. Thefe queftions, fhe faid, belonged only to the chancellor; and
fhe had appointed him to confer with the judges, in order to fettle all difputes with’
regard to elections. The commons had the courage, a few days after, to vote,
‘¢ That it was a moft perilous precedént, where two knights of a county were
“ duly ele@ted, if any new writ fhould iffue out for a fecond election, without
<< order of the houfe itfelf; that the difcuffing and adjudging of this and fuch
% like differences belonged only to the houfe; and that there fhould be no mef-
*¢ fage fent to the Lord chancellor, not fo much as to inquire what he had done
| in
* Jour. January, 17. 1580. + Journ. March, 18. 1580.
PARAMS Ss. FZ 13
“in the matter, becaufe it was conceived to be a matter derogatery to the power
“ and privilege of the houfe *.”* This is the moft confiderable, and almott only
inftance of parliamentary liberty,. which occurs, during the reign of that arbi-
trary Princefs.
OuTLAws, whether on account’ of debts or crimes, had been declared by the
judges, incapable of a feat in the houfe, where they muft themfelves. be law-
givers: But this opinion of the judges had been frequently. over-ruled.. I find,
however, in the cafe of Vaughan, t who was queftioned for an outlawry, that,.
having proved all his debts to have been contracted for furetifhip,” and to have
been, moft of them, honeftly. compounded, he -was allowed, on- account of: thefe.
favorable circumftances, {till to keep his feats: Which plainly fuppofes, that, o-
therwife, it would have been vacated, on account of the outlawry.
WHEN James fummoned this parliament, he iffued-a proclamation ; |{ where a--
mong many general advices, which, like a kind tutor, he beftowed on his people, .
he ftrictly charges them not to choofe any outlaw for their reprefentative. And»
he adds;: If any perfon take upon him the place of knight, citizen, or burgefs, not being
duly elefted, according to: the laws and. Jtatutes in that behalf provided, and according
to the purport,.effed?, and true meaning of this-our proclamation, then every perfon fo offend=.
ug, to be fined or imprifoned for the fame. & proclamation here was plainly put on
the fame footing with a law, and that in fo facred a point as the right of ele@ions:
Moft alarming circumitances, had there not been room to believe, t!
fure, being entered into fo early in the King’s reign, proceeded more from precipi-
tation and ignorance, than from any ferious defign of invading the privileges of
his parliament.
1at this mea-
S1R.Francis Goodwin was chofen member ‘for the. county of Buckss and his re:
turn, asmifual,.was made into the chancery. The chancellor, proneuncin
an outlaw, vacated his feat, and iffued writs for a new election. Sir John For-
tifcue was chofen in his place by the county: . But the firftea@ of the houfe was
to reverfe the , chancellor’s fentence, and reftore Sir Francis to his feat. At the
‘King’s inftigation, the lords defired a conference on this fubjet;> but were
lutely refufed by the commons, as the queftion regarded
o hin
abfo-
entirely their own privi-
leges. . They agreed, however, to make a remonftrance to the King by the mouth
of their, fpeaker; where they maintained, that,. tho? the returns were by form
made into chancery, yet the fole right. of judging with regard.to ele@ions belong~
ed to the houfe.itfelf, not to the chancellor. James was not fatisfied, and ordered.
a conference betwixt the houfe and the judges, whofe opinion in this cafe was Op-
pofite to that of the commons. This conference, he faid, he commanded as an
abfelute
* Sir Simon D’ewes’s journal, P- 397.
7 39: H. vi. ff Journ, Feb, 8. 1580, |{ Jan. 13. 1604.
=
re) fii’
Ghap. f.
/
1604.
14
abfolute kings * am epithet, we may imagine, not very grateful to Enelifh eats,
but 6ne t6 whith they had already been fomewhat accuftomed from the mouth of
Elizabeth. He added, That all their priviveces were derived from his grant, and
inft him, a fentiment, which, from her conduct,
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
hoped they would not turn them agai
it is probable, that Princefs had alfo entertained, tho’ her prudence and love or po-
.pularity had ever reftrained her from openly exprefling it.
Tu commons were in fome perplexity. Their eyes were now opened, and
they faw the confequences of that power, which had been affumed by the chancel-
lor, and to which their predecefiors had, in fome inftances, blindly fubmitted.
By this courfes faid a member, the free election of the counties is taken away, and none
foal! be chofen but fuch as feall pleafe the king and counc: 1. Let us, therefore, with for-
titude, underftandings and. fincertty, feek to maintain our privilege. T. his cannot be con-
firued any contempt in us, out merely a maintainance of our common rights, which our an-
coftors have left us, and which it is juft and fit for us to tranfmit to our pofterity. An
-other faid, This may be called a quo warranto 70 feize all our liberties. A chancellor,
added a third, dy shis courfe may call a parhament, confifting of what perfons be pleafes.
Any fuggeftion, by any perfon, may be the caufé of fending a new writ. It is come
to this plain queftion, whether the chancery or parliament ought to bave authority.
NorwatusTANDING this watchful {pirit of liberty, whieh-now appeared in
the commons, their deterence tor fnajelty was fo great, that they appointed a
committee to confer with the judges before thé King and council. There the
gueftion of law began to appear, in James’s eyes, a little more doubtful than he
had hitherto imagined it; and in order to bring himfelf off with fome honor, he
propofed, that both Goodwin and Fortefcue fhould be fet afide, a nd aarit be iffued,
by warrant of the houfe, for a new election. The commons embraced this expe-
dient; but in fuch a manfer, that, while they marked their regard for the King,
they
* Sir Charles Cornwallis the King’s ainbaffador at Madrid, when preffed by the Duke of Lerma
to enter into a league wit h Spain, faid to that minifter ; To" bis Majefly was an abfolute ding, and
therefore not bound toa give an account to any, of bis adtions ; yet that fe gracious and regardful a prince he
avas of the lowe and contentment of his own Subjetts, as Laffared myfelf be would not think it fit to do any
thing of fo great confeguence without acguainting them with bis intentions, Winwood, Vol. 2. p. 222.
Sir Walter Raleigh has this paflage in the preface to his hiftory of the world. Philip Il., by frong
hand and main force, attempted to make .bimfelf, not only aw abfolute monarch over the Netherlands, Like
unto the kings and monarchs of England and France, but Turk-like to tread tinder bis feet all their natural and
fundamental laws, privileges and ancient rights, We may infer from thefe paflages, either that the
word ab/olute bore a different fenfe from what it does at prefent, or that men’s ideas of the Englith go-
vernment were then different. This latter inference feems jufter. . The word being derived from the
Latin and French, bore always the fame fenfe as in thefe two languages, An abfolute monarchy in
Charles I.’s anfwer to the nineteen propofitions, is oppofed to a limited: and the King of England
aes, Sonsies Se? alittle : ap 17}
is acknowleged not to be abfolute. So much had matters changed even before the civil war.
JA MES f. 15
they fecured, for the future, the free poffeflion of their feats, and the right, which
they claimed, of judging folely in their own elections and returns.
A power like this, fo effential to the exercife of all their other powers, themfelves
fo effential to public liberty, cannot fairly be deemed an encroachment in the
commons; but muft be regarded as an inherent privilege, happily refcued from
that doubt and ambiguity, which the negligence of fome former parliaments had
thrown upon it.
Ar the fame time, the commons, in the cafe of Sir Thomas Shirley, efta- .
blithed their power of punifhing, as well the perfons at whofe fuit any member
was arrefted, as the officers, who cither arreft or detain him. Their afferting of
this privilege admits of the fame reflection.
AsovuT this period, the minds of men, thro’out all Europe, but efpecially in
England, feem to haye undergone a general, but infenfible revolution. Tho’
letters had been revived in the preceding age, they had been little cultivated be-
yond the limits of the college; nor had they, till now, begun to {pread them-
felyes, in any degree, among men of the world. Arts, both mechanical and li-
beral, were every day receiving great improvements. Navigation had extended .
itfelf over the whole globe. Travelling was fecure and agreeable. And the ge- -
neral fyftem of politics, in Europe, was become more enlarged and comprehenfive.
In confequence of this univerfal fermentation, the ideas of men expanded them-
felves on all fides; and the feveral conftituent parts of the gothic governments,
which feem to have lain a-fleep for fo many ages, began, every where, to operate
and encroach on each other. ‘On the continent, where the neceflity of difcipline
had begot mercenary armies, the prince commonly eftablifhed an unlimited au-
thority, and overpowered, by force or intrigue, the liberties of the people. In
England, the love of freedom, which, unlefs checked, flourifhes extremely in all
liberal natures, acquired new force, as well as more enlarged views, fuitable to ~
that cultivated underftanding, which became, every day, more common, among
men of birth and education. A familiar acquaintance with the precious remains
of antiquity excited in every generous breaft a paffion for a limited conititution, and
engendered an emulation of thofe manly virtues, which the Greek and Roman authors,
by fuch animating examples, as well as pathetic expreflions, recommendtous, The
fevere, tho’ popular government of Elizabeth had confined this rifing fpirit within
very narrow bounds: But when anew and a foreign family fucceeded to the throne,
and a prince lefs dreaded and lefs beloved; fymptoms immediately appeared of a
more free and independent genius in the nation.
HAPPILY, this Prince pofleficd neither fufficient capacity to perceive the altera-
tion, nor fufficient art and vigor to check it in its early.advyances. Jealous of regal,
becaufe
Chap. J,
1604.
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Chap. I.
£604.
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16 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
‘becaufe confcious of little perfonal authority, he had eftablifthed within his owh
mind a fpeculative fyftem of abfolute government, which tew of his fubjects, he
believed, and none but traitors and rebels, would make any fcruple to admit. On
which-ever fide he caft his eyes, every thing concurred to foiter his prejudices.
When he compared himfelf with the other hereditary fovereigns of Europe, he im-
agined, that, as he bore the famerank, he was intit |
confidering the innovations lately introduced by them, and the military force,
with which their authority was fapported. In England, that power, almoft un-
limited, which had been exercifed for above a century, efpecially during the late
reign, he afcribed folely to royal birth and title; not to the prudence and fpirit of
the monarchs, nor to the conjunctures.of the times. Even the oppofition, which
he had ftruggled with in Scotland, encouraged him ftill farther in his favorite no-
tions; while he there faw, that the fame refiftance, which oppofed regal authority,
violated all law and order, and gave way, either to the ravages of a barbarous no-
bility, or to the more intolerable infolence of feditious preachers. In his own per-
fon, therefore, -he thought all legal power to be centered, by an hereditary and a
divine right: And this opinion might have proveddangerous, if not fatal, to liber-
ty; had not the very firmnefs of the perfuafion, and its feeming evidence, induced
him to truft intirely to his right, without making the {malleft provifion either gi
force or politics, inorder to {upports — ge
Sucu were the oppofite difpofitions of parliament and prince, at the commence-
ment of the Scottifh line; difpofitions juft beginning to exift and to appear in the
parliament,- but thorowly eftablifhed and openly avowed on the part of the prince.
Tue fpirit and judgment of the houfe of commons appeared, not only in de-
fence of their own privileges, but alfo in their endeavor, tho’, at this time, in
vain, tofree trade from thofe fhackles, which the high exerted prerogative, and e-
ven, in this refpect, the ill judged tyranny of Elizabeth, had impofed upon it.
James had already, of his own accord, called in the numerous patents for
monopolies, which had been granted by his predeceflor, amd which fettered ex-
tremely every fpecies.of domeftic induitry: But the exclufive companies {till re-
mained; another fpecies of monopoly, by which almoft all foreign trade, except
that to France, was brought into the hands of a few rapacious engroffers, and all
profpect of future improvement in commerce, for ever fold to a little temporary
advantage of the fovereign. Thefe companies, tho’ arbitrarily erected, had car-
ried their privileges fo far, that the whole commerce of England was centered in
London; and it appears, that the cuftoms of that port amounted to 110,000 L.
a-year, while thofe of all the kingdom befide yielded only feventeen thonfand,
ANay, the whole trade of London was confined to about 200 citizens, who were
7 eafily
tled to equal prerogatives; not
PRAM so k ry
eafily enabled, by confpiring among themfelves, to fix whatever price they pteafed
both to the exports and imports of the nation. The committee, appointed to ex-
amine this enormous grievance, the greateft which we read of in En plith f{tory,
mifiit on it asa fact well known and avowed, however contrary to prefent received
opinion, that fhipping and feamen had fenfibly decayed during all the preceeding
reign. And tho’ nothing be more common, than complaints of the decay of com-
Merce, even during the moft flourifhing periods ; yet is this a confequence which
might naturally refult from fuch arbitrary eftablithments, at a time when the trade
of all the other nations of Europe, except that of Scotland, enjoyed the utmoit
liberty and indulgence.
WHILE the commons were thus attempting to give liberty to the trading
part of the nation, they alfo endeavored to free the landed intereft from the bur-
then of wardfhips, and to remove thofe remains of the feudal tenures, under which
the nation itill labored. A juft regard was fhown to the crown in the whole con.
duct of this affair; nor was the remedy, fought for, confidered asa matter of
right, but merely of grace and favor. The profit, which the King reaped both
from wards and from refpite of homage, was eftimated; and it was propofed to
compound for thefe prerogatives by a fecure and independent revenue. But after
fome debates in the houfe, and fome conferences with the lords, .the affair was
found to contain more difficulties than could eafily, at that time, be furmounted ;
and it was not brought to any conclufion.
Tue fame fate attended an attempt of a like nature, to free the ‘nation from
the burthen of purveyance; an old prerogative in the crown, by which the offi-
cers of the houfhold were empowered to take, without confent of the owners,
provilions for the King’s family, and carts and horfes for the removal of his bag-
gage, upon paying a certain ftated price for them. This prerogative had been
much abufed by the purveyors; and the commons fhewed fome intention to offer
the King fifty thoufand pound a-year for the abolition of its
ANOTHER affair of the utmoft confequence was brought before this parliament,
where the commons fhewed a greater fpirit of independence than any true judg-
7
ment of national intereft. The union of the two Kingdoms was very zealoufly,
and eyen impatiently urged by the King. He juttly regarded it as the peculiar
felicity of his reign, that he had terminated the bloody animofities of thefe hoftile
nations, and had reduced the whole ifland under one empire; enjoying tranquillity
“within itfelf, and fecurity from all foreign invafion. He hoped, that, while his
fubjetts of both kingdoms reflected_on patt difafters, befide regarding his perfon
as infinitely precious, they would entertain the {trongeft defire of fecuring them-
{elves apainft the return of like calamities, by a thorew union of laws, parlia-
Vou. I. | C ments
Chap. I,
1604.
: “ cat
eee ae ee af. »
Chap. I.
1604.
oth of Fuly«
18 WISTORY ofr GREAT BRITAIN.
ments and privileges. He confidered hot, that this very reflection ‘operated, as
yet, in a contrary manner, on men’s prejudices, and kept alive that mutual ha-
tred betwixt the nations, which had been carried to the highett extremity, and
required time to allay it. The more urgent the King appeared in promoting {o
ufeful a meafure, the more backward was the Englifh parliament in concurring
with him; while they a{cribed his exceflive zeal to that partiality, in favor of his
antient fubjects, of which, they thought, that, on other occalions, they had
reafon to complain. Their complaifance for the King, theretore, carried them
no farther than to appoint forty four Englifh to meet with thirty one Scotch com-
miffioners, in order to deliberate concerning the terms of an union; but without
any power of making advances towards the eftablifhment of it.
Tus fame fpirit of independence, and perhaps not better judgment, appeared
‘the houfe of commons, when the queftion of fupply was brought before them,
by fome members, who were attached to the court. In vain was it urged, that,
tho’ the King received a fupply, which had been voted to Elizabeth, and which
had not been collected before her death; yet he found it burthened with a debt
contracted by the Queen, equal to the full amount of it: That the peace was
not yet thorowly concluded with Spain, and that Ireland was ftill expenfive to
him: That on his journey from Scotland, amid fuch ani e-cencourfe of
people, and on that of “‘Yoyal family, he had expended confiderable
ams: And that, as the courtiers had looked for greater liberalities from the
Prince on his firft acceflion, and had impofed on his generous nature; fo the
Prince, in his turn, would expect, at the beginning, fome mark of duty and at-
tachment from his people, and fome confideration of his neceflitics. No impref-
Gon was made on the houfe of commons by thefe topics; and the majority appear:
ed fully determined to refufe all fupply. The burthen of the government, at
that time, lay furprifingly light upon the people: And that very reafon, which to
us, at this diftance, may feem a motive for gencrofity, was the real caufe why
the parliament were fo remarkably frugal and referved. They were not, as yet,
accuftomed to open their purfes in fo liberal a manner as their fucceffors, in order
to fupply the wants of their fovereign ; and the fmalieft demand, however requi-
fite, appeared in their eyes unreafonable and exorbitant.
In order to cover.a difappointment, which might bear a bad conftruction both
at home and abroad, James fent a meffage to the houfe. where he told them, that
he defired no fupply ; and he was very forward in refufing what was never offered
him... Soon after, he prorogued the parliament, not without difcovering, in his
fpeech, vifible marks of diffatisfa@tion. _ Even fo early in his reign, he faw reafon to
make public complaints of the reftlefs and encroaching fpirit of the puritamical par-
ty, and of the malevolence, with which they endeavored to infpire the commons. -
Tuis
JAMES” $ is 19
Tuis fummer, the peace with Spain was finally concluded, and was fiened by
the Spanifh minifters at London. In the conferences, pre paratory to this treaty,
the nations were found to have fo few claims on each other, that, except on ac-
count of the fupport given by England to the low country Srivincel:< the war
might appear the effect more of perfonal animofity betwixt Philip and Elizabeth,
than any contrariety of political interefts betwixt their fubjects. Such articles in
the treaty as feem prejudicial to the Dutch commonwealth, were never executed
by the King; and as the Spaniards made no complaints on that head, it appeared,
that, by mutual agreement, thefe articles were underitood in a different fenfe from
what they feem naturally to bear, The Conttable of Cattile came into England to
ratify the peace; and on the part of England, the Earl of Hartford was Fert into
the low countries for the fame purpofe, and the Earl of Spsisabat Lord high
admiral, into Spain. The train of the latter was very numerous and fplendid;
and the Spaniards, it is faid, were extremely furprifed, when they beheld the
blooming countenances and graceful appearance of the Englifh, whom their -bi-
gotry, inflamed by the priefts, had reprefented as fo many monfters and infernal
demons.
Tuo’ England, by means of her naval force, was perfectly fecure, during the
latter years of the Spanifh war; James fhewed an extreme impatience to put an
end to hoftilities; and foon after his acceflion, before any terms of peace were
concerted, or even propofed by Spain, he recalled all the letters of marque * which
had been granted by Queen Elizabeth. The Archduke Albert had made fome
advances of a like nature, which invited the King to take this friendly ftep. But
Chap. f,
1604.
Peace with
_—
18th Auguft.
what is remarkable; in James’s proclamation for that purpofe, he plainly fuppofes, -
that, as he had himfelF, while king of Scotland, always lived in amity with Spain,
peace was attached to his perfon, and that merely by his acceflion to the crown
of England, without any articles of treaty or agreement, he had ended the war
betwixt the kingdoms. This ignorance of the law of fiations may appear furpri-
fing in a Prince, who was thirty fix years of age, and who had reigned from
his infancy; did we not confider, that a king of Scotland, who lives in. clofe
friendfhip with England, has few tranfactions to manage with foreign princes, and
has little opportunity of acquiring experience. Unhappily for James, his timidity,
his prejudices, his indolence, his love of amufement, particularly of hunting, to
which he was extremely addiGed, ever prevented him from making any progres
in the knowlege or practice of foreign politics, and in a little time diminifhed
that regard, which all the neighbouring nations had pai to England, during the
reign of his predeceflor.
eS CH -#&A P.
* 23d of June, 1603.
dee oe
“aie
|
Chap. IH.
1604.
Gun- powder
Qf
;
confpiracy.
20 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
OH A Pit i:
Gun-powder confpiracy. Charaéter of the catholes. A pariiament—
« o ; }
Truce betwixt Spain and the united provinces. A parlament.——
Death of the French Kang. Ariminianifm State of Ireland.
E, come now to relate an event among the moft memorable, which hiftory
has conveyed to pofterity, and containing at once a fingular proof both
of the ftrength and weaknefs of the human mind; its wideft departure from mo-
rals, and its moft fteady attachment to religious prejudices. ’Tis the Gun-powder-
treafon of which I fpeak; a fat as certain as it appears incredible.
Tux Roman catholics had expected great favor and indulgence on the acceflion
of James, both as he was defcended from Mary, who had facrificed her lite to
eS,
their caufe, and as he had himfelf, in his early youth, fhewed fome partiality to-
wards them; which nothing, they believed, but intereft and neceflity had fince
reftrained. ’Tis pretended, that he had even entered into pofitive engagements
to tolerate. their religion, as foon as he throne of England;
whether their credulity had interpreted in this fenfe fome obliging expreffions of
the King, or that he had employed fuch an artifice, in order to render them
favorable to his title. Very foon, they difcovered their miftake; and were
at once furprifed and enraged to find James, on all occafions, expre{s his intention
of executing ftrictly the laws enacted againft them, and of perfevering in all the
rigorous meafures of Elizabeth. Catefby, a gentleman of good parts and of
an ahtient family,* firft thought of a moft extraordinary method of revenge;
and he opened his intention to Piercy, a defcendant of the illuftrious houfe
of Northumberland. In one of their converfations with regard to the diftreft con-
dition of the catholics, Piercy having broke into a fally of paflion, and menti-
oned the affaflinating the King; Catefby took the opportunity of revealing to
him a nobler and more extenfive plan of treafon, which not only included a
~ Py
fare execution of vengeance, but afforded fome hopes of reftoring the catho-
lic religion in England. In vain, faid he, would you put an end to the King’s
life: He has children, who would fucceed both to his crown and to his ma-
xims of government. In vain would you extinguifh the whole royal family:
The nobility, the gentry, the parliament are all infected with the fame here-
fy, and could raife to the throne another prince and: another family, who,
befide their hatred to our religion, would be animated with reyenge for the
tragical
BS
yo Al BEE OS Yo I. 21
tragical death of their predeceffors: To ferve any good purpofe, we mutt de-
ftroy, at one blow, the King, the royal family, the, lords, the commons;
and bury all our enemies in one common ruin... Happily, they are all affembled
on the firft day, of every feflion; and afford us the opportunity of glorious and
ufeful vengeance. Great preparations will not be requifite. A few of us, com-
bining, may run a mine below the hall, in which they meet, and choofing the
very moment when the King harangues both houfes, confign over to deftructi-
on thefe determined foes, to all piety and religion. Mean while, we ourfelves
{tanding aloof, fafe and unfufpected, fhall triumph in being the inftruments of
divine wrath, and fhall behold with pleafure thofe facrilegious walls, in which
were paft the edicts for profcribing our church and butchering her children,
toft into a thoufand fragments; while their impious inhabitants, meditating
perhaps {till new perfecutions againft us, pafs from flames above to flames be-
low, there for ever to endure the torments due to their offences.
Piercy was charmed, with this projet of Catefby; and they agreed to
communicate the matter to a few more, and among the reft to Thomas Winter
whom they fent over to Flanders, in. queft of Fawkes, an officer in the Spa-
nifh fervice, with whofe zeal and courage ‘they were all thorowly acquainted.
When ever they inlifted a new confpirator, in order to bind him to fecrecy,
along with an oath, they always employed the facrament, the moft facred rite
of their religion. And ’tis remarkable, that no one of thefe pious devotees e-
ver entertained the leaft compunction with regard to the cruel maflacre, which
they projected, of whatever was great and eminent in the nation. Some of
them only were ftartled by the reflection, that of neceflity many catholics muft
be prefent; as fpectators, as attendants on the King, as having feats in the
houfe of peers: But Tefmond,.a jefuit, and Garnet, fuperior of that order in
England, removed thefe weak. fcruples, and fhowed them how the interefts of
religion required, that the innocent fhould here be facrificed along with the
suilty. |
AL. this paffed in the fpring and fummer of the year 1604; when the con-
fpirators alfo hired a houfe.in Piercy’s name, adjoining to that in which the
parliament was to aflemble. Towards the end of that year they began their
operations.. That they might be lefs interrupted, and give lefs fufpicion to
the neighbourhood, they carried in {tore of provifions along with them, and
never defifted from their labour. Obftinate to their purpofe, and confirmed by
paflion, by principle, and- by mutual exhortation, they little valued life in
comparifon of a difappointment; and having provided arms, along with the in-
{truments of their work, they refolved there to perifh in cafe of a difcovery.
Objects
i
a
¢
; ;
_
Chap. IT.
1605,
Piercy fhould feize
22 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
es
rror, barbarous and pious, traiterous and faith-
Objects of pity as well as of ho
heaven while enemies to mankind,
ful, they fancied themfelves favorites of
and drowned all fenfe of crime in their pretenfions to fuperior excellence and
merit. Their perfeverance advanced the work ; and they foon pierced the wall,
tho’ three yards im thicknefs; but on approaching the other fide, they were
fomewhat ftartled with hearing 2 noife, which they knew not how to account
for. Upon inquiry, they found, that it came from the vault below the houfe
of lords; that a magazine of coals had been kept there; and that, as the
coals were felling off, the vault would be let to the higheft bidder. The op-
portunity was immedia
tely feized; the place hired by Piercy; thirty fix bar-
rels of powder lodged in
it; the whole covered up with faggots and bil-
lets; the doors of the cellar boldly flung open; and every body admitted, as
4f it contained nothing dangerous.
ConFIDENT of fuccefs, they now began to look forward, and to plan
the remaining part of their project. The King, the Queen, the Prince of
Wales were all expected to be prefent at the opening of the parliament. The
Duke, by reafon of his tender age, vould be abfent; and it was refolved, that
him, or affaffinate him. The Princefs Elizabeth, a child like-
I : ire; and Sir Everard
= yy al Wt
e FTO rrino Loa.
.
ways, was kept-<
”
Digby, Rookwood, Grant, being ‘Tet into the con{piracy, engaged to affem-
ble their friends, under pretext of a hunting-match, and feizing that Princefs
immediately to proclaim her Queen. So tranfported were they with rage a-
gainft their adverfaries, and charmed with the profpectt of revenge, that they
forgot all care of their own fafety ; and trufting to the general confufion, which
mutt refult from fo unexpected a blow, they forefaw not, that the fury of the
people, now unreftrained by any authority, muft have turned againft them, and
would probably have fatiated itfelf, by an univerfal maffacre of the catholics.
Tue day, fo long wifhed for, now approached, on which the parliament
was appointed to affemble. The dreadful fecret, tho’ communicated to above
twenty perfons, had been religioufly kept, during the fpace of near a year and
a half. No remorfe, no pity, no fear of punifhment, no hope of reward, had,
as yet, induced any one confpirator, either to abandon the enterprize, or make a
difcovery of it. The holy fury had extinguifhed in their breaft every other
motive ; and it was an indifcretion at laft, proceeding chiefly from thefe very
bigotted prejudices and partialities, which faved the nation.
Ten days before the meeting of the parliament, Lord Monteagle, a catholic,
fon to Lord Morley, received the following letter, which had been delivered to his
fervant
JAMES bk
RS
3
fervant by an unknown hand. My Lord, Out of the love I bear to fome of your
friends, Ihave a care of your prefervation. Therefore I would advife you, as you ten-
der your life, to devife fome excufe. to foift off your attendance at this parliament. For
God and man have concurred to punifb the wickednefs of this time. And think not flight-
ly of this advertifement ; but retire yourfelf into your country, where you may expe the
event in fafely. Lor, tho’ there be no appearance of any ftir, yet, I fay, they will receive a
terrible blow, this parliament, and yet they foall not fee who hurts them. This council
7s not to be contemmed, becaufe it may do you good, and can do you no harm: For the
danger is paft, as foon as you have burned the letter. And I hope God will give you the
grace to make good ufe of it, to whofe holy proteétion I commend JOU.
MonT&AGLE knew not what to make of this letter; and tho’ inclined to
think it a foolifh attempt to frighten and ridicule him, he judged it fafeft to carry it
to Lord Salifbury, fecretary of {tate. Tho’ Salifbury too was inclined to give little
attention to it, he thought proper to communicate it to the King, who came to
town a few days after. To the King, it appeared not fo ight a matter; and from
the ferious carneft ftyle of the letter, he conjeCtured, that it implied fomething
very dangerous and important. A terrible blow and yet the authors concealed, a
danger fo /udden and yet fo great, thefe circumftances feemed all to denote fome con
trivance by pun-powder; and it was thought advifable to infpec all the vaults be-
low the houfes of parliament... This care belonged to the Earl of Suffolk, Lord
chamberlain; who purpofely delayed the fearch, till the day before the meeting of
the parliament. He remarked thofe great piles of wood and faggots, which lay in
the vault under the upper houfe; and he caft his eye upon Fawkes, who ftood in a
dark corner, and paffed himfelf for Piercy’s fervant. That daring and determined
courage, which fo much diftinguifhed this confpirator, even among thofe heroes in
villany, was fully painted in his countenance, and was uot paffed unnoticed by the Lord
chamberlain. Such a quantity of fuel too, for the ufe of one who lived fo little in
town as Piercy, appeared a little extraordinary ; and upon comparing all circum-
{tances, it was refolved, that a more thorow infpection fhould be made. About
midnight, Sir Thomas Knevet, a juftice of peace, was fent with proper attendants ;
and before the door of the vault, finding Fawkes, who had juit finifhed all his pre-
parations, he immediately feized him, and turning over the faggots, difcovered the
powder. The matches and every thing proper for fetting fire to the train were ta-
Ken in Fawkes’s pocket, who finding his guilt now apparent, and fecing no refuge
but in boldnefs and defpair, exprefled the utmoft regret, that he had loft the oppor-
tunity of firing the powder at once, and of fweetening his own death by that of his
enemies. Before the council, he difplayed the fame intrepid firmnefs, mixt even
with fcorn and difdain ; refufing to difcover his accomplices, and fhowing no con-
cern
HISTORY oF GREAT! BRITAIN.
lure of the enterprize. This obitinacy lafted for two or three
left to reflect on his guilt and danger,
the rack being juit fhown to him; his courage, fatigued with fo long an effort, and
| cern but for the fai
|
| :
| | . bal
unfupported by hope or fociety, at laft fuccumbed; and he made a full difcovery of
|
;
|
a¢% d
adi
Chap. IT.
|
a
i | cs
|
1605. days: But being confined to the tower,
all the confpirators.
Piercy; and the other criminals, w
he letter fent to Monteagle, tho’
ere refolved to perfift to the utmoft, and never
But at laft, hearing that Fawkes was arrefted,
e; where Sir Everard Digby, making. account
attended his cenfederates, was already in arms, in order to feize the
She had efcaped into Coventry ; and they were obliged :to put
iq he country, who were raifed from all quaz-~
i | ters, and armed, by the fherrifis. ‘The confpirators, with all their attendants, ne-
i ver exceeded the number of eighty perfons ; and being furrounded on every fide,
i could no longer entertain hopes, either of efcaping-or prevailing. Having there-
fore confeffed themfelves, and received abfolution, they boldly prepared for death, aid
x as poflible to the affailants. But even this mifer-
ho were in London; tho’ they had
CATESBY,
they had heard of the
i heard of the alarm taken at‘
: i) Lord: chamberlain’s fearch 5 yet w
: i abaridoned their hopes of fuccefs.
ie they hurried away to Warwick thir
i that fuccefs had
Princefs Elizabeth.
themfelves on their defence againit t
My
it vefolved-to fell their lives as dea
f | able conflation was denied them. Some of their powde s;and difabled
sumed mapon them. Piercy and Catelby were
Digby, Rookwood, Winter, and others, being taken pri-
guilt, and died, as well as‘Garnet, by the hands of
| them for defence.
iii killed with one fhot.
foners, were tried, confeffed their
1 the executioner.
Pi NeiTHER had the defperate fortune of the confpirators urged them to this €n-
rerprize, nor had the former profligacy of their lives prepared them for fo great a
crime. Before that audacious attempt, their conduc feems, in general, to be liable
Catelby’s chara@ter had entitled him to fuch regard, that Rook-
ere feduced ‘by their implicite truft in his judgment ; and they
alone of friendfhiip to him, they were ready, on all
to no reproach.
wood and Digby w
declared, that, from the motive
I occafion, to have facrificed their lives. Digby himfelf was as highly efteemed and
beloved
iH % Come hiftorians have imagined, that the King had fecret intelligence of the confpiracy, and that
the letter to Monteagle was wrote by his direction, in order to obtain the fame of penetration in dif-
But the known faéts refute this fuppofition, That Jetter, being commonly talked
covering the plot.
ie confpirators, and made them contrive their efcape.
of, might naturally have given an alarm to ti
The vifit of the Lord chamberlain ought to have had the fame effet. In fhort, it appears, that no
‘body was arrefted or enquired after, for fome days, till Fawkes difcovered their sides “We me
infer, however, fram a Ictter in Winwood’s Memorials, vol, 2. that Salifbury’s fagacity led the ada
in his conje€tures, and that the minifter, like an artful courtier, gave his matter the pa of Be Cake
difcovery. “si
Be. ee ay ee ae oe
——
J A.M'E 48 I. 25
beloved as any man in England; and he had been particularly honored with the Chap. I
good opinion of Queen Elizabeth. ’Twas bigotted zeal alone, the moft abfurd of gs
prejudices mafqued with reafon, the moft criminal of paflions covered with the
appearance of duty, which feduced them into meafures, that were fatal to them-
felves, and had fo nearly proved fatal to their country.
Tue Lords Mordaunt and Sturton, two catholics, were fined, the former 10,000
pound, the latter 4000, by the ftar-chamber 5 becaufe their abfence from parliament
had begot a fufpicion of their being made acquainted with the confpiracy. | The Earl
of Northumberland was fined 30, ooo pound, and detained feveral years prifoner
in the tower; becaufe, among other grounds of fufpicion, he had admitted Piercy
into the number of gentlemen penfioners, without his taking the requifite oaths.
Thefe fentences may be efteemed fomewhat arbitrary: But fuch was the nature of
all proceedings in the {tar-chamber.
Tue King, in his fpeech tothe parliament, obferved, that, tho’ religion had en-
gaged the confpirators into fo criminal an attempt, yet ought we not to involve all
the Roman catholics in the fame guilt, or fuppofe them equally difpofed to commit
fuch enormous barbarities. Many holy men, he faid, and our anceftors among the -
reft, had been feduced to concur with that church in her fcholaftic doctrines ; who
yet had never admitted her feditious principles, concerning the Pope’s power of de:
throning kings, or fanctifying affaflination. The wrath of heaven is denounced a-
gainft crimes, but innocent error may obtain its favor; and nothing can be more
hateful than the uncharitablenefs of puritans, who condemn alike to eternal tor-
ments, even the motft inoffenfive profelytes to popery. | For his part, he added, that
confpiracy, however atrocious, fhould never alter, in the leaft, his plan of govern-
ment: While with one hand he punifhed guilt; with the other, he would {till fup.
port and protect innocence. After this fpeech, he prorogued the parliament, till
the 22d of January.
Yur moderation, and, I may fay, magnanimity, of the King, immediately after fo
narrow an efcape from a moft deteftable confpiracy, was no way agreeable to his fub-
jects. Their rage againit popery, even before this provocation, had rifen to a great
pitch; and it had perhaps been more prudent in James, by a little diflimulation, to
have conformed himfelf to it. Here it may not be improper, in a few words, to
give fome account of the Roman catholic fuperftition, its genius and fpirit. — Hit
ftory addreffes itfelf to a more diftant pofterity than will ever be reached by any lo-
eal or temporary theology; and the characters of feds may be ftudied, when their
controverfies fhall be totally forgotten.
BeF ORE the reformation, all men of fenfe and virtue withed impatiently forfome CharaGer of
F hy i : atholics,
event, which might reprefs the exorbitant power of the clergy all over Europe, and ‘¢ hous:
»
7
a)
:
'
(
Me i 2 =
“a
ff
3 q
AE
pe i
: Zi
: ae
I }
1} :
4 bah
t Wh
:
:
|
: “
: :
)
:
bait
']
: :
mt
(
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;
TU ete
26 HISTORY of GREAT BRITAIN.
put an end to the unbounded ufurpations and pretenfions of the Roman pontiff: But
when the doétrine of Luther was promulgated, they were fomewhat alarmed at the
fharpnefs of the remedy ; and it was eafily forefeen, from the offenfive zeal of the re-
formers, and defenfive of the church, that all chriftendom muft be thrown into
combuiftion. In the preceeding ftate of ignorance and tranquillity, into which man:
kind were lulled, the attachment to fuperftition, tho’ without referve, was not €x-
treme; and, like the antient pagan idolatry, the popular religion confifted more of
exterior practices and obfervances, than of any principles, which either took poffef-
Gon of the heart, or influenced the conduct. It might have been hoped,,that learn-
ing and knowlege, as of old in Greece, {tealing in gradually, would have opened
the eyes of men, and correéted fuch of the ecclefiaftical abufes as were the grofleft
and moft burthenfome. It had been obferved, that, upon the revival of letters,
very generous and enlarged fentiments of religion prevailed thro’out all Italy ; and
that, duxing the reign of Leo, the court.of Rome itfelf, in imitation of their illuftri-
ous prince, had not been wanting ina juit fenfe of freedom. | But when the enra-
ged and fanatical reformers took arms againit the papal hierarchy, and threatened to
rend from the church at once all her riches and authority; no wonder fhe was ani-
mated with equal zeal and ardor, in detence of fuch antient and invaluable poffefli-
ons.. Atthe fame time, that fhe employed the ftake and.gibbet-ag ainit her avow-
ed enemies, fhe extertded-herjealoufy-even towards
te rjc vy ev earning and philofophy, whom,
in her fupine fecurity, fhe had formerly overlooked, as harmlefs and inoffenfive:
Hence, the fevere check, which knowlege received in Italy : Hence, its total ex-
tinction in Spain: And hence, the flow progrefs, which it made, infrance, Ger-
many, and England. © Fromthe admiration of antient literature, from the inquiry
after new difceveries, the minds of the ftudious were every where turned to polemi-
cal fcience ; and, in all fchools and academies, the furious controverfies of theology
took place of the calm difquifitions of learning.
Megan while, the rage of difpute and the violence of oppofition rivetted men more
ftrongly in all their various delufions, and infected every intercourfe of focicty with
their malignant influence. ‘The Roman pontiff, not armed with temporal force,
fafficient for his defence, was obliged to point a-new all his fpiritual artillery, and to
propagate the do¢trine of rebellion and even of: affaflination, in order to fubdue or
terrify his enemies. Priefts, jealous and provoked, timorous and uncontroled,
directed. all the councils of that fect, and gave rife to fuch events as feem aftonifh-
ing amid the mildnefs and humanity of modern manners. The maflacre of
Paris, that of Ireland, the murder of the two Henrys of France, the gun-powder
‘confpiracy in England, are memorable, tho’ temporary inftances of the bigotry of
that fuperftition. And the dreadful tribunal of the inquifition, that utmoft inflance
of
JI Ak MEBs: co I. ) Be
ef human depravity, is a durable monument to inftruct us what a pitch iniquity Chap. 1.
and cruelty may rife to, when covered with the facred mantle of religion. G05:
Two’ the profpect of fharing the plunder of the church had engaged fome princes
to embrace the reformation, it may be affirmed, that the Romifh fyftem remained
{till the favorite religion of fovereigns.° The blind fubmiflion, which is inculcated
by all fuperftition, particularly by that of the catholics; the abfolute refignation
of all private judgment, reafon, and inquiry; thefe are difpofitions very advanta-
geous to civil as well as ecclefiaftical authority; and the liberty of the fubject is
more likely to fuffer from fuch principles than the prerogatives of the chief magif-
trate. The fplendor too and pomp of worfhip, which that religion carefully fup-
ports, are agreeable to the tafte of magnificence, that prevails in courts, and
form -a {pecies of devotion, which, while it flatters the pampered fenfes, gives little
perplexity to the indolent underftandings, of the great. ‘That delicious country,
where the Roman pontiff refides, was the fource of all modern art and refinement,
and diffufed on its fuperftition an air of politenefs, which diftinguifhes it from the
grofs rufticity of the other fects. And tho’ policy made it affume, in fome of its
monaf{tic orders, that auftere mien, which is acceptable to the vulgar; all authority
ftill refided in its prelates and fpiritual princes, whofe temper, more cultivated and
humanized, inclined them to every decent pleafure and indulgence. © Like all other
fpecies of fuperitition, it roufes the vain fears of unhappy mortals; but it knows
alfo the fecret of allaying thefe fears, and by exterior rites, ceremonies, and abafe-
ments, tho’ fometimes at the expence of morals, it reconciles the penitent to his
offended deity.
E.MPLoy1NnG all thefe various arts, along with areftlefs enterprizé, the catholic
religion has acquired the favor of many monarchs, who had received their edu-
cation from its rival fect; and Sweden, as well as England, has felt the effect of its
dangerous infinuations. James’s theological learning, confirmed by difputation;
had happily fixed his judgment in a different fyftem; yet was his heart a little
byaffed by the allurements of Rome, and he had been extremely pléafed, if the ma-
King fome advances could have effected an union with that antient mother-church.
He {trove to abate the acrimony of his own fubje&ts againft the religion of their
fathers: He became himfelf the object of their diffidence and averfion. What-
ever meafures he embraced; in Scotland to introduce prelacy, in England to inforce
the authority of the prefent church, and fupport its rites and ceremonies; were in-
terpreted as fo many {teps towards popery, and were reprefented by the fanatical
puritans as fymptoms of idolatry and fuperftition. Ignorant of the confequences,
or unwilling to faerifice to politics his inclination, which he called his confcience;
he perfevered in the fame meafures, and gave truft and preferment, almoft indiffe-
D2 rently,
Chap. II.
1605.
A parliament:
granted. him, an aid of ¢
goth of May.
1606.
November 18.
28 HISTORY ior "GREAT BRITAIN.
rently, to his catholic and proteftant fubjects. And finding his perfon, as well as
his title, lefs obnoxious to the church of Rome, than thofe of Elizabeth, he gradual-
ly abated the rigor of thofe laws, which had been enacted againtt that church, and
which.were fo acceptable to his bigotted fubjects. But the effects of thete difpoft.
tions on. botly fides became not very fenfible, till towards the conclufion of his
reign. .
Ar this time, James feems to have poffefied, in fome degree, the affections even
of his Englith fubjects,’ and ina pretty high degree, their efteem and regard. His
therto their complaints were chiefly levelled againft his too great conftancy in his
early friendfhips ; a.quality, which, had it beén attended with more oeconomy, the
wife would have excufed, and the candid would even, perhaps, have applauded.
His parts, which were not defpicable, and his learning, which was great, being
highly extolled by: his courtiers and gownmen, and not yet tried in the manage-
ment of any delicate affairs, for which he was unfit, bred avery high idea of him
in the world; nor was it always thro’ flattery or infincerity, that he received the
title of the fecond Solomon. A report, which was fuddenly {pred about this time,
of his being aflaflinated, vifibly {truck a great confternation into all orders of men.
The commons too abated, this feflion, fomewhat of their exceflive frugality ; and
hree fubfidies and fix fifteenths, which,-Sie#rancis Bacon faid
in the houfe, might amountto-about four hundred thoufand pound. And for once
the King and parliament parted in friendfhip and good humor. The hatred,
which the catholics feemed to bear him, gave him, at this tume, an additional value
in the eyes of his people,
Tuts aid was payable in four years; and the King’s profufion, joined to the
neceffary charges of the government, had already very much anticipated it,
and: difpofed. him to diffipate, ina very little time, among his friends and conr-
tiers, all the remainder. To engage him farther into expence, his brother-in-
law, the King of Denmark, payed him a vifit this fummer; and the whole
court was employed in feafting and revelry, in mafques and interludes. Great
erudition and profound morality, with little tafte or pleafantry, prevail in all
thefe ‘entertainments: Myftery, allegory, and allufion reign thro’out. Italy
was then the model for wit and ingenuity among the European nations. France
herfelf; who afterwards fet fo much better patterns of elegance and’ pleafure,
was at that time contented to copy fervilely the labored and romantic inven:
tions.of her fouthern neighbor.
Tux chief affair, which was tranfacted next feffion, was the projected union
of the two kingdoms. Nothing could exceed the King’s paflion and zeal for
this noble enterprize, but the parliament’s prejudice and reluctance againft it.
There
JA M'E S I. a9
There remain two excellent fpeeches in favor of the union, that of the King,
and that of Sir Francis Bacon. Thofe, who affect in every thing fuch an ex-
treme contempt for James, will be furprifed to find, that his difcourfe, both
for good reafoning and eloquent compofition, approaches very near that of a
man, who was undoubtedly, at that time, one of the greateft geniufes of Eu-
rope. A few trivial indifcretions and indecorums may be faid to characterize
the harangue of the monarch, and mark it for his own. And in general, fo
open ‘and avowed a declaration in favor of a meafure, where he had taken no
care, by any precaution or intrigue, to enfure fuccefs, may fafely be pronoun-
ced a very great indifcretion.. But the art of managing parliaments, by pri--
vate intereft or cabal, being found hitherto of little ufe or neceflity, was not,
as yet, become a part. of Englifh politics. In the common courfe of affairs,
government could be conducted without their aflitance; and when their con-
eurrence became requifite to the meafures of the crown, it was, gencrally fpeak--
mg, except in times of great faction and difcontent, obtained without much;
difficulty. .
Tue King’s influence feems to have rendered the Scotch parliament very cor-
dial im all the fteps, which they took towards the union. Tho’ the advanta-
ges, which Scotland might hope from that meafure, were more confiderable; yet
were the objections too, with regard to that kingdom, more ftriking and ob-
vious. The benefit, which mutt have refulted to England, both by acceflion of
ftreneth and fecurity, was not defpicable; and as the Englifh were, by far,
the preater nation, and poffeffed the feat of government, the objections, either
from honor or jealoufy, could not reafonably have any place among them:
The parliament indeed feem to have been fwayed merely by the vulgar: motive
of national antipathy. And they perfifted fo obftinately in their prejudices, that
all the efforts for a thorow union and incorporation, ended only in the abo-
ition of the hoftile laws, formerly enacted betwixt the kingdoms.
Some precipitant fteps, which the King, a little after his firit acceflion, had -
taken, in order to promote his favorite project, had been here obferved to do
more injury than fervice. From his own authority, he had aflumed the title
of King of Great Britain; and had quartered the arms of Scotland, along
with thofe of England, in all coins, flags, and enfigns. And he had engaged
the judges to make a declaration, that all thofe, who, after the union of the
erowns, fhould be born in cither kingdom, were, for that reafen alone, na-
turalized in both. This was a nice queftion, and, according to the ideas of
thofe times, fufceptible of fubtile reafoning on beth fides. The King was the
fame; The parliaments were different. To render the people therefore the
fame
Chap. If
1606,
Chap. IT.
Y606.
| 1607.
ih - B 6. of June,
g. of June.
ZO HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
authority refides chiefly in the
fame, we muft fuppofe, that the fovereign | .
ather ordained to afliit with mo-
prince, and that thefe popular affemblics are r
ney and advice, than indued with any controling or active powers i the go-
vernment. It is evident, fays Bacon in his pleadings on this fubject, that all
ether commonwealths, monarchies only excepted, do fubfift by a law precedent. For
where authority is divided among ft many oyuers, and they not perpetual, but annual or
temporary, and not to receive their authority but by eleétion, and certain perfons to bave
woices only in that election, and the like + thefe are bufy and curious frames, which of
necefity do prefuppofe a law precedent, written or unwritten, to guide and direé? them:
But in monarchies, efpecially hereditary, that is, when feveral families or lineages of
people do fubmit themfelves to one line, imperial or royal, the fubmiffionis more natu-
ral and fimple ,. which afterwards, by law fubfequent, is perfected and made more for-
mal, but that is grounded upon nature. It would feem from this reafoning, that
the idea of an hereditary, limited monarchy, tho implicitcly fuppofed in many
public tranfactions, had never, as yet, been exprefsly formed, by any Englifh
lawyer or politician.
Except the obftinacy of the parliament with regard to the union, and an
attempt on the King’s ecclefiaftical jurifdiction, moft of their other meafures,
during this feflion, were fufficiently refpectful and. obliga they ftill dif-
cover a Vigilant fpirit>~2 -carefot attention towards public good and nation-
al liberty. The votes too of the commons fhow, that that houfe contained a
mixture of puritans, who had acquired great authority among them, and who,
along with religious prejudices, were continually fuggefting ideas, more f{uitable
to a popular than a monarchical form of government. The natural appetite for
rule, made the commons lend a willing ear to every doctrine, which tended to
augment their power and influence.
A petition was moved in the houfe for a more rigorous execution of the laws
againft popifh recufants, and an abatement towards proteftant nonconformitts.
Both thefe points were equally unacceptable to the King; and he fent orders to the
houfe to proceed no farther in that matter. The houfe were inclined, at firft,
to confider thefe orders as a breach of privilege: But they foon acquiefced,
when told, that this meafure of the King was fupported by many precedents,
particularly during the reign of Elizabeth. Had the houfe been always difpo-
fed to make the precedents of that reign the rule of their conduct, they need-
ed never have had any difference with any of their monarchs.
THE complaints of Spanifl: depredations were ‘very loud among the Englith
merchants. The lower houfe fent a meflage to the lords, defiring a conference
with
y ASME’ § p. QI
with them, in order to their prefenting a joint petition to the King on that
fubject. The lords took fome time to deliberate on this meflage; becaufe,
they faid, the matter was weighty and rare. It probably occurred to them, at
firft, that the parliament’s interpofing in affairs of {tate would appear unufual and
extraordinary. And to fhow, that in this fentiment they were not guided by
faction or court-influence; after they had deliberated, they agreed to the confe.
rence. When all bufinefs was finifhed, the King proroguted the parliament.
ApouT this time, there was an infurrection of the country people in. Nor-
thamptonihire, headed by one Reynolds, a man of low condition. They went
about deftroying inclofures; but carefully avoided the committing any other out-
rage. This infurrection was eafily fuppreffed, and, tho’ great lenity was ufed, yet
were fome of the ringleaders punifhed. The chief caufe of that trivial commotion
feems to have been, in itfelf, far from trivial.. ’Twas, at that time and fome
time before, the common practice in England to difufe tillage, and throw the land
into inclofures for the fake of pafture. By this means,. the kingdom was depopu-
lated, or at leaft, prevented from increafing fo much in people, as might-haye been
expected from the daily increafe of induftry and commerce. In this refpect, the
common rule, that riches beget populoufnefs, admits of fome allowance or abate-
ment.. In proportion as the common people in England became more opulent,
they increafed the luxury of their dict, and were not contented, like their fathers,
to make bread their chief nourifhment. The fields, thrown into pafture, came to
— require lefs cultivation, and employed fewer hands. Peafants ‘too, by their in-
creafe in riches, were enabled to undertake more extenfive projects of hufbandry,
which rendered the farm-houfes much thinner thro’out the country. Thefe large
farms it was found eafier to manage in pafture than in tillage, which tended ftill
further to depopulate the nation. ”Tis probable, however, that, at this time, the:
cities. gained what was loft by the country.
NExT year prefents us nothing memorable: But in the {pring of the fubfequent,.
after a long negotiation, was concluded, by a truce of twelve years,. that war,
which, for near half a century, had been carried on with fuch fury, betwixt
Spain and the ftates of the united provinces. Never contett feemed, at firft,
more unequal: Never conte{t was finifhed with more honor to the weaker party.
On the fide of Spain were ranged numbers, riches, authority, difcipline:: Omthe
fide of the revolted provinces were found the attachment to liberty, and.the enthu-
fiafm of religion. William, Prince of Orange, by his prudence, gave ftability to
the fury of the people, and taught them, firit behind their walls, then in the open
ficld, to oppofe the unrelenting tyranny of Spain, . By firm and redoubled blows,
| they
Chap. I,
160%.
4. of July...
1608.
1609.
Truce betwixt
Spain and the
united pro-
vinces.
Chap. TI.
4609.
‘March 30.
under the joint mediation and guarantee
i16TO.
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
monarchy. Thro’ the unknown
and returned with riches,
ignorant of other
32
they fhook the ill-jointed fabric of that enormous
feas of both the Indies, they fought their formidable foe,
as well as honor, to their native country. The unhappy Eaft,
government but defporifm, was aftonifhed to fee men obey the filent and invifible
authority of laws; and regarded, as an inexplicable prodigy, the noble principle
of freedom, by which thefe ftrangers were animated. Even Europe, which,
‘1 Greek and Roman ftory, had feen the {pirit of liberty furmount every human
oppofition; now, in this fingular country, gained from the ocean, behold with
wonder the elements themfelves fubmit to its prevailing power. By her naval
eriterprizes the republic maintained her armies; and joining peaceful induftry to
military valor, fhe was enabled, by her own force, to fupport herfelf, and gra-
dually rely lefS on thofe neighboring princes, who, from jealoufy to Spain, were
at firit prompted to encourage her revolt. Long had the pride of that monar-
chy prevailed over her intereft, and prevented her from hearkening to any terms
of accommodation with her rebellious fubjeéts. But finding all intercourfe cut
off betwixt her provinces by the maritime force of the ftates, fhe at laft agreed
to treat with them as a free people, and folemnly to renounce all claim and pre-
tenfion to their fovereignty.
Tu1s. chief point being once
7 sca t toa conclufion, |
of France and England. All exterior
appearances of honor and regard were payed equally to both crowns: But very
different were the fentiments, which the ftates, as well as all Europe, entertained
of the princes, who wore them. Frugality and vigor, the chief circum{tances,
which procure regard among foreign nations, fhone as confpicuoufly in Henry as
they were defective in James. To acontempt of the Englifh monarch, the French
feeins to have added a confiderable degree of jealoufy and averfion, which were
fentiments altogether without foundation. James was perfectly juft and fair in
all tranfactions with his allies; but it appears from the memoirs of thofe times,
that each fide efteemed him partial towards their adverfary, and fancied, that he
had entered into fecret meafures againft them. So little equity have men in their
judgments of their own affairs ; and fo dangerous is that entire neutrality affected
by the King-of Fingland !
Tue little concern, which James took in foreign affairs, renders the domeftic
February.g, OCcurences, particularly thofe of parliament, the moft interefting of his reign, A
A parliament.
flew feffion was called this {pring ; the King full of hopes of receiving fupply 5 the
- 7 e ne < af . ‘ . j ; . . = ;
commons, of circumfcribing his exorbitant prerogative. The Earl of Salifbury, now
?
ereated treafurer on the death of the Earl of Dorfet, laid open the King’s neceflities,
firit
aay
J A°M-E’ § j, 23
firft to the houfe of lords, then to a committee of the commons. He infifted on
the unavoidable expences, in fupporting the navy, and in fuppreffing a late infur-
rection in Ireland: He mentioned three numerous courts, which the King was o-
bliged to maintain, for himfelf, for the Queen, and for the Prince of Wales: He
obferved, that Queen Elizabeth, tho’ a fingle woman, had received very large fupplies,
in the years preceding her death, which alone were expenfive to her: And he af-
ferted, that, during her reign, fhe had very much diflipated the crown-lands; an
expedient, which, tho’ it fupplied her prefent neceflities, without laying burthens
on her people, multiplied extremely the neceflities of her fucceffors From all thefe
caufes he thought it no-ways {trange, that the King’s income fhould fall fhort fo great
a fum as eighty one thoufand pound of his {tated and regular expence; without
mentioning contingencies, which ought always to be efteemed a fourth of the
yearly charges. Andas the crown was now neceffarily burthened witha great and
urgent debt, he thence inferred the abfolute neceility of an immediate and large fup-
ply from the people. To all thefe reafons, which James likeways urged ina fpeech
addreffed to both houfes, the commonsremained inexorable. But not to fhock the
King with an abfolute refulal, they granted him one fubfidy and one fifteenth 5
which would fcarce amount to a hundred thoufand pound. And James received
the mortification of difcovering, in vain, all his wants, and of begging aid of fub-
jects, who had no reafonable indulgence nor confideration for him.
Amone the many caufes of difguft and quarrel, which now, daily and una-
voidably, multiplied betwixt Prince and parliament, this article of money is to be
regarded as none of the leaft confiderable. After the difcovery and conqueft of
the Weft-Indies, gold and filver became every-day more plentiful in England, as
well asin the reft of Kxurope ; and the price of all commodities.and proyifions rofe
to a pitch beyond what had everibeen known, fince the declenfion of the Roman
empire. As the revenue of the crown rofe not in proportion, * the Prince was
infenfibly reduced to poverty amid the general riches of his fubjects, and re-
quired additional funds, in order to fupport the fame magnificence and force,
which had been maintained by former monarchs. But while money thus flowed
into England, we may obferve, that, at the fame time, and probably from that
very caufe, art and induftry of all kinds received a mighty increafe; and elegance
in every enjoyment of life became better known, -and more cultivated among all
ranks of people. The King’s fervants,' both civil and military; his courtiers, his
minifters, demanded more ample fupplies from the impoverifhed Prince, and were
not contented with the fame fimplicity of living, which had fatisfied their an-
VoL. i E. ceftors.
* Befide the great diffipation of the crown-lands, the fee-farm-rents never increafed, and the other
lands were let at long leafes and at a great undervalue, little or nothing above the old rent.
Cheap. If.
1610.
March 24%
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Chap. I.
TQTO.
34 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
ceftors. The Prince himfelf began to regard an increafe of pomp and fplendor 4s
requifite to fupport the dignity of his character,. and to preferve the fame fuperi-
ority above his fubjects, which his predeceffors had enjoyed. Some equality too,
and proportion to the other fovereigns of Europe, it was natural for him to de-
fire; and as they had univerfally enlarged their revenue and. multiplied their
land efteemed it reafonable, that his fubjects, who were
fhould bear with patience fome additional burthens
taxes, the King of Eng
generally richer than theirs,
and impofitions.
Unuappizy for the King, thofe very riches, along with the increafng know-
lee of the age, bred oppofite fentiments in his fubjects ; and engendering a
fpirit of freedom and independence, difpofed them to pay little regard, either to
the entreaties or menaces of their fovercign. While the barons poffeffed their
former immenfe property and extenfive jurifdictions, they were apt, on every
difguft, to endanger the monarch, and throw the whole government into con-
fufion: But this very confufion often, in its turn, proved favorable to the mon-
arch, and made the nation again fubmit to him, in order to re-eftablifh jul
tice and tranquillity. After that both the ftatute of alienations, and the increafe
ef coramerce had thrown the ballance of property inta the hands of the commons,
the fituationm-of. affairs and the difpofitions, of men became-tu: septible of a more re-
gular plan of liberty ; and the laws were not fupported fingly by the authority of
the fovereign.
And tho’ in that interval, after the decline of the peers, and be-
fore the people had yet experienced their force, the princes affumed an exorbitant
power, and had almoft annihilated the conftitution under the weight of their pre-
rogative ; fo foon as the commons recovered from their lethargy, they feem to have
been aftonifhed at the danger, and were refolved to fecure liberty by firmer barriers,
than their anceftors had hitherto provided for it.
Hap James poffeffed a very rigid frugality, he might have warded off this crifis
fomewhat longer; and waiting patiently for a favorable opportunity to increafe
and fix his revenue, might have fecured the extenfive authority, which was tranf{-
mitted to him. On the other hand, had the commons been inclined to act with
more generofity and kindnefs towards their Prince, they might probably have
turned his neceflities to good account and have bribed him to depart peace-
ably from the moft dangerous articles of his prerogative. But he was a foreigner,
and ignorant of the arts of popularity ; they fowered by religious prejudices, and
tenacious of their money: And, in this fituation, it is no wonder, that, during
this whole reign, we fcarce find an interval of mutual confidence and friendfhip be-
twixt prince and parliament.
THE
JAM B 6. 4. 35
Tue King, by his prerogative alone, had, fome years before, altered all the
cuftoms, and eftablifhed new impofitions on almoft every kind of merchandize.
The precedents for fo dangerous an exercife of power were neither very recent
nor very numerous. One in therecign of Mary, another in the beginning of FE.-
lizabeth, were the lateft that could be found. But, as the impofitions of thefe
two Queens had been all along fubmitted to, and {till continued to be levied; they
feemed to throw a kind of doubt and ambiguity on this queition, which was of
fo great moment to the cenftitution. ’Tis obfervable too, on the one hand, tha
the kings of England had, in many inftances, aflumed as their prerogative the fole
direction of foreign commerce; and, that commerce being antiently managed al-
together by ftrangers, thefe were the more readily abandoned to the royal will and
authority. . And, on the other hand, it is obvious, that the duties of tonnage and
poundage had ufually been levied by authority of parliament, and, tho’ regularly
continued, had yet been received as a free gift from the people. On this occafion,
the commons remonitrated to the King againit a meafure, which was certainly the
moft exceptionable of any embraced by him during his whole reign. They obfer-
ved, That the reafons of that prattice might be extended much farther, even to the utier
ruin of the antient liberty of the kingdom, and the fubjetis’ right of property in their
lands and goods. ‘Tho’ exprefsly forbid by the King to touch his prerogative, they
paffed a bill abolifhing thefe impofitions ; which was rejected by the houfe of lords.
Jn another addrefs to the King, they objected to the practice of borrowing upon
privy feals, and defired, that the fubjects fhould not be forced to lend money to his
Majefty, nor give a reafon for their refufal. Some murmurs likeways were thrown
out in the houfe againft the monopoly of the licence of wines. It muft be con-
fefled, that forced loans and monopolies were eftablifhed on many and recent prece-
dents ; tho’ diametrically oppofite to all the principles of a free government *.
2 THE
* We find the King’s anfwer in Winwood’s Memorials. “ To the third and fourth (namely that
‘“ jt might be lawful to arreft the King’s fervants without leave, and that no man fhould be inforced
to lend money, nor to give a reafon why he would not) his Majefty fent us an anfwer, that becaufe
‘* we brought precedents of antiquity to ftrengthen thofe demands, he allowed not of any prece-
dents drawn from the time of ulurping or decaying princes or people too bold and wanton; that
he defired not to govern in that commonwealth, where fubjects fhould be affured of all things and
hope for nothing. It was one thing, fubmittere principatum legibus ; and another thing, /ebmittere prin-
cipatum fubaitis, "That he would not leave to pofterity fuch a mark of weaknefs upon his reign,
and therefore his conclufion was, von placet petitio, non placet exemplum: Yet with this mitigation,
that in matters of loans he would refufe no reafonable excufe, nor fhould my Lord chamberlain
«« deny the arrefting of any of his Majefty’s fervants, if juft caufe was fhown.” | Winwood, vol. 3.
p. 193. 2dedit. The parliament, however, acknowleged at this time with thankfulnefs to the
King, that he allowed difputes and inquiries about his prerogative, much beyond what had been
indulged by any of his predecefiors, ‘This very feflion, he exprefsly gave them leave to produce all
their grievances, without exception.
“4
Chap. If,
1010.
aeaed
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;
.
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;
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Chap. IL.
1610,
36 HISTORY of GREAT BRITAIN.
Tue houfe likeways difcovered fome difcontent againft the King’s abgames
James told them, That tho’ he well knew, by the conftitution and policy of the kingdom,
that: proclamations were not of equal force with laws; yet be thought it a duty —
bent on bim, and a power infeparably annexed to the crown, 0 refirain and prevent fuck
mifchiefs and inconveniences as be faw growing on the frate, againft which no certain law
was extant, and which might tend to the great detriment of tbe fuljeti, if | there foould
be no remedy provided till the meeting of a parliament. La this prerogative, he adds,
as well in antient as later times, ufed ana enjoyed. The intervals
betwixt feflions, we may obferve, were frequently fo long as to render it requifite
for a prince to interpofe by his prerogative ; and it was an eftablifhed maxim a-
mong the lawyers, that all the proclamations or @ king were abrogated by his
death. But what the authority could be, which bound the fubjects, and yet was
inferior to the authority of laws, feems inexplicable by any maxims of reafon or po-
liticss And in this inftance, as in many others, it is eafy to fee, how unintelligible
the Englifh conititution was, before the parliament was able, by continued acquifi-
tions or encroachments, to eftablifh it on fixt principles of liberty.
Upon the fettlement of the reformation, that extenfive branch of power, which
regards ecclefiaftical matters, being then without an owner, feemed to belong to the
firft occupier; and Henry failed not immediately to feize it, and. toexert it even.
or Phe-pofefiorr of it was continued with Ed-
our progenitors have,
a >. .
ward; and recovered by Elizabeth ; and that ambitious Princefs was fo remark-
ably jealous of this flower of her crown, that fhe feverely reprimanded the parlia~
ment, if they ever prefumed to ‘ntermeddle in thefe matters, tho” but to appoint
a faft or regulate the obfervance of funday ; and they were fo ever-awed by her
authority, as to fubmit, and to afk pardon on thefe occafions.. But James's par-
liaments were much lefs obfequious. They ventured to lift up their eyes, and to.
confider this prerogative. They there faw a very large province of government,
poffeffed by the King alone, without being communicated to the parliament. They
were fenfible, that this province admitted not of any exact boundary or circum-
{cription. They had felt, that the Roman pontiff, in former ages, under pretext
of religion, was gradually making advances to ufurp the whole civil power. They
dreaded {till more dangerous confequences from the pretenfions of their own fo-
vereigon, who refided among them, and who, in many other refpedcts, poffeffed {uch
unlimited authority. They therefore efteemed it abfolutely requifite to be-
reave him of this branch of prerogative ; and accordingly, in the preceding feffi-
on, they paffed a bill againit the eftablifhment of any ecclefiaftical canons witheut
confent of parliament. But the houfe of lords, as is ufual, defended the barriers
of the throne, and rejected the bill.
In.
“—-
_f
JW Mes §$ Z. Rg
Tn: this feflion, the commons contented themfelves with remonftrating: againtt
the proceedings of the high commiffion court. This court had been eftablifhed by
Elizabeth, and confifted partly of lay-members, partly of ecclefiaitical; all of
‘them nominated by the crown. Their jurifdiction extended to all ecclefiatti-
cal affairs, and their fentences were altogether difcretionary, or, what the com-
mons called, arbitrary. The /far-chamber, which confilted of the judges and
privy council, exerted like authority in civil matters. It required no great pe-
netration to fee the extreme danger to liberty, arifing from: difcretionary powers
in a regal government. But James, as was natural, rejected the application of
the commons. He was probably fenfible, that, befide the great diminution of
his authority, many inconveniencies mult neceffarily refult from the abolifhing all
power of this nature in every magiftrate; and that the laws, were they ever fo
carefully framed and digefted, could not poflibly provide againft all contingen-
cies; much lefs, where they had not, as yet, attained.a fufficient degree of ac-
curacy and refinement.
But the bufinefs, which: chiefly occupied the commons,. during this feflion,
was the abolition of wardfhips and purveyance; prerogatives, which had been
more or lefs touched on, every feflion, during the whole reign of James. In
this aflair, the commons employed. the proper means, which might intitle them
to fuccefs: They offered the Kinp a fettled revenue as an equivalent for the
powers, which he fhould part with; and the King was willing to hearken to
terms. After much difpute, he offered to give up thefe prerogatives for 200,000
pound a-year, which they agreed to confer on him: And nothing remain-
ed, towards clofing the bargain, but that the commons fhould determine the funds, .
from which this fum fhould be levied. The feflion was too far advanced to bring
fo difficult a matter to a full conclufion; and tho’ they met again, towards the
end of the year, and refumed the queftion, they were never able to terminate
an affzir; which they feemed fo intent upon. The journals of that feffion are loft ;
and as the hiftorians of that age are very negligent in relating parliamentary af-
fairs, of whofe importance they were not fufficiently apprifed, we know not
exactly the reafon of this failure. It only appears, that the King was extreme-
ly diffatisfied with the conduct of the parliament, and foon afterwards diffolved it.
This was his firft parliament, and it fat near feven years.
In the midft of all thefe attacks, fome more, fome lefs violent, on royal preroga-
tive, the King difplayed, as openly as ever, all his exalted notions. of monarchy
and the authority of princes. Even in a fpeech, where he begeed for fupply, and
where he fhould naturally have ufed every art to ingratiate himfelf with the par-
liament, he expreffed himfelf in-thefe terms; “‘ I conclude, then, the point, touch-
ing
Chap. Ff.
i610,
Chap. I,
aGLO.
ad of May.
Death of the
#rench King.
8 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
CaS
‘< ing the power of kings, with this axiom of divinity, that, as to difpute, what
“< God may do, is blafphemy, but, what God wills, that divines may lawfully and do
‘¢ ordinarily difpute and difcufs ; fo is it fedition in fubjects to difpute, what 2
“<< king may do in the height of his power. But juft kings will ever be willing
“ to declare what they will do, if they will net incur the curfe of God. I will
<¢ not be content, that my power ‘be difputed upon; but I fhall ever be willing to
“© make the reafon appear of my doings, and rule my actions according to my
“ laws”. Notwithftanding the great extent of prerogative in that age, thefe
expreflions muit certainly have given offence. But we may obferve, that, as the
King’s defpotifin was more fpeculative than practical, fo the independency of the
commons was, at this time, the contrary; and, tho’ ftrongly fupported by their
prefent fituation as well as difpofition, was too new and recent to be as yet found-
ed on fyftematical principles and opinions. (*)
Tus year was diftinguifhed by a very memorable event, which gave great
alarm and concern in England; the murder of the French monarch by the poni-
ard of the fanatical Ravaillac. That experience, that reputation, which this
heroic
* Ir may not be unworthy obfervatien, that James in a Book called The true law of free monar-
shies, which he publithed a little before his acceffion to the crown.of. England; affirmed, “‘ That 2
good king, altho” he be°abov Swill Tubjeé&t and frame his attions thereto, for exam-
** ple’s fake to his fubje€ts, and of his own free-will, but not as fubje€t or bound thereto”. In
another pailage, ‘ According to the fundamental law already alleged, we daily fee, that in the
‘© parliament (which is nothing elfe but the head-court of the king and his vaffals) the laws are
« but craved by his fubjects, and only made by him at their rogation, and with their advice. For
* albeit ‘the king make daily ftatutes and ordinances, enjoining fuch pains thereto as he thinks meet,
‘ without any advice of parliament or eftates; yet it lies in the power of no parliament to make a-
‘ ny’ kind of law or ftatute, without his fcepter be to it, for giving it the force of a law”. It is
not to ‘be fuppofed, that, at fuch a critical juncture, James had fo little fenfe as, direétly, in fo
material a point, to have openly fhocked what were the univerfally eftablithed principles of that age ;
On the contrary, we are told by hiftorians, that nothing tended more to facilitate his acceffion,
than the good opinion.entertained of him by the Englifh, on account of his learned and judicious
writings. ‘The queftion, however, with regard to the royal power Was, at this time, become a very
dangerous point; and without employing ambiguous, infignificant terms, which determined nothing,
it was impoflible to pleafe both King and parliament. Dr. Cowell who had magnified the preroga-
tive -in words too intelligible, fell, this feffion, under the indignation of the commons. The King
himfelf, after all his magnificent boafts, was obliged to make his efcape thro’ a diftintion, which
he framed betwixt.a king iz abfraéo and a king in concreto: An abftra& king, he faid, had all pow-
er; but aconcrete king was bound to obferve the laws of the country, which he governed. But
how bound ? By confcience only ? Or might his fubjeéts refift him and defend their a eae ; This
he thought not fit to explain. And fo difficult is it to explain that point, that, to this day, whatever
liberties may be ufed .by private inquirers, the laws have thought proper to maintain a total filence
with regard to’it,
ee
“
a
B. APNE 8 2-1, 29
hereic prince had been acquiring for fo many years; thofe treafures, which he
had amaffed; thofe armies, which he had inlifted and difciplined; were on the
point of being employed in fome mighty enterprize, which would probably have
changed the face of Europe; when a period was put to his glory by a pious mad-
man, who facrificed at once his own life and that of the prince to his deteftable
prejudices. Were the defigns, afcribed to Henry by the compilers of Sully’s Me.
moirs, leis chimerical, they might be admitted, on account of the teftimony, by
which that narration is fupported:, But fuch vaft projeéts, had they: been real,
he muft have rowled and digefted in his mind for many years; and ‘tis obfer-
vable, that about a twelve-month betore, he had been- very inftrumental in ma>
king peace betwixt Spain and the united provinces; meafures, by which he de-
prived himfelf of the affidtance of his firmeft ally, and the beft able to fecond
his enterprizes.. ’Tis more probable, that the war, which, at the time of his
death, he intended to. commence againft Spain,. was the fudden refult of ambiti:
on,. revenge, or love, in a powerful and military prince, who had long wifhed
for an opportunity of attacking his enemy, and who was at laft roufed by a fud-
den motive or provocation. With his death, the glory of the French monarchy
fuffered an eclipfe for fome years; and that kingdom falling under an adminiftration
weak and bigotted, factieus and diforderly, the Auftrian ereatnefs began anew
to look formidable to Europe.
In England, the antipathy to the catholics. revived a little upon, this tragical
event; and fome of the laws, which had. been formerly enacted for no other pur-
pofe than to keep thefe religionifts in. awe, began now.to be executed with greater
rigor and feyerity.
THo” James’s timidity and indolence fixed him, during moft of his reign, in a
very prudent inattention.to foreign affairs, there happened, this year, an event
in Europe of fuch mighty confequence as to rouze him from his lethargy, and
fummon up all his zeal and enterprize. A. profeffor of divinity, calléd Vorftius,
the difciple of Arminius, was called from a German to a Dutch univerfity; and
as he differed from his Britannic Majefty in fome nice queftions concerning the in-
timate effence and feeret decrees of God, he was confidered as a dangerous rival
in fcholaftic fame, and was, at latt, obliged to fuccumb under the legions of that
royal doctor, whofe fyllogifms he might have refuted or eluded. If vigor was
wanting in other incidents of James’s reign, here he behaved even with haughti-
nefs and infolence; and the ftates were obliged, after feveral remonftrances, to
deprive Vorftius of his chair, and to banifh him their dominions. The King car-
ried no farther his perfecutions again{t.that profeffor; tho’ he had very charitably
hinted
Chap. if.
1610,
sOLz
Arminian-
ifm.
_~
i 40 WISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
! ass : . te ‘ ng beet for bis blafploemies and athe-
in} ' ifin, be left them to their own chriftian wifdom , but furely never heretic better deferved
I: the flames. It is to be remarked, that, at this period, all over Europe, except in
: Holland alone, the practice of burning heretics {till prevailed, even in prote(tant
countries; and inftances were not wanting in England, during the reign of James.
| The Dutch themfelves were, at laft, by ftate-intrigue, and the tyranny of Prince
Maurice, forced from their rational and humane maxims; and the perfecuting bi-
gots, a little after this time, fignalized their power by the death of the virtuous
i, Barnevelt, and the imprifonment of the virtuous and learned Grotius. The {cho-
‘iii laftic controverfies about free-will, and grace, and predeftination, begot thefe vi-
Chap. It. hinted to the {tates, That, as to the burs
a olent convulfions.
| As far as any coherence ca
Hie we may obferve, that the doGrine of abfolute decrees has ever been intimately
NH conneéted with the enthufiaftic fpirit; as it affords the higheft fubject of Joy,
triumph, and fecurity, to the fuppofed elect, and exalts them, ‘by infinite degrees,
above the reft of mankind. All the firft retormers adopted thefe principles 5 and
the Janfenifts too, a fanatical fect in France, mot to mention the Mahometans in
be Afia, have ever embraced them. As the Lutheran eftablifhments were fubjected
| to epifcopal jurifdietion, “the: ius" ally decayed, and men had Iei-
' i fure to perceive the abfurdity of fuppofing God to punifh, by infinite torments,
eek what he himfelf, from all eternity, had unchangeably decreed. The King,
Mat tho’ at this time, his Calviniftic education had rivetted him faft in the doctrine
of abfolute decrees, yet, being a zealous partizan of epifcopacy, was infenfibly in- :
ia | gaged, towards the end o
.
n be traced among the fyftems of modern theology,
f his reign, to favor the milder theology of Arminius.
the genius of the religion prevailed over its fpeculative
tenets; and along with him, the whole clergy gradually dropped the more rigid
principles -of abfolute reprobation and unconditional decrees. Some noife was,
at firft, made about thefe innovations; but being drowned in the fury of facti-
He on and civil wars, which fucceeded, the {cholaftic arguments made an infignificant
ral figure amid thofe violent difputes about civil and ecclefiattical power, with which
the nation was agitated. And upon the reftoration, the church, tho’ fhe {till
retained her old fubfcriptions and articles of faith, was found to have totally
changed her fpeculative doctrines, and to have embraced tenets more fuitable to the
genius of her difcipline and worfhip, without its being poflible to affien the pre»
cife period, in which the alteration was produced. |
Ir may be worth obferving, that, about this time, James, from bis great de-
fire to promote controverfial divinity, erected a college at Chelfea for the enter-
tainment of twenty perfons, who fhould be entirely employed in refuting the pa-
pifts
i Even in fo great a doctor,
|
{
|
|
:
af
7 ZAMS Sob 41
pifts and puritans. All the efforts of the great Bacon could not procure an efta- Chap. U1.
blifhment for the cultivation of natural philofophy: Even to this day, no fociety att
has been inftituted for the polifhing and fixing our language. The only en-
touragement, which the fovereign in England has ever given to any thing, that
has the pretext of fcience, was this fhort-lived eftablifhment of James; an infti-
tution quite fuperfluous, confidering the unhappy propenfion, which, at that
time, fo univerfally pofleffed the nation to polemical divinity.
To confider James in a more advantageous light, we mutt take a furvey of him =, 6:5.
as the legiflator of Ireland; and moft of the inftitutions, which he had framed
for the civilizing that kingdom, being finithed about this period, it may not here
be improper to give fome account of them. He frequently boafts of the manage- tere ins
ment of Treland as his mafterpiece; and, it will appear, upon inquiry, that his
vanity, in this particular, was not altogether without foundation.
TH’ the dominion of the Englith over that fine ifland, had been eftablifhed a-
bove four centuries, it may fafely be afirmed, that their authority, till the latter
end of Elizabeth, had been little more than nominal. The Irith princes and no-
bles, divided among themfelves, readily payed the exterior marks of obeifance to
a power, which they were not able to refift; ‘but, as no durable force was ever
upheld to retain them to their duty, they relapfed {till into their former {tate of
dependence. Too weak to introduce order and obedience among the rude inha-
bitants, the Englith authority was yet fufficient to check the growth of any cn-
terprizing genius among the natives: And, tho’ it could beftow no true form of
civil government, it was able to prevent the rife of any fuch form, from the in-
ternal combination or fubjection of the Irith. |
Most of the Englith inftitutions too, by which that ifland was governed, were
to tlre laft degree abfurd, and fuch as no ftate before had ever thought of, for
the preferving dominion over its conquered provinces.
Tue Englifh nation, all on fire for the project of fubduing France, a project,
whofe fuccefs was the moft improbable, and would to them have proved the moft
pernicious; ‘neglected all other enterprizes, to which their fituation fo {trongly in-
vited them, and which would have brought them, in time, an acceffion of riches,
grandeur, and fecurity. The finall army which they maintained in Ireland, they
never fupplied’ regularly with pay; and as no money could be levied from thé
land, which poffeffed none, they gave their foldicrs the privilege of free quarter
upon the ‘natives. ““Rapine and ‘infolénce inflamed the hatred, ‘which prevailed be-
twixt the conquerors and ‘the conquered : Want of fecurity among the Irifly, in-
| | troducing
Chap. IT.
£612,
42 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
troducing defpair, nourifhed {till farther the floth, fo natural to that uncultitated
people. Sate
But the Englith carried farther their ill-judged tyranny. Inftead of imviting
the Irifh to adopt the more civilized cuftoms of their conquerors, they even rot
fed, tho’ earneftly folicited, to communicate to them the privilege of their laws,
Tet, PR eer ie “OW { the
and every where marked them out as aHens and as enemies... [Thrown out of
protection of juftice, the natives could find fecurity no where but in force; and
flying the neighborhood of cities, which they could not approach with fatety,
they fheltered themfelves in their marfhes and forrefts from the infolence of their
inhuman mafters. Being treated like wild beafts, they became fuch ; -and, join-
ing the ardor of revenge to their yet untamed barbarity, they grew every day
more untractable and dangerous.
As the Englith princes efteemed the conqueft of the difperfed Irifh to be more
the object of time and patience than the fource of military glory, they willingly
delegated that office to private adventurers, who, inlifting foldiers at: their, own
charge, conquered provinces of that ifland, which they converted to their own
profit. Separate jurifditions and principalities were eftablifhed by thefe lordly
conquerors: The power of peace and war affumed: Military law exercifed over
the Irifh, whom they fubdued, and, by..degrees,.over the Englifh, by whofe af-
fiftance they conquered: And, after their dominion had once taken root, efteem-
ing the Enelifh inftitutions lefs favorable to barbarous empire, they degenerated
into mere I[rifh, and abandoned the garb, language, manners anddaws of their
native country.
By all this imprudent conduct of England, the natives of its dependant ftate,
remained {till in that abject condition, into which the northern and weftern parts
of Europe were funk, before they received. civility and flavery. from. the refined
policy and irrefiitible bravery of Rome... Even at the end of the fixteenth centu-
ry, when every chriitian nation was cultivating with ardor every civil art of life,
that ifland, lying in a temperate climate, enjoying a fertile foil, acceffible in its
fituation, poflefled of innumerable harbors, was itill, notwith{ftanding thefe ad-
vantages, covered with inhabitants, whofe cuftoms and manners approached near;
er thofe of favages than of barbarians..
As the brutality and ignorance of the Irifh was extreme, they were funk below
the reach of that curiofity and love of novelty, by which every. other people in
Europe had been feized at the beginning of that century, and which had engaged
them in innovations and religious difputes, with which they were {till fo violently
agitated. The antient fuperftition, the practices and obfervances of their fathers,
mingled and polluted with many wild opinions, {till maintained aa unfhaken em-
pire
ao
POA SME PLS ey, 43
pire over them; and the example alone of the Englifh was fufficient to render the
reformation odious to the prejudized and difcontented Irifh. The old oppofition of
manners, laws, and intereft, was now inflamed by religious antipathy ; and the
fubduing and civilizing that country feemedto become every day more difficult and
impracticable.
But, from the extremity of the difeafe, arofe the remedy. The Irifh, ftimv-
lated by their priefts, and folicited by Spain, had openly taken arms againft the
Englifh government; and, as they received fupplies of men and money from
Philip II. their revolt threatened the moft dangerous confequences. The prudent
vigor of Elizabeth was roufed: A difciplined army of 20,000 men was {ent o-
ver; and, for feveral years, regularly payed and recruited: The warlike enter-
prizes were conducted with method and conftancy: The fpirit of the Irifh intirely
fubdued: The Spaniards expelled: And the laft a&t of that memorable reign was
the pacification of the ifland, and its final fubjection to the Englith empire.
Tue more difficult tafk ftill remained, to civilize the barbarous inhabitants, to
reconcile them to laws and induftry, and to render their fubjestion durable and
ufefulto the crown of England. James proceeded in this work by a fteddy, re-
gular, and well concerted plan; and, in the fpace of nine years, according to Sir
John Davis, he made greater advances towards the reformation of that kingdom,
than had been made in the 440 years, which had elapfed fince the conqueft was
attempted.
Ir was firft requifite to abolith the Irifh cuftoms, which fupplied the place of
laws, and which were calculated to keep that people for ever ina ftate of barbarifm
and diforder. |
By the Brebon law or cuftom, no crime, however enormous, was punifhed with
death, but by a fine or pecuniary mul&, which was levied upon the criminal,
Murder itfelf was attoned for in this manner; and each man, according to his
rank, had a different rate or value, affixed to him, which, if any one was willing
to pay, he needed not fear the affaflinating his enemy. This rate was called his
eri¢. When Sir William Fitzwilliams, being Lord deputy, told Maguire, that
he was to fend a fheriff into Fermanna, which, a little before, had -been made a
county, and fubjected to the Enplith law; Your jheriff, faid Maguire, /fhall be
welcome to me: But, let me know, before-band, his eric, or-the price of bis head; that,
if my people cut it off, I may levy the money upon the county. As for oppreflion, ex-
tortion, and other trefpafles, fo little were they regarded, that no penalty was
aixed to them, and no redrefs. from fuch offences could ever be obtained.
Tue euftoms of Gavelkinde aud Taniftry were attended with the fame abfurdity
in the diftribution of property. Upon the death of any perfon, his land, by the
F 2 | cuftom
Chap, IT.
O12.
> = <= "%
= => SS SS a
44 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
cuftom of Gavelkinde, was’ divided amiong all the males of the fept or family,
both baftard and legitimate: And, after partition made, if any of the fept died,
his portion was not fhared out’ among his fons; but the cheiftain, «at his dif-
cretion, made a new partition of all the lands, belonging to that fept, and gave e-
very one his fhare. As no man, by reafon of this-cuftom, enjoyed the fixed pro-
perty of any land; to build, to plant, to inclofe, to cultivate, to improve, would
have been fo much loft labor.
Tue cheiftains and the Tanifts, who were the apparent fucceffors of the former ;
tho’ drawn from the principal families, were not hereditary, but were eftablifhed.
by election, or more properly fpeaking, by force and violence.. ‘Their. authority
was very abfolute, and, notwithftanding that certain lands were affiened to the:
office, its chief profit refulted from exactions, dues, affeflments, for which there
was no fixed law, and which were levied at pleafure.. Hence arofe that common
bye-word among the Irifh, That they dwelt wefward of the law, which dwelt beyond the:
river of the Barrow: Meaning the country, where the Englith inhabited, and which.
extended not beyond the compafs of twenty miles, lying in the neighborhood of
Dublin. |
Arrer abolifhing thefe Irish cuftoms, and fubftituting Englifh law in their
place ; James, having taken all the natives under his proteétion, and declared:
them free citizens, proceeded to govern them by a regular adminiftration, military
as well as civil. et nee
A fafficient army was maintained, its difcipline infpected, and its pay. tran{mit-
ted from England, in order to keep the foldiers from preying upon the country,
as had been ufual in former reigns. When Odoghartie raifed an infurrection, a
reinforcement was fent over, and the flames of that rebellion were immediately-
extinguifhed.
Axx minds being firft quieted by an univerfal indemnity, circuits were efta-
blifhed, juftice adminiftred, oppreflion banifhed, and crimes and diforders of e-.
very kind feverely punifhed. As the Irifh had been univerfally ingaged in the re-
bellion againft Elizabeth, a refignation of all the rights, which had been formerly
granted them to feparate jurifdictions, was rigoroufly exacted; and no authority,
but that of the King and the law, was permitted thro’out the kingdom.
A refignation of all private eltates was even required; and, when they were
reftored, the proprietors received them under {uch conditions as might prevent, for
the future, all tyranny and oppreffion of the common people. The value of the
dues, which the nobles ufually claimed from their vaffals, was eftimated at a fix-
ed fum, and all further arbitrary exactions prohibited under fevere penalties.
THE
ee
Wo A AM vB) Ss L 45
Tue whole province of Ulfter having fallen to the crown by the attainder of
sebels, a company was eftablifhed in London, for planting new colonies in that
fertile country: The property was divided into moderate fhares, the largeft not
exceeding 2000 acres: Tenants were brought over from England and Scotland:
The Irith were removed from the hills and faftneffes, and fettled in the open country :
Hufbandry and the arts were taught them: A fixed habitation fecured: Plunder
and robbery punifhed: And, by thefe means, Uliter, from being the moft wild
and diforderly province of all Ireland, foon became the beft cultivated and moft
civilized.
SUCH were the arts, by which James introduced humanity and juftice among
a. people, who had ever been buried in the moft profound barbarifm. Noble
cares! much fuperior to the vain and criminal glory of conquefts; but requiring
ages of perfeverance and attention to perfect what had been fo happily begun.
A laudable act. of juftice was, about this time, executed in England upon Lord
Sanquhir, a Scotch nobleman of illuftrious birth, who had been guilty of a bafe
affaflination upon Turner, a fencing-mafter. The E'inglifh nation, who were ge-
nerally diffatisfied with the Scotch, were enraged at this crime, equally mean and:
atrocious ; but James appeafed them, by preferring the feverity of law. to the in-
terceflion of the friends and family of the criminal..
CH A P.
)
Chap. IT.
1012.
AO HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
CHA P.- lll.
Death of Prince Henry. Marriage of the Princefs Ehzabeth with the
Palatine. Rife of Somerfet. His marriage. Overbury potfon-
ed. Fall of Somerfet._—— Rife of Buckingham——Cautionary towns
delivered. ——Affairs of Scotland.
HIS year the fudden death of Henry, Prince of Wales, diffufed an univerfal
1612. f® grief thro’out the nation. Tho’ youth and royal birth, both of them
November 6- {trong allurements, prepoffefs men mightily in favor of the early age of all
’tis with peculiar fondnefs, that hiftorians mention Henry: And, in eve-
Prince Henry. ry refpect, his merit feems to have been very extraordinary. He had not reached
his eighteenth year, - he poffeffed already more dignity in his behavior, and
commanded more refpect, than his father with all his age, learning, and experience.
Neither his high fortune, nor his youth, had feduced him into any irregular plea-
fires: Bufinefs and ambition feem to have been his fole paflion. His inclina-
tions, as well.as exercifes, were intircly martial. The French ambaflador, co-
ming to take leave of him, and’ aie his commands for France, found. him at the
exercife of the pike; Tell your King, faid he, in what occupation you left me in-
gaged.* e-had conceived great affection and efteem for the brave Sir Walter
Raleigh. It was his faying, Sure no king but my father would keep fuch a bird ina
cage. He feems, indeed, to have nourifhed too violent a contempt for the King,
on account of his pedantry and pufillanimity ; and by that means, {truck in with
the reftlefs and martial fpirit of the Englifh nation. Had he lived, he had /pro-
bably promoted the glory, perhaps not the felicity, of his people. The unhappy
prepoffeflion, which men commonly entertain in favor of ambition, courage, en-
terprize, and other warlike virtues, ingages generous natures, who always love
fame, into fuch purfuits, as deftroy their own peace, and that of the reft of man-
kind.
VIOLENT reports were propagated, as if Henry had been carried off by poifon ;
but the phyficians, on opening his body, found no fymptoms to confirm fuch an
opinion.
‘
;
* The French monarch had given particular orders to his minifters to cultivate the Prince’s friend-
fhip; who mutt foon, faid he, have chief authority in England, where the king and queen are held
in fo little eftimation. See Dep, de la Boderie.
jy) A- ME“ $§ I, 47
opinion. The bold and criminal malignity of men’s tongues and pens fpared not
even the King on that occafion. But that Prince’s charatter feems to have failed
rather in the extreme of facility and humanity, than in that -of cruelty and vio-
lence. His indulgence to Henry was great, and perhaps imprudent, by giving
him a very large and independent fettlement, even in fo early youth.
' THE marriage of the Princefs, Elizabeth, with Frederic, the Ele@or Palatine,
was confummated fome time after the death of the Prince, and ferved to diffipate
the grief, which arofe on that melancholy event. But this marriage, tho’ cele-
brated with great joy and feftivicty, proved, itfelf, a very unfortunate event to
the King, as well as to his fon-in-law, and had ill coniequences on the reputation
and fortune of both. The Elector, truiting to fo great an alliance, ingaged in en-
terprizes beyond his ftrength: And the King, not fupporting him in his diftrefs,
loft entirely, in the end of his life, what remained of the affections and efteem of
his own fubjects.
Except during feffions of parliament, the hiftory of this reign may more pro-
perly be called the hiftory of the court than that of the nation. A moft inter-
efting object had, for fome years, ingaged the attention of the court: It was a
favorite, and one beloved by James with fo profufe and unlimited an affe@ion, as
left no room for any rival or competitor. About the end of the year 1609, Ro-
bert Carre, a youth of twenty years of age, and of a good family in Scotland,
arrived in London, after having paffed fome time on his travels. Al] his natural
accomplifhments confitted in good looks: All his acquired abilities, in an eafy air
and mien. He had letters of recommendation to his countryman Lord Hay;
and that Nobleman no fooner caft his eye upon him, than he difcoyered talents,
fuflicient to entitle him immediately to the abfolute government of three king-
doms. Apprized of the King’s paffion for youth, and beauty, and exterior appear:
ance, he f{tudicd how matters might be fo adjuited, as that this new object fhould
make the {trongeft impreflion upon him. Without mentioning him at court, he
affigned him the office, at a match of tilting, of prefenting to the King his buckler
-and device ; and hoped that he would attract the attention of that monarch. For-
tune proved favorable to his defign, by an incident, which bore, ‘at firfty a
contrary afpect. When Carre was advancing to execute his office, his-unruly
horfe flung him, and broke his leg in the King’s prefence. James approached
him with pity and concern: Love and affection arof on the fight ‘of his beauty
and tender years; and the Prince ordered him immediately to be lodged in the pa-
lace, and to be carefully attended. He himfelf, after the tilting, paid him a vifit
i, his chamber, and returned frequently during his confinement, The ignoranée
CLLRS
ee TF
PZ.
Ch
ot
I
= 5)
Ove
February 14,
Marriage of
the Princefg
Elizabeth
with the Pas
latine,
Rife of Somer-
fet.
48 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
Chap. IH. and fimplicity of the boy Gnifhed the’conqueft,. begun by his exterior graces and
aia accomplifhments.. Other princes have been fond of chufing their favorite from
the lower ranks among their fubjects, and have repofed themfelyes on him with
the more unreferved confidence and affection, that the object has been beholden to
their bounty for every honor and acquifition: James was defirous, that his fa-
vorite {hould alfo derive from him all his fenfe, experience, and knowlege. High-
ly conceited of his own wifdom, he pleafed himfeli with the fancy, that this raw
youth, by his leffons and inftructions, would, in a little time, be egual to his
fageft minifters, and be initiated into all the profound myfterics of government, on
which he fet fo high a value. And as this kind of creation was more perfectly his
own work than any other, he feems to have indulged an unlimited fondnefs for his
minion, beyond even that which he bore to his own children. He foon knight-
ed him, created him Vifcount Rochefter, gave him the garter, brought him into
the privy council, and, tho’ at Grit without affigning. him any particular office,
beftowed on him the fupreme direction of all his bufinefs and political concerns:
Suitable to this rapid advancement in confidence and honor, were the riches
heaped upon the needy favorite; and while Salifbury and all the wifeft minifters
could fcarce find expedients fufficient to keep in motion the o’erburthened, machine
of government, James,-withunfparing hand; “foaded | with treafures this infignifi-
-cant and ufelefs pageant. |
Ir is faid, that the King found his pupil fo ill educated, as to be ignorant even
of the loweft rudiments of the Latin tongue; and that the monarch, laying afide
the fceptre, took the birch into his royal hand, and inftructed him in the princi-
ples of grammar. During the intervals of this noble occupation, affairs of ftate
would be introduced; and the ftripling, by the afcendant which he had acquired,
was now enabled to repay in political, what he had received in grammatical in-
ftruction. Such fcenes, and fuch incidents, are the more ridiculous, tho’ the
lefs odious, that the paflion of James feems not to have contained in it any thing
criminal or flagitious. Hiftory charges herfelf willingly with a relation of the
great crimes, or the great virtues of mankind; but fhe appears to fall from her
dignity, when neceffitated to dwell on fuch frivolous events and ignoble per-
fonages.
Tue favorite was not, at firft, fo intoxicated with advancement, as not to be
fenfible of his own ignorance and inexperience. He had recourfe to the affiftance
and advice of a friend; and he was more fortunate in his choice, than is ufual
with fuch pampered minions. » In Sir Thomas Overbury he met with a judicious
and fincere counfellor, who, building all hopes of his own preferment on that of
the young favorite, endeavored to initill into him the principles of prudence and
difcretion.
a UT ht A ned enn hde nl eel
‘SU RETTTE TT aa nee Ceeea
difcretion. By officioufly ferving every body, Carre was taught to abate thé envy,
which might attend his fudden elevation: By marking a preference for the Englith,
he learned to efcape the prejudices, which prevailed againtt his country. And as
long as he was contented to be ruled by Overbury’s friendly counfels, he enjoyed,
what is rare, the higheft favor of the Prince, without being hated by the pu-
blic.
To compleat the meafure of courtly happinefs, nought was wanting but a kind
miftrefs; and, where high fortune concurred with all the graces of youth and
beauty, this circumftance could not be difficult to attain. But it was here that the
favorite met with that rock, on which all his fortunes were wrecked, and which
plunged him for ever into an abyfs of infamy, guilt, and mifery.
No fooner had James mounted the throne of England, than he remembered
his friendfhip for the unfortunate families of Howard and Devereux, who had fuf-
fered for their attachment to the caufe of Mary and to his own. Having reftored
young Effex to his blood and dignity, and conferred the titles of Suffolk and
Northampton on two brothers of the houfe of Norfolk, he fought the farther
pleafure of uniting thefe families by the marriage of Effex with Lady Frances
Howard, daughter to the Earl of Suffolk. ‘She was only thirteen, he fourteen
years of age; and it was thought proper, till both fhould attain the age of puber-
ty, that he fhould go abroad, and pafs fome time in his travels. He returned into
England after four years abfence, and was pleafed to find the Countefs in the full
luftre of beauty, and pofleffed of the love and admiration of the whole court.
But, when the Earl approached, and claimed the privileges of a hufband, he met
with nothing but fymptoms of averfion and difpuft, and a flat refufal of any farther
familiarities. He applied to her parents, who conitrained her to attend. him into
the country, and to partake of his bed: But nothing could overcome her rigid
fullennefs and obftinacy ; and fhe till rofe from his fide, without having. fhared
the nuptial pleafures. Difgufted with re-iterated denials, he at laft gave over the
purfuit, and feparating himfelf from her, thenceforth abandoned her conduc to
her own will and difcretion.
Sucx coldnefs and averfion in Lady Effex arofe not without an attachment to
another object. The favorite had opened his addreffes, and had been too fuccefs-
ful in making impreflion on the tender heart of the young Countefs. She ima-
gined, that, as long as fhe refufed the embraces of Effex, fhe never could be deem-
ed his wife, and that a feparation and divorce might {till open the way for a new
marriage with her beloved Rochefter... Tho’ their paflion was fo violent, and their
opportunities of entercourfe fo frequent, that they had already indulged themfelves
in all the gratifications of love, they {till lamented their unhappy fate, while the
VoL. I. Ree ¢: union
Chap. Tf,
1613.
Pe ate oe ee ee
zo WISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
Chap. II. union betwixt them was not intire and indiffoluble. And the lover, as : ell as
apt ig miftrefs, was impatient, till their mutual ardor fhould be crowned with mats
riage. 7 | |
So momentuous an affair could not be concluded without confulting Overbury,
with whom Rochefter was accuftomed to fhare all his fecrets. As long .as that.
faithful friend had confidered his patron’s attachment to the Countefs of Effex mere
ir of gallantry, he had favored its progrefs; and it was partly owing
ly as an aff: 3 | 7
to the ingenious and paflionate letters, which he dictated, that Rochefter had met
with fuch faccefsin his addrefles. Like an experienced courtier, he thought, that
a conqueft of this nature would throw a Iuftre on the youthful favorite, and would.
tend {till further to endear him to James, who was charmed to hear of the amours
of his court, and liftened with attention to every tale of gallantry. But oreat
was Overbury’s alarm, when Rochetter mentioned his defign of marrying the .
Countefs; and he ufed every method to diffuade his friend from fo foolifh an at-
tempt. He reprefented, how invidious, how difficult an enterprize, to procure her
a divorce from her hufband: How dangerous, how fhameful, to take into his own
bed a profligate woman, who, being married to a young nobleman of the firft
rank, had not fcrupled to proftitute her character, and to beftow favors on the
object. of a capricious and momentary pailic -4nethe zeal of friendthip, he
went fo far as to threaten the favorite, that he would feparate himfelf for ever from
him, if he could fo far forget his honor and his intereft as to profecute the intended
marriage.
RocuesTeR had the weaknefs to reveal this converfation to the Countefs of Ef-
fex ;- and, when her rage and fury broke out againft Overbury, he had alfo the
weaknefs to €nter into her projects of revenge, and to vow vengeance againit his
friend, for the utmoft inftance, which he could receive, of his faithful friendfhip.
Some contrivance was requifite for the execution of their purpofe. Rochefter ad-
dreffed himfelf to the King; and after complaining, that his own indulgence to
Overbury had begot in him a degree of arrogance and prefumption, which was
extremely difagreeable, he procured a commiflion for his embafly to Ruffia; which
he reprefented as a retreat for his friend, both profitable and honorable. When
confulted by Overbury, he earneftly diffuaded him from accepting this offer, and
took on himfelf the tafk of fatisfying the King, if he fhould be any way difpleafed
at the refufal. “To the King again, he aggravated the infolence of Overbury’s con-
gi of April, duct, and obtained a warrant for committing him to the tower, which James in-
| tendedas a flight punifhment for his difobedience. The lieutenant of the tower was
@ creature of Rochefter, and had lately been put into the office for this very purpofe <
He confined Overbury fo ttrictly, that the unhappy prifoner was debarred from the
fight
fight even of his neareft relations; and no communication of any kind was allow-
ed with him, during near fix months, which he lived in prifon.
Tuts obftacle being removed, the lovers purfued their purpofe; and the King
himfelf, forgetting the dignity of his character, and his friendfhip for the family of
Effex, entered zealoufly into the proje& of procuring the Countels a divorce from
her hutband, Effex too embraced the opportunity of feparating himfelf from a
bad woman, by whom he was hated; and he was willing to favor their fuccefs by
any honorable expedient. The pretext for a divorce was his incapacity to fulfil
the conjugal duties; and he confeffed, that, with regard to the Countefs, he was
confcious of fuch an infirmity, tho’ he was not fenfible of it with regard to any o~
ther woman. Inher place. too, it is faid, a young virgin was fubftituted under a
mafk, to undergo the legal infpection by a jury of matrons. After fuch a trial,
feconded by court-influence, and fupported by the ridiculous opinion of fafcination
or witchcraft, the fentence of divorce was iffued betwixt the Earl of Effex and his
Countefs. And, to crown the fcandalous feene, the King, anxious left the lady
fhould lofe any rank by her new marriage, beftowed on his beloved minion the
title of Earlof Somerfet.
NoTwiTustTanpDine this fuccefs, the Countefs of Somerfet was not fatisfied,
till fhe fhould further fatiate her revenge on Overbury ;\ and flie engaged her huft
band, as well as her uncle, the Earl of Northampton, in the atrocious defign of
taking him off fecretly by poifon. Fruitlefs attempts were re-iterated by weak
poifons; but, at laft, they gave him one fo fudden and violent, that the fymptoms
were apparent to every one, who approached him. His interment was hurried
on with the greateft precipitation; and, tho’ a {trong fufpicion immediately pre-
vailed in the public, the full proof of the crime was not brought to light, till fome
years afterwards.
Tue fatal cataftrophe of Overbury increafed or begot the fufpicion, that the
Prince of Wales had been carried off by poifon, given him by Somerfet. Men con-
fidered not, that the contrary inference was much jufter. If Somerfet was fo great
a novice in this deteftable art, that, in above five months time, a man, who was
his prifoner, and attended by none but his emiffaries, could not be difpatched but
in fo bungling a manner; how could it be imagined, that a young prince, living
in his own court, furrounded by his own, friends and domeftics, could beexpofed
to Somerfet’s attempts, and be taken off by fo fubtile a poifon, if fuch a one exift,
as would clude the {kill of the moft experienced phyficians?
G2 THE
Chap. IIT,
16143.
Overbury
poifoned,
-- = 4 +
= . ee —_ = : :
So a ee ————— =:
Sa
ry
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
And the lover, as well as
crowned with mars
go
smion betwixt them was not intire and indiffoluble.
his miftrefs, was impatient, till their mutual ardor fhould be
riage. | ie
So momentuous an affair could not be concluded without confulting Overbury,
with whom Rochefter was accuftomed to fhare all his fecrets. As long as that.
faithful friend had confidered his patron’s attachment to the Countefs of Effex mere=
ly as an affair of gallantry, he had favored its progrefs.; and it was partly owing
to the ingenious and paflionate letters, which he dictated, that Rochefter had met
with fuch fuccefsin his addrefles. Like an experienced courtier, he thought, that
a conqueft of this nature would throw a luftre on the youthful favorite, and would
tend {till further to endear him to James, who was charmed to hear of the amours
of his court, and liftened with attention to every tale of gallantry. But great
was Overbury’s alarm, when Rochefter mentioned his defign of marrying the -
Countefs; and he ufed every method to diffuade his friend from fo foolifh an at-
tempt. He reprefented, how invidious, how difficult an enterprize, to procure her
a divorce from her hufband: How dangerous, how fhameful, to take into his own
bed a profligate woman, who, being married to a young nobleman of the firft
rank, had not fcrupled to proftitute her character, and to beftow favors on the
object. of a capricious and momentary pail Leinethe zeal of friendfhip, he
went fo far as to threaten the favorite, that he would feparate himfelf for ever from
him, if he could fo far forget his honor and his intereft as to profecute the intended
marriage.
RocuesTeER had the weaknefs to reveal this converfation to the Countefs of Ef-
fex ;- and, when her rage and fury broke out againft Overbury, he had alfo the
weaknefs to Enter into her projects of revenge, and to vow vengeance againit his
friend, for the utmoft inftance, which he could receive, of his faithful friendfhip.
Some contrivance was requifite for the execution of their purpofe. Rochefter ad-
dreffed himfelf to the King; and after complaining, that his own indulgence to
Overbury had ‘begot in him a degree of arrogance and prefumption, which was
extremely difagreeable, he procured a commiflion for his embaffy to Ruffia; which
he reprefented as a retreat for his friend, both profitable and honorable. When
confulted by Overbury, he earneftly diffuaded him from accepting this offer, and
took on himfelf the tafk of fatisfying the King, if he fhould be any way difpleafed
at the refufal. “To the King again, he aggravated the infolence of Overbury’s con-
duct, and obtained a warrant for committing him to the tower, which James in-
tended as a flight punifhment for his difobedience. The lieutenant of the tower was
a@ creature of Rochetter, and had lately been put into the office for this very purpofe ;
He confined Overbury fo ftrictly, that the unhappy prifoner was debarred from the
fight
fight even of his neareft relations; and no communication of any kind was allow-
ed with him, during near fix months, which he lived in prifon.
Tuts obitacle being removed, the lovers purfued their purpofe; and the King
himfelf, forgetting the dignity of his character, and his friendfhip for the family of
Effex, entered zealoufly into the proje@ of procuring the Countels a divorce from
her hutband. Effex too embraced the opportunity of feparating himfelf from a
bad woman, by whom he was hated; and he was willing to favor their fuccefs by
any honorable expedient. The pretext for a divorce was his incapacity to fulfil
the conjugal duties; and he confeffed, that, with regard to the Countefs, he was
confcious of fuch an infirmity, tho’ he was not fenfible of it with regard to any o-
ther woman. Inher place. too, it is faid, a young virgin was fubftituted under a
mafk, to undergo the legal infpeétion by a jury of matrons. After fuch a trial,
{econded by court-influence, and fupported by the ridiculous opinion of fafcination
or witchcraft, the fentence of divorce was iffued betwixt the Earl of Effex and his
Countefs. And, to crown the fcandalous feene, the King, anxious left the lady
fhould lofe any rank by her new marriage, beftowed on his beloved minion the
title of EKarlof Somerfet.
NoTwITHsTANDING this fuccefs, the Countefs of Somerfet was not fatisfied,
till fhe fhould further fatiate her revenge on Overbury ; and flie engaged her huf-
band, as well as her uncle, the Earl of Northampton, in the atrocious defign of
taking him off fecretly by poifon. Fruitlefs attempts were re-iterated by weak
poifons; but, at laft, they gave him one fo fudden and violent, that the fymptoms
were apparent to every one, who approached him. His interment was hurried
on with the greateft precipitation; and, tho’ a {trong fufpicion immediately pre-
vailed in the public, the full proof of the crime was not brought to light, till fome
years afterwards.
Tue fatal cataftrophe of Overbury increafed or begot the fufpicion, that the
Prince of Wales had been carried off by poifon, given him by Somerfet. Men con-
fidered not, that the contrary inference was much jufter. If Somerfet was fogreat
a novice in this deteftable art, that, in above five months time, a man, who was
his prifoner, and attended by none but his emiffaries, could not be difpatched but
in fo bungling a manner; how could it be imagined, that a young prince, living
in his own court, furrounded by his own, friends and domeftics, could be expofed
to Somerfet’s attempts, andbe taken off by fo fubtile a poifon, if fuch a one exift,
as would elude the {kill of the moft experienced phyficians?
Ge THE
Chap. lit,
1643.
Overbury
poifoned,
Chap. FI.
1613.
p614,
gth of April.
A parliament,
HISTORY oF GREATTBRITAIN.
ver poffeffed, the Earl of Salifbury, was
dead*: Suffolk, aman of flender capacity, had fFacceeded him in his office: And
it was now his tafk to fuoply, from an exhaufted treafury, the profufion of James
and his ‘young favorite. The title of baronet, invented by Salifbury, was fold,
and two hundred patents of that fpecies. of knighthood, were difpofed of for fe
many thoufand pounds: Hach rank of nobility had alfo its price affixed to it?
Privy feals were circuleted to the value of 200,000 pound : Benevolences were
exacted, or free gifts, to the extent of ¢2,000 pound: And {ome monopolies, of
no great value, were ercted. But all thefe expedients proved infufficient. to fupply
the King’s neceflities. However {mall the hopes of fuccefs, a new parliament muft
be fammoned, and this dangerous expedient, for fuch it was now become, once
more be put to the trial.
2
Un
Tue able minifter whom James ¢
Wuewn the commors were affembled, they difcovered an extraordinary alarm,.
which was fpred abroad. concerning undertakers. It
attached to the King, had entered into a con-
ar plan for the new elections, had diftributed
had undertaken to fecure a majority for the
court... So,ignorant were the. commons, that. they knew not. this. incident to be
the firft infallible fymprom-ef-any-reguia ed liberty. . Had they been
contented to follow. th: maxims of their predeceffors, who, as the Earl of Salif-
bury faid to.the laft pirlhament, never, but thrice in fix hundred years, refufed
a.fupply ; they needed not dread, that the crown fhould ever intereft itfelf in their
eleGtions. Formerly, the Kings even infifted, that none of their houfhold fhould
ever be elected members ; and, tho’ the charter was afterwards declared void,
Henry VI. from his great favor to the city of York, conferred a peculiar privi-
lege on its.citizens, tht. they fhould be exempted from this trouble. Tis well’
known, that, in antiat times, a feat in the houfe being confidered as a burthens
attended neither with ionor nor profit; 1t was requifite for the counties and bur-
roughs to pay, fees to their reprefentatives. About this time, a icat began to be
regarded as an hanor, and the country-gentlemen contended for it; tho’ the pra:
Gice of levying. wage for the parliament-men was not altogether. difcontinued:
It was not till long afierwards, when liberty was thorowly eftablifhed, and popu:
lar affemblies enteredinto every branch of public bufinefs, that the members be:
gan to join profit to honor, and the crown found it neceflary.to diftribute among
them all the confideradle offices of the kingdom.
on account.of the rumor,
was reported, that feveral perfons,
federacy; and having laid a regul
theit intereft all over England, and
7
Se
* 34th of May 1612, + Coke’s inftituees, part 4. chap. 1, of charters. of exemption:
J AM £& §S I, 83
So little fkill or fo fmall means had the courtiers, in James’s reien, for manat
sing elections, that this houfe of commons fhowed the fame or a {tron ger f{pirit of
liberty than the foregoing ; and inftead of entering upon the bufinefs of fupply,
as urged by the King and the minifters, they immediately refumed the fubje@
which had been broached laft parliament, and difputed his Majefty’s power of lay-
ing on new cuftoms and impofitions, by the mere ‘authority of his prerogative.
*Tis remarkable, that, in their debates on this fubje@t, the courtiers frequently
pleaded, as a precedent, the example of all the other hereditary monarchs in
Furope, and mentioned particularly the kings of France and Spain ; nor was this
reafoning received by the houfe, either with furprize or indignation. The mem=
bers of the Sake party, either contented themfelves with denying the juft-
nefs of the inference, or they difputed the trath of the obfervation. And a pa-
triot-member in particular, Sir Roger Owen, even-in: arguing againft the impo-
fitions, very frankly allowed, that the king of England was endued with as
ample power and prerogative as any prince in Chriftendom. The nations on
the continent, we may obferve, enjoyed. {till, in that: age, fome remains of
liberty. 3
THE commons applied to the lords for a conference with regard to impofiti-
ons. mellow
thefe humors, James endeavored to infufe a {mall tin@ure of fuperftition into
the national worfhip, and to introduce fuch rites and ceremonies as might, in fome
degree, occupy the mind, and pleafe the fenfes, without departing too far from
that fimplicity, by which the reformation was diftinouifhed. The finer arts too,
tho’ ftill rude in thefe northern Kingdoms, were employed to adorn the churches ;
and the King’s chappel, in which an organ waseretted, and fome pictures and {ta-
tues difplayed, was propofed as a model to the reft 6f the nation. But mufic.
was grating to the prejudized ears of the Scotch clergy ; fculpture and painting
appeared inftruments ‘of idolatry ; the furplice was* a rag of popery; and each
motion or ‘gefture, ‘preferibed ‘by the liturgy, was a ftep towards “that fpiricual
Babylon, fo much the object of their horror and ayerfion. uvery thing was
deemed impious, but their own myftical comments on the fcriptures, which they
idolized, and whofe eaftern prophetic ftyle they employed in every common oc-
currence of life.
own weaknefs, rejecting all exterior aid of pomp and ceremony, was fo occu:
It will be fufficient to give an account of one or two ef the ceremonies, which
the King ‘was {© intent to eftablith, Such inftitutions, fora time, are efteemed,,.
cither too divine to have proceeded from any other being than the fupreme
Creator of the univerfe, or too diabolical to have been derived from other than:
an infernal demon. But no feoner is the mode or the controverfy paft, than
they are univerfally difcovered to be fo frivolous as fearce to be mentioned with
dignity or even decency, amidft the ordinary courfe of human tranfactons. On.
thefe occafions, hiftory is fometimes conftrained to depart a little from her native
and accuftomed gravity.
As epifcopal ordination was {il} wanting to the Scotch bifhops, who derived:
their character merely from votes of parliaments and aflemblies ; James had cal-
led up three of them to England.*. “By canonical cerémonies and by impofiti-
on of hands, they received from the Englith bifhops that unknown, and there:
fore the more revered vittue, which, thro’ innumerable prelates, had been fup-
pofed to be tranfmitted, without interruption; from the firit difciples and a-
pottles.
*'16 ro,
se Ns
64 HISTORY oF GREAT BRITAIN.
hav. ur, poftles. And thefe three bifhops were efteeme
3 and to transfer it, b
d fufficient to preferve alive that
‘617. virtue, ‘to tranfport it into Scotland, , their touch, to their
brethren and fucceffors in that kingdom.
GREAT controverfies arofe, even after every ot
betwixt the King and the minitters, about. the manner of receiving the facraments
The King {till infifted, that the communicants fhould reit on their knees; and he
regarded that pofture as the mott refpectful, becaufe the moft uneafy: The mini-
{ters {trenuoufly maintained the privilege of repofing on their feats, during the per-
formance of that facred rite, and would by no means fubmit to the poiture prefcribed
to them.
Mucu difference likeways, and violent difpute took place,
mental bread fhould be cut into morfels before it was prefented to the communicants,
felves break it with their fingers. The King infifted
the church adhered obftinately to the latter.
regarded private communion, pri
arvance of Chriftmas and other
were afterwards known
her difpute feemed to be adjufted,
whether the facra-
or whether they might them
vehemently on the former practice 5
Tue other ufages, recommended by James,
vate baptifm, confirmation of children, and the obt
feftivals. Thefe ceremonies, allexcept that of ordination,
under the name of the articles of Perth, from the place where they were ratified by
the affembly- pin tiatenniaine ee
A conformity of difcipline and worfhip betwixt the churches of England and Scot-
land, which was James’s aim, he never could hope to eftablith, but by firft procu-
ring an acknowlegement of his own authority in all ecclefiaftical caufes; and no-
thing could be more contrary to the practice as well as principles of the prefbyterian
clergy. . The ecclefiaftical courts poffeffed the power of fyulminating excommunica-
tion; and that dreadful fentence, befide the eternal and infinite punifhments, to
which it configned thedelinquent, was attended with immediate confequences of
the moft important nature. The perfon excommunicated was fhunned by every one
as profane and impious 5 and his whole eftate, during his life-time, and all his
moveables, for ever, were forfeited to the crown. . Nor were the preparatory
{teps, requifite before inflicting this fentence, formal or regular, in proportion to
Without accufer, without fummons, without trial, any eccle-
fiaftical court, however inferior, could, ina fummary manner, pronounce a fentence
of excommunication, for any caufe, and againft any perfon, even tho’ he lived
nds of their jurifdiction. And, by this means, the whole ty-
tho’ without its order, was introduced into the kingdom.
But the clergy contented not themfelves with the unlimited jurifdiction, which |
they exercifed in ecclefiaftical matters: . They affumed a cenforial power Over
very part of adminiftration; and, in all their fermons, and even prayers, mingligg
politics
the weight of it.
not within the bou
ranny of the inguifition,
J AME S.. I. 6s
J
politics with religion, they inculcated the moft feditious and moft turbulent prin-
ciples. Black, minifter of St. Andrews, went fo far *, in a fermon, as to pro-
nounce all kings the devil’s children; he gave the Queen of England the appella-
tion of atheift; he faid, that the treachery of the King’s heart was now fully
difcovered; andin his prayers for the Queen he ufed thefe words; We mufi pray
for ber for the fafbion’s fake , but we have no caufe: She will never do us any good.
When fummoned before the privy council, he refufed to anfwer toa civil court for
any part of his fermons, even tho’ the crime, of which he was accufed, was of a
civil nature. The church adopted his caufe. They raifed a fedition in Edin-
burgh. The King, during fome time, was in the hands of the enraged popu-
lace; and it was not without courage, as well as dexterity, that he was able to
extricate himfelf. A few daysafterwards, a minifter, preaching in the principal
church of that capital, faid, that the King was poffefled with a devil; and, that
one devil being expelled, feven worfe had entered in his place. _ To which he ad-
ded, that the fubjects might lawfully rife, and take the fword out of his hand.
Not, even during the darkeft night of papal fuperftition, are there found fuch
in{tances of prieftly encroachments, as the annals of Scotland prefent to us during
that period. | | aba
_. By thefe extravagant ftretches of power, and by the patient conduct of James,
the church began to lofe ground, even before the King’s acceflion to the throne of
England: But no fooner had that event taken place, than he made the Scotch
clergy fenfible, that he was fovereign of a great kingdom, which he governed
with great authority. Tho’ formerly he would have efteemed himfelf happy to
have made -a fair partition with them of the civil and. ecclefiaitical authority, he
was now refelved to exert a fupreme jurifdiction in church as well as ftate, and to
put an end to their feditious practices. An affembly had been fummoned at Aber-
deen}; -but, on account of his journey to London, he prorogued it to the year
following. Some of the clergy, difavowing his ecclefiaftical fupremacy, met at
the time firft appointed, notwithitanding his prohibition. He threw them into
prifon. Such of them as fubmitted, and acknowleged their error, he pardoned.
The reft he brought to their trial. They were condemned for high treafon.
He gave them their lives; but banifhed them the kingdom. Six of them fuffered
this penalty.
The general affembly was afterwards induced || to acknowlege the King’s au-
thority in fummoning ecclefiaftical courts, and to fubmit to the jurifdiction and vi-
fitation of the bifhops. Even their favorite fentence of excommunication was
declared invalid, unlefs confirmed by the ordinary. The King recommended to
Vo t. I. I the
* 1596. + 17th Dec. 1596. J July 1604. } 6th of June 1610.
Chap. ITE,
1617.
Chap. TI,
$037.
#3th of June.
goth of July.
66 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
the prefbytéries the members, whom they fhould elect to this affembly ; and every
thing was conducted in it with little appearance of choice and liberty.
By his own prerogative too, which he greatly {tretched on this occafion, the
King érected a court of high commiflion *, in imitation of that eftablifhed in En-
gland. The bifhops and a few of the clergy, who had been furnmoned together, wits
lingly acknowleged this court; and it proceeded immediate! y upon bufinets, as if
its authority had been grounded on the full confent of the whole legiflature.
But James referved the final blow for the time when he fhould himfelf pay a
vifit to Scotland. To the patliament, which was then fummoned, it was propofed
to enact, that, “ whatever his Majefty fhould determine in the external govern-
“ ment of the church, with the confent of the archbifhops, bifhops, anda com-~
‘¢ petent number of the miniftry, fhould have the force of a law.” What num-
ber fhould be efteemed competent was not determined: And their nomination was ~
left intirely to the King: So that his ecclefiaftical authority, had this act pafled,
would have been eftablifhed in its full extent. Some of the clergy protefted.
They apprehended, they faid, that the purity of their church, by means of the
new authority, would be polluted with the whole rites and liturgy of ‘the church
of England. James, dreading clamer and oppofition, dropped the act, which
had already paffed the lords of articles; and afferted, that the inherent preroga-
tive of the crown contained more power than-was recognized by this bill. Some-
time after, he called a meeting, at St. Andrews, of the bifhops and thirty fix of
the moft eminent clergy. He there declared his refolution of exerting his prero-
gative, and of eftablifhing, by his own authority, the few ceremonies which he
had recommended to them. They entreated him rather to calla general affembly,
and to procure their confent. The King afking, What affurance he might have of the
affembly’s confent, they anfwered, That they faw no reafon to the contrary, and
knew that the affembly would yield to any reafonable demand of his Majeity. But
if it fall out otkerways, faid the King, and my demand be refufed 5 ‘my difficulty fall
be the greater: And when I foall ufe my authority in eftablifhing the ceremonies, they
will callime tyrant and perfecutor. All crying out, that none could be fomad; Ye
experience, faid the King, tells me, that it may readily happen. Therefore, unlefs I be
made fure, I will not give way to an affémbly. Galloway, one of the minifters, fay-
ing, that the Archbifhop of St. Andrews would anfwer for them, the Archbifhop
refufed: For that he had been deceived by them, and had fufficiently experienced.
their breach of promife. Then faid Galloway, If your Majefty will truft me, I will
anfwer for them. The King confented; and an affembly was fummoned on the
25th of November next.
YET
* «5th of Feb. 1640,
J S.MER & + | 67
Yet this affembly, which met after his departure from Scotland, eluded all
the King’s applications; and it was not tillthe fubfequent year, that he was able
to procure a vote for receiving his ceremonies. And thro’ every {tcp of this
affair, in the parliament as well as in all the general aflemblies, the nation betray-
ed the utmoit reluctance to all thefe innovations; and nothing but the King’s
importunity and authority had extorted a feeming confent, which was b: Led by
the inward fentiments of all ranks of people. Even the few, over whom religi-
ous prejudices were not prevalent, thought the national honor facrificed by a fer-
vile imitation of the modes of worfhip, practifed in England. And every pru-
dent man agreed in condemning the meafures of the King, who, by an ill-timed
zeal for infignificant ceremonies, had betrayed, tho’ in an oppofite manner, e-
qual narrownefs of mind, with the perfons, whom he treated with fuch con-
tempt. It was judged, that, had not thefe dangerous humors been irritated by.
eppofition; had they been allowed peaceably to. evaporate; they might at latt
have fubfided within the limits of law and civil authority; And as all fanatical
religions naturally circymfcribe, to very narrow bounds, the numbers and riches
of the ecclefiaftics ; no fooner is their firft fire fpent, than they lofe all credit
_over the people, and leave them under the natural and beneficent influence of their
legal and moral obligations.
Ar thefame time, that James fhocked, in fo violent a manner, the religi-
ous principles of his Scotch fubjects, he acted in oppofition to the bigotry of
his Englifh. He had obferved, in his progrefs thro’ England, that a judaical
obfervance of the funday, chiefly by means of the puritans, was gaining, every day,
ground thro’out the kingdom, and that the people, under pretext of religion,
were, contrary to former practice, debarred from fuch {ports and recreations, as
contributed both to their health and their amufement. Feftivals, which in all
other nations and ages, are partly dedicated to public worfhip, partly to mirth
and fociet ‘Yo were here totally appropriated to the offices of religion, and ferved to
nourifh thofe fullen and — contemplations, to which the people were, of
themfelves, fo unfortunatel y fubje@t. The King falfely concluded, that it would
be eafy to infyfe chearfulncfs into this dark fpirit of devotion. He ifiued a pro-
clamation to allow and incourage, after divine fervice, all kinds of lawful games
and exercifes; and by his authority, he endeavored to give fanction to a practice,
which dis prejudized fubjects regarded as the utmoft profanenels and im-
piety.
1 2 3 CHAP.
—
Chap. III,
1617,
LOTS.
Sir Walter
Ralcigh’s ex-
pedition,
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
Co Ae. AY
Sir Walter Raleigh expedition. Lis execution ——lInfurrections tn:
Bohemia. Lofs of the Palatinate. Negotiations with Spain. ,
A par Jament.—Parties. ——Fall of Bacon. ———Kupiure betwixt King
and parliament.———F roteftation of the commons.
T the time when Sir Walter Raleigh was firft confined to the tower, his vios
lent and haughty temper had rendered him the moft unpopular man in Eng-
land, and his condemnation was chiefly owing to that public odium, under which
he labored. During the thirteen years imprifonment, which he fuffered, the fen-
timents of the nation were much changed with. regard to him. Men had leifure
to reflect on the hardthip, not to fay, injuftice of his fentence; they. pitied his
active and enterprizing fpirit, which languifhed in. the rigors of confinement; they
were ftruck with the extenfive genius of the man, who, being educated amidit
naval and military enterprizes, .hadfurpafiedin the purfuits of literature, even thofe
of the moft reclufe and fedentary lives; and they admired his unbroken magnani»
mity, which, at his age and under his circumftances, could engage him to under:
take and execute fo great a work as his hiftory of the world. To increafe thefe
favorable difpofitions, on which he built the hopes of his liberty, he fpred the re-
port of a goldenmine, which he had difcovered in Guiana, and which was fuffici-
ent, according to his reprefentation, not only to inrich all the adventurers, but
ro afford immenfe treafures to the nation. The King, when informed ot thefe
mighty promifes, gave little credit to them; both becaufe he believed, that. no
fach mine, as that defcribed, was any where in nature, and becaufe he confidered
Raleigh as a man of defperate fortunes, whofe bufinefs it was, by any. means, to
procure his freedom, and to re-inftate himfelf in credit and authority. Thinking,
however, that he had already undergone fufficient punifhment;. he releafed him
from the tower ; and when his vaunts of the. golden mine had engaged multitudes
to affociate with him, the King gave him permiflion to try the adventure, and,
at their defire, conferred on him authority over his fellow-adventurers. « The’
ftrongly follicited, he ftill refufed to grant him a pardon, which feemed a natu-
ral confequence, when he was intrufted with power and command, But James
declared
a Ae @M- vE=eS I, 6¢
declared himfelf ftill diffident of Raleigh’s defigns; and he intended, he faid, to
referve the former fentence, as a check upon his future behavior.
RaLeicu well knew, that it was far from the King’s purpofe to invade any
of the Spanifh fettlements: | He therefore firmly denied, that Spain had planted
any colonies on that part of the coaft, where his mine lay. When the am-
baffador of that nation, the famous Gondomar, alarmed at his preparations, car-
ried complaints to the King; Raleigh {till protefted the innocence of his intent
ons: And James affured Gondomar, that he durft not form any hoftile attempt,
and’ that he fhould pay with his head for fo audacious an enterprize. But the mi-
nifter wifely concluding, that twelve armed veflels were not. fitted out. without
fome purpofe of invafion, conveyed the intelligence to the court of Madrid, wha
immediately gave orders for arming and fortifying all their. fettlements,, particu:
larly thofe along the coaft of Guiana.
WHEN thecourage and avarice of the Spaniards and’Portuguefe had difcovered
fo many new worlds, they were refolved to fhew themfelves fuperior to the bar-
barous heathens, whom they invaded, not only in arts and arms, but alfo in the
juttice of the quarrel: They applied to Alexander VI. who then filled the pa-
pal chair; and he generoufly beftowed on the Spaniards the whole weftern, and
on the Portuguefe the whole eaftern part of the globe. “Fhe more pananuiie pro-
teftants, who Toe) coblagda not the authority of the Roman pontiff, eftablifhed
the firft difcovery'as the foundation of sheir title; and if a pyrate or fea-adven-
turer of their nation had but erected a ftick or ftone on the fhore, as a memorial
of his taking poffeffion, they concluded the whole continent to belong to them,
and thought themfelves intitled to expel or exterminate, as ufurpers, the antient
poffeffors and inhabitants. It was in this manner, that Sir Walter’ Raleigh, a-
bout twenty-three years before, had acquired to the crown of England ajuit claim
to the continent of Giana, a region as-Jarge as the half of Europe; and tho’
he had, immediately after, ‘left the coaft, he yet pretended; that the-Englith titié
remained certain and indefeazable. But it had happened in the mean time, that
the Spaniards, not knowing or not acknowleging this claim, had-taken pofledlion
of a part of Guiana,. had formed a fettlement on the river Oronooko, had built
a little town called St. Thomas, and were there working fome mines of {mall
value.
To this place, Raleigh directly bent. his courfe; and remaining, himfelf, at
the mouth of the river with five of the largeft fhips, he fent up the reft to St.
Thomas,. under the command of his fon, and of captain Keymis, a perfon intire-
‘ly devoted to him. The Spaniards, who had expected this invafion, fired on
the Englifh at their landing, were repulfed, and *purfued ‘into the town. Young
Balcioh
Chap. FV
2618.
79 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
Raleigh, to incourage his men, called out, That this was the true mine, and none
but fools looked for any other ; and advancing upon the Spaniards, received a fhot,
of which he immediately expired. This difmayed not Keymis and the others.
They carried on the attack, got poffeflion of the town, which they afterwards
fet on fire; and found not in it any thing of confiderable value.
Raweres pretended not, that he had himfelf feen the mine, which he had en-
to go in queft of: It was Keymis, he faid, who had for-
and had brought him that lump of ore, which promifed fuch
immen(e treafures. Yet Keymis, who. owned, that he was within two hours
march of the place, refufed, under the moft abfurd pretexts, to take any effectual
ftep towards the finding it; and he returned immediately to Raleigh, with the
melancholy news of his fon’s death, and the ill fuccefs of the enterprize. Senfible
to reproach, and dreading punifhment for his behavior, in defpair Keymis retired
into his cabbin, and put an end to his own lite.
Tue other adventurers now concluded that they. were deceived by Raleigh ;
that he never had known of any fuch mine as he pretended to go in fearch of;
that his intention had ever been to plunder St. Thomas; and. having encouraged
his company by the fpoil of that place, to have thence proceeded to the invafion
of the other Spanifh fettlements; that he expected to repair his ruined fortunes by
fuch daring enterprizes;. and that hetrufted to the moncy he fhould acquire, for
gaged fo many people
merly difcovered it,
making his peace with England; or if that view failed him, that he propofed
to retire into fome other country, where his riches would fecure his retreat.
Tux fimall acquifitions, gained by the fpoil of St. Thomas, difcouraged Ra-
-Jeigh’s companions from entering into thefe views; tho’ there were. many cCir-
cuinftances inthe treaty betwixt the two nations, which invited them te engage
in fuch a pyratical war with the Spaniards.
Wuewn England made peace with Spain, the example of Henry IV. was imi-
tated, who, at the treaty of Vervins, finding a difficulty in adjuftine all que-
{tions with regard to the Indian trade, had agreed to pafs over that article in total
filence. The Spaniards, having, all along, publifhed fevere edicts againit the in-
tercourfe of any iuropean nation with their colonies, interpreted this filence in
their own favor, and confidered it as a tacit acquiefcence of England in the efta-
blifhed laws of Spain. The Englith, on the contrary, pretended, that, as they
had never been excluded by any treaty from commerce with any part of the King
~ ° 3 . . . - ‘ ‘ ~
of Spain’s dominions, it was {till as lawful for them to trade with his fettlements
in either Indies, as with his European territories. In confequence of this ambi-
guity, many adventurers from England failed to the Spanifh Indies, and met
with fevere punifhment, when caught; as they, on the other hand, eften dtole,
and
J Wes oo t. 77
and, when fuperior in power, forced a trade with the inhabitants, and refitted,
nay fometimes plundered, the Spanith governors. Violences of this nature, which
had been carried to a great height on both fides, it was agreed to bury in total
oblivion; becaufe of the difficulty, which was found, of remedying them, upon
any fixed principles.
Bur as there appeared a great difference betwixt private adventurers in fingle
fhips, and a fleet acting under a royal commiflion ; Raleigh’s companions thought
it fafeft to return immediately to England, and carry him along with them to
anfwer for his condu@’ and behavior. ’Tis pretended, that he employed many
artifices, firft to engage them to attack the Spanifh fettlements, and failing of that,
to make his efcape into France: But all thefe proving unfuccefsful, he was delivered
into the King’s hands, and ftriétly examined, as well as his fcllow-adventurers, be-
fore the privy council. The council found no difficulty in pronouncing, that the
former fufpicions, with regard to Raleigh’s intentions, had been well erounded,
that he had abufed the King in the reprefentations which he had made of his pro-
jected adventure; that he had acted in an offenfive and hoftile manner apainit his
Majeity’s allies; and that he had wilfully burned and deitroyed a town belonging
to the King of Spain. He might have been tried cither by common law for this
violence, or by martial law for breach of orders: But it was an eftablithed prin-
ciple among thofe of the long robe, that, as he lay under an actual attainder for
high treafon, he could not be brought to a new trial for any other crime. To fatisfy,
therefore, the court of Spain, who raifed the loudett complaints againit him, the
King made ufe of that power which he had purpofely referved in his own hand,
and figned the warrant for his execution upon the former fentence.*
SIR
* Some of the fa&s, in this narration, which feem to condemn Raleigh, are taken from the
King’s declaration, which being publifhed by authority, when the faéts were recent, being extracted
from examinations before the privy council, and fubferibed by fix counfellors, among whom was
Abbot Archbifhop of Canterbury, a prelate no way -complaifant to the court, muft be allowed to
have great weight. Yet the moft material faés are confirmed either by the nature and reafon of the
thing, or by Sir Walter’s own apology and his letters. The King’s vindication is in the Harleyan
mifcellany, Vol. 3. No. 2.
1. There feems to be an improbability, that the Spaniards, who knew nothing of Raleigh’s pre-
tended mine, fhould have built a town, in fo wide a coaft within three miles of it. The chances are
extremely againft {uch a fuppofition: And it is more natural to think, that the view of plundering
the town led him thither, than that of working a mine. 2, No fuch mine is there found to this
day. 43. Raleigh in fa& found no mine, and in-fa@t he plundered and burned a Spanith town. Is it
not more probable, therefore, that the latter was his intention ? How can the fecrets of his breaft be
sendered {o vifible as to counterpoife certain facts? 4. He confefles, in his letter to Lord Carew,
: that
Chap. 1¥,
16138,
eh ire
Sew BA 4
eS Ss. —( rr eee SE SLU _
lt A
72 HISTORY of GREAT BRITAIN.
Six Walter Raleigh, finding his fate inevitable, collected all his courage: And
tho’ he had formerly made ufe of many mean artifices, fuch as feigning madnefs,
ficknefs, and a variety of difeafes, in order to protract his examination, and pro-
cure his efcape; he now refolved to act his part with bravery. and refolution.
Tis a foarp remedy, he faid, out a fure one for all ills; when he. felt the edge of the
ax, by which he was to be beheaded. His. harangue to. the people was calm and
eloquent ;
chat, tho’ he knew it, yet he concealed from ‘the King the fettlement-of the Spaniards, on that coatt.
Does not this fa@t alone render him fufficiently criminal? 5. His commiffion impowers him only to
fettle on a coaft poflefied by favage and barbarous inhabitants. Was it not’the moft criminal breach
of orders to difembark on a coaft poflefied by Spaniards ? 6. ‘His orders to Keymis, when he fent
‘him up the river, are contained in his own apology, and from them it appears, that he knew (what
was unavoidable) that the Spaniards would refift, and would oppofethe Englifh-landing and poffeflions
His intentions, therefore, were hoftile from the beginning. /7- Without provocation, and even
when at a diftance, he gave Keymis orders to diflodge the Spaniards from their own town. Could
any enterprize be more hoftile? And, confidering the Spaniards as allies to the nation, could any
enterprize be more criminal ? Was he not the aggreffor, even tho’ it fhould be ‘true that the Spa-
niards fired upon his men.at landing? "Tis faid he killed three or four hundred of them. Is that fo
‘light amatter? 8. In his letter to'the King, and in his apology, he grounds his-defence on former hoftis
ities exercifed by the Spaniards againft other companies of Englifhmen. Thefe are accounted for by
_the ambiguity of the treaty betwixt the nations. And’tis plain, that tho’ thefe might be reafons for
the King’s .declaring war againft that nation, they could never entitle Raleigh to declare war,
and, without any commiftion, er contrary to his commiffion, to invade the Spanifh fettlements. He
pretends indeed that peace was never made with Spain in the Indies: A moft abfurd notion! 9g. If
the claim tothe property of that country as firft difcoverer, was good, in oppofition to prefent fettle-
ments, as Raleigh pretends ; why was.it not laid before the King with all its circumftances, and fub-
mitted to his judgment? 10. Raleigh’s force is acknowleged by himfelf to have been infufficient
to fupport him in poffeffion againft the power of which Spain was mafter on that coaft; yet it was fuffie
cient, as he owns, to take by furprize and plunder twenty towns. It was not therefore his defign to
fettle, but to plunder. By thefe confeffions, which I have here brought together, he plainly betrays
himfelf. 11. Why did he not ftay and work his mine, as at firft he projected? He apprehended
that the Spaniards would be upon him with a greater force. But before he left England, he knew,
that this must be-the cafe, if he invaded any part of the Spanifh colonies. * His intention: therefore
never was to fettle, -but only to plunder. 12. He acknowleges, that he knew neither of the depth
nor quantity of the mine, but only that there was fome ore there. ,Would he have ventured all his
fortune and credit on fo precarious a foundation. 13. Would the other adventurers, if made acquainted
with this, have rifqued every thing to attend him ? “Ought a fleet to have been equipped for an ex-
periment ? Was there not plainly an impofture in the management of this affair? 14. He fays to
Keymis, in his orders, Bring but a bafket-or two of ore, and it will fatisfy the King, that my project
was notimaginary. ‘This was eafily done from the Spanifh mines ; and helfeems to have been chiefly
difpleafed at Keymis for not attempting it. Such a view was a premeditated apology to cover his cheat.
15. The King in his declaration imputes it to Raleigh, that as foon as he was at fea, he immediately fell
ante
JI ASMOE:S YE. 693
J
eloquent; and he endeavored to revenge himfelf, and to load his énemies vith Clap. Vv,
the public hatred, by {trong affeverations of fads, which, to fay the leatt, may be 1018.
efteemed very doubtful. With the utmoft indifference, he laid his head upon the
block, and received the fatal blow. And in his death, there appeared the fame
great, but ill-regulated mind, which, during his life, had difplayed itfelf in all MEP ce
his conduct and behavior. | aS
Vout. I. kK No
Odtober 29.
into fuch uncertain and doubtful talk of his mine, and faid, that it would be fuficient if he brought |
home a bafketfull of ore. From the circumftance laft mentioned, it appears, that this imputation was not
without reafon. _ 16. There are many other circumftances of great weight in the King’s declaration,
that Raleigh, when he fell down to Plymouth, took no pioneers along with him, which he always
declared to be his intention; that he was no-way provided of inftruments for working a mine, but
had a fufficient ftock of warlike ftores; that young Raleigh, in attacking the Spaniards, employed
the words, which, in the narration, I have put into his mouth; that the mine was moveable, and (hift-
ed as he faw convenient: Notto mention many other public faéts which prove him to be highly crimi-
nal againft his companions as well as his country. 17. Raleigh’s account of his firft voyage to Guiana
proves him to have been a man capable of the moft extravagant credulity or mott impudent impofture :
‘So ridiculous are the ftories which he tells of the Inca’s chimerical empire in the midft of Guiana:
the rich city of el Dorndo, or Manao, two day’s journey in length, and shining with gold and fil-
ver; the old Peruvian prophecies in favor of the Englith, who, he fays, were exprefly named as
the deliverers of that country, long before any European had ever touched there; the Amazons or
republic of women ; and in general; the vaft and incredible riches, which he faw on that continent,
where no body has yet found any treafures. This whole narration is a proof, that he was extreme! y
defective either in folid underftanding, or morals, or both. No man’s charaéter indeed feems ever to
have been carried to fuch extremes as Raleigh’s, by the oppofite paffions of envy and pity. In the
former part of his life, when he was active and lived in the world, and was probably beft known, he
was the object of univerfal horror and deteftation thro’out England ; in the latter part, when fhut up
in prifon, he became, much more unreafonably, the object of great love and admiration.
As to the circumftance of the narration, that Raleigh’s pardon was refufed him, that his former fen-
tence was purpofely kept in force againft him, and that he went out under thefe exprefs conditions,
they may be fupported by the following authorities, 1. The King’s word and that of fix privy coun-
fellors, who affirm it for fact. 2. The nature of the thing. Ifno fufpicion had been entertained of
his intentions, a pardon would never have been refufed to a man to whom authority was entrufted.
3. The words of the commiflion itfelf, where he is fimply ftiled Sir Walter Raleigh, and not faithful
and well-beloved, according to the ufual and never failing ftile on fuch oceafions. 4. In all the let-
ters, which he wrote home to Sir Ralph Winwood and to his wife, he always confiders himfelf asa
perfon unpardoned, and liable to the law. He feems indeed, immediately upon the failure of his
enterprize, to have become defperate, and to have expected the fate which he met with.
"Tis pretended, that the King gave intelligence to the Spaniards of Raleigh’s projeét; as if he had
needed to lay a plot for the deftroying a man, whofe life had been fourteen years, and ftill was; in/his
power. ‘The Spaniards wanted no other intelligence to be on their guard but the known and public
fact of Raleigh’s armament. And there was no reafon why the King fhould conceal from them the
project of a fettlement, which Raleigh pretended, and the King believed to be entirely innocent.
The?
74 HISTORY or IGREAT BRITAIN.
No meaftire of: James’s reign was attended: with more public diffatisiaction than
the punifhment of Sir Walter Raleigh. To execute a fentence, which was ori+
ginally fo hard, which had: been: fo long fufpended, and which feemed to have
been tacitely pardoned by conferring on him. acnew truft and. commiflion, was
efteemed an!inftance of the wrmoft-cruelty andiinjuftice. | To facrifice, to a:cons
cealed enemy of England, the life of the only man inthe nation, who hada
high reputation for valor and military experience, was deemed the greateft mean-
nefs and indifcretion. And the great connections, which the King was now enter-
ing into with Spain, being univerfally diftafteful, rendered this inftance of his
complaifance {till more odious and unpopular.
James had entertained an opinion, which was peculiar to himfelf, and which
had been adopted. by, none of his predeceflors, that any alliance, below that of
a king; was-unworthy a prince of Wales; and:he never would allow other than
a daughter of France or Spain, to be mentioned as a match for his fon. This
inftance of pride, which really implied meannefs,, as if he could receive honor
from, any alliance, was. fo,well known, that Spain had founded on,it the hopes
of governing, in the moft-important tranfactions, this monarch, fo little celebra-
ted for politics or prudence: During the life of Henry, the King of Spain had
dropped fome hints of beftowing on that Prince his eldeft daughter, whom he.
afterwards difpofed of to the young King of France, Lewis XIII. At that time,
the view of the Spaniard was to engage James into-a. neutrality with regard to
the fucceffion-of Cleves,’ which was’ difputed betwixt the proteftant and popifh
line: But the bait did not then take; and James, in confequence of his alliance
with
The King’s chief blame feems to have been in his negligence, in allowing Raleigh to depart. with-
out 2 more.exact fcrutiny: But for this he apologizes, by faying, that fareties were required for the
good behavior of Raleigh and all his affociates in the enterprize; but that they gave in bonds for
one another: A cheat which was not perceived. till they had failed, and which increafed the fufpicion
of bad intentions. |
Perhaps the,King ought alfo'to have granted Raleigh a. pardon for his old treafon, and'to have tried
him anew: for. his new offences, . His punifhment.in that.cafe would not only have been juft, but con-
duéted in a juft-and unexceptionable manner. But we are told that a ridiculous opinion at that time
prevailed in the nation, (and it, 1s plainly. fuppofed by Sir Walter in his apology) that, by
the treaty, war was allowed with the Spaniards.in;the;Indies, tho’ peace was made in Europe:
And while that notion took. place, no jury would have found Raleigh guilty. So. that had not the
King punifhed him. upon his old fentence, the Spaniards would. have had a moft-juft caufe of com-
plaint againf the-King fufficient to have. produced a war,’ at leait to have deftroyed all cordiality, -
betwixt the nations,
This.explication I thought neceffary in order to clear up the ftory of Raleigh; which, tho’ very
obvious, is generally miftaken, in fo grofs a manner, that I know not its parallel in the whole Eng-
hih hiftory.
é
,:42 ME Ss I. 7 8
withthe Dutch, »and: Henry IV. of France, ‘marched * 4000 'mnen, ‘under ithe Chap..JV.
i saa — 1618,
command ‘of Sir Edward Cecil, who joined ‘thefe two powers, and put the’ Mar-
quis of Brandenburgh and the Palatine of (Newbourg, in poffeflion ‘of that dut-
‘ehy. . 7 :
GONDOMAR was, at this time, the Spanifh ambaffador in England; a man,
whofe flattery was the more artful, becaufe covered with the appearance of frank-
nefs and ofincerity; | whofe politics were the more dangerous, becaufe difeuifed
under the mafque of mirth ‘and:pleafantry. ‘He now made offer ‘of’ ithe fecond
daughter of Spain to Prince ‘Charles; and, that he might render the temptation
irrefiftible to the neceflitous monarch, he gave hopes of an immenfe fortune, which
fhould attend the Princefs. The court of Spain, tho’ determined to contraét no
alliance with»a heretic, ‘entered into negotiations with James, which they artfully
protracted, and, amid every difappointment, {till redoubled his hopes of fuccefs.
The tranfactions in Germany, fo important to the Auttrian preatnefs, became, ‘e-
very day, a new motive for this duplicity of conduc.
In that great revolution of manners, which happened during the fixteenth and Inlurreétions
the feventeenth centuries, the only nations, who had the honorable, tho’ often me- ™ Bohemia,
lancholy advantage, of making an’effort for their expiring privileges, were fach
as, along with the principles of civil liberty,’ were animated with a zeal for reli-
gious parties and opinions. Befide the irrefiftible force of mercenary armies, the
European princes poffeffed this advantage, that they were defcended from the an-
tient royal families; that they continued the fame names of magiftrates, the
fame appearance of ‘civil government; and 'reftraining themfelves by all the forms
‘of legal adminiftration, could infenfibly impofe the yoke on their unguarded fub-
jects.» Even the German nations, who formerly broke the Roman chains, ‘and
reftored liberty to mankind, now loft their own liberty, and faw with erief the
abfolute authority of their princes firmly eftablifhed’ amongtt them. In their
circumitances, nothing but a pious fanaticifm, which difregards all motives of
buman prudence, could have made them entertain hopes of preferving any longer
thofe privileges, which their anceftors, thro’ fo many ages,: had tranfmitted té
them.
As the houfe of Auftria, thro’out all their extenfive dominions, ‘had ever madé
religion the pretext of their ufurpations, they now met with refiftance froma like
principle; .and: the catholic fuperftition, as ufual, had ranged itfelf on the fide of
monarchy ; the proteftant enthufiafm, on that of liberty. . The ftates of Bohemia,
having taken arms againft the Emperor Mathias, continued their revolt againit his
fucceflor Ferdinand, and claimed the obfervance of all the edicts enacted in favot
K 2 of
* 610,
76 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
of the new religion, along with the reftoration of their antient laws and confti-
tution.. The furrounding principalities, Silefia, Moravia, Lufatia, Auftria, even
the kingdom of Hungary, took part in the quarrel; and thro’out all thefe po-
pulous and martial provinces, the {pirit of difcord and civil war had univerfally dif-
fufed itfelf.
FERDINAND II. who poffefled more vigor and ability, tho’ not more lenity
and moderation, than’ are ufual with the Auftrian princes, {trongly armed him-
felf for the recovery. of his authority ;.and befide the afliftance of his fubjects,
who profeffed the antient religion, he engaged on his fide a powerful alliance of
the neighboring potentates. All the catholic princes of the empire had embraced
his defence ;- even Saxony; the moft powerful of the proteftant : Peland had des
clared itfelf in his favor; and, above all, the Spanith-monarch, efteeming his
own intereft intimately. connected with that of the younger branch of his family,
preparel powerful fuccors from Italy, from the low countries; and he opened
his Indan treafures for the fupport of Ferdinand and of the catholic religion.
Tue ftates of Bohemia, alarmed with thefe mighty preparations, began alfo to
follicit. foreign. affiftance sand, along with that fupport, which they obtained from
the evangelical union in Germany, they, endeavored toveltablith connexions with
greater princes. They caft their eyes on Frederic, Elector Palatine. They con-
fidered, that, befide the power of his own ftate, which was great, he was fon-
in-law to the King of England, and nephew to Prince Maurice, whofe authority
was become almoft abfolute in: the. united provinces. . They hoped,» that: thete
princes, moved by the connetions of blood, as well,as by the tienof ‘theim com-
mon rdigion, would intereft themfelvyes inali the fortunes of Frederic, and would
promote his-greatnefs.. They therefore made him a tender of their crown, which
they confidered as elective ; and the young Palatine, {timulated by ambition, with-
out confulting either with James or Maurice, whele repugnance he -forefaw, im-
mediatzly accepted the offer, and marched all his forces into Bohemia, in fupport
of his new fubjects. |
Tu news of thefe events no fooner reached England than the whole kingdom
was on fire:to engage in the quarrel. Scarce was the ardor greater, with which
all the ftates of Europe, in former ages, flew to refcue the holy land from the do-
minion of infidels. The nation, at that. time; were fincercly attached to the
loodof their monarch, and confidered their-connection with the Palatine; who
had:mirried a daughter of England, as very clofe and intimate. And, wher
they heard of catholics carrying on wars and perfecutions againft. proteftants,
they tiought their own intereft moft deeply concerned, and regarded their neu-
trality
FLA ae eee Uk 77
é
trality as a bafe defertion of the caufe of God, and of his holy religion. In
fuch a quarrel, they would gladly have marched to the oppofite extremity of Eu-
rope, have plunged themfelves into a chaos of German politics, and have expend-
ed all the blood and treafure of the nation, by maintaining a conteit vith the
whole houfe of Auftria, at the very time, and in the very place, where it was the
moft potent, and almoft irrefiftible.
- But James, befide that he had too little enterprize for fuch vaft undertakings,
was reftrained by another motive, which had a mighty influence upon him. He refu-
{ed to patronize the revolt of fubjects againft their fovereign. From the very firit
he denied to his fon-in-law, the title of the King of Bohemia: He forbad him to be
prayed for in the churches under that appellation: And tho’ he owned, that he
had noway, examined the pretenfions, privileges, and conftitution of the revolt-
ed ftates; fo exalted was his idea of the rights of kings, that he concluded fub-
jects muft ever bein the wrong, when they ftood in oppofition to thofe, who had
acquired or afflumed that majeftic title. Thus, even in meafures, foundedon true
politics, James intermixed fo many narrow prejudices, as loft him all his authority,
and expofed him to the imputation of weaknefs and of error. |
MeEA4n while, affairs every where haftened to a crifis. Ferdinand levied a mighty
force under the command of the Duke of Bavaria and the Count of Bucqwy ; and
advanced upon his enemy in Bohemia. In the low countries, Spinola colected a
veteran army of thirty thoufand men. © When Edmonds, the King’s refdent at
Bruffels, made remonftrances to the Archduke Albert, he was anfwered, that the
orders for this armament had been tranfmitted to Spinola from Madrid, anithat he
alone knew the fecret intentions of it. Spinola again told the minifter, that his
orders were ftill fealed; and that, if Edmonds would accompany hin in his
march to Coblentz, he would there open them, and give him full fatisfa¢ion. It
was more eafy to fee his intention, than to prevent its fuccefs. Almof: at onc
time, it was known in England, that Frederic, being defeated in the great and de-
cifive battle of Prague, had fled with his family into Hofland, and that Spinola
had fallen upon the Palatinate, and, meeting with no refiftance, except from fome
princes of the union, and from an Englifh regiment of 2,400 men, conmanded
by the brave Sir Horace Vere, had, in a little time, made himfelf matte: of the
greateft part of that principality.
HiGu were now the murmurs and complaints aguinit the King’s neutrdity and
unactivedifpofition. The happinefs and tranquillity of their own country became
diftafteful to the Englifhy when they reflected on tlie oppreffions and difreffes of
their proteftant brethren in Germany. They confidered not, that their interpofal
in
Chap. IV.
1639.
1620.
,
Lofs of the
Palatinate.
Chap. IV,
4020,
Negotiations
with Spain.
78 HISTORY. or GREAT BRI TAIN.
in the wars of the continent, tho’ agreeable to religious zeal, could not, at that
time, bejuftified by any found maxims of politics; that, however exorbitant the
Auftrian greatnefs, the danger was {till too diftant to pive any juft alarms to Eng-
land; that mighty refiftance would yet be made by fo. many potent and warlike
nations in Germany, ’ere they would yield their neck to the yoke; _ that France,
now engaged by bigotry to contract a double alliance with the Auftrian family,
muft neceffarily be foon rouzed from her lethargy, and oppofe the progrefs of fo
hated arival; that in-the farther advance ef conquefts, even the intereft of the
two branches of that ambitious family muft interfere, and engender mutual jealoufy
and oppofition ; that aland-war, carried on at fuch a diftance, would wafte the
blood and treafure of the Enelith nation, without any hopes of fuccefs; that a
fea-war, indeed, might. be both fafe and fuccefsful againft Spain, but would not
affect the enemy in fuch vital parts as to make them {top their carreer of fuccefs in
Germany, and abandon all their acquifitions; and that the profpect of recovering
the Palatinate being at prefent defperate, the affair was reduced to this fimple que-
{tion, whether peace. and commerce with Spain, or the uncertain hopes of plunder
and of conquefts in the Indies were preferable; a queftion, which, at the begin-
ning of the King’s reign, had already been decided, and perhaps with reafon, in
favor of the former advantages. 7
JAMEs might have defended his pacific meafures by fuch plaufible arguments :
But thefe feem not to have been altogether the motives, which fwayed him. He
had entertained the Utopian notion, that, as his own juftice and moderation had
fhone out fo con{picuoufly thro’ all thefe tranfactions, the whole houfe of Auttria,
tho’ not awed by the power of England, would willingly, from mere refpect to
his virtue, fubmit themfelyes to fo equitable-an arbitration. He flattered him-
felf with hopes, that, after he had formed an intimate connection with the Spa-
nifh monarch, by means of his fon’s marriage, the reftitution of the Palatinate
might be procured, from the motive alone of friendfhip and perfonal regard. He
perceived not, that his unactive virtue, the.more it was extolled, the greater ri-
dicule was it expofed to. . He was not fenfible, that the Spanifh match was itfelf
attended with fuch difficulties, that all his art of negotiation would {carce be able
to furmount them; much lefs, that that match could in, good politics be depend-
ed on, asthe means of procuring fuch extraordinary advantages. . His unwarlike
difpofition, increafed by age, rivetted him {till fafter in his errors, and determined
him to feek the reftoration,of his fon-in-law, by remonftrances.and entreaties, by
arguments and embaffies, rather, than by blood and.violence.: And the fame defe@:
of courage, which held him in awe of foreign nations, made him likeways .afraid
of shocking the prejudices of his own fubjects, and kept him from openly avowing
the
(Beg eS got ana a “9
the meafures, which he was determined to purfue. Or perhaps, he hoped to turn Chap. IV.
thefe prejudices to account; and, by theirmeans, engage his people to furnith a:
him with fupplies, of which their exceflive frugality had hitherto made them fo
fparing and referved..
He firft tried the expedient of a benevolence or free-gift from individuals, A parliament.
pretending the urgency of the cafe, which would not allow leifure for any other
meafure : ‘But the jealoufy of liberty was now rouzed, and the nation regarded
thefe pretended benevolences, as real violences, contrary to law and pernicious to.
freedom, however authorized by obfolete precedents. A’ parliament was found
to be the only refource, which could furnifh any large fupplies; and writs were.
accordingly iflued for fummoning that great council of the nation.
Tuts parliament is remarkable for being the epoch, in which were firft regu- 162%.
arly formed, tho’ without acquiring thefe denominations, the parties of CourT 16th of Junes.
and CouNTRY}3 parties, which have ever fince continued, and which, while
they often threaten the total diffolution of the government, are the real caufes of
its permanent life and vigor. In the antient Gothic conftitution, of which the
Englifh partook with other European nations, there was a mixture, not of autho-
rity and liberty, which we have fince enjoyed in this ifland, and which now fub-
fift uniformly together; but of authority and anarchy, which perpetually. fhocked
with each other, and which took place alternately, according as _circumf{tances
were more or lefs favorable to either of them. A parliament, compofed of bar-.
barians,. fummoned_ from their fields and forrefts, uninftructed by ftudy,. conyers.
fation, or travel; ignorant of their own laws and hiftory, and unacquainted with.
the fituation of all foreign. nations; a parliament called precarioufly by, the. king,,
and diffolyed.at. his pleafure;. fitting a few days, debating a: few points prepared.
for them,. and whofe members were impatient te return to their own cattles, where
alone they were great, and to the chace, which was their favorite amufement ::
Such a parliament was very little fitted to enter into a difcuffion of all the quefti-
ens of government, and. to fhare,, ina regular manner,. the legal .adminiftration.
The name,, the authority of the king alene appeared, in the common. courfe of
government 5 in extraordinary emergencies, he affumed, with. {till better reafon,
the fole direction ;. the imperfect and unformed laws left, in every thing, a. lati-.
tude of interpretation; and when the ends, purfued by the monarch; were, in
general, agreeable to his fubjects, little fcruple or jealoufy was entertained, with
regard to the regularity of the means.. During the reign of an able, fortunate,,
or popular prince, no member of either houfe, much lefs of the lower, durft think.
of entering into a formed party, in oppofition to the court; fince the diffoluti--
on)
OO EE
Chap. IV.
1621.
80 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN
on of the parliament muft, in few days, leave him unprotected, to the vengeance
of his fovereign, and to thofe {tretches of prerogative, which were then fo eafily
made, in order to punifh an obnoxious fubject. During an unpopular and weak
reign, the current commonly run fo ftrong againft the monarch, that none durft
inlift. themfelves in the court-party ; or if the prince was able to ingage any con-
fiderable barons on his fide, the queftion was decided with arms in the field, not
by debates or arguments in a fenate or affembly. And upon the whole, the chief
circumftance, which, during antient times, retained the prince in any legal form
of adminiftration, was, that the fword, by the nature of the feudal tenures, reé-
mained ftill in the hands of his fubjects; and this irregular and dangerous check had
much more influence than the regular and methodical limits of the laws and con-
{titution. As the nation could not be compelled, it was requifite, that every pu-
blic meafure of confequence, particularly that of levying new. taxes, fhould feem
to be adopted by common confent and approbation.
Tue princes of the houfe of Tudor, partly by the vigor of their adminiftrati-
on, partly by the concurrence of favorable circumftances, had been able to etfta-
blifh a more regular fyftem of government; but they drew the conftitution fo
near to defpotifm as diminifhed extremely the authority of the parliament. . That
fenate became, in a great degree, the organ of royal will and pleafure : Oppofiti-
on would have been regarded as a f{pecies of rebellion: And even religion, the
moft dangerous article, in which innovations could be introduced, had admitted,
in the courfe of a few years, four feveral alterations, from the authority alone of
the fovereign. “The parliament was not then the road to honor and preferment:
The talents of popular intrigue and eloquence were uncultivated and unknown :
And tho’ that aflembly till preferved authority, and retained the privilege of
making laws and beftowing public money, the members acquired not, upon that
account, either with prince or people, much more weight and confideration.
What powers were requifite for conducting the machine of government, ‘the king
was accuftomed, of himfelf, to affume. His own revenues fupplied him with
money fuflicient for his ordinary expences. And when extraordinary emergen-
cies occurred, the prince needed not follicite votes in parliament, either for the
making laws or impofing taxes, both which were now become requifite for
public intereft and prefervation. |
Tue fecurity of individuals, fo requifite to the liberty of popular councils,
was totally unknown in that age. And as no defpotic princes, fcarce even the
eaftern tyrants, rule intirely without the concurrence of fome affemblies, which
fupply both advice and authority; little, but a mercenary force, feems then to
have been wanting towards the eftablifhment of a fimple monarchy in England.
The
JIA ME o +k ) Si
The militia, tho’ more favorable to regal authority, than the feudal inftitutions,
was much inferior, in this refpect, to difciplined armies; and if it did not pre-
ferve liberty to the people, it preferved, at leaft, the power, if ever the inclina-
tion fhould arife, of recovering it.’
But fo low, at that time, ran the inclination towards liberty, that Fliza-
beth, the laft of that arbitrary line, herfelf no lefs arbitrary, was yet the moft
renowned and moft popular of all the princes, who had ever filled the throne of
England. It was natural for James to take the government as he found it, and
to purfue her meafures, which he heard fo much applauded; nor did his penctra-
tion extend fo far as to ‘difcover, that neither his circumftances nor his chara-
€ter could fupport fo extenfive an authority. His narrow revenues and little fru-
gality began now to render him dependent on his people, even in the ordinary
courfe of adminiftration:: Their increafing knowlege difeovered to them-that ad-
vantage, which they had obtained; and made them fenfible of the ineftimable
value of civil liberty. And as he poffeffed too little dignity to command refpect,
and too much goodnefs to imprefs fear, a new’ fpirit difcovered itfelf every day in
the parliaments ; anda party, jealous-of a free conftitution, was regularly formed
in the houfe of commons. :
Burt notwithftanding thefe advantages, acquired to liberty; fo extenfive was
royal authority, and fo firmly eftablifhed in all its parts, that ’tis probable the pa-
triots of that age would have defpaired of ever refitting it, had they not been
ftimulated by religious motives, which infpire a courage, unfurmountable by any
human obitacle.
Tue fame alliance, which has ever prevailed betwixt kingly power and eccle-
fia{tical authority, was now fully eftablifhed in England; and while the prince
aflifted the clergy in fupprefling {chifmatics and innovators, the clergy, in re-
turn, inculcated the doctrine ‘of an unreferved fubmiflion and ‘obedience to the
civil magiftrate. The genius’of the church of England, fo kindly to monarchy,
forwarded the confederacy; its fubmiflion to epifcopal jurifdiGiion ; its attach-
ment to ceremonies, to order, and to a decent pomp and fplendor of worfhip ;
and in a word, its affinity to the tame fupertftition of the catholics, rather than to
the wild fanaticifm of the puritans.
Ow the other hand, oppofition to the church, and the perfecutions under which
they labored, were fufficient to throw the puritans into the country party, and
to engender political principles little favorable to the high pretenfions of the {o-
vereign. Therfpirit too of enthufiafm; bold, daring, and uncontroled; ftrong-
ly difpofed their minds to adopt republican tenets; and inclined them to arrogate,
in their actions and conduct, the fame liberty, which they affumed, in their ra-
L pturous
Chap. IV,’
162r,
SS SSS SS =
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wn
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ie
ti if
tht)
i}
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‘eh
62 HISTORY of GREAT BRITAIN.
pturous flights and extafies. Ever fince the firtt origin of that fect, thro the
whole reign of Elizabeth as well as of James, puritanical principles had been un-
deriteod in a double fenfe, and exprefled the opinions favorable both to. political
and to ecclefiaftical liberty. And as the court, in order to diferedit all parliamen-
tary oppofition, affixed the denoinination ef puritans to its antagonift:; the re-
ligious puritans willingly adopted this idea, which was fo advantageous to them;
and confounded their caufe with that of the patriots or country party. Thus
were the civil and ecclefiattical factions regularly formed ; and the hunor of the
ation, during that age, running {trongly towards fanatical extravagancies, the
fpirit of civil liberty gradually revived from its lethargy, and by means of its re
ligious affociate, from which it reaped fo much advantage and fo little honor, #
fecretly enlarged its dominion, over the greateft part of the kingdom.
In this parliament, however, it mutt be owned, there appeared, at firt, nothing
but duty. and fubmiffion on the part of the commons ; and they feemed determined te
facrifice every thing, in order to maintain a good correfpondence with their prince.
They. would allow no mention to be made of the new euftoms or impofitions, which
had been fo eagerly difputed in the former parliament : The imprifenment of the
members of that parliament was here, by fome, complained ef; but, by the au-
thority. of the graver and more, prudent pant ef the houle, that grievance was
buried in oblivion: And being iafoxmed, that the King» had remittec very con-
fiderable fums-to the Palatine, they voted him two fubfidies 5 and that too, at the
very beginning of the feflion, contrary to the ufual maxims ef their prede-
ceffors.
ArrERwARDs, they proceeded, but in a very temperate manner, to, the ex-
amination of grievances. They found, that patents had been granted to: Sir Giles
Mompeffon and Sir Franeis Michel, -for the licencing inns and ale-hanfes;_ that
great fumms of mon¢y had been ‘Jevied, under pretext of thefe licences; and
that fuch innkeepers as prefumed to, continue their bufineds, without datistying
the rapacity of the patentees, had been feverely punifhed by fines, imprifonments,
and other vexations. |
Tie fame perfons had alfe,procured a patent, which they. fhared with Sir Ed-
ward Villiers, brother to Buckingham, for the fole making: eof gold and flver
thread. and Jace, and, had obtained yery, extraordinary, powers for_preventing any
concurrence in. thefe. manufactures: They. were armed with authority to fearch
for all goods, which might interieve. with their, patent; and even ‘to punith,
at their own, will. and. difcretion, the makers, importers, and ‘venders. of fuch
commodities. Many had grievoully fuffered by this exorbitant jurildiction 3 and
the lace, which had been manufaCtured by the patentees, was found univerfally
; to
PTR MB so tf. $3
to be adulterated, and compofed more of copper tham of the precious’ ‘mes
tals.
THESE grievances the commons reprefented: to the King; and they met with
& very gticious and very cordial reception. He feemed even thankful for the
informatior given him; and declared himfelf afiamed, that fuch abnafes, un-
knowingly to: him, had crept into his adminiftration. “ Taffure you,’ faid he,
“ had I before heard thefe things complained of, | would have done the office
“ of a jul king, and out of parliament have punifhed them, as feverely, and
“* peradventure more, than’ ye now intend to do”. A fentence was paft on
Miehel, ard Mosipeffon. ‘It was exeeuted on the former. The latter broke
prifon and efeaped. Villiers was, at that time, fent purpofely on a foreign ent-
ployment; and his guilt being lefs enormous or lefs apparent than that of the
others, he was cafily protected by the credit of his: brother, Buckingham.
Ewcourscep by this fuccefs, the commons carried their ferutiny, and ftill
with a refpectful hand, into abufes of a nature yet more important. The feals
were, at that time, mthe keeping of the celebrated Bacon, created Vifcount
St. Albans; a man univerfally admired for the preatnefS of his genius, and be-
loved for the courteoufnefs and humanity of his behavior. He was the ereat:
ornament of his age and nation; and nought was wantine to render him the
‘ornament of human nature itfelf, but that ftrength of mind, which might check
his intemperate defire of preferment, that could add nothing to his dignity,
and reftrain his profufe inclination to expence, that could be requifite neither for
his honor nor entertainment. His want of oeconomy and his indulgence to fer-
vants had ‘nvolved him in neceflities; and, in order to fupply his prodigality,
he had been tempted to take bribes, and that in a very open manner, from fuit
tors in chincery. *Tis pretended, that, notwithftanding this enormous abufe,
he had ftill, in the feat of juftice, preferved the integrity of a judge, and had
given juft decrees again{ft thofe very perfons, from whom he had*received the
wages of hiquity. Complaints rofe the londer on that account, and’at laft reach-
ed the houle of commons, who fent up an impeachment againft him to the peers.
Phe chancellor, confcious of guilt, deprecated the vengeance of his judges, and
endeavorec, by a gencral avowal, to efcape the confufion of a. ftricter inquiry.
Phe Jerds infifted on a particular confeflion of all his corruptions. He acknow=:
Jeged ‘twenty-cight articles *; and was fentenced to- pay a fine of 40,000:
L 2 pounds
* One of them is to this purpofe: The vintners in London refufed to give above a certain price
For wines. ‘The merchants complained to the council. ‘The King made a reference to the chancel-
lor. He orlered the vintners’togive the price demanded by the merchants, and imprifoned two or.
three
Clidp. IV.
162%.
Bacon’s fal}
Chap. IV.
1621,
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
8 4
pounds, to be imprifoned in the tower during the King’s pleafure, to be for ever
incapable of any office, place, or employment ; and never again to fit in parliament,
or come within the verge of the court.
Tuts dreadful fentence, dreadful to aman of nice fenfibility to honor, he fur-
vived five years; and being releafed, in a little time, from the tower, his ge-
nius, yet unbroken, fupported itfelf amidtt involved circumftances and a deprefled
fpirit, and fhone out in literary productions, which have made his guilt or weak-
nefles be forgotten Or overlooked by poiterity. In. confideration of his great
merit, the King remitted his fine, as well as all the other parts of his fentence,
conferred on him a large penfion of 1800 pound a-year, and employed every
expedient to alleviate the weight of his age and misfortunes. And that. great
philofopher, at laft, acknowleged with regret, that he had too long neglected the
true ambition of a fine genius; and by plunging into bufinefs and affairs, which.
require much lefs capacity, but greater frmnefs of mind, than the purfuits of
learning, had expofed himfelf to fuch grievous calamities..
Tue commons had entertained the idea, that they were the great patrons of.
the people, and that the redrefs of all grievances muft proceed from them ; and
to. this principle they were chiefly beholden for the regard and confideration
of the public. . In the execution. of. this office, they now kept their ears open to
complaints of every kind; and they, carried their refearches into many grievances,
which, tho’ of no great importance, could not be touched, without fenfibly af~
fecting the King and his minifters. ° The prerogative feemed, each moment, to
be invaded; the King’s authority, in every article, was difputed; and James,
who was willing to correct the abufes of his power, could. not fabmit to have.
the power itfelf queftioned and denied. After the houfe, therefore, had fat
near fix months, and had, as yet, brought no confiderable bufinefs to a full con-.
clufion, the King. refolved, under pretext of the advanced. feafon, to interrupt
their proceedings; and.he fent them word, that. he was determined, ina very.
little time, to adjourn them till. next winter... The commons made application. .
to the lords, and defired them to join in. a petition. for. delaying the adjourn-
ment; which was refufed by the upper houfe. The King regarded this
project of ajoint petition as an attempt to force him from his meafures: He
thanked the peers for their refufal to. concur in it, and told them, that, if it was
their defire, he would delay the adjournment, but would not fo far comply with;
the
three of the mof obftinate, till they complied. For his pains, he received a prefent of 1000
pound from the merchants. It may feem to us remarkable, that he was not accufed for arhi-
trary proceedings, but for corruption. State trials vol. v. Pp. 44 firft edit.
CAS ME BS I. 8 ¢
the requeft of the lower houfe. And thus, in thefe great national affairs, the
fame peevifhnefs, which, in private altercations, often raifes a quarrel from the
fmalleft beginnings, produced a mutual coldnefs and difguft betwixt the King and
the commons.
Durine the recefs of parliament, the King ufed every meafure to render
himfelf popular with the nation, and to appeafe the rifing ill humer of their re-
prefentatives. “To the parliament he had offered to circumfcribe his own prero-
gative, and to abrogate his power of granting all monopolies for thefuture. He
now recalled all the patents of that kind, and redreffed every article of grievance,
to the number of thirty-feven, which had ever been complained of in the houfe
of commons. But he gained not the end, which he propofed:. The difguft,
which had appeared at parting, could not fo fuddenly be difpelled. He had like-
ways been fo imprudent as to commit to prifon Sir Edwin Sandys, and Mr. Sel-
den, without any known caufe, befides their activity and vigor, in difcharging
their duty as members of parliament. And above all, the tranfactions in Ger-.
many were fufficient, when joined to the King’s cautions, negotiations, and de-.
lays, to inflame that jealoufy of honor and religion, which prevailed thro’out
the nation. This fummer, the ban of the empire was publifhed againft the E-
lector Palatine; and the execution -of it was committed to the Duke of Bavaria.
The upper Palatinate was, in a little time, conquered by that prince, and mea-
fures were taking in the empire for beftowing on him the electoral dignity, of
which the Palatine was defpoiled. Frederic now lived with his numerous fami-.
ly, in great poverty and diftrefs, either in Holland, or at Sedan with his uncle.
the Duke of Boiillon. And thro’out all the. new conquefts, in both the Pala-.
tinates as well as in Bohemia, Auttria, Lufatia; the progrefs of the Auftri--
an arms was marked with rigors and feverities, exercifed: againft the profeffors of)
the reformed religion.
THE pious zeal of the commons immediately moved them, upon their affem-
-14th of Nov.
bling, to take all thefe tranfactions into confideration. They framed a remon--
ftrance, which they intended to carry to the King: ‘Phey reprefented,. that the
enormous growth of the Auftrian power threatened the liberties of all Europe ;
that the progrefs of the catholic religion in England bred the moft melancholy
apprehenfions, left it fhould again acquire an afcendant inthe Kingdom; that the
indulgence of his Majefty towards the profeffors of that religion had encouraged.
their infolence and temerity ; that the-uncontroléd conquefts, made by the Auftrian
family in Germany, raifed mighty expectations in the Englith papifts ; but above
all, that the profpect of the Spanifh match elevated them fo far as to hope for
an intire toleration, if mot a final-re-eftablifhment of their religion. The com
mons,
OE ee Se eee ed eee eee Ee
—
EEE —— eee
——
iy
dt
Se
it
= — =
= ae ee
Chap. IV.
1621.
Rupture be-
twixt King
and Parlia-
ment,
86 FWISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
©
mons, therefore, entreated his Majefty, that he would immediately undertake
the defence of the Palatine, and maintain it by force of arms; that he would turn
the point of his fword againft Spain, whofe armies and treaftres were the chief
fupport of the catholic intereft in Europe; that he would enter into no negoti-
ation for the marriage of his fon but with a proteftant princefs; that the children
of popifh recufants fhould be taken from their parents, and committed to the
care of proteftant teachers and. {choolmafters; and that the fines and confifca-
tions, to which the catholics were by law liable, fhould be levied with the utmoft
feyerity-.
By this Je/d ftep, unprecedented in England for many years, and unheard of
in peaceable times, the commons attacked at once all the King’s favorite ma-
xims of government; his cautious and pacific meafures, his lenity towards the
Romifh religion, and his attachment to the Spanifh alliance, from which he
promifed himfelf, fuch mighty advantages. But what moft difeufted him was,
their feeming invafion of his prerogative, and their pretending, under color of
advice, : to direct his conduct in fuch tranfa@ions, as had ever been acknow-
leged to belong folely to the management and direction of the monarch. He
was, atthat time, abfent at Newmarket; but fo foon as he heard of the in-
tended remonftrance of the commons, he wrote a letter.to. the fpeaker, where
he fharply reproved the houfe for debating openly of matters far above their
reach and capacity, and he {trictly forbad them to. meddle with any thing, that
regarded his government or deep matters of ftate, and efpecially not to touch
his fon’s masriage with the daughter of Spain, nor to attack the honor of that
King or-of any other his friends and confederates. In order the more to ter-
rify them, he mentioned the imprifonment of Sir Edwin Sandys; and tho’ he
denied, that the confinement of that member had. been owing to any offence
committed in the houfe, he yet plainly told them, that he thought himfelf
fully intitled to punish every mifdemeanor in parliament, as well. during its fit-
ting as after its diffolution; and that he intended thenceforward to chaftize
any man, whofe infolent behavior there fhould minifter occafion of of-
fence.
Tu1s violent letter, in which the King may be thought not to have acted alto-
eether on the defenfive, had the effect, which might naturally have been expected
from it: The commons were enflamed, not terrified. Confcious of their own
popularity, and of the bent of the nation towards a war with the catholics a-
broad, and the perfecution of popery at home, they little dreaded the menaces of
a. prince, who.was unfupported by military force, and whofe. gentle temper would,
of itfelf, fo foon difarm his feverity. In a new remonftrance, therefore, they
fill
p
Ww
al
J AM ES «ct. go
till infifted on their former remonftrance and advice ; and they maintained, the’ Chap. IV.
in refpectful terms, that they were intitled to interpofe with their council in all
matters of government; that it was their antient and undoubted right, and an in-
heritance tranfmitted te them from their anceltors, to poffefs intire freedom of
fpeech in their debates of public bufinefs; and that, if any membe? abuled this 1i-
berty, it belonged to the houfe alone, who were witneffes of ‘his offence, to in-
flict a proper cenfure upon him.
So vigorous an anfwer was no way calculated to appeafe the King. Tis {aid,
when the approach of the committee, who were to prefent it, was notified to
him, he ordered twelve chairs to be brought: For that there were fo many Kings
a coming. His anfwer was prompt and fharp. He told the houfe, that their re-
monftrance was more like a denunciation of war than an addrefs of dutiful fub-
jects; that their pretenfion to inquire into all {tate-affairs, without exception,
was fuch a plenipotence as none of their anceftors, even during the reign of the
weakeft princes, had ever pretended to; that public tranfattions depended on a
complication of views and intelligence, with which they were intirely unacquaint-.
ed; that they could not better fhow their wifdom, as well as duty, than by keep--
ing within their proper fphere *; and that in any bufinefs, which depended on his
Prerogative, they had no title to interpofe with their advice, except when he was
pleafed to defire it... And he concluded with thefe memorable words 3 And tho? we
cannot allow of your ftile, in mentioning your antient and undoubted right and inheritance,
but would rather have wifhed, that ye had faid, that your privileges were derived.
from the grace and permiffion of our anceftors and us (for moft of them grew from pre-
cedents, which foowsrather q toleration than inberitance dx J we arepleafed ta give
yourour rayal alfurance, that as long as you contain yourfelves within the limits of your
duty, we will be as careful to maintain and preferve your lawful liberties and privileges:
as ever any of our predeceffors were, nay, as to preferve our own royal prerogative.
Yu1s open pretenfion of the King défervedly gave great alarm to’ the houfe of
commons. They faw their title to every privilege, if not plainly denied, yet
contidered, at leaft, as very precarious. It might be forfeited by abufe, and they
had already: abufed it. T hey thought proper,. therefore, immediately to oppofe 18th of Dec.
pretenfion to pretenfion. They framed a proteftation, where they repeated all protefation of
their former claims for freedom of fpeech, and an unbounded authority to inter- the commons
pole with theiz advice and council, And they alerted, That the liberties, franchifes,
privileges, .
1O2EA
* Ne futor ultra crepidams.
}
SS SS Ct a =
a ee eee eee a eee
ca eB i es i ee
. —<—_-_ -
—=—_-- =~
———.
|
Chap. IV.
1621.
88 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
privileges, and jurifaidtions of parliament are the antient and undoubted birthright and
inberitance of the fubjetis of England™
Tue King, informed of thefe increafing heats and jealoutfies in the houfe, hur-
ried to town. He fent immediately for the journal-book of the commons 5
and, with his own hand, before the ceuncil, he tore out this proteftation ; and
ordered his reafons to be inferted in the council-book. He was doubly difplea-
fed, -he faid, with the proteftation of the lower houfe; on account of the man-
ner of framing it, as well as of the matter, which it contained. It was tumultu-
oufly voted, at a late hour, and in a thinhoufe; and it was expreffed in fuch ge-
neral and ambiguous terms, as might ferve fora foundation to the moft enormous
claims, and to the moft unwarrantable ufurpations upon his prerogative.
Tue meeting of the houfe might have proved dangerous after fo violent a breach.
It was.no longer poflible, while men were in fuch atemper, to finifh any bufinefs.
The King, therefore, prorogued the parliament, and foon after diffolved it by pro-
clamation; where he alfo made an apology to the public for his whole conduct.
The leading members of the houfe, Sir Edward Coke and Sir Robert Philips,
were committed to the tower: Selden, Pym, and Mallory to other prifons.
As a lighter punifhment, Sir Dudley Diggs, Sir Thomas Crew, Sir Nathaniel
Rich, Sir James Perrot, joined in commiflion with others, were fent into Ireland,
to execute fome bufinefs. The King, at that time, enjoyed, at leaft exercifed,
the prerogative of employing any man, ¢ven without his confent, in any branch
of public fervice.
SIR
“# This proteftation is. fo remarkable, that it may not be improper to ive it in its own words,
«¢ The commons now affembled in parliament, being juftly occafioned thereunto, concerning fun-
«s dry liberties, franchifes and privileges of parliament, amongft others here mentioned, do make
“ this proteftation following; That the liberties, franchifes and jurifdictions of parliament are the
antient and undoubted birth-right and inheritance of the fubjects of England; and that the urgent
« and arduous affairs concerning the’king, ftate, and defence of the realm and of the church of
‘England, and the maintainance and making of laws and redrefs of mifchiefs and grievances,
‘«¢ which daily happen within this realm, are proper fabjeéts and matter of council and debate in
‘* parliament, and that in the handling and proceeding of thofe bufinefles, every member of the
«¢ houfe of parliament hath, .and, of right, ought to have, freedom of fpeech to propound, treat,
“ seafon, and bring to conclufion the fame; and that the commons in parliament have like liberty
«“ and freedom to treat of thefe matters, in fuch order as in their judgments fhall feem fitteft, and
« that every member of the faid houfe hath like freedom from all impeachment, imprifonment and
moleftation (other than by cenfure of the houfe itfelf) for, or concerning any fpeaking, reafoning
* or declaring of any matter or matters touching the parliament or parliament-bufinefs. And that
«* if any of the faid members be complained of and queftioned for any thing done or faid in parlia-
<¢ ment, the fame is to be fhown to the king by the advice and afient of all the commons aflembled
6 in parliament, before the king give credence to any private information.” 3
} AM -E- ¢§ I. 89
Srtx John Saville, a powerful man in the houfe of commons, and a zealous Chap. IV.
‘opponent of the court, was made comptroller of the houfehold, a privy counfellor, ‘2
and foon after, a baron. This event is memorable; as being the firtt initance,
perhaps, in the whole hiftory of England, of any King’s advancing a man, on
account of parliamentary intereft, and of Oppofition to his meafures. However ir-
regular this practice, it will be regarded by political reafoners, as one of the moft
arly and mott infallible fymptoms of a regular, eftablifhed liberty.
THE King having thus, with fo rath and indifcreet a hand, torn off that {a-
cred veil, which hitherto covered the Englifh conttitution, and which threw an
obfcurity upon it, fo advantageous to royal prerogative ; every man began to in-
dulge himfelf in political reafonings and inquiries; and the fame factions, which
commenced in parliament, were propagated thro’out the nation. In vain, did
James, by re-iterated proclamations, forbid the difcourfing of ftate-affairs.
Such proclamations, if they had any effect, ferved rather to inflame the curiofity
of the public. And in every circle or fociety, the late tranfa@ions became the
fubject of argument and debate.
ALL hiftory, faid the partizans of the court, as well as the hiftory of England,
juftify the King’s pofition with regard to the origin of popular privileges; and e-
very reafonable man mutt allow, that, as monarchy is the moft fimple form of go-
vernment, it muft firft have occurred to rude and uninitructed mankind. The
other complicated and artificial additions were the fucceflive invention of fovereigns,
and legiflators; or, if they were obtruded on the prince by feditious fubje@ts, their
origin muft appear, on that account, ftill more precarious and unfavorable. In
England, the authority of the King, in all the forms of government and in the
{tyle of every law, appears totally abfolute and fovereign; nor does the real {pi-
rit of the conititution, as it has ever difcovered itfelf in practice, fall much fhort
of thefe appearances. The parliament is created by his breath ; by his breath it
is diffolved. ’Tis his wil] alone, tho? at the defire of both houfes, which gives
authority tolaws. To all foreign nations, the majeity of the monarch feems to
merit chief attention and regard. And no fubject, who has expofed himfelf to
royal indignation, can propofe to live with fafety in the kingdom; nor can he e-
ven leave it, according to law, without the confent, of his mafter. a magi-
{trate, invironed with fuch power and fplendor, fhould confider his authority as
facred, and regard himfelf as the anointed of heaven, his pretenfions may bear a
very favorable conftru@iion. Or, allowing them to be merely pious frauds, we
need not be furprized, that the fame {tratagem, which wag practifed by Minos,
Numa, and the moft celebrated legiflators of antiquity, fhould now, in thefe reft-
le{s and inquifitive times, be employed. by the King of England. Subjects are not
Vot. I. M raifed
}
te ee oe —————
{es > See Se ee
———
Rm nomen Be te EL Pe
Chap. IV.
3621,
HISTORY oF GREAT BRITAIN.
raifed above that quality, tho’ affembled in parliament. The fame ‘humble -refpect
and deference is {till due to their prince. Tho’ he indulges them in the privilege of
laying before him thei domeftic grievances, with which they are fuppofed to be
beft acquainted, this warrants not their bold intrufion into each province of go-
And, to every judicious examiner, it muft appear, * That the lines
a more independent and lets refpectful exer-
ation of fuch as are new and unu-
go
vernment.
© of duty are as much tranfgrefled by
‘& cifeof acknowleged powers, as by the ufurp
* f{yal.”
Tus lovers of liberty, thro’out the nation, reafoned after a very different man-
ner. ’Tisin vain, faid they, that the King traces up the Englifh government to its
firft origin, in order to reprefent the privileges of parliament as dependent and pre-
carious: The prefcription and practice of fomany ages, muft, long ‘ere this time,
have given a fanction to thefe aflemblies, even tho’ they had been derived from no
more dignified an origin, than that which he affignsthem. If the written records
s aflerted, reprefent parliaments to have arifen from the con-
when we trace government a
eall their authority to the
be fhown, when the
of the Englifh nation, a
fent of monarchs; the principles of human nature,
ftep higher, muft fhow us, that monarchs themfelves ow
voluntary fubmiffion of the people. But, in fact, no age can
Englifh government was altogether an anmixed monarchy: And if’ the privileges of
the nation have, at any particular period, been overpowered by violent irruptions
of foreign force or domettic ufurpation ; the generous fpirit of the people has ever
{eized the firft opportunity of re-eftablifhing the antient government and conftitu-
tion. Tho’, in-the ftyle of the laws, and in the ufual form of adminiftration,
the royal authority may be reprefented as facred and fupreme; whatever is effential
tothe exercife of fovereign and legiflative power, mutt {till be regarded as equally
divineand inviolable. Or, if any diftinction be made in this refpect, the prefe-
renee is rather due to thofe national councils, by whofe interpofal the exorbitancies.
of tyrannical power are reftrained, and that facred liberty is preferved, which he-
roic fpirits, inall ages, have deemed more precious than life itfelf. Nor is it fufh-
cient to fay, that the mild and equitable adminiftration of James affords {mall occa-
fon or no occafion of complaint. However moderate the exercife of his prero-
gative, however exact his obfervance of ‘the laws and conftitution; “ If he founds
“ his authority on unknown and dangerous principles, *tis requifite to watch him
‘¢ with equal care, and to oppofe him with equal vigor, as if he had indulged him-
‘¢ felf in all the excefles of cruelty and tyranny.”
_Amipsv all thefe difputes, the wife and moderate in the nation endeavored to
preferve, as muchas poffible, an equitable neutrality betwixt the oppofite parties 5
and the more they reflected on the courfe of public affairs, the greater difficulty they
‘found
J A°M E §& I. 9!
found of fixing jut fentiments with regard tothem. On the one hand, they re-
garded the very rife of oppofite parties as a happy prognoitic of the eftablithment of
liberty; nor could they ever expect to enjoy, ‘in a mixed government, foinvaluable
a blefiing, without fuffering that inconvenience, which, in fuch governments, has
ever attendedit. But, when they confidered, on the other hand, the neceflary
aims and purfuits of both parties, they were ftruck with apprehenfion of the confe-
quences, and could difcover no plan of peaceable accommodation betwixt them.
From long practice, the crown was now poffefled of fo exorbitant a prerogative, that
it was not fuflicient for liberty to remain on the defenfive, or endeavor to fecure
the little ground, which wasleft her: It was become requifite to carry on an of-
fenfive war, and to circumfcribe, within narrower, as well as more exact bounds,
the authority of the fovereign. Upon fuch provocation, it could not but happen,
that the prince, howeyer juft and moderate, would endeavor to repre{s his oppo-
nents; and, as he itood upon the very brink of arbitrary power, it was to be
feared, that he would, haftily and unknowingly, pafs thofe limits, which were not
precifely marked by the conftitution. The turbulent government of England, ever
fluctuating betwixt privilege and prerogative, would afford a variety of precedents,
which might be pleaded on both fides. In fuch delicate queftions, the people mutt
be divided: The arms of the ftate were ftill in their hands: A civil war muff en-
fue; acivil war, where no party or both parties would juftly bear the blame, .and
where the good and virtuous would fcarce know what vows to form, were it not
that liberty, fo requifite to the perfection of human fociety, would be fufficient te
byafs their affections towards the fide of its defenders.
is CHAP»
ee ee am ee
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
CHAP. ¥.
Negotiations with regard to the marriage and the Palatinate ——Charatter
of Buckingham.——Prince’s journey to Spain. Marriage treaty
broken —— A parliament. Return of Briftol. Rupture with
Spain. Treaty with France. Mansfeldt’s expedition. Death
of the King. —-——His character.
; r SO wreft the Palatinate from the hands of the Emperor and the Duke of Ba-
TOZ2.
a
Nevotiations En
varia mutt always have been regarded asa very difficult tafk for the power of
gland, conducted by fuch an unwarlike prince as James : It was plainly impoffible,
while the breach continued betwixt him and the commons. The King’s negotia-
and the Pala- tions, therefore, had they been managed with never fo great dexterity, muit now
carry lefs weight with them; and it was eafy to elude all his applications. When
Lord Digby, his ambaflador to the Emperor, had defired a ceffation of hoftili-
ties, he was»remitted to the Duke of Bayaria,.who commanded the Auftrian ar-
mies. The Duke of Bavaria told him, that it was entirely fuperfluous to form
any treaty for that purpofe. Hofliltties are already ceafed, faid he; and I doubt not
but I fhall be able to prevent their revival, by keeping jirm poffefion of the Palatinate,
till a final agreement foall be concluded betwixt the contending parties. Notwithftand-
ing this infult, James endeavored to refume with the Emperor a treaty of accom-
modation; and he opened the negotiations at Bruffels, under the mediation of. the
Archduke Albert, and, after his death, which happened about this time, under
that of the Infanta: When the conferences were entered upon, it was found,
that the powers of thefe princes to determine in the controverfy were not fuffi-
cient nor fatisfatory. Schwartzenbourg, the imperial minifter, was expected at.
London; and it was hoped, that he would bring more ample authority : His com-
miffion referred entirely to the negotiation at Bruffels. It was not difficult for
the King to perceive, that his applications were purpofely eluded by the Empe-
ror; but as he had no choice of any other expedient, and it feemed the intereft
of his fon-in-law to keep alive his pretenfions, he was {till contented to follow
Ferdinand thro’ all his fhifts and evafions. Nor was he entirely difcouraged,
even when the imperial diet at Ratifbon, by the influence, or rather authority of
the Emperor, tho’ contrary to the proteftation of Saxony and all the reformed,
had
had transferred the electoral dignity from the Palatine to the Duke of’ Bas
Varia.
Men while, the efforts made by. Frederic for the recovery of his dominions’
were vigorous. Three armies were levied in Germany by his commiflion, under
three commanders, Duke Chriftian. of Brunfwick, the Prince of Baden-Dourlach,
and Count Mansfeldt. The two former generals were defeated by Count Tilly and
the imperialifts: The third, tho’ much inferior in force to his enemies, {till
maintained the war; but with no great fupplies of money either from the Palatine
or the King of England... ’Twas chiefly by pillage and free quarters in the Pa--
latinate, that he fubfifted his army. _ As the Auftrians were regularly paid, they
were kept in more exact difcipline; and James became juftly apprehenfive, left
fo unequal a conteft, befide the fpoil of the Palatine’s patrimonial dominions,
would end in the total alienation of the people from their antient fovereign, by
whom they were plundered, and an attachment to their new mafters, by whom they
were protected. He therefore perfuaded his fon-in-law totally to difarm, under-
colour of duty and fubmiflion to the Emperor: And accordingly, Mansfeldt was:
difmiffed from the Palatine’s fervice; and that famous general withdrew his ar-
my into the low countries, and there received a commifflion from the ftates of the-
united provinces.
To thew how little account was made of James’s negotiations abroad, there is a-
pleafantry which is mentioned by all hiftorians, and which, for that reafon, fhall
have place here... In a farce, acted at Bruffels, a courier was introduced, carrying
the doleful news, that the Palatinate would foon be wrefted from-the houfe of
Auftria; fo powerful were the fuccours, which, from all quarters, were haftening
to the relief of the defpoiled Elector: The King of Denmark: had agreed :to’con-
tribute to his afliftance a hundred thoufand pickled herrings, the Dutch a hundred
thoufand butter-boxes, and the King of England-a. hundred thoufand ambaffadors,
On other occafions, he was painted with a fcabbard, but without, a fword;: or
with a fword, which no body could draw,, tho’ feyeral ~were pulling’ at it:
Ir was not from negotiations with. the, Emperor. or: the Duke. of: Bavaria; that-
James. expected any fuccefs. in his proyect: for reftoring the Palatine: His eyes
were entirely turned towards Spain ;, and if he could’ effectuate his-fon’s marriage
with the Infanta, he doubted not, after fo intimate,a conjunction; but that this
other point could eafily be obtained: The negotiations of that court being. natu~
rally flow and dilatory, it. was not eafy for a prince) of fo little penetration in bu-
finefs, to. diftinguith whether the difficulties, which occurred, were real or af
fected; and he was furprized, after negotiating five years on fo fimple a demand,
that he was not more advanced than at the beginning, The difpenfation of Rome
was
Chap. V.
2622°
EE ES a See oO re ee See. le
94 HISTORY or. GREAT BRITAIN.
was requifite for the marriage of the Infanta with aproteftant prince ; and the King
of Spain having undertaken to procure that difpenfation, he had thereby acquired
the means of retarding at pleafure, or of forwarding the marriage, and at the fame
time of concealing entirely his artifices from the court of England. .
Iw order to remove all obftacles, James difpatched Digby, foon afterwards
created Earl of Briftol, as his embaflador to Philip IV. who had lately fueceeded
his father in the crown of Spain. He employed Gage as his agent at Rome;
and finding that the difference of religion was the principal, if not fole difficulty
which retarded the marriage, he refolyed to foften that objection as much as pof-
fible. He iffued public orders for difcharging all popifh recufants, who were
imprifoned; and it. was daily expected, that he fhould forbid, for the future, the
execution of the penal laws enzcted againit them. For this ftep, fo oppofite to
the rigid bigotry of his fubjects, he took care to apologize; and he even endea-
vored to afcribe it to his great zeal for the reformed religion. He had been ma-
king applications, he aid, to all foreign princes for fome indulgence to the diftreffed
proteftants; and he was {till anfwered by objections derived from the feverity of
the Englifh Jaws again{t catholics. And indeed, if the extremity of religious
zeal was ever to abate among the chriftian fects, it might probably occur to him;
that one -ef them muft begin; and nothing would be more honorable for Eng-
Jand,. than to haye been the frft who led.the»way info wife and moderate
practice. | ‘
Nov only the religious’puritans murmured at this ‘tolerating meafure of the
King: The lovers of civil liberty were alarmed at fo large an exercife of his
prerogative. But.among other dangerous articles of authority, the kings of Eng-
land were, at that time, ‘poffefied of the difpenfing power; at leaft, were in the
con{tant practice of exercifing it. Befides, tho’ the royal prerogative in civil mat-
ters was then exorbitant, the princes, during fome late reigns, had been-accuftom-
ed to aflume {till a higher in ecclefiaftical.’ And the King failed not to reprefent
the toleration, of catholics asa meafure entirely of that nature. |
By James’s‘conceflions in’ fivor ‘of the catholiés; “he Obtained his end. The
fame religious motives, which had ‘hitherto fendered the court of Spain infincere
in all the fteps taken towards the marriage, were now the chief taufe 6f promo-
ting it. By its means, it was there hoped, the Englith catholics would, for the
future, enjoy eafe and indulgence; ‘and the Infanta would bé the happy inftrument
of procuring to the church feme tranquillity, after’ the many fevere perfecu-
tions which it had -hitherto undergone.*- "Fhe Earl of Briftol, -a minifter of vi-
gilance and penetration, and‘who had formerly oppofed all all |
lance with :catho-
e poe: = _ 7 », . - . *
lies, was now fully convinced of the fincerity of Spain ;
and he was ready to con-
gratulate
gratulate the King on the entire completion of all his views and projects. A
daughter of Spain, whom he reprefents as extremely accomplifhed, would foon, he
faid, arrive in England, and bring with her an immenfe fortune of two millions, *
a fum four times greater than Spain had ever before given with any princefs. But
what was of more importance to the King’s honer and happinefs; Brittol confide-
dered this match as an infallible prognoftic’ of the Palatine’s reftoration; nor would
Philip, he thought, ever have beftowed his fifte: and fo large a fortune, under the
profpect of entering, next day, into a war with England. So exact was his intel-
ligence, that the moft fecret councils of the Spaniards, he boafts, had never
efeaped him; and he found that they had, all along, confidercd the marriage of the
Infanta and the reftitution of the Palatinate as meafures clofely connected, or alto-
gether infeparable. However little calculated Janes’s character, however improper
the meafures which he had purfued, to extort fo vaft a conceflion; the ambatlador
could not withftand the plain evidence of facts, by which Philip now demonttrated
his fincerity. Perhaps too, like a wife man, he confidered, that reafons of ttate,
which are fuppofed folely to influence the councils of monarchs, are not always the
motives which there predominate; that the milder views of gratitude, hongr,
friendfhip, generofity, are frequently able, ameng princes as well as private per-
fons, to counterballance thefe felfifh confiderations ; that the juttice and modera-
tion of James had been fo-confpicuous in all thefe tranfactions, his reliance on Spain,
his confidence in her friendflip, that he had, atla{t, obtained the cordial alliance
of that nation, fo eelebrated for honor and fidelity. Or if politics mutt {till be
fuppofed the ruling motive of all public meafures; the maritime power of Eingland
was fo great, the Spanifh dominions fo divided, as might well induce the council of
Philip to think, that a fincere friendfhip with thematfters of the fea could not be:pur-
chafed by too many conceflions.. And as James, during fo many years, had been
allured and feduced by hopes and proteftations, his people enraged by delays and:
difappointments; it would probably occur, that there was now no medium left be-
twixt the moft inveterate hatred and the moft intimate alliance betwixt the nations.
Not to mention, that, as a new fpirit began abont this time to animate the councils
of France, the friendship of England became every day more requifite for the great:
nefs and fecurity of the Spanifh monarchy.
ALL meafures being, therefore agreed betwixt the parties, nought was wanting
but the difpenfation from Rome, which might te confidered as a mere formality.
The King warranted by fuccefs, now exulted in his pacific councils, and boatted ot
; his
* It appears by Buckingham’s narrative, that thefe two millions were of pieces of eight, and mace
600,000 pound Sterling: A very great fum, and almcft equal to all the fums which the par
liament, during the whole courfe of this reign, had hithertp beftowed on the King.
Chap. V
1622.
Chap. V.
1022.
1623.
“Character of
Buckhingham.
-96 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
his faperior views and’penetration; when all thefe flattering profpects were blafted
by. the'temerity of a man, whom he had fondly exalted from an obfcure condition
‘to be the bane of himfelf, of his family, and of his people.
Ever fince the fall of Somerfet, Buckingham had governed, with an uncon-
troled fway, both the court and nation; and could James’s eyes have been open-
ed, he had now full opportunity of obferving how unfit his favorite was for the high
Ltation to which he had raifed him. Some accomplifhments of a courtier he was
poflefied of : Of every talent of a minifter he was utterly devoid. Headlong in his
paflions, and incapable equally of prudence and of diffimulation: Sincere from violence
rather than from candor; expenfive from profufion more than from generofity; A
warm friend, a furious enemy; but without any choice or difcernment in either:
With thefe qualities he had early and quickly mounted to the higheft rank; and
partook. at once of the infolence which attends a fortune newly acquired, and the im-
petuofity which belongs to perfons born in high ftations, and unacquainted with
oppofition.
AmonG thofe, who had experienced the arrogance of this overgrown favorite,
the Prince of Wales himfelf had not been entirely fpared; anda great coldnefs, if
not enmity, had, for that reafon, taken place betwixtthem. Buckingham, de-
firous of an opportunity, which might connect him with the Prince and overcome
his averfion, and at the fame time envious of the great credit acquired by Briftol in
the Spanifh negotiation, bethought himfelf of an expedient, by which he might, at
once, gratify both thefe inclinations. He reprefented to Charles, That perfons of his
exalted {tation were peculiarly unfortunate in their marriage, the chief circum-
{tance in life; and commonly received into their arms a bride, unknown to them,
to whom they were unknown; not-endeared by fympathy, not obliged by fervices ;
wooed by treaties alone, by negotiations, by political interefts: That however:
accomplifhed the Spanifh Princefs, fhe muft {till confider herfelf as a melancholy
victim of ftate, and could not but think with averfion of that day when fhe was to
enter the bed of a ftranger; and pafling into a foreign country and a new family,
bid adieu for ever to her father’s houfe and to her native land: That it was in the
Prince’s power to foften all thefe rigors, and lay fuch an obligation om her, as would
attach the moft indifferent temper, as would warm the coldeft affections: That his
journey to Madrid would be an unexpected gallantry, which would equal all the
fictions of Spanifh romance, and fuiting the amorous and enterprizing character of
that nation, muft immediately introduce him to the Infanta under the agreeable cha-
racter of a devoted lover and daring adventurer: That the negotiations with regard
tO
ffl AP ME EOS x0 1 97
to the Palatinate, which had hitherto languithéd in the hands of minifters, would
quickly be terminated by fo illuftrious an agent, feconded by the mediation and
intreaties of the grateful Princefs: That the Spanifh generofity, moved by ‘that
unexampled truft and confidence, would make conceflions beyond what could be
expected from political views and confiderations: And that he would quick-
ly return to the King with the glory of having re-eftablifhed the unhappy Palatine,
by the fame enterprize, which procured him the affe&tions and the perfon of the
Spanifh Princefs. |
Tue mind of the young Prince, replete with candor, was ifflamed by thefe
getterous aud romantic ideas. He agreed to make application to the King for his
approbation. They chofe the moment of his kindeft and moft jovial humor ;
and more by the earneftnefs which they expreffed, than by-the force of their rea-
fons, they obtained a hafty and unguarded affent to their undertaking. And having
engaged his promife to kecp their purpofé feeret, they left him, in order to make
preparations for their journey.
No fooner was the King alone, than his temper, more timorous than fanguine,
fuggefted very different views of the matter, and reprefented every difficulty and
danger which would occur.’ He reflected, that, however the world might pardon
this fally of youth in the Prince, they would never forgive himfelf, who, at his
years, and after his experience, could entruft his only fon, the heir of his crown,
the prop of his age, to the difcretion of foreigners, without fo much as providing
the frail fecurity of a fafe conduct in his favor: That, if the Spaniard was fincere in.
his profeflions, a few months mutt finifh the treaty of marriage, and bring the In-
fanta into England; if he was not fincere, the folly was {till more egregious of
committing the Prince into his hands: That, when poffeffed of fo invaluable a
pledge, he might well rife in his demands, and impofe harder conditions of treaty:
And that the temerity of this enterprize was fo apparent, that the event, however
profperous, could never juftify it; and if difaftrous, it would render him infamous
to his people, and ridiculous to all pofterity.
ToRMENTED with thefe reflections, fo foon as the Prince and Buckingham
returned for their difpatches, he informed them of all the reafons which had de-
termined him to change his refolution; and he begged them to defift from fo foolifh
an adventure. The Prince received the difappointment with forrowful fubmiffion
and filent tears: Buckingham prefumed to fpeak in an imperious tone, which he
had ever experienced to be prevalent over his too eafy mafter. He told him, that
no body, for the future, would believe any thing he faid, when he retracted fo
foon the promife, fo folemnly given; that he plainly difcerned this change of re-
folution to proceed from another breach of his word, in communicating the mat-
Vou. I. N ter
- 4023.
GREAT. BRITAIN.
C HISTORY OF
ter to fome rafeal, who had furnifhed him with thofe pitiful reafons, which he had
alleged, and he doubted not but he fhould hereafter know who his counfellor had
been; and that if he receded from what he had promifed, it would be fuch a difobli-
o the Prince, who had now fet his heart upon the journey, after his Ma-
gation t
jefty’s approbation, that he could never forget it, nor forgive any man who had
been the caufe of it.
Tue King, with great earneftnefs, fortifyed by many oaths, made his apology,
by denying, that he had communicated the matter to any man; , and finding him-
felf affailed, as well by the boiftrous importunities of Buckingham, as by the warm
entreaties of his fon, whofe applications had hitherto, on other occafions, been
always dutiful, never earneft; he had again the weaknefs to afient to their purpofed
It was agreed, that Sir Francis Cottington alone, the Prince’s fecreta-
mion Porter, gentleman of his bed-chamber, fhould accompany them;
‘me in the anti-chamber, he-was immediately called in
journey.
ry, and Eindy
and the former being at thatt
by the King’s order.
James told Cottington, that he had always been an honeft man, and therefore
he was now to truft him in an affair of the higheft importance, which he was not,
upon his life, to difclofe to.any man whatever. “ Cottington, added he, here
« is baby Charles and Stenny’’ (thefe ridiculous appellations he ufually gave to the
Prince and Buckingham). ‘‘ who havea great mind to go poft into Spain,. and fetch
‘© home the Infanta: They will have but two more in their company, and have
‘© chofen you fer one. What think you of the journey?” Sir Francis, who
was a prudent man, and had refided fome years in Spain as the King’s agent, was
Sick with all the obvious objections to fuch an enterprize, and immediately difco-
veredthem. The King threw himfelf upon his bed, and cryed, I told you this be-
fore; and fell into new paflion and lamentation, complaining that he was undone,
and. fhould lofe baby Charles.
Tue Prince fhowed by his countenance, that he was extremely diffatisfied with
Cottington’s difcourfe; but Buckingham broke out into an open paffion againf{t
him. The King, hetold him, afked him only of the journey and of the manner of
travelling; particulars, of which he might be a competent judge, having made the
way fo often by poft; but that he, without being called to it, had the prefumption
to give his advice upon matters of ftate and againft his mafter, which he fhould re-
nent fo long ashe lived. A thoufand other reproaches he added, which put the poor
King into a new agony on behalt of a fervant, who, he forefaw, would fuffer for
anfwering him honeftly. Upon which he faid with fome commotion: Nay, by
God, Stenny, you are much to blame for ufing bim fo: He anfwered me direétly to the
queftion which I afked him, and very boneftly and wifely ; and yet, you knew, be faid no
MOF es
} BAMID D 11 99
more, than I told you before he was called in. Wowever, after all this paffion on both
fides, James renewed his confent; and all proper directions were given for the
journey. Nor was he now at any lofs to difcover, that the whole intrigue was ori-
ginally contrived by Buckingham, as well as purfued violently by his fpirit and
impetuofity.
THESE circumftances, which fo well characterize the perfons, feem to have
been related by Cottington to Lord Clarendon, from whom they are here tran-
{cribed; and, tho’ minute, are not undeferving of a place in hiftory.
Tue Prince and Buckingham, with their two attendants, and Sir Richard Graham,
matter of horfe to Buckingham, pafled difguifed and undifcovered thro’ France; and
they even ventured into a court-ball at Paris, where Charles faw the Princefs Henrietta,
whom he afterwards efpoufed, and who was, at that time, in the bloom of youth
and beauty. In eleven days after their departure from London, they arrived at
Madrid; and furprized every body by a ftep fo little ufual among great princes.
The Spanifh monarch immediately vifited Charles, exprefled the utmoft gratitude
for the confidence repofed in him, and made warm proteftations of a correfpondent
confidence and friendfhip. By the moft {tudied civilities, he marked the refpect,
which he bore his royal gueit. He gave hima golden key, which opened all his
apartments, that the Prince might, without any introduction, have accefs to him
at all hours: He took the left hand of him on every occafion, except in the apart-
ments afligned to Charles; for there, he faid, the Prince was athome: © Charles
was introduced into the palace with the fame pomp and ceremony which attend the
kings of Spain on their coronation: The privy council received public orders to
obey him as the King himfelf:. All the prifons of Spain were thrown open, and all
the prifoners received their freedom, as if the event, the moft honorable and moft
fortunate, had happened to the monarchy: And every {umptuary law with-regard to:
apparel was abrogated and fufpended during his refidence in Spain. The Infanta,
however, was only fhown to her lover.in public; the Spanith ideas of decency
being fo f{tri@t, as not to allow of any more intercourfe, till the arrival of the
difpenfation.
Tue point of henor was carried fo far by that generous people, that no attempt
was made, on account of the advantage, which they had acquired, of impotfing
any harder conditions of treaty: Their pious bigotry only prompted them, on
one occafion, to defire more conceflions in the religious articles; but, on the op-
pofition of Briftol, accompanied with fome reproaches, they immediately defifted.
The Pope; however, hearing of the Prince’s arrival in Madrid, tacked fome new
claufes to the. difpenfation; and it became requifite to tranfmit’ the articles to
London, that the King might there ratify them. This treaty, which was made
N 2 public,
)
th of March.
The Prince’s
journey to
Spain,
Ee ee ee ee ee Fee, eee on
— oe
EE ——EE————————— ee eT le eel
Chap. V.
1023,
decent freedoms with the Prince, his diffolute pleafures, his arrog
100 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
public, confifted of feveral articles, chiefly regarding the exercife of the catholic
religion by the Infanta and her family. Nothing’ could reafonably be found fault
with, except one article, where the King promifed, that the children fhould be e-
ducated by the Princefs, till ten years of age. This condition could not be infitt-
ed on, but with a view of feafoning their minds with catholic prejudices; and tho’
fo tender an age feemed little fufceptible of theological tenets, yet the fame reafon,
which made the Pope infert that article, fhould have induced the King to reject
it.
Bres1pe the public treaty, there were feparate articles, privately {worn to by the
King ; where he promifed to fufpend the penal laws enacted againft catholics, to pro-
cure a repeal of them in parliament, and to grant a toleration for the exercife of the
catholic religion in private houfes. Great murmurs, we may believe, would have
arifen againit thefe articles, had they been made known to the public; fince we
find it to have been imputed as an enormous crime to the Prince, that, having re-
ceived, about this time, a very civil letter from the Pope, he was induced to return
a very civil anfwer.
Mean while Gregory XV. who granted the difpenfation, died; and Urban VIII.
was chofen in his place. Upon this event, this nuncio refufed to deliver the difpen-
fation, till it fhould be renewed by Urban; and that crafty pontiff delayed the fend-
_inga new difpenfation, in hopes, that, during the Prince’s refidence in Spain, fome
expedient might be fallen upon to operate his converfion. The King of England,
as well as the Prince, became impatient. ©n the firft hint, Charles obtained per
miffron to return; and Philip graced his departure with all the circumftances of ela-
borate civility and refpect,’ which had attended his arrival. He even erected a pil-
lar, on the fpot where they feparated, as a monument of mutual friendfhip; and
the Prince, having {worn to the obfervance of all’ the articles, entered on his jour-
ney, and embarked on board the Engtlith fleet at St. Andero.
Tue character of Charles, compofed of decency, referve, medefty, fobriety;
virtues fo fuitable to the mianners of the Spaniards; the unparalleled confidence,
which he had repofed in their nation s the romantic gallantry, which he had pra-
ctifed towards their Princefs ;_ all thefe circumftances, joined to his youth and a-
greeable figure, had endéared him to the whole court of Madrid, and had impreffed
the motft favorable ideas of him. But, in the fame proportion, that the Prince
was beloved and efteemed, was Buckingham defpifed and hated. “His behavior,
compoted of Englith familiarity and French vivacity;_ his fallies of paffion, his in-
Zant, unpetuous
temper, which he neither'could, nor cared to difguife; qualities like thefe, could,
molt of them, be efteemed no-where, but to the Spaniards: were the objects of pe-
culiar
JiA.M'<‘E S I. 101
culiar averfion. They could not conceal their furprize, that fuch a hair-brained
youth could intrude into a negotiation, now conducted to a period, by fo accom-
plifhed a minifter as Briftol, and could affume to himfelf all the merit of it. They
lamented the Infanta’s fate, who muft be approached by a man, whofe temerity
feemed to refpect no laws, divine or human. Andwhen they obferved, that he
had the imprudence to infult the Condé Duke of Olivarez, their prime minifter ;
every one, who was ambitious of paying court to the Spanifh, became defirous o
marking a contempt for the Englifh favorite.
Tue Duke of Buckingham told Olivarez, that his own attachment to. the Spa-
nifh nation and to the King of Spain was extreme; that he would contribute to
every meafure, which would cement the friendfhip betwixt England and them;
and that his peculiar ambition would be to facilitate the Prince’s marriage with the
Infanta. But, he added, with a fincerity, equally infolent and indifcreet, With
regard to you, Sir, in particular, you muft not confider meas your friend, but mufi e-
ver expect from me all poffible enmity and oppofition. "The Condé Duke replied, with
a becoming dignity, that he very willingly accepted of what was proferred him:
And on thefe terms the favorites parted.
BuckineGHam, fenfible how odious he was become to the Spaniards, and
dreading the influence, which that nation would naturally acquire after the arrival
of the Infanta, refolved to employ all his credit, in order to prevent the marriage.
By what arguments he could engage the Prince to offer fuch an infult te the Spa-
nifh nation, from whom he had met with fuch generous treatment ; by what co-
lors he could difguife the ingratitude, perfidy, and imprudence of juch a meaf{ure ;
thefe are totally unknown to us. It only appears, that his impetuous and domi-
neering character had acquired, what it ever after maintained, a total afcendant
over the gentle and modeft temper of Charles; and, when the Prince left Ma-
drid, he was firmly determined, notwithitanding all his profeflions, to break off
the treaty with Spain. sigs
[r is not likely, that Buckingham prevailed fo eafily with James to abandon a
project, which, during fo many years, had been the object of all his withes, and
which he had now unexpectedly conducted to a happy period. A rupture with .
Spain, the lofs of two millions, were profpects little agreeable to this pacific and
indigent monarch: But, finding his only fon bent againft a match, which had al-
ways been oppofed by his people and his parliament, he fuccumbed under diflicul-
ties, which he had not courage nor ftrength of mind fufficient to refift.. The
Prince, therefore, and Buckingham, on their arrival at London, affumed intirely
the dire@tion of the negotiation; and it was their bufinefs to feek for. pretexts, by
which they could give a color to their intended violation of treaty.
THO’
)
Chap. V,
1623,
nS SE - ee
Chap. V.
Marriage-
treaty bro-
41623.
ken.
1624,
102 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
Tro’ the reftitation of the Palatinate had ever been confidered by James as a
natural or neceflary confequence of the Spanifh alliance, he had always ferbid his
minifters to infift onit asa preliminary article to the conclufion of the marriage-
treaty. He confidered, that that principality was now intirely in the hands-ef the
Emperor and the Duke of Bavaria; and that it was no longer in the King of Spain’s
power, bya fingle flroke of his pen, to reftore it tothe antient proprietor. ‘The
ftrié alliance of Spain with thefe princes would engage Philip, he thought, to fof-
ten fo difagreeable ademand by every art of negotiation ; and many articles, mutt,
of neceflity, be adjufted, before fuch an important point could be effectuated. It
was fufficient, in James’sopinion, if the Spaniards’ fincerity could, for the prefent,
be afcertained; and, dreading farther delays in the marriage, fo long wifhed for,
he was refolved to truft the Palatine’s full reftoration to the event of future coun-
cils and deliberations.
Tuis whole fyften of politics, Buckingham now reverfed; and he-over-turn-
ed every fuppofition, upon which the treaty had hitherto been conducted. Bri-
{tol received orders rot to deliver the proxy, which had been left in his hands, nor
to finifh the marriage, till the full reftitution of the Palatinate. Philip underiftood
this language. He had been acquainted with the difguft received by Buckingham ;
and efteeming him aman, capable of facrificing, to his own ungovernable paflions,
the greateft interefts of his mafter and of his country, he had expected that the un-
bounded credit of «kat faverite would be employed to embroil the two nations.
Determined, however, to throw the blame of the rupture intirely on the Enelifh,
he delivered into Briftol’s hand a written promife, by which he bound himfelf to
procure the reftoration of the Palatine, either by perfuafion, or by every other pof-
fible means; and, when -he found that that conceflion gave no fatisfaction, he or-
dered the Infanta to ‘ay afide the title .of Princefs of Wales, and to drop. her ftudy
of the Englith language. Andthinking, that fuch furious councils as now govern-
ed the court of England would not {top at the breach of treaty, he ordered prepara-
tions for war immediately to be made thro’out all his dominions.
Tus James, having, by means, inexplicable from all the rules of politics, con-
ducted, fo near an honorable end, the marriage of his fon and the reftoration of his
ion-in-law, failed at litof his purpofe, by means equally unaccountable.
But, tho’.the expedients, already ufed by Buckingham, were futliciently inglo-
rious, both for himfet and for the nation; it was requifite, ere he could fully cf-
fect his purpofe, to employ artifices {till more fhemeful and difhonorable.
‘Tue King, having broke with Spain, was obliged to concert new meafures ; .and,
without the aflitanceof parliament, no effectual {tep of any kind could be taken.
The
PRAMOE: 8s 1. 103
The benevolence, which, during the interval, had been rigoioufly exacted for the
recovery of the Palatinate, tho’ levied for fo favorable an em, had acquired the
King lefs money than ill-will from his fubjects *. Whatever difcouragements ,
theretore, he might receive from his bad agreement with former. parliaments, there
‘was a neceflity of fummoning once more this aflembly 5 and; it might be hoped,
that the Spanifh alliance, which gave fuch umbrage,. being abandoned, the com-
mons. would now be better fatisfied-with the King’s adminiftraion. In his fpeech
to the houfes, James dropped fome hints of the caufes of complaint which he had
again{t Spain; and he gracioufly condefcended to afk the parlianent’s advice, which
he had ever before rejected, with regard to the condu@ of {0 inportant an affair as
his fon’s marriage. Buckingham, to a committee of lords and commons, deli-
vered a long narrative, which he pretended to be true and conpleat, of every itep
taken in the negotiations with Philip: But partly by the fuppreflion of fome facts,
partly by the falfe coloring laid on others, this narrative was alculated intirely to
miflead the parliament, and to throw on the court of Spain the reproach of artifice
and infincerity.. Hefaid, that, after many years negotiation, the King found not
himfelf any nearer his purpofe; and that Briftel had never braught the treaty be-
yond general profeffions and declarations: That the Prince, dbubting the good in:
tentions of Spain, refolved at laft to take a journey to Madrid, and put the matter
to the utmoft trial: That he there found. fuch artificial dealing as made him con-
clude all the fteps taken towards the marriage to be falfe and deceitful: That the
reftitution of the Palatinate, which had ever been regarded by tie King as an eflen-
tial preliminary, was not ferioufly intended by Spain: And that, after.enduring
much ill-ufage, the Prince was obliged to return to England, without any -hopes,
either of obtaining the Infanta, or of reftoring the Elector Paletine.
Tuts narrative, which, confidering the importance of the occafion, and the
folemnity of that affembly, to which it was delivered, deferve no better name,
than that of an infamous impofture, was yet vouched for truti by the Prince of
Wales, who was prefent; and the King himfelf lent it, indirectly, his authority,
by telling the parliament, that it.was by his order Buckingham hid the whole affair
before them. The conduct.of thefe princes itis difficult.to excufe. ’Tis in vain to.
plead the youth and inexperience of Charles; unlefs his inexyerience and youth,
as
* To thow by what violent meafures this benevolence was raifed, Johnftne, an excellent, bus
unknown hiftorian, tells us, in his Rerum Britannicarum hifforia, that Barnes, a citizen of London,
was the firft who refafed to contribute any thing; upon which, the treafurer fmt him word, that he
muft immediately prepare himfelf to carry by poft a difpatch into Ireland. The citizen was glad to
make his peace by paying a hundred pound; and no one durft afterwards rdufe the benevolence
required,
Chap, V.
1624.
A parliament.
1oth of Feb,
sy
A Ea a Ss
OE
ow
SS ee A lh
Chap. V. 48 is probable *, really led him into error,
L624.
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
and made him fwallow all the grofs
falfities of Buckingham. And, tho’ the King was. here hurried from his own
impetuofity of others ; nothing fhould have induced himt
meafures by the furious .
to proftitute his character, and vouch the impoftures of his favorite, of which
he had fo good reafon to entertain a fufpicion.
BuckiNGHAM’s narrative, however artificially difguifed, contained yet fo
many contradictory circumftances as were fuflicient to open the eyes of all rea-
fonable men; but it concurred fo well with the paffions and prejudices of the
parliament, that no fcruple was made of immediately adopting it. Charmed with
having obtained at laft the opportunity, fo long wifhed for, of going to war with
papifts, they little thought of future confequences ; but immediately advifed
the King to break off both treaties with Spain, as well that which regarded the
marriage, as that for the reftitution of the Palatinate. The people, ever greedy
of war, till they fuffer by it, marked their triumph at thefe violent meafures by
public bonefires and rejoicings, and by infults on the Spanifh minifters. Bucking-
ham was now the univerfal favorite of the public and of the parliament. Sir
Edward Coke, in the houfe of commons, called him the Savior of the nation.
Every place refounded with his praifes. And he himfelf, intoxicated by a popu-
larity, which he enjoyed fo little time, and which he fo little merited, violated
all duty to his indulgent mafter, and entered into cabals with the puritan members,
who had ever oppofed the royal authority. He even encouraged fchemes for a-
bolifhing the order of bifhops, and felling the dean and chapter lands, in order to
defray the expences of a Spanifh war. And the King, who {till entertained pro-
jects for temporizing, and for forming an accommodation with Spain, was fo borne
down by the torrent of popular prejudices, conducted and increafed by Bucking-
ham, that he was at laft obliged, in a fpeech to-parliament, to declare in favor of
hoftile meafures, if they would engage to fupport him. Doubts of their fincerity
in this refpect; doubts which the event fhowed not to be ill-grounded; had pro-
bably been one caufe of his former tame and dilatory meafures. |
In his fpeech on this occafion, the King began with lamenting his misfortunes,
that, having fo long plumed himfelf in the epithet of the pacific monarch, he
fhould
104.
* The moment the Prince embarked at St. Andero’s, he faid, to thofe about him, that it was
folly in the Spaniards to ufe him fo ill, and allow him to depart: A proof that the Duke had made
him believe they were infincere in the affair of the marriage and the Palatinate : For, as to his rece-
ption, in other refpects, it had been altogether unexceptionable : Befides, had not the Prince believed
the Spaniards to be infincere, he had no reafon to quarrel with them ; tho’ Buckingham had, It
appears, therefore, that Charles himfelf muft have been deceived, |
AS MOE*:s I. IOs
fhould now, in his old age, be obliged to exchange the bleflings of peace for the
inevitable calamities of war, -He reprefented to them the 'immenfe and continued
expence, requifite for military armamtents; and befide fupplies, from time to time,
as they fhould become requifite, he demanded a vote of fix fubfidies and twelve
fifteenths, as a ftock requifite before the commencement of hottilities. He told
them.of his intolerable debts and burthens, chiefly contracted by the. fums remit-
ted to the Palatine*; but he added, that he did not infift on any fupply for his
own relief, and that it was fafficient for him, if the honor and fecurity of the pu-
blic were provided for. To remove all fufpicion, he, who had ever {trenuoufly
maintained his prerogative, and even extended it into fome doubtful points, now
made a moft imprudent conceflion, of which the confequences might have been
fatal to regal authority: He voluntarily offered, that the money voted fhould be
payed into a committee of parliament, and fhould be iffued by them, without
being intrufted to his management. The commons willingly accepted of this
conceflion, fo unprecedented in an Englifh monarch ; they voted him only three
fubfidies and three fifteénths Ts; and they took no notice of the complaints, which
he made of his own wants and neceflities. |
ADVANTAGE was alfo taken of the prefent good agreement betwixt the King
and parliament, in order to pafs the bill again{t monopolies, which had formerly
been encouraged by the King, but which had failed by the rupture betwixt him
and the laft houfe of commons. This bill was conceived in fuch terms as to ren-
der it merely declarative; and all monopolies were condemned, as contrary to
law and to the known liberties of the people. It was there fuppofed, that every
fubject of England had intire liberty to difpofe of his own aétions, provided he
did no injury to any of his fellow fubjects; and that no prerogative of the King,
no power of any magiftrate, nothing but the authority alone of laws, could re-
{train that unlimited freedom. The full profecution of this noble principle into
Vou. I. O all
* Among other particulars, he mentions a fum of $0,000 pound borrowed from the King of Den-
mark. But what is more extraordinary, the treafurer, in order to fhow his own good fervices, boafts
to the parliament, that, by his contrivance, 60,000 pound had been faved on the head of exchange
in the fums remitted to the Palatinate. This feems {carce credible, nor is it conceivable whence the
King could procure fuch vaft fums as would require a fum fo great to be payed in exchange,
+ Lefs than 300,000 pound,
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106 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
A w/
all its neceflary confequences, has, at laft, thro” many contefts, produced that fins
gular.and happy government, which at prefent we enjoy, *.. i
HE
* How little this principle had prevailed, during any former period of the Enghth government,
particularly during the laft reign, which certain writers, froma fhameful ignorance, would reprefent
as the model of liberty, will eafily appear from fome paflages, extracted from Sir Simon D’ewes's-
journal and Townfhend’s collections.
In the feffion, the 39th and goth of Elizabeth, complaints were made in.the houfe of commons.
againft monopolies, which had certainly rifen to an enormous height, much beyond what they ever
reached during the reign of James; but the Queen thought not proper to grant any redrefs, In the
feflion, the 43d of that reign, a bill was brought into the houfe againtt monopolies; but all the
prudent members efteemed it much more advifable to proceed by way of petition to the Queen.
Here are fome paflages of the debates, which will perhaps furprife fuch of the Englifh readers, as
know nothing of hiftory beyond what they have learned from pamphlets, and daily writers,
«« Mr. Spicer, burgefs of Warwic, faid, This bill may touch the prerogative royal, which, as I
‘learned the laft parliament, is fo tranfcendent. that the of the fubject may not afpire
‘thereunto. Far be it therefore from me, that the ftate and prerogative royal of the prince fhould
be tied by me or by the act of any other fubje&t. Mr. Francis Bacon faid, as to the prerogative’
‘“‘ royal of the prince, for my own part, I ever allowed of it; and itis fuch as, I hope, will never-
« be difcuffed.. The Queen, as fhe is our fovereign, hath both an enlarging and reftraining power.
« For, by her prerogative, fhe may firft fet at liberty things reftrained by flatute, law, or otherways 5
« and, fecondly, by her ‘prerogative, fhe may reftrain things, which be at liberty. For the may
«* grant non objiante contrary to the penal Jaws. I fay, and I fay again, that we ought not
** to deal, to judge or meddle, with her Majefty’s prerogative.. Dr. Bennet faid, He that will goa-
« bout to debate her’ Majefty’s prerogative, had need to walk warily. Mr. Laurence Hyde faid, I
«« confefs, Mr. Speaker, that I owe duty to God and loyalty to my prince, And for the, bill itfelf,
«© T madeit, and I think I underfland it. And, far be it from this heart. of mine to think, this.
** tongue to fpeak, or this hand to write, any thing either in prejudice or derogation of her Majefty’s
‘¢ prerogative royal and the ftate. Mr. George Moore faid, We know the power of her Majefty
« cannot be reftrained: by any att; why therefore fhould we thus talk? Admit we fhould make this
“ flatute with a zon obfante,, yet the Queen may grant a patent with a.zox cbfanie, to crofs this’ nom
« obfiante. Mr. Wingfield faid, It was my hap, the laft parliament, to encounter withthe werd
“prerogative; but asthen, fo now,I do it with all humility; and wiih all happinefs both to it and
“ to her Majetty.
On the fecond reading of the bill, Mr. Spicer again faid, ** The way of petition will be our fafeft
“ courfe: For itis. to no purpofe to tie her Majefty’s hands by a&t of parliament, when fhe may
loofen herfelf at her pleafure. Mr. Davies faid, God hath given that power to abfolute. princes,
‘ which he attributeth to himfelf, Dixit quod dit efes.” (This do&rine ke applies to the kings of
« England.) | **.Mr,.Secretary Cecil faid; am fervant unto the Queen ; -and, before’ Fwould {peak
or give confent to.a cafe, that would debafe her prerogative or abrige it, I would with my tongue
?
>
eo
©.
One gentleman went about to poffels us with the execution of
“cut out of my head.
« the law in an antient record of Edward III.; likely enough to be true in that. time; whenshe
“king was afraid of the fabjedt. If ye ftand uponlaw, and difpute of the prerogative,
** hark ye what Bracton fays, Prerogativum nofirum nemo audeai di/jputare, Let no man dare to dif-
4 - cr ~— ~ MT ns " - iV “Aro a+ TrOrin oe ni ~~ > fe re
“pure of our prerogative. Mr, Francis Moore, at another time, faid, I mult confefs, Mr. Speaker,
=%
FACMOR Ns <4. io7
‘Tue houfe of commons alfo corroborated, by a new precedent, the important Chap. V,
power of impeachment, which, two years before,-they had exercifed, in the cafe 1024.
of Chancellor Bacon, and which had lain dormant for more than a century before,
except when they ferved as inftruments of royal’vengeance. The Earl of Mid-
dlefex had been raifed by Buckingham’s intereft, from the rank of a London mer-
chant, to be Lord high ‘treafurer of England; and, by his activity and addrefs,
‘Oe | feemed
“IT moved the houfe, both the laft parliament and this, ‘touching: this point; -but I never meaned
** (and | hope this houfe thinketh fo) to fet limits and bounds to the prerogative royal,” .
All this ftrange parliamentary language pafled uncontroverted ; and came equally, from the months
of thofe who were attached or who were not attached to the court: Thefe were the only diftinéti-
onsknown: For, ‘tis eafily conceived, there could be no oppofition to the court, no country-party,
while fuch maxims prevailed. But the ideas of men were much changed, during about twenty years
of a gentle and peaceful adminiftration, The commons, tho’ James, of himfelf, had recalled all pa-
tents of monopolies, were not contented .without a law againft them, and a declarative law.too;
which was gaining a great point, and eftablifhing principles _very favorable to liberty: But ‘they
_ Were extremely grateful, if Elizabeth, upon petition, (after having once refufed their requetts) ‘re-
Called a few of the moftoppreffive patents ;and employed fome foothing expreffions towards them. -
In the fame feflion, wiz. the 43d of Elizabeth, a bill being brought in againft pluralities, Mr. Ser-
geant Harris faid, ‘*‘ We feem to defend the privileges and cuftoms of the houfe.: Bat, if we pro-
** ceed to determine of this bill, we fhall not only infringe a cuftom, which we have ever obferved,
* wiz, to meddle with no matter that toucheth her Majefty’s prerogative ; ~ but alfo procure her ‘great
“difpleafure Admit we fhould determine of this matter, yet her-Majefty may grant ‘toleration with
anon obfiante. And, Mr Speaker, the laft parliament may be a warning to us, when the like bill
“* by us: was preferred, and the fame not only rejected,, but .alfo her Majefty commanded the Lord
. “keeper ‘to tell us, that the hoped we would not hereafter meddle in cafes of this nature fo nearly
** touching her prerogative royal.” |
_ In the 35th of Elizabeth, the Queen fent to the commons a meflagée, which would now appear fome-
what flrange. Thefe were the fpeaker’s expreffions when he related the matter to the houie; “ Her Ma-
-** Jefty’s moft excellent pleafure being then delivered unto ‘us by the Lordykeeper, it was not meant. we
** fhould meddle in matters of ftate, ior. in-caufes ecclefiaitical (for fo her Majefty termed them) fhe
“* wondered that any fhould be of fo high commandment to attempt (I ufe her own words) a thing
“contrary to that, which fhe had fo exprefsly forbidden ; wherefore with this fhe was highly difpleafed.
“¢ And, becaufe the words then fpoken by my Lord keepér are not now perhaps well remembered, or
_ “ fome be now here that were not there ; her Majefty’s prefent charge and exprefs! commandment is,
“« That no bills, touching matters of ftate or reformation in’ caufes ecclefiaftical; “be exhibited ;
~* And, upon my allegiance, 1am commanded, if any fuch bill be exhibited, not to read it.” "Tis
remarkable, that the Queen rejected 48 bills, which had paffed the two houfes, during this feffion.
When the parliament was upon this footing, inftead of wondering, that no more than four ~pound
fhould be given as a bribe for a feat (which was difcovered to be the cafe,’ in one inflancé during Eli-
zabeth’s reigh) we fhall be inclined to think, that the member, bating the fees, made avery dear pur-
chafe. Oss. OHA O3f90132 . wet. :
The parliament had furely reafon, when they confeffed, in the feventh of James, “that he allow-
ed them more freedom of debate, than ever was indulged by any of his predeceffors. “His induf-
gence in this particular was probably one caufe of the great power aflumed by the commons.
)
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HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
108
feemed not unworthy of that preferment. But, having incurred the difpleafure
of his patron, by {crupling or refufing fome demands of moncy, -during the
Prince’s refidence in Spain, that favorite vowed vengeance, and employed all his
crédit among the commons to procure an impeachment of the treafurer. The King
was extremely diffatisfied with this meafure, and prophefied to the Prince and
Duke, that they would live to have their fill of parliamentary profecutions. Ina
fpeech to the parliament, he endeavored to apologize for Middlefex, and to foften
the accufation againft him. The charge, however, was {till maintained by the
commons; and the treafurer was found guilty by the peers, tho’ the mifdemeanors
proved againft him, were neither numerous nor important. The accepting two
prefents, of five hundred pound a-picce, for the pafling two patents, was the arti-
cle of greateft weights His fentence was, to be fined §0,000 pound for the King’s
ufe, and to fuffer all the other penaltics formerly inflicted upon Bacon. ‘The fine
Was afterwatds remitted by the Prince, when he mounted the throne.
Tuts feflion, an addrefs was alfo made, very difagreeable to the King, cra-
ving the fevere execution of the laws againit éatholics. His anfwer was gracious
and condefcending; tho’ he declared againit perfecution ; as being an improper
meafure for the fuppreflion of any religion ; according to the received maxun,
That ihe blood of ihe martyrs was the feed of the church. He alfo condemned an in-
tire indulgence of the catholics 5 and feemed to reprefent a middle courfe, as the
moft humane and moft politic. He went fo far as even to affirm, with an oath,
that he never had entertained any thought of granting a toleration to thele religi-
onifts. Perhaps, the liberty of exercifing their religion in private houfes, which
he had fecretly agreed to in the Spanifh treaty, he did not efteem deferving that
name; and it was probably by means of this evafion, he thought, tho’ falfely,
that he had faved his honor. After all thefe tranfactions, the parliament was pro-
rogued by the King, who let fall fome hints, tho’ in gentle terms, of the fenfe,
which he entertained, of their unkindnefs, in not fupplying his necellities.
JAMEs, unable to refift fo ftrong a combination as that of his people, his par-
liament, his fon, and his favorite, had been compelled to embrace meafures, for
which, from temper as well.as judgment, he had ever entertained a moft fettled
Tho’ he diffembled his refentment, he began to eftrange himfelf from
Buckingham, to whom he afcribed all thofe violent councils, and whom he confi-
dered as the author, both of the Prince’s journey into Spain, and of the breach
of the marriage-treaty-. The arrival of Briftol, he impatiently longed for; and
it was by the afliftance of that minifter, whofe wifdom he refpected, and whofe
ved, that he hoped, inuume, to extricate himfelf from his prefent
averfion.
views he appro
difficulties.
DURING
RA ME Ss ca 109
DurinG the Prince’s abode in Spain, that able negotiator had ever oppofed,
tho’ unfuccelsfully, tothe impetuous meafures, fuggefted by Buckingham, his own
wife and well-tempered councils. After Charles’s. departure, upon the firft appear-
ance of a change of refolution, he {till interpofed his advice, and {trenuoufly in-
fitted on the Spaniards’ fincerity in the conduct of the treaty, as well as the advan-
tages, which England muft reap from the completion of it. Enraged to find, that
his fuccefsful and fkilful labors fhould all be rendered abortive by the levities and
caprices of an infolent minion, he would underftand no hints; and nothing but
exprefs orders from his mafter could engage him to make that demand, which, he
was fenfible, would put a final period to the treaty. He was not, therefore, fur-
prized to hear, that Buckingham had declared himfelf his open enemy, and both
before the council and parliament, had thrown out many fcandalous reflections
againft him. Upon the firft order, he prepared for leaving Madrid; and he
was carried to the King of Spain and the Condé Duke, in order to fulfil the cere-
monial of his departure.
PHILip, by the mouth of his minifter, exprefled much regret, that Briftol’s
fervices fhould meet with fo unworthy a reward, and that his enemies fhould fo
far have prevailed as to infufe prejudices into his mafter and _his country againit a
minifter, who had fo faithfully done his duty to both. He entreated him to fix
his abode in Spain, rather than expofe himfelf to the inveterate malice of his rival
and the ungovernable fury of the people. He offered him every advantage of
rank and fortune, to foften the rigors of banifhment; and, left his honor should
fuffer by the defertion of his native country, the monarch promifed to confer all
thefe advantages, with a public declaration, that they were beftowed merely for
his fidelity to the truft committed tohim. And he added, that he efteemed fuch
a conduct of importance to his own fervice; that all his minifters, obferving his
regard to virtue even in a ftranger, might be the more animated to exert their fide-.
lity towards fo generous a matter. |
Tue Earl of Briftol, while he expreffed the utmoft gratitude for this princely
offer, thought himfelf obliged to decline the acceptance of it. He faid, that no-
thing would more confirm all the calumnies of his enemies than his remaining at
Madrid, and his receiving honor and preferment from his catholic Majefty; that
the higheft dignity of the Spanifh monarchy, however valued, would be but an
unequal compenfation for the lofs of his honor, which he mutt facrifice to the ob-
taining of it; that he trufted to his own innocence for proteétion againft alk
the fury of popular prejudice; and that his mafter was fo jut and gracious, that,
however he might, for atime, be feduced by calumny, he would furely afford
hin
Chap. V.
1624.
Return of
Briftol.
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LTO HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
him an opportunity of defending himfel’,
fayor and good opinion.
So magnanimous an anfwer ‘nereafed the efteem which Philip had conceived of
the ambaflador. That prince begged him, at leaft, to accept of a prefent of 1 0,000
ducats, which might be requifite for his fupport, till he could ‘diffipate the preju-
dices contracted againft him; and he promifed, that this compliance fhould for
ever remain a fecret to all the world, and fhould never come to the knowlege of
his maiter. bere is one perfon, replied the generous Englifhman, who muft ne-
ceffarily know it: He is the Earl of Briftl, who will certainly reveal it to the Kg of
England. |
Notuine could be of greater confequence to Buckingham, than to keep
Briftol at a diftance both from the King and the parliament; left the power of
truth, enforced by fo powerful a fpeaker, fhould open fcenes, which were but fufpected
by the former, and of which the latter had as yet entertained no manner of jea-
loufy. He applied therefore to James, whofe weaknefs, difguifed to himfelf under
the appearance of finefse and diflimulation, was now become abfolutely incurable.
A warrant for fending Briftol to the tower was granted immediately upon his ar-
vival in England; and tho’ he was foon releafed from that confinement, yet or-
ders were carried him from. the King, to retire to his country feat, and to abftain
from all attendance on the parliament, which was not yet prorogued. He obeyed;
but loudly demanded an opportunity of juftifying himfelf, and of laying his whole
conduét before his mafter.- On all cccafions, he protefted his mnoccence,. and
threw on his enemy the blame of every mifcarriage. Buckingham, .and, at his
inftigation, the Prince, declared, that they would be reconciled to Briftol, if he
would but acknowlege his errors and ill conduét: But the high fpirited Noble:
man, jealous of his honor, refufed to buy favor at fo high a price. “James had the
equity to fay, that the infifting on that condition was a {train of unexampled ty-
ranny: Hut Buckingham fcrupled not to affert, with the utmoft prefumption,
that neither the King, the Prince, nor himfelf were, as yet, fatisfied of Briftol’s
innocence. |
Wie. the attachment of the Prince to Buckingham, while the timidity of
James, or the fhame of changing his favorite, kept the whole court in awe;
the Spanifh ambaflador, Inoiofa, endeavored to open the King’s eyes, and’ to
cure his fears by inttilling greater fears into him. He privately flipt into his
hand a-paper, and-gave him a fignal to read it alone.; He there told him, that he was
as much a prifoner at London as ever Francis I. was at Madrid; that .the, Prince
and would in the end reftore him to his
i % Ma eee UE e ; a 1 :
and Buckingham had confpired together, and had the whole court at their devo-
tion; that cabals among the popular leaders in parliament were carrying on to the
extreme
J WAMAE Sot rY1
extreme prejudice of his royal authority ; that the project was to confine him to - Chap.¥.
fome of his hunting feats, and to commit the whole adminiftration of affairs to the ~ 162%.
management of Charles; and that it was requifite for him, by one vigorous effort,
to vindicate his throne, and to punifh tho’ who had fo long and fo much abufed his
goodnefs and facility.
WuaT credit James gave to this reprefentation does not appear... He only dif-
covered fome faint fymptoms, which he nitantly retracted, of diffatisfaion with
Buckingham. Ail his public meafures, andéall the alliances, into which he en- Rupture withs
tered, were founded on the fy{tem of enmity to the Auftrian family, and of war °P*?:
to be carried on for the recovery of the Palatinate. .
Tue ftates of the united provinces, at this time, were governed by Maurice;
and that afpiring prince, fenfible that his credit would languith during peace; on
the expiration of the twelve years truce, had renewed the war with the Spanifh
monarchy. His great. capacity in the military art would have fupplied the infe-
riority of his forces, had. not the Spanifh-armies been.commanded by Spinola, a
general equally renowned for conduct, and more celebrated for enterprize and adcti-
vity.: In fuch a fituation, nothing could be more welcome to the republic than
the profpect of a rupture betwixt James and the catholic King; and they flattered
themfelves, as well from the natural union of interefts betwixt them and England,
as from the influence of the prefent corjuncture, that powerful fuccors would
foon march to. their relief.. Accordingly, an army of fix thoufand men was
levied in England, and fent over into Holand, commanded by four young Noble-
men, Effex, Oxford, Southampton, and Willoughby, who were ambitious of
diftinguithing them/felves in fo favorable a caufe, and of acquiring military expe--
rience under fo renowned a captain as Maurice..
Ir might reafonably have been expected, that, as religious zeal had made tiie Treaty with:
recovery of the Palatinate appear.a point cf fuch vatt importance in England; the France...
fame effect muft have been produced in France, by the force Inerely of poll-
tical views and confiderations. While that: principality remained in’ the hands
of the houfe of Auftria, the French daninions were furrownded on all ‘{idés
by the poffeflions of one or the other. branch of that ambitious family, and
might be invaded by fuperior forces from every quarter. It concerned the King™
of France therefore to prevent the peaceable eftablifhment of the Emperor in:
his new conquefts;: end’ both by the fituation and preater power of ‘his ftate,
he was better enabled than James to give firccor to the diftreffed Palatine. But tho’
thefe views efcaped not Louis, nor Cardinal Richelieu, who began to acquire an.a-
{cendant over his mafter ; that munifter was determined to prepare his vatt enter-
prizes, by firft fubduing the. Hugonots, andthence to proceed, by mature councils,
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Chap. V.
O24.
112 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
to humble the houfe of Auftria. The profpect, however, of a conjunction with
England was prefently embraced, and all imaginable encouragement was given to
every propofal for conciliating a marriage betwixt Charles and the Princefs
Henrietta.
NotwitustTanpinc the fenfible experience, which James might have ac-
quired, of the unfurmountable antipathy entertained by his fubjects againit all al-
liance with catholics, he {till perfevered in the ridiculous opinion, that his fon
would be degraded, by receiving into his bed a princefs of lefs than royal pedi-
gree. After the rupture, therefore, with Spain, nothing remained but ‘an al-
liance with France; and to that court he immediately applied himfelf. The fame
allurements had not here place, which had fo long entangled him in the Spanifh
negotiation: The portion promifed was much inferior; and the peaceable refto-
ration of the Palatine could not thence be expected. But being afraid, left his fon
fhould be altogether difappointed of a bride, as foon as the chriftian King demanded,
for the honor of his crown, the fame terms which had been granted to the catholic,
James was prevailed with to comply. And as the Prince, during his abode in
Spain, had given a verbal promife to allow the Infanta the education of her chil-
dren till the age of thirteen, this article was here inferted in the treaty; and to
that imprudence is generally imputed the prefent diftrefled condition of his pofte-
rity. The court of England, however, it muft be confeffed, always pretended,
even in their memorials to the French court, that all the favorable conditions,
granted to the catholics, were inferted in the marriage treaty merely to pleate
the Pope, and that their ftri€@ execution, by an agreement with France, was {fe-
cretly difpenfed with *.
As much as the conclufion of the marriage treaty was acceptable to the King,
as much were ali the military enterprizes difagreeable, both from the extreme
difficulty of the undertaking, in which he was engaged, and from his own incapa-
city for fuch a {cene of action.
Durine the Spanifh negotiation, Heidelberg and Manheim had been taken
by the imperial forces; and Frankendale, tho’ the garrifon was entirely Englifh,
was clofely befieged by them. Upon re-iterated remonftrances from James, Spain
interpofed,
* Rymer, tom. 18. p. 224. ‘Tis certain, that the young Prince of Wales, afterwards Charles IT.
had proteftant governors from his early infancy, firft the Earl of Newcaftle, then the Marquis of
Hertford. The King, in his memorial to foreign churches after the commencement of the civil wars,
infifts on his care in educating his children to the proteftant religion, as a proof that he was no way
inclined to the catholic. Rufhworth, vol. 5. p. 752. Itcan fcarce, therefore, be queftioned, but
this article, which has fo odd an appearance, was inferted only te amufe the Pope, and was nevet
intended by either party to be executed.
y APM GB Si.0 FT 113
untterpofed, and procured a fufpenfion of arms during eighteen months. But as
Frankendale was the only place of his antient dominions, which continued in
Frederic’s hands, Ferdinand, being defirous of withdrawing his forces from the
Palatinate, and of leaving that ftate in fecurity, was unwilling, that fo important
a fortrefs fhould remain in the poffeflion of the enemy. To compound all diffe-
rences, it was agreed to fequeftrate it in the Infanta’s hands as a neutral perfon ;
upon condition, that, after the expiration of the truce, it fhould be delivered to
Frederic; tho’ peace fhould not, at that time, be concluded betwixt him and
Ferdinand. After the unexpected rupture with Spain, when James demanded the
execution of the treaty, the Infanta offered him peaceable poffeffion of Franken-
dale, and even promifed fecure paffage for the garrifon thro’ the Spanifh Nether-
lands; But there was fome territory of the empire interpofed betwixt her ftate
and the Palatinate; and for paflage over that territory no terms were {tipulated.
By this chicane, which certainly had not been employed, if amity with Spain
had been preferved, the Palatine was totally difpoffeffed of all his patrimonial do-
minions.
Tre Englifh nation, however, and James’s warlike council were not dif.
couraged. It was ftill refolved to reconquer the Palatinate; a ftate lying in the
midit of Germany, poffeffed entirely by the Emperor and Bavaria, furrounded by
potent enemies, and cut off from all communication with England. Count
Mansfeldt was taken into pay; and an Englifh army of 12,000 foot and 200
horfe were levied by a general prefs thro’out the kingdom. During the negotia-
tion with France, va{t promifes had been made, tho’ in general terms, by the
French miniftry; not only, that a free paffage fhould be granted the Englifh
troops, but alfo that powerful fuccors fhould join them in their march towards the
Palatinate. In England, all thefe profeflions were haftily interpreted to be pofi-
tive engagements. The troops, under Mansfeldt’s command, were embarked at
Dover; but upon failing over to Calais, found no orders yet arrived for their ad-
miflion. After waiting in vain for fome time, they were obliged to fail towards
Zealand; where no proper meafures were yet concerted for their difembarkation ;
and fome fcruples arofe among the {tates on account of the {carcity of provifions.
Mean while, a peftilential diftemper crept in among the Enplifh forces, fo long
coopped'up in narrow veffels. Half the army died while on board; and the other
half, weakened by ficknefs, appeared too fmall a body to march into. the Palati-
nate. And thus’ ended this ill concerted and: fruitlefs expedition; the only
difafter, which happened to England, during the profperous and pacific reign of
James. yatta i
Vou. I. P THAT
Cha p. V.
1624.
Mansfeldt’s
expedition.
December;
a aa aes te
Chap. V.
g025.
Death of the
Kins,
oO
nt fae, POE
> a15 Character.
v7 Peet
BRITATI
HISTORY or GREAT
114.
THAT reign was now drawing towards a
fully cultivated, and fo paflionately loved by this monarch,
nated. This fpring, he was feized with a tertian ague 5 and,
he common proverb, that this diftemper,
he replied, that the proverb was meant of a young
and fent for the
ferve
With peace, fo fuccefs
his life alfo termi-
conclufion.
when encouraged
by his courtiers with t during that fea-
fon, was health for a king,
king. After fome fits, he found himfelf extremely weakened,
horted to bear a tender affection for his wife, but to pre
to protect the church of England; and to extend. his
With decency and courage, he
Prince, whom he ex
a conitancy in religion ;
care towards the unhappy family of the Palatine.
prepared himfelf for his end; and he expired on the 27th of March, after a reign
over England of twenty two years and a few days; and in. the fitty ninth
year of his age. His reign over Scotland was almoft of equal duration with his
lite.
No prince, fo little enterprizing and fo inoffenfive, was ever fo much expofed
to the oppofite extremes of calumny and flattery, of fatyre and, panegyric. And
his time, being ftill continued, have made his cha-
4s-is commonly that of princes who are
was. . pof-
the factions, which began in
rater be as much difputed to this day,
our_.contemporaries. Many virtues, however, it mult be owned, he
feffed of ; but no one of them pure, or free from the contagion of the neighboring
vices. His generofity bordered on profufion, his learning on pedantry, his paci-
fic difpofition on pufillanimity, his wifdom on cunning, his friendfhip on hght
While he imagined, that he was only maintaining
fancy and boyifh fondnefs.
his own authority, he may juftly be fufpected, in fome of his ations, and {till
more of his pretenfions, to have encroached on the liberties: of his people: . While
he endeavored, by an exact neutrality, to acquire the good will of all his neigh-
bors, he was able to preferve fully the efteem and regard of none... His capacity
was confiderable; but fitter to difcourfe on general maxims than to conduct any
‘ntricate bufinefs: His intentions were juft; but more adapted to the conduct of
private life, than to the government of kingdoms... Aukward in-his perfon, and
ungainly in his manners, he was ill qualified to command refpect ;, partial and
undifcerning in his affections, he was little fitted to acquire general love. Of a
feeble temper more than of a frail judgment :. Expofed to our ridicule from his va-
nity ; but exempt from our hatred by his freedom from pride and arrogance. And
it may be pronounced of his character, that all his qualities were
upon the whole,
Political. courage he cer-
fallied. with weaknefs, and embeéllifhed by humanity.
tainly was devoid of ; and from thence chiefly is derived the {trong. prejudice
which prevails againft his perfonal bravery: An inference, however, which muft
be owned, from general experience, te be extremely fallacious. é
He
bar
———— ee ee
} RAMs ® Asc brs
He was only once married, to Anne of Denmark, who died on the 3d of
March, 1619, in the forty fifth year of her age; a woman eminent neither for
her vices nor her virtues. She leved expenfive amufements and fhows; but
poffeffed no tafte in her pleafures. A great comet appeared about the time of her
death; and the vulgar efteemed it the forerunner of that event. So confiderable
in their eyes are even the moft infignificant princes.
He-left only one fon, Charles, then in the twenty fifth year of his ape} and
one daughter, Elizabeth, married to the Elector Palatine. She was aged twenty
nine years. Thofe alone remained of fix legitimate children born to him.
He never had any illegitimate; and he never difcoyered any tendency, even
the {malleft, towards a paflion for any miftrefs.
Tue Archbilea of Canterbury during this reign were, Whytgift, who died
in 1604; Bancroft, in 1610; Abbot, who furvived the King. The chancel-
lors, Lord Ellefmore, who sofia in 1617; Bacon was firft Lord keeper till
1619, then was created chancellor, and was difplaced in 1621; Williams,
bifhop of Lincoln was created Lord keeper in his place. The high treafurers were
the Earl of Dorfet, who died in 1609; the Earl of Salifbury, in 1612; the Earl
of Suffolk fined and difplaced for bribery in 1618; Lord Mandeville, refigned in
1021; Earl of Middlefex, difplaced in 1624; the Earl of Marlborough fucceed-
ed. The Lord admirals were, the Earl of Nottingham, who refigned in 1618;
the Earl, afterwards Duke of Buckingham. The fecretaries of ftate were, the
Earl of Salifbury, Sir Ralph Winwood, Nanton, Calvert, Lord Conway, Sir
Albertus Moreton.
Tue numbers of the houfe of lords, in the firft parliament of this reign, befide
the bifhops, were feyenty cight temporal peers. The numbers in the firft parlia-
ment of Charles were ninety feven. Confequently James, during that. period,
created nineteen new peerages above thofe that expired.
Tue houfe of commons, in the firft parliament of this reign, confifted of four
hundred and fixty feven members. It appears, that four burroughs revived their
charters, which they had formerly neglected. And as the firft parliament of
Charles confifted of four hundred and ninety four members, we may infer that
James erected ten new burroughs,
P 2 CHAP.
Chap. ¥.
162¢.
rT
{
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116 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
CHAP. VI. 3
Ecckefiafical govern-
Civil government of England during this period.
Commerce. Ma-
Manners. ——— Finances. Navy.
Learning and arts.
it ment.
i i} nufactur es mmm Coloni CS.
i T may not be improper, at this period, to make a paufe; and, departing 2
hi) hha of Big: little from the hiftorical ftyle, take a furvey of the ftate of the kingdom, with
ret Hi land, regard to government, manners, finances, arms, trade, learning. Wherea juit
a a: notion is not formed of thefe particulars, hiftory can be very little inftructive,
a ny and often will not be intelligible.
WE may fafely pronounce, that the Englifh government, at the’acceflion of the
Scottifh line, was much more arbitrary, than it is at prefent, the prerogative more
unlimited, the liberties of the fubject lefs accurately defined and fecured. With-
3 out mentioning other particulars, the courts alone of high commiflion and {ftar-
chamber were fufficient to lay the whole kingdom at the mercy of the prince.
Tue court of high commiffion had been erected by Elizabeth, in contequence of
| an act of parliament, paffed at the beginning of her reign: By this act, it was
F thought proper, during the great revolution of religion, to arm the fovereign with
| | full powers, in order to difcourage and {fupprefs oppofition. All appeals from the
; inferior ecclefiaftical courts were carried before the high commifflion; and, of con-
| fequence, the whole life and doctrine of the clergy lay directly under its infpection.
Every breach of the a of uniformity, every refufal of the ceremonies, was
Pit cognizable in this court; and, during the reign of Elizabeth, had been punifhed
ideal ) by deprivation, by fines, confifcations, and imprifonment. James contented
1 himfelf with the gentler penalty of deprivation; nor was that punifhment inflict-
Fen 4 ed with rigor on every offender *. All the catholics too were liable to be punifh-
pat Ki ed by this court, if they exercifed any act of their religion, or were any way
Pa active in fending abroad their children or other relations, to receive that educas
mt | | on, which they could not procure them in their own country. Popifh priefts
meu Lal were thrown into prifon, and might be delivered over to the law, which punithed
a them
i bl * Archbifhop Spotfwood tells us, that he was informed by B ft, fe t cing” :
mt ells us, ve y Bancroft, feveral years after the King’s
in in | acceflion, that not above 45 clergymen had been deprived. We may fafely regard that number as
| almoft the whole, that fuffered during this reign, Abbot, who fucceeded Bancroft in the fee of
Canterbury was very gentle to the puritans,
+. > MoE. § 5. II7
them with death; tho’ that feverity had been fparingly exercifed by Elizabeth, Chap. VR
and never almoft by James. In fhort, that precious liberty of confcience, which "©?
we fo highly value at prefent, was totally fuppreffed; and no exercife of any re--
ligion, but the eftablifhed, was permitted thro’out the kingdom. Any word or
writing, which tended towards herefy or fchifm or fedition, was punifhable by the
high commiflioners or any three of them: They alone were judges what expref-
fions had that tendency: They proceeded not by information, but upon rumor,
fufpicion, or according to their own fancy: They adminiftred an oath, by which
the party, cited before them, was bound to anfwer any queftion, which fhould
be propounded to him: Whoever refufed this oath, tho’ under pretext that he
might thereby be brought to accufe himfelf or his deareft friend, was punifhable
by imprifonment:. And in fhort, an inguifitoriah tribunal, with all its terrors
and iniquities, was erected in the kingdom. Full difcretionary powers were be-
{towed with regard to the inquiry, trial, fentence, and penalty inflicted; except-
ing only that corporal punifhments were re{trained by that patent of the prince,
which erected that court, not by the act of parliament, which empowered him.
By reafon of the uncertain limits, which feparate ecclefiaftical from civil canfes,
all accufations of adultery and inceft were tried by the court of high commiffion ;
and every complaint of wives againft their hufbands was there examined and dif-
cuffed *. Under like pretexts, every caufe, which regarded confcience,. that.is,
every caufe, could: have been brought-under their jurifdiction..
BuT there was a fufficient reafon, why the king would not be anxious $0:
ftretch the jurifdiction of this court: The {tar-chamber poflefled the fame au-
thority in civil matters; and its methods of proceeding were equally arbitra-
ry and unlimited. The origin of this court was derived from the moit remote
antiquity; tho’, ’tis pretended, that its power had been firft carried to the ut-
moft height by Henry VI. At all times, however, ’tis confeffed, ir enjoyed
authority ; and at no time was its authority circumicribed, or method of procsed-
ing directed, by any precife law or ftatute..
We have had already, or fhall have fufficient occafion, during the courfe of this
hiftory, to mention the difpenfing power, the power of imprifonment, of exaCting:
forced Joans + and: benevolence, of prefling and quartering foldiers, of. altering
the cuftoms, of erecting monopolies. Thefe branches of power, if not direétly
oppofite to the principles of all free government, muft, at leaft, be acknowleged:
deitructive to freedom in a monarchical conttitution; where an eternal jealoufy
muft be preferved againit the fovereign, and no difcretionary powers mutt ever be
| entruited
se A TaN A ERE ieageaey kaa aaa a = + ——-
a a a
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* Rymer; tom. xvii. p. 2002
+ During the two laft centuries, no reign had pafféd without fome forced loans from the fubje&.
eae HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
entrufted to him, by which any fubject can be affected. The kings of England,
however, had almoft conftantly exercifed thefe powers; and if, on any occafion,
the prince had been obliged to fabmit to aws-enacted againft them, he had ever,
in practice, eluded thefe laws, and returned to the fame arbitrary adminiftration.
During a whole century before the accefion of James, the regal authority, in
almoft all thefe particulars, had never once been called in queftion.
We may alfo obferve, that the principles in general, which prevailed during
that age, were fo favorable to monarchy, that they beftowed on it an authority
almott abfolute and unlimited, facred ani indeicizable.
THE meetings of parliament were fo precarious; their feffions fo fhort, compared
to the vacations; that, when men’s eyeswere turned upwards in fearch of fove-
reien power, the prince alone was apt to trike them as the-only permanent magi-
frate, invefted with the whole majefty and authority of the ftate. The great
complaifance too of parliaments, during fo long a period, had extremely degraded
and obfcuted thofe affemblies ; and as all inftances of oppofition to prerogative muft
have been drawn from aremote age, they were unknown toa great many, and had
the lefs authority even with thofe, who were acquainted with them. Thefe exam-
ples, befides, of liberty, had commonly b:en accompanied with fuch circumftances
of violence, convulfion, civil war, anddiforder, that they prefented but a difa-
erceable image to the inquifitive part of tie people, and afforded {mall inducement
to renew fuch difinal fcenes. By a great many, therefore, monarchy, fimple and
unmixed, was conceived to be the goverrment of England; and thole popular a{-
femblies were imagined to form only the ornament of the fabric, without being,
in any degree, effential to its being and exiftence *. The prerogative of the crown
was
# «¢ Monarchies,” according to Sir Walter Ralsigh, “‘ are of two forts, touching their power or
** authority, wiz. 1. Entire, where the whole power of ordering all fiate-matters, both in peace
“ and war, doth, by law and cuftom, appertain :o the prince, as in the Englifh kingdom; where
‘ the prince hath the power to make laws, leagueand war; to create magifltrates ; to pardon life ;
‘ of appeal, &c. Tho’, to give a contentment tothe other degrees, they have a foffrage in making
laws, yet ever fubject to the princes pleafure atid negative will.—z. Limited or reftrained, that
hath no full power in all the points and matter; of ftate, as the military king, that hath not the
“ fovereignty in time of peace, as the making of laws, Gc. But in war only, as the POLONTI-
.
o
a“
“
« AN king. Maxims of State.”
And a little after, “In every juft ftate, fome pirt of the government is, or ought to be, impart-
“ ed to the people, as in a kingdom, a voice and foffrage in making laws; and fometimes alfo off
levying of arms (if the charge be great, and th: ‘prince forced to borrow help of his {ubyects) the.
“* matter rightly may be propounded to a parliamint, that the tax may /eem to have proceeded from
2
~
‘ themfelves. $o confultations and fome proceedings in judicial matters may, in part, be referred
‘to them. The reafon, left, feeing themfelves to be in no number nor of reckoning, they miflike
« the
:
FIA B® so ¥. a
was reprefented by lawyers as fomething real and durable; like tholc: eternahet. Chap. Vi.
the {chools, which ng time nor force'couldaltér.. The fan&ion of +
ot
{5
2ehnces O.
the fate or government.” This way or reafoning differs little from that of the King, who confi.
dered the privileges of the parliament as matters of grace and indulgence, more than of inheritance,
"Tis remarkable, that Raleigh was elteemed to lean towards the puritanical party, notwithftanding
thefe pofitions. But ideas of government change much in different times.
Raleigh’s fentiments on this head are ftill more openly exprefled, in his Prerogatiwe of parliaments,
a work not publifhed till after hisdeath. °Tis a dialogue betwixt a courtier or counféllor anda coun»
try juftice of peace, who reprefents the patriot party, and defends the higheft notions of liberty,
which the principles of that age would bear. Here is a paflage of it: “ Coun/ellor. That which is
‘“* done by the king, with the advice of his private or privy council, is done by the king’s abfolute
“power. ‘Fuftice. And by whofe power is it done in parliament but by the king’s abfolute power ?
“sMiftake it not, my Lord: The three eftates do but advife as the privy council doth; which ad-
“vice, if the king embrace, it becomes the king's own att in the one, and the king’s law in the
other, &c,”
The Earl of Clare, in a private letter to his fon-in-law Sir Thomas Wentworth, afterwards Earl
of Strafford, thus expreffes himfelf, “ We live under a prerogative-government, where book-law
“* fubmits to /ex doquens.” He fpoke from his own, and all his anceftors, experience. There was na
fingle inflance of power, which a king of England might not, at that time, exert, under pretext of
neceflity or expediency: ‘The continuance alone. or frequent repetition of arbitrary adminiftration
might prove dangerous, for want of force to fupportit. *Tis.remarkahle that this letter of the Earl
of Clare was wrote in the firit year of Charles’s reign; and confequently muft be meant of the ge-
neral genius of the government, not the fpirit or temper of the monarch. See Strafford’s letters}
vol. 1. p. 32. From another letter in the fame. collection, vol. 1. p. 10. it appears, that the council
fometimes aflumed the power of forbidding perfons, difagreeable to the court, to ftand in the eleéti-
ons. This authority they could exertin fome inftances; but we are not thence to infer, that they
could fhut-the door of that houfe .to every one. who was not acceptable to them. The genius of the.
antient government repofed more truft in the king, than to. entertain any fuch fufpicion, and it al-
lowed {cattered inftances, of fuch a kind as would have been totally deftructive of the conititu.
tion, had they been continued without interruption.
I have not met with any Englifh writer of that age, who fpeaks of England asa nied monarchy,
but as an abfolute one, where the people have many privileges. That is no contradiction, In all
European monarchies, the people have privileges ; but, whether dependant or independant on the
will of the monarch, is a gueftion, that, in, moft governments, it is beft to forbear. Surely that
queflion was not determined, before the age of James., The rifing fpirit of the parliament, along
-with that King’s love of general, {peculative principles, brought it from its obfcurity, and made it be
generally canvafied. .The firongeft teflimony, which I remember, from a writer of James's age, in
favor of Englith liberty, is in Cardinal Bentivoglio, a foreigner,, who mentions. the Englith govern-
ment as fimilar, to that of the low-country provinces under their princes, rather than to that of
France or Spain. Englithmen were not fo fenfible, that their prince was limited ; becaufe they
were fenfible, that no individual had any full fecurity againit a-ftretch of prerogative : But foreigners,
by comparifon, could perceive, that. thefe ftretches, from cuftom or other caufes, were, at that-
time, lefs frequent in England than in other monarchies. Philip de Comines too remarked the
Englifh confitution, to be more popular, in his time, than that of France,
EE ee ee ea eee ke
Chap. YI.
1025.
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
120
gion, was, by divines, called in aid; and the Monarch of heaven was fuppofed to be
interefted in {upporting the authority of his earthly vicegerent. And tho’ thele do-
trines were perhaps more openly inculcated and more ftrenuoufly infifted on during
rts, they were not then invented ; and were only found more
the reign of the Stua
eafon of the oppofite doctrines, which began to be pro-
neceflary at that period, by r
mulgated by the puritannical party *.
In confequence of thefe exalted ideas of kingly authority, the prerogative, be-
fide the inftances of jurifdi@ion, founded on precedent, was, by many, fuppofed
to poffefs an inexhauftible fund of latent powers, which might be exerted on any
emergence. In every government, neceflity, when real, fuperfedes all laws, and
levels all limitations: But, in the Englifh government, convenience alone was
conceived to authorize any extraordinary act of regal power, and to render it obli-
gatory on the people. Hence the ftrict obedience required to proclamations, du-
ring all periods of the Englifh hiftory ; and, if James has ineurred blame on ac-
count of his edicts, ’tis only becaufe he multiplied them at a time, when they be-
gan to be lefs regarded, not becaute he firft affumed that exercife of authority,
Of his maxims in a parallel cafe, the following is a pretty remarkable inftance.
QuEEN Elizabeth had appointed commiflioners for the infpection. of prifons,
and had beftowed on them full difcretionary powers’ to adjuft all differences betwixt
prifoners and their creditors, to compound debts, and to give liberty to fuch
debtors as they found honeft, and incapable of making full payment. From the
uncertain and undefined nature of the Englifh conftitution, doubts {prang up in
many
* Paflive obedience is exprefsly and zealoufly inculeated in the homilies, compofed and publifhed
by authority, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. ‘The convocation, which met in the very firft year
of the King’s reign, voted as high monarchical principles as are contained in the decrees of the uni-
verfity of Oxford, voted during the reign of thetoties. TThefe principles, fo far from being efteemed a
novelty, introduced by King James’s influence, paffed fo fmoothly, thatno hiftorian has taken notice of
them: They were never the fubject of controverfy, or difpute, or difcourfe ; and it is only by means of
bifhop Overall’s Convocation-book, printed near 70 years after, that we are acquainted with them.
Would James, who was fo cautious, and even timid, have ventured to begin his reign with a bold
firoke, which would have given juft ground of jealoufy to his fubjeéts? It appears, from that mo-
narch’s Bafilicon Deron, wrote while he was in Scotland, that the republican ideas of the oripin of
power from the people were, at that time, efteemed puritannical novelties. ‘The patriarchal {cheme,
tis remarkable, is inculcated in thofe votes of the convocation preferved by Overall; nor was Fil-
‘mer the firft inventer of thofe abfurd notions. Into how many fhapes have political reafonings been
turned, in order to avoid an obvious, but, it feems, too homely a truth ? The patriarchal fcheme is non-
fenfe. The original contract is oppofed by experience. Men are unwilling to confefs; that all go-
yaar 5 eg! ae violence, ufurpation or injuftice, fanétified by time, and fometimes by 2
LoAC Mo we F 6 a 12
many, that this commiflion was contrary to law; and it was reprefented in that Chap. VI.
light to James. He forbore therefore to renew the commiflion, till the fifteenth of '°?5
his reign; when complaints rofe fo high, with regard to the abufes praclifed in
prifons, that he thought himfelf obliged to overcome his fcruples, and to appoint
new commiflioners, invelted with the fame difcretionary powers, which Elizabeth
had formerly conferred *.
Upon the whole, we muft conceive that monarchy, on the acceflion of the
houte of Stuart, was poffeffed of a very extenfive authority: An authority, in the
judgment of all, not exactly limited; in the judgment of fome, not limitable.
But, at the fame time, this authority was founded merely on the opinion of the
people, infiuenced by antient precedent and example. It was not fupported either
by money or by force of arms. And, for that reafon, we need not wonder, that
the princes of that line were fo extremely jealous of their prerogative; being
fenfible, that, when thofe claims were ravifhed from them, they poffeffed no influ.
ence, by which they could maintain their dignity. . By the changes, which have
fince been introduced, the liberty and independence of individuals has been ren-
dered much more full, intire, and fecure; that of the public more uncertain and
precarious.
We have had occafion to remark, in fo many inftances, the bigotry, which Eclefiaftical
prevailed in that age, that we can look for no toleration among the different fects. pking
Two arians, under the title of heretics, were punithed with fire during this pe-
riod; and no one reign, fince the reformation, had been free from like barbari-
ties. Stowe fays, that thefe arians were offered their pardon at the ftake, if they
would merit it by a recantation. A madman, who called himfelf the Holy
Ghoit, was, without any indulgence for his frenzy, condemned by the bifhop of
Lichfield to the fame punifhment. Twenty pounds a month, by law, could be
levied from every one, who frequented not the eftablifhed worfhip. This rigorous
jaw, however, had one indulgent claufe, that the fines exacted fhould not excced
two thirds of the yearly income of the perfon. It had been ufual for Elizabeth
to allow thofe penalties to run on for feveral years; and to levy them all at once,
to the utter ruin.of fuch catholics, as had incurred. her difpleafure. James was
more humane in this as in every other refpect. The puritans formed a fect, which
fecretly lurked in the church, but pretended not to any feparate worthip or difci-
pline. An attempt of that kind would have been regarded as the moft unpardon-
able enormity.
Tue liberty of the prefs was incompatible with fuch maxims and fuch principles
of government, and was therefore quite unknown in that age. Befide the two
Vou. I. Q. terrible
* Rymer, tom. Xvill-p. 117, 594.
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terrible courts of ftar-chamber and high-commiflion, whofe power was unlt
mited; Queen Elizabeth exerted her authority by reftraints upon the prefs. She
pailed a decree in her court of ftar-chamber, that is, by her own will and plea-
fure, forbidding any book to be printedin any place but in London, Oxford, and
Cambridge*: And another, in which fhe prohibited, under fevere penalties,
the publifhing any book or pamphlet againft the form or meaning of any reftraint or
ordinance, contained or to be contained, in any fratute or laws of this realm, or in any
injunction made or fet forth by her Majefty or ber privy council, or againft the true fenfe
or meaning of any letters patent, commiffions or probibitions under the great feal of Eng
land+. James extended the fame penalties to the importing fuch books from a-
broad f. And, to render thofe edicts more effectual, he afterwards prohibited
the printing any book without a permiffion from the Archbifhop of Canterbury,
the Archbifhop of York, the bifhop of London, or the vice chancellor of one of
the univerfities, or of fome perfon appointed by them |. 3
Te manners of the nation were fuitable to the monarchical government, which
prevailed; and contained not that ftrange mixture, which, at prefent, diftin-
guifhes Kingland. from all other countries. Such violent extremes were then un-
known, of induftry and debauchery, frugality and profufion, civility and rufticity,
fanaticifm and fcepticifm. Candor, fincerity, modefty are the only qualities,
which the Englith of that age poffeffed in common with the prefent.
H1Gu pride of family then prevailed; and it was by a dignity and ftatclinefs
of behavior, that the gentry and nobility diftinguifhed themfelves from the com-
mon people. Great riches, acquired by commerce, were more rare, and had not,
as yet, been able to confound all ranks of men, and render money the chief foun-
dation of diftinction. Much ceremony took place in the common intercourfe of
life, and little familiarity was indulged by the great. The advantages, which re-
fult from opulence, are fo folid and real, that thofe poffefled of them. need not
dread the near approaches of their inferiors. The diftinGions of birth and title,
being more empty and imaginary, foon vanith upon familiar accefs and acquain-
tance.
Tue expences of the great confifted in pomp and fhow and a numerous reti-
nue rather than in convenience and true pleafure. The Earl of Nottingham, in
his embafly to Spain, was attended: with soo perfons: The Earl of Hertford,
in that to Bruffels, carried 300 gentlemen along with him,
CivViL
-”
* 28th of Esiz. See ftate-trials: Sir Rob. Knightley, vol. 7. edit. r.
Pp. 522. [ dd. ibid. |j ld. p. 616,
+ Rymer, tom, xvii.
FAMMMOEYs > 1, 123
‘Civit honors, which now occupy the firft place, were, at that time, fubor-
dinate to the military. The young gentry and nobility were fond of diftineuifh-
ing themfelves by arms. The fury of duels too prevailed more than at any time
before or fince. This was the turn, that the romantic chivalry, for which the
nation was formerly fo renowned, had lately taken.
LIBERTY of commerce betwixt the fexes was indulged; but without any |i
centioufnefs of manners. The court was very little an exception to this obferva-
tion. James had entertained rather.an averfion and contempt for the females; nor
were thoie young courtiers, of whom he was fo fend, able to break thro’ the e-
{tablifhed manners of the nation.
TxeE country life prevails at prefent in England beyond any nation of Europe,
except Poland; but it was then much more generally embraced by all the gentry.
The increafe of arts, pleafures, and focial commerce, was juft beginning to pro-
duce an inclination for the fofter and more civilized life of the city. James dif-
couraged, as much as poffible, this alteration of manners. “* He was wont to be
* very earneft,” as Lord Bacon fays, “‘ with the country-gentlemen to go from
‘* London to their country-feats. And fometimes he would fay thus to them :
‘* Gentlemen, at London, you are likefbips in afea, which fhow like nothing, but, in
“your country-villages, you are like foips in a river, which look like great things *.” ~
HE was not contented with reproofs, and exhortations. As-‘Queen Elizabeth
had perceived, with regrete, the increafe of London, and had ‘reftrained all new
buildings by proclamation; James, who found, that thefe edi&s were not exattly
obeyed, frequently renewed them; tho’ a ftric& execution feems {till to have been
wariting. Ke-iterated proclamations he alfo iffued, in imitation of his predecef-
for; accompanied with fevere menaces againft the gentry, who lived in town ¥.
This policy is contrary to that, whichhas ever ‘been praétifed by all princes, who
{tudied the increafe of their authority. To allure the nobility to court ; to en-
gage them in expenfive pleafures or employments, which involve their fortune; to
increale their fubjection to minifters by attendance; to*wedken their authority in
the provinces by abfence: Thefe have*been the common arts of arbitrary go-
vernment. But James had no money to fupport a fplendid court, or beftow on anu-
merous retinue of gentry and nobility. He thought too, that, by their living toge-
ther, they became more fenfible of their own {trength, and were apt to indulge too
curious refearches into matters of government. To remedy the prefent evil, he
was defirous of difperfing them into their country-feats; where, he hoped, they
would bear a more fubmiflive reverence to his authority, andreceive lefs fupport
from each other. Butthe contrary effe& foon followed. The riches, amaffed,
Q 2 | during
* Apophthegms. + Rymer, tom, xvii. p. 632,
Chap. VI.
1626.
Finances.
124 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
during their refidence at home, rendered them independant. The influence, ‘ac-
quired by hofpitality, made them formidable. They would not be led by the
court: They could not be driven: And thus the fyftem of the Englifh govern-
ment received a total and a fudden alteration in the courfe of lefs than forty years:
Tue firft rife of commerce and the arts had contributed, in preceding reigns,
to {catter thofe immenfe fortunes of the barons, which rendered them {o formidable
both to king and people. The farther progrefs of thefe advantages began, du-
ring this reign, to ruin the {mall proprietors of land*; and, by both events, the
gentry, or that rank which compofed the houfe of commons, enlarged their
power and authority. The early improvements in luxury were feized by the
greater nobles, whofe fortunes, placing them above frugality, or even calcula-
tion, were-foon diffipated in expenfive pleafures. Thefe improvements reached
at laft all men of property; and thofe of flender fortunes, who, at that time,
were often men of family, imitating thofe of a rank immediately above them,
reduced themfelves to poyerty. Their lands, coming to fule, fwelled the fortune
of thofe, who poffeffed riches fufficient for the fafhionable expences; but who
were not exempted from fome care and attention to their domeftic aeconomy.
THE gentry too of that age were engaged in no expence, except that of coun-
try hofpitality.. No taxes were levied, no wars waged, no attendance at court
expected, no bribery or profufion: required at elections. Could human nature
ever reach happinefs, the condition of the Englifh gentry, under fo mild and be-
nign a prince, might merit that appellation. |
Tue condition of the King’s revenue, as it ftood in 1617, is thus ftatedy,
Of crown lands, 80,000 a-year; by cuftoms and new impofitions, near 190,0003
by wards and other various branches of revenue, befide purveyance, 180,000.
The, whole amounting to 450,000. The King’s ordinary difburfements, by the
fame account, is faidto exceed this fum thirty fix thoufand pound. | Allthe ex-
traordinary fums, which he had raifed by- fubfidies, loans, fale of lands, fale of
the title of baronet, money payed by the ftates and by the King of France, be-
nevolences, Jc, were, in the whole,, about two millions, two hundred thoufand°
pound,
* Cabbala, p. 224. firft edit.
+ Men feem then to have been ambitious of reprefenting the counties, but carelefs of the bur-
roughs. es = = ae
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Commerce.
130 WISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
Tue navy of England was eftcemed very formidable in Elizabeth's time, yen
it confifted only of thirty three fhips befides pinnaces *: And the largeit of thefe
would not equal our fourth rates at prefent. Raleigh advifes never to build a fhip
of war above 600 tuns>. . James was not negligent of the navy. In five years,
preceding 1623, he built ten new fhips, and expended fifty thoufand pound a-year
on the fleet, befide the value of thirty Gx thoufand pound in timber, which he
annually gave from the royal forreftst. The largeft fhip that ever had come
from the Enelifh docks, was built during this reign. She was only 1400 tuns,
and carried fixty four guns|j.”; The merchant fhips, in cafes of neceflity, were
converted inftantly into fhips of war.
Every feflion of parliament, during this whole reign, we meet with grievous
lamentations of the decay of trade'and the growth of popery: Such violent pro-
penfity have men to complain of the prefent tumes, and to entertain difcontents
againft their fortune and condition. The King himfelf was deceived by thefe po-
pular complaints, and was at a lofs to account for the total want of moncy, which
he heard fo much exaggerated §. It may however be affirmed, that, during no
period of Englifh hiitory, was there a more fenfible increafe, than during the
reign of this monarch, of all the advantages, which diftinguith a flourifhing people. -
Not only the peace, which he procured, was favorable to induftry and commerces
His turn of mind inclined him to promote the peaceful arts: And trade being as
yet in its infancy, all additions to it would be the more evident to every eye,
which was not blinded by melancholy prejudices **.
By
* Cokes inft. book iv. chap. r. Confultation in parliament for the navy.
+ By Raleigh’s account in his difcourfe of the firft invention of fhipping, the fleet in the twenty.
fourth of the Queen, confifted only of thirteen fhips, and were augmented afterwards eleven, He.
probably reckoned fome pinnaces, which Coke called fhips.
{ Joarn. vith of March 1623. } Stowe. §. Rymer, tom. xvii. p. 413.
** That of the honctt hiftorian Stowe feems not to have been of this number. “ The great blef-..
fings of God, fays he, thro’ increafe of wealth in the common fubje&ts of this land, efpecially upon
“ the citizens of London; fuch within men’s memory, and chiefly within thefe few years of peace,
“ that, except there were now due mention of fome fort made thereof, it would in time to come
“ be held incredible, &e.” In another place, ‘* Amongft the manifold tokens and figns of the in--
“ finite bleflings of Almighty God beftowed upon this kingdom, by the wondrous and merciful efta-
«* blifhing of peace within ourfelves, and the full benefit of concord with all chriftian nations and.
“ others: Of all which graces let no man dare to prefume he can fpeak too much; whereof in
‘ truth there can never be enough faid, neither was there ever any people lefs confiderate and lefs
é thankful than at this time, being not willing to endure the memory of their prefent happinefs,
6 as
o
“
TEAWM CE 4S. \'h 13%
By an account *, which feems judicious and accurate, it appears, that all the
feamen, employed in the merchants fervice, amounted to 10,000 men, which pro-
bably exceeds not the fixth part of their prefent number. . Sir Thomas Overbury
fays, that the Dutch poflefled three times more fhipping than the Englifh, but
that their fhips were of inferior burden to thofe of the latter +.
A catalogue of the manufactures, for which the Englifh were then eminent,
would appear very contemptible, in comparifon of thofe, which flourifh among
them at prefent. Almoft all the more elaborate and curious arts were only culti-
vated abroad, particularly in Italy. Ship-building and founding of iron-cannon
were the fole, in which the Englifh excelled. . They feem, indeed, to have poffef-
fed alone the fecret of the latter; and great complaints were made every parlia-
ment againft the exportation of Englifh ordinance.
Nive tenths of the commerce of the kingdom confifted in woolen goods f.
Wool, however, was allowed to be exported, till the 19th of the King. _ Its ex-
portation was then forbid by proclamation; tho’ that edict was never ftrictly ex-
ecuted. Moft of the cloth was exported raw, and was dyed and dreffed by the
Dutch; who gained, ’tis pretended, 700,000 pound a-year by this manufacture |).
A prohibition, iffued by the King, to export cloth in that condition, had fucceeded
fo ill, during one year, by the refufal of the Dutch to buy the dreffed cloth, that
great murmurs arofe againft it; and this meafure was retracted by the King, and
complained of by the nation, as if it had been the moft impoliticin the world. ft
feems indeed to have been premature.
In fo little credit.was the fine Englifh cloth even at home, that the King was
obliged to feck expedients, by which he might oblige the people of fafhion to
wear it§.. The manufacture of fine linnen was totally unknown in the king-
-dom **. :
Rages Ss THE
sé a5 well in the univerfal increafe of commerce and traffic thro’out the kingdom, great building of
«¢ royal fhips and by-private merchants, the re-peopling of cities, towns, and villages, befide the
“ indifcernible and fudden increafe of fair and coftly buildings, as well within the city of London
«© as the fuburbs thereof, efpecially within thele twelve years, Oc.
* The trade’s increafe in the Harleyan mifc. vol. iii.
+ Remarks on his travels, Harl. mifc. vol. i. p. 349.
{ Journ, 26 May 1621. |
Journ. zoth May 1614. Raleigh, in his obfervations, computes the lofs at 400,000 pound to
the nation. ‘There are about 80,000 undreffed cloths, fays he, tranfported yearly. He computes,
hefides that, about 100,000 pound a-year had been loft by kerfies; not to mention other arti-
cles. - 3
§ Rymer, tom. xvii. p. 415. ** Id, ibid,
Chap. Vi.
1025.
Manufactures,
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122 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
THE company of merchant-adventurers, by their patent, poffeffed the fole
commerce of woolen goods, tho’ the ftaple commodity of the nation. An at-
tempt, made during the reign of Elizabeth, to lay open this important trade, had
been attended with bad confequences for a time, by a confpiracy of the merchant-
adventurers, not to make any purchafes of cloth; and the Queen immediately re-
ftored them their patent.
TuHeEy were groundiefs fears of a like accident, that enflaved the nation to
thofe exclufive companies, which confined fo much every branch of commerce
and induftry. The parliament, however, annulled, in the third of the King,
the patent of the Spanifh company ; ‘and the trade to Spain, which was, at firft,
very infignificant, foon became the moft confiderable in the kingdom. ’Tis
{irange, that they were not thence encouraged to abolifh all the other companies,
and that they went no farther than obliging them to enlarge their bottom, and to
facilitate the entrance of new adventurers.
AA board of trade was erected by the King in 1622 *. One of the reafons,
afligned in the commiflion, is to remedy the low price of wools, which begot
complaints of the decay of the woolen manufactory. ’Tis more probable, however,
that this fall of prices proceeded from the great increafe of wool. The King
likeways recommends it to the commiffioners to inquire and examine, whether a
greater freedom: of trade and an exemption from the reftraint of exclufive compa-
nies, would not be beneficial. Men were then imprifoned by their own preju-
dices; and the King was juftly afraid of embracing a bold meafure, whofe confe-
quences might be uncertain. The digefting of a navigation-act, of a like nature
with the famous one executed afterwards by the republican parliament, is likeways
recommended to the commiflioners. The arbitrary powers, then commonly affumed
by the privy council, appear evidently thro’ the whole tenor of the comniiffion.
The filk manufa@ture had no footing in England: But, by James’s dire@ion,
mulberry-trees were planted, and filk-worms introduced+. The climate feems ax
vetie to the execution of this project. 7
GREENLAND is thought to have been difcovered during this reign; and the
whale-fifhery was carried on. with great fuccefs: But the induftry of the Dutch,
in fpite of all Oppofition, foon deprived the Enelith of this fource of riches. A
company was erected for the difcoy ery of the north-wett paflage ; and many fruit-
lefs attempts were made for that purpofe. In fuch noble projects, defpair ought
never to be admitted, till the abfolute impeflibility of fuccefs be fully afcertained,
Tue paflage to the Fatt Indies had been opened to ‘the Ewnelith during the reign
of Elizabeth; but the trade to thofe parts of the world was not fully eftablithed,
till this reign, when the Eaft India-company received a new patent, enlarged their
ftock
* Id. pv4to. — + Stowe:
J We sot. 133
ftock to 100,000 pound *, and fet out fevera] fhips on thefe adventures. In
1609, they built a veffel of 1200 tun, the largeft merchant-fhip, which England
had everknown. She was unfortunate, and perished by fhip-wreck. In 16; 1,
a large fhip of the company, affitted by a pinnace, maintained five feveral en.
gagements with a fquadron of Portuguefe, and gained a compleat victory over
forces much fuperior. During the following years, the Dutch company were
guilty of great injuries towards the Englith, in expelling many of their factors,
and deftroying their fettlements: But thefe violences were refented with a proper
{pirit by the court of England. A naval force was equipped under the Earl of
Oxford, and lay in wait for the return of the Dutch Haft India-fleet. By rea
fon of crofs winds, Oxford failed of his purpofe, and the Dutch e{caped. Some-
time after, one fhip, full of riches, was taken by Vice-admiral Merwin 3 and it
was ftipulated by the Dutch to pay 70,000 pound to the Englifh company, in con-
fideration of the injuries, which that company had fufferedt. But neither this
{tipulation, nor the fear of reprizals, nor the fenfe .of that friendfhip, which fub-
fifted betwixt England and the {tates, could reftrain the avidity of the Dutch
company, or render them equitable in their proceedings towards their allies. “Im-
patient to have fole poffeflion of the fpice-trade, which the Englifh then fhared
with them, they affumed a jurifdi@ion over a factory of the latter in the ifland of
Amboyna ; .and under very improbable, and even abfurd pretexts, feized all the
factors with their families, and put them to death with the moit inhuman tortures.
This difmal news arrived in England at. the time, when James, by the prejudices
of his fubjeéts and the intrigues of his favorite, was forced into a breach with
Spain ; and he was obliged, after fome remonitrances, to acquiefce in this indig-
nity from a ‘ftate, whofe alliance was now become neceffary to him. ’Tis remark-
able, that the nation, almoft without a murmur, fubmitted to an injury from
their proteftant confederates ; and to an injury, which, befide the horrid enormi-
ty of the action, was of much deeper importance to national intereft, than al}
thofe which they were fo impatient to refent from the houfe of Auttria.
Wuar chiefly renders the reign of James memorable, is the commencement
of the Englith colonies in America; colonies eftablifhed on the nobleit footing,
that has been known in any age or nation. - The Spaniards, being the firtt dif
coverers of the new world, immediately took poffeflion of the precious mines,
which they found there; and, by the allurement of great riches, they were
tempted to depopulate their own country as well as that which they conquered ;
and added the vice of floth to thof of avidity and barbarity, which*had attended
their adventurers in thofe renowned interprizes. That fine coaft was intirely ne-
= lected
* Journ. 26th Nov. 1621. + In 1622. + Sobuftoni dif. hb. 19.
Chap. VF.
1625.
Colonies.
glected, which reaches from St. Auguftine to Cape Breton,
the colonies, which were planted along
gation, encouraged the induftry, and ev
as ye Ree oe
raed Maer r alls Paints Sb al
134 HISTORY or GREAT “BRITAIN.
and which lies in all
the temperate climates, is watered by noble rivers, and offers a fertile foil,but no-
thing more, to the induftrious planter. Peopled pradually from England by the
neceflitous and indigent, who, at home, sncreafed neither wealth nor populoufnets,
that traét, have promoted the navi-
en multiplied the inhabitants of their
of independency, which was reviving in England,
here {hone forth in-its fwll Juftre, and received new acceflion of force from
the afpiring charaéter of thofe, who, being difcontented with the eftablifhed
church and monarchy, had fought for freedom amid thofe favage defarts. The
feeds of many a noble ftate have been fown in climates, kept defolate by the
svild manners of the antient inhabitants ; and an afylum fecured, in that folita-
ry world, for liberty and {cience, if ever the fpreading of unlimited empire,
or the inroad of barbarous nations, fhould again extinguifh them in this tur-
bulent and reftléfs hemifphere. —
Queen Elizabeth had done little more than piven a name to the continent
of Virginia; and after planting one feeble colony, which quickly decayed,
that country was intirely abandoned. But when peace put an end to the war-
like enterprizes againft Spain, and left ambitious fpirits no hopes of making.
any longer fuch rapid advances towards honor and fortune, the nation began to
fecond the pacific intentions of its monarch, and to feek a furer, tho’ flower
expedient, for acquiring riches and glory. In 1606, Newport carried over a
colony and began a fettlement ; which the company, erected by patent for that
purpofe in London and Briftol, took care to fupply with yearly recruits of pro-
vifions, utenfils, and new inhabitants. About 1609, Argal difcovered a more
direét and fhorter paffage to Virginia, and left the tract of the ancient naviga-
tors, who had firft directed their courfe fouthwards to the tropic, failed weft-
ward by means of the trade-winds, and then turned northward, till they reach-
ed the Englifh fettlements. The fame year, five hundred perfons under Sir
Thomas Gates.and Sir George Somers were embarked for Virginia. Somers’s
fhip, meeting with a tempeft, was driven into Bermudas, and laid the founda-
on of a fettlement in thofe iflands. Lord Delawar afterwards undertook the
government of the Englifh colonies: But notwithftanding all his care, fecond-
ed by fupplies from James, andby money raifed ‘from the firft lottery ever known
in the kingdom, fuch difficulties attended the fettlement of thefe countries, that,
in 1614, there were not alive more than 400 men, of all that had been fent thi-
ther. After fupplying themfelves with provifions more immediately requifite
for the fupport of life, the new planters began the cultivating tobacco; and
James,
mother-country. The fpirit
James, notwithf{tanding his antipathy to that drug, gave them permiffion to
enter it in England; and he prohibited all importation from Spain *. By de-
grees, new colonies were eftablifhed in that continent, and gave new names
to the places where they fettled, leaving that of Virginia to the province frf;
planted.
SPECULATIVE reafoners, during that age, raifed many objections to the
planting thofe remote colonies ;. and foretold, that, after draining their mother-
country: of inhabitants, they would foon fhake off her yoke, and erect an in-
dependent government in America: But time has fhown, that the views, en-
tertained by thofe who encouraged:fuch generous undertakings, were more juit
and folid. A mild government and’ great naval force have preferved, and may
long preferve the dominion of England over her colonics. And fuch advantage
have commerce and navigation reaped from thefe eftablithments, that more than
half of the Englifh fhipping is at-prefent computed to be employed in carrying on
the traffic with the American fettlements..
AGRICULTURE ‘was antiently very imperfect’ im England, - The fadden
tranfitions, fo often mentioned by hiftorians, from the loweft to the higheit
prices of grain, and the prodigious inequality of its value in different years, are
fufficient proofs, that the produce depended intirely on the feafon, and that art
had, as-yet, done nothing to fence againft the injuries of the heavens. During
this reign, confiderable improvements were made, as in moft arts, fo in this;
the moft beneficial of any. A numerous catalogue might be formed. of books
and pamphlets, treating of hufbandry, which were wrote about. this time.
The nation, however, was {till dependant on foreigners for daily bread; and
tho’ its exportation of grain now forms a confiderable branch of its commerce,
notwithitanding its increafe ef people, there was, at that time, a regular im-
_ port from the Baltic ;: and if ever it {topped, the bad confequences were very fen-
fibly fel: by the nation. Sir Walter Raleigh in his obfervations computes, that
two millions went out at one time for corm. It was not till the fifth of Eliza-
beth, that the exportation of corn had ever: been: allawed in. England; and
Cambden obferves, that agriculture, from that moment, received new life
and vigor.
Tue endeavors of James, or more properly fpeaking, thofe of the nation,
for the promotion. of trade, were attended with greater fuccefs than thofe for the
encouragement of learning. Tho’ the age was by no means defftitute of e-
minent writers, a very bad tafte in general prevailed during that period; and
the monarch himfelf was not a little infected. with it.
On
* Rymer tom, xviil. p. 621, 633.
Chap. VP.
1625;
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136 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
On the firft origin of letters among the Greeks, the genius of poets and ora-
tors, as might naturally be expected, was diftinguifhed by an amiable fimplicity,
which, whatever rudenefs might fometimes attend it, 1s fo fitted to, exprefs the
genuine movements of nature and paflion, that the compofitions, poffefled of it,
muft for ever appear valuable to the difcerning part of mankind. The glaring
figures of difcourfe, the pointed antithefis, the unnatural conceit, the jingle of
words; fuch falfe ornaments are not employed by early writers 5 not becaule they
were rejected, but becaufe they fearce ever occurred to them. An eafy,. unfor-
ced {train of fentiment runs thro’ their compofitions; tho’ at the fame time we
may obferve, that, amid the moft elegant. fimplicity of thought and expeflion;
one is fometimes furprifed to meet with a poor conceit, which had prefented it-
felf unfought for, and which the author had not acquired critical obfervation
enough to condemn. * A bad tafte feizes with avidity thefe frivolous beauties,
and even perhaps a good tafte, ’ere furfeited by them: “They multiply every
day more and more, in the fafhionable compofitions + Nature and good fente
are neglected: Laboured ornaments, ftudied and admired : And a total degene-
racy of ftyle and language prepares the way for barbariim and ignorance. Hence
the Afiatic manner was found to depart fo much from the fimple purity of Athens >
Hence: that tinfel eloquence, which is obfervable in many of the Roman wri-
ters, from which Gicere -himfelf»is not wholly exempted, and. which fo much
prevails in Ovid, Seneca, Lucan, Martial, and the Plinys.
On the revival of letters, when the judgment of the public is, as yet, raw
and unformed, this falfe glifter catches the eye, and leaves no room, either m
eloquence or poetry, for the durable beauties of folid fenfe and lively paiiten.
The reigning genius is then diametrically oppofite to that which prevails on thé
firft origin of arts. The Italian writers, *tis evident, even the motft celebra:
ted, have not reached the proper fimplicity of thought and compofition; and
in-Petrarch, Taffo, Guarini, frivolous witticifms and forced conceits are but
too predominant. The period, during which letters were cultivated in Italy,
was fo fhort as fearce to allow leifure for ¢orrecting this adulterated ret
lifh.
qu E
* The name of Polynices, one of Oedipus’s fons, means in the original much quarreling. Tn
the altercations betwixt the two brothers, in /E{chylus, Sophocles,’ and Euripides, this coriceit is
employed; and ‘tis remarkable, that fo poor a conundrum could not be sejeéied by any of
thefe three poets 5 fo juftly celebrated for their tafte and fimplicity, ‘What could Shakefpear have
done worfe? Terence has his inceptio ef? amentium, nou amantium. Many fimilar inftances will
occur to the learned. °Tis well known, that Aniftotle treats very ferioufly of puns, divides them
.y) “> © " > Tal - ro ry - . ~ ae cs x
into feveral claffes, and recommends the ufe of them to orators.
PME MOE: 8 ¥ & 137
THe more early French writers are liable to the fame reproach. Voiture,
Balzac, even Corneille, have too much affected thofe ambitious ormaments, of
which the Italians in general, and the leaft pure of the antients, fupplied them
with fo many models. And ’twas not till late, that obfervation and refleSion
gave rife toa more natural turn of thought and compofition among that elepant
people.
A like character may be extended to the firft Englifh writers; fuch as flou-
rifhed during the reign of Elizabeth and James, and even til] long afterwards,
Learning, on its revival, in this ifland, was attired in the fame unnatural garb,
which it wore at the time of its decay among the Greeks and Romans. And,
what may be regarded as a misfortune, the Englith writers were poffeffed of
great genius before they were endued with any degree of tafte, and by that
means gave a kind of fanction to thofe forced turns and fentiments, which they
fo much affected. Their diftorted conceptions are attended with fuch vigor
of mind, that we admire the imagination, which produced them; as much as
we blame the want of judgment, which gave them admittance. To enter into
an exact criticif of the writers of that age would exceed our prefent purpofe.
A fhort character of the moft eminent, delivered with the fame freedom, which
hiftory exercifes over kings and minifters, may not be improper. The nati-
onal prepoffeflions, which prevail, may perhaps render the former liberty not the
leaft perilous for an author.
Ir Shakefpeare be confidered as aMan, born in a rude age, and educated
in the loweft manner, without any inftruction, either from the world or from
books, he may be regarded as a prodigy: If reprefented as a Po ET, capable of
furnifhing a proper entertainment to a refined or intelligent audience, we muft
abate fomewhat of this eulogy. In his compofitions, we regret, that preat
irregularities, and even fometimes abfurdities fhould fo frequently disfigure the
animated and paffionate fcenes intermixt with them; and at the fame time, we
perhaps admire the more thofe beauties, on account of their being ftirrounded
with fuch deformities. A ftriking peculiarity of fentiment, adapted to a fin.
gular character, he frequently hits, as it were by infpiration ; but a reafonable
propriety of thought he cannot, for any time, uphold. Nervous and pictu-
ref{que expreffions as well as defcriptions, abound in him; but ’tis in vain we
look either for continued purity or fimplicity of di@ion. © His total ignorance
of all theatrical art and conduét, however material a defect ;' yet, as it affects
the {pectator rather than the reader, we can: more readily excufe, than that
want of tafte, which often prevails in’ his productions, and which gives way,
only by intervals, to the irradiations of genius. A great and fertile genius he
Vou. I. Beek certainly
Chap. VI,
1625.
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r40 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
writers, and) Bacon among the reft,; with praifes and acclamations, which
may often. appear partial and excellive. He died in 1626, inthe 66th year of
his age.
Ir the reader of Raleigh’s hiftory can have the patience to wade thro’ the
Jewifh and Rabinical learning, which compofe the half of the volume, he will
find, when he comes to the Greck and Roman ftory, that his pains are not uns
rewarded. Raleigh is the bett model of that antient ftyle, which fome writers
would affect to revive. at prefent. He was beheaded in 1618, aged 66
years. |
CamsBpeEn’s hiftory of Queen Elizabeth may be efteemed good compofition,
both for the ftyle and the matter. It is wrote with fimplicity of expreflion,
very rare in that age, and with a regard to truth. It would not perhaps be too
much to affirm, that it is among the beft hiftorical productions, which have yet
been compofed by any Englifhman, ’Tis well known, that the Englifh have
not much excelled in that kind of literature. He died in 1618; aged 67
years.
We thall mention the King himfelf at the end of the Englifh writers; be+
caufe that is bis place, when confidered as an author. It may fafely be afiirm-
ed, that the mediocrity of James’s talent in literature, joined to the great change
in national tafte, is the chief caufe of that contempt, under which his memory
labors, and which: is oftem carried, by party-writers, to a great extreme. * Tis
remarkable, how different from» ours were the fentiments of the antients with
regard to learning. Of the firft twenty Roman emperors, counting from Caefar
to Severus, above the half were authors; and tho’ few of them feem to have
been eminent in that profeffion, it is always remarked to their praife, that, by
their example, they encouraged literature. Not to mention Germanicus, and
his daughter, Agrippina, perfons fo nearly allied to the throne, the greater part
ef the claflic writers, whofe works remain, were men of the higheft quality.
As every human advantage is attended with inconveniences, the change of
men’s ideas in this particular may probably be afcribed to the invention of print-
ing; which has rendered books fo common, that even men of flender fortunes
can have accefs to them.
TuHat James was but a midling writer may be allowed: That he was a
contemptible one can by no means be admitted. Whoever will read his
Bafilicon Doron, particularly the two laft books, the true law of free mo-
narchies, his anfwer to Cardinal Perron, and almoft all his fpeeches and
meffages to parliament, will confefs him to have poffefled no mean genius. If
he wrote concerning witches and apparitions; who, in that age, didnot admit |
the
S ASM EB. S I. 14!
the reality of thefe fictitious beings? If he has compofed a comméntary on the
Revelations, and proved the Pope to be Antichrift; may not a fimilar reproach
be extended to the famous Napier; and even to Newton, at a time when learn--
ing was much more advanced than during the reign of James? From the grofs.
nefs of its fuperftitions, we may infer the ignorance of an age; but never
fhould pronounce concerning the folly of an individual, from his admitting po-
pular errors, confecrated with the appearance of. religion.
SUCH an infinite fuperiority do the purfuits of literature poffefs above every
other human occupation, that even he, who attains but a mediocrity in them,.
deferves the pre-eminence above thofe who excel the moft in the common and
vulgar profeflions. The fpeaker of the houfe is commonly an eminent man ; yet.
the harangue of his Majefty we ‘hall always find fuperior to that of the {peaker, ,
in every parliament during this reign.
Every fcience, as well as polite literature, muft be confidered as being yet
in its infancy. Scholaftic learning and polemical divinity. retarded. the growth.
of all true knowlege. Sir Henry Saville, in the preamble of that deed, by. which .
he fixed a fallary to the mathematical and aftronomical profeffors in Oxford, |
fays, that geometry was almoft totally abandoned and unknown. in England *.
The beft learning of that age was the ftudy of the antients.. Cafaubon, eminent.
fer this knowlege, was invited over from France by James,. and encouraged by
apenfion of 300 a-year, as well as by church preferments+. The famous An-
tonio di Dominis, Archbifhop of Spalato, no defpicable philofopher, . came like-
ways into England, and afforded great triumph to the nation, by their gaining fo
confiderable a profelyte from the papifts. But the mortification followed foon af-
ter. For the Archbifhop, tho’ advanced to fome ecclefiaftical preferments ||, re--
ceived not encouragement, fufficient to fatisfy his ambition, and made his efcape
into Italy, where, foon after, he died.in confinement.
THE
* Rymer tom, xvii. p. 217. $ Id. p. 709. || Id. p. gs.
Chap. VY.
1025.
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Violent meafures of the court.
Impeachment of Buckingham.
War with France.~ Expedition to
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O fooner had Charles’ taken into’ his hands the reins of government, than’ _r6zs. {| Mi
he marked ‘an impatience to affemble the great council of the nations pyarch 27.
and he would gladly, for the fake of difpatch, have called together the 13
fame parliament, which had fat under his father, and which lay, at that time; ele
under prorogation. But, being told, that this meafure would appear unufual, he a
iffued writs for the fummoning a new parliament on the 7th of May; and it was
not without’ regret, that the arrival’of the Princefs Henrietta, whom hé had e- ‘3th of June.
{poufed by proxy, obliged him to delay, by repeated prorogations, their meeting a paciunent:
till the eighteenth of June, when they aflembled at Weftminfter for the difpatch vt reneen
of bufinefs. “The young Prince, unexperienced-and impolitic, regarded-as fincere ~*
all the praifes and careffes, with which he had been loaded, while active in pro-
curing ,
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Chap. I.
1625.
144. HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
curing the rupture with the houfe of Auftria. And, befide that he labored under
great neceflities, he haftened with alacrity to a | when he might receive the
moft undoubted teftimonies of the dutiful attachment of his fubjects. His dif-
courfe to the parliament was full of fimplicity and cordiality. He lightly mention-
ed the octafion, which he had fer fupply. He employed no intrigue te engage
the fuffrages of the members. “He would not even allow the officers of the crown,
who had feats in the houfe, to mention any particular fim, which might be ex-
pected by the King. Secure of the affections of the commons, he was refolved,
that their bounty fhould be intirely their own deed; unafked, unfollicited; the
genuine fruit of fincere confidence and regard.
‘Tue houfe of commons accordingly. took into confideration the bufinefs of
fupply. They knew, that all the money, granted by the laft parliament, had
been expended on naval and military armaments; and that great anticipations were
likeways made on the revenues of the crown. They were not ignorant, that ‘Charles
was loaded with a large debt,. contracted by his father, who had borrowed money,
both from his own fubjects and from foreign princes. They had learned by experi-
ence, that the public revenues could with difficulty maintain the dignity of thecrown,
even under the ordinary charges of government. They were fenfible, that the
prefent war was, very lately, the refult of their own importunate applications and
entreaties, and that they had folemnly engaged to fypport their fovereign in the
management of it. They were acquainted with ithe difficulty of military inter-
prizes, diretted againft the whole houfe-of Auftria; againft the King of Spain,
poffefled of the greateft riches:and moft extenfive dominions of any prince in the
world; againft the Emperor Ferdinand, ‘hitherto the moft fortunate monarch of
his age, who had fubdued and aftonifhed Germany by the rapidity of his victories.
Deep impreflions, they faw, »muft be made by the Englifh fword, and a vigorous
offenfive war be waged againft thefe mighty potentates, ’ere they would refign .
a principality, which they had now fully fubdued, and which they held in. fecure
poffeflion, by its -hemg furrounded with all their other territories.
To anfwer, therefore, all thefe. great and important ends; to fatisfy their
young ‘King in the firft requeft, which he ever made them; to prove their fenfe of
the:many royal virtues, particularly oeconomy, with w ice Charles was endued ;
the houfe of commons, conducted by the wifeft and ableft fenators, that had ever
flourifhed in England; thought proper to confer on the King a fupply of two
fubfidies, amounting to 112,000 pound *.
Tis meafure, which marks rather a cruel mockery of Charles, than any fe-
rious defign of fupporting him, appears fo extraordinary, when confidered in all its
circumitances,
* A fubfidy was now fallen to about 56,000 pound. Cabbala, p. 224. firlt edit,
im AUR TE os yt TAS
circumftances, that it naturally fummons up our attention, and raifes inquiry cons
cerning the caufes of a conduct, unprecedented'in an Englith parliament. So ny:
merous an aflembly, compofed: of. perfons of various difpofitions, were not, ’tis
probable, influenced, all of them, by the fame motives; and few declared ‘o-
penly their true reafon. We “fhall, therefore, approach “nedier . the truth, if
we mention all the views, which-the prefent conjuncture could fuggeft to them.
Ir is not to be doubted, that fpleen and ill-will againft the Duke of Bucking.
ham had a ftrong effect with many. So vaft and rapid a-fortune, fo little me-
rited, «could not fail to excite public envy; and, however.men’s hatred might
have been fufpended for a moment, while the-Duke’s conduct feemed to. gratify
their paffions and their prejudices, it was impoflible-for-him long to preferve the af-
fections of the people. His influence over the modeity of Charles exceeded even
that which he had acquired over the weaknefs of James; nor was any public
meafure conducted ‘but -by his counfel and dire@ion. His. impetuous | temper
prompted him: tg raife fuddenly, to the higheft elevation, his flatterers and de-
pendants: And, upon the leaft occafion of difpleafure, he threw them down with
equal fury and violence. Implacable in his:hatred; fickle in his friendfhip.: “All
men were either regarded as his enemies, or dreaded foon to become fuch. The
whole power ofthe kingdom was-grafped: by his infatiable hand; while he both en-
groffed the intire confidence of his -mafter, and held, invefted in his fingle, perfon,
-the moft confiderable offices of the crown.
Bur the public hatred againft Buckingham acquired new force, by the difco-
veries, which were every day made, of his imprudent condu@ in Spain, and |
perhaps of the falfhoods, which he had dared to impofe upon. the parliament. The
King himfelf having bore ‘teftimony to Buckingham’s ‘narrative, could not fail
to be expofed, in fome degree, to the blame, which fell upon his favorite ; tho’
all thofe, who judged with candor, were inclined to think, that he had, him.
felf, been firft deceived, ere he contributed to deceive others. No wonder, that
refentment was kindled in fuch as were fenfible of fo bold an impofture, and that
they deferted the meafures, which they had formerly purfued; without confider-
img, that, if the war-was ever advifeable upon political motives, it ought {till,
notwithitanding any fuch difcovery, to be purfued, with equal vigor and attivi-
ty. ‘The parliament had fuppofed it practicable ‘to wreft the Palatinate from the
houfe of Auttria ; they had reprefented it as prudent to expend the blood and
treafure of the nation on fach an enterprize; they had believed that the King of
Spain never had any fincere intention of reftoring that principality. ’Tis certain,
that he had not now any fuch intention: And tho’ there was reafon to fufpect, that
this alteration of his views had proceeded from the ill-conduct of Buckingham, yet
Vou. I. Tr paft
Chap. i.
1626.
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Chap. I.
1025.
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
140
pait errors could not be retrieved; and the nation was undoubtedly in the fame
fituation, which the parliament had ever fuppofed, when they {fo much harraf-
fed their fovereign, by their impatient, importunate, and even undutiful follici-
tations. |
However the ill-humor of the commons might have been increafed by thefe
confiderations, we are not to fuppofe them the fole motives. The laft parliament
of James, amid all their joy and feftivity, had given him a fupply very difpro-
ortioned to his demand and to the occafion. And, as every houfe of commons, who
were elected during forty years, fucceeded to all the paffions and principles of their
predeceffors; we ought rather to account for this obftinacy from the general fitua-
tion of the kingdom during that whole period, than from any circumftances,
which attended this immediate conjuncture.
Tue nation were very little accuftomed, at that time, to the burthens of taxes,
and had never opened their purfes, in any degree, for the fupplying their fove-
reign. Habits, more than reafon, we find, in every thing, to be the governing
principle of mankind. In this view likeways the finking of the value of fubfidies
mutt be confidered as a lofs tothe King. The parliament, fwayed by cuftom,
would not augment their number in the fame proportion. |
THE puritanical party, tho’ difguifed, had a very great authority over the
kingdom; and many of the leaders among the commons had fecretly embraced
the rigid tenets of that fect. All thefe were difgufted with the court, both by
reafon of the principles of civil liberty, effential to their party, and on account of
the reftraint, under which they were held by the eftablifhed hierarchy. In or-
der to fortify himfelf againft the refentment of James, Buckingham had affected
popularity, and entered into the cabals of the puritans: But, being fecure of the
confidence of Charles, he had fince abandoned that party ; and, on that account,
was the more expofed to their hatred and refentment. ‘Tho’ the religious fchemes
ef the puritans, when explained, appear, many of them, pretty frivolous, we
are not thence to imagine, that they were purfued by none but fools. Many
men of the greateft parts and moft extenfive knowlege, whom the nation, ” at
that time, produced, could not enjoy any peace of mind; becaufe obliged to
hear prayers offered up to the Divinity, by a prieft, covered with a white linnen
veftment.
The match with France, and the articles in favor of catholics, which were
fafpected to be in the treaty, were likeways caufes of difguit to this whole par-
“ty: Tho’ it muft be remarked, that the alliance with that crown was infinitely
lefs obnoxious to the proteftants, and lefs favorable to the catholics, than that
formerly
GCiMcCATRGRE Ss 4 147
formerly projected with Spain, and was therefore received rather with pleafure than
diffatisfaction.
To all thefe caufes we muft yet add another of confiderable moment. The
honfe of commons, we may obferve, were almoft itirely governed by a fet of
men of the moft uncommon capacity and the largeft views: men, who were
now formed into a regular party, and united, as well by fixed aims and projects,
as by the hardfhips, which they had, many of them, undergone in profecution
of them. Among thefe we may mention the names of Sir Edward Coke, Sir
Eudwin Sandys, Sir Robert Philips, Sir Francis Symour, Sir Dudley Diggs, Sir
John Elliot, Sir Thomas Wentworth, Mr. Selden, Mr. Pym. Animated with a
warm regard to liberty, thefe men faw, with regrete, an unbounded power exer-
cifed by the crown, and were refolved to feize the opportunity, which the King’s
necellities offered them, to reduce the prerogative within more reafonable com-
pafs. Tho’ their anceftors had blindly given way to practices and precedents favor-
able to kingly power, and had been able, notwith{tanding, to preferve fome re-
mains of liberty; it would be impoflible, they thought, when all thefe pretenfi-
ons were methodized and profecuted by the increafing knowlege of the age, to
maintain any fhadow of popular government, in oppofition to fuch unlimited au-
thority in the fovereign. ’T was neceflary to fix achoice: Either to abandon in-
tirely the privileges of the people, or to fecure them by firmer and more precife
barriers than the conftitution -had hitherto provided for them. In this dilemma,
men of fuch afpiring genius and fuch independent fortune could not long delibe-
rate: They generoufly embraced the fide of freedom, and refolved to prant no
fupplies to their neceflitous Prince, without extorting conceflions in favor of civil
liberty. The end, they efteemed beneficent and noble: The means, regular
end conftitutional. To grant or refufe fupplies was the undoubted privilege of the
commons. And asall human governments, particulary thof¢ of amixed frame, are .
in continual fluctuation; it was as natural, in their opinion, and allowable, for
popular aflemblies to take advantage of favorable incidents, in order to fecure the
fubjeéts; as for monarchs, in order to extend their own authority. With plea-
fure, they beheld the King involved ina foreign war, which rendered him, every
day, more dependent on the parliament; while, at the fame time, the fituation
of the kingdom, even without any military preparations, gave it fufficient fecuri-
ty againit all-invafion from foreigners. And perhaps, it had partly proceeded from
expectations of this nature, that popular leaders had been fo urgent for a rupture
with Spain; nor is it credible, that religious zeal could fo far have blinded all of
them as to make them find, in fuch a meafure, any appearance of neceflity or any
hopes of fuccefs, | |
a Bur,
Chap. I,
1625,
ee =
= —= . .
s 116th of July,
Parliament at
ug HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN:
But, However natural all thefe fentiments might appear to the country-party5.
it is not to be imagined, that Charles would entertain the fameideas. . Strongly
prejudized in favor of the Duke, whom he had heard ‘fo highly extolled in parlia-
ment, he could not conjecture the caufe of fo fudden an alteration in their opini-
ons. Andwhen the war, which they. themfelves had fo earneftly follicited, was,
at laft, commenced, the immediate defertion of their fovereign could not bue
feem very ftrange and unaccountable. Even tho’ no farther motive had been fu-
fpected,. the refufal of fupply, in fuch circumftances, would. naturally to him ap-
pear cruel’ and deceitful: But, when he perceived that this meafure proceeded
from an intention of encroaching on his authority, he failed not to regard thefe
aims as highly criminal and tratterous. Thofe lofty ideas of monarchical power,
which were very commonly adopted during that age, and to which the ambiguous
nature of the Finglifh conftitution gave fo plaufible an appearance, were firmly ris
vetted in Charles; and however moderate his temper, the natural illufions of {elf-
love,. joined to his education under James, and to the flattery of courtiers and.
church-men,. had reprefented his political tenets as certain and uncontroverted.
Taught to regard even the antient laws and conftitution more as lines to direct
his conduct than barriers to withftand his power; a confpiracy to erect new ram-
parts, in order to ftraiten his authority, appeared but one degree removed from
open. violence and rebellion. So atrocious in his eyes was fuch a defign, that. he
feems even unwilling to impute it to the commons: And, tho* he was obliged
to adjourn the parliament by reafon of the plague, which, at that time, raged in
London; he immediately affembled them at Oxford, and made a new attempt te
gain from them fome fupplies in fuch an urgent neceflity. |
CHARLES now found himfelf obliged to depart from that delicacy, which h
had formerly affected. By-himfelf or his minifters, he entered into a- particular
detail, both of the alliances, which he had formed, and of the military operati-
ens, which he had:projected. He told the parliament, That, by a premife of fub-
fidies, he had engaged the King of Denmark to take part in the war; that that
monarch intended to enter Germany by the north, and to animate thofe princés,.
who impatiently longed for an opportunity of afferting the liberty of the empire;
that Mansfeldt had undertaken to penetrate with an Englifh army. into the Pala-
tinate, and by that. quarter to rouze from their lethargy the members of the e:
vangelical-union.; that the ftates muft be fupported in the unequal warfare, whidit
they maintained with Spain; that.no lefs a fum.than 700,000 pound a-year had
been found, by. computation,. requifite for all thefe purpofes; that the mainte-
nance of the fleet and. the defence of Ireland demanded an annual expence of
400,000 pound; that he himfelf had.already exhaufted and anticipated, in the
public
CHHEAT REE ORs ¥ 4, 549
public fervice, his whole revenue, and had fcarce left fufficient for the daily fubs
fiftence of himfelf and of his family; that, on his acceffion to the crown, he
found a debt of above 300,000 pound, contraéted by his father, in fupport of
the Palatine; and that, while Prince of Wales, fie had indebted himfelf, not-
withitanding his great frugality, to the extent of 100,000 pound, which he had.
expended intirely on naval and military armaments.’ After mentioning all thefs
facts, the King even condefcended to entreaties. He faid, that this was the firft.
requeft, which he had ever made them; that he was young and in the commence-.
ment of his reign; and, if he now met with kind and dutiful ufage, it would en-
dear to him the ufe of parliaments, and. would, for ever, preferve an-intire har
mony betwixt him-and his people.
To thefe reafons the commons remained inexorable. Notwithftanding that the
King’s meafures, on the fuppofition of a foreign war, which they had ever de--
manded, were altogether unexceptionable, they obftinately refufed any farther af-.
fiftance. Some members, favorable to the court, having infifted on an addition.
of two fifteenths to the fermer fupply, even this fmall pittance was denied; tho”:
it was known, that a fleet and army were lying at Portfmouth, in great want of.
pay and provifions. Befide all their other motives, the houfe of commons had»
made a new difcovery, which:enflamed them extremely. againft the court and a+:
gainit the Duke of Buckingham:
WueEw James’ deferted the Spanifly alliance, and courted ‘that of France, he::
had promifed:to furnith Louis, who was intirely deftitute of naval force, with:
one fhip of war, andfeven.armed Veffels, hired from the merchants. Thefe the
French court had pretended they: fhould employ againft the Genoefe, who, being:
firm and ufeful allies to the Spanifh monarchy, were naturally regarded with an e-
vil eye, beth by the King of France andjof England... When thefe.veflels, by
Charles’s order, arrived at Diepe, there arofe a ftrong fufpicion, that they were:
to ferve againit Roehellé.. "Phe: failors were enflamed.. That race of men, who.
are at prefent both carelefs and igmorant.in all matters of religion, were, at that,
time, only ignorant... They:drew: up. a remonftrance to Pennington, their com-.
mander; and, figning all -their-names inia circle, left he: fhould difcover the ring--
leaders, they Jaid it under his prayer-book... Pennington declared, that-he would.
rather be hanged in England for-difobedience, than: fight .againtt.. his brother-pro-.-
teftants in Franee.. The whole fquadron failed immediately.te the Downs. . There;,
they received:new. orders from Buckingham, Lord high admiral, .to. return. te,
Diepe. » As the: Duke knew, that-authority alone would not fuflice, he employ-.
ed much art and. many. fubtilities, to engage them to obedience; anda ru--
mor, which was {pred, that. peace had been concluded betwixt the French King;
and:
Chap. Fi
1625,
Chap. I.
4625.
to the caufe of religion ;
150 FISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
and the hugonets, aflifted him im his purpofe. When arrived at Diepe, they
found that they had been deceived. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who commanded one
of the veflels, broke thro’ and returned to England. All the officers and failors
of all the other fhips, notwithftanding great offers made them by the French, ims
anediately deferted. One miferable gunner alone preferred duty towards his King
and he was afterwards killed in charging a canon before
Rochelle. Thecare, which hiftorians have taken to record this frivolous event,
fhows with what pleafure it was received by the whole nation.
Tre houfe of commons, when informed of thefe tranfactions, had the honor of
Showing a zeal for the proteftant religion, not inferior to that of the failors. It
was not confidered, that, if the force of Spain was really fo exorbitant as they
imagined, the Trench monarch was the only prince, who could oppofe its progrefs,
and preferve the ballance of Europe; that his power was at prefent fettered by the
hugonots, who, being pofleffed of many privileges and even of fortified towns,
formed an empire within his empire, and kept him in perpetual jealoufy and inquies
tude; that an infurrection had been, at that time, wantonly and voluntarily,
formed by their leaders, who being difgutted in fome court-intrigue, took advan-
tage of the never failing pretext of religion, in order to cover their rebellion ; that
the Dutch, influenced by thefe views, had ordered a fquadron of twenty fhips te
join the French fleet, employed againit the inhabitants of Rochelle; that the Spa-
nifh monarch, fenfible of the fame confequences, fecretly fupported the pro-
teftants in France; and that all princes had ever facrificed, to reafons of {tate, the
intereit of their religion in foreign countries. All thefe obvious confiderations had
vio influence. Great murmurs and difcontents {till prevailed in parliament. And
it plainly appears, from this imcident, as well as from many others, that, -of all
Emropean nations, the Britifh were, at thet time, and till long after, funk into the
loweft and moft odious bigotry. :
On this occafion, the commons renewed their eternal complaints againft the
gtowth of popery, which was ever the chief of their grievances, .and now their
only one. They demanded a ftrict execution of the penal laws againft the ca-
tholi¢s, and remonftrated againft fome late pardons which had been granted to
priefts. They attacked Montague, one of the King’s chaplains, on account of a
moderate book, which he had lately compofed, and which, to the great difguft of
the commons and all good proteftants, faved virtuous catholics, as well as other
chriftians, from eternal torments. Charles gave them a gracious and a compliant
anfwer to all their remonftrances. He was, however, in his heart, extremely a
verfe to thefe furious meafures. Tho’ a determined proteftant, by principle as
well as inclination, he had entertained no violent horror againft -popery; anda
little
C2AYACR L & s I, Igt
little humanity, he thought, was due by the nation to the religion of their an-
ceftors. That degree of liberty, which is now indulged to catholics, tho’ a party
much more obnoxious than during the reign of the Stuarts; it fuited neither with
Charles’s fentiments, nor the humor of ‘the age, to allow them. An abatement
of the more rigorous laws was all he intended; and his engagements with France,
tho’ their regular execution had never been propofed nor expected, required of hin
fome indulgence. But fo unfortunate was this Prince, that no meafure, embraced
during his whole rcign, was ever attended with more unhappy and more fatal
confequences.
THE extreme rage againft popery was a fure characteriftic of puritanifm., This
_houfe of commons difcovered other infallible fymptoms of the prevalence of that:
party. They petitioned the King for replacing fuch able clergy as had been filenced-
for want of conformity to the ceremonies. They alfo enacted laws for the ftriG:
obfervance of funday, which the puritans affected to call the fabbath, and which.
they fan¢tified by the moft melancholy indolence. ’Tis to be remarked, that the
different appellations of this feftival were, at that time, known fymbols of the
different parties. This is a difference about a few. unmeaning fyllables:- But as the-
controverfy betwixt the church and the puritans did not altogether. regard. theo--
logical dogmas, but. involved a difpute concerning ecclefiaftical, as well as civil
power and. government; that controverfy muft be allowed,. in fome of its articles,
~ to have been of much greater importance.
Tue King finding, that the parliament were refolved to grant him no fupply, and.
would furnifh him with nothing but empty proteftations of duty, or difagreeable
complaints of grievances; took advantage of the plague, which began to appear at
Oxford, and, under that pretext, immediately diflolved them.. By finifhing the
feffion with a-diffolution, inftead.of a prorogation, he fufficiently marked. his dif-
pleafure at their conduct...
To fupply the want of parliamentary aids, Charles iffued privy feals for borrow-
ing money from his fubje@ts.. The advantage reaped by this levy was a fmall com-
penfation for the ill-will, occafioned by it. By means, however, of that fupply,.
and by other expedients, he was, tho’ with difficulty, enabled to equip his fleet.:
It confifted of eighty veflels, great and fmall; and carried on board-an army of
$0,000 men. Sir Edward Cecil; lately created Vifcount Wimbleton, was en-.
trufted with the command. He failed immediately for Cadiz, and found the bay
full of Spanifh thips of great value. To attack thefe was either neglected or at-
_ tempted prepofteroufly. The army was landed, and a fort taken: But the un-
difciplined foldiers, finding ftore of wine, could not be reftrained from the utmoft
excefles, Farther ftay appearing fruitlefs, they were re-imbarked; and the fleet:
put
Chap. i
1625.
Aaguft I2e
O&ober 1:"
Naval expe-
dition apaing:
Spain.
Chap. I.
x IZ5-
November,
1626.
Second
parliament.
Usbruary 6.
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
put to fea with an intention of waiting for the Spanifh gallions. But the plague
having feized the feamen and foldicrs, they were obliged to abandon all hopes of
this prize, and return to England. ‘Loud complaints were made againit the court
| ;, re .
for entrufting fo important a command to a mah like Cecil, who, tho’ of
great experience, the people, judging by the event, efteemed of very flender ca-
pacity.
152
‘CHARLES, having failed of fo rich a prize, was obliged again to: have re-
courfe to a parliament. Tho’ the ill fuccefs of his enterprizes diminifhed his authe-
rity, and fhowed, every day, more plainly the folly of the Spanifh war; tho’ the
increafe of his neceflities’ rendered him more dependant, and more expofed to the
encroachments “of the commons; he was refolved to try once more. that
regular and conftitutional expedient for fupply. Perhaps too, a little poli-
tical trick, which at that time he pratifed, was much trufted to. Sir Edward)
Goke, Sir Robert Philips, Sir Thomas Wentworth, Sir Francis Seymour, all of
them popular leaders, the King had named for theriffs in the counties, and had, by
that means, incapacitated them for being elected members. » But this affectation,
being fo evident, rather put the commons more upon their guard. Enow of -pa-
triots ftill remained to keep up the ill humor of the houfe; and men needed but
little :inftru@tion or rhetoric to ‘recommend to them practices, which increafed
their own importance and confideration.. The weaknefs of the court too could
not more evidently appear, than by its being reduced to fo poor an expedient, in
order to obtain an influence on the commons. i
Tue views, therefore; of the laft parliament were immediately adopted; ‘as if;
the fame men had been every where elected, and no time had ‘interpofed fince their
laft meeting. When the King laid before the houfe his neceflities, and afked for
fupply, they immediately voted him three fubfidies and three fifteenths; and tho’
they afterwards added one fubfidy more, the fum was little:proportioned to the
greatnefs of the occafion, and ill fitted to promote thofe views.of fuccefs and glory,
for which the young Prince, in his firft enterprize, fo ardently longed. But this
circumftance was not the moft difagreeable one. The fupply was only voted by.
the commons. The pafling that vote intoa law was referved till the end of the
feffion. A condition was thereby made, ina very undifguifed manner, with their
fovereign. Under pretext of redrefling grievances, which, during this fhort reign,
could not be very numerous; they were to proceed in regulating and controling
every part of government, which difpleafed them: . And, if the King either cut them
fhort in this undertaking or refufed compliance with their demands, he muft lay
‘his account with the want of all fupply, Great diffatisfaGtion was exprefied by
Charles
Coe Aaea, es Sai. 153
Charles at.a method of treatment, which he efteemed fo harfh and undutiful:
But his urgent neceflities obliged him to fubmit; and he waited with patience,
obferving to what fide they would turn themfelves.
Tue Duke of Buckingham, formerly obnoxious to the public, became every day
more odious, by the fymptoms, which appeared, both of his want of temper and pru-
dence, and of the uncontroled afcendant, which he had acquired over his matter.
Two violent attacks he was obliged this feflion to fuftain; one from the Earl of
Briftol, another from the houfe of commons.
As long as James lived, Briftol, fecure of the concealed favor of that monarch,
had expreffed all duty and obedience; in expectation, that an opportunity would
offer of re-inftating himfelf in his former credit and authority. Even after
Charles’s acceflion, he defpaired not. He fubmitted to the King’s order of remain-
ing in‘his country-feat, and of abfenting himfelf from parliament. Many trials he
made to regain the good opinion of his mafter; but finding them all fruitlefs, and
objerving Charles to be intirely governed by Buckingham, his implacable enemy,
he refolved no longer to keep any meafures with the court. A new {pirit, he
faw, and a new power, arifing in the nation; and to thefe he was refolved, for
the future, to truft for his fecurity and protection.
Wuen the parliament was fummoned, Charles, by a preat ftretch of preroga-
tive, had given orders, that no writ, as is cuftomary, fhould be fent to Briftol.
That Nobleman applied to the houfe of lords by petition; and craved their good
oflices with the King for obtaining what was his due as a peer of the realm, His
writ was fent him; but accompanied with a letter from the Lord keeper, Coven-
try, commanding him, in the King’s name, to abfent himfelf from parliament.
This letter Briftol conveyed to the lords, and afked advice how to proceed in fo
delicate a fituation. The King’s prohibition was withdrawn, and Briftol took his
feat. Provoked at thefe repeated inftances of vigor, which the court denomi-
nated contumacy, Charles orderéd his attorney-general to enter an accufation of
high treafon againft him. By way of recrimination, Briftol impeached Bucking-
ham of high treafon. The Earl’s defence of himfelf and accufation of the Duke
both remain; and, when joined to original letters, contain the fulleft and moft au.
thentic account of all the negotiations with the houfe of Auftria. From the
whole,. the great. imprudence of ‘the Duke evidently appears, and the fway of * his
ungovernable paflions ; but it would be difficult to collect thence any action, which,
in the eye of the law, could’be deemed a crime; much lefs could {fubject him to the
penalty of high treafon.
VoL. I. . ie * | 3 eto THE
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
i
- % ee
4
‘THE-impeachment of the commons was {till lefs dangerous to the Duke, ‘were.
it eftimated by the ftandard of law and equity. They accufed him, of having
united many offices in his perfon ; of having bought two of them; of neglecting
to'puard the feas, infomuch that many merchant-fhips had fallen into the hands of
the enemy 5; of delivering fhips to the French King, in order to ferve againit the
hugonots 5 of being employed in the fate of honors and offices; of accepting ex-
tenfive grants from the crown; of procuring many titles of honor for his kindred;
of adminiftring phylic to the late King without acquainting his phyficians. All
thefe articles appear, from comparing the accufation and reply, to be either fri-
volous, or falfe, or both. The only charge, which could be regarded as impor-.
was, that he had extorted a fum of ten thoufand pounds from the Eaft-India.
company, and that he had confifcated fome goods belonging to French merchants,
under pretext of being the property of Spanifh. The impeachment never came
to a full determination; fo that it is difficult for us to give a decifive opinion with
reoard to thefe articles: But -it muft be confefled, that the Duke’s anfwer, in:
thefe particulars, as in all the reft, 1 fo clear and fatisfactory, that it is impoflible
co refufe our affent to it. His faults and blemifhes were, in many refpects, very
ut rapacity and avarice were vices, with which he was intirely un;-
tant,
great 5 b
acquainted.
’T 1s remarkable, that the commons, tho’ fo much at a lofs to find afticles of”
charge againft Buckingham, never adopted Briftol’s accufation, or impeached the
Duke for his conduct in the Spanifh treaty, the moft blameable circumftance of.
his whole life. He had reafon to believe the Spaniards fincere in their pro--
feffions; yet, in order to gratify his private paflions, he had hurried his matter:
and his country into a war pernicious to the interefts of both. But fo rivetted
thro’out the nation were the prejudices with regard to Spanifh deceit and falf-.
hood, that very few of the commons jeem, as yet, to have been convinced, that
they had been feduced by Buckingham’s narrative: A certain proof, that a difco-
very of this nature, tho’ with fome it might have influence, was not, as is ima.
gined by feveral hiftorians, the fole or chief caufe. of fo fadden and furprizing a va-
riation in the meafures of the parliament *.
WHILE.
* By a {peech of Sir Simon D'ewes, im the firft year of the long parliament, it clearly appears, that:
she nation never had, even to that time, been rightly inftrnfted in the tranfactions of the Spanish ne-
gotiation, and ftill believed the court of Madrid to have been altogether infincere in all their pron
feffions. What reafon, upon that fuppofition, had they to blame either the Prince or Buckingham.
for their conduct, or for the narrative delivered to the parliament? This is a capital fatt, and
ought to be well attended to, D’ewes’s fpeech is in Nalfon, Vol, ui, P. 368.
ose Bow Se: § 4 YY, 5k
Witt the commons were thus warmly engaged againft Buckingham, the
King feemed defirous of embracing every opportunity, by which he could mark a
contempt and difregard for them. No one was, at that time, fufficiently fenfible
of the great weight, which the commons bore in the balance of the conttitution.
The hiftery of England had never hitherto afforded an inftance, where any great
movement or revolution had proceeded from the lower houfe. And as their rank,
both confidered in a body and as individuals, was but the fecond in the kingdom ;
nothing lefs than fatal experience could engage the Englifh princes to pay a due re-
gard to the inclinations of that formidable affembly.
Tue Earl of Suffolk, chancellor of the univerfity of Cambridge, dying about
this time, Buckingham, tho’ lying under impeachment, yet, by means of court-in-
tereft, was chofen in his places The commons refented and loudly complained of
this affront; and the more to enrage them, the King himfelf wrote a letter to
the univerfity, extolling the Duke, and giving them thanks for his election.
THE Lord keeper, in the King’s name, commanded the houfe exprefly not to -
meddle with his minifter and fervant, Buckingham; and ordered them to finifh,
in a few days, the law, which they had begun for the fubfidies, and to make fome
addition to them; otherwife they muft expect to fit no longer. And tho’ thefe
harfh commands were endeavored to be explained and mollified, a few days after-
wards, by a fpeech of Buckingham, they failed not to leave a very difagreeable
impreflion behind them.
Bes1p£s a more ftately ftyle, which Charles, in general, affected to this par-
liament, than to the laft, he went fo far as to threaten the commons ina meflage, if
they did not furnifh him with fupplies, that he would be obliged to try mew councils.
This language was fufficiently clear: Yet, left any ambiguity fhould remain, Sir Dud-
ley Carleton, vice chamberlain, teok care to explain it. * I pray you confider,” —
faid he, ‘* what thefe new councils are or may be. I fear to declare thofe that T
‘¢ conceive. In all chriftian kingdoms, you know, that parliaments were in ufe
antiently, by which thofe kingdoms were governed in a moft flourifhing man-
ner; until the monarchs began to know their own ftrength, and feeing the
turbulent fpirit of their parliaments, at length they, by little and little, began
to ftand on their prerogatives, and at laft overthrew the parliaments, thro’out
Chriftendom, except here only with us. Let us be careful then to preferve
the King’s good opinion of parliaments, which bringeth fuch happinefs to this na-
tion, and makes us envied of all others, while there is this fweetnefs between
his Majefty and the commons; left we Jofe the repute of a free people by our
turbulency in parliament.” Thefe imprudent fuggeftions rather gave warniilg
than {truck terror. A precarious liberty, the commons thought, which was to
U 2 be
€¢
oo
€
Chap. I.
1626.
“ ; “Bhp teh, toe er wee
2 aR SOU ee Sci et ase
156 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
ww
be preferved by unlimited complaifance, was no liberty at all. And it was ne~
ceflary, ‘while yet in their power, to fecure the conftitution by fuch invincible
barriers, that no king or minifter fhould ever, for the future, dare to {peak
fuch a language to any parliament, or even to entertain fuch a project againft
them. : |
Two members of the houfe, Sir Dudley Diggs and Sir John Elliot, who had
been employed as managers of the impeachment again{t the Duke, were thrown
into prifon.. The commons immediately declared, that they would proceed no
farther upon bufinefs till they had fatisfaction in their privileges. Charles alleged,
for reafon of this violent meafure, certain feditious expreflions, which, he faid, in
their accufation of the Duke, had dropped from thefe members. Upon. inguiry,
it appeared, that no fuch expreffions had been ufed. The members were releafed;
and the King reaped no farther benefit from this attempt than to exafperate {till
farther the houfe, and to fhow his own precipitancy and. indifcretion.
Movep by this example, the houfe of peers were roufed from their inactivity;
and claimed liberty for the Earl of Arundel, who had been lately confined in the
tower. After many fruitlefs fhifts and evafions, the King, tho’ very ungracefully,
was at laft obliged to comply. And in this incident, it fufficiently appeared, that
the lords, however little inclined to popular courfes, were not wanting in a juft
fenfe of their own dignity.
Tue ill humor of the commons, thus wantonly irritated by the court, and find.
ing no gratification m the legal impeachment of Buckingham, fought other mate-
rials, on which it might exert itfelf. Thenever failing cry of popery here ferved
them in ftead. They again claimed the execution of the penal laws againft catho-
licss and they prefented to the King a lift of perfons, entrufted with offices, moft
of them infignificant, who were either convicted or fufpedted. recufants.. In this
particular, they had, no doubt, fome reafon.to blame the King’s condu@ty He:had
promifed to the laft houfe of commons a redrefs of this religious grievance: But
he was too apt, in imitation of his father, to confider thefe promifes as temporary
expedients, which, after the diffolution of the parliament, he was not any farther
to regard. Anew odium, likeways, by thefe reprefentations, was attempted to
be thrown upon Buckingham. His mother, who had great influence over him, was
a profefied catholic; his wife was not free from fufpicion: And the indulgence,
given to catholics, was of courfe fuppofed to proceed intirely from his credit and
authority.
Firs remarkable, that perfecution was here chiefly pufhed on by laymen; and
that the church was willing to have granted more liberty than would be allowed by
the
; i Hp RO L..E vS¢ 45 rs7
the commons. The reconciling doctrines too of Montague failed not anew te
meet with fevere cenfures from that zealous affembly.
Tue next attack,. made by the commons,.had it prevailed, would have pro-
ved decifive. They were preparing a remonftrance apainft the levying of ton-
nage and poundage without confent of parliament. This article, along with the
new impofitions laid on merchandize by James, contained near a half of the
crown-reyenues ; and by depriving the King of thefe refources, they would have
reduced him to a total fubjection and dependance. While they retained fuch a
pledge, over and above the fupply: already promifed, they were fure that no-
thing could be refufed them.. Tho’ they could fix no legal crime againit the
Duke, they juitly regarded him as a very. unable and even pernicious minifter ;
and they intended to prefent a petition, which would then have been equi-
valent to a command, for his removal from his Majefty’s perfon and
councils.
Tue King was alarmed at the yoke, which he-faw. prepared for him. Bucking:
hana’s great guilt, he thought, was the being his friend and favorite. All the
other complaints againit him were mere pretexts. A little before, he was the
idol of the people.- No new crime had fince been difcovered. After the most
diligent inquiry, prompted by the greateft malice, the fmalleft appearance of
guilt could not be fixed upon him. What idea, he afked,. muft all mankind
entertain of his honor, fhould he facrifice.his innocent friend to pecuniary .confi-
derations? What farther authority would he have in the nation, were he ca-
pable, inthe beginning of his reign, to give, in fo fignal an inftance, fuch
matter of triumph tovhis enemies, and difcouragement tohis adherents? To-day,
the commons pretended to wreft his minifter from him. To-morrow, they
would attack-fome branch of his prerogative... By-their remonftrances and: pro-
mifes and proteftations, they had engaged the crown in awar:. As foon as they
faw a retreat impoflible, without waiting for new incidents, without covering
themfelves with new pretexts; they immediately deferted him, and refufed him
all reafonable fupply. ’*Twas evident, that they defired nothing fo much-as: to
fee him plunged ‘in inextricable difficulties, of which they intended to take ad-
vantage. ‘To fuch deep perfidy, to fuch unbounded ufurpations, it was necef-
fary to: .oppofe proper firmnefs and refolution. And any extremity was _pre-
ferable to the contempt of fubjects, to the infults of mean adverfaries. -
PROMPTED by thefe motives, Charles was determined immediately to: diffolve
the parhament. When this refolution was known, the houfe of peers, whofe
compliant behavior intitled them to fome authority with him, endeavored to in-
terpofe ; and they petitioned him, that he would allow the parliament to fit fome
time .
Chap, {,
1626,
Chap. [.
1626.
ac of June.
Violent mea-
iures of the
court, ©
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
time longer. Not a moment longer, cried:the King haftily; and he foon after
ended this feflion by a diffolution. :
As this meafure was ferefeen, ‘the commons took care to finifh and difperfe
their remonftrance, which they intended as a juftification of their conduct to
the people. The King, likeways, on his part, publifhed a declaration, where
158
he gave the reafons of his difagreement with the parliament, and of their fudden
diffolution, before they had time to conclude any one act. Thefe papers fur-
nifhed the partizans on both fides with ample matter of apology or of recrimina-
tion. But all impartial men judged, ‘¢ Tat the commons, tho’ they had not vi-
“ olated any law, syet, by their unpliablenefs and independance, were infenfibly
‘“ changing, perhaps improving, the fpirit and genius, while they preferved the
“forms, of the conftitution: And ¢dar the King was acting altogether with-
out any plan; blindly running on in a road, furrounded, on all hands, with
‘¢ the moft dangerous precipices, and concerting no proper meafures, either for
‘¢ fubmitting to the obftinacy of the commons, or for fubduing it’.
Arter a breach with the parliament, which feemed fo difficult to repair,
the only rational council, which Charles could purfue, was immediately to con-
clude a peace with Spain, and to render himfelf, as far as poflible, independent
of his people, who difcovered fo little inclination to fupport him. Nothing could
be more eafy in the execution than this meafure, nor more agreeable to his own
and to national intereft : But, befide the treaties and engagements, which he had
entered into with Holland and with Denmark, the King’s thoughts were, at this
time, intirely averfe to pacific councils. ‘There ‘are two circumftances in_ his
character, feemingly incompatible, which attended him during the whole courfe
of his reign, and were the chief caufe of all his misfortunes: He was very fted-
dy and even obftinate in his purpofe; and he was eafily governed, by reafon
of his facility, and of his deference to men, much inferior to himfelf both in
morals and underftanding. His great ends he inflexibly maintained: But, the
means of attaining them, he readily received from his minifters and favorites;
tho’ not always fortunate in his choice. The furious, impetuous Buckingham,
inflamed with a defire of revenge for injuries, which himfelf had committed, and
animated with a love for glory, which he had not talents to merit, had, at this
time, -notwithftanding his profufe, licentious life, acquired an invincible afcen-
dant over the virtuous and gentle temper of the King.
TH mew councils, which Charles had mentioned to the parliament, were now
to be tried, in order to fupply his neceflities. Had he pofleffed any military
force, on which he could depend; ’tis likely, that he had, at onee, taken off
the mafk, and governed without any regard to the antient laws and conftituti-
on:
Pera 4B ee r59
on: So high an idea had he imbibed of kingly prerogative, and fo contemptible Chap. rs
a notion of the privileges of thofe popular affemblies, from which, he thought, 1626.
he had met with fuch ill ufage. But his army was new levied, ill paid, and ©
worle difciplined; no way fuperior to the militia; who were much more nu-
merous, and who were, in a great meafure, under the influence of the country-
gentlemen. It behoved him, therefore, to proceed cautioufly, and to cover
his enterprizes under the pretext of antient precedents ; tho’, it muft be con-
feffed, the veil could not poflibly be thiner and more tran{parent.
A commiflion was openly granted to compound with the catholics, and agree
for a difpenfation with the penal laws, enacted againft them. By this expedient,
the King both filled his coffers, and gratified his inclination of giving indulgence
to thefe religionifts: But he could not readily have. employed any branch of
prerogative,, which would. have been more difagreeable, or would have appeared
more exceptionable to his proteftant fubjects. |
From the nobility, he defired affiftance :. From the city, he required a loan
@f 100,000 pound. The former contributed flowly: But the latter, covering
themfelves with many pretexts and excufes, gave him at laft a plain de-
nial. ok
In. order to. equip a fleet, a diftribution, by order of the council, was made.
to all the maritime towns; and each of them was required, with the affiftance-
of the adjacent counties, to arm fo many vedicls, as were appointed them.. The
eity of London was rated at twenty fhips. This is the firft appearance, in
Charles’s reign, of fhip-money; a taxation, which afterwards created fuch vio-
lent difcontents..
Loans were by privy feal required of feveral:: To others, the way of bene-
volence was’ propofed : Methods, fupported by precedents, condemned by po-
fitive laws, and always invidious eyen to times more fubmiflive and compliant.
In the moit defpotic governments, fuch-expedients would be regarded, .as irre-
gular and diforderly.
THESE councif$ for fupply were conducted’ with fome moderation; till news
arrived, that a great battle was fought, betwixt the King of Denmark and Count 25th of Aas,
Tilly, the imperial general; where the former. was totally defeated. Money.
now, more than ever, became requifite, in order to repair fo great a breach in
the alliance, and to fupport a prince,. who was fo nearly related to: Charles,
and who had been. engaged in the war, chiefly by the intrigues and promifes of
the Englifh monarch. After fome deliberation, an a@ of council was paffed,
importing, that, as the urgency of affairs admitted not the way of parliament,
the moft fpeedy, equal, and convenient method of fupply was by a GENERAL
Loan.
Chap.0.
1620,
Loan from the fubject, according as every man W
Jatt fabfidy. That precife fum was required, which: each wou
vote of four fubfidies been paffed into a law:
people, that the fums
160 HISTORY of GREAT BRITAIN.
as affeffed in the rolls of ‘the
id have paid had the
But care was taken to inform the
exaited were not to be called fubfidies but loans. Had a-
that forced loans were a violation of liberty, and muft,
ny doubt remained, ie ,
render all-parliaments f uperfluous ; this was the proper
by neceflary confequence,
expedient for opening the eyes of the whole nation.
Tur commiffioners, appointed to levy thefe loans,
fecret inftruction, were enjoined, ‘°° If any fhall refufe to lend, and fhall make
‘¢ delays or excufes, . and perfift in his obftinacy, that they examine him upon
¢ oath, whether he has been dealt with to deny or refufe to lend, or make an
¢ excufe for net lending? Who has dealt with him, and what fpeeches or per-
‘¢ fuafions were ufed to that purpofe? And that they fhall alfo charge every
“ fuch perfon, in his Majefty’s name, upon his allegiance, not to difclofe to
¢ any one, what his anfwer was’. So violent an inquifitorial power, fo ab-
fard an attempt at fecrecy, were the objects equally of indignation and of
among other articles of
ridicule.
TuaT fpeculative defpotifm might lend afliftance to practical, and reli-
‘gious tyranny fupport civil, fermons were preached by Sibthrope and Manwar-
ring, in favor of the general loan; and the court very induftrioufly fpred them
over the kingdom. Paffive obedience was there recommended in its full extent,
the whole authority of the ftate was. reprefented as belonging to the cing a-
Jone, and all limitations of laws and conttitutions were rejected as feditious and
impious. So openly was this doctrine efpoufed by the King, that Archbifhop
Abbot, a popular and virtuous prelate ; becaufe he would not licence Sibthrope’s
fermon, was banifhed from London, and confined to one of his country-deats.—
Such commands, at that time, were not ufually difputed. Abbot’s principles
of liberty, and his oppofition to Buckingham, had always rendered him very un-
gracious at court, and had acquired him the character of a puritan. For "LIS
remarkable, that that party made the privileges of the nation as much a part
of their religion, as the church-party did the prerogatives of the crown ; and
nothing tended farther to recommend among the people, who always take opi-
nions in the lump, the whole fyftem and principles of the former fe&. The
King foon found, by fatal experience, that this engine of religion, which,
with fo little neceflity, was introduced into politics, falling into abler hands, was
played with the moft terrible fuccefs againft him.
Tuo’ the nation was thus treated like a conquered province, its fpirit was far
from being fubdued, Thro’out all England, many refufed thefe loans, and fome
were
CCHIT ASH LL & § fr, r61
were even active in encouraging their neighbors to infitt upon their common
rights and privileges. By warrant of the council, thefe were thrown into pri-.
fon. Mott of them with patience fubmitted to confinement, or applied by pe-
tition to the King, who commonly releafed them. Five gentlemen alone, Sir
Thomas Darnel, Sir John Corbet, Sir Walter Earl, Sir John Heveningham,
and Sir Edmond Hambden, had {fpirit enough, at their own hazard ‘and ex-
pence, to defend the public liberties, and to demand releafement, ‘not as a fa-
vor from the court, but as their due, by the laws of their country. No par-
ticular caufe was affigned of their confinement. The {pecial command alone of
the King and council was pleaded. And by law, it was aflerted, this was not
fufficient reafon for refufing bail or releafement to the prifoners.
Tx1s queftion was brought to a folemn trial, before the King’s bench; and
‘the whole kingdom were attentive to the iffue-of a caufe, which was of much
greater confequence than the event of many battles, |
By the debates on this fubject, it appeared, beyond controverfy, to the whole
nation, that their anceftors had been fo jealous of perfonal liberty, as to fecure
it againit arbitrary power in the crown, by fix * feveral {tatutes, and by an ar-
ticle + of the Great Cuarter itfelf, the moft facred foundation of the laws
and coni{titution. But the kings of England, who had not been able to prevent
the enacting of thefe laws, had fufficient authority, when the tide of liberty
was fpent, to hinder their regular execution; and, befide the great danger of
failing, they efteemed it fuperfluous to attempt the repeal of ftatutes, which they
found fo many expedients and pretexts to elude. Turbulent and feditious times
frequently occurred, when the-fafety of the people abfolutely required the con-
finement of factious leaders; and by the genius of the old conttitution, the
prince, of himfelf, was accuftomed to affime every branch of prerogative, which
was found neceffary for the prefervation of public peace and of his own authori-
ty. Expediency, at other times, would cover itfelf under the appearance of ne.
ceflity ; and, in proportion as precedents multiplied, the will alone of the {o-
vereign was fuflicient to fupply the place of expediency, of which he conftitu-
ted himfelf the fole judge. Tho’ rebellious fubjects had frequently, in the open
field, ranged themfelves in battle againft their prince ; no perfon had been found
fo hardy, while confined and at mercy, as to fet himfelf in oppofition to regal
power, and to claim the protection of the laws and conftitution, againft the ar-
bitrary will of the fovereign. ’Twas not till this age, when the fpirit of liberty
Vou. IL. | X was
* 25. Edw. HT. cap.q. 28. Edw. ITT. cap. 3. 37. Edw. HII. cap. 18. 38. Edw, TI,
cap. 9. 42. Edw. IID. cap.3. a. Rich, II, Cap. 12, + Chap. zo.
| Chap. I.
1626,
1627,
November.
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
Nan '
i | 162
of government were nearly reduced’
Chip.1. was univerfally diffafed, when the principles
e effort, ventu-
7 to afyftem, that thefe five gentlemen above-mentioned, by a nobl
réd, “in this national caufe, to bring the queftion to a final determination. And
a } the King was aftonifhed to find, that a power, exercifed by his predeceffors al-
ie moft without interruption, was proved, upon trial, to be directly oppofite to.
the cleareft laws, and fupported-by few or no undoubted precedents in courts of
Thefe had fcarcely, in any inftance, tefufed bail upon the commit-
yidicature.
becaufe the periens committed had fel-
i ments by fpecial command of the king 5
f ri ‘ Jom or never dared to demand it.
Six Randolf Crew, Lord chief juftice, had been difplaced, as unfit for the pur-
Sir Nicholas Hyde, efteemed more compliant, had obtain:
pofes of the court:
by his direction, went no farther than
Ma ed that high office: Yet the judges,
a to remand the gentlemen to their prifons, and refufe the bail, which was offer:
lt ke ee)
>
‘i ar ed. Heathe, the attorney-general, infifted, that the court fhould enter a general
aa MEL judgment, that no bail could be granted, upon a commitment by the King or
Ha it council: But the judges wifely forebore. The nation, they faw, were already,
vat to the laft degree, exafperated. Their chains were now held up to them. And
ba | the moft, invidious prerogative of the crown, that of imprifoning the fubject,
: was here, openly, and folemnly, andin numerous inftances, exercifed for the
| moft invidious purpofe, in order to extort loans, or rather fubfidies, without con-
|
| fent of parliament.
aed But this was not the only hardfhip, of which the nation then found reafon
i i to complain. The army, which had made the fruitlefs expedition to Cadiz,
| Hh ii were billetted about the kingdom ; and money was arbitrarily levied upon the coun-
| ties, for the payment of their quarters.
|
Tux foldiers were billetted upon private houfes, contrary to cultom, which
yequired, that, in all ordinary cafes, they fhould be quartered in inns: and pu-
ree blic houfes.
Wii Tuost, who had refufed or delayed the. loan, were fure to be loaded with
Hy, a preater ntunber of thefe dangerous and diforderly guetts.
4 i Many too, of low condition, who had fhown a refractory difpefition, were
ie preffed to the fervice, and inlifted in the fleet or army. Sir Peter Hayman,
a for the fame reafon, was difpatched into the Palatinate: Glanville, an eminent
my a sik lawyer, had been obliged, during the former interval of parliament, to accept”
Me a ee j
en ef an office in the navy.
i i a a *14 ° ae = aee ‘fe 3 . >
na f ue foldiers, ill-paid and undifciplined, committed many crimes and: euttages;
and increafed extremely the public difeontents. To prevent thefe diforders, mar-
Pin IS ee 7 eS A AO OES. ge SOP ee ee > rye
tial law, fo requifite to the fupport of difcipline,, was exercifed upon the foldiecrs..
hy | a
CO HE Ar OR B's v Ax 163
By a contradiction, which is very natural, when the people are exafperated, the
outrages of the army were complained of; the remedy was thought fill more
intolerable. Tho’ the expediency, if we are not rather to fay, the neceflity, of
martial law, had formerly been efteemed, of itfelf, a fufficient ground for etts.
blifing it; men, now become more jealous of liberty, and more refined rea-
foners in queftions of government, regarded, as illegal and arbitrary, every ex
ercife of authority, which was not fupported by exprefs ftatute, or uninterrupted
precedent.
ir may fafely be affirmed, that, except a few proftituted courtiers or bigotted
ecclefiaftics, all men were highly difcontented with this complication of grievances,
under which the nation labored. Tho’ antient precedents weré pleaded, in fa-
vor of the King’s meafures; a great difference, upon compatifon, was obferved
betwixt the cafes. Acts of power, however irregular, might cafually and at
intervals, be exercifed by a prince, for the fake of difpatch-or expediency ; and
yet liberty {till fubfift, in fome tolerable degree, under his adipinittration.
But where all thefe were reduced into a fy{tem, were exerted without interrupti-
on, were ftudioufly fought for, in order to fupply the place of Jaws, and fub-
due the refractory fpirit of the nation; it was neceflary to find fome fpeedy re-
medy, or finally to abandon all hopes of preferving the antient freedom of the
conititution. Nor could moderate men efteem the provocation, which the King
had received, tho’ great, fufficient, in any degree, to warrant all thefe violent
meafures. The commons, as yet, had no way invaded his authority : They
had only exercifed, as beft pleafed them, their own privileges. Was he ex-
cufable, becaufe, from one houfe of: parliament, -he had met with fome harfh
and unkind treatment, to make, in revenge, an unjuft and ‘illegal invafion on the
tights and liberties of the whole nation? c
AnpD to what purpofe all thefe mighty ftretches of preropative, . which tore
and disjointed the whole fabric of the government, and exhaufted all the force
of his authority? Only to fupport Buckingham, a very unfit minifter during
tuch critical times; and to carry on war with Spain; a war, in every refpect,
unjuft, unneceflary, andnot recommended by the leaft hopes of fuccefs.
Bur great was at this time the furprize of all men, when Charles, baffled
in every attempt againft the Auftrian dominions, embroiled with his own fubjects,
unfupplied with any treafure but what he extorted by the moft invidious: and
moft dangerous meafures; as if the half of Europe, now his enemy, was not
tuthcient for the exercife of military prowefs; wantonly attacked the other great
empire in his neighborhood, and engaged. at once into’ war apaimit thofe two
x 2 powers,
Chap. !
1027.
ht eS eee ES eS SS
Chap.
1027,
War with
France,
>
EOD: es gh PP
Ue oa te ee
164 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
powers, whofe intereft was hitherto efteemed fo incompatible, that they could
never, it was thought, agree either in the fame friendfhips or enmities. - I fpeak:
of the rupture with France, a meafure, the moft extraordinary, and accounted
for from as extraordinary a caufe. All authentic memoirs, both foreign and do-
meftic, afcribe this war to Buckingham, and reprefent him, as actuated by mo-
tives, which would appear incredible, were we not fufficiently acquainted with
the extreme violence and temerity of his character.
Tue three great monarchies of Europe were at this time ruled by young
princes, Philip, Louis, and Charles, who were nearly of the fame age, and
who had implicitely refigned the government of themfelves and of their empires
to their creatures and minifters, Olivarez, Richelieu, and Buckingham. The peo-
ple, whom the moderate temper or narrow genius of their princes, would have
allowed to remain for ever in tranquillity, were ftrongly agitated by the emu~
lation and jealoufy of the minifters. Above all, the towering fpirit of Riche~
lieu, incapable of reft, promifed an active age, and gave indications of great res
volutions thro’out all Europe.
Tuis man had no fooner, by fupplenefs and intrigue, got poffeflion of the
reins of government, than he formed, at once, three mighty projects; to fub-
due the turbulent fpirits of the great, to reduce the rebellious hugonots, and
to curb the encroaching power of the houfe of Auftria. Undaunted and im-
placable, prudent and active; no oppofition of the French princes could with-
{tand his vengeance, no cabals could efcape his penetration. His fovereign
himfelf, he held in fubjection, while he exalted the throne. The peopie, while
they loft their liberties, acquired, by means of his adminiftration, learning, or
der, difcipline, and renown. That confufed and inaccurate genius of govern-
ment, which France partook in common with other Eurapeam kingdoms, he
changed into a fimple monarchy; at the very time; when the incapacity of Buck-
ingham encouraged the free fpirit of the commons to eftablifh in England a regular
fyftem of liberty.
HowzVeERr unequal the comparifon betwixt thefe minifters, Buckingham had
entertained a mighty jealoufy againft Richelieu ; a jealoufy not founded on rival:
fhip of power and politics, but of love and gallantry, where the Duke was as
much fuperior to the Cardinal, as he was inferior in every other particular.
Ar the time, when Charles married by proxy the Princefs Henrietta, the Duke
of Buckingham was difpatched into France, in-order to grace the nuptials, and
conduct the new Queen into England. Theeyes of the whole French court were
directed by curiofity towards that man, who had enjoyed the unlimited favor of
two fucceflive monarchs, and who, from a private ftation, had mounted, in the
earlieft
Of WAAR Ue Bass 6 | rb
earlieft youth, to the abfolute government of three kingdoms. The extreme Ghap. B
beauty of his perfon, the gracefulnefs of his air, the {plendor of his equipage, his sas
fine tafte in drefs, feftivals, and carroufels, correfponded to the prepoficflions, en»
tertained in his favor: The affability of his behavior, the gaiety of his manners,
the magnificence of his expence, increafed {till farther the general admiration,
which was paid him. All bufinefs being already concerted, the time was intirely
fpent in mirth.and entertainments; and, during thofe fplendid {cenes, among
that gay people, the Duke found himfelf in a fituation, where he was perfectly
qualified to excell, But his great fuccefs at Paris proved as fatal as his former
failure at Madrid.. Encouraged by the {miles of the court, he dared to carry his
ambitious addreffes to the Queen herfelf; and he failed not to make impreflion on
a heart not undifpofed to the tender paflions. That attachment, at leaft, of the
mind, which appears fo delicious, and is fo dangerous, feems to have been encou-
vaged by the Princefs; and the Duke prefumed fo far on her good graces, that, af-
ter his departure, he fecretly returned upon fome pretext, and, paying a vilit to
the Queen, was difmiffed with a reproof, which favored more of kindnefs than:
of anger. |
INFORMATION of this correfpondence was foon carried to Richelieu. The
vigilance of that minifter-was here farther rouzed by jealoufy.. He too, either
from vanity. or politics, had ventured to addrefs his vows to the Queen. Buta
prieft, paft-middle age, of a fevere character, and occupied in the moft extenfive
plans of ambition or vengeance, was but an unequal match in that conteft, with
a:young courtier, intirely difpofed to gaiety and. gallantry... The Cardinal’s dif
appointment ftrongly inclined. him to counter-work the amorous projects of his
rival. When the Duke was making preparations fora new embafly to Paris, a
meflage was fent him from Louis, that he muft not think of fuch a journey. In
a romantic paflion, he fwore, Tat ke would fee the Queen, in [pite of all the power
of France; and, from that moment, he was determined to engage England into a:
rupture with that kingdom.
He firft took advantage of fome quarrels, excited by the Queen of England's
attendants;. andhe perfuaded Charles to difmifs, at once, all her French fervants,
contrary to the exprefs articles of the marriage-treaty.. He encouraged the Eng-
lith fhips of war and privateers to feize veffels, belonging to French merchants;
and thefe he readily condemned as prizes by a fentence of the court of admiralty.
But finding, that all thefe injuries produced only remonftrances and embaflies, oy
at moft reprizals, on the part of France; he refolved to fecond the intrigues:
of the Duke of Soubize, and.to undertake at once a military expedition again{>
that nation.
ee eee = Ss —— — -=-
ee ne ee ——
——————
;
e
|
'
: |
:
:
.
SOUBIZE,.
gth of July.
Expedition to
the ifle of
Rhé.
28th of O&.
|
66 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
Sousizz, who, along with his brother, the Duke of Rohan, was the leader
of the hugonot faction, was at that time in London, and ftrongly follicited Charles
4.
-
fe diftreffed religionifts. He reprefented, That,
iad -been repreffed by the combined {quadrons of
‘
to embrace the protection of the
after the inhabitants of Rochelle | . b
England and Holland, after peace was concluded mee the French King under
Charles’s mediation, the ambitious Cardinal was {till meditating the deftruction of
a
i
47
ALU
7 ~~ t: c sya re 3 1, -¥ ; ATT ARPT © ry - 4p .
the hugonots; that preparations were filently making in every province of France
—
e [ ¢ ey ro ee . Arte > [re i¢ , 4 er. y “
for the fuppreflion of their religion; that forts were erected in order. to bridle
Rochelle, the moft eonfiderable bulwark of the proteitants; that the reformed
in France caft their eyes on Charles as the head of their faith, and confidered him
as a prince engaged by intereft, as well as inclination, to fupport them; that, as
long as their party fubfitted, Charles might rely on their obedience, as much as on
that of his own fubjects; but, if their libertics were once ravifhed from them,
the power of France, freed from this impediment, would foon become formi-
dable to England, and to all the neighboring nations.
Tio? Charles probably bore but {mall favor to the hugonots, who fo much re:
fembled the puritans, in difcipline and worfhip, in religion and politics; he yet
allowed himleif to be gained by thete arguments, inforced by the follicitations of
Buckingham. A fleet of a hundred fail and an army of 7000 men were fitted
out for the invafion of France, and both of them entrufted to the command of
the Duke, who was altogether unacquainted both with land and fea-fervice. The
fleet appeared before Rochelle: But fo ill-concerted were the Duke’s meafures,
that the inhabitants of that city fhnt their gates, and refufed to admit allies, of
whofe coming they were not previoufly informed. All his military operations
fhowed equal incapacity and inexperience. Inftead of attacking Oleron, a fertile
ifland and defencelefs, he bent his courfe to the ifle of Rhé, which was well- garris
foned and fortified: Having landed his men, tho’ with fome fofs, he followed not
the blow, but allowed Toiras, the French governor, five days refpite, during
which St. Martin was victualed and: provided for a fiege: He left behind him the
fmall'fort of Prie, which could at firft have made no manner of refiftance: ‘Pho’
refolved to ftarve St. Martin,. he guarded the fea negligently, and allowed provis
fions and ammunition to be thrown into it: Defpairing to reduce it by famine,
he attacked it without having made any breach, and raihly threw away the lives
of his foldiers:) Having found, that a French army had ftolen over in fmall dis
vifions, and had landed at Prie, the fort, which he had, at hirit, overlooked,
he began to think of a retreat; but made it fo unfkilfully, that it was equivalent
toa total rout: He was the laft, of the whole army, who embarked; and he
returned to England, having loft two thirds of his land-forces; totally diferedited
both
CIMZATASU Eo %1: 167
both as an admiral and.a general; and bringing no praife with him, but that vulgar
one of courage and perfonal bravery.
Tue Duke of Rohan, who had taken arms as foon as Buckingham appeared
upon the coa{t, difcovered the dangerous fpirit of the fect, without being able to do
any mifchief: The inhabitants of Rochelle, who had, at laft, been induced to
join themfelves to the Enelifh, haftened the vengeance of their mafter, ex-
haufted their provifions in {upplying their allies, and were threatened with an im-
mediate fiege. Such were the fruits of Buckingham’s expedition againft France.
CHAP. If
Third parliament. Petition of right.
Buckingham. New feffion of parliament.
Arminianifn——Diffolution.
Prorogation——Death of
Tonnage and poundage..
More fubmiflive nation than the Englifh would have fhowed fymptoms of
difcontent at thefe multiplied violences and difafters. Their liberties
were, in a manner, ravifhed from them; illegal taxes extorted; their.
commerce, which had met with a fevere check from the Spanifh, was totally an-
nihilated by the French war; thofe military honors, tranfmitted to them from
their anceftors, had received a grievous ftain, by two unfuccefsful and ill-con-
duéted expeditions ;, fcarce an illuftrious family but mourned, from the laft of
them, the lofs of a fon or brother; greater calamities were dreaded from the war
with thefe powerful monarchies, concurring with the internal diforders, under
which the nation Jabored: And all thefe ills were afcribed folely to Charles’s ob-
ftinacy, in adhering to the counfels of Buckingham; a man no way intituled,
_ by his birth, age, fervices, or merit, to that unlimited confidence, repofed in
him. To be facrificed to the intereft, policy, and ambition of the great, is fo
much the common lot of the people, that they may appear unreafonable, who
would* pretend to. complain of it: But to be the victim of the frivolous gal-
fantry of a favorite, and of his boyifh caprices, feemed the fubjet of peculiar
indignation. | | |
In this fituation, it may be imagined, the King and the Duke dreaded, above
all things, the affembling a parliament; But, fo fhort-fighted had they been in
their enterprizing fchemes, that they found themfelves under an abfolute neceflity
. ef
|
te
iy
|
|
|
eee ee ee eee
if |
Mbit
Hi {
1 ti i
Aah MAR | .
Ha ae ‘Chap. I.
i i i 1 i 1628,
Pe
Male
i
Wh Vs
Hee ALR oi
1%) thik }
Wei li
He 8 ey
Bl ae
Bu
Pia) A eae
el Third parlia-
! ment.
Lata a tt i
i i As | March 17,
FM VT BEEBE La
te er eta
Pa
Ala | new Ty
Well, B
TY
aa | |
i it h
ta es
ia |
ae
i | 1 |
t58 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
of embracing that expedient. The money levied, ‘or rather extorted, under pre-
text of prerogative, had come in very flowly, and had left fuch ill-humor in the
nation, that it appeared dangerous to renew the fame meafure. The abfolute ne-
ceflity of fupply, it was hoped, would engage the commons to forget all pat inju-
ries; and, having experienced the ill effects of former obitinacy, they would
probably affemble with a refolution of making fome reafonable compliances. The
more to foften them, it was concerted, by Sir Robert Cotton’s advice, that Buck-
ingham fhould be the firft perfon, who propofed in council the calling anew par-
liament. Having laid in this {tock of merit, he expected, that all his former mif-
demeanors would be overlooked and forgiven, and that, inftead of a tyrant and
oppreffor, he would be regarded as the firit patriot in the nation.
THE views of the popular leaders were much more judicious and profound.
When the commons aflembled, they appeared to be men of the fame independent
{pirit with their predeceffors, and poffeffed of fuch riches, that their property
wes computed to furpafs three times that of the houfe of peers; they were de-
puted by burroughs and counties, inflamed, all of them, by the late open violations
of liberty; many of the members themfelves had been caft into prifon, and had
fuffered by the arbitrary meafures of the court; yet, notwithitanding all thefe
circumftances, which might prompt them to embrace violent refolutions, they
entered upon bufinefs with perfect temper and decorum. They confidered, that
the King, difguited at thefe popular affemblies, and educated with a contempt of
their privileges, wanted but a fair pretext of breaking with them, and would feize the
fir{t opportunity offered by any indecent or undutiful behavior of the members. He
had fairly told them, in his firft fpeech, that, “‘ If they fhould not do their duties, in
‘* contributing to the neceflities of the ftate, he muft, in difcharge of his con-
‘* tcience, ufe thofe other means, which God had put into his hands, in order to
© fave that which the follies of fome particular men may otherways put in dan-
“ger. Take not this for a threatening,” added the King, “ for I fcorn to
* threaten any but my equals; but as an admonition from him, who, by nature
‘‘ and duty, has moft care of your prefervation and profperity.”” The Lord
Keeper, by the King’s direction, fubjoined, “* This way of parliamentary fup-
‘* plies, as his Majefty told you, he hath chofen, not as the only way, but as
** the fitteit; not becaufe he is deftitute of others, but becaufe it is moft agree-
‘‘ able to the goodnefs of his own moft gracious difpofition, and to the defire and
“weal of his people. If this be deferred, neceflity and the fword of the ene-
«* my make way to the others. Remember his Majeity’s admonition ;_I fay, re-
** member it.” From thefe avowed maxims, the commons forefaw, that, if the
jeait handle was afforded, the King would immediately diflolve them, and thence
forward
OH ARAL) Bés Xz, 169
forward efteem himfelf juftified for violating, in a manner {till more open, all the
antient forms of the conftitution. No remedy could then be looked for, but
from infurrections and civil war, of which the iffue would be extremely uncertain,
and which muft, in all events, prove infinitely calamitous to the whole nation.
To correc the late diforders in the adminiftration required fome new laws, which
would, no doubt, appear harfh to a prince, fo enamoured of his prerogative; and
it was requifite to temper, by the decency and moderation of their debates, the
rigor, which muft neceffarily attend their determinations. And nothing can give
us a higher idea of the capacity of thofe men, who now guided the commons, and
of the great authority, which they had acquired, than the forming and executing
fo judicious and fo difficult a plan of operations.
Tue decency, however, which the popular leaders had prefcribed to themfelves,
and recommended to others, hindered them not from making the loudeft and moft
vigorous complaints againft the grievances, under which the nation had lately Ia-
bored. Sir Francis Symour faid, “ This is the great council of the kingdom,
** and here with certainty, if not here only, his Majefty may fee, as in a true
** glafs, the ftate of the kingdom. We are all called hither by his writs, in
“* order to give him faithful counfel; fuch as may ftand with his honor: And
** this we muft do without flattery. We are all fent hither by the people, in or-
“* der to deliver their juft grievances: And this we muft do without fear. Let
** us not act like Cambyfes’s judges, who, when their approbation was demanded
** by the prince to fome illegal meafure, faid, that, Tho’ there was a written law,
°° the Perfian kings might follow their own will and pleafure. This wag bafe flatte-
“‘ ry, fitter for our reproof than our imitation; and as fear, fo flattery taketh
*“‘ away the judgment. For my part, I fhall fhun both; and {peak my mind
‘* with as much duty, as any man, to his Majefty, without neglecting the pu-
AbehHE. cctiig
‘“¢ But how can we exprefs our affections, while we retain our fears; or fpeak
** of giving, till we kncw whether we have any thing togive. For, if his Ma-
** jefty may be perfuaded to take what he will, what need we give?
*¢ Tart this hath been done, appeareth by the billetting of foldiers, a thing
“* noway advantageous to the King’s fervice, anda burthen to the commonwealth :
** By the imprifonment of gentlemen fer refufing the lean, who, if they had
done the contrary for fear, had been as blameable as the-projectors of that op-
‘* preflive meafure. To countenance thefe proceedings, hath it not been preach-
‘¢ ed in the pulpit, or rather prated, that Ai) we have is the king’s by divine vighr.
‘* But when preachers forfake their own calling, and turn ignorant ftateSven ; we
fee how willing they are to exchange a good cenfcience for a bifhopric.
Vot. I. Y “« Be,
c¢
o
a
Chap. IY,
1628.
= SY ST ae -—~ = ee =e --—
as = Se SSS eee =
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Ce ee tee
| wo HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
Chap. I. “ He, I muft confefs, is no good fubject, who would not, willingly and cheer:
Wi 1628, «fully, lay down his life, when that facrifice may promote the interefts of his fo-
i! ‘¢ vereign andthe good of the commonwealth. But he is nota good fubject, he
) : «© is aflave, who will allow his goods to be taken from him againft his will, and
! i <¢ his liberty again{t the laws of the kingdom. By oppofing thefe practices, we
i ; ‘ fhall but tread in the fteps of our forefathers, who {till preferred the public be-
a et | ** fore their private intereft,. nay. before their very lives. It will in us be a wrong:
iti “ done to ourfelves, to our pofterities, to our confciences, if we forgo this claim
| Na ‘* and. pretenfion,’”’
Pi ‘¢ I read of acuftom,”’ faid Sir Robert Philips, ‘‘ among the old Romans, that,
once every year, they held a folemn feftival, at which their flaves had liberty,
without exception, to fpeak what they pleafed, in order to eafe their afflicted
minds; and, on,the conclufion. of the feftival, the flaves feverally returned to
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ht : i i _ 6 their former fervitudes.
Me A “ Tus inftitution may, with fome diftinction, well fet forth our prefent ftate
| and condition. After the revolution of fome time,, and the grievous fufferance
a ih ‘¢ of many violent, oppreflions, we have now, at laft, as thofe flaves,: obtained}
a | ‘“¢ for aday, fome liberty of fpeech : But fhall not, I truft, be hereafter flaves =
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| “¢ For we are born, free., Yet, what new illegal, burthens our eftates and per-
| fons have groaned, under, my heart, yearns to think of, my tongue falters to,
| “¢ utter.
| ‘¢ THE grievances, by, which we are oppreffed, I draw under two heads >-
| ‘tacts of power again{t law, and.the judgments of lawyers againft our liberty.”
i | Having mentioned three illegal judgments, paffed within his memory; that
ri : it by which the Scotch, born after James’s acceflion, were admitted to all the pri-
|
vileges of Ej.glith fubjects; that by which the new impofitions had been warrant+
| ed; and the laft, by which arbitrary imprifonments were authorized ;. he thus
aia proceeded.
| | ) ‘*T.can live, tho’ another, who has noriglit, be put to live along with me}:
ii | ate “< nay, I can live, tho’ burthened with impofitions, beyond what at prefent I la-
| “ bor under: But te. have my liberty, which, is the foul of my. life, ravithed
A En | ‘“ from me; to have my.perfon, pent up inva jail; without-relief by-law, and to
at an i be-fo adjudged; | improvident anceftors! OQ! unwife forefathers! to
ae) Vee be fo.curious in providing for the quiet poffeffion of our lands and the liberties
Ma ii) “of parliament; and, at the fame time, to neglect our perfonal liberty, and let*
| us.lie-in prifon, and that during pleafure, without redrefs or remedy! If this:
be law, why do we talk of liberties? Why trouble ourfelves with. difputes a-
“¢ ‘bout:
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“ bout a conftitution, franchifes, property of goods, and the like? What may
** any man call his own, if not the liberty of his perfon?
‘“‘ Tam weary of trading thefe ways; and therefore conclude to have a felcé&
‘¢ committee, in order to frame a petition to his Majefty for redrefs of thefe
‘* oppreflions. And this petition being red, examined, and approved, may be
** delivered to the King; of whofe gracious anfwer we have no caufe to doubt,
‘* our defires being fo reafonable, our intentions fo loyal, and the manner fo du-
“* tiful. Neither need we fear, that this is the critical parliament, as has been
“ infinuated ; or that this is a way to diftraction: But affure ourfelves of a hap-
** py ifflue. Then fhall the King, as he calls us his great council, find us his true
** council, and own us his good council.”
Tue fame topics were inforced by Sir Thomas Wentworth. After mention-
ing projectors and ill minifters of ftate. ** Thefe,” faid he, ‘‘ have introduced
‘* a privy council, ravifhing, at once, the fpheres of all antient government ;
‘¢ deftroying all liberty; imprifoning us without bail or bond. They have ta-
“Ken from us———What fhall 1 fay? indeed, what have they left us? By tear-
‘¢ ing up the roots of all property, they have taken from us every means of fup-
‘¢ plying the King, and of ingratiating ourfelyes by voluntary proofs of our duty
*¢ and attachment towards him.
_ ** To the making whole all thefe breaches, I fhall apply myfelf; and, to all
*" thefe difeafes, thall propound a remedy. By one and the fame thing, have the
‘* King and the people been hurt, and by the fame muft they be cured. We
““ mutt vindicate: What? New things? No: Our antient, legal, and vital
liberties; by re-inforcing the laws, enacted by our anceftors; by fetting fuch
“a ftamp upon them, that no licentious fpirit fhall dare henceforth to invade them.
‘¢ And fhall we think this a way to break a parliament? No: Our defires are
‘* modett and juft. I fpeak both for the intereft of King and people. If we en-
“* joy not thefe rights, it willbe impoflible for us to relieve him. Let us never,
“« therefore, doubt of a favorable reception from his goodnefs.”
TueEse fentiments were unanimoufly embraced by the whole houfe. Even the
court-party pretended not to plead, in defence of the late meafures, any thing but
the neceflity, to which the King had been reduced, by the obftinacy of the for-
mer parliament. A vote, therefore, was pafled without oppofition, againft ar-
bitrary imprifonments and forced loans. And the fpirit of liberty having ob-
tained fome fatisfaction by this exertion of itfelf, the King’s re-iterated meflages,
who prefled for fupply, were attended to with better temper. Five fubfidies
were voted him; with which, tho’ much inferior to his wants, he declared him-
felf well-fatished. The Duke’s approbation too of this meafure was mentioned
Y 2 by
Chap. if.
1628,
ee et ree om— a
Chap. IT.
1028.
Petition of
Ti ght,
172 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
/
by Secretary Cooke ; but the conjunction of a fubject with the fovercign was ill res
ceived by the houfe. Tho’ difgufted with the King, the jealouty, which they felt
for his honor, was more fenfible than that, which his unbounded confidence in the
Duke would allow even himfelf to entertain. |
THE fupply, tho’ voted, was not, as yet, pafled into a law and the coms
mons refolyed to employ the interval, in providing firm barriers to their rights
and liberties, fo lately violated. They knew, that their own vote, declaring the
illegality of the former meafures, had not, of itfelf, fufficient authority to fecure
the conttitution againit all future invafion. Some act to that purpofe muft receive
the fanction of the whole legiflature; and they appointed a committee to prepare
the model of fo important a law. By collecting into one effort all the dangerous
and oppreflive claims of his prerogative, Charles had expofed them to the hazard
of one affault ; and had farther, by a nearer view of the confequences attending
them, rouzed the independent genius of the commons. Forced loans, benevo-
lences, taxes without confent of parliament, arbitrary imprifonment, billetting
foldiers, martial law ; thefe were the grievances complained of, and againft thefean
eternal remedy was to be provided. The commons pretended not, as they affirmed,
to any unufual powers or privileges: They aimed only at fecuring thofe tranfmit-
ted them from their anceftors: And their law they refolved to call a Petition
oF RiGcut; asimplying that it contained a corroboration or explanation of the
antient conititution, not any infringement of regal prerogative or acquifition of
new liberties. )
WHILE the committee was employed in framing the petition of right, the fa-
vorers of each party, both in parliament and thro’out the nation, were engaged in
difputes about this bill, which, in all likelihood, was to forma memorable aera im
the Englifh government. |
THAT the ftatutes, faid the partizans of the commons, which fecure Englifh
liberty, are not become obfolete, appears hence, that the Knglifh have ever. been
free, and have ever been governed by law and a limited conftitution. Privileges
in particular, which are founded on the Great CuarTER, mutt always remain
in force, becaufe derived from a fource of never failing authority ; regarded in alk
ages, as the moit facred contract betwixt king and. people. - Such attention was
paid to this charter by our generous anceftors, that they got the confirmation of
it re-iterated thirty feveral times; and even’ fecured it by a law, which feems. in
execution impracticable. They enacted, That no fatute, which Should be afterwards
énatted in contradiétian to any article of that charter, fhould ever have any force or va-
idity. But with regard to that important. article, which fecures perfonal liberty 3
fo far from attempting, at any time, any legal infringement of it; they have
corroborated
Ca RYTAVERIL iB I, 173
corroborated it by fix ftatutes, and put it out of all doubt and controverfy. If Chap. Il.
in practice it has often been violated, abufes cam never come in place of rules3 nor t620.
can any rights or legal powers be derived from injury and injuftice. But the
fubjects title to perfonal liberty is not founded only on antient, and therefore, the
more facred laws: It is confirmed by the whole ANALOGY of the government and
conttitution. A free monarchy, in which every individual isa flave, is a glaring
contradiction; and ’tis tequifite, where the laws aflign privileges to the different
orders of the ftate, that it likewife fecure the independance of all the members.
If any difference could’ be made in this particular, *twere better to abandon even
life or property to the arbitrary will of the prince; nor would fuch immediate
danger enfue, from that conceflion, to the laws and to the privileges of the people.
To bereave of his life a man not condemned by any legal trial, is fo egregious aft
exercife of tyranny, as muft at once fhock the natural humanity of princes, and
convey an alarm thro’ the whole commonwealth, To confifeate a man’s fortune,
befides being a moft atrocious violence, expofes thé monarch fo much to the im-
putation of avarice and rapacity,' that it will be rarely attempted in any civilized.
government. But confinement, tho’ a lefs ftriking, is no lefs fevere a punifhment ;-
nor is there afty fpirit, fo ere& and independent, as not to be broke by the long con-
tinuance of the filent and inglorious fufferings of a jail. The power of imprifon-
nient, therefore, being the moft natural and. potent engine of arbitrary government,
it is abfolutely neceflary to remove it froma government, which is free and legal.
‘ Tre partizans of the court reafoned after a different manner. The true rule:
of government, faid they, during any period, is that to which the people, frotm
time immemorial, have been accuftomed, and to which they naturally pay 4.
prompt obedience. A’ practice, which has ever ftruck their fenfes, and of which.
they have feen and heard innumerable precedents, has another kind of authority
with them, than maxims derived from antiquated ftatutes and.mouldy records.
In vain do the lawyets eftablifh it 4s a principle, that a flatute cam never be-abro-
gated by oppofite cuftom; but requires to be exprefsly repealed by a contrary fta-
tute: While they pretend to inculcate an-axiom, peculiar to Englifh jurifprudence,.
they violate the moft eftablithed principles of human nature ; and even, by ne--
ceffary confequence, reafon in contradiction to law itfelf, whieh they would repre--
fent as fo facred and inviolable. A law, to have any authority, mwuft be derived:
from a legiflature, which has right. And whence do all legiflatures derive their
right but from long euftom and eftablifhed practice ? ff a ftatute, contrary to»
public good, has, at any time, been rafhly voted and affented to, either from the
violence of faétion, or the inexperience of fenates' and princes 5 it Cannot be more>
effeCtually abrogated, than by a train of contrary precedents, which prove,, that,.
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ae I74 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
—
Chap.II, from ¢ommon confent, it has tacitly been fet afide, as inconvenient and ip.
practicable, . Such has been the cafe with all thofe ftatutes enacted during turbu-
| lent timés, .in otder to confine royal prerogative, and cramp the fovereign in his
. protection :of \the public, and his» execution of the: laws: But above all the
h ai | branches of prerogative, that, which “is moft neceflary to be ‘preferved, is the
| ; power of imprifonment: Faction and difcontent, like difeafes, frequently arife in
im ii tei every political body; and, during thefe diforders;’ ’tis by the falutary exercife
ti i Hi alone of this :difcretionary power; that rebellions and civil- wars can be prevented.
ie { Yo circumfcribe :this power, is to deftroy its riature : Entirely to abrogate it, is im-
; A EG practicable; and the attempt itfelf muft prove dangerous, if not pernicious to the
' i Hele public. The fupreme magiftrate, in ‘critical and turbulent times, will, never,
; ma } Hi conformable .either to. prudence or duty, allow. the-ftate to perifh, while there
: | it i remains a. remedy, which; however irregular, it is {till in -his power to apply.
ye And if, moved by a regard to public. good, he employs’ any exercife of power,
: LH i i | condemned by recent and exprefs ftatute;. how greedily, in fuch dangerous times,
Mei ea, ; will factious leaders feize fuch a pretext of throwing on his government the impu-
Hi tation of tyranny and defpotifm? Were’ the dilemma quite neceflary, it were
| i | 7 furely. much better for human fociety to be deftitute of liberty than to be deprived
i | “ol government. ; .
a IMPARTIAL reafoners, will confefs, that- this fubje& is not, on both fides,
| | tae ‘without its difficulties. . Where a general and rigid law is enacted againtt arbitrary:
Haat imprifonments,: it would appear, that government cannot, in times of fedition and
| i faction, be conducted but by temporary fufpenfions of the law; and fuch an ex-
u i | pedient, during the age of Charles, was never thought of. _ The meetings
|
tata of parliament were .too precarious, and -their determinations mipht be. too
Lh | dilatory, to ferve in cafes of urgent neceflity. Nor) was it. then conceived,
| that the authority of thefe aflemblies was ever to become fo fovereign, that the
prince muft always conform himéelf to it, and could never. have any occafion
to guard againft their practices, as well as againit thofe of his other fubje@s.
i : To’ the houfe of lords were not infenfible to the reafons urged in favor of the
HRT | : pretenfions of the commons; they efteemed the arguments, pleaded in favor of
i i i ABP the crown, {till more cogent and convincing. . That affembly feems, during this
nt Bt whole period, to have aéted, in the main, a reafonable and a moderate part; and
dik aN if their -byafs inclined-a little too much, as is natural, to the fide of monarchy,
| they. were far. from entertaining any defign of facrificing to arbitrary will the
AA liberties and: privileges of the nation. Afhley, the King’s ferjeant, having af-
Pil | ferted, ina pleading before the peers, that the king muft fometimes govern by.
ih | ae atts of ftate as well.as by laws; this. pofition gave fuch offence, that he was im-
ene Nase jatel
Mee mediately
iy
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CoHTATH
VoL. I. 7. ce That
Chap. IT.
1628,
= es ah pera AL Beret it aw
178 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
Chap. I. “ That neither he nor his privy council fhall.or will, at any time hereafter, com-
:628. ¢ mit or command to prifon, or otherways reftrain, any man for not lending mae
‘6 néy, norfor any other caufe, which, in his confcience, he thought not to concern
*¢ the public good, and the fafety of king and people.” And he farther declared;
ould be guilty of fo bafe an action as to pretend any caufe, of
« That he never w
he was not fully fatisfied.’” But this promife, tho’ inforced to the
“ whofe truth lly e,
commons by the recommendation of the upper houfe, made no more impreilion
than all the former meffages.
Kt Amone the other fhifts and evafions of the King, we may reckon the propo-
fal of the houfe of peers, to fubjoin,. to the intended petition of right, the fols
lowing claufe, ‘“¢ We humbly prefent this petition. to your Majeity, not only
“ with a care of preferving eur own liberties, but with due regard to leave in-
“ tire that /overeign power, with which your Majeity is trufted for the protection,
‘¢ fafety, and happinefs of your people.” Lefs penetration, than what was pol-
feffed by the leaders of this houfe of commons, could eafily difcover how captious
this claufe was, and how much it was calculated to elude the whole force of the
petition.
Tuese obftacles, therefore, being furmounted, the petition of right pafled
iar! | the commons, and was fent. to the upper houfe*. The peers, who were pre-
hi : ;
i bably:
vile * This petition is of fo great importance; that we Jfhall here give it at length, Wumbly fhew unto.
| our Sovereign Lord the King, the lords fpiritual and temporal, and commons in parliament affem-
| | bled, That, whereas it is declared and enacted, by a ftatute made in the time of the reign of King
( iM ‘ Edward I. commonly called Statutum de tallagio non concedendo, that no tallage or aid fhall be-laid or
a
Of £
levied by the King or his heirs in this realm, without the good will and affent o the archbifhops, bi=
ba fhops, earls, barons, knights, burgefies, and other the freemen of the commonalty of this realm;
Heed f 1 + . : ra . C ; : , toe on ce ‘ m .
aa (z) And, by authority of parliament-holden in the five and twentieth -year of the reign of King
ee ie : were j : ale one
Hee Edward III. it is declared and ena&ted, That, from thenceforth, no perfon fhould be compelled to
|
i Li i make any loans to.the king againft his will, becaufe fuch loans were againft reafon, and the fran-
bt aes chife of the land; (3) And, by other laws of this realm, it is provided, that none fhould be char-
.
|
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PN a F ged’by any charge or impofition called a benevolence, nor by duch like charge ; (4) By which the
vat ftatutes before mentioned, and other the good laws and ftatutes.of this realm, your fubje&s have in=
Bi ae herited this freedom, that they fhould not be compelled to contribute to any tax, tallage, aid, or,
other like charge not fet by common confent in parliament.
II. Yet neverthelefs, of late divers commiflions direted to fundry commiffioners in feveral counties,
| ce a with inftru€tions, have iffued; by means whefeof your people have been in divers places affembled,
ie Haat and required to lend certain fams of money unto your Majefly, and many. of them, . upon their re-
| | | rh fufal fo to do, have had an oath adminiftered wnto them not warrantable by the laws or flatutes of
ata It F | . this realm, and have been conjtrained to become bound to make appearance and give attendance be-
"i HH Fu fore your privy council, and, in other places, and others of them, have been therefore imprifoned,
a) confined, and fundry other ways molefted and difquieted; (z) And divers other charges have been
: laid
Come Beek ub Bos. ol, 179
dably well pleafed in fecret, that all their follicitations had been eluded by the Chap. II.
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Chap. IT
“ e ALS
4029.
March 2.
Diffolution of ended their proceedings.
the parlia-
ment.
March 10.
_ dage without confent of parliament, and offered it to the clerk to read.
194. HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
‘© and where all things are poflible, there is a kind of omnipotency. Whereforé;,
‘¢ Jet it be the unanimous confent and refolution of us all to make a vow and co:
“¢ yenant from henceforth to hold .faft our God and our religion ; and then
« fhall we from henceforth expect with certainty happinefs in this world.”
Otiver CromwéEL, at that time, a young man, of no account in. the nas
tion, is mentioned in thefe debates, as complaining of one, who, he was told)
preached flat popery-. ’Tis amufing to obferve the firft words of this fanatical.
hypocrite correfpand fo exactly to his character.
Tue enquiries and debates concerning tonnage and poundage went hand in hand
with thefe theological or metaphyfical controverfies. The officers of the cuftom-
houfe were fammoned before the commons to give an account by what authority
they had feized the goods of merchants, who paid not thefe duties: The barons.
of the exchequer were queftioned concerning their decrees on that head: The theriff
ef London was committed to the tower for his activity in fupporting the officers
of the cuftom-houfe; The goods of Rolles, a merchant, and member of the houfe,
being feized for his refufal to pay the duties, complaints were made of this vio-
lence, as if it were a breach of privilege: Charles avowed his officers in all thefe
meafures; and the quarrel grew every day higher betwixt him and ‘the
commons. Mention was made in the houfe of impeaching Sir Richard Wefton,
Lord treafurer; and the King began to entertain thoughts of finifhing the feflion by
a diffolution. |
S1x John Elliot framed a remonftrance againft levying tonnage and pouns
It was
refufed. Hered it himfelf. The queftion being then called for, the fpeaker,.
Sir John Finch, faid, That he had a command from the King to adjourn, and to put
no queftion. The whole houfe was: im ath
uproar. The fpeaker was pufhed back into the chair, and forcibly held int by
Holles and Valentine, till a fhort remonftrance was framed, and was paffed by ac-
Upon which he rofe and left the chair.
clamation rather than by vote. Papifts and arminians were there declared capital
enemies to'the commonwealth. Thofe, who levied tonnage and poundage, were
branded with the fame epithet. And even the merchants, who should voluntarily
pay thefe duties, were denominated betrayers of Englifls liberty, and public ene-
mies. The doors being locked, the gentleman-ufher of the houfe of lords, who
was fent by the King, could get no admittance, till this remonftrance was.
finifhed. By the King’s order, he took the mace from the table, which
And a few days afterwards, the parliament was dil-
{olved.
THE
CHERAB ho Ey $6 ‘2. 98
Tue difcontents of the nation ran extreme lyhigh, on account of this violent
rupture betwixt King and parliament. Thefe difcontents Charles very imprudent-
ly inflamed by his affectation of a feverity, which he had not power, nor, probas
bly, will, to carry to extremity. Sir Miles Hobart, Sir Peter Hayman, Selden,
Coriton, Long, Strode, were committed to prifon, on account of the laft tumult,
which was called fedition. With great difficulty, and after feveral delays, the
were releafed; and the law was generally fuppofed to be wrefted, in order to
prolong their imprifonment. Sir John Elliot, Holles, and Valentine, were. {um-
moned to their trial in the king’s bench, for feditious {peeches and behavior in
parliament ; but refufing to anfwer before an inferior ‘court for their conduct, as
members. of a fuperior, they were condemned to imprifonment during the King’s
pleafure, to find fureties for their good behavior, and to be fined, the two former
a thoufand pound a-piece, the latter five hundred. This illegal fentence, pro-
cured by the influence of the crown, ferved only to fhow the King’s difregard to
all the privileges of parliament, and to acquire an immenfe {tock of popularity to
the fufferers, who had fo bravely, in oppofition to arbitrary power, defended the
liberties of their native country. The commons of England, tho’ an immenfe
body, and poffeffed of the greateft property of the kingdom, were naturally fome-
what defencelefs; becaufe of their equality and their want of leaders: But the
King’s feverity, if thefe illegal profecutions deferve the name, here pointed out
Jeaders to them, whofe refentment was enflamed, and whofe courage was no
way daunted, by the hardfhips which they had undergone in fo honorable a caufe.
So much did all thefe prifoners glory in their fufferings, that they would not
condefcend even to prefent a petition to the King, exprefling their forrow for ha-
ving ‘offended him. They unanimoufly refufed to find fureties for their good be-
havior; and difdained to accept of deliverance on fuch eafy terms. Nay, Holles
was fo induftrious to continue his meritorious diftrefs, that when one offered his bail
for him, he would not yield to the rule of court, and be himfelf bound with his
friend. Even Long, who had actually found fureties in the chief juftices cham-
ber, declared in court, that his fureties fhould no longer continue. Yet becaufe
Sir John Elliot happened to die, while in cuftody, a great clamor was raifed a-
gainft the adminiftration, and he was univerfally regarded as a martyr to the lin
berties of England.
Bbe CHAP.
Chap. If.
1629.
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2629.
Peace with
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4 "33 ee |
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HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN
~ a!
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Corr Ar. > Tit,
Peace with France. Peace with Spain. State of the court and mjs
niftry.———Charaéter of the Queen——Strafford. Laud.—Innova-
fons in the church, Irregular levies of money. Severities in the flar=
chamber and high commiffion ——Ship-money ——Trial of Hanbden,
HERE now opens to us a new fcene. Charles, difgufted vith parlia-
#* ments, was refolved not to call any more, till he fhould fee greater fymp-
toms of a compliant difpofition in the nation. Having loft his grec favorite,
Buckingham, he became his own minifter; and never aiterwards ccnferred on
any one fuch unlimited confidence. As he chiefly follows. his own genius and
difpofition, his meafures are henceforth lefs rafh-and violent; tho’ the general te-.
nor of his adminiftration {till wants much of being-entirely legal, and mere of being
entirely prudent.
We ‘hall endeavor to exhibit a juft idea of the events, which followed for fome
years; fo far as they regard’foreign affairs, the ftate of the court, and the govern:
ment of the nation. The incidents are not numerous nor illuftrioy; ; but the
Knowlege of them is quite requifite for underftanding the fubfequent t:anfactions, |
which are fo memorable.
Cuarces, deftitute of all fupply, was obliged from neceflity to embrace a meas-
fure, which fhould have been the refult of reafon and found politics: He made
peace with the two crowns, againft whom he had hitherto waged a war, fo unne-
ceflary and fo ingloricys.. Notwithftanding the ‘diftrated and helplef: condition
of England, no attempt was made, either by France or Spain, to: invade their.
enemy; mor did they entertain any farther proje& than to defend themfelves
againft the feeble and ill concerted expeditions of that kingdom. Plead that ‘the
jealoufies and quarrels betwixt King and parliament had. difarmed’ fo formidable
a power, they carefully avoided: any enterprize, which might rouze either the
terror or anger of the Englith, and difpefe them to domeftic union and fubmiffion,.
The endeavors to regain the good will of the nation was carried fo far by the:
Spaniard, that: he generoufly releafed and fent home all the Engiifh prifoners,.
whom he had taken in the expedition againft Cadiz.. The e: ample was imitated
by France, after the retreat of the Englifh frem the ifle of Rhé. . When princes
were in fuch difpofitions, and had. fo few pretenfions on each othe,’ it could:
not
Cin SAp Re Li Bs I. 197
not be difficult to conclude a peace. The treaty was firft fioned with France. Chap. IT%..
1629.
Fhe fituation of the King’s affairs did not entitle him to demand any CON- April 14.
ditions for the hugonots, and they were abandoned to the will of their fove-
reign. Peace was afterwards concluded with Spain; where no conditions were
made in favor of the Palatine, except that Spain promifed in general to ule her
good offices for his reftoration. The influence of thefe two wars on domettic
affairs, and on the difpofitions of King and people was of the utmoft confe
quence: But no alteration was. made by them on the foreign imterefts of tho
kingdom. | |
NoTuincG more happy can be imagined than the fituation, in which Eng-
land then ftood with regard to foreign affairs. Europe was divided betwixt the
rival families of Bourbon and Auftria, whofe oppofite interefts, and {till more,
their mutual jealoufies, fecured the tranquillity of this ifland. Their forces wera
fo nearly counterpoized, that no apprehenfions were entertained of any event,
which could fuddenly difturb the ballance of power betwixt them. The Spaniflz
monarch, efteemed the moit powerful, lay at greateft diftance ;- and the Englith,
by that means, poffeffed the advantage of being engaged by political motives, into
a. clofer union and confederacy with the neighboring potentate. The difperfed
dominions of Spain gave great hold to the naval power of England; and kept that
empire in continual dependance. France, more vigorous and more compact, was,
every day, rifing in policy and difcipline; and reached at laft an equality of
power with the houfe of Auftria: But her progrefs, flew and gradual, left it {till
in the power of England, by a timely interpofal, to check her fuperiority. And,
thus Charles, had he happily avoided all diffentions with his own fubjects, was in 4
fituation to make himfelf be courted and refpected by every power-in Kurope ; and,
what fince has fcarce ever been attained by the princes of this ifland, he could el=
ther be a¢tive with dignity or neutral with fecurity.
A neutrality was embraced by the King; and during the reft of his reign,
he feems little to have regarded foreign affairs, except fo far as he was engaged;
by honor and by friendfhip for his fitter and the Palatine, to endeavor the pro-
euring fome relief for that unhappy. family. He joined his: good offices to thofe
of France, and mediated a-peace betwixt the Kings of Sweden and Poland, in
hopes of engaging the former to embrace the protection of .the oppreffed: prote-
{tants inthe empire. This was the famed Guftavyus, whofe heroic genius, fe-
eonded by the trueft politics, made him, inva little time, the moft diftinguifh-
ed monarch of the age, and rendered his country, formerly unknown and ne-
glected, of great weight in the ballance of Europe. To encourage and affift him
m: his projected invafion of Germany, Charles agreed. to furnifh him with fix
thoufand
1630.
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State of the
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198 WISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
thoufand men; but that he might preferve the appearance of neutrality, he made
ufe of the Marquis of Hamilton’s name, a Nobleman allied to the crown. Ha-
milton entered into an engagement with Guftavus; and inlifting thefe troops in
England and Scotland at Charles’s expence, he landed them in the Elbe. . The
decifive battle of Leipfic was fought foon after; where the conduct of Tilly
and valor of the imperialifts were overcome by the fuperior conduct of Guftavus
and fuperior valor of the Swedes. What remained of this hero’s life was one
continued feries of victory, for which he was lefs beholden to fortune, than to
thofe perfonal endowments, which’ he derived from nature and from induftry.
That rapid progrefs of conqueft, which we fo much admire in antient hiftory,
was here renewed in modern annals; and without that caufe, to which, in
former ages, it had ever been owing. Military nations were not now engaged
againft an undifciplined and unwarlike people; nor heroes fet in oppofition to
cowards. The veteran troops-of Ferdinand, conducted by the moft celebrated
generals of the age, were foiled in every encounter, and all Germany was over-
run in an inftant, by the victorious Swede. But by this extraordinary and unex-
pected fuccefs of his.ally, ‘Charles failed of the purpofe, for which he framed the
alliance. - Guftavus elated .by profperity, began to form more extenfive plans
of ambition; and in frecing Germany from the yoke of Ferdinand, he intended
to reduce it to fubjection under his own. The Palatine he refufed to reftore to
his dominions but on-conditions, which would-have kept him in total dependance.
And thus the negotiation was protracted; till the battle of Lutzen, where the
Swedifh monarch perifhed in the midft of a compleat victory, which he obtained o:
ver his enemies.
We havevcarried on thefe tranfactions a few years beyond the prefent period,
that we might not be obliged to return to them; nor be henceforth interrupted in
our account of Charles’s court and kingdoms.
Wuewn weconfider Charles, as prefiding in his court, as affociated with his fa-
mily, it is difficult to imagine a character, at once more refpectable and more ami-
able. A kind hufband, an indulgent father, a gentle mafter, a ftedfaft friend}
to all thefe eulogies, by his conduét in private life, he was fully intitled. Asa
monarch too, in the exterior qualities he excelled; in the effential, he was not
detective. His addrefs and manner, tho’ perhaps inclining a little towards
{tatelinefs and formality, in the main correfponded to his high rank, and gave
grace to that referve and gravity, which were natural to him. |The moderati-
on and equity, which fhone forth in his temper, /cemed to fecure him againit
rafh and dangerous enterprizes : The good fenfe, which he difplayed in his dif-
courie and converfation, /eemed to warrant his fuccefs in every reafonable un-
dertaking-
Cat TAR SB Sy aL 199
dertaking. Other endowments too he enjoyed, which, in a private eentleman,
would have been highly ornamental, and which, in a great monarch, might
have proved extremely ufeful to his people, He was poffeffed of an excellent
taite in all the fine arts;. and the love of painting was, in fome degree, his fa-
vorite paflion. Learned beyond what is common in princes, he was a good judge
of writing in others, and enjoyed, himfelf, no mean talent in compofition. In
every other age, or nation, this monarch had been fecure of a profperous and
a happy reign. But the high idea of his own. authority, with which he had
been imbued, made him incapable of fubmitting prudently to the fpirit of Ji-
berty, which began to prevail among his fubjects.. His politics were not fup-
ported with fuch vigor and forefight as might enable him to fubdue their privi-
leges, and maintain his prerogative at the high pitch, to which he had raifed it.
And above all, the fpirit of enthufiafm, being univerfally diffufed over the na-
tion, difappointed all the views of human prudence, and difturbed the operation
of every motive, which ufually influence fociety.
Bur the misfortunes, produced by thefe caufes, were yet remote. Charles
now enjoyed himfelf in the full exercife of his authority, in a focial intercourfe with
his friends and courtiers, and in a moderate ufe of thofe pleafures, which he moft
a fiected.
AFTER the death of Buckingham, who had fomewhat alienated Charles from
her, the Queen is to be confidered as-his chief friend and favorite. That ruftic
contempt of the fair fex, which James affected, and which, banifhing them from
his court, made it refemble more a fair or an exchange, than the feat of a great
prince, was very wide of the difpofition of this monarch.- But tho’ full of coms
plaifance to the whole fex, Charles referved all his paflien for the Queen, to
whom he -attached himfelf with unfhaken fidelity and confidence. By her fenfe
and {pirit, as well as by her beauty, he juftified the fondnefs of her hufband ;
tho’ it is allowed, that, being fomewhat of a paflionate temper, fhe precipita-
ted him into hafty and imprudent councils... Her religion too, to which fhe was
much addicted, muft be regarded as a great misfortune; fince it augmented the
jealoufy, which prevailed againft the court, and engaged her to procure, fot
the catholics, indulgences, which were generally diftafteful to the nation:
In the former fituation of the Fnglifh government, when the fovereign was;
in @ great-meafure, independent of his fubjects, the king chofe his minifters,
either from perfonal favor or from an opinion of their ability; without any re-
gard to their parliamentary intereft or talents. It has fince been the maxim of
princes, where-ever popular leaders encroach too-much on royal authority, to con-
fer offices on them; in expectation, that they will afterwards become more care-
ful
Chap. III,
1630.
Charater of '
the Queen,
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“Laud.
Tnnovations in
the. church,
£00 HISTORY of GREAT BRITAIN.
ful not to diminifh that power, which has become their own. Thefe politics
were now embraced by Charles; a {ure fymptom, that a fecret revolution had
happened in the conftitution, and had neceflitated the prince to adopt new
maxims of government.
But ‘the views of the King were, at this time, fo re-
mote from thofe of the puritans, that the:leaders, whom he gained, loft, from
that moment, all intereft with their party, and were ¢ven purfued as traitors,
with implacable hatred and refentment.
Wentworth, whom the King created, firfta baron, then avifcount, and after-
wards Earl of Strafford; made him prefident of the council of York and Lord
lieutenant of Ireland; and regarded him as his chief minifter and counfellor.
By his eminent talents and abilities, Strafford merited all the confidence, which
the King repofed in him: His character was {tately and auftere; more fitted
to procure efteem than love: His fidelity to his mafter was unfhaken; but as
he now employed all his councils to fupport the prerogative, which he had for-
merly bent all his endeavors to diminifh, his virtue feems not to have been intire-
ly pure, but to have been fufceptible of {trong impreflions from private intereft
and ambition.
This was the cafe with Sir Thomas
Sir Dudley Diggs was, about the fame time, created mafter of
the rolls: Noy, attorney-general: Littleton, follicitor-general. All thefe had
been likeways parliamentary leaders; and were men very eminent in their
profeflion.
Ew all ecclefiaftical affairs, and even in many civil, Laud, bifhop of London,
This man was virtuous; if feverity of man-
had great influence on the King.
ners alone and abftinence from pleafure could deferve that name.
ed, if ecclefiaftical knowlege could intitle him to that praife.
He was learn-
He was difinter-
efted; but with unceafing induftry he ftudied to exalt the prieftly and_prelati-
cal character, which was his own.
His zeal was unrelenting in the caufe of.
religion; that is, in impofing, by the moft rigorous meafures, ‘his own tenets
and pious ceremonies on the obftinate puritans, who’had profanely dared to op-
pofe him. In profecution of his holy purpofes, he over-looked every human
confideration ; or, in other words, the heat and indifcretion of his temper made
him neglect all views of prudence:andall rules of good manners.
He was, in
this ref{pect, happy, that all his.enemies were alfo declared enemies to loyalty and
true piety, and that every exercife of his revenge, iby that means, became a merit
and a virtue.
This was the man, who acquired fo great an afcendant over
Charles, and led him, by the fuperftition of his temper, into a conduct, which
proved fo fatal to himfelf and te his kingdoms.
Tue humor of the nation ran, at that time, into the extreme oppofite to
fuperftition; and it was with difficulty, that the antient ceremonies, to which
men
io At ROD Ets i. 203
mien had been accuftomed, and which had been fandtified by the practice of the
firft reformers, could be retained in divine fervice: Yet was this the time,
avhich Laud chofe for the introduction of new ceremonies and-obfervances. Be-
fides that thefe were fure to difpleafe.as innovations, there lay, in the. opinion of
the public, another very forcible objection againft them. Laud and the other
prelates, who embraced his meafures, were generally well inftructed in facred an-
tiquity, and had adopted all thofe religious fentiments, which-prevailed during
the third, -fourth, and fifth centuries; when the chriftian church, .as is well
known, was already deep funk into thofe fuperftitions, which were afterwards
continued and augmented by the policy of Rome. The revival, therefore, of the
ideas and practices of that age could not fail of giving the Englifh faith and Ii-
turgy fome air of refemblance to the catholic fuperftition, which the kingdom
in general, and the puritans in particular, held in the greateft horror and detefta-
tion. - Men too were apt to think, that, without fome fecret purpofe, fuch
infignificant obfervances would not be impofed with fuch unrelenting zeal on the
refractory fpirit of the nation; and that Laud’s {cheme was to lead the Englith,
by gradual fteps, back tothe religion of their anceftors. They confidered not,
that the very infignificancy of thefe ceremonies recommended them to the fuper-
{titious prelate, and made them appear the more peculiarly facred and _ religious, .
that they could ferve no other purpofe in life. - Nor was the refemblance to the
Romifh ritual any objection, but rather a merit, with Laud and his brethren ;
who bore a much greater kindnefs to.the mother-church, as they called her, than
to the fectaries and prefbyterians, and frequently.recommended her as a true
chriftian church; ‘an ‘appellation, which.they refufed, or at leaft fcrupled, to
the others. So openly were thefe tenets efpoufed, that not only the malignant
and difcontented puritans believed the church of Englandto be relapfing faft in-
to Romifh fuperftition: The court of Rome itfelf entertained hopes of regaining
its authority in this ifland; and, in order to forward Laud’s good intentions, an
offer was twice made’ him, in private, of a Cardinal’s hat, which he declined
accepting. His anfwer was, as he fays himfelf, That fomething dwelt within him,
which would not fuffer bis compliance, till Rome was other than it is.
s- A court lady, daughter of the Earl of Devonfhire, having turned catholic;
was afked by Laud the reafons of her converfion. Tis chiefly, faid the, becaufe
E hate to travel ina crowd. The meaning of this expreffion being defired, ‘the
replied, J perceive your Grace and many others are making hafte to Rome and theres
fore, in order toprevent my being crowded, I have gone before you... It muftbecon-
efled, that, tho’) Laud deferved not the appellation of papift, the genius of his
religion was, tho’ ina lefs degree, yet thé fame with. that-of the .Romifh:. The
Vou, I. ae. fame
Chap. il.
1630.
ne ~—
-_
Poe. :
ee ee:
eee be eo ae -
-
Se nei 1 ee
Chap. IIT.
1630.
202 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
fame profound refpeét was demanded to the facerdotal character, the fame fub-
miflion required to the creeds and decrees of fynods and councils, the fame pomp
and ceremony was affected in worfhip, and the fame fuperftitious regard to days,
poftures, meats, and veftments... No wonder, therefore, that this prelate was,
every where, among the puritans, regarded with horror, as the ‘Oren aane of
antichrift.
As afpecimen of the new ceremonies, to: which Laud facrificed his own quiet
and that of the nation, it may not be-amifs to relate thofe, which he was accu-
fed of employing in the confecration of St. Catherine’s church, and which were
the object of fuch general fcandal and offence.
On the bifhop’s approach to the weft door of the church, a loud voice cried,
Open, open, ye everlafting doors, that the king of glory may enter in! Immediately
the doors of the church flew open, and the bifhop entered. Falling upon his
knees, with eyes elevated and arms expanded, he uttered thefe words: This
place is holy; the ground is holy: In the name of the father, Ie; and holy ghoft, I
pronounce it holy.
Goine towards the chancel; he, feveral times, took up from the floor fome
ef the duft, and threw it into the air. When he approached, along with his
attendants, near to the communion-table, he bowed frequently towards it: And
on their return, they went round the church, repeating as they marched along,
fome of the pfalmss And then faida form of prayer, which concluded with
thefe words: We confecrate this-church, -andfeparate it unto thee as holy ground,
not to be profaned any more to common ufes.
AFTER this, the bifhop, ftanding near the communion-table, folemnly pro-
nounced many imprecations upon fuch as fhould afterwards pollute that holy
place by mutters of foldiers, or keeping in it profane law-courts, or carrying
burthens thro’ it. On the conclufion of every curfe, he bowed towards the eaft,
and cried, Let all the people fay, amen. ‘
Tue imprecations being all fo pioufly finifhed, there were poured:out a num-
ber of bleflings upon fuch as had any hand in framing and building that facred
and beautiful edifice, andon fuch as had given or fhould hereafter give to it any
chalices, plate, ornaments, or utenfils. At every benediction, he, in like
manner, bowed towards the eaft, and cried, Let all the people fey, amen.
Tue fermon fucceeded ; after which, the bifhop confecrated and adminiftred
the facrament, in the following manner:
As he approached the communion-table, he made many lowly reverences?
And coming up to that part of the table, where the bread and wine lay, he bow-
ed feven times, After the reading of mnt prayers, he approached the facra-
mental
aise ee aS BP 8 I. 203
mental elements, and gently lifted up the corner of the napkin, in which the
bread was laid. When he beheld the bread, he fuddenly let fall the napkin,
flew back a ftep or two, bowed three feveral times towards the bread; then
he drew near again, and opened the napkin, and bowed as before.
NexT, he laid his hand on the cup, which had a cover upon it, and was full
of wine. He let go the cup, fell back, and bowed thrice towards it. He ap-
proached again; and lifting up the cover, peeped into the cup. Seeing the
wine, helet fall the cover, ftarted back, and bowed as before. Then he re-
ceived the facrament, and gave it to others. And many prayers being faid, the
folemnity of the confecration ended. The walls and floor and roof of the fa-
bric were then fuppofed to be fufficiently holy.
ORDERS were given, and rigoroufly infifted on, that the communion-table
fhould be removed from the middle of the area, where it hitherto ftood in all
churches, except in cathedrals. It was placed in the eaft end,> railed in, and
denominated an ALTAR; as the clergyman, who officiated, received common-
ly the appellation of Priest. ’Tisnot eafy to imagine the difcontents, excited
by this innovation, and the fufpicions, which it gave rife to.
Tue Kneeling at the altar, and the ufing of copes, a fpecies of embroidered
veftment, in adminiftring the facrament, was alfo known to be a great object of
fcandal, as being popifh practices: But the oppofition rather increafed, than
abated the zeal of the prelate, for the introduction of thefe ceremonies.
Att kinds of ornament, particularly picturés, were requifite for fupporting
that mechanical devotion, which was propofed to be raifed in this model of reli-
gion: But as thefe had been fo much employed by the church of Rome, and
had given rife to fo much fuperftition, or what the puritans called idolatry; it
was impoflible to introduce them into Englif’ churches, without exciting the
moft general murmurs and complaints. But Laud, poffeffed of prefent authori-
ty, perfifted in his purpofe, and made feveral attempts towards acquiring’ thefe
ornaments. Some of the pictures, introduced by him, were alfo found, upon
inquiry, to be the very fame, which might be met with in the mafs-book. The
crucifix too, that eternal confolation of all pious catholics, and terror to all found
proteftants, was not forgot on this occafion.
It was much remarked, that Sherfield, the recorder of Salifbury, was tried
in the ftar-chamber, for having carelefsly broke, with his cane, fome cracked
panes of painted glafs; while he gave orders for repairing the windows of St.
Edmond’s church in that city. He was fined 500 pound, removed from his
| ‘Ce 2 = office,
Chap. HI.
1630,
IT OER pes tf
oS weg T-
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Chap. III,
2630,
204 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
os
office, condemned to make a public acknowlegement, and be bound tochis good.
behavior..
Nor only fuch of the clergy, as neglected to obferve every ceremony, were.
fufpended and deprived by the high commiflion-court: Arbitrary oaths were,,
by many of the bifhops, impofed on the church-wardens ; and they were fworn
to delate any one, who acted contrary to the ecclefiaftical canons. . Such a vio-.
lent ftep, even had it not been illegal, would have given offence; as refembling,
too nearly the practice of the Romifh inquifition.
To mark the greater alienation from the churches, reformed. after the pre-
{byterian model, Laud advifed, that the difcipline and worlhip of the church
fhould be impofed on the Englifh regiments and trading companies abroad... All
foreigners of the Dutch and Walloon congregations were, commanded to attend
the eftablifhed church; and indulgence was granted to none after the firft de-
{cent. Scudamore too, the King’s ambaflador at Paris, had orders to withdraw
himfelf from the communion of, the hugonots. Even men of fenfe were apt
‘to blame this conduct, not only. becaufe.it gave offence in England, but. becaufe,
in foreign countries, it loft the crown the advantage of being efteemed the head
and fupport of the reformation.
Unpenr pretext of pacifying difputes, orders were iffued from the council, for-
bidding, on both fides, all preaching and.printing. with regard to the contro~
verted points of predeftination and free-will.. But it. was complained of, and
probably with reafon, that the impartiality was altogether confined to the or-
ders, and that the execution of them was only meant againit the calvinitts.
In return to Charles’s indulgence towards the church, Laud and his followers
took. care:to magnify, on every occafion, the regal authority,. and to treat,
with the utmoft difdain or deteftation, all puritanical pretenfions to a free and
independent conftitution. But, while thefe prelates were fo liberal in raifing the
crown at the expence of public liberty, they made no fcruple of incroaching,
themfelves, on-the royal rights the moft inconteftable; in order. to exalt the
hierarchy, and procure to their own.order dominion.and independance... All the
doctrines, which the Romith church had.borrowed from fome_ of. the early fa:
thers, and which free’d the fpiritual from fubordination to the civil power, were
now adopted by the church of England,, and interwoven: with her political and.
religious tenets. A divine and apoftolical charter was infifted on, preferably
toa legal and parliamentary one: The facerdotal character was magnified as fa-
cred and indefeizable: All right to {piritual. authority, or even to private judg-
ment in fpiritual fubjects, was refufed to profane laymen :. Ecclefiaftical courts
were held by the bifhops in their own name, without any notice taken of the
3 King’s
}
SS HE ALEXL « $ I, 205
King’s authority: _ And Charles, ‘tho’ extremely jealous of every claim in popu:
lar afflemblies, feemed rather to encourage, than reprefs, thofe encroachments in
his clergy. Having felt fomedenfible inconveniences. from the independent fpi-
rit of parliaments, he attached himfelf intirely to thofe, who profefled a devoted
ebedience to his crown and perfon ; nor did_he forefee, that the ecclefiaftical pow-
er, which he exalted, not admitting of any precife boundary, might in time be-
come more dangerous to public peace, and no lefs fatal to royal prerogative, than
the other.
So early as the coronation, Laud was the perfon, according to general opini-
on, who introduced a novelty, which, tho’ overlooked by Charles, made a
deep impreflion ‘on many of the byeiftanders. After the ufual ceremonies, thefe
words were recited.to the King: \‘* Stand and hold fait, from henceforth, the
‘< place, to which you have been heir by the fucceflion of your forefathers, be-
** ing now delivered to you by the authority of Almighty God, and by the
‘* hands of us.and all the bifhops and fervants of God. And, as you-fee the
“< clergy to come nearer the altar than others, fo remember, that, in all places
** convenient, you give them greater honor ; that the Mediator of God and man
‘* may eftablifh you on the kingly throne, to be a mediator betwixt the clergy
and the laity; andthat you may reign for ever with Jefus Chrift, the King of
** kings, and Lord of lords,”
Tue principles, which exalted-preropative, were not entertained by the King,
merely as foft and agreeable. to his royal ears: They were alfo put. in- practice
during all the time, when he ruled without parliament.. Tho’ frugal and regular
in his expences, he wanted money for the fupport of government; and he levied
it, either by the revival of obfolete:- laws, or by violations, fome more open,
fome more difguifed, of the privileges’of the nation. Tho’ humane and gentle
in his temper, he gave way to feverities in the ftar-chamber-and high-commiffion,
which feemed requifite, in order to fupport the new- model of adminiftration, and
reprefs the rifing fpirit of liberty thro’out the kingdom. © Under thefe two heads,
may be reduced:all the remarkable tranfactions of this reign, during fome years :
For, in peaceable and profperous times, where a neutrality in foreign affairs is.ob-
ferved,. fcarce any thing is- remarkable, ‘but what is, in fome deeree, © blamed or
blameable. And, left the hope of relief or protection from parliament might
encourage oppofition, Charles iffued a proclamation, where he declared, That;
“* whereas,. for feveral ill ends, the calling again of ‘a: parliament is divulged ;
‘* tho’ ‘his Majefty. thas shown, » by frequentmecting with his people, his love to
“ the ufe of parliaments: Yet the late abufe haying, for the prefent, driven him
‘* unwillingly out of that courfe; he will account it prefumption for any one to
** prefcribe
“~
sa)
Chap. ITT..
1630.
z = —— Ss Sa Saree : = =
pat npn enrages Di tice ie Tacs a ican
nn Te ee a cf
Semi REPS Se et tS Se >
=e
a 2 ee =: aS ee
SSE I eee 3 ya
Chap. II.
1630.
Irregular le-
vies of money.
206 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
“¢ prefcribe to him any time for the calling that affembly.” This was generally
conftrued as a declaration, that, during this reign, no more parliaments were in-
tended to be fummoned. And every meafure of the King confirmed a fufpicion,
fo difagreeable to the generality of the people.
TonwAce and poundage werecontinued to be levied by the royal authority a-
lone. The former arbitrary impofitions were {till exacted. Even new impofitions
were laid on feveral kinds of merchandice.
Tur cuftom-houfe officers received orders from the council to enter into any
houfe, warehoufe, or cellar; to fearch any trunk or cheft; and to break any
bulk whatever; in default of the payment of cuftoms.
In order to exercife the militia, and keep them in good order, each county,
by an edié&t of the council, was affeffed at a certain fum, for the entertainment
of a mufter-mafter, appointed for that fervice. 2
Compos1T1oNs were openly made with recufants, and the popifh religion be-
came a regular part of the revenue. This was all the perfecution, which it un-
derwent during the reign of Charles:
A commiflion was granted for compounding with fuch.as were poffeffed of crown-
lands upon defective titles; and, under this pretext, fome money was exacted
from the people.
THERE was a law of Edward II. *, That whoever was poflefled of twenty
pounds a-year in land, fhould be obliged, when fummoned, to appear and to receive
the order of knighthood. Twenty pounds, at that time, partly by the change
of denomination, partly by that inthe value of money, was equivalent te 200
in the fixteenth and feventeenth century; and it feemed juft, that the King fhould
not infift ftrictly on the letter of the law, and oblige people of fo fmall revenue
to accept of that expenfive honor. Edward VI. +, and Queen Elizabeth}, who
had both of them made ufe of this expedient for raifing money, had fummoned only
thofe poffeffed of forty pounds a-year and upwards to receive Knighthood, or com-
pound for their neglect; and Charles imitated their example, in granting the fame
indulgence. Commiflioners were, appointed for fixing the rates of compofition;
and, to thefe commiflioners inftruGions were piven, not to accept of a lefs {um than
would have been due by the perfon, toa tax of three fubfidies anda half. No-
thing proves more plainly, how much indifpofed.the people were to the meafures
‘of the crown, than to obferve that they loudly complained of an expedient found-
ed on pofitive f{tatute, and warranted by fuch recent precedents. The law was
pretended to be oblolete; tho’ only one reign had intervened, fince the laft éxe-
cution of it.
BARNARD,
* Statutum de militibus. + Rymer, tom. xv. p.124. +} Id. p. 493, 504.
me ARE BoE .§ vk 207
Barnarp, lecturer of St. Sepulchres, London, had this expreffion. im his Chap. III,
prayer before fermon; Lord, open the eyes of the Queen’s Majefty, that foe may fee O50.
Felus Chrift, whom foe has pierced with her infidelity, fuperftition, and idolatry: He oe
was queitioned in the high commiflion court; but, upon his fubmiffion, difmiffed, berand high |
Leighton, who had wrote fcandalous libels againft the King, the Queen, the bi. ©ommiilion,
fhops, and the whole adminiftration, was condemned by a: very fevere, if not
a cruel, fentence; but the execution of it wasfufpended for. fome time, in ex-
‘pectation of his fubmiffion*. All the feverities, indeed, of this reign, were ex-
ercifed again{t thofe, who triumphed in their fufferings, who courted perfecution,.
and braved authority: And, upon that account, their punifhment may be efteem-
ed the more juft, but the lefs prudent.» To have neglected them intirely, had it.
been confiftent with order and public fafety, had been the wifett meafure, which.
could have been embraced; as perhaps, it had been the moft fevere punifhment,
which could have been inflicted on thefe zealots,
In order to gratify the clergy with a magnificent fabric, fubfcriptions were fet 163%.
on foot, for the repairing and rebuilding St. Pauls; and. the King, by. his couns
tenance and example, encouraged this laudable undertaking. By order of the
privy council, St. Gregory’s church was removed, as an impediment to. the project.
of extending and beautifying the cathedral. “Some ‘houfes and fhops likeways
were pulled down; and*compenfation made to the proprietors. As there was
no immediate profpect of affembling'a parliament, fuch acts of power in the King -
became neceffary; and in no former age would the people have entertained any
{cruple with regard to them. It muft be remarked, that the ill-humored puritans
were extremely averfe tothe raifing this ornament to the capital. It favored, as.
they pretended, of popifh fuperttition.
An office was erected for the fealing of cards: -A new tax, which, of itfelf, .
was liable to no objection; but was of the: moft dangerous confequence, when:
confidered as arbitrary and illegal. :
MoNnoPpoLres were revived; an oppreflive method of levying taxes, being
unlimited as well as deftructive of induftry. The laft parliament of James, which:
abolifhed monopolies, had left a very equitable exception in favor of new inven--
tions; andunder pretext of thefe,. and of erecting new companies and corpora--
tions, was this grievance now renewed. The manufacture. of foap was given to--
a company, who paid a fum for their patent.. Leather, falt, and many other: ©
commodities, even down to linnen rags, were likeways put under reftriGtions..
| “ris:
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11633.
208 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
'T 18 affirmed by Clarendon, that fo little benefit was reaped from thefe pro-
jects, that of 260,000 pound levied from the people, ‘fearce 1 soo came into the
King’s coffers. Tho’ we ought not to fufpect the noble hiftorian of exaggerati-
ons to the difadvantage of Charles’s meafures ; this fac&, it muft be owned, ‘ap-
pears incredible. The fame author adds, that the King’s intention was to teach
his fubjeéts how unthrifty a thing it was to réfule reafonable fupplies to the crown.
A ftrange project! to offend a whole nation, under the view of punifhment;” and
to hope, by atts of violence, to-break their refractory fpirits, without being pof-
feffed of any mercenary forces to prevent refiftence.
Tus council of Yorke had been firlt erected, after-a rebellion, by a. patent from
Henry VU. without any authority from parliament ; and this exercife of power,
like many others, was indulged to that‘arbitrary- monarch. That council had long
acted chiefly asa criminal court; but, befide fome innovations, introduced by
James, Charles thought proper, fome time after Wentworth was made prefident,
to extend their powers, and to give them a‘large civil jurifdiction, and that, in
fome refpects, difcretionary. Tis not improbable, ‘that the King’s intention
was only to prevent inconveniences, which arofe’ from the bringing every caufe,
fom the moft diftant parts of the kingdom, into Weftminfter-hall: But the
confequence, in the mean time, of this meafure, was the putting all the northern
counties out of the protection of law, and the fubjeSing them to arbitrary au-
‘thority. | Some irregular atts of that council were, this year, complained of,
“Tur court of ftar-chamber extended very far their-authority, and encroached
upon the jurifdiction of all the other courts ; impofing heavy fines and inflicting
fevere punifhment, beyond the ufual courfe of juftice. Sir David Foulis was
fined 5000 pound, chiefly becaufe he had diffuaded a friend from compounding
with the commiflioners of .knighthood.
PryNweE, a barrifter of Lincolne’s-Inn, had wrote an enormous quarto of @
thoufand pages, which he called Hiftrio-Mojtyx. Its profeffed purpofe was to de-
cry ftage-plays, ‘comedies, interludes, mufic, dancing; but the author likeways
took occafion to declaim againft hunting,’ public feftivals, Chriftmas-keeping,
bonefires, and May+poles.. His zeal againft all thefelevities, he fays, was firit
moved, ‘at obferving, that plays fold better than the choiceft fermons, and. that.
they were frequently printed on finer paper than the Bible itfelf. Befide, that.
the players were often papifts, and defperately wicked; the play-houfes, ‘he af)
firms; are Satan’s chapels, the play-haunters little better than incarnate devils, and
fo many fteps inadance, fo many paces to hell. The chief. crime of Nero:he
| reprefents
HUA. OL B84 cr 209
reprefents to have been, his frequenting and acting of plays; and thofe, who no-
bly confpired his death, were principally moved to it, as he afiirms, by their in-
dignation at that enormity. The-reft of his choufand pages were of a like ftrain.
He had obtained a licence from Archbifhop Abbot’s chaplain; yet was he in-
dicted in the ftar-chamber as a libeller. It was thought fomewhat hard, that
general invectives againft plays fhould be interpreted into fatyres againft the King
and Queen, merely becaufe they frequented thefe amufements, and becaufe the
Queen fometimes acted a part in paftorals and interludes, which were reprefented
at court, The author, it muft be owned, had, in plainer terms, blamed the hier-
atchy, the innovations in religious worfhip, and the new fuperftitions, introdu-
ced by Laud; and this probably, along with the obftinacy of his behavior,
was the reafon why his fentence was fo fevere. He was condemned to be put
from the bar; to ftand in the pillory in two places, Weftminfter and Cheapfide;
to lofe both his ears, one in each place; to pay sooo pound fine to the King; and
to be imprifoned during life. |
Tuis fame Prynne was a great hero among the puritans; and it was chiefly
with a view to mortify that fect, that, the’ of am honorable profeflion, the ftar-
chamber condemned him to fo ignominious a punifhment. The thorow-paced
puritans were diftinguifhable by the fowrnefs and. aufterity of their manners, and
by their averfion to all pleafure and fociety. | ‘To infpirethem with better humor,
both for’ their own fake and that of the public, was certainly a very laudable in-
tention in the court; but, whether pillories, fincs, and prifons, were proper expe-
dients for that purpofe, may admit of fone queftion.
ANoTHER expedient, which the King tried, in order to infufe cheerfulnetsin-
to the national devotion, was not much more fuccefsful.. He renewed his father’s
edit for allowing fports and recreations on Sunday to fuch as had attended public
worfhip; and he ordered his proclamation for that purpofe to be publicly red by
the clergy after divine fervice. Thofe, who were puritanically afiected, refufed
obedience, and were punifhed by fafpenfion or deprivation. The differences be-
twixt the fects were before fufficiently great ; nor was it neceflary to widen them
farther by thefe new inventions.
Soemz encouragement and protection, which the King and the bifhops gave to
wakes, church-ales, bride-ales, and other cheerful feftivals of the common people,
were the objects of like fcandal to the puritans.
Tuts year, Charles made a journey into Scotland, attended by his court, in
order to hold a parliament there, and to pafs thro’ the ceremony of his coronati-
on. The nobilityand gentry of both kingdoms rivaled each other, in exprefling
all duty and refpect to the King, and in marking mutual friendfhip and regard to
Vou. I. Dd each
Chap. If.
1633.
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1634.
Ship-money.
240 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
each other! No one could have fufpected, from exterior appearances, that fuck
dreadful fcenes were approaching. |
One. chief article of bufinefs (for it deferves the name) which the King trantf-
acted in this parliament, was, befide the obtaining fome fupply, to procure aitho-
rity for ordering the habits of clergymen. The act. pafled not without: oppofition
and difficulty. The dreadful furplice was before men’s eyes; and they appre-
hended, with fome reafon, that, funder. fanction of. this law, it would foon be in-
Tho’ the King believed, that his prerogative intitled
him to a general power ef directing whatever belonged to the external. governs
ment.of the church; this was efteemed a matter of too great importance to be
ordered without the fanction of a particular ftatute. |
IMMEDIATELY after the King’s return to England, he heard of Archbifhop
Abbot’s death: And, without delay, he conferred that dignity on his favorite,
Laud; who, by this acceflion of authority, was now enabled to maintain ec-
clefiaftical difcipline with greater rigor, and to aggravate the general difcontent of
the nations
Tue bifhopric.of London, Laud obtained for his friend, Juxon; and, about
a year after Portland’s death, had intereft enough to have that prelate made Lord
high treafurer. _Juxon wasa perfon of great integrity, mildnefs, and humanity,
and endued with a good underftanding : Yet did this laft promotion give general
difcontent. His.birth and character were too obfcure for aman raifed to one of
the higheit offices of the crown. And the clergy, jt was thought, were already
too much elated by former inftances of the King’s attachment to them, and
needed ‘not this farther encouragement to infult and tyrannize over the laity.
The puritans, likeways, were much diffatisfied with Juxon, notwithftanding all
his eminent virtues ;.. becaufe he was a lover of protane field-fports and hunting,
troduced among them.
SHI P-MONEY: was now. introduced. The firft writs of this kind-had been only
directed to feaport-towns: But fhip-money was at this time levied from the whole .
kingdom; ;and each county was rated at a particularfum, which was afterwards
affeffed upon individuals. The amount of the whole tax was very moderate, lit;
tle exceeding 200,000}; it was diftributed upon the people with juftice and e-
quality ; and this money was intirely expended upon the navy, to the great ho-
nor and advantage of the kingdom =. Yet all thefe circumftances could not recon;
cile the people to the impofition. It was intirely arbitrary: By the fame right,
any other tax might be impofed:.. And men efteemed a powerful fleet,. tho? very
defireable, but a poor recompence for all their liberties, which were thus facri
- ficed to the obtaining it.
ENGLAND
CAH ASR ie Ex i
err any ee ee
A a ee
a i ea Fe “3
os
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ot ee eed Te
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wry
2636,
ttre a lO a a
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
2i2 -
This fine was efteemed exorbitant; but whether it was compounded, as was ufual
infines impofed by the ftar-chamber, we are not informed.
Atiinson had reported, that the Archbishop of Yorke had incurred the King’s
diipleafure, by afking a limited toleration to the catholics, and an allowance to
build fome churches for the exercife of their religion. for this flander againtt the
Archbifhop, he was condemned in the ftar-chamber to a fine of tooo pound, to
be committed to prifon, bound to his good behavior during life, to be whipped,
to be fet on the pillory at Weftminfter, and in three other towns of England,
Robins, who had been an accomplice in the guilt, was condemned: by a fentence
equally fevere. Such events are rather to be confidered as rare and detached ins
{tances, collected by the fevere fcrutiny of hiftorians, than as proofs of the pres
wailing genius of the King’s adminiftration.
CHARLES had imitated the example of Elizabeth and James, and‘ had iffued
proclamations forbidding the landed gentlemen and the nobility to live idly in
London, and ordering them to retire to their country-feats. For difobedience ta
this edi&, many were indicted by the attorney-general, and were fined in the ftars
chamber. This -occafionéd difcontents, and the fentences were complained of, as
illegal. But if proclamations had authority, of which no body pretended to
doubt ; muft they not be put in execution? In no mftance, I muft confefs, does i
more evidently appear, what confufed and uncertain ideas were, during that age,
entertained concerning the Englifh conftitution.
Ray, having tranfported fuller’s earth, contrary to the King’s proclamation,
befide the pillory, was condemned in the ftar-chamber toa fine of 2000 pound.
Like fines were levied on Terry, Eman, and others, for difobeying a proclama-
tion, which forbad the exportation of gold. | In arder-to account for the fubfe-
quent convulfions, €ven thefe incidents are not to be overlooked, ‘as frivolous or
contemptible. Such feverities as thefe, were afterwards magnified into the sereatelt
enorimities. - |
THERE remains a proclamation of this year, forbidding hackney-coaches to.
ftand in theftreet. Weare told, that there were not above twenty coaches of
that kind in Londen, There are, at, prefent, above a thoufand.
Tue effects of fhip-money began now toappéar. A formidable fleet of fixty
fail, the greateft, which England had ever known, was equipped under the Bark
of. Northumberland, who had orders to attack the herring-buthes of -the Dutch,
which fifhed in what were called the Britith feas. The Dutch were contented to
pay 30,000 pound for a licence during this year. They openly denied, however,
this
on eee, ee Os Oy: 214
this claim of dominion in the feas, beyond the friths, bays, aid {horess; and it inl oe
muit be Owned, that the laws of nations do not warrant any farther pretenfion: ae
Burton adivine, and Baftwick a phyfician, were tried in the ftar-chamber 1037.
for feditious and fchifinatical libels, and were condemned to the fame punifhment,
which had been inflicted on Prynne. Prynne himfelf was tried for a new offence ;
and, along with another fine of s000 pound, was condemned to tofe what re-
mained of his ears. Befide, that thefe writers had attacked, with great feverity,
and even an intemperate furious zeal, the ceremonies, rites, and government of
the church; the very anfwers, which they gave in to the court, were fo full of
contumacy and of -invectives againit the prelates, that no lawyer could be prevail-
ed with to fign them. The rigors however, which they underwent, being fo
unworthy men of their profeflion, gave general offence; and the patience, or ra-
ther alacrity, with which they fuffered, imcreafed till farther the indiynation of
the public.. The feverity of the ftar-chamber, which was generally afcribed to
Laud’s vindictive difpofition, was, perhaps, in itfelf, fomewhat blamneable ; but will
naturally, to us, appear enormous, who enjoy, to the full, that liberty of the prefs,
which is fo neceflary in every monarchy, confined by legal Jimitations. But as
thefe limitations were not regularly fixed during the age of Charles, nor at any
time before; fo ‘was the freedom of fpeech totally unknown, and was generally
efteemed, as well as religious toleration, incompatible with all good governnient:
No age rior nation, among the méderns, had ever fet ati example of fiich indul-
gences:. And it feems unreafonable to judge of the ineafutes, embraced during
one period, by the maxims which ‘prevail in another.
Burton in his book, complaining of innovations, mentioned among others; that
a certain Wednefday had been appointed fora fat, atid that the fat was ordered
to be celébratéed without any fermons: The intention, as he pretended, of that
novelty was, by the example of ‘a fatt without fermions, to fapprefs all the Wed-
nefday’s lectures in London. ’Tis obfervable, that the ehrch ef Rome dnd that of
England, being, both of them, lovers of form and ceremony and order, are more
friends to prayer than preaching ;. while the puritani¢al fectavies, who find, that
the latter method of addrefs, being diréfted to ‘a numerous audience prefent and
vifible, is more inflaming end animating, have always regarded it ag the chief
part of divine fervice. Such cireumfances, tho” minute, it may rot be impro:
per to tranfmit to pofterity 5 that thofe, who are ciitious of tracing the hiftory
of the human mind, may temark, how far its feveral exeravagancies and fingula-
rities concur in different ages,
CERTAIN
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214 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
SS
—
Chap. Il. Cer tary zealots had erected themfelves into a fociery. for buying, in of, im-
oP propriations, and transferring them to the church; and great fums of money had
been left to the fociety for thefe pious purpofes. But it was {oon obferved, that
the only ufe which they made of their funds, was to eftablifh lecturers in all the
confiderable churches; men, who, without fubjection to epifcopal authority, em-
ployed themfelves entirely in preaching and in fpreading the fire of puritanifm.
Laud took care, bya decree, which was paft. im the court of exchequer, and
which was much complained of, ‘to abolith this fociety, and to ftop their pro-
crefs. It was, however, 4till obferved, that, thro’out England, the lecturers were,
all of them, puritanically affected : and from them the clergymen, ,who content-
ed themfelves with: reading prayers and homilies to the people, commonly reccl-
ved the reproachful appellation. of dumb dogs. |
Tue puritans, reftrained in England, {hipped themfelves off for America, and
laid there the foundations of a government, which poffeffed all the liberty, both
civil and religious, of which they found. themfelves- deprived. in their native
country. But their enemies, unwilling that they fhould any where enjoy cafe
and contentment, and dreading, perhaps, the dangerous confequences of fo dif-
affected a colony, prevailed with the King to iffue a proclamation, debarring
thefe devotees accefs even into thofe inhofpitable defarts. Eight fhips, lying in
the Thames, and ready to fail,..were {tayedeby.order of the council 5 and in thefe
were embarked Sir Arthur Hazelrig, John Hambden, and Oliver Cromwel *, who
had refolved for ever to abandon their native country, and fly to the other extre-
mity of the globe; where they might enjoy lectures and difcourfes of any length
_ or form which pleafed them... The King had .afterwards full leizure to repent
this exercife of his authority.
Tue bifhop of ‘Norwich, by the rigorous infifting on uniformity, -had_ba-
nifhed many induftrious tradef{men from that city, and chaced them into Holland.
The Dutch began to be more intent on commerce than on orthodoxy; . and
thought that, ufeful arts and obedience to the laws formed a good citizen; tho’
attended with errors in fubjects, where it is not allowable for human. nature to ex:
pect any pofitive truth or certainty.
ComPpLAints about this time were;made,, that the petition of right.was, im
fome inftances, violated, and that, upon a commitment by the King and council,
bail or releafements had been refufed to Jennings, Pargiter, and Danvers.
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Williams, bifhop of Lincoln, a man of great fpirit and learning, and a very
popular prelate, who had been Lord: keeper,’ was fined 10,000: pound, commit:
ted to the tower during the King’s pleafure, aud fufpended from. his office, This
fevere
* Mather’s Hiftory of New-England, book 1. Dugdale, Bates.
CSHTA RAD ko sy -ir. 2t5
fevere fentence was founded on very frivolous pretexts, and was more af cribed ¢o
Laud’s vengeance, than ‘to any ‘guilt of the bifhop. “Laud, however, had owed
his firft promotion entirely to the good offices of that prelate with King James.
But {fo implacable was the haughty primate, that he raifed upa new profecution
againft Williams, on the ftrangeft pretext imaginable. In order to levy the fine,
fome officers had been fent to feize all the furniture and books of his epifeopal pa-
lace of Lincoln 5. and ‘in rummaging the houfe, they found in a corner fome ne-
glected letters, which had been: thrown’b , as ufelefs.. Thefe letters were wrote
by One Ofbaldiftone, a {choolmafter, ' and were directed to Williams. Mention
was there made of a /ts/e great man; and in another pafflage, the fame perfon
was denominated 2 (ttle urchin. By inferences and conitructions,. thefe epithets
were applied to Laud; and on no better foundation was Williams tried anew, as
having received fcandalous letters, and not difcovering that private correfpond-
ence. For this offence,. another fine of 8000 pound was levied-on-him by a fen:
tence of the ftar-chamber : Ofbaldiftone was likeways brought to trial; and con-
demned to a fine of 5000 pound, and.to have his-ears nailed to the pillory: before
his own fchool. . He faved himfelf by flight ; and left a note in his {tudy, where.
he faid, “ That he was gone beyond Canterbury.”
In a former trial, which Williams underwent, {fer thefe two were not the
firft) there was mentioned, in court, a ftory, which, as it marks the genius of
parties, may be worth reciting. Sir John Lambe, urging him to profecute the
puritans, the prelate afked, what fort of “people thefe fame puritans were ? Sir
John. replied, “¢ That to the world they feemed to be fuch as would not fwear,
“whore, nor be drunk.; but they would lye, cozen,. and deceive: That they
‘* would frequently hear two fermons a-da » and repeat-them too, and that fome:
“* times they would fafteall day-long.” ‘Fhis character muft be conceived to be
fatyrical; but yet, it may be allowed, that that {eG was more averfe to fuch
irregularities as proceed from the excefs of gaiéty and pleafure, than to thofe e-
hormities, which are the moft deftructive of fociety. The for
fite to the very genius and {pirit of their: religion; the ]
gteflion.of its precepts: And it was not difficult for
vinee himfelf, that, a. ftrie obf
of the other..
In. 1632, Lord treafurer Portland had -infifted w
fhould fubmit toa tax of 4
mer were Oppo-
atter were only a tranf-
a gloomy enthufiaft to con-
rvance of the one would attone for any violation
ith the vintners, that they
penny a-quart, upon all the wine which they
retailed. But ‘this: they utterly refufed. In order to punifh them, a decree
fuddenly, without enquiry or examination; paffed’in* the {tar-chamber, forbid.
ding them to fell or drefs:\wieeyals in their houfés.: “Two ‘years after, they.
were
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Chap. IIf.
1037.
‘the fubfequent years, with
the matter, and fubmitted to p
of GREAT BRITAIN.
216 HISTORY
were queftioned for: breach of this deesee; and in order to avoid puniliment,
they agreed to lend the King fix thoufand pound. Being threatened, . during
| fines and profecutions, they at laft compounded
ay half the duty, which was at firf demanded
It required little forefight to perceive, that. the King’s right of
ations mult, if profecuted, draw on a power of taxation.
LILBURNE was accufed before the (tar-chamber, of publishing and difperfing
feditious pamphlets. He was ordered to be examined; but refuted to take the
oath, wfual in that court, that he-would anfwer interrogatories, by which he
might be led to accufe himfelt. For this contempt, as it was interpreted, he
was condemned to be whipped, pilloried, and imprifoned. While he was whipped
at the cart, and fkood on the pillory, he. harangued: the: populace, and: declaimed
violently againit the tyranny, of bifhops. From his pockets. too he feattered pam-
phiets, {aid to. be feditious ; because, 1 fuppofe, they attacked the hierarchy,
The ftar-chamber, who were fitting; at. that very time, ordered him immediate-
ly to be gagged. He ceafed not however, tho’ both gagged and pilloried, to
{ftamp with his foot and geftieulate, in order to fhow the people; that, # he
had it in his power, he would {till harangue them. He was brought to his trial
anew, and condemned to be imprifoned: in: a dungeon, and to be loaded with
‘rons. It was found very difficule to break the fpirits of men, who placed both
their honor and their confcience in fuffering.
Tue jealoufy of the church appeared in another inftance lefs. tragical. . Archy,
the King’s fool, who, by his office, had the privilege of jefting on his mafter,
and the whole court, happened unluckily to try his wit upon Laud, - whe was
too facred a perfon to. be played with. News having arrived from Scotland of
the firft commotions excited by the liturgy, Archy, fecing the primate pafs by,
called to him, Whe’s fool now, my Lord: ¥orthis offence, Archy was ordered,
to have his coat: pulled over his head, and to be dit-
o
++ AY
of them.
Wuing procian
by fentence of the council;
miffed the King’s fervice.
HWexeE is another inftance of that rigorous fubjection, in which all men were
held by Land. Some young gentlemen of Lincolns inn, heated by their cups,
having drank confufion, to the Archbifhop, at his. inftigation were cited before
the ftar-chamber. They applied to the Earl of Dorfet for proteétion. Who
bears witne/s againft you? faid Dorfet. One of the drawers, they replied. W here
did. he fland, when you were fuppofed to drink this health ¢ fubjoined. the Earl. He
was at the door, they replied, going out of the room. Tufo! cxied hes the draw.
er was miftaken: You. drank ta the confufion of the Avohbifhop of Canterbury's ene-
mies ; and the fellow was gone before you pronounced; the loft word, ~This hint fup-
plied
98 #1 WAR ST Bros y ot: 217
plied the young gentlemen with a new way of defence: And being advifed by Chap. Iz.
Dorfet to behave with great humility and fubmiflion te the primate; the mode- 1037.
{ty of their carriage, the ingenuity of their apology, along with the patronage
of that noble Lord, faved them from any feverer.punifhment than a reproof and
admonition, with which they were difmiffed.
Tuts year, John Hambden defervedly acquired, by his fpirit and courage, u- Trial of
niverfal popularity thro’out the nation, and has merited great renown with pofte- mae,
rity for the bold ftand, which he made, in defence of the laws and conftitution
of his country. After the laying on of fhip-money, Charles, in order to dif-
courage all oppofition, had propofed the queftion to the judges; ‘* Whether, in
“a cafe of neceflity, for the defence of the kingdom, he might:not impofe this
“taxation, and whether he was not fole judge of the neceflity?” Thefe guardi-
ans of law and liberty replied, with great complaifance, “‘ That in a cafeof ne-
‘€ ceflity he might impofe that taxation, and that he was fole judge of the ne-
“* ceflity.” Mr. Hambden had been rated at twenty shillings for an eftate, which
he held in the county of Buckingham: Yet notwithftanding this declared opini-
on of the judges, notwithftanding the great power, and fometimes rigorous
maxims of the crown, notwithftanding the little profpect of relief from parlia-
ment ; he refolved, rather than tamely fubmit to fo illegal an impofition, to ftand
legal profecution, and expofe himfelf to all the indignation of the court.” ‘The
café was argued during twelye days, in the exchequer-chamber, before all the
judges of ‘Eingland 5° and the nation‘regatded, with the utmoft anxiety, every
circum{tance of this celebrated trial. The event was eafily forefeen: But the
principles and reafonings and behavior of all the parties, engaged in the trial,
were much canvafled and enquired into; and nothing could equal the favor paid
to the one fide,’ except the-hatred, which attended the other. is
Ir was urged by Hambden’s council, ' that the plea of neceflity was%in vain int
troduced into a’trial of law ; “fince it was the nature of neceflity to abolifh all Jaw,
and, by irrefiftible violence, to diffolve’all the weaker and more artificial ties of
human fociety.” Not only the prince, in cafes of extreme diftrefs, is exempted
from the ordinary rules of vadminiftration: All orders of men are then levelled
and: any individual may confult‘the pablic fafety by any expedient, which his ft
tuation.cnables him toemploy. But to produce fo violent an effect, and fo ha-
zardous to every: community, an ordinary danger: or dithcuity is not fufficient ;
much lefs; a neceflity;»which is merely factitious and pretended. . Where the pe-
ril is urgent and extreme, ‘it will be palpable to every member of. the fociety ;
and tho’ all antient rules of government are in-that cafe abrogated, men will rea:
dily, of themfelvesy)fubmit. to that irregular authority, © which. is exerted for
Vou. I. | Ke their
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218 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
their prefervation. But what is there m common betwixt fuch fuppofitions, and
the prefent condition of the nation? England enjoys a profound peace with all
herneiehbors: And what is more, all her neighbors are’ engaged m furious and
bloody wars among themfelves, and by their mutual enmitics farther enfure her
tranquillity. The very writs themfélves, which are iffued for the levying of thip-
money, contradict the fuppofition of neceflity, and pretend only, that the feas
aré infefted with pyrates; a dflight and temporary inconvenience, which may well
wait a legal fupply from parliament. The writs likeways allow feveral months
for equipping the dhips; which marks a very calm and deliberate fpecies of nes
cefliity, and one that admits of delay much beyond the forty days requifite for
fummoning that affembly. Tis ftrange too, that an extreme neceflity; which
is always apparent, and ufually comes to a fudden crifis, fhould now have conti-
nued, without interruption, for near four years, and fhould have remained, du-
ring fo long a time, invifible to the whole kingdom. And. as to the pretenfion,
that the King is fole judge of the neceflity; what is this, but to fubject all the
privileges of the nation to his arbitrary will and pleafure? To expect that the
public will be convinced by fuch reafoning, mutt aggravate the géneral indigna-
tion; by adding, to violence againft men’s perfons and their property, fo cruel
a mockery of their underftanding.
Ix moft national debates, tho’ the reafons may not be equally ballanced, yet. are
there commonly fome plaufible topics, which "may be pleaded even in favor of
the weaker fide; fo complicated are all human affairs, and fo uncertain the con-
fequences of every public meafure: But it muft be confefled, that, in the pre-
fent cafe, nothing of weight can be thrown into the oppofite fcale. The im-
pofition of fhip-money, is apparently the moft avowed and moft dangerous irva-
fion of national privileges, not only which Charles was ever guilty of, but which
the moft. arbitrary princes in England, ince any liberty had been afcertained to
the people, had ever ventured upon. tn vain, were precedents of ,antient writs
produced: Thefe writs, when examined, were only found. to require -the fea-
ports, fometimes. at their own charge, fometimes at the,charge of the countics,
ro fend their fhips for the defence of the nation. Even the prerogative, which
empowered the crown to iffue fuch writs; was abolifhed, , and its exercife almoft
entirely difcontinued, from the time of Edward III.-and all the authority, which
remained or was afterwards exerted, was to prefs fhips into the public fervice,
to be payed for by the public. How wide were thefe precedents from a power
of arbitrarily obliging the people, at their own charge, to build new fhips,
to viciual and pay them, for the public; nay to furnifh money to the crown
for that purpofe? What fecurity either againft the farther extenfion of . this
claim,
=
- Cia saan See
a
SREHTAAGR © FE sy a8 219
claim, or againft employing to other purpofes the public money, fo levied? The
plea of neceflity would warrant any other taxation as well as that of fhip-
money ; and it was difficult to conceive the kingdom in a fituation, where that
plea could be urged with lefs plaufibility than at prefent. And if fuch maxims
and fuch practices prevail; what has become of national liberty? What autho-
rity isteft to the great charter, to the ftatutes, and.to that very petition of riglit,
which,.in the prefent reign, had been fo folemnly enacted, by the concurrence
of the whole legiflature !
NoTWITHSTANDING all thefe reafons; the proitituted judges, four except-
ed, gave fentence in favor of the crown. Hambden, however, obtained by
the trial the end, for which he had fo generous facrificed his fatery, and his
quiet : The people were rouzed from their lethargy, and faw plainly the chains,
which were prepared for them. — Thefe national queftions were canvafled in eve-
ry company; and the more they were examined, the more evidently did it.ap-
- pear to many, that the conftitution was totally fubverted, and an wnufual and
arbitrary authority exercifed over the Kingdom. © Slavifli principles, they faid,
concurred with illegal practices 5 ecclefiaftical tyranny gave aid to civil ufurpa-
tion ; iniquous taxations were fupported by arbitrary punifhments; and the whole
rights of the nation, tranfmitted thro’ fo many ages, fecured by fo many laws,
and purchafed by the blood of fo many heroes and patriots, now lay proitrate at
the feet of the monarch. What tho’ public peace and national induftry en-
crealed the commerce and opulence of the kingdom? This advantage was tems
porary, and due alone, not to any encouragement given by the crown, but to
the fpirit of the Englifh, the remains of their antient freedom. What tho’ the
_perfonal character of the King, amid all his mifguided councils, might merit in-
dulgence, or even praife? He was but one man; and the privileges of the nati-
on, the inheritance of millions, were too valuable to be facrificed to his preju-
dices and miftakes. Such, or more fevere, were the fentiments promoted ‘by a
great party in the nation: And to redrefs thefe grievances, a parliament was im-
patiently longed for; or any other incident, however calamitous, which might
fecure the people againit thofe oppreffions, which they felt, or the greater ills,
which they apprehended, from the combined encroachments of ¢hurch and ftate,
Ke 2 CHAP,
Chap. IIT.
1637.
40475
Difcontents in
Scortand,
220 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
© vA Poa.
Introduétion of the canons and hturgy.—_A
The covenant. A general affembly. E-
pifcopacy abolifhed. War.—-—A pacification. ——Renewal of the
war. Fourth Englifh parliament. Diffolution. Difcontents in
England.——Rout at Newburn.——Treaty at Rippon. Great coun=
cil of the peers.
Difcontents in Scotland.
tumult at Edinburgh.
‘HE grievances, under which the Englifh labored, when confidered in them~
felyes, fcarce deferve the name; nor were they either burthenfome on.
the people’s revenues, or any way fhocking to the natural humanity, of man-
kind. Even the taxation of fhip-money, independent of the confequences, was
rather an advantage to the public; by the judicious ufe, which the King made of
the money, levied by that expedient. And tho’ it was juftly apprehended, that
fuch precedents, if patiently fubmitted to, would end ina total difufe of par-
liaments, and in the eftablifhment. of ar _of arbitrary.authority ; ; Charles dreaded no.
oppofition from the people, who are not commonly much affected with. confe-
quences, and require. fome ftriking motive, to engage them into refiftance of
eftablithed government. All ecclefiaftical affairs were fettled by law and uninter-
rupted precedent; and the church was become. a confiderable barrier to the
power, both legal and illegal, of the crown. Peace too,, induftry, com-
merce, opulence, along with juftice and lenity of adminiftration ;.. All thefe were
fully enjoyed by the people; and. every other blefling of government,, except
liberty, or rather the prefent exercife of liberty and its proper fecurity. It feem-
ed probable, therefore, that affairs might long have continucd on the fame foot-
ing in England; had-it net been for the neighborhood of Scotland; a country,
more turbulent, and lefs difpofed to fubmiffion and obedience. . It was aoe thence
the commotions firft arofe; and ’tis therefore time for us to return thither, and:
to give an account of the fituation of that country.
Tuo’ the pacific, and. not unfkilful, government of James, and the great
aithority, which he had aequired, had much allayed the feuds among the great
families, and had eftablifhed law and order thro’out the whole kingdom; the
nobility were {till poffufled of the chief power and influence over the people.
This
CH ALARSL BS I. 221
Their property was very extenfive ; their hereditary jurifdictions and the feudal
tenures increafed their authority ; ‘and the attachment of the gentry to the heads
of families ettablifhed a kind of voluntary fervitude under the cheiftains. Be-
fide that long abfence had much loofened the King’s connexion with the nobility,
who refided chiefly in the country ; they were, in general, at this time, tho’ from
flight caufes, very much difguited with the court. Charles, from the natural
piety or fuperftition of his temper, was extremely attached to the ecclefiaftics :
And as it is natural for men to perfuade themfelves, that their intereft lies in con-
formity to their inclination ; he had eftablifhed it as a fixed maxim of policy, to
increafe the power and authority of that order, The prelates, he thought, e-
{tablithed regulatity and difcipline among the clergy; the clergy inculcated obe-
dience and loyalty among the people: And as that rank of men had:no feparate
authority, and no dependance but on the crown; the royal power, it would
feem, might, with the greateft fafety, be entrufted in their hands. Many of the
prelates, therefore,. he. railed to the chief dignities of the ftate: Spotifwood,
Archbifhop of St..Andrews, was created chancellor: Nine of the bifhops were
privy counfellors: ‘The bifhop of Rofs afpired to the office of - treafurer : . Some
of the prelates poflefled places in the exchequer: And it was even endeavored
to revive the firft inftitution of the college of juftice, and to fhare equally betwixt
the clergy and laity the whole. judicative authority. Thefe. advantages, which
were pofleffed by the church, and which the bifhops did not always enjoy with
fuitable modeity, difgufted the haughty nobility, who, efteeming themfelves
fo much fuperior in rank and quality to this new order of men, were difplea
fed to find themfelves inferior in power and influence. — Intereft joined itfelf to
ambition ; and begot a jealoufy, left the epifcopal fees, which, at the refor-
mation, had been pillaged by the nobles, fhould again be suai at their ex-
pence. _ By.a moft»ufeful and. beneficent law, the impropriations had: already
been ravifhed from the great men: Power had been given to aflign, to the im-
poverilhed clergy, competent livings from the tythes of each parifh:. And what
remained, the proprietor of the land was impowered. to. purchafe at a low valua-
tion. ‘the King too, warranted by antient law. and pratice, had declared for
2 gericral refumption of all crown-lands, alienated by. his predeceflors ; and
tho’ he took no {tep towards the execution of this projeét, . the vexy pretenfich
to fuch power had excited jealoufy and difcontent..
NoTwiTusTAND1ING the tender.affection, which Charlés bore to the whole
church, he had been able in.Scotland, to acquire only the affeCtion of the fu-
perior att among the clergy. The minifters, in general, equalled, if not ex-
ceeded the nobility, in their prejudices againft the court, againft the prelates,
and
Chap. IV.
1637.
aw
ainda ae a ee ee
thet call MO a PT eel. Pedal tio ws 2.) Later
222 HISTORY of GREAT BRITAIN.
ae Chap. IV. .and again& epifcopal authority. Tho’ the eftablifhment of the hierarchy might
i | 1037+ feent advantageous to the inferior clergy, both as it erected dignities, to which
ie -all of them might afpire, and as it beftowed a luftre on the whole body, and
i | aes allured men of fartily into it; thefe views had no influence on the Scotch. ec-
BH AMiw alt jal vclefiattics. In the prefent difpofition of men’s minds, there was another circum:
eet tance, which drew corifideration, and counter-ballanced power and riches; the
Hee A | snfaal foundations of diftinétion among» men; and that was, the fervor of piety,
Wala | and the rhetoric, however barbarous, of religious lectures and difcourfes. Check-
-ed by the prelates in the licence of preaching, the clergy regarded epifcopal
jurifdiction both as a tyranny and an ufurpation, and maintained a parity among
i paftors to bea divine privilege, which no human law could alter or infringe.
He While fuch ideas prevailed, the moft moderate exercife. of authority would have
a ‘given difguft; much more, that unbounded power, which the King’s indul-
gence encouraged the prelates to affume.~~“Fhe jurifdiction of prefbyteries,
| fynods, and other democratical courts was, ina manner, abolifhed by the bis
| {hops ; and the general affembly itfelf had not been fumimoned for feveral -years,
A new oath was arbitrarily éxaéted of intrants, in which they fwore to obferve
the articles of Perth, and fubmit to the liturgy and canons. And in a word,
the whole fyftem of church government, during a courfe of thirty years, had
been changed, by means of the innovations introduced by James» and
Charles. i |
1a: th Tue people, under the influence of the nobility and clergy, could not fail to
Be martake of the difcontents, which prevailed among thefe two orders; and where
ee real grounds of complaint were wanting, they greedily laid hold of imaginary.
‘The fame horror againft popery, with which the Englifh puritans were poffeffed,
was. obfetvable among the populace in Scotland; and among thefe, as being
more uncultivated and uncivilized, feemed rather to’ be inflamed into a higher
degree of ferocity. The genius of réligion, which prevailed with the court
and prelacy, -was of an oppofite nature; and having fome affinity with the Ro-
mifh fuperftition, led them to mollify, as much as poffiblé, thefe fevere preju-
dices, and to {peak of the catholics im more charitable language, and with more
reconciling expreflions. ‘From ‘this foundation,’ 2 panic fedt’of. popery was eafi-
a ly raifed; and every new ¢éremony Or ornament, intfoduced inté divine fervice,
was part of that ereat myftery of iniquity, which, from the encouragement of
the King anid the bifhops, was to overfpread the’ nation. ' The few innovations,
which James had made, ‘wéie cOfifideted: as preparatives ‘to this ‘prand defign ;
and: the farther alterations, attempted by Charlcs, were teprefénted ‘as a plain de-
ea claration cof his intentiotis. And thro* the whole’ courfé’ of this réign, ‘nothing
ee eS | had
a ryt j ee te. ae
SCUHTAGR DB eid 223
had amore fatal influence, i both kingdoms, than this groundle{s apprehenfion,
which, with fo much induftry, was propagated, and with fo much credulity, was
embraced, by all ranks of men.
Amipst thefe dangerous complaints and terrors of religious grievances, the
civil and éecclefiaftical privileges of the nationswere imagined, and with {ome reu-
fon, not to be altogether free from invafion.
Tue eftablifhment of the high-commiffion by James, without any authority
of law, was an evident and a very confiderable encroachment of the crown ;
and erected the moft dangerous and arbitrary of all courts, ina manner equally
dangerous and arbitrary. +All the fteps towards the fettlement of epifcopacy had
indeed been taken with confent of parliament: The articles of Perth were con-
firmed in 1621: In 1633, the King:had obtained a general ratification of e-
very ecclefiaftical eftablifhment: But all thefe laws had lefs authority with the
nation, that they were known to have paffed contrary to the fentiments even of
thofe who voted for them, and were in reality extorted by the authority and im:
portunity of the fovereign. The méans, however, which both James and
Charles -had employed, ‘in order to influence the parliament, were intirely re-
gular; and no reafonable pretext had been afforded for reprefenting thefe laws as
null or invalid.
Bur there prevailed among the greateft part of the nation another principle,
of the moft important and. moft dangerous confequence, andwhich, if admitted,
deftroyed. intirely the validity of all fuch ftatutes.:: The ecclefiaftical . authority
was fuppofed tobe totally independent of the civil; and no act of parliament, .
nothing but the confent. of the chusch itfelf, was reprefented as fufficient ground
for the introduétion of any change in religious worfhip or difcipline.. And tho’
James had obtainedthe vote of aflemblies for receiving epifcopacy and his new
rites; it muft be confeffed, that fuch irregularities had prevailed in conftituting
thefe ecclefiaftical courts, and fuch violences in conducting: them, that there were .
fome grounds for denying the authority of all their acts.. Charles, fenfible, that
an-extorted confent, attended with fuch invidious circumftances; would rather be
prejudicial ‘to -his meafures,. had intirely laid afide the ufe .of aflemblies, and was
refolyed, in conjunction withthe -bifhops, to govern the church by an autho-
rity, which, in all things, he was apt:to extend beyond ifs. proper bounds, and
which, in oie tahiathicsl affairs, he believed abfolutely uncontrolable. .
Tue. King’s great aim was to compleat the work, fo happily begun by his ss
ther; to eftablith difcipline upon a regular fyftem of canons, to introduce a li-
turgy into public worfhip, and to render the ecclefiaftical government of all his .
kingdoms intirely regular and uniform. Some:yiews of policy might move him
te:
Chap. IV
1637.
224. HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
: MN I ij | | yp. 1; to this undertaking : But his chief motives were derived from principles of piety’
DS abi ear and confcience.
yaa prise Tue canons for eftablifhing ecclefiaftical jurifdiGion-were promulgated in 163 53
and liturgy. and by the nation were received, tho’ without much appearing oppofition, yet
with great inward difcontent and apprehenfion. Men felt difpleafure, at feeing the
royal authority fo highly exalted by.them, and reprefented as abfolute and un-
1 controlable. They faw thefe {peculative principles of defpotifm reduced to pra-
t Gtice, anda whole body of ecclefiaftical laws eftablifhed, without any previous
| confent either of church or-ftate: They dreaded, that, by a parity of reafon,
like arbitrary authority, from like pretexts.and principles; would be affumed in
civil matters: They remarked, that ‘the delicate boundaries, which feparate
| church and ftate, were already pafled, and many:civil-ordinances eftablifhed by
| the canons, under pretext of ecclefiaftical inititutions: And-they were apt to
ih ‘deride the negligence, with which thefe important ediéts had been compiled;
when they found, that the new liturgy or fervice-book was every where, under
fevere penalties, enjoined by, them,) tho’ it had not yet been compofed or pu-
lifhed. Itsvas, however, foon expected; and in the reception of it, as the
people’ are always moft affected by what is external and expofed to the fenfes,
it was apprehended, that the chief difficulty would confit. ,
THe liturgy,-which the King, from his own arbitrary authority, impofed
on Scotland, .was copied from. that..ofdingland+ But left a fervile imitation
hi ‘might fhock the pride of his antient kingdom, avery few alterations, in. order
Hy to fave appearances, were made upon it; and in that fhape it was tran{mitted to
the bifhops at Edinburgh. But the Scotch had. univerfally entertaimeda_ no-
tion, that, tho’ riches and worldly glory had been fhared,out to them with a
{paring hand, they could boaft offpiritual treafures more abundant and more ge-
nuine, than were enjoyed by any nation under heayen. ; Even their fouthern
itighbors, they thought, tho’ feparated from Rome, {till retained a great tintture
of the.primitive pollution; and their liturgy was reprefented as a {pecies of mafs,
tho’ with fome lefs fhow and embroidery. Great prejudices, therefore, were
entertained again{t it, even -confidered in itfelf; much more, when regarded
as a preparative, which -was foon to introduce into Scotland all the abominations
of popery. And asthe very few alterations, which diftinguifhed the new li-
turgy from the Englifh, feemed to approach nearer the doctrine of the real pre-
fence; this circumftance was efteemed an undoubted confirmation of every fu-
fpicion, with which the people were poffeffed.
By proclamation, Eafter-day was appointed for the firft reading of, the fervice
in Edinburgh : But in order to judge more furely of men’s difpofitions, the coun-
cil
StmauAtc as Ee Ss 1. 22%
cil delayed the matter, till the 23d of July; and they even gave warning, the
Sunday before, of their intention to commence the ufe of the new liturgy. As
no confiderable fymptoms of difcontent appeared, they thought, that they might
fafely proceed in their purpofe; and accordingly, in the cathedral church of
St. Gyles, the dean of Edinburgh, arrayed in his furplice, began the fervice;
the bifliop himfelf and many of the privy council being prefent. But no fooner
had the dean opened the book, than a multitude of the meaneft fort, moft of
them women, clapping their hands, curfing, and crying out, 4 pope! a pope!
antichrift'! fione him! raifed {uch a tumult, that it was impoflible to proceed with
the fervice. The bifhop, mounting the pulpit, in order to appeafe the popu-
lace, had a ftool thrown at him: The council were infulted: And it was with
difficulty, that the magiftrates, partly by authority, partly by force, were
able to expel the rabble, and to fhut the doors againft them. . The tumult, how-
ever, {till continued without: Stones were thrown at the doors and windows:
And when the fervice was ended, the bifhop,: going home, was attacked, and
narrowly efcaped from the hands of the enraged multitude. In the afternoon,
the Lord privy feal, becaufe he carried the bifhop in his coach, was fo pelted
with ftones, and hooted at with execrations, and preffed upon by the eager po-
pulace, that, if his fervants, with fwords drawn, had not kept them off, the
bifhop had run the utmoft hazard of his life.
To’ it was violently fufpected, thatthe low rabble, who alone appeared,
had been inftigated by fome of higher condition, yet no proofs of it could ever
be produced; and every one {poke with difapprobation of the licentioufnels of
the giddy multitude. It was not thought fafe, however, to hazard a new infult
by any new attempt to read the liturgy; and the populace feemed, for the
time, to be appeafed and fatisfied. But it being known, that the King itill
perfevered in his intentions of impofing that mode of worfhip, men fortified
themf{elves {till farther in their prejudices againft it; and great multitudes refort-
ed to Edinburgh, in order to oppofe the introduction of fo hated a novelty.
It was not long before they broke out into the moft violent diforder. The bi-
fhop of Galloway was attacked in the ftreets, and chaced into the chamber;
where the privy council was fitting. The council themfelves were Defieged and
violently attacked: The town-council met with the fame fates And nothing
could have faved the lives of all of them, but their application to fome popu-
lar lords, who protected them, and difperfed the multitude. In this fedition,
the actors were of fome better condition than in the former 3 tho’ no body of rank
feemed, as yet, to countenance them. |
Vor. I. Ff ALt
Chap. [V.
1637.
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Chap. Ty.
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1638.
yoth of Feb.
226 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
Aut men, however, began to unite and to encourage each other, im oppo-
fition.to the religious innovations, introduced into the kingdom. Petitions. te
the council were figned and prefented by perfons of the higheft quality: The
women took party, and, as is ufual, with great violence; The clergy, every
where, loudly declaimed againft popery and the liturgy, which they -reprefented
as the fame: The pulpits rang with vehement invectives againft antichrift; And
the populace, who firft oppofed the fervice, was often compared to Balaam’s afs;
an animal, in itfelf, ftupid and fenfelefs, but whofe mouth had been opened by
the Lord, to the admiration of the whole world. In fhort, religion mingling
with faction, private intereft-with the {pirit of liberty, fymptoms appeared, on
all hands, of the moft dangerous infurrection and diforder. |
Tue primate, 2 man of wifdom and moderation, who was all along averfe te
the introduction of the liturgy, reprefented to the King the ftate of the nas
tion: The Earl of Traquaire, Lord treafurer, went to London, in order to.lay
the matter more fully before him: Every circumftance, whether: the condition,
of England or of Scotland was confidered, fhould: have engaged him to. defift
from fo hazardous an attempt: Yet was Charles inflexible. In his whole. cons
duc& of this affair, there appear no marks of the good fenie, with which he:was
undoubtedly endowed: A lively inftance of that fpecies of character, {fo fre«
quently to be met with; where there are, found: parts and judgment in every
difeourfe and opinion; in many actions, indifcretion.and imprudence. Men’s
views of things are the refult of their underftanding alone: Their conduck 1s
régulated. by their underftanding, their temper, and their paflions.
To fo violent 2 combination of a whole kingdom, Charles had nothing to
oppofe but a proclamation ; where he pardoned all paft offences, and exhorted the
people to be more obedient for the future, and to fubmit peaceably to the liturgy.
This proclamation was in the inftant encountered publicly with a protedtation,
prefented by the Earl of Hume andLord Lindefey: Amd this was the firft time,
that men of quality had appeared in any.violent act of eppofition. But this proved
acrifis. The infurreétion, which had been advancing by a. gradual and flow
progrefs, now blazed out at once. No diforder, however, attended it. On
the contrary, anew order immediately took place. Four tables, as they were
called, were formed in Edinburgh. One confifted of nobility, another of gentry;
a third of minifters, a fourth of burgeffes. The table of gentry was divided in=
to many fubordinate tables, according to their different counties. In the
hands of the four tables, the whole authority of the kingdom was placed. Orders.
‘were iffued by them, and every where obeyed, with the utmoft regularity.
And
mee Pe ee LE BY, 227
And among the firft acs of their government was the produ@ion of Chap. IV.
the CovENANT. 1638.
Tuis famous covenant confifted firft of a renunciation of popery, formerly The covenant,
fioned by James in his youth, and compofed of the moft furious and moit viru-
lent invectives, with which any human beings had ever inflamed their breatt
to an unrelenting animofity againft their fellow creatures. There followed a bond
of union, by which the fubfcribers obliged themfelves to refift religious inno-
vations, and to defend each other again{t all oppofition whatever: And all
this, for the greater glory of God, and the greater honor and advantage of
their king and country. All ranks and conditions, all ages and fexes, flocked to
the fubfcription of this covenant: Few, in their judgment, difapproved of it;
and {till fewer dared openly to condemn it. . The King’s minifters and counfellors
themfelves were, moft of them, feized by the general contagion. And none
but rebels to God, and traitors to their country, it was thought, would withdraw
themfelves from fo falutary and fo pious a combination.
Te treacherous, the cruel, the unrelenting Philip, accompanjed with all
the terrors of a Spanifh inquifition, was fcarcely, during the preceding century,
oppofed in the low countries with more determined fury, than was now, by
the Scotch, the mild, the humane Charles, attended with his inoffenfive li-
turgy.
Tue King began to apprehend the confequences. He fent the Marquis of June
Hamilton, as commiflioner, with authority to treat with the covenanters. He
required the covenant to be renounced and recalled: And he thought, that on
his part he had made very fatisfactory conceflions, when he offered to fufpend |
the canons and the liturgy, till, in a fair and legal way, they could be received ; ad
and fo to model the high commiflion, that it fhould no longer give offence to a
his fubjeéts. Such ‘general declarations could not well give content to any,
much lefs to thofe who carried fo much higher their pretenfions. The covenanters
found themfelves feconded by the zeal of the whole nation. Above fixty thou-
fand people were aflembled in a‘tumultuous manner about Edinburgh. Charles.
poffeffed no regular forces in either of his kingdoms. And the difcontents in
England, tho’ fecret, were believed fo alban: that the King, it was thought,
would find it very difficult to employ in fuch a caufe the power of that nation.
The more, therefore, ‘the popular leaders in Scotland confidered their fituation,
the lefs apprehenfions did they entertain of royal power, and the more rigoroufly
did they infift on intire fatisfattion. In anfwer to Hamilton’s demand of renoun-
cing the covenant, they plainly told’ him, that they would fooner renounce their
baptiim: And the minifters invited the commiffioner himfelf to fubfcribe it ;
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Chap. IV.
1633.
a7th of Sep.
/
A general af-
fembly.
228 FHISZEORY Ori GREAT BRITAIN.
by informing him, “‘ With what peace and comfort it had filled the hearts”
‘¢ of all God’s people ; what refolutions and beginnings of reformation of man-
“© ners were fenfibly perceived in all parts of the nation, above any meafure
they had ever before found or could have expected; how great glory the
« Lord had received thereby ; and what confidence they had, that God would
<¢ make Scotland a blefled kingdom’’.
Ham1Lron returned to London: Made another fruitlefs journey, with new
‘conceflions, to Edinburgh: Returned again to London; and was immediate-
ly fent back with {till more fatisfactory conceflions. The King was now willing
intirely to abolifh the canons, the liturgy, and the high commiflion-court:
He was even refolyed to limit extremely the power of the bifhops, and was
content, if, on any terms, he could retain that order in the church of Scotland,
And to enfure all thefe gracious offers, he gave Hamilton authority to fummon
firft an affembly, then a parliament, where every national grievance might be
redreffed and remedied. ‘Thefe fucceflive conceflions of the King, which yet
came {till fhort of the rifing demands of the malecontents, difcovered his own
weaknefs, encouraged their infolence, and gave no fatisfaction. The offer,
however, of an aflembly and a parliament, in which they expected to be in-
tirely mafters, was very willingly embraced by all the covenanters.
CHARLES, perceiving what advantage his enemies had reaped from their
covenant, refolved to have a covenant-enmhis fide; and he ordered one to be
drawn up for that purpofe. It confifted of the fame violent renunciation of po-
pery above-mentioned ; which, tho’ the King did not approve it,he thought it
fafeft to adopt, in order to remove all the fufpicions, entertained againft him.
As the covenanters, in their bond of mutual defence againft all oppofition, had
been careful not to except the King ; Charles had formed a bond, which was an-
nexed to.this renunciation, and: which expreffed the fub{cribers duty and loyaity
to his Majefty. But the covenanters, perceiving, that this. new covenant was
only meant to weaken and divide them, received it with the utmoft feorn and
deteftation. And without delay, they proceeded to the modelling the future
affembly, from: which fuch great atchievements were expected. ea
Tue genius of that religion, which prevailed in Scotland, and which, eve>
ry day, was fecretly gaining ground in England, was far from inculcating de-
ference and fubmiffion to the: ecelefiaftics, merely asfuch: Or rather, by nou-
rifhing- in every individual, the wildeit. raptures and-extafies of devotion, it con+
fecrated, in a manner, every, inaividual, and, in his own: eyes, beftowed
a character on: him, much fuperier to what. forms and ceremenious inftitutions
could alone confer. The clergy of Scotland, tho’ fuch tumult was excited about
religious.
as v. ad. s
ele <2 > = s—
Re - - Mee es = tw + a — o> —_— - e ae -&@
.
Poot ATE L Bm Y «4. 229
teligious worfhip and difcipline; “were both poor, and in {mall numbers; nor
are they, in general, to be confidered, at leait in the beginning, as the ring-
leaders of the fedition,; which was raifed on their account. On the contrary,
the laity, apprehending, from feveral inftances, which occurred, a fpirit of mo-
deration in that order, refolved to domineer intirely in the aflembly, which was
fummoned, and to hurry on the ecclefiaftics by the fame furious zeal, with which
they were themfelves tranfported.
Ir had been ufual, before the eftablifhment of prelacy, for each prefbytery
to fend to the affembly, befide two.or three minifters, one lay-commiflioner; and,
as all the burroughs and univerfities fent likeways commiflioners, the lay-mem-
bers, in that ecclefiaftical court, very nearly equalled the ecclefiaftics.. Not on-
ly this inftitution, which James, apprehenfive of lay-zeal, had abolifhed, was
now revived by the covenanters: They alfo introduced an innovation, which
ferved itill farther to reduce the clergy to fubje@tion. | By an edict of the tables,
whofe authority was fupreme, a lay-elder, from each parifh, was ordered to at-
tend the prefbytery,.and to give his vote in the choice both of the commiflion-
ers and minifters, who fhould be deputed to. the affembly... As. it is not ufual
for the minifters, who are put in the lift of candidates, to claim a vote, the
whole elections, by that means, fell into the hands of the laity: The moft
furious of all ranks were chofen: And the more to overawe the clergy, a new.
device was fallen upon, of chufing, to every commiflioner, four or five lay-affef-
fors, who, tho’ they could have no vote, yet might interpofe with their counfel.
and authority in the aflembly..
Tue aflembly met at Glafgow: And, befide an infinite concourfe of people,
all the nobility and gentry of any family or intere{t, were prefent, either as
members, affeffors, or fpectators; and it, was apparent, that the refolutions,
taken by the covenanters, could here meet with no manner of oppofition. A
firm determination had been entered, into, of utterly abolifhing: epifcopacy ;
and as a preparative to it, there was laid before the prefbytery of Edinburgh,
and folemnly red in all the churches of the kingdom, an accufation againft : the
bifhops, as guilty, allof them, of herefy, fimony, bribery, perjury, cheat-
ing, inceft, adultery, . fornication, common fwearing, drunkennefs,. gaming,
breach of the fabbath, and every other crime, which had occurred tothe ac-
eufers. The bifhops fent a proteft, declining the authority of the affembly ; the
commiffioner too protefted again{t that court, as illegally conftituted and elect-
ed; and, in his Majefty’s name, diffolyed it. This meafure was forefeen,
and little regarded. The court {till continued to fit, and, to finifh their bufi-
nefs. The whole acts of affembly, fince the acceflion of James to the crown
of
Chap. IV;
1632.
aif of Nov.
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Chap. IV.
1638.
Epifcopacy
abolifhed.
1639.
Suge! Mabe eT Caan Dot ANE Dhue
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
of England, «were, upon pretty reafonable grounds, declared null and imyalid,
The aéts of parliament, which affected ecclefiaftical affairs, were fuppofed on
that very account, to have no manner of authority. And thus epifcopacy, the
high-commiffion, the articles of Perth, the canons, and the liturgy, were abs
olithed and declared unlawful: And the whole fabric, which James and Charles,
in a long courfe of years, had been rearing with fuch care and policy, fell at
once to the ground. The covenant too was ordered to be figned by every one,
under pain of excommunication.
Tue independance of the ecclefiaftical upon the civil power was the old pref.
byterian principle, which had been zealoufly adopted at the reformation, and
which, tho’ James and Charles had obliged the church publicly to difclaim it,
had fecretly been adhered to by all ranks of people. It was commonly afked,
whether Chrift or the King was fuperior: And as the anfwer feemed obvious,
it was inferred, that the affembly, being Chrift’s council, were fuperior, in
all fpiritual matters, to the parliament, who were only the King’s. But as
the covenanters were fenfible, that this confequence, tho’ it feemed to them
irrefragable, would not be affented to by the King; it became requifite to main-
tain their religious tenets by military force, and not to truft intirely to fuper-
natural affittance, of which, however, they held themfelves well affured. They
caft their eyes on all fides, abroad and at home, whence-ever they could expect any
aid er fupport.
Arrer France and Holland had entered into a league againft Spain, and
framed a treaty of partition, by which they were to conquer and to divide be-
twixt them the low-country-provinces, TEingland was invited, to preferve a neu-
trality betwixt the contending parties, while the French and Dutch fhould at-
tack the maritime towns of Flanders. But the King replied to d’Eiftrades, the
French ambaflador, who opened the propofal, that, he hada {quadron ready,
and would crofs the feas, if neceflary, with an army of 15,000 men, in or-
der to prevent thefe projected conquefts. This anfwer, which proves, that
Charles, tho’ he expreffed his mind with an imprudent candor, had, at laft,
acquired a juft idea of national interéft, irritated extremely Cardinal Richelieu ;
and in reyenge, that politic and entetprizing minifter carefully fomented the
firft commotions) in Scotland; and fecretly fupplied the covenanters with
moncy and arms, in order to fortify them in their oppofition againft theit
fovereign.
Bur the chief refource of the Scotch malecontents, was in themfelves, and
in their own vigor and ability. ‘No regular eftablifhed commonwealth could take
yutter meafures, or execute'them with greater promptitude, than did this tumul-
tuous
230
Clai tA RAD Bos {, 231
tuous combination, inflamed with bigotry for religious. trifles, and faction with=
out a reafonable object... The whole kingdom was, ina manner, engaged; and
the men of greateft ability, foon acquired the afcendant, . which their family-in-
tereft enabled them to maintain. The! Earl of Argyle, tho’ he long feemed to
temporize, Mad, at laft, embraced the covenant; andche became the chief lead.
er cf that party: A man equally fupple and inflexible, cautious and determined,
and entirely qualified to make a figure’ during a’ factious and turbulent period. The
Earls of Rothes, Caffils, Montrofe, Lothian, the Lords Lindefey, Loudon,
Yetter, Balmerino, diitinguished themfelves in that party. Many Scotch officers
had acquired reputation in the German wars, particularly under Guftavus; and
thefe were invited over to aflitt their country in’ lier prefent neceflity. The
command was entrufted to Lefly, a foldier of experience and ability. Forces
were regularly inlifted and difciplined. Arms were commiflioned and imported
from foreign countries. A few caftles, which belonged to the King; being un-
provided of victuals, ammunition, andgarrifons, were! foon feized on. And
the whole country, except a {mall part, where the Marquefs of Huntley {till ad-
hered to the King, being in the covenanters hands, was, in-a'very little tiie;
put into a tolerable pofture-of defence.
Tue fortifications of Leith were begun and’carried on. with great rapidity.
Befide the inferior fort, and’ thofe who labored for pay; incredible numbers of vor
lunteers, even noblemen and gentlemen, put their hand to:the work, and-efteem:
ed the moft abject occupation to be dignified by: the fanctity: of thecaufe. Woe
men too, of rank and condition,. forgetting the delicacy’ of their fex, and the
decorum of their character, were interminglediwith the loweft rabble ; and car-
ried, on:their fhoulders, the-rubbith, requifite for compleating the fortifications: *.
We muft not omit another: auxiliary/of the “covenanters, - and no inconfidera-
ble one ; a prophetefs, who was much followed !and admnired by all ranks of peo-
ple. Her name was Michelfon, a woman: full. of whimfies; partly hyfteérical,
partly religious; and inflamed with a zealous concern’ for the ecclefiattical difei:
pline of the prefbyterians. She fpoke but at certain times, and had often inter-
ruptions of days and-weeks: But when fhe began to renew her ecftafies; wart:
ing of the happy event was conveyed over the whole country, thoufands crowd-
ed about her houfe, and every word, which fhe uttered, was received with ve
neration, as the moft' facred oracles. The covenant was her perpetual theme.
The true, genuine covenant, fhe faid, was ratified in heaven: The King’s co-
venant was an invention of Satan: When fhe fpoke of Chrift, fhe commonly
called him by the name of the covenanting Jefus. Rollo, a popular preacher,
and
* Guthry’s Memoirs,
Chap. IV;
1039,
Wari
232 HISTORY of GREAT BRITAIN.
Hh GE Ht i Chap. 1V. and zealous covenanter, was her preat favorite ; and payed her, on his part, mo
| y with her, and {peak to
Tite | Ley lefs veneration. . Being defired by the fpectators to pra
tl Uh i | her, he anfwered; ‘‘ That he durft not, and that it would be ill manners in him
| I hae i | “* to fpeak, while his mafter Chrift was fpeaking in her *.’’
Ree CHarves had agreed to reduce epifcopal authority fo much, that it would no
a URE E longer have been of any fervice to fupport the crown ;, and this facrifice of his
a) ewn intereft he was willing to make, in order to obtain public. peace and
But he could not confent entirely to abolifh an order, which he
ai being of a chriftian church, as his Scotch fubjetts
| | thought it incompatible with that facred inftitution. This narrownefs. of. mind,
HWE | / if we would be impartial, we muft either blame or excufe equally on both fides ;
aa by and thereby anticipate, by a little reflection, that judgment, which time, by in-
tranquillit
efteemed as effential to. the
eee eR ee
ee
33.
=
te troducing new fuperftitions, will undoubtedly render quite familiar to poiterity.
ei So great was Charles’s averfion to violent and. fanguinary meafures, and fo
np {trong his affection to his native kingdom, that; it is probable, the contedft in
hi | his breaft would be nearly equal betwixt thefe laudable. paflions, and his attach-
1 i ment to the hierarchy. The latter affection, however, prevailed for the time,
and made him haften thofe military preparations, which he had projected for fub-
duing the refractory {pirits of the Scotch nation. By regular oeconomy, he had
not only payed all the debts contraéted during the Spanifh and French wars; but
(ee Ea. H had amaffed a fum of 200,000 pound, which he referved for any fudden exigen-
Oe ia on cy. The Queen had great intereft with the catholics, both from the fympathy
of religion, and from the favors and indulgences, which fhe had been able to pro-
cure them. She now employed her credit, and perfuaded them, that it was rea-
{onable to give large contributions, as a mark of their duty to the King, during
this urgent neceflity. A confiderable fupply was gained by this means, to the
great fcandal of the puritans, who were mightily offended at feeing the King on
fach good terms with the papifts, and repined, that others thould give what they
themfelves were difpofed to refufe him. 7
Charles’s fleet was formidable and well fupplieds» Having put 5000 land-for-
ces on board, he entrufted it to the Marquis of Hamilton, who. had orders to
co ee fail to the frith of Forth, and to caufe a diverfion in. the forces of . the malecon:
aa i ee tents. An army was levied of near 20,000 foot, and above 3000 horfe, and
mia ine be was put under the command of the Farl of Arundel, a Nobleman of great
ala uee family, but celebrated neither for military nor political abilities. The Earl of E{-
i if i fex, aman of ftrict honor, and extremely popular, efpecially among the foldiery;
A ean was appointed lieutenant-general: The Earl of Holland was general of the horfe,
The
Se oe emerges fos are
* King’s declaration at large; Burnet’s Memoirs of Hamilton.
PP A AOL es 62 Oy 23
‘The King himfelf joined the army, and had fummoned all the peers of England
to attend him. The whole had the appearance of a {plendid court, rather than
of a military armament; and in this fituation, carrying more fhow than real force
with it, the camp arrived at Berwic.
THe Scotch army was as numerous as that of the King, but inferior in caval-
ry: The officers had more reputation and experience and the foldiers, tho’ un.
difciplined and ill armed, were animated, as well by the national averfion to Eng-
land and the dread of becoming a province to their old enemy, as by an unfur-
mountable fervor of religion. The pulpits had extremely affifted the officers in
levying recruits, and had thundered out anathemas upon all thofe who went not
out to affjt the Lord againft the mighty. Yet fo prudent were the leaders of the
malecontents, that they immediately fent very fubmiflive meflages to the King,
and craved leave to be admitted to a treaty.
CHaRLeEs Knew, that the force of the covenanters was confiderable, their
fpirits high, their zeal furious ; and as they were not yet daunted by any ill fuc-
cefs,; no reafonable terms could be expected from them. With regard therefore
to a treaty, great difficulties occurred on both fides. Should he fubmit to the
pretenfions of the malecontents; befide that the prelacy muft be facrificed to
their religious prejudices; fuch a check would be given to regal authority, which
had, very lately, and with much difficulty, been thorowly eftablifhed in Scotland,
that he muft expect, for ever after, to retain, in that kingdom, no more than
the appearance of majefty. The great men, having proved, by fo fenfible a
trial, the impotence of law and prerogative, would return to their former licen-
tioufnefs: The preachers would retain their innate arrogance; and the people,
unprotected by juftice, would recognize no other authority, than that which
they found to domineer over them. England too, it was nich: to be feared,
would imitate fo bad an example ; and-having already-a {trong propenfity. towards
republican and puritanical factions, would expect, by the fame -feditious practices,
to attain the fame indulgence. To advance fo far, without bringing the rebels
to a total fubmiflion, at leaft to reafonable conceflions, was to promife them, in
all future time, an impunity for rebellion.
On the other hand, Charles confidered, that Scotland was never before, un-
der any of his anceftors, fo united, and fo animated in its own defence; and yet
had often been able to foil. or elude the force of England, combined heartily in
one caufe, and enured by long practice to the ufe of arms; How much greater
difficulty would he: fmd, at prefent, to fubdue by violence a people, enflamed by
religious prejudices; while he could only oppofe to them a nation, enervated by
Jong peace, and lukewarm im his fervice; or what was more to be feared, ma-
Vou. I. Gg ny
Chap. IV.
1639.
29. of May.
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Chap. IV.
5630.
234 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
ny of thenr engaged in the fame party with the enemy. Should the war be only
protracted beyond a fummer 5 and who could expect to finifh it in that period?
his treafure would fail him, and, for fupply, he muft have recourfe to an Eng-
lifh parliament, who, by fatal experience, he had ever found more ready to en-
croach on the prerogatives, than to aid the neceflities, of the crown. And what
sf he receive a defeat from the rebel army? This misfortune was far from im-
poflible. They were engaged in a national caufe, and ftrongly actuated by mif-
taken principles. His army was retained entirely by pay, and looked on the
quarrel with the fame indifference, which naturally belongs to mercenary troops,
without poffefling the difcipline, by which fuch troops are commonly diftinguifh-
ed. And the confequence of a battle loft, while Scotland was enraged and Eng-
land difcontented, was fo dreadful, that no motive fhould perfuade him to ven-
ture it.
Ir is evident, that Charles, by his precipitation and overfights, had brought
himfelf to fuch a fituation, that, whichever fide he embraced, his errors muft
be dangerous: No wonder, therefore, he was in great perplexity. But he did
infinitely worfe, than embrace the worlt party : For, properly fpeaking, he em-
braced no party at all. He concluded a fudden pacification, where it was ft
pulated, That he fhould withdraw his fleet and army; that, within eight and
forty hours, the Scotch fhould difmifs their forces ;. that the King’s forts: fhould
be reftored to him; his authority acknowleged; and a general affembly anda
parliament be immediately fammoned, in order to compofe all differences. . What
were the reafons, which engaged the King to admit fuch {trange articles of peace,
it is in vain to enquire: For there could be none. The caufes of that event
may admit of a more eafy explication. ,
THE malecontents had been very induftrious, in reprefenting to. the Enelith,
the grievances, under which Scotland labored, and the ill councils, which had
been fuggefted to their fovereign. Their liberties, they faid, were invaded:
The prerogatives of the crown extended beyond all former precedents + legal
courts erected: The hierarchy exalted at the expence of national privileges:
And fo many new fuperftitions introduced by the haughty tyrannical prelates,
as begot a juft fafpicion, that a-project was ferioufly formed: for the reftoration
of popery. The King’s conduct, furely, in Scotland, had been,. in every thing,
except in eftablifhing the ecclefiaftical ‘canons, much more legal and juftifiable,
than in England; yet was there fuch a general refemblance in the complaints of
both kingdoms, that the Englifh readily affented to all the reprefentations of the
Scotch malécontents, and believed that nation to have been driven, by oppreft-
en, into the yiolent councils, which they had embraced, So far, therefore,
from
CO4H- ARE. Ef S I. 235
from being willing to fecond the King in fubduing the free fpirits of the Scotch ;
they rather pitied that unhappy people, who had been reduced to thofe extremi-
ties: And they thought, that the example of fuch neighbors, as well as their
afliftance, might, fome time, be advantageous to England, and encourage her
to recover, by a vigorous effort, her violated laws and liberties. The gentry
and nobility, who, without attachment to the court, without command in the
army, attended in great numbers the Englifh camp, greedily feized, and pro-
pagated, and gave authority to thefe fentiments: A retreat, very little hono-
rable, which the Earl of Holland, with a confiderable detachment of the Englith
forces, had made before a detachment of the Scotch, caufed all thefe humors to
blaze up at once: And the King, whofe character was not fufficiently vigorous
nor decifive, and who was apt, from facility, to embrace haity councils, fud-
denly afiented to a meafure, which was recommended by all about him, and
which favored his natural propenfion to lenity and moderation towards the mif-
guided fubjects of his native kingdom. |
CHARLES, having fo far advanced in pacific meafures, ought, with a fteddy
refolution, to have profecuted them, and have fubmitted to every tolerable con-
dition, demanded by the affembly and parliament ; nor fhould he have recom-
menced hoftilities, but on account of fuch enormous and unexpected pretenfions,
as would have juftified his caufe, if poflible, to the whole Englifh nation. So
far, indeed, he adopted this plan, that he agreed, not only to confirm his for-
mer conceflions, of refcinding the canons, the liturgy, the high commiflion, and
the articles of Perth; but alfo to abolifh the order itfelf of bithops, for which
he had fo zealoufly contended. But this conceflion was gained by the utmoft vio-
lence, which he could impofe on his difpofition and prejudices: He even fecret-
ly retained an intention of feizing favorable opportunities, in order to recover
the ground, which he had loft: And one ftep farther he could not prevail with
himfelf to advance. The affembly, when it met, payed not due deference to
the King’s prepoffeflions, but gave full indulgence to their own. They voted
epifcopacy to be unlawful in the church of Scotland: He was willing to allow it
contrary to the conftitutions of that church. They ftigmatifed the liturgy and
canons, as popifh: He agreed fimply to abolifh them. They denominated the
high commiffion, tyranny: He was content to fet it afide. The parliament, who
fat after the affembly, advanced pretenfions, which tended to diminifh the civil
power of the monarch ; and what probably affected Charles much more, they
were proceeding to ratify the acts of affembly, when, by the King’s inftructions,
“Lraquaire, the commiflioner, prorogued them. Andon account of thefe claims,
G g 2 which
Chap. IV.
1639.
Auguft 17th,
®.
ad
7 ES? = tar
———- ——- - ——==
oes. ewe oer
ha jee ae.
236 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
Chap. IV. which might eafily have been forefeen, was the war renewed ; with great ad-
ath salle vantages on the fide of the covenanters, and difadvantages on that of the King.
No. fooner had Charles concluded the pacification without conditions, than
the neceflity of his affairs, and his want of money,. obliged him to difband his
army; and, as they had been held together by none but mercenary views, it was
not poffible, without great trouble, and expence, and lofs of time, again to af-
femble them. The more prudent covenanters had concluded, that their preten-
fions being fo contrary to the intereft, and {till more to the inclinations, of the
King, it was likely, that they would again be obliged to fupport their caufe by
arms; and they were therefore careful, in difmifling their troops, to preferve no-.
thing but the appearance of a pacific difpofition. The officers had orders to be
ready on the firft fummons: The foldiers were warned not to efteem the nation
fecure from an Englifh invafion: And the religious zeal, which animated all ranks
of men, made them immediately fly to their {tandards, as foon as the trumpet
was founded by their fpiritual and temporal leaders. The credit, which, in their
laft expedition, they had acquired, by obliging their fovereign to depart from
all his pretenfions, gave courage to every one, in undertaking this new enter-
prize.
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1640. The King with great difficulty, made fhift to draw together an army: But
foon found, that, all favings being gone,-and great debts contracted, his reyes
nues would be infufficient to fupport them. An Englifh parliament, therefore,
April 13th. formerly fo unkind and intractable, muft now, after above eleven years imter-
miffion, after trying many irregular methods of taxation, after multiplied dil-
sufts given to the puritanical party, be fummoned to affemble, amidft the moft
prefling neceflities of the crown. |
Tur Earl of Traquaire, had intercepted a letter, wrote to.the King of France.
by the Scotch malecontents 5 and had conveyed this letter to the King. Charles,
partly repenting of the large conceflions which he had made to the Scotch, ‘part-
ty difeufted at their frefl: infolences and pretenfions, feized this opportunity of
breaking with them. He had thrown into the tower, the Lord Loudon, com~
miffioner from the covenanters; one of the perfons who had.figned’ the treafon-
able letter: And he now laid the matter before the parliament, whom he hoped.
to inflame by the refentment, and alarm by the danger, of this application to @
foreign power. By the mouth of the Lord keeper, -Finch, he opened: up: his
wants, and informed them, that he had been able to affemble his army,. and to
fabfift them, not by any fevenue -which' he poffefled, but by: means of a large
debt of above 300,000 pound, which he had contracted, and for which he
had
4th Englifh
parliament.
had piven fecurity upon the crown-lands. . He reprefented, That it was neceflary
to grant fupply for the immediate and urgent demands of his military armaments;
that the feafon was far advanced, the time precious, and none of it muft be
loft in deliberation ; that tho’ his coffers were empty, they had not been ex-
haufted by unneceflary pomp, or fumptuous buildings, or any other kind of
magnificence; that whatever fupplies had been levied from his fubjects, had
been. employed for their advantage and prefervation, and like vapors arifing
out of the earth, and gathered into a cloud, had fallen in fweet and refrefhing
fhowers on the fame fields from which they had, at firft, been exhaled; that
tho’ he defired fuch immediate affiftance as might prevent, for the time, a to-
tal diforder in the government, he was far from any intention of precluding them
of their right to inquire into the ftate of the kingdom, and to offer him peti-
tions for the redrefs of their grievances; that as much as was poflible of this fea-
fon fhould be afterwards allowed them for that purpofe; that as he expected on-
ly fuch fupply at prefent as the current fervice neceffarily required, it would
be requifite to affemble them again next winter, when they would have full lei-
fure to conclude whatever bufinefs had, this feafon, been left imperfect and un-
finifhed ; that the parliament of Ireland had twice put fuch truft in his good in-
tentions as to grant him, in the beginning of the feflion, a very large fupply,
and had ever experienced good effeéts of the confidence repofed in him; and
that, in every circumitance, his people fhould find his conduct fuitable to a juft,
pious, and gracious king, and fuch as was calculated to promote an intire harmony
betwixt prince and parliament.
HowEveERr plaufible thefe topics, they made little impreffion on the houfe of
eontmons. By feveral illegal, and {till more fufpicious and imprudent. meafures
of the crown, and by the courageous oppofition, which particular perfons, amidit
dangers and hardfhips, had made to them, the minds of men, thro’out the nation,
had taken {uch a turn as to afcribe every honor to the refractory oppofers of the
King and the minifters. Thefe were the only patriots, the only lovers of their
country, the only heroes, and, perhaps too, the only true chriftians.. Ai rea-
fonable compliance with the court, was flavifh dependance ; 4 regard to the King,
fervile-flattery ; @ confidence in his promifes, fhameful proftitution. This gene:
ral ecaft of thought, which has, more or lefs, ‘prevailed in England, during a cen-
tury and a:half, and: which has been the caufe of much good and much ill in
public affairs, never predominated more than during the reign of Charles.. The
prefent houfe of comméns, being coempofed intirely of country-gentlemen, who
came into parliament with all their native prejudices about them) was. fure to con-
tain. a majority of thefe itubborn patriots.
AFFAIRS
Chap. IV.
‘1640.
238 HISTORY oF GREAT BRITAIN.
Chap. IV. AFFAIRS too, ‘by means of the Scots infurrection, and the general difcon~
104% tents in England, were drawing fo near a crifis, that the leaders of the houfe,
fagacious and penetrating, began to forefee the confequences, and to hope, that
the time, fo long withed for, was now come, when royal authority mutt fall
into a total fubordination to popular affemblies, and when public liberty muft
acquire a full afcendant. By reducing the crown to neceflities, they had hitherto
found, that the King had been pufhed into violent councils, which had ferved ex-
tremely the purpofes of his adverfaries: And by multiplying thefe neceflities, it
was forefeen, that his prerogative, undermined on all fides, muft, at laft, fuc-
cumb, and. be no longer dangerous to the privileges of the people. Whatever,
therefore, tended to compofe the differences betwixt King and parliament, and to
preferve the government uniformly in its prefent channel, was zealoufly oppofed
by thefe popular leaders; and their paft conduct and fufferings gave them credit
fufficient to effect all their purpofes.
’T1s the fituation which decides intirely of the fortunes and characters of men.
The King, it muft be owned, tho’ laudable in many refpects, was not endowed
with that mafterly genius, which might enable him to perceive, in their infancy,
the changes that arefe in national manners, and know how to accommodate his
conduct to them. He had not perceived, that his beft policy was not, by oppo-
fition, much lefs by invafions and encroachments, to enrage the republican fpirit
ofthe people ; but that:+he ought, by-gently-departing from fome branches of}
his hereditary authority, to endeavor, as far as poflible, to preferve the
reft from the inroads of his jealous fubjects. Still tenacious of hjs prero-
gative, he found, that he could not preferve the old claims of the crown without
affuming new ones: A principle fimilar to that which many of his fubjects feem:
to have formed with regard to the liberties of the people. |
Tue houfe of commons, therefore, moved by thefe and many other Civeiane
reafons, jnftead of taking notice of the King’s complaints againft his Scotch fub-
jects, or his application for fupply, entered immediately upon grievances; and a
fpeech, which Pym made them on that fubjeét, was much more hearkened to, than
that which the Lord keeper had delivered them in the name of their fovercigns
The fubject matter of it has been fufficiently explained above; where we gave
an account of all the grievances, real in the ftate, and imaginary in the church, of
which the nation, at that time, fo loudly complained. The houfe began with
declaring, a breach of privilege, the behavior of the fpeaker the laft day of the
former parliament ; when he refufed, on account of the King’s command, to put
the queftion. They proceeded next to examine into the imprifonment and pro-
fecution of Sir John Elliot, Hollis, and Valentine: The affair of fhip-money was’
canvafled
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canvaffed: And plentiful fubjec of inquiry was fuggefted on all hands. Griev-
ances were regularly claffed under three heads; thofe with regard to the privi-
leges of parliament, the property of the fubject, and religion. The King, feeing
a large and inexhauitible field opened, preffed them again for fupply ; and findin g
his meflage ineffectual, he came to the houfe of peers, and defired their good
oflices with the commons. .The peers were very fenfible of the King’s urgent ne-
ceflities ; and thought, that fupplies, on this occafion, ought, both in reafon and
in decency, to go before grievances.. They ventured to reprefent their fenfe of
the matter to the commons; but their interceflion did harm. The commons had
always claimed, as their peculiar province, the furnifhing money ; and, tho’ the
peers had gone no farther than offering advice, they immediately thought proper
to vote fo unufual and unprecedented an interpofal to be a breach of privilege.
Charles, in order to bring the matter of fupply to fome iffue, follicited the houfe
with new meflages: And finding, that the bufinefs of fhip-money gave great alarm
and difguft; befide informing them, that he never intended to make a conftani
revenue of it, that all the money levied had been regularly, along with. other
great fums, expended on equipping the nayy; he now went: fo.far as to offer the
abolifhing intirely that impofition, by any law which the commons fhould think
proper to prejent to him. In return, he afked only for his urgent neceflities, a fup-
ply of twelve fubfidies, about 600,000 pounds, and that payable in three years;
but, at the fame time, he let them know, that, confidering the fituation of his
affairs, adelay were equivalent to a denial: The King, tho’ the majority was
againft him, never had more friends in any houfe of commons ; and the debate
was carried on for two days, with great zeal and warmth on both fides.
Ir was urged by the partizans of the court, That the happieft occafion, which
the fondeft wifhes could fuggeft, was now prefented, of compofing all difguits
and jealoufies betwixt King and people, and of reconciling their fovercign,
for ever, to the ufe of parliaments. That if they, on their part, laid. afide all
enormous claims and pretenfions, and provided, in a reafonable manner, for the
public neceflities; they needed entertain no. fufpicion of any infatiable ambition or
illegal ufurpation in the crown. That tho’ due regard had not always been paid,
during this reign, to the facred rights of the people, yet. no invafion of them
had been altogether deliberate and voluntary ;. much lefs, the refult of wanton
tyranny and injuftice ; and {till lefs, of a formed defign to fubvert the conftitu-
tion. Fhat to repofe a reafonable confidence in the King, and generonfly fupp!ly
his prefent wants, which proceeded neither from prodigality nor mifconduc,
would be the true way to gain on his generous nature, and to extort, by a gentle
violence, fuch conceffions as.were requifite for the eftablifhment of public liberty.
Thag
Chap. IV.
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Chap. IV.
1640;
240 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
That he had promifed, not only on the word of a prince, but 'alfo on that of 4
gentleman (the expreflion which he had been pleafed to ufe), that, after the fup-
ply was granted, the parliament fhould {till have liberty to continue thei delibe-
ration: Could it be fufpected, that any man, any prince, much lefs fuch a one,
whofe word was, as yet, facred and inviolate, would, for fo fmall a motive, for-
feit his honor, and, with it, all future truft and confidence, by breaking a pro-
mife, fo public and fo folemn? That even if the parliament fhould be deceived
‘by repofing in him this confidence, they neither loft any thing, nor ran any
manner of rifk; fince it was evidently neceffary, for the fecurity of public
peace, to fupply him with money, in order to fupprefs the Scotch rebellion. That
he had fo far fuited his firft demands to their prejudices, that he only afked a fup-
ply for a few months, and was willing, after fo fhort a truft, to fall again inte
dependance, and to truft them for his farther fupport and fubfiftence. ‘That if
he now feemed to defire fomething farther, he alfo made them, im return,
a confiderable offer, and was willing, for the future, to depend on them for a re
venue, which was ‘quite requifite for public honor and fecurity. That the nature
of the Englifh conftitution fuppofed a mutual confidence betwixt king and
parliament: .And if they fhould refufe it on their part, efpecially with circum:
{tances of fuch outrage and indignity; what could be expected but a total diffolu-
tion of government, and violent factions, followed by the moft dangerous convul-
fions and inteftine diforders !
In oppofition to thefe arguments, it was urged by the malecontent party; That
the court had difcovered, on their fide, but few fymptoms of that mutual truft
and confidence, to which they now fo kindly invited the commons. That eleven
years intermiflion of parliaments, the longeft which was to be found in the whole
Englifh annals, was a fufficient indication of the jealoufy entertained againft the
people; or rather of defigns formed for the fuppreffion of all their liberties and
privileges. That the minifters might well plead neceflity ; nor could any thing,
indeed, be a ftronger proof of fome invincible neceflity, than their embracing a
meafure, againft which they had conceived fo violent an averfion, as the
affembling of an Englifh parliament. That this neceflity, however, was purely
minifterial, not national: And if the fame grievances, ecclefiaftical and civil,
under which they themfelves labored, had pufhed the Scotch to extremities ; was
it requifite, that the Englifh fhould forge their own chains, by impofing chains
on their unhappy neighbors? That the antient and uninterrupted practice of all
parliaments was to give grievances the precedency of fupply ; and that this order,
fo carefully obferved by their anceftors, was founded on a jealoufy inherent in
the conftitution, and was never interpreted as any particular diffidence of the
prefent
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prefent fovercign. That a prattice,; which had been upheld, during times the
moft favorable to liberty, could not, in common prudence, be departed from,
where fach undeniable reafons for fufpicion had been afforded. That it was ri-
diculous to plead the advanced feafon, and the urgent occafion for fupply ; when
it plainly appeared, that, in.order to afford a pretext for this topic, and to fe-
duce the commotis, great political contrivance had been employed. That the writs
for éleGtions were iffued early inthe winter; and if the meeting of the parliament
had not purpofely been delayed, till fo near the commencement of military ope-
rations, there had been Jeifwre fufficient to have redreffed all national grievances,
and to have proceeded afterwards to an examination of the King’s occafion for
fupply. That the-intention of fo grofs an artifice was to engage the commons,
under pretext of neceflity, to violate the regular order of parliament ; and a pre-
cedent of that kind being once eftablifhed, no inquiry into public meafures would
ever afterwards be permitted. That no argument, more unfavorable, could be
pleaded for fupply, than an offer to abolifh fhip-money ; a taxation, the moft
illegal andthe moft dangerous, which had ever, in any reign, been impofed upon
the nation. That, by bargaining for the remiflion of that duty, the commons
would, in amanner, ratify the right, by which it had been levied; or, at leaft,
give encouragement for.advancing new pretenfions of a like nature, in hopes of
refigniug them on like advantageous conditions. |
Tues reafons, joined to fo many ‘occafions of ill humor, feemed to itway
with the greater number: But to make the matter worfe, Sir Harry Vane, the
fecretary, told the commons, without any authority from the King, that no-
thing lefs than twelve fubfidies would be accepted as a recompence for the abo-
lition of fhip:money. This affertion, proceeding from the indifcretion, if we
are not rather to call it, the treachery of Vane, difpleafed the houfe, by mark-
ing a ftiffnefs and rigidity in the King, which, in a claim fo ill grounded, feem-
ed inexcufuble. We are informed likeways, that fome men, who-were thought
to underftand the ftate of the nation, affirmed in the houfe, that the amount
of twelve fubfidies was a greaterfum than could be found in all England.) Such
were the happy ignorance and) inexperience: of ‘thofe times, with ‘regard: to
taxes.
Tre King was in great doubt and perplexity. He faw, that his friends in
the houfe, were out-numbered by his enemies; and that the fame councils. were
{till prevalent, which had ever bred fuch oppofition’ and diiturbance. Inftead
of hoping, that any fupply would be given him, to carry on ‘war againlt the
Scotch, whom themajority of the houfe regarded as their beft friends and firm-
eft allics; he expected every day, that they would prefent him an addrefs for
Vou. I. Berge ts a | making
Chap. ly.
1040:
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242 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
making peace with thofe rebels. And if the houfe met again, a vote, he way
informed, would certainly pafs, to blaft his revenue of, fhip-money ; and there.
by renew all the oppofition, which, with fo much difficulty, he had furmounted,
in levying that taxation. Where great evils lie om all fides, itis very difficult
to follow the beft counfels; nor is it any wonder, that the King, whofe ca.
pacity was not equal to fituations of fuch extreme delicacy, fhould haftily have
formed and executed a refolution of diffolving this parliament: A meafure, how-
ever, of which he foon after repented, and which the fubfequent events, more
than any convincing reafons, inclined. every one to condemn. The laft par-
liament, which had ended with fuch rigor and violence, had yet, at firft, co.
vered their intentions with greater appearance of moderation than this parliament
had hitherto affumed.
Aw abrupt and violent diffolution muft neceffarily excite great difcontents a
mong the people, who ufually put intire confidence in their reprefentatives, and
expect from them the redrefs of all grievances. As if there were not already
fufficient grounds of complaint, the King perfevered {till in thefe mifguided coun-
cils, which, from experience, he might have been fenfible, were fo dangerous
and deftructive. Bellafis and Sir John Hotham were fummoned before the coun,
cil; and refufing to give any account of their conduc in parliament, were
committed to prifon. From Crew, chairman to the committee on religion,
all the petitions and complaints, which had been fent to the committee, were
demanded ; and on his refufal todeliver them, he was fenttothe tower. The
{tudies and even the pockets of the Earl of Warwic and Lord Broke, before
the expiration of privilege, were fearched, in expectation of finding treafonable
papers. © “Vis hard to fay, whether the imprudence or illegality of thefe mea:
fures, was moft egregious. But the King never refpected fufficiently the pri-
vileges of the parliament; and, by his example, he farther confirmed their re-
folution, when they acquired power, to pay like difregard to the prerogatives of
the crown.
Tuo’ the parliament was diffolved, the convocation was {till allowed to fit;
a practice, of which, fince the reformation, there were but few examples *,
and which was, for that reafon, fuppofed by many to be irregular. Befide grant
ing to the King a fupply from the fpiritualiry, and framing many canons, the
convocation, jealous of like innovations with thofe, which had taken place in
Scotland, impofed an oath on the clergy, and the graduates in the univerfities,
by which every one fwore to maintain the eftablithed government of the church
by archbifhops, bifhops, deans, chapters, €c. Thefe {teps, in the prefent dif.
contented
* There was one in 1586, See hiftory of Archbifhop Laud, p. 8a,
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HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
248
fidies by. the authority of the peers alone. But the employing, fo-long, a plea
of neceflity, which was evidently falfe'and ill grounded, rendered it impoflible
for him to avail himfelf of a neceflity, which was now at laft become real and
inevitable.
By Northumberland’s ficknefs, the command of the army ‘had.devolved-on Straf-
ford. That Nobleman poffefled more vigor of mind than ‘the King or any
of the council. “He adviled Charles rather to put all to hazard, than fubmit
to fach unworthy terms as were likely to be impc ‘ed upon him. The: lofs,
fuftained at Newburn, he faid, was inconfiderable, and the apanic*had, for the
time, feized the army, that was nothing {trange among new Jevied troops 5 and
-the Scotch, being in the fame condition, would, no doubt, be'liable, in theirtura,
to a like accident. His opinion, therefore, was, ‘that the King fhould pufh for-
ward, and attack the Scotch, and bring the affair to a quick decifion; and, if
ever fo unfuccefsful, nothing worfe could befal him, than what, from his inatti-
rity, he would certainly be expofed to. To flow how eafy it would. be to exe-
cute this project, he ordered an affault to be made on fome of the Scotch quartets,
and he gained an advantage over them. No ceffation of arms had, as yet, been
agreed to, during the treaty at Rippon ; yet great clamor prevailed, on account
of this ac&t of hoftility. And when it was known, that the officer, who conduct:
ed the attack, was a papift, a violent outcry was raifed againit the King, for em-
ploying that hated fect, in the murder-of his proteftant fubjects.
Ir may be worthy of remark, that feveral mutinies had arifen among’ the ~
Englith troops, when marching to join the army 5 and fome officers had been
murdered, merely onthe fufpicion of their being papifts. “The petition of right
had abolifhed all courts-martial; and by an inconvenience, which naturally ‘at-
‘tended the plan, as yet, new and unformed, of regular and rigid liberty 5 it was
found abfolutely impoflible for the gencrals to govern the army, by all the au-
thority, which the King could legally, confer upon them. The lawyers had de-
clared, that martial law could not be exercifed, except in the very prefence of
an enemy; and becaufe it had been found requifite to execute a mutineer, the
generals thought it requifite, for their fafety, to apply for a pardon from the
crown. This weaknefs, however, was carefully concealed from the army 5 and
Lord Conway faid, that, if any lawyer was fo imprudent as to difcover the
cret to the foldiers, it would be requifite inftantly to refute him, and to hang the
lawyer-himfelf, by fentence’ ofa court-martial. |
An army new levied, undifciplined, ‘frightened, feditious, il-paid, and g0-
ered by no proper authority; was very unfit for withitanding a victorious and
high
Si AR ogee. 3, 249
high fpirited enemy, and retaining in fubjeCion a difcontented and zealous
nation. |
CHARLES, in defpair of being able to ftem the torrent, at laft refolved to
yield to it: And as he forefaw, that the great council of the peers would advife
him to call a parliament, he told them, in his firft fpeech, that he had already
taken that refolution. He informed them likeways, that the Queen, in a letter,
which fhe had wrote to him, had very carneftly recommended that meafure.
This good Prince, who was extremely attached to his confort, and who paffionate-
ly wifhed to render her popular in the nation, forgot not, amid all his diftrefs, the
intereft ef his domeftic tenderneffes.
In order to fubfift both armies (for the King was obliged, in order to fave the
northern counties, to pay his enemies) Charles wrote to the city, defiring a loan
of 200,000 pound. And the lords commiflioners for the treaty, whofe autho-
rity was now much greater than that of their fovereign, joined in the fame requeft.
So low was this Prince already fallen, in the eyes of his own fubjects !
As many difficulties occurred in the negouiation with the Scotch, it was pro-
pofed to transfer the treaty from Rippon to London: A propofal willingly em-
braced by the Scotch, who were now fure of treating with advantage, in a
place, where the King, they forefaw, would be, in a manner, a prifoner, in the
midit of his implacable enemies and their determined friends,
Vou. I. | Ii | | CHAP,
Chap. IV:
1640,
24th of Sept.
Great council
of the peers,
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HISTORY oF GREAT- BRITAIN.
CHAP. ’V.
Meeting of the long parliament. Strafford and Laud impeached. —— Finch
and Windbank fy. Great authority of the commons. The bifbops
attackede———-Tonnage and poundage. Triennial bill. ——Strafford's
trial. Bill of attainder. Execution of Strafford. High-come
miffion and ftar-chamber abolifhed: King’s journey to Scotland.
HE, caufes of difeuft,: which had, every day, been multiplying in Eng-
T land for above thirty years, were now come to full maturity, and threat:
ened the kingdom with fome great revolution or convulfion. The uncertain and
undefined limits of» prerogative and privilege had been cagerly difputed during
that whole period; and in every controverfy betwixt prince and people, the
queftion,- -howeéver doubtful, had always been decided by each party, in favor
of its own-pretenfions.-- Too lightly moved by the appearance of neceflity, the
King had even affumed- powers, * altogether incompatible with the principles of
limited government, and had rendered it impoflible for his moft zealous partizans
to juftify his conduct, except by topics fo odious, that they were more fitted to
inflame, than appeafe, the general difcontent. Thofe great fupports of public
authority, law and religion, had likeways, by the unbounded compliance of
judges and prelates, loft much of their influence over the people; or rather, had,
in a great.meafure, gone over to the fide of faCtion, and authorized the fpirit of
oppofition and rebellion. The nobility too, whom the King had no means of res
taining by fuitable offices and preferments, had been feized with the general dif:
content, and unwarily threw themfelves into the fcale, which began already too
much to preponderate. Senfible of the encroachments, which had evidently
been made by royal authority, men entertained no jealoufy of the commons,
whofe enterprifes for the acquifition of power, had ever been covered with the
appearance of public good, and had hitherto gone no farther than fome difap-
pointed efforts or endeavors. The progrefs of the Scotch malecontents reduced
the crown to an entire dependance for fupply : Their union with the popular par-
ty in England, brought great acceflion of authority to the latter: The near
profpect of fuccefs, rouzed all the latent murmurs and pretenfions of the nation,
which had hitherto been held in fuch violent conftraint: And the torrent of ge-
neral
CA A RE E, S I. 2st
eral inclination. and opinion ran fo ftrong againft the court, that the King was Chap. V.
in no fituation to refufe any reafonable pretenfions of the popular leaders; either 1640,
for defining or limiting the powers of his prerogative. Even many exorbitant
claims, in the prefent fituation, would probably be made, and muit neceffarily
be complied with.
- THe triumph of the malecontents over the church was not yet fo eoruadiate or
certain. Tho’ the political and religious puritans mutually lent afliftance to cach
other, there were many who joined the former, and yet declined all manner
of connexion. with the latter. "The hierarchy had been eftablifhed in England
ever fince the reformation: TheRomifh church, in all ages, had carefully main-
tained that form of ecclefiaftical government: The antient fathers too bore te-
timony to epifcopal jurifdiction: And tho’ parity feems at firft to have had place
among chriftian paftors, the period, during which it prevailed, was fo fhort,
that. few undifputed traces of it remained in-hiftory.. The bifhops and their. more
zealous partizans inferred thence the divine indefeizable right of prelacy: Others
regarded that inftitution as venerable and ufeful: And, if the love of novelty led
fome to adopt the new'rites and difcipline of the puritans; the reverence to an-
tiquity retained many in their attachment to the liturgy and government of the
church. It behoved, therefore, the zealous innovators in parliament, to pro-
ceed with fome caution and referves By pufhing all meafures, which reduced the
exorbitant powers of the crown, they-hoped to difarm the King, whom they
juitly regarded, from principle, inclination, and policy,:to be the determined
»patron of the hierarchy. By declaiming againft thé fuppofed encroachments and
tyranny of the prelates, they endeavored to carry the nation, from a hatred of
their perfons, to an oppofition-againft their office and character. And when
men were inlifted in party, it would not be difficult, they thought, to lead them
by degrees into many meafures, -for which: they seatenle entertained the great-
eft averfion. Tho’ the new fectaries compofed not, at firft, the majority of
the nation, they were inflamed, as is ufual among innovators, with extreme
zeal for their opinions. Their unfurmountable paffion, difguifed to themfelves,
as well as to others, under the appearance of holy fervors, was well qualified to
‘make profelites, .and feize the,minds of the ignorant multitude. And one -fu-
rious enthufiaft was able, by his active induftry, to furmount. the indolent. ef-
“forts of, many fober and reafonable antagonitts.
WHEN the nation, therefore, was fo generally difcontented, and little fufpi-
cion: was entertained of any defign to fubvert the church and monarchy; no
wonder, that almoft all elections ran in favor of. thofe, who, by their high
pretenfions to piety and:patriotifin, had foftered and encouraged. the national pre-
| 1i2 ~ judices.
——————S SS SSS SS SSS SS
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a62 HISTOR Y* of GREAT BRITAIN.
@hap. V. judices. Tis a ufual compliment to regard the king’s inclination in the choice-
#040. of a fpeaker; and Charles had:intended to advance Gardiner, recorder of Lon:
don, to that important truft: But fo little intereft did-the crown, at that time,
poflefs thro’ the nation, that Gardiner was difappointed of his election, «not on®
lyin London, but in every other place, where it was attempted: And the King
was obliged’ to make the choice of fpeaker fall on Lenthal, a lawyer of fome
character, but not fufliciently qualified for fo high and difficult an office.
Meetingofthe. THe cager expectations of men with regard to-a parliament, fummoned at fo
ong parlia- §— eyitical'a juncture, and during fuch general difcontents ; a parliament, which,
ment. Pare
November 3. from the fituation of public affairs, could not be abruptly diffolved, and which
was to execute every thing left unfinifhed by former parliaments ; thefe views, fo
important’ and interetting, engaged the attendance of ail the members; and the
houfe of commons was never obferved to be, from the beginning, fo numerous.
and frequent. Without any interval, therefore, they immediately entered upon.
bufinefs, and by unanimous confent they ftruck a blow, which may, in 2 mam
ner, be regarded as decifive. 3
Tut Earl of Strafford was confidered as chief minifter of ftate, both om
account of the credit, which he poffefled with his matter, and’ of his own great
and uncommon vigor and capacity. By a concurrence of accidents, this man
labored under the fevere hatred: of all the three nations, which compoted the
Britifh monarchy. ‘The Scotch, whofe authority ran extremely high, looked
on him as the capital enemy of their country, and one whofe councils and in
fluence they had moft reafon to apprehend. He had engaged the parliament of
Ireland to advance great fubfidies, in order to fupport a war againit them : He
had levied an army of gooo men, with which he had menaced all their weiter
coaft: He liad obliged’ the Scotch, who lived under his government; to re-
nounce the covenant, their national idol’: He had im Ireland proclaimed the:
Scotch covenanters rebels and traitors, even before the King had iffmed’ any
fach declaration againft them in England: And-he had ever diffuaded his matter
againft the late treazy and fufpenfion of arms, which he regarded as dangerous.
and difhonorable. So avowed and’violént were the Scotch in their refentment.
of all thefé meafures, that they -had'refufed to fend cammifhoners: to treat at:
Yorke, as was firft propofed; becaufe, they faid, the lieutenant of Ireland,,
their capital’ enemy, being general: of the King’s forces, had there the chief.
command and. authority. |
STRAFFORD, firft as députy, then as Lord lieutenant, had governed Ire--
land during cight years with great vigilance, activity, and prudence, but -with:
wery little popularity. In.anation fo averie to the Englith government and reli--
oar Ante im =
22 eS
a
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G@ WA MOLE Stor 269
gion, thefe very virtues’ were fuficient to draw on him the public hatreds »- The
‘manners too and character of this great man, tho’ to all full of courtefy, and te
his friends full of affection, were, at. bottom, haughty, rigid, and fevere,
His authority and influence, during the time of his government,. had been un-
limited; but no fooner did adverfity feize him, than the concealed averfion of
the nation blazed out. at once, and the Irifh parliament ufed every. expedient to
aggravate the charge againit him..
‘Tus univerfal difcontent,. which prevailed in England againft the court, was
all pointed towards the Earl of Strafford; tho’ without any particular. reafon,
but becaufe he was the minifter of ftate, whom the King moft favored and
moft trufted. His family was honorable, his paternal fortune confiderable: - Yet
Chap. V..
1640.
envy attended his fudden and great elevation. And. his fermer affociates in pos -
pular councils, finding, that he owed his advancement to the defertion of their
caufe, reprefented him as the great apoitate of the commonwealth, whom it bes-
hoved them to facrifice, as.a victim to public juftice..
STRAFFORD, fenfible of the load of popular prejudices, under which he labor. -
ed, would.gladly have declined attendance on the parliament 5 and he begged:the
King’s permiflion to. withdraw himfelf to his government of Ireland, or at leaft to re--
main at the head of the army in Yorkefhire; where many opportunities, he hoped,
would offer, by reafon of his diftance, to elude the attacks of his enemies... But
Charles,. who had intire confidence in the Earls capacity, thought, that his
councils would be extremely ufeful, during the critical feflion, which approach-
ed. And when Strafford {till infitted on the danger of. appearing amid fo:ma-
ny enraged enemies, the King, little apprehenfive, that his own authority was
fo fuddenly te expire, promifed him protection, and affured him, ..that not.a hair
of his head-fhould be touched by: the parliament: _
No fooner was Strafford’s. arrival known, thana concerted attack was made
upon him in the houfe of commons: Pym, “ina long, ftudieddifcourfe, « di-
vided into many heads after his. manner,: enumerated all the: grievances; under
which the nation labored; and, from a: complicatiom of fuch oppreflions,: in-
ferred, that a deliberate plan had: been. formed of changing the intire. frame of
government, and. fubverting: the antient. laws and_liberties of -the: kingdom.
Could any thing, he faid, increafe. our-indignation againft fo enormousiand er
minal a project; it would be to-find, that, during the.reign of the: beft of princes,
_ the-conftitution had been endangered by the worft of minifters,. and that the
virtues of the King had been feduced by wicked~and pernicious councils... We.
mutt inquire, added he, fromwhat fountain thefe waters of bitternefs flow: -
and tho’ doubtlefs many evil. counfellors will be found to have contributed their
endeavors,..
11th of Nov:
Strafford ime
peached,
4 i
Chap. V.
1640.
254 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
endeavors, yet is there one, who challenges the infamous pre-eminence, a nd
who, ‘by his courage, enterprize, and capacity, is imtitled to the firft place
-among thefe betrayers of their country. He is the Earl of Strafford, lieute.
mant of Ireland, and prefident of the. council: of Yorke, who, in both places,
and in all other provinces, where he has been entrufted with authority, has raj.
fed ample monuments of tyranny, and will appear, from a furvey of his attions,
to be the chief promoter of every arbitrary council. Some inftances of imperi-
ous expreflions, as well as actions, were given by Pym; who afterwards entered
into a more perfonal attack of ‘that minifter, and endeavored to expofe his whole
character and manners. The auftere. genius of Strafford, occupied in the pur.
{uits of ambition, had not rendered-his breaft altogether inacceflible te the ten-
der paffions, or fecured him from the dominion of the fair 5 and in that fullen
age, when the irregularities of pleafure were more reproachful than the moft o-
dious crimes, thefe weaknefles were thought worthy of being mentioned, along
with his treafons, before fo great an affembly. And upon the whole, the o-
rator concluded,‘ that it belonged to the houfe to provide a remedy proportionable
to the difeafe, and prevent the farther mifchiefs, juftly to be apprehended from the
influence, which this man had:acquired’ over the’ meafures-and councils. of their
fovercign.
S1r John Clotworthy an Irifh gentleman, Sir John Hotham of Yorkefhire, and
many-others, entered into the fame topics: And» after feveral hours, fpent in
bitter invective; when the doors-were locked, in order to prevent all difcovery
oftheir purpofe ; it was»moved,') in ‘confequence of the refolution fecretly taken,
that Strafford fhould immediately:be impeached of high treafon. This motion
was received with univerfal approbation; -nor was there, in all the debate, one
perfon, who offered to itop the torrent by any teftimony in favor of the Earl's
conduct. Lord Falkland alone, tho known to be his enemy, modeftly defired
the houfe to confider, whether it would not better fuit the gravity of their pro-
ceedings, firft to digeft, by a committee, many of thofe particulars, which had
been mentioned, before they fent up an accufation againft him. By Pym it
was ingenuoufly anfwered, That fuch a delay might probably blaft all their hopes,
and put it out of their power to proceed any farther in the profecution : ‘That
when Strafford fhould learn, that fo many of his enormities were difcovered, his
con{cience would dictate his condemnation ; and fo great was his power and
credit, he would immediately procure the diffolution of the parliament, or at-
tempt.fome other defperate meafure for his own prefervation: That the com-
mons were only accufers, not judges; andit was the province of .the peers to
determine, whether fuch a complication of enormous crimes, in one perfon, did
not
@IMAATROL E:s Yt ore
net amount to the higheft crime known by the law... Without farther debate,’ Chap. V:
the accufation was voted: Pym was chofen to carry up the impeachment : Moft ee
of the houfe accompanied him on foagreeable an errand: And Strafford, who
had juft entered the houfe of peers, and. little. expected fo hafty a profecution,
was immediately, upon this general charge, ordered into cuftody with feveral
fymptoms of violent prejudice in his judges, as well as in his profecutors.
In the inquiry concerning grievances and the cenfure’ of paft mieafures, Laud
could not long efcape the fevere ferutiny of the commons ; who were led too,
in their accufation of that prelate, as well by their prejudices againft his whole
order, as by the extreme antipathy, which his intemperate zeal -had ‘drawn up-
on him. After a deliberation, which fcarce lafted half an hour, an impeachment
for high treafon was refolved on againit this fubject, the’ firft, both in rank and
in favor, thro’out the kingdom. Tho’ this incident, confidering the example
of Strafford’s impeachment and the prefent. difpofition of the nation: and parlia-
ment, needed be no furprize to him; ‘yet was he: betrayed into fome’ paffion, »
when the accufation was prefented. The commons themfelves, he faid, tho’ bis ac-
cufers, did not believe him guilty of the crime, with which they charged him: An
indifcretion, which, next day, upon-more mature deliberation, ‘she defired leave
to retract: but fo little favorable were the peers, that they refufed him this ad-
vantage or indulgence. Laud was'immediately, upon the general charge, feque-
{tered from parliament, ‘and committed to cuftody.
- Tue ‘capital article, infifted on againft thefe two great men, was the defign,.
which the commons fuppofed to have been formed for fubverting the laws and
conftitution of England, and introducing arbitrary and unlimited:authority into
the kingdom. Of all the King’s minifters, no one was fo obnoxious in this re-
fpect as the Lord keeper, Finch. He it was, who, being fpeaker in the King’s
third parliament, had’ Jeft* the chair, “and ‘tefufed to put the queftion,. when or-
dered by the houfe. The extrajudicial opinion of the judges in the cafe of fhip-
money had’been procured by his intrigues, perfuafions, and even menaces.. In
all unpopular and illegal meafures, he was ever moft active; and he wase-
ven believed to have declared'publicly, that, while he was keeper, an order of
the council fhould always with him be equivalent toalaw. To appeafe the rifing
difpieafure of the toimmons, he defired to be heard at their bar. He proftrated
himfelf with all humility before them; but availed himfelf nothing-. An un-
peachment was refolved on; and in order to efcape their fury, he thought pro-
per fecretly to withdraw, and to retire into Holland. As he was not efteemed |...
Tae ; . ; . Lord keeper
equal to Strafford or even to Laud, either in capacity or in fidelity to his mafter 5 Pinch fies.
it was generally believed, that his efeape had been connived at by the popular
leaders,
Laud im-«
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256 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
leaders. His impeachment, however, inshis abfence, was carried up to the houfe.
of peers. | oe it
S1R Francis Windebank, the fecretary, ~was a creature of Laud; and that.
was fufficient reafon, for his being extremely obnoxious to the commons. ° He was,
fecretly fufpected too of the crime of popery; and it was known, that, from.
complaifance to the Queen, and indéed in compliance with the King’s maxims’
of government, he had granted many indulgences to catholics, and had fioned
warrants tor the pardon of priefts, and their delivery from confineméat. By
Grimftone, a popular haranguer, he was called, in the houfe, the very pander and
broker.to.the whore ef Babylon. Finding, that the {crutiny of the commons
was pointing towards him, and being fenfible,. that England was no longer a
place of fafety for men of his character, he fuddenly made his efcape into
France. Pay aes: oe fe
Tuvus, ina few weeks, this houfe of commons, not oppofed or rather fecond-
;
ed by. the peers, had produced fuch a revolution in the government, that the two.
moit. powerful and moft favyered minifters of the King were thrown into the
tower, and daily expected to be tried for their life: Two other minifters, by
‘flight alone, had faved themfelves from a like fate: . All.the King’s fervants faw
3s
evidently, that no protection could be given them by their matter: A new ju--
rifdiction was erected, in the nation; ; and before that tribunal all thofe trembled,
who had before exulted moft in their credit and authority. |
‘WuAT rendered the power of the commons the more formidable, was the
‘extreme prudence, with which it was conducted. Not contented with the aul
thority, which they had acquired by attacking thefe great minifters ; they were
refolved to render the moft confiderable bodies of the nation obnoxious to them,
Tho’ the idol of the people, they wifely determined to fortify themfelves_like-
ways-with terrors, and.to.overawe thofe, who might {till be inclined to fupport
the falling ruins of monarchy.. — oi |
During the late military operations, feveral powers. had been exerted by
the lieutenants and deputy-licutenants of the counties: And the powers, ©
tho’ quite requifite for the defence of the nation, and even warranted by all
former precedents, yet being unauthorized by ftatute, were now voted to be
illegal; and-the perfons; who had affumed them, declared delinguents, This
term was newly come into vogue, and exprefled a degree and Jpecies of guilt, -
not exactly known or afcertained. In confequence of that determination, many
of the nobility and prime gentry of the nation, while only exerting, as they
imagined, the lawful rights of magiftracy, unexpectedly found themfelves invol-
ved in the crime of delinquency. And the commons reaped this multiplied ad-:
, : vantage
~ oes “6-2-9 2,
GH A R-L E'S I. a
vantage by their vote : They difarmed the crown; they eftablifhed the maxims
of rigid law and liberty; and they fpred the terror of their own autho-
rity. |
Tue writs for fhip-money had been directed to the fherifis, who were re
red, and even obliged under fevere penalties, to affefs the fums upon individual
and to levy them by their authority : Yet were all the fheriffs, and all thote em-
ployed in that illegal fervice, by a very rigorous fentence, voted to be delin-
quents. The King, by the maxims of law, could do no wrong: His minifters
and fervants, of whatever degree, in cafe of any violations of the conftitution,
were alone culpable.
Aut the farmers and officers of the cuftoms, who had been employed, during
fo many years, in levying tonnage and poundage and the new impofitions, were
likeways declared criminal, and were afterwards glad to compound for a pardon
by paying a fine of 150,000 pound. | |
Every difcretionary or arbitrary fentence of the ftar-chamber and high com-
-giffion; courts, which, from their very conftitution, were arbitrary ; under-
went a fevere fcrutiny: And all thofe, who had any hand in fuch fentences, were
voted to be liable to the penalties ‘of law. No minifter of the King, no member
of the council, but what found himfelf expofed by this determination.
Tue judges, who had given their voices againft Hambden in the trial of fhip-
money, were accufed before the peers, and obliged to find fecurity for their ap-
pearance. Berkeley, one of the judges of king’s bench, was feized by order
of the houfe, even when fitting in his tribunal; and all men faw with aftonith-
ment the irrefiftible authority of their jurifdiction.
Tue fanétion of the lords and commons, as well as that of the King, was de-
clared requifite for the confirmation of all ecclefiaftical canons: And this judg-
ment, it muft be confeffed, however reafonable, at leaft ufeful, it would have
een difficult to juitify by any precedent. But the prefent was no time for
queftion or difpute. That decifion, which abolifhed all legiflative power except
that of parliament, was altogether requifite for compleating the new plan of li-
berty, and rendering it quite uniform and fyftematical. Almoft all the bench of
bithops, and the molt confiderable of the inferior clergy, who had voted in the
late conyocation, found themfelves expofed, by thefe new principles, to the im-
putation of delinquency.
- Tue moft unpopular of all Charles’s meafures, the moft impolitic, the moft
oppreflive, and even, excepting fhip-money, the moft illegal, was the revival of
monopolies, fo folemnly abolifhed, after re-iterated endeavors, by a recent act
of, parliament. Senfible of this unhappy meafure, the King had, of himfelf,
You. I. Kk recalled,
CHap. V.
1640.
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Chap.
£6
40,
V.
258 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
recalled, during the time of his firft expedition againft Scotland, many of thefe
deftructive patents, and the reft were now annihilated by authority of parlia-
ment, and every one concerned in them declared delinquents. The commons
carried fo far their deteftation of this odious meafure, that they affumed a power
unknown to all their predeceffors, and expelled all their members, who were mo-
nopolifts or projectors. An artifice too, by which, befide increafing nett own
privileges, they weakened {till farther the very {mall party, which the King {e~
cretly retained in the honfe. Mildmay, a notorious monopoli{t, yet having af-
fociated himfelf with the ruling party, was {till allowed to keep his feat. In
all queftions indeed. of elections, no rule of decifion was obierved; and nos
thing farther was regarded than the affections and attachment of the parties.
Men’s paflions were too much heated to be fhocked with any inftance of ins
juftice, which ferved ends fo popular as thofe purfued by this houfe of coms
mons. }
Tus whole fovereign power being thus, ina manner, transferred to the com-
mons, and the government, without any feeming violence or diforder, changed,
in a moment, from a monarchy, almoft abfolute, to a pure democracy; the
popular leaders feemed willing, for fome time, to fufpend their active vigor,
and to confolidate their authority, ’ere they proceeded to any ftrong exercife of
it. Every day produced fome new harangue on paft grievances. The deteftas
tion of former ufurpations, was farther enlivened: The jealoufy of liberty rou-
zed: And fuitable to the true fpirit of free government, an equal indignation wag
excited, by the view of a violated conititution, as by the ravages of the moft e-
normous tyranny. 7
Now was the time, when genius and capacity of alf kinds, free’d from the
ré{traint of authority, and nourifhed by unbounded hopes and projects, began to
exert themfelves, and be diftinguifhed by the public. Then was celebrated the
fagacity of Pym, more fitted for ufe than ornament ; matured, not chilled, by
his advanced age and long experience: Then was difplayed the mighty ambition
of Hambden, taught difpuife, not moderation, from former conftraint ; fupport-
ed by courage, conducted by prudence, embellifhed by modefty; but whether
animated by a love of power or zeal for liberty, is ftill, from his untimely end,
left doubtful and uncertain: Then too were known the dark, ardent, and dan-
gerous character of St. John; the impetuous fpirit of Hollis, violent and fincere,
open and intire in his enmities and in his friendfhips ; the enthufiaftic genius of
young Vane, extravagant in the ends, which he purfued, fagacious and pro-
found in the means, which he employed; incited by the appearances of religion,
neglipent of the duties of morality.
So
Sr. AS Rm oa, 8B § OS , 259
So little apology could be made for paft meafures, fo contagious the general
fpirit of difcontent, that even men of the moft moderate tempers, and the moft
attached to the church and monarchy, exerted themfelves with the utmoft vigor
in the redrefs of grievances, and in profecuting the authors of them. The live-
ly and animated Digby difplayed his eloquence on this occafion, the firm and un-
daunted Capel, the modeft and candid Palmer. In this lift too of patriot-royalifts
are found the virtuous names of Hyde and Falkland. ‘Tho’ in their ultimate
views and intentions, thefe men differed widely from the former; in their pre-
fent actions and difcourfes, an intire concurrence and unanimity was ob-
ferved.
By the daily harangues and invectives againft illegal ufurpations, not only the
houfe of commons inflamed themfelves with the higheft animofity towards the
court: The nation caught new fire from their popular leaders, and feemed now
to have made the firft difcovery of the many diforders of the government. While
the law, in many inftances, was openly violated, they went no farther than
fome fecret and calm murmurs; but mounted up into rage and fury, as foon as
the conftitution was reftored to its fotmer integrity and vigor. The capital e-
{pecially, being the feat of parliament, was highly animated with the fpirit of
mutiny and diflaffection. Tumults were daily raifed; feditious affemblies en-
couraged ; and every man, neglecting his own bufinefs, was wholly intent on
the detence of liberty and religion. By ftronger contagion, the popular affections
were communicated from breatft to breaft, in this place of general rendezvous and
focicty.
THe harangues of members, now firft publifhed and difperfed, kept alive
the difcontents againft the King’s adminiftration. The pulpits, delivered over
to puritanical preachers and lecturers, whom the commons arbitrarily fettled in
all the confiderable churches, rung with faction and fanaticifm. Vengeance was
fully taken for that long filence and conftraint, in which, by the authority of
Laud and the high commiffion, thefe preachers had been retained. The prefs,
free’d from all fear or referve, {warmed with produtions, dangerous by their fe-
ditious zeal and calumny, more than by any art or eloquence of compofition,
Noife and fury, cant and hypocrify, formed the fole rhetoric, which, during this
tumult of various prejudices and paflions, could be heard or attended to.
Tue fevere fentence, which had been executed againit Prynne, Baftwic,
and Burton, now fuffered a revifal from parliament. Thefe outrageous libellers,
far from being tamed by the rigorous punifhment, which they had undergone,
fhowed {till a difpofition of repeating their offence; “and the niinifters were a-
fraid, left new fatyres fhould iffue from their prifons, and inflame ftill farther the
Kk 2 partizans
Chap. V.
1649.
‘ay
i ee a ee a ee ——
GREAT BRITAIN.
HISTORY
partizans. of thefe holy-martyrs and. confeflors. By an arbitrary order, there-
fore, of council, they had been removed to remote prifons; Baltwic to Scila
y, Prynne to feriey, Burton to Guernfey ; all accefs to them was denied,»
‘s, and of pen, ink and paper, was refufed them. The fentence.
s immediately reverfed by the commons =
and the ufe of boo
for thefe. additional punifhments wé
Fiven the firit fen tence, upon examination,’ Ww
who paffed it, were ordered to: make reparation to the fuffierers. When the pris
foners landed in England, they were received and entertained with the higheft
demonftrations of affection, were attended with a miglity, confluence of compas
- 1 a eye By che mass , 4 7 fy cal ar
ny, their charges were borne with great magnificence, and liberal prefents bes
n their appreach to. any town; the whole inhabitants crowd<
On tl pproach to.any town; the whole inha
declared illegal; and the judges,
{towed on them.
ed to receive them, and welcomed their.reception with fhouts and acclamationss
Their train {till increafed, as they drew near to London.
city, the zealots of their party, im great multitudes,
Boughs were carried by this tumultuous. proceflion;
Several miles from the
net them, and_ attended
their triumphal entrance
ftrowed with flowers; and amid the higheft exultations of joy, were
intermingled loud and virulent invectives againft the prelates, who had fo. cruelly
perfecuted fuch godly perfonages.. The more ignoble and infamous thefe men
the more fenfible. was the infult upon royal authority, and the more
dangerous was the fpirit of - diflaffection and mutiny, which it marked among.
the people. Z
LitpuRNE, Leighton, and every one, who had. been punifhed for feditious.
libels during the precedent adminiftration, now recovered their liberty, and were.
decreed damages on. the judges and minifters of juftice.
Nort only the prefent difpofition of the nation enfured. impunity to all libellers ¢:
A new method of framing and difperfing libels was invented by the leaders of the:
popular frenzy. Petitions to parliament were drawn, craving redrefs againft pat-
ticular grievances; and when a fufficient numberof fubfcriptions were procured,
the petitions were prefented to the commons, and immediately publithed.
petitions became fecret bonds of affociation among the fubfcribers, and feemed
to give undoubted fanction and authority, to the complaints, which they.conr
‘Tris pretended by hiitorians favorable to the royal’ caufe, * and.even- affert>
ed by the King himfelf in a declaration, + that a moft difingenuous. or rather cri
minal practice prevailed, in conducting many of thefe petitions.
frit framed; moderate, reafonable, fuch as men. of character willingly fubfcribed.
The names were afterwards torne off, and. affixed to another petition, which
A petition was
* Dugdale, Clarendon,
+ Huih, Coll. p. 536,
Cen “A. Keb Es L. abr:
ferved better the purpofes of the popular faction. We may judge of the wild Chap. ¥.
fury, which prevailed thro’out the nation, when fo fcandalous an impofture, mae
which affected-fuch numbers of people, could be epenly practifed, without draw-
ing infamy and ruin upon the managers.
So many grievances were offered, both by the members, and by petitions with-
out doors, that the houfe was divided into above forty committees, charged, each
of them, with the examination of fome particular violation of law and liberty,.
which had been complained of. Befide the general committees of religion, trade,
privileges, laws; many fubdivifions of thefe were framed, and a ftri@t ferutiny
every where carried on. ’Tis to be remarked, that, before the beginning of
this century, when the parliament affumed lefs influence and authority, com~
plaints of grievances were ufually prefented to the houfe, by any members, who
had had particular opportunity of obferving them. Thefe general committees,
which were a kind of inquifitorial courts, had not then been eftablifhed ; and
we find, that the King, in a former declaration *, complains loudly of this in-
novation, fo little favorable to royal authority. But never was fo much multi~
plied, as at prefent, the ufe of thefe committees; as.indeed, there feldom had:
before been fo much occafien: for fuch-fevere remedies.
From the reports of their committees, the houfe daily paffed votes, which.
mortified and ‘aftonifhed the court, and enflamed and animated the nation. Ship»
money was declared illegal and arbitrary; the fentence againft Hambden cancel-
led; the court: of Yorke abolifhed ;-compofitions of knighthood {tigmatized; the
enlargement of the forrefts.condemned; patents for monopolies annulled; and
every late meafure of the adminiftration treated with reproach and-obloquy. To
day, afentence of the ftar-chamber was exclaimed againit: To morrew, a-de-
eree of the high commiflion was complained of. Every difcretionary adt of coun-.
cil was reprefented as arbitrary. and-tyrannical: And the general inference was-
fill inculcated, that a formed defign had been laid to fubvert the whole laws and’:
conititution of the kingdom.
From neceflity, the King remained ‘entirely paffive during all thefe violent
operations. The few-fervants, who continued faithful to him, were feized*with
af{tonifhment at the rapid progrefs made by. the commons in power-and’popularity,
and were glad, by their inactive and inoffenfive behavior, to-compound for im-
punity. The torrent'rifing to fo dreadful and unexpected a height; defpair fei-
zed all thofe, who, from intereft or habits, were moft attached to» monarchy.
And as for thofe, who maintained their duty to the King, merely from their re~
gard to the conftitution, they feemed, by their concurrence, to fwell that inun-
* Publifhed on diffolving the third parliament...
7 SSE ST LIV Re
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Chap. V.
16 40.
RECN SS VetaeT L
we a Se ee EE a
262 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
dation, which began already to deluge every thing. ‘* You have taken the whole
‘¢ machine of government in pieces”, faid Charles in a difcourfe to the parlia-
ment; ‘a practice frequent with fkilful artifts, when they defire to clear the
‘¢ wheels from any ruft, which may have grown upon them. The engine’, con-
tinued he, ‘* may again be reftored to its former ufe and motions, provided it be
“ put up entire; foas not a pin of it be wanting.’”’ But this was far from the
intention of the commons. The machine, they thought, with fome reafon,
was encumbered with many wheels and f{prings, which retarded and crofled its
operations, and deftroyed its fimplicity. Happy ! had they proceeded with
moderation, and been contented, in their prefent plenitude of power, to remove
fuch parts only as might juitly be deemed fuperfluous and incongruous.
In order to maintain that high authority which they had acquired, the com-
mons, befide confounding and overawing their opponents, judged it requifite to
infpire courage into their friends and adherents; particularly into the Scotch,
and the religious puritans, to whofe affiftance and good offices they were already
fo much beholden.
No fooner were the Scotch mafters of the northern counties, than they laid.
afide their firft profeflions, which they had not indeed means to fupport, of pay:
ing for every thing; and in order to prevent the deftructive expedient of plun-
der and free quarter, the country confented to give them a regular contribution
of 850 pounds a-day, in full of their fubfittence. The parliament, that they
might relieve the northern counties from fo grievous an oppreflion, agreed to re-
mit pay to the Scotch, as well as to the Englifh army ; and becaufe fubfidies would
be levied too flewly for fo urgent an occafion, money was borrowed from the citi-
zens upon the fecurity of particular members. Two fubfidies, a very finall
pittance *, were at firft voted; and as the intention of this fupply was to indem-
nify the members, who, by their private, had fupported public eredit, this pres
text was immediate y laid hold of, and the money was ordered to be paid, not
into the treafury, but into commiffioners appointed by parliament: A practice,
which, as it diminished the authority of the crown, was very willingly embraced,
and was afterwards continued by the commons, with regard to every branch of res
venue which they granted to the King. The invafion of the Séotch had evidently
been the caufe of aillembling the parliament: The prefence of their army re
duced the King to that total fabjection in which he was now held: The com:
mons, for this reafon, very openly profeffed their intention of retaining thefe
invaders till all their enemies fhould be fupprefled, and all their purpofes effected.
We
™ It appears, that a fubfidy was now fallen to 50,000 pounds.
eat
anil
i ae Ae fo Bus I. 262
We cannot yet foare the Scotch, {aid Strode plainly in the houfe; she fons of Zerviah
are flill too firong for us; An allufion to fome paflage of the Bible, accordiy gx to
the mode of that age. Eighty thoufand pounds a-month was requifite for the
fubfiftence of the two armies; a fim much greater than tie kingdom had ever
been accuftomed, in any former period, to pay to the public. And tho’ feveral
fubfidies, along with a poll-tax, were, from time to time. voted to anfwer the
charge; the commons took care {till to be in debt, in order to render the con-
tinuance of the feflion the more requifite,
Tue Scotch being fuch ufeful allies to the malecontent party in England, no
wonder they were courted with the moft unlimited complaifance and the moft im.
portant fervices. The King, in his firft fpeech, havirg called them rebels,
obferved, that he had given great offence to the parliament; and he was imme.
diately obliged to foften, and even retract that expreflion. The Scotch com-
miflioners, of whom the moft confiderable were the Eail of Rothes and Lord
Loudon, found every advantage in conducting their treaty; and yet made no
hafte in bringing it to an iffue. They were lodged in the city, and kept an inti-
mate correfpondence, as well with the magiftrates, who were extremely dif-
affected, as with the popular leaders in both houfes. St. Antholine’s church was
afliened them for their devotions; and their chaplains, here, began openly to
practife the prefbyterian form of worthip, which, except in foreign languages,
had never hitherto been allowed any indulgence or toleration. So violent was
the general propenfity towards this new religion, that maltitudes of all ranks
crowded into the church. Thofe, who were {o happy as to find accefs early in
the morning, kept their places the whole day: Thofe, who were excluded,
clung to the doors or window, in hopes of catching, at leat, fome diftant mur-
murs or broken phrafes of the holy rhetoric. All the elogience of parliament,
how well refined from pedantry, animated with the fpirit of liberty, and em:
ployed in fuch important interefts, was not attended to with fuch infatiable ayi-
dity, as were thefe lectures, delivered with ridiculous cant, and a provincial ac-
cent, full of barbarifm and of ignorance.
Tue mott effectual expedient for paying court to the zealous Scotch was to
promote the prefbyterian difcipline and worfhip thro’out England; and to this
innovation, the popular leaders among the commons, as well as their moft de-
voted partizans, were, of themlelves, fufficiently inclined. The puritanical party,
whofe progrefs, tho? fecret, had hitherto been gradual in the kingdom, taking
advantage of the prefent diforders, began openly to profefs their tenets, and to
make furious attacks on the eftablithed religion. The prevalence of that fe& in
the parliament difcovered itfelf, from the beginning, by infenfible, but decifive
fymptoms,
Chap. Va
1640,
i iii
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The bifhops
s |
attacked,
BRITAIN.
264. HISTORY or GREAT”
fymptoms. Marfhall and Burgefs, two puritanica. clergymen, were chofen te
preach before them, and entertained them with-difcourfes feven hours in length.
It being the cuftom of the houfe always to take the facrament before they enter
upon bufinefs, they ordered, as a requifite preliminay, that the communion-table
fhould be removed from the eaft.end of St..Margare:’s into the middle of the area.
The name of the /piritual lords was commonly left cat .in acts of parliament; and
the Jaws ran in name of, the king, lords, and commons. The clerk. of the upper
houfe, in reading of bills, turned his back on the tench of ‘bifhops3; nor was his
-nfolence ever.taken notice of. On a day appointed for a folemn faft and humilia-
tion, the whole. orders of temporal peers, contrary to former practice, in going to
church, took place of the {piritual ; and the:Loxl Spencer remarked, that the
humiliation, that:day, feemed confined alone to tle prelates.
Every meeting of the commons produced fone vehement harangue againft
the ufurpations of the bifhops, againft the high conmiffion, againit the late con-
vocation, againft the new canons. So difoufted vere all lovers of civil liberty
at the flavifh doctrines promoted of late by the clergy, that thefe invectives were
received without control; and no diftinction, at rit, appeared betwixt fuch as
defired only to reprefs the exorbitances of the hiearchy, and fuch as pretended
totally to annihilate epifcopal jurifdiction. Encoiraged by thefe favorable ap-
pearances, petitions againit the church were framed in different parts of the king:
dom. The epithet of the ignorant and vicious pri:tthood was commonly applied
to all churchmen, addited to the eftablifhed difipline and worthip; the the
epifcopal clergy in England, during that age, feen to have been, as they are at
prefent, fufficiently learned and examplary. To the committee of religion an
addrefs againft epifcopacy was prelented by twelve clergymen, and pretended to
be figned by many hundreds of the puritanical peruafion. But what made mott
noife was the city petition for a total alteration o/ church government; 4 peti-
tion, to which 15,000 fubfcriptions were annexel, and which was prefented by
Alderman Pennington, the city-member. ’Tis remarkable, that, among the
many ecclefiaftical abufes, there complained of, in allowance, given by the li
cencers of books, to publifh a tranflation of Ovid’: Art of Love, is not forgot by
thefe ruftic cenfors.
NotwiTHsTANDING the favorable difpofition of the people, the leaders im
the houfe refolved to proceed with caution. _Tley introduced a bill for prohi-
As a confequence, the
biting all clergymen the exercife of any civil office.
bifhops were deprived of their. featsin the houfe of peers; a meafure not unac-
ceptable to the zealous friends of liberty, who ob{aved, with regret, the devoted
But when. this bill was
prefented
attachment of that order to the williof the momrch.
SumtaAve ss HH §: vo. 26%
“prefented to the peers, it was rejected by a great majority: The firft check —— V.
which the commons had received in their popular carreer, anda prognoftic of Bi,
what they might afterwards expect from the upper houfe, whofe inclinations and
intereft could never be totally feparated from the throne. © But to fhow how little
they were difcouraged, the puritans immediately brought in another bill for the
total abolition of epifcopacy ; .tho’ rhey thought proper to let that bill fleep at
prefent, in expectation of a more favorable opportunity for reviving it.
Amone other acts of regal, executive power, which the commons were
every day afluming, they iffued orders for the demolifhing all images, altars,
crucifixes. The zealous Sir Robert Harley, to whom the execution of thefe
orders was committed, removed all crofies even out of {treets and markets; and
from his abhorrence to that fuperititious figure, would net any where allow
two pieces of wood or {tone to lie over each other at right angles.
Tue bifhop of Ely and other clergymen were attacked on account of innova-
tions. Cozens, who had long been obnoxious, was expofed to new cenfures.
“This perfon, who was dean of Peterborow, was extremely zealous for ecclefiafti-
cal ceremonies: And fo far from permitting the communicants to break the facra-
mental bread with their fingers; a privilege on which the puritans very {ftre-
nuoufly infifted; he would not fo much as allow it to be cut with an ordinary
houfhold inftrument. A confecrated knife muft perform that facred office, and
muit never afterwards be profaned by any vulgar fervice.
Cozens too was accufed of having faid, The king bas no more authority in eccle-
ftaftical matters, than the boy who rubs my horfe’s heels. The expreflion was vio-
lent: But ’tis certain, that all thofe high churchmen, who were fo induftrious
in bringing the laity’s necks under the King’s feet, were extremely fond of their
-own privileges and independency, and were defirous of exempting the mitre from
all fubjection to the crowr. ,
A committee was erected by the commons as a court of ingnifition upon the
clergy, and was commonly denominated the committee of {candalous minifters
The politicians. among the commons were apprized of the great importance of sthe
pulpit for guiding the people; the bigots. were enraged againit the prelatical
clergy; and both of them knew, that no-eftablifhed government could be over-
thrown by obferving itritly the principles of juftice, equity, or clemency:
The proceedings, therefore, of this famous committee, which continued for {e-,
veral years, were, to the laft degree, cruel. and arbitrary, and made dreadful
havoc both om the church and’ the univerfities. They began with harafling,
imprifoning, and molefting the clergy; and ended with fequeftring and ejecting
them. In order to join contumely to cruelty, they gave the fufferers the epithet
Vou. I. | Ll of
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Chav. V.
; O40.
or GREAT (BRITAIN,
260 HISTORY
of (canddlods, and endeavored to render them as odious as they were miferable;
The utmoit vice, however, which they could reproach to a great part of them,
were, bowing at the name of Jefus, placing the communion-table in the eaft,
reading the King’s order for {ports on funday, and other practices, which the
eftablifhed government, both in church and ftate, had ftri¢tly required of
them. Py
ir may be worth obferving, that all the hiftorians, who lived near that age,
or what perhaps is more decifive, all authors, who have cafually made mention of
thofe public tranfactions, {till reprefent the civil diforders and convulfions as pro-
ceeding from religious controverly, and confider the political difputes about power
and liberty as intirely fubordinate to the other. ’Tis true; had the King ab-
{tained from all invafion of national privileges, it is not probable, that the puri-
tans ever could have acquired fuch authority as to overturn the whole conftitu-
tion; Yet fo entire was the fubjection into which Charles was now fallen, that,
if the wound had not been poifoned by the infufion of theological hatred, it
muft have admitted of a very eafy remedy. Difufe of parliaments, imprifon-
ment and profecution of members, fhip-money, an arbitrary and illegal admi-
niftration; thefe were loudly, and not without reafon, complained of: But the
grievances, which tended chiefly to enflame the parliament and nation, efpe-
cially the latter, were, the furplice, the rails placed about the altar, the
bows exacted on approaching it, the liturgy, the breach of the fabbath, em-
broidered copes, lawn-flceves, the ufe of the ring in marriage, and of the crofs in
baptifm. On account of thefe, were both parties contented to throw the govern-
ment into fuch violent cenvulfions ; and to the difgrace of that age and of this
ifland, it muit be acknowleged, that the diforders in Scotland intirely, and
thofe in England moftly, proceeded from fo mean and contemptible an origin.
SOME perions, partial to the leaders, who now defended public liberty, have
ventured to put them in ballance with the moft illuftrious charaéters of antiquity 5
and mention the names of Pym, Hambden, Vane, as a jut parallel to thofe of
Cato, Brutus, Caflius. Profound capacity, indeed, undaunted courage, extenfive
enterprize ; in thefe particulars, perhaps the Roman do not much furpafs the
Englih patriots: But what a difference, when the difcourfe, condu@t, conver:
fation, and private as well as public behavior, of both are infpected ? Compare
only one circumftance, and confider its confequences. The leizure of thefe no-
ble antients was totally employed in the ftudy of Grecian eloquence and philofo-
poy; in the cultivation of polite letters and civilized fociety:’ The whole dif-
courfe and language of the moderns were polluted with myfterious jargon, and
full of the lowett and moft vulgar hypocrify.
THE
CEBAG ROL AES 6.5 OL 267
Tue laws, as they ftood at prefent, protected the church; but they expofed
the catholics to the utmoft rage of the puritans; and thefe unhappy religionifts,
fo obnoxious to the prevailing fect, could: not hope to remain long unmolefted.
The voluntary contribution, which they had made, in order to aflift the King
in his war againft the Scotch covenanters, wasinquired into, and reprefented as
the greateft enormity. By an addrefs from the commons, all officers of that re-
ligion were removed from the army, andi application was made to the King for
feizing two thirds of recufants’ lands; a proportion to which, by law, he was
intitled, but which he had always allowed them to poffefs upon very eafy compo-
fitions. The fevere and bloody laws againit priefts were infiited on: And one
Goodman, a jefuit, who was found in prifon, was condemned to a capital punifh-
ment. Charles, however, fuitable to his ufual principles, fcrupled to fign the
warrant for his execution; and the commons expreffed great refentment on
that occafion. There remains a very fingular petition of Goodman, beg-
ging to be hanged, rather than remain a fource of contention betwixt
the King and his people. He efcaped with his life; but it feems more pro-
bable, that he was overlooked, amid affairs of greater confequence, than that
{uch unrelenting hatred would be foftened by any confideration of his courage and
generofity.
For fome years, Con, a Scotchman, afterwards, Rofetti, an Italian, had o-
penly refided at London, and frequented the court, as vefted with a commiflion
from the.Pope.. The Queen’s zeal, and her authority with her hufband, had been
the caufe of this imprudence, fo offenfive to the nation. But the fpirit of bigotry
now rofe too high to permit any-longer fuch indulgences.
Haywarb, a juttice of peace, having been wounded, when employed in the
exercife of his office, by one James, a catholic madman, this enormity was afcri-
bed to the popery, not to the frenzy, of the latter; and great alarms feized the
nation and parliament. An univerfal confpiracy of the papifts was fuppofed to
have taken place; and eyery man, for fome days, imagined, that he had a iword
at his throat. Tho’ fome perfons of family and diftinction were {till attached to
the catholic fuperftition; ’tis certain, that the numbers of that fect did not com-
pofe the forticth part of the nation: And the frequent panics, to which men,
during this period, were fo fubject, on account of the catholics, were lefs the
effets of fear, than of extreme rage and averfion, entertained againft them.
Tue Queen Mother of France, having been forced into banifhment by fome
‘court-intrigues, had retired into England; and expected fhelter, amid her prefent
diftreffes, in the dominions of her daughter and fon-in-law. But, tho’ fhe be-
haved in the moft inoffenfive manner, fhe was infulted by the populace on ac-
count of her religion; and even worfe treatment was threatened her. The
Bs 2 Earl
Chap. V.
1640.
Chap. V.
4040,
‘Tonnage and
poundage,
268 HISR@ORY Or (GREAT .BRITAIN,
Earl of Holland, Lord’ lieutenant of Middlefex, had ordered a’ hundred’ mufgues-
teers toguard her; but finding, that they had imbibed the fame prejudices with
the reft of their country-men, and were very unwillingly employed in fuch a fer.
vice, he laid the cafe before the houfe of peers : For the King’s authority was
intirely annihilated. He reprefented, the indignity of the action, that fo great.a
Princefs, mother to the King of France, and to the Queens of. Spain and. Eng-
land, fhould be affronted by the bafe multitude. He obferved. the, indelible re.
proach, which would fall upon the-nation, if that unfortunate Queen fhould. fuf-
fer any violence from the mifguided zeal of the people. He urged the facred
rights of hofpitality, due to every one, much more to’a perfon in diftrefs, of fo
iiigh a rank, with whom the nation was fo nearly connected,, The pecrs thought
proper to communicate the matter to the commons, whole authority over the
people was abfolute.. The commons agreed to: the néceflity, of protecting the
Queen Mother; but at the fame time defired, that fhe might be moved.to-de-
part the kingdom; “‘ For the quicting thofe jealoufies in the hearts of. his Maje-
“ fty’s well-affected fubjects, occafioned by fome ill-inftruments about that
“© Queen’s perfon, by’ the flowing of priefts and papifts to her houfe, and by the
“: ufe and’ practice of the idolatry. of the mafs and exercife of other fuperftitious
“ fervices of the Romifh church,. to the great {candal of true religion.”
Cwarues, in the former part of his reign, had enceavored.te overcome the-
‘intractable and encroaching fpirit of the commons, by an obftinate perfeverance
in hisown meafures, by a ftately dignity of behavior, and by maintaining, at
sleir. utmoft height, and even {tretching. beyond former precedent, the rights
of his prerogative. Finding by experience how unfuccefsful thofe meafures had
proved, and obferving the low condition, to which he was now reduced, he re-
folved to alter his whole conduct, and endeavor to regain the confidence of his
people, by pliablenefs, by conceflions; and by a total conformity to theirmineli:
nations and prejudices.. He confideredinot, that. the true rule of government, in
{o difficult a fituation, as that, in which, from the beginning of his reign, he was
placed, confifted, neither in {teddinefs nor-in facility, but-in fuch a judicious mix:
ture of both, as would:exadtly fuit. the prefent circumftances of the mation, and
the particular-pretenfions of his opponents.. And, it:may fafely,be averred, that.
this new extreme, into;which the King, for want of proper, council.and -fupport, .
was fallen; became equally dangerous to the conftitution, and pernicious to pur-
blic peace, as the other, in which he had, fo long and. fo unfortunately, _ perie--
yered.
Tue pretenfions with regard to tonnage and’ poundage. were revived, and
with certain aflurance of fuccels, by the commons,. The levying thefe duties, , 8
~ formerly,
Co AM ROLS Siok 269
was fuch an incongruity in a free conftitution, where the people, by shalt funda- 1640s
mental privileges, cannot be taxed bat by their own confent, as could no longe
be endured by thefe jealous patrons of liberty. In the preamble, therefore, to
the bill, where the commons granted thefe duties to the King, they took care,
in the ftrongeft and moft pofitive terms, to affert their own right of beltowing
this gift, and to. diveft the crown of all independent title of affluming it. And
that they might increafe, or rather finally fix, the intire dependance and fubje-
ion of the King, they voted thefe duties only for two months ; and afterwards,
from time to time, renewed their grant for very fhort periods*. Charles, in
order to fhow, that he entertained no intention ever again to feparate himfelt
from‘ his parliament, paffed this important bill, without. any {cruple or hefi:
formerly, without confent of parliament, and even increafing them at pleafure, Chap V.
tation.
Wits regard to-the bill for triennial parliaments, he made a little difficulty: Triennial bile.
By an old ftatute, during the.reign of Edward III. it had been enacted, that par-
liaments fhould be held once every year, or more frequently, if neceflary :. But.
as no provifion had been made in cafe of failure, and no precife method pointed
out for execution; this {tatute had been confidered ‘merely as a. general declara-
tion, andwas difpenfed with at pleafure. The defect was fupplied.by thofe vi-
gilant patriots, who now affumed the reins of government. It was enacted, .
that: if the chancellor,. who was firft bound under fevere penalties, fail to iffue
out writs by thethird of September in every third year; any twelve or more of the
peers fhall be empowered to. exert.this authority::. In. default of. the peers, the
fheriffs, mayors,. bayliffs,. &¥c.. fhall.fummon. the voters: And in. their detault,
the: voters themfelves flail meet and proceed to the election of members, in the
fame manner as if writs had been regularly iffued from the crown. Nor could
the parliament, after it was aflembled, be adjourned, prorogued, or diflolved,
without their own confent, during the fpace of fifty days. By this bill, fome
of the nobleft and moft valuable prerogatives of the crown were retrenched; but at
the fame time, nothing could be more requifite than fuch. a ftatute, for compleating
a regular plan of law and liberty... A. great reluctance to affemble parliaments mutt
be expected in the King ; where thefe affemblies, as of late, eftablifh it as.a ma-
xim to carry their f{crutiny into. every circumftance of government. During
long
® Tt was an inftraétion given by the houfe tothe committee, which framed one of thefe bills,
to take care, that the rates upon the home-commodities may be as light as poffible ; and. upon fo-s
reign commodities as heavy as trade will bear ; A proof,. that the nature of commerce began now .
to. be underitood, Journ. 1, June 1641,. :
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Chap. V.
1640.
270 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
long intermiffions of parliament, prievances and abules, fuitable to recent expe.
rience, would naturally creep in; and it would even become neceflary for the
King and council to exert a great difcretionary authority, and, by acts of ftate,
fupply, in every emergence, the legiflative power, whofe meeting was fo un-
certain and precarious. Charles, . finding, that nothing lefs would fatisfy his par-
liament and people, at laft gave his affent to this bill, which produced fo great
an innovation in the conftitution. Solemn thanks were prefented him by both
hhoufes. Great rejoicings were expreffed both in the city and thro’out the nation,
And mighty profeflions were, every where, made of gratitude and mutual re-
turns of fupply and confidence. This conceflion of the King, it muft be owned,
was not intirely voluntary: It was of a nature too important to be voluntary,
‘The fole inference, which his partizans were intitled to draw from the fubmiflions,
fo frankly made to prefent neceflity, was, that he had certainly adopted a new
plan of government, and, for the future, was refolved, by every indulgence, to
acquire the confidence and affections of his people.
CHARLES thought, that what conceflions were made to the public were of
little confequence, if no gratifications were beftowed on the individuals, who
had acquired the direction of public councils and determinations. A change of
minifters, as well as of meafures, was, therefore, refolved on. In one day
were fworn privy counfellors, the Earls of Hertford, Bedford, Effex, Briftol;
the Lords Say, Saville, Kimbolton: ‘Within a few days after, was admitted the
Earl of Warwic. All thefe Noblemen were of the popular party; and fome of
them proved afterwards, when matters were pufhed to extremity by the commons,
the greateft fupports of monarchy.
Juxon, bifhop of London, who had never defired the treafurer’s ftaff, now
earneftly follicited for leave to refign it, and retire to the care of that turbulent
diocefe, which was committed tohim. The King gave his affents and it is re
markable, that, during all the fevere inquifitions, carried on againft the condud
of minifters and prelates, the mild and prudent virtues of this man, who bore
both thefe invidious characters, remained unmolefted. It was intended, that’
edford, a popular man, of great authority, as well as wifdom and moderation,
fhould fucceed Juxon: But that Nobleman, very unfortunately both for King
and people, died about this very time. By fome promotions, place was made
for St. John, who was created follicitor-general. Hollis was to be made fecreta-
ry of ftate, in place of Windebank, who had fled: Pym, chancellor of the
exchequer, in place of Lord Cottington, who had refigned: Lord Say, mafter
of the wards, in place of the fame Nobleman: The Earl of Effex, governor;
and Hambden, tutor, to the Prince.
WHAT
Crate A Re bak.s vk 271
Wuat retarded the execution of thefe projected changes, was the difficulty of Chap. V.
fatisfying all thofe,” who, from their activity and authority in parliament, had _—- 1040.
pretenfions for offices, and who had it {till in their power to embarafs and diftref,
the public meafures. Their affociates too in popularity, whom the King intend.
ed to diftinguifh by his favors, were unwilling to fuffer the reproach of having
driven a feparate bargain, and of facrificing, to their own ambitious views, the
caufe of thenation. And as they were fenfible, that they. muft owe their pre-
ferment entirely to their weight and confideration in parliament, they were, moft
of them, refolved {till to adhere to that aflembly, and both to promote its autho-
rity, and preferve their own credit in it. On all occafions, they had no other
advice to give the King, than to allow himfelf to be directed by his great coun-
cil; or in other words, to refign himfelf paflively to their guidance and govern-
ment. And Charles found, that, inftead of acquiring friends, by the honors
and offices which he fhould beftow, he would only arm his enemies with more.
power to hurt him.
Tue end, on which the King was moft intent in changing minifters, was to
fave the life of the Earl of Strafford, and to mollify, by thefe indulgences, the
rage of his moft furious profecutors. But fo high was that Nobleman’s reputation
for experience and capacity, that all the new counfellors and intended minifters
made account, if he efcaped their vengeance, of his return into favor and autho-
rity; and regarded his death as the only fecurity, which they could haye, both
for the eftablifhment of their prefent power, and for ficcefs in their farther en- |
terprizes. His impeachment, therefore, was puthed with the utmoft vigor ; and —
after long and folemn preparations, was brought to a final iffue.
IMMEDIATELY after Strafford was fequeftred from parliament, and confined:
in the tower, a committee of thirteen were chofen by the lower houfe, and en-
trufted with the office of preparing a charge againft him. Joined to a {mall com-
mittee of lords, thefe were vefted with authority to examine all witneffes, call.
for every paper, and ufe any means of {crutiny, with regard to any part of the
Earl’s behavior and conduct. After fo general and unbounded an inquifition, ex-
ercifed by fuch powerful and implacable enemies; @ man mutt have been very:
cautious Or very innocent, not to afford, during the whole courfe of his life,
fome matter of accufation again{t him.
TH1s committee, by direction from the houfes, took an oath of fecrecy; a:
practice very unufual, and what gave them the appearance of con{pirators, more
than minifters of juftice. But the intention of this ftriétnefs, was to render it
more difficult for the Earl to elude their fearch, or prepare for his juttification..
To
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Chap. V.
1640.
$641.
-conceflion, which Charles unwarily made,
-ynutual confidence,
-to deprive Strafford,
HISTORY or ‘GREAT BRITAIN.
272
To*the King, application was made, ‘that he would allow this committee to
examine privy counfellors with regard to opinions delivered at the board. A
and which thenceforth banifhed ali
from the deliberations of council; where every man is fup-
pofed to have entire freedom, without fear of future punifhment and inquiry,
of propoling any expedient, queftioning any opinion, or fupporting any argu-
ment.
Sir George Ratéliffe, the Earl’s intimate friend and‘confident, was accufed of
high treafon, fent for from Ireland, and committed to clofe cultody. As no
charge ever appeared or was profecuted againft him, it is impoflible to give a more
charitable interpretation to this meafure, than that the commons thereby intended
in his prefent diftrefs, of the afliitance of his beft friend,
who was moft enabled’ to:juftify the innocence of his conduct and behavior.
WueEn intelligence arrived in Ireland of ‘the pians laid for Strafford’s ruin, the
Trifh houfe of commons, tho’ they had very lately beftowed moft ample prailes
on his adminiftration, entered into all violent councils apainft him, and prepared
-areprefentation of the miferable ftate, into which, by his mifconduct, they fup-
pofed the kingdom to be fallen. They fent over a committee into England to af-
fift in the profecution-of their unfortunate governor 5 and by intimations from
this committee, who entered into clofe confederacy with the popular leaders in
England, was every meafure of the Irifh parliament governed and directed. Im
peachments, which were never profecuted, were carried up againft Sir Richard
Bolton, the chancellor, Sir Gerard Louther, chief juftice, and Bramhall, bifhop
of Derry. This ftep, which was an exact counter-part to the proceedings in Eng-
land, ferved alfo the ‘fame purpofes : It deprived the King of the minifters, whom
he moft trufted; it difcouraged and terrified all the other minifters 3. and it pre-
vented thofe perfons, who were beft acquainted with Strafford’s councils, from
giving evidence in his favor befere the Englifh parliament.
Tue bifhops, being forbid ‘by the canons to affift in any trial fog life, and
being unwilling, by any oppofition, to irritate the commons, who were already
much prejudized againft them, thought proper, of themfelves, to withdraw. The
commons alfo voted, that the mew created peers ought to have no voice in this
trial; becaufe the accufation being agreed to, while they were commoners, their
confent to it was implied with that-of all the commons of England. Notwith-
ftanding this decifion, which was meant only to deprive Strafford of fo many
friends, the Lord Seymour, and fome others ftill continued to keep their feat;
nor was their right to it any farther queftioned.
"T@
or AOR OE MES fy. 29%
To beftow a greater folemnity on this important trial, fcaffolds were ereéted Chap. V.
m Weftminfter-hall ; where both houfes fat, the one as accufers, the other as —
‘judges. Befide the chair of ftate, a-clofe gallery was prepared for the King and
Queen, who attended during the whole trial.
Aw accufation, -carried'‘on by the united effort of three kingdoms, again{t
one man, unprotected by power, unaflifted by council, difcountenanced by au-
thority, was likely to:prove a very unequal conteft: Yet fuch was the capacity,
genius, prefence of mind, difplayed by this magnanimous ftatefman, that, while
argument and reafon and law had any place, he obtained an undifputed victory.
And-he perifhed at laft, overwhelmed and {till unfubdued, by the undifguifed vio-
lence of his fierce and unrelenting antagonitts.
“THE articles of impeachment againft Strafford are twenty eight in number ; March 224
and regard his conduct, as prefident of the council of Yorke, as deputy or lieu-
tenant of Ireland, as counfellor or commander in England. But tho’ four months
were employed by the managers in framing the accufation, and all Strafford’s an-
{wers were €xtemporary; it appears from comparifon, not only that he was free
from the crime of treafon,, of which there is not the leaft appearance, but that
his conduct, making allowance for human infirmities, expofed.to fuch fevere
icrutiny,' was innocent, and even laudable.
THE powers of the northern council, while he was prefident, had been ex-
tended, by the King’s inftructions, beyond what formerly had been pra¢tifed:
But that court being, at firft, inftituted by a ftretch of royal prerogative, it had
been ufual for the prince to vary his.inftructions; and the largeft authority, com-
‘mitted to it, was altogether as-legal as the moft moderate and moft limited. Nor
was it reafonable to conclude, -that Strafford had ufed any art to procure thofe
extenfive powers; fince he never once fat as_prefident, nor exercifed-one act of
jurifdiction, after he was invefted with the authority, fo much complained of.
In the government of Ireland, his adminiftration had been equally promotive
of his matter’s intereft, and that of the fubjects, committed to his care. A large
debt he had payed off: A confiderable fum he had left in the exchequer: The
revenues, which before never anfwered the charges of government, were now
raifed to. be equal to them: A {mall ftanding army, held in no order, was aug-
mented and was governed by the moft exact difcipline: And a great force
was there raifed and paid, for the iupport of the King’s authority againft the
Scotch covenanters.
a
eag
. SS ee rey
= * a :
InDusTRY, .and all the arts of peace, were introduced among that favage
people: ‘The fhipping. of the kingdom augmented a hundred-fold: ‘ The
cultoms tripled upon the fame rates: Tle exports double in value to the im-
You. I. Mm > ports ;
i}
Chap. VY.
1041,
a4 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
ports: Manufactures, particularly that of linnen, introduced and promoted:
Agriculture, by means of the Englifh and Scotch plantations, gradually advancing
The proteftant religion encouraged, without the periecution or difcontent of the
catholics. : Bi
Tue fprings of authority he had enforced without overftraining them. Dif.
cretionary acts of jurifdiction, indeed, he had often exerted, by holding courts-
martial, billeting foldiers, deciding caules upon paper-petitions before the council,
iffuing proclamations, and punifhing their infraction. But difcretionary authori-
ty, during that age, was ufually exercifed even in England. In Ireland, it was
{till more requifite, among a wild nation, {carce well fubdued, averfe to the
religion and manners of their conquerors, ready, on all occafions, to relapfe into
rebellion and diforder. While the managers of the commons demanded, every
moment, that the deputy’s condué fhould be examined by the line of rigid law
and fevere principles; he appealed ftill to the practice of all former deputies, and
to the uncontrolable neceflity of his fituation.
So great was his art of managing elections, and ballancing parties, that he
had ‘engaged the Irifh parliament to vote whatever was requifite, both for the
payment of former debts, and for fupport of the new levied army; nor had he
ever been reduced to the illegal expedients, practifed in England, for the fupply
of public neceffities. No imputation of rapacity could juftly lie againft his admi-
niftration. Some inftances of imperious expreflions and even actions may be met
with. The cafe of Lord Mountnorris, of all thofe collected with fo much in.
duftry, is the moft flagrant and the leaft excufable.
Ir had been reported at the table of the Lord chancellor, Loftus, that one of
the deputy’s attendants, a relation of Mountnorris, in moving a ftool, had fore-
ly hurt his mafter’s foot, who was at that time afflicted with the gout. Perbaps,
faid Mountnorris, who was prefent at table, it was done in revenge of that public
affront, which my Lord deputy formerly put upon me: But I HAVE A BROTHER,
WHO WOULD NOT HAVE TAKEN SUCH A REVENGE. This cafual, and
feemingly innocent, at leaft very ambiguous, expreflion was reported to Strafford;
who, on pretence that Mountnorris was an officer, ordered him to be tried bya
court-martial for mutiny and fedition again{t his general. The court, which con-
fitted of the chief officers of the army, found the crime to be capital, and con-
demned that Nobleman to lofe his head.
In vain did Strafford plead in his own defence againft this article of impeach-
ment, That the fentence againft Mountnorris was the deed, and that too unani-
mous, of the court, not the act of the deputy; that he fpoke not to a member of
the court, nor voted in the caufe, but fat uncovered as a party; and then im-
mediately
iH An R Ai Biss y ay ee
mediately withdrew, to leave them to their freedom; that fenfible of the atro-
ciou{nefs of the fentence, he procured his Majefty’s free pardon to NViountnorris3
that he did not even keep that Nobleman a moment in fufpence with regard to his
fate, but inftanitly told him, that he himfelf would fooner part with his right
hand than execute fuch a fentence, nor was his lordfhip’s life in any manner of
danger; and that upon the whole, the only hardfhip, which Mountnorris fuffered,
was imprifonment during two days, after which his liberty was reftored to him.
In vain did Strafford’s friends add, as a further apology, that Mountnortis was a
man of an infamous character, who payed court, by the loweft adulation, to all
deputies, while prefent; and blackened their character, by the vileft calumnies,
when recalled: And that Strafford, expecting like treatment, had ufed this ex-
pedient for no other purpofe than to fubdue the petulant fpirit of the man. Thefe
excufes alleviate the guilt; but there ftill remains enough to prove, that the mind
of the deputy, tho’ great and firm, had been not a little debauched by the riot of
abfolute power, and uncontroled authority.
WHEN Strafford was called over into England, he found evety thing falling
to fuch confufion, by the open rebellion of the Scotch and the fecret difcontents
of the Englifh, that, if he had epunfelled or executed any violent meafure, he
might perhaps have been able to apologize for his conduét, from the great law of
neceflity, which admits not, while extreme, of any fcruple, ceremony, or delay.
But in fact, no illegal advice or ation was proved againft him; and the whole
amount of his guilt, during this period, were fome peevilh, or at moft imperious
expreflions, which, amid fuch defperate extremitics, and during a bad {tate of
health, had unhappily fallen from him.
Ir Strafford’s apology was, in the main, fo fatisfactory, when he pleaded to
each particular article of the charge, his viGory was {till more decifive, when
he brought the whole together, and repelled the imputation of high treafon; the
crime which the commons would infer from the full view of his condu@ and. be-
havior. Of all fpecies of guilt, the law of England had, with the moft anxious
care, defined that of treafon; becaufe on that fide it was found moft requifite to
protect the fubject againft the violence of the king and of his minifters, By
the famous ftatute of Edward III. all the kinds of treafon. are enumerated, and
ewery other crime, befide fuch as are there exprefsly mentioned, is carefully ex-
cluded from that denomination. But with regard to this guilt, 2 endeavor to
Juovert the fundamental laws, the ftatute of treafons is totally filent: And arbi-
trarily to, introduce it into, the fatal catalogue, is itfelf a fubverfion of all law ;
and under) pretext of defending liberty, reverfes a ftatute the beft calculated
for protecting liberty, which had ever been enacted by an Englith parliament.
M m 2 As
Chap. VY;
1641,
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276 HISTORY ofr GREAT BRITAIN.
As this fpecies of treafon, difcovered by the commons, is intirely new and’
unknown to the laws;. fo is the fpecies- of proof, by which they pretendtotia
that guilt upon the prifoner. They have invented a kind of accumulative ox
confiruétive evidence, by which many actions, either totally imnocent in them.
felves, or criminal in a much inferior degree, fhall, when united, mount up inte
treafon, and fubject the perfon to the higheft penalties inflitted by the law. A
hafty and unguarded word, arafh and paflionate action, aflifted by the malevo-
lent fancy of the accufer, and tortured by precarious conftructions, is tranfmuted
into the deepeft guilt; and. the lives and fortunes of the whole nation, no longer
protected by juftice, are fubjected to arbitrary will and pleafure.
" « Wuere has this fpecies of guilt lain fo long. concealed,” faid Strafford in
conclufion:. ** Where has this fire been fo long buried, during fo many centuries,
«‘ that no fmoke fhould appear, till it burft out at once, to confume me and my
«« children? Better it were to live under no law at all, and, by the maxims of
«¢ cautious prudence, to conform ourfelves, the beit we can, to the arbitrary will
ss of a mafter; than fancy we have a law on which we can rely, and find, at
« Jaft, that this law fhall-infli@t a punifhment precedent to the promulgation, and
«‘ try us by maxims unheard of, till the very moment of the profecution. If
«J fail on the Thames, and fplit my veffel’on an anchor; in cafe there be no
<¢ buoy to give warning, the party fhall pay me damages ; But, if the anchor
*¢ be marked out, then is the ftriking on it at my own peril. Where is the mark
<< fet upon this crime? Where is the token by which I fhould difcover it? It
« has lain concealed under water; and no human prudence, no human inno-
« cence could fave me from the deftruction, with which I am here threatened.”
<¢ Ir is now full two hundred and forty years fince treafons were defined ;
** and fo long has it been, fince any man was touched to this extent, upon this
«¢ crime, before myfelf. We have lived, my lords, happily to ourfelyes at home;
“¢ we have lived glorioufly abroad; to the world: Let us be content with what
** our fathers have left us: Let not’ our ambition carry. us to be more léarned
“* than they were, in thefe killing and'deftructive arts. Great wifdom it willbe
* in your lordfhips, and: juft- providence, for yourfelves, for your pofterities, for
“* the whole kingdem, to caft-from you, into the fire, thefe bloody and myfte-
rious volumes of arbitrary and conf{tructive treafons, as the primitive chriftians
did theiv books. of curious arts, and betake yourfelves to the plain letter of tite
tatute, which tells you where the crime is, and points out to you the path; by
6* which you may avoid it!” |
“ LET us not, to. our own deftruction, awake thofe fleeping lions, by rattling _
up a company of old-records, which have lain, for fo many ages, by the wall,
- & forgotten.
&
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Gi FE AKL ORO Lick. YS1.0 F 277
* forgotten and neglected. To: all my afflictions, add not this, my lords, the
“ moit fevere of any; that, for my other fins, not for my treafons, be the
“‘ means of introducing a precedent, fo pernicious to the laws and liberties of my
“ mative country.
‘< Howerver thefe gentlemen at the bar fay, they fpeak for the common-
“ wealth; and they believe fo: Yet, under favor, in this particular, it is I whe
“¢ fpeak for the commonwealth. Precedents, like thofe endeavored to be etta-
‘< blifhed againft. me, muft draw along fuch inconveniences and miferies, that,
*¢ in a few years, the kingdom will be in the condition, exprefled in a ftatute
“ of Henry IV.; and no man fhall know by what rule to. govern his words and
«¢ actions.
‘“ Impose not, my lords, difficulties infurmountable upon minifters of ftate,
«‘ nor difable them from ferving with cheerfulnefs their king and country. If
you examine them, and under fuch fevere penalties, by every grain, by every
“ little weight; the fcrutiny willbe intolerable. The public affairs of the
“ kingdom muft be left waite; and.no wife man, who has any honor or for-
*‘ tune to lofe, will ever engage himfelf in fuch dreadful, fuch. unknown
** perils.””
*¢ My lords, I have now troubled your lordfhips a great deal longer than I
*¢ fhould have done. Were it not for the intereft of thefe pledges, which a
*¢ faint in heaven left me, I fhould be loth.”
and his weeping {topped him.
Here he pointed to his children,
“ What I forfeit for myfelf, it is nothing:
‘* But, I confefs, that my indifcretron fhould forfeit for them, it wounds me very
* deeply. You will be :pieafed to pardon my infirmity: Something I fhould
*¢ have faid; but I fee I fhall not be able, and therefore I fliall leave it.”
‘© AnD ‘now, my lords, I thank God, Ihave been, by, his good blefling,
“ fufficiently mftructed in the extreme vanity of all temporary enjoyments, com-
‘¢ pared to the importance of our eternal duration.. And fo, my. lords, even fo,
‘© with: all humility, and with all tranquillity of mind, I fubmit, clearly and
« freely, to your Judgments: And whether that righteous doom {hall be to life
** or to death, I-fhall repofe myfelf, full of gratitude and confidence, in.the arms
© of the great Author of my. exiftence.”
CERTAINLY, fays Whitlocke with his ufaal candor, sever any man ated fueb
apart, on fuch a theatre, with more wifdom, confiancy,. and eloquence, with greater -
reafon, judgment and temper, and with a better grace in. all kis words and ations,
than did this great and excellent perfon; and.he moved the hearts of all his auditor’,
fome few excepted, to remorfe and pity, It is remarkable, that the hiftorian, whe
exprefleés
Chap. Vs
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Chap. V.
OAT.
2'78 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
expreffes himfelf in thefe terms, was himfelf chairman of that committee, which
conducted the impeachment againft this unfortunate ftatefman.. The accufation
and defence lafted for cighteen days. The managers divided the feveral articles
among them, and attacked the prifoner with all the weight of authority, with
all the vehemence of rhetoric, with all the accuracy of long preparation. — Straf-
ford was obliged to fpeak with deference and referve towards his moft invete.
rate enemies, the commons, the Scotch nation, the Irifh parliament. He took
only avery little time, on each article, to recolle& himfelf: Yet he alone, with-
‘out afliitance, mixing modefty and humility with firmnefs and vigor, made fuch
a defence, that the commons faw it impoflible, by a legal profecution, ever fo
obtain a fentence againft him.
Bur the death of Strafford was too important a ftroke of party to be left un-
attempted by any expedient, however extraordinary. Befide the great genius
and authority of that minifter, he had threatened fome of the popular leaders
with an impeachment; and, - had he not been fuddenly prevented by an acenfati-
on of the commons, he had, that very day, it was thought, charged Pym,
Hambden, and others, with treafon, for having invited the Scotch to invade Eng-
land. A bill of attainder was therefore brought into the lower houfe immediate-
ly after finifhing thefe pleadings; and preparatory to it, anew proof of the Farl’s
guilt was produced, in order to remove fuch fcruples as might be entertained with
regard to a method of proceeding, fo unufual and regular,
Sir Henry Vane, fecretary, had taken-down fome notes of a debate in council,
after the diffolution of the Jatt parliament; and being at a diftance, he had fent
the keys of his cabinet, as was pretended, to his fon, Sir Henry, in order to
fearch for fome papers, which were neceflary for compleating ‘a marriage-fettlement,
Young Vane, falling upon this paper of notes, efteemed the matter of the utmoft
confequence 3 and immediately communicated it to Pym, who now produced the
paper before the houfe of commons. The queftion before the council was; Of-
fenfive or defenfive war with the Scotch. The King propotes this difficulty, (But
“* how can I undertake offenfive war if I have no more money”? The anfwer
atcribed to Strafford was inthefe words. “ Borrow of the city a hundred thou-
** fand pounds : Go on vigoroufly to levy fhip-money. Your Majefty having
tried the affections of your people, you are abfolved and loofe from all rules
' of government, and may do what power will admit. Your Majefty, having
tried all ways, fhall be atquitted before God and man. And you have an army
im Ireland, which you may employ to reduce Tu1s Kingdom to obedience:
for Tam confident the Scotch cannot hold out five months”. There follow-
ed
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fecuring their indepéendancy, » and barring
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fare, gave all the judges patents duri
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Wa the entrance of arbitrary power into the otdinary courts of ' judicature.
1ich took cognizance of-oftenfive words, ‘and was not
Tue marfhal’s court,’ wl
efteemed fufficiently lintited by law, was alfo, ‘for that reafon, abolifhed. The
Wea |i f{tannary -courts, which exercifed jurifdiion over the miners, being liable tora
ali | like objection, underwent a like’ fate. ’Thetabolition of the council of the
a RP Ba | north and the council of Wales followed from the fame principles. The autho:
WE rity of the:clerk: of the market, ‘ who hada: general infpection over the weights
and meafures thro’out.the kingdom, “was transferred tothe mayors, sheriffs, and.
ordinary magiftrates. | pais
LO ate In fhort,..if we take a furvey of the tranfactions of this memorable -parliament,
i Kee i during the firft period of their operations; we {hall find, that, excepting Straf+
ford’s attainder, “which was a complication of cruel iniquity, their: merits, ino
a ther refpects, fo much overballance their miftakes, as to intitle them to. very am:
id ple praifes from all lovers of liberty. “Not only paft encroachments were ref{train-
bara ed and erievancesredrefied ; Great provifion, for-the future, wasmade by excellent
i | ‘Jaws againft the return. of like complaints. And if the means, by which they
hae _obtained fuch mighty .advantages, favor often of artifice, fometimes of violence;
it is tobe confidered, -that revolutions of government cannot be effected by the
-mere force of argument and reafoning: And that factions. being. once excited, men
-can neither fo firmly regulate the tempers of others, nor their own, as to enfure
themfelves. againft all exorbitances. | | a
THE:parliament now came to a paufe. The King had promifed his Scotch
fubjeéts, that-he would this fummer pay them a vifit in order to fettle their go-
vernment; and tho’ the Englith parliament were very umportunate with him,
that*he fhould lay afide that journey, they could only prevail with him to delay
it. As he,muft neceffarily have paffed thro’ the troops in his journey, the com
abet Ane OO feem'to ‘have entertained great jealoufy on that account, and to have now
‘Kirle’s journey ‘hurried on, as much as they formerly delayed, the.difbanding the armies. The
to Scotland. arrears therefore of the Scotch, were intirely paid them; and-thofe of the Eng:
lifh, in part. The Scotch returned home, and the Englith were feparated into their
feveral counties, and difmified. aly
ines Arter this, the parliament adjourned to the 20th of October; and a com
Hal amittee’of both houfes, .a thing altogether unufual, was appointed: to fit during
the
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the recefs, with very ample powers. Pym was appointed chairman of the com-
mittee of the lower houfe. Farther attempts were made by the parliament,
while it fat, and even by the commons alone, for afluming fovereign executive
powers, and publifhing their ordinances, as they called them, inftead of laws.
The committee too, on their parts, were very ready to imitate this example,
A fmall committee of both houfes were appointed to attend the King into
Scotland, in order, as was pretended, to fee that the articles of pacification were
executed; but really to be {pies upon him, and extend {tll farther the ideas of
parliamentary authority, as well as eclipfe the majeity of the King. The Earl
of Bedford, Lord Howard, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William Armyne, Fiennes,
and Hambden, were the perfons chofen.
ENDEAVoRs were ufed, before Charles’s departure, to have a protector of the
kingdom appointed, with a power to pafs laws without having recourfe to the
King. So little regard was now paid to royal authority or to the eftablifhed con-
{titution of the kingdom. |
Amid the great variety of affairs, which occurred during this bufy period, we
have almoft overlooked the marriage of the Princefs Mary with William Prince
of Orange. The King concluded not this alliance without communicating his
intentions to the parliament, who received the propofal with fatisfaction. This
was tlhe commencement of the conneétions with the family of Orange: Conne-
étions, which were afterwards attended with the moft important confequences,
tho’ of a different nature, both to the kingdom and the houfe of Stuart.
Paite Bix. Dim C H.-A P.
Chap. V.
1641,
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16416
Augof r4.
Settlement of
Scotland,
198 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
CHAP.. VI.
Surtlement of Scotland.——— Confpiracy in Ireland. Infurretiion and
mafjacre. Meeting of the Engh/h parliament.——The remonfirance,
——Reafons on both ‘fides.——Impeachment of the bifhops.——Accufation
of the five members.——-Tumults.———King leaves London. Arrives
in Vorke-——Preparations for civil war.
HE Scotch, who firft began thefe fatal commotions, thought, that they
TT had finifhed a very perillous undertaking, much to their profit and reputa-
tion. . By the Englifh parliament, befide the ample pay voted them for lying in
good quarters during a twelvemonth, they had conferred on them a prefent of
200,000 pounds for their brotherly affiftance: In the articles of pacification,
they were declared to have ever been good fubjects; and their military expedi-
tions were approved of, as enterprizes calculated and intended for his Majefty’s ho-
nor and advantage: To carry farther the triumph over their fovereign, thefe
terms, fo ignominious for him, were ordered, by a vote of parliament, to be red
in all churches, upon a day of thankfgiving, appointed for the national pacifica-
tion: All their claims, for the reftriction of prerogative, were agreed to be ra
tified: And what they more valued than all thefe advantages ; they had a near
profpect of fpreading the prefbyterian difcipline in England and Ireland, from the
feeds, which they had fcattered, of their religious principles. Never did refined
Athens fo-exult-in diffufing the fciences and liberal arts over a favage world:
Never did generous Rome fo pleafe herfelf in the view of law and order efta-
blifhed by her victorious arms : As the Scotch now rejoiced, in communicating
their barbarous zeal, and theological fervor, to the neighboring nations.
Cuar es, defpoiled in England of a confiderable part of his authority, and
dreading ftill farther encroachments upon him, arrived in Scotland, with an i
tention of abdicating almoft entirely the fmall fhare of power, which #here
‘yemained to him, and of giving full fatisfattion, if polflible, to that reftlels
people.
Tur lords of articles were am antient inftitution in the Scotch parliament:
They were conftituted after this manner. The lords chofe eight bifhops: The
bifhops elected eight lords: Thefe fixteen named eight commiflioners of
counties: Thefe twenty four appointed eight burgeff s; And without the pre
vious
Se RT Lon ss yr 201
vious confent of the thirty two, who were denominated lords of articles, no
motion could be made in the parliament. As the bifhops were intirely devoted
to the court, it is evident, ‘that the whole lords of articles, by neceflary confe-
quence, depended on the king’s nomination; and the prince, befide one nega-
tive after paffing the bills thro’ the parliament, potlefied indirectly another before
their introduction; a prerogative ef much greater confequence than the former.
The bench of bifhops being now abolifhed, the ‘parliament wifely laid hold of
the opportunity, and totally fet afide the lords of articles: And till this mmpor-
tant point was-obtained, the nation, properly fpeaking, could not be faid to en-
joy any regular freedom. )
Tis remarkable, that, notwith{tanding this inftitutron, which had no pa-
rallel in England, the royal authority was always efteemed» much lower in Scot-
land than in the former kingdom. | Bacon reprefents it as one advantage to be
expected from the union, that the too extenfive prerogative of England would
be abriged by the example of Scotland, and the too narrow prerogative of Scot-
tand be enlarged from imitation of England. The English were, at that time,
a civilized people, ‘and obedient to the laws: But among the Scotch, it was of
little confequence, how the laws were framed, or by whom voted; while the
exorbitant ariftocracy had it fo much in their power to prevent their regular
execution.
Tue peers and commons formed only one lroufe in the Scotch parliament : And
as it had been the practice of James, continued by Charles, to grace Englifh
gentlemen with Scotch titles, and thofe tranfimitted their proxies to whomever
the king pleafed; the whole determinations of parliament, it was to be feared,
would in time depend upon the prince, by means of thele votes of abfent fo-
reigners, who had no intereft nor concern in the nation. It was therefore a law,
deferving great approbation, that no man fhould be capable of being created a
Scotch peer, who poffeffed not 10,000 merks {above 500 pounds) of annual rent
in the kingdom.
A law for triennial parliaments was likeways paffed5 and it was ordained, that
the laft act of every parliament fhould be to appoint the time and place for holding
the parliament next enfuing.
Tus King was deprived of that power, formerly exercifed, of iffuing procla-
mations, which enjoined obedience under the penalty of treafon - A prerogative,
which invefted him with the whole legiflative authority, even in matters of the
higheft confequence. |
So far was laudable: But the moft fatal blow given to royal authority, and
what, ina manner, dethroned the Prince, was the article, that no member of
O02 the
Chap. VI.
1641.
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Chap. VI.
1641,
Ooeber 20.
&
292 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
the privy council, in whofe hands, during the King’s abfence, the whole admi-
niftration lay, no officer of ftate, none of the judges, fhould be appointed but by
advice and approbation of parliament. Charles even agreed to deprive, of their
feats, four judges who had adhered to his interetts 5 and their place was fupplied by
others more agreeable to the ruling party. Several of the covenanters were alfo,
{worn of the privy council. And all the minifters of ftate, countellors, and
judges, by law, were to hold their places during life or good behavior.
Tue King, while in Scotland, conformed himfelf entirely to the eftablithed
church; and aflifted, with great gravity, at the long prayers and longer fermons,
with which the prefbyterians endeavored to regale him. He beftowed penfions
and preferments on Henderfon, Gillefpy, and other popular preachers; and pra-
ctiled every art to foften, if not to gain, his greateft enemics. ‘The Earl of
Argyle he created a marquis, Lord Loudon an earl, Lefly he dignified with the
title of Earl of Leven. His friends, he was obliged, for the prefent, to negle&
and overlook: Some of them were difgufted: And his enemies were not Tes
conciled; but afcribed all his careffes and favors to artifice and neceflity.
ARGYLE and Hamilton, being feized with an apprehenfion, real or counterfeit,
that the Earl of Crawford and others intended to affaflinate them, left the parlia-
ment {uddenly, and retired into the country: But upon invitation and affurances,
returned in a few days. This event, which had neither @aufe nor effed that was
vifible, nor purpofe, nor confequence, was commonly denominated the incident.
But tho’ this event had no effect in Scotland; what was not expected, it was ats
tended with confequences in England. The Englith parliament, which was now
aflembled, being willing to awaken the people’s tendernefs by exciting their fears,
immediately feized the alarm; as if the malignants, fo they called the King’s party,
had laid a plot at once to murder them and all the godly in both kingdoms. They
applied, therefore, to Effex, whom the King had left general in the fouth of Eng-
Jand; and he ordered a guard to attend them.
But while the King was employed in pacifying the commotiens in Scotland,
and was preparing to return to England, in order to apply hinifelf to the fame fa-
lutary work in that kingdom; he received news of a dangerous rebellion broke
out in Ireland, with circumftances of the utmoft horror, bloodthed, :and deyafta-
tion. On every fide, this unfortunate Prince was purfued with murmurs, difeon-
tent, faction, and civil wars; and the fire, from all quarters, even by the moft in-
dependent accidents, at once blazed up about him.
Tue great plan of James, in the adminiftration of Ireland, continued by. Charles,
was, by juftice and peace, to reconcile that turbulent people to the authority of
laws, and, introducing art and induftry among them, to curé that fleth and bar-
barifm
SIRT ASH SS? Wes 293
barifm to which they had ever been fubject. In order to ferve both thefe pur-
pofes, and, at the fame time, fecure the dominion: of Ireland to the Englith crown,,
eveat colonies of Britifh had been carried over, and, being intermixed with the
Irith, had every where introduced a new face of things into that country.
During a peace of near forty years, the inyeterate quarrels betwixt the nations
feemed, in a great meafure, obliterated; and tho’ much of the landed property,
forfeited by rebellion, had been conferred on the new planters, a more than equal
return had been made, by their inftructing the natives in tillage, building, manu-
factures, and all the civilized arts of life.. “Fhis had been the courfe of things
during the fucceflive adminiftrations of Chichefter, Grandifon, Falkland, and, above
all, of Strafford, Under the government of this laft Nobleman, the pacific plans,
now come to greater maturity, and forwarded. by his vigor and induftry, feemed.
to have operated with full fuccefs, and to have beftowed, at laft, on that fayage
country, the face of an European fettlement.
AFTER Strafford fell a yi¢tim.to: popular rage, the humors, excited in Ireland
by that great event, could not fuddenly be compofed, but continued. to produce
the greateft innovations in. the government. 3
Tue Britith proteftants tranfplanted into Ireland, having, every moment, be-
fore their eyes al} the horrors of popery, had naturally been carried into the op-
pofite extreme, and hath univerfally adopted the higheit principles and practices of
the puritans. Monarchy, as well as the hierarchy, was become odious to them};
and every method of limiting the authority of the crown, and detaching them-
felves from the king of England, was greedily adopted and purfued.. They con-
fidered not, that, as they fcarce compofed the fixth part of the people, and were
fecretly obnoxious to the antient inhabitants; their only method of fupporting
themfelves-was by maintaining royal authority, and preferving a great depend-
ance on their mother-country. © The Englifh commons too, in their fur
rious profecution of Strafford, had overlooked the moft obvious confequences ;.
and, while they imputed to him, as a crime, every difcretionary act of authority,
they defpoiled all fucceeding governors of that power, by which alone the Irifh
could be retained in fubjeCtion. And fo {trong was the current for popular go-
yernment in all the three kingdoms, that the mott eftablifhed maxims ef policy
were eyery where abandoned, in order to gratify this ruling paflion.
Cuarues, unable to refit, had been obliged to yield to the Irifh, as to the
Scotch and Englifh parliaments; and found too, that their encroachments {till
rofé in proportion to his conceffions. Thofe fubfidies, which themfelves had
yoted, they reduced, by a fubfequent vote, to a fourth part: The court of high
commiflion
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294. HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
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jurifdiction of the council they annihilated: Proclamations and acts of {tate they
declared of no authority: Every order or inftitution, which depended on mo-
narchy, was invaded; and their prince was defpoiled of all his prerogative, with-
out the leaft pretext of any violence or illegality in his adminiftration.
Tue ftanding army of Ireland was ufually about '3000 men; but in order to
affift the King in fupprefling the Scotch covenanters, Strafford had raifed 8000
more, and had incorporated with them a thoufand men, drawn from the old ar-
my; a requifite expedient for beftowing order and difcipline on the new-levied
foldiers. The private men in this army were wholly catholics; but the officers,
both commiffion and non-commiflion, were proteftants, and could entirely be de-
pended on by Charles. The Iinglifh commons entertained the greate{t apprehen-
fions on account of this army; and never ceafed folliciting the King, till he a-
greed to break it: Nor would they confent to any propofals for augmenting the
ftanding army to sooo men 3 a number which the King judged requifite for re-
taining Ireland in obedience.
CHARLES, efteeming it dangerous, that 8000 men, accuftomed to idlenefs, and
trained to the ufe of arms, fhould be difperfed among a nation fo turbulent and
unfettled, agreed with the Spanifh ambaflador to have them tranfported into
Flanders, and inlifted in his mafter’s fervice. The Englifh commons, apprehen-
five, that regular bodies of troops, difciplined in the low countries, would prove
{till more dangerous, fhowed fome averfion to this expedient; and the King re-
duced his allowance to 4000 men. But when the Spaniards had hired fhips for
traniporting thefe troops, and the men were ready for embarkation ; the com-
mons, willing to fhow their power, and not difpleafed with an opportunity of curb-
ing and affronting the King, prohibited every one from furnifhing veffels for that
fervice. And thus the project, formed by Charles, of freeing the country
from thefe men, was unfortunately difappointed.
Tue old Irifh catholics remarked all thefe falfe {teps of the Englith, and re-
folved to take advantage of them. Tho’ their animofity againft that nation, for
want of an occafion to exert itfelf, feemed to be extinguifhed, it was only com-
pofed into a temporary and deceitful tranquillity. Their interefts, both with re-
gard to property and to religion, fecretly ftimulated them to a revolt. No indi-
vidual of any ‘fept, according to the antient cuftoms, ‘had the property of any
particular eftate; but as the whole fept had a title to a whole territory, they ig-
norantly preferred this barbarous community before t]
poileilions afligned them by the Englifh. An indul
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304 HISTORY ofr GREAT BRITAIN.
grofs impofture, and loaded the unhappy prince with the whole enormity of a
contrivance, fo barbarous and inhuman*.
By the difficulties and diftrefles of the crown, the commons, who poffeffed
alone the power of fupply, had aggrandized themfelves; and it feemed’a peculiar
happinefs, that the Irifh rebellion had fucceeded, at fo critical a jun@ture, to the :
pacification of Scotland. That expreflion of the King, by which he committed
to them the care of Ireland, they immediately laid hold of, and interpreted in the
moft unlimited fenfe. On the executive power of the crown, which forms its
principal and moft natural branch of authority, they had, in other inftances,
been gradually encroaching; but with regard to Ireland they at once affumed it,
fully and intirely, as if delivered over to them by a regular gift or aflign-
ment. And to this. ufurpation the King was obliged paffively to fubmit ; both
becaule
* It is now fo univerfally allowed, notwithftanding fome muttering to the contrary, that the King
had no hand in the Irifh rebellion, that it will be fuperfluous to infift on a point, which feems fo
clear. I fhall only fuggeft a very few arguments, among an infinite number, which occur. (1)
Ought the affirmation of perfidious, infamous rebels ever to have paffed for any authority ? (2) No
body can tell us what the words of the pretended commiflion was. That which we find in Ruf-
worth’s, and in Milton’s works, Toland’s edition, is plainly an impofture; becaufe it pretends to
be dated in Oftober 1641, yet mentions facts, which happened not till fome months after. It ap-
pears that the Irifh rebels, obferving fome inconfiftence in their firit forgery, were obliged to
forge this commiflion a-new, yet could not render it coherent nor probable. (3) Nothing could more
obvioufly be pernicious to the King’s caufe than the Irith rebellion; becaufe it increafed his necefii-
ties and rendered him ftill more dependent on the parliament, who had before fufficiently fhown on
what terms they would affift him. (4) The inftant the King heard of the rebellion, which was a
very few days after its commencement, he wrote to the parliament, and gave over to.them the ma-
nagement of the war. Had he built any projeés on that rebellion, would he not have waited fome
jittle time, to fee how they would fucceed? Would he prefently have adopted a meafure, which
was obvioufly fo hurtful to his authority? (5) What can be imagined to be the King’s projects ?
To raife the Irifh to arms, I fuppofe, and bring them over to England for his affiftance. But is it
not plain, that the King never intended to raife war in England? Had that been his intention,
would he have rendered the parliament perpetual? Does it not appear by the whole train of events,
that the parliament forced him into the war? (6) The King conveyed to the juftices intelligence, —
which ought to have prevented the rebellion. (7) The Irifh catholics, in all their future tranfaéti-
ons with the King, where they endeavor to excufe their infurreGtion, never had the aflurance to
plead his commiffion. Even amongft themfelves, they dropped that pretext. It appears that Sir
Phelim Oneale, chiefly, and he only at firft, promoted that impofture. See Cartes Ormond, vol.
lii. N° roo, III, 112, 114, 115, 121, 132, 137. (8) Oneale himfelf confeffed the impofture
on his trial and at his execution. See Nalfon, vol. ii, p. 528. (g) It is ridiculous to mention, the
jultification which Charles II. gave to the Marquis of Antrim, as if he had ated by his father’s
commiffion. Antrim had no hand in the firft rebellion and the maflacre. He joined not the rebels
till two years after, and he performed important fervices to the King, in fending over a body of
men to Montrofe.
Seaht! = pe? Sa Ree Opie OR I. i 305
Pe)
‘becaufe of his utter inability to refift, and left he fhould expofe hiimfelf ftill more
‘to the reproach of favoring the progrefs of that odious rebellion.
THE project of introducing farther innovations in England being once formed
by the leaders among the commons, it became a neceffary confequence, that
their operations with regard to Ireland would, all of them, be confidered as fub-
ordinate to the former, on whofe fuccefs, when once undertaken, their own
grandeur, fecurity, and even being, muftintirely depend. While they pretended
the utmoft zeal againft the Irifh infurrection, they took no fteps towards its fup-
preflion, but fuch as likeways tended to give them thie fuperiority in thofe com-
motions, which, they forefaw, muft fo foon be excited in England. The ex-
treme contempt, entertained towards the natives in Ireland, made the popular
leaders believe, that it would be eafy, at any time, to fupprefs their rebellion, and
recover that kingdom: Nor were they willing to lofe, “by too hafty fuccefs,
the advantage, which that rebellion would afford them in their projected encroach-
ments on the prerogative. By affuming the total management of the war, they
acquired the courtfhip and dependence of every one, who had any connection
with Ireland, or who was defirous of inlifting in thefe military enterprizes: Mo-
ney they levied under pretext of the Irifh expedition; but referved it for pur-
pofes, which concerned them more nearly: Arms they took from the King’s ma-
gazines; but {till kept them, with a fecret intention of employing them againft
himfelf: Whatever law they efteemed requifite for aggrandizing themfelves, was
voted, under color of enabling them to recover Ireland; and if Charles with-held
‘the royal affent, his refufal was imputed to thofe pernicious councils, which had at
firft excited the popith rebellion, and which {till threatened total deftru@tion to the
proteftant intereft, thro’out all the King’s dominions. And, tho’ no forces were
for a long time fent over to Ireland, and very little money remitted, during the
extreme diftrefs of that kingdom; fo ftrong was the people’s attachment to the
commons, that the fault was never imputed to thofe pious zealots, whofe votes
breathed nothing but ‘fire and deftruction to 'the Irifh rebels.
To ‘make the attack on royal authority by regular approaches, it was thought
proper to form a general remonftrance of the ftate of the kingdom; and accord-
ingly, the committee, which, at the firft meeting of the parliament, had been
chofen for that purpofe, and ptieh had hitherto fad no advance in their work,
received frefh injun@tions to finifh that unde rtaking. ,
Tne committee brought into the houfe that siti ciitbaatee. which has become
{o memorable, and which was foon afterwards attended with fach important con-
fequences. It was not addrefled to the King; but was openly declared to be
an appeal to the people. The harfhnefs of the matter was equalled by the feveri-
Vox. I. Qq ty
«ess: Se.
Chap. VI.
1641,
The remon-
firance,
Chap, VI,
1041,
06 HISTORY or GREAT. BRITAIN.
ted
ty of the language. It confifts of many grofs falfloods, intermingled with ma-
ny evident truths: Malignant infinuations are joined to open inVECtIVes ; Loud
complaints of the paft, accompanied with Jealous prognoitications of the future,
Whatever unfortunate, whatever invidious, whatever fuipicious meafure, had been
embraced by the King from the commencement of his reign, is infifted on and
ageravated with mercilefs rhetoric: Nothing is omitted, which could bear the
leaft fhadow of blame: Every color, which fuited the prevailing prejudices,’ is
employed: All circumftances, which could render the King’s adminiftration 0
dious and contemptible, are collected. The unfuccefsful expeditions to Cadiz
and the ifle of Rhé are mentioned: The fending fhips to France for fuppreffion
of the hugonots: The forced loans: The illegal confinement of men for not
obeying illegal commands: The violent diffolution of four parliaments: The ar.
bitrary government, which always fucceeded: The queftioning, fining, and im.
prifoning members for their conduct in the houfe: ‘The levying of taxes with.
out confent of the commons: The introducing fuperftitious innovations into the
church, without authority of law: In fhort, every thing, which, either with
or without reafon, had given offence, during the courfe of fifteen years, from
the acceflion of the King to the calling of the prefent parliament. And, tho’ all
thefe grievances had been already redreffed, and even laws enacted for future fecu-
rity againit their return, the praife of all. thefe advantages was afcribed, not to
the King, but to the parliament, who had extorted his confent to fuch falutary
ftatutes. Their own merits too, they afferted, towards the King, were equally
great, as towards the people. Tho’ they had feized his whole revenue, rendered
it totally precarious, and made even their temporary fupplies be paid into their
own commiflioners, who were independent of him; they pretended, that they
had very liberally fupported him in his neceflities. By an infult {till more egregi-
ous, the very giving money to the Scotch for levying war againft their fovereign,
they repreiented as an inftance of their duty towards him. And all their grie-
vances, they faid, which amounted to no lefs than a total fubyerfion of the con:
ftitution, proceeded intirely. from the formed combination of a popifh faction,
who had ever fwayed the King’s councils, who had endeavored, by an uninter-
rupted effort, to introduce their fuperftition into England. and Scotland, and whe
had now, at laft, excited.an open and bloody rebellion. in Ireland.
Tuis remonttrance,, fo. full of acrimony and violence, was a plain fignal for
fome farther attacks intended. on royal prerogative, and.a declaration, that the
eonceilions, already made, however important, were not.to be regarded as fatis~
factory. What pretenfions would be advanced, how unufual, how unlimited,
were eafily imagined; and. nothing lefs was forefeen, what ever antient names
might
CH ASK VLVE:S » I. 307
night be preferved, than an abolition, almoft total, of the monarchical povern-
ment of England. The oppofition, therefore, which the remonftrance met
with in the houfe of commons, was very great. For above fourteen hours, the
debate was warmly managed ; and from the laflitude of the King’s party, which
probably confifted more of the elderly people, and men of cool fpirits, . the vote
was, at laft, carried by a {niall majority of eleven. Some time after, the re-
mon{trance was ordered to be printed and publifhed, without being carried up,
as is ufual in fuch cafes, to the houfe of peers, for their affent and approbation.
“a gi:
ee rs ay ro aia a ee ee " waver
Chap. VI.
1641.
Nevember 22.
WHEN this remonftrance was difperfed, it excited, every where, the fame Vi- Reafons on
olent controverfy, which had attended it, when introduced into the houfe of both fides.
commons. This parliament, faid the partizans of that affembly, have at laft
profited by the fatal example of their predéceffors; and are refolved, that the fa-
bric, which they have generoufly undertaken to rear for the protection of liber-
ty, fhall not be left to future ages, infecure and imperfect. At the time, when
the petition of right, that requifite vindication of a violated conititution, was
extorted from the unwilling prince; who but imagined, that liberty was at lait
afcertained, and that the laws would thenceforth maintain themfelves in oppofition
to arbitrary authority? But what was the event? A right was indeed acquired
to the people, or rather their ancient right was more exactly defined: But as the
power of invading it {till reniained in the prince,: no fooner did an opportunity
offer, than he totally difregarded all laws and preceding engagements, and made
his will and pleafure the fole rule of government. Thofe lofty ideas of monar-
chical government, which he has derived from his early education, which are
united in his mind with the irrefiftible illufions of felf-love, which are corrobo-
rated by his miftaken principles of religion, it is vainly hoped, in his more ad-
vanced age, that he will fincerely renounce, from any fubfequent reflection or ex
perience. Such converfions, if ever they happen, are extremely rare; but to
expect, that they will be derived from neceffity, from the jealoufy and refentment
of antagoniits, from blame, from reproach, from oppofition, muft be the re-
falt of. the fondeft and moft-blind credulity. Thefe violences, however requi-
fite, are fure to irritate a prince againft limitations, fo cruelly impofed upon him;
and each conceflion, which he is inforced to make, is regarded as a temporary
tribute paid to faction and fedition, and is fecretly attended with a refolution of
feizing every favorable opportunity to retra@t it. Nor fhould we imagine, that
opportunities of that kind will not offer in the courfe of human affairs. Govern-
ments, elpecially thofe of a mixed kind, are in continual vibration: The hu-
mors of the people fluctuate perpetually from one extreme to another: And no
refolution can be more wife, as well as more juft, than that of employing the
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Chap. VI.
1641,
208 HISTORY or’>GREAT BRITAIN.
prefent advantages againft the king, who had formerly pufhed much lefs tempt-
ing ones to the utmoft extremity againft his people and his parliament. It is to
be feared, if the religious rage, which has feized the multitude, be allowed te
evaporate, they will quickly return to the antient ecclefiaftical eftablifhment ;
and embrace, along with it, thofe principles of flavery, which it inculcates-
with fuch zeal on its fubmiflive profelytes. Thofe patriots, who are now the
public idols, may then become the. objects of general deteftation; and equal
fhouts of joy attend their ignominious execution, with thofe which fecond their
prefent triumphs and advantages. Nor ought the apprehenfion of fuch an event
to be regarded in them as a felfifh confideration: In their fafety is involved the
fecurity of the laws: The patrons of the conftitution cannot fufler without:a
fatal blow to the conttitution: And/’tis but juftice in the public to protect, at
any hazard, thofe, who have fo generoufly expofed themfelves to the utmoft ha-
zard for the public intereft. What tho’ monarchy, the antient government of
England, be impaired, during thefe contefts, in many of its former preroga-
tives? The laws will flourith the more by its decay; and ’tis happy, allowing,
that matters are really carried beyond the bounds of moderation, that the current,
at leaft, runs towards liberty, and that the error is on that fide, which is fafeft
for the general interefts of mankind and fociety.
Tue beft arguments of the royalifts againft a farther invafion of the preroga-
tive, were founded more on oppofite ideas, which they had formed of the paft
events of this reign, than on oppofite principles of government. Some invafi-
ons, they faid, and thofe too, of great confequence, had undoubtedly been
made on national privileges: But were we to look for the caufe of thefe violen-
ces, we fhould never find it to confift in the wanton tyranny and injuftice of the
prince, not even in his ambition or immoderate appetite for authority. The hor
{tilities with Spain, in which the King, on his acceflion, found himfelf enga-
ged, however imprudent and unneceflary, had proceeded from the advice, -and
even importunity of the parliament; who: deferted him immediately after they -
had embarked him in thole warlike meafures. A young prince, jealous of ho-
nor, was naturally afraid of being foiled in his firft enterprize, and had not, ©
as yet, arrived at fuch maturity of council, as to perceive, that his greateft ho-.
nor lay in preferving the laws inviolate, and gaining the intire confidence of his
people. The rigor of the fubfequent parliaments had been extreme with regard
to many articles, particularly tonnage and poundage ; and had reduced the King
to an abfolute neceflity, if he would preferve entire the royal prerogative, of le-
vying thofe duties by his own authority, and of breaking thro’ the forms, in or-
der to maintain the fpirit of the conftitution. Having once made fo perilous 4
ftep, he was naturally induced to continue, and confult the public intereft, by
| levying
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levying fhip-money, and other moderate, tho’ irregular, impofitions and taxati-
ens. His error was, perhaps, excufable, if, efteeming a formidable navy a
sreat fecurity to the nation, he’ was not fenfible, that, to preferve the harmony:
of the government, contributed {till more to public fecurity, as well as happinefs..
It is now full time to free him from all thefe neceffities, and to apply cordials and
lenitives, after thofe feverities, which have already had their full. courfe againit
him. Never fovereign was blefled with more moderation of temper, with more
juftice, more humanity, more honor, or a more magnanimous difpofition. What
pity, that fuch a prince, fhould fo long have been harraffed with rigors, fufpici-
ons, calumnies, complaints, encroachments; and been forced from that path,
in which the reétitude of his difpofition would: have inclined him to have con-
{tantly trod! If fome inftances are found of violations made on the petition of
right, which he himfelf had granted; there is an eafier and more natural way
for preventing the return of like inconveniences than bysa total abolition of roy-
al authority. Let the revenue be fettled, fuitable to the antient dignity and fplen--
dor of the crown; let the public neceflities be fully fupplied; let the remaining:
articles of prerogative be left untouched: And the King, as he has already lott
the power, will lay afide the will, of invading the conftitution. From what
quarter can jealoufies now arife ?) What farther fecurity can be defired or expect-
ed? The King’s precedent conceflions, fo far from being infuflicient: for-public fe--
curity, have rather erred on the other extreme; and, by depriving him of all-
power of felf-defence, are the real caufe,. why the commons are emboldened. to:
raife pretenfions hitherto unheard of in the kingdom, and to fubvert the whole
fyftem of the conftitution. But, would they be contented with moderate advan-
tages, is it not evident, that, befide other important conceflions, the prefent”
parliament may be continued till the government is accuftomed to the new-track,
and every part is reftored to full harmony and coneord?” By the triennial bill, a
perpetual fucceflion of parliaments is eftablifhed, as everlafting guardians to the
laws; while'the king poffeffes no independent power or military force, by which
he can be fupported in -his invafion of them. No danger remains, but what-is
infeparable from all free comftitutions, and what forms the very eflence of. their
liberty: The danger of a change in the people’s difpofition, and ‘of general-
difeuft, contraéted againft popular privileges.. To prevent fuch an evil, no ex-
pedient is more proper, than to contain ourfelves within the bounds of modera-
tion, and to confider, that allextremes, naturally and infallibly, beget each o-
ther. In the fame manner as the paft ufurpations of the crown have excited’ an
immeafurable appetite for liberty; let‘us beware, left’our encroachments, by in-
troducing anarchy; make the people feek fhelter under the peaceable and defpo-
fic
Chap. VI. .
1641.
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tic rule-of amonarch. Authority, as well as liberty, is requifite to govern-
ment; and is even requifite to the fupport of liberty itfeif, by maintaining the
laws, which can alone regulate and proteét it. What madnefs, while every
thing is fo happily fettled under antient forms and inftitutions, now more exaé-
ly poifed and adjuited, to try the hazardous experiment of a new conititution,
and renounce the mature wifdom of our anceftors for the crude whimfies of turbu-
Jent innovators? Befide the certain and inconceivable mifchiefs of civil War; are
not the perils apparent, which the delicate frame of liberty muft inevitably rua
amidit the furious fhock of arms? Whichever fide prevails, fhe can fcarce hope
to remain inviolate, and may fuffer no lefs or greater injuries from the boundlefs
pretenfions of forces engaged in her caufe, than from the invafion of inraged
troops, inlifted on the fide of monarchy.
Tue King, upon his return from Scotland, was received in London with the
fhouts and acclamations of the people, and with every demontftration of regard
and affection. Sir Richard Gournay, Lord mayor, a man of great merit and
authority, had promoted thefe favorable difpofitions, and had engaged the popu-
lace, who fo lately infulted the King, and who fo foon afterwards made furions
war upon him, to give him thefe marks of the moft dutiful attachment. But all
the pleafure, which he reaped from this joyful reception, was foon damped by the
remonttrance of the commons, which was prefented him, along with a petition of
a like ftrain. The bad councils, which he followed, are there complained of;
his concurrence in the Irifh rebellion openly infinuated; the fcheme, laid for the
introduction of popery and fuperftition, inveighed againft; and, for a remedy to
all thefe evils, he is defired to entrift every office and command to perfons, in
whom his parliament fhould have caufe to confide. By this phrafe, which is fo
often repeated in all the memorials and addreffes of that tune, the commons meant
themfelves and their adherents.
As foon as the remonftrance of the commons was publithed, the King difperfed
an anfwerto it. In this conteft, he lay under mighty difadvantages. Not only
the ears of the people were extremely prejudized againft him; the beft topics
upon which he could juftify, or at leaft apologize for his former conduct, were
fuch as it was not fafe nor prudent for him, at this time, to employ. So high
was the national idolatry towards parliaments, that to blame the pait conduct of
thefe affemblies, had been very ill received by the generality of the people. So
loud were the complaints againft regal ufurpations, that had the King afferted the
prerogative of fupplying, by his own authority, the deficiencies in government,
arifing from the obftinacy of parliaments, he would have increafed the clamors,
with which the whole nation already refounded. Charles, therefore, contented
himfelf
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himfelf with obferving, in general, that, even during that period, fo much com- Chap. Wi,
plained of, the people enjoyed a greater meafure of happinefs; not only compara. "4%
tively, in refpect of their neighbors, but even in refpect of thofe times, which
were juftly accounted the moft unfortunate. He made warm proteitations of
fincerity in the reformed religion; he promifed indulgence to tender confciences
with regard to the ceremonies of the chureh ; he mentioned his great conceflions
with regard to national liberty: he blamed the infamous libels every where dif.
perfed againit his perfon and the national religion; he complained of the general
reproaches, thrown out in the remonftrance, with regard to ill councils, tho’ he had
protected no minifter from parliamentary juftice, retained no unpopular fervant, and
conferred offices on no one, who enjoyed not.a high character and eftimation in
the public. ‘If notwithftanding this,” _he adds, ‘‘ any malignant party fhall
** take heart, and be willing to facrifice the peace and happinefs of their country,
** to their own finifter ends and ambition, under whatever pretence of religion
* and confcience; if they fhall endeavor to leffen my reputation and intereft,
“* and to weaken my lawful power and authority; if they thall attempt, by dif-
countenancing the prefent laws, to loofen the bands of government, that all
diforder and confufion may break in upon us; I doubt not but God, in his
good time, will difcover them to me, and that the wifdom ard courage of
my high court of parliament will join with me in their fuppreflion and punith-
_ment.” Nothing fhows more evidently the hard fituation in which Charles
was placed, than to obferve, that he was obliged to confine himfelf within the
limits of civility towards fubjects, who had tranfgreffed all bounds of regard, and
even of good manners, in their treatment of their fovereign.
Tue firft inftance. of thofe parliamentary encroachments, which Charles wae
now to look for, was the bill for prefling foldiers to the fervice of Ireland. This
bill quickly paffed the lower honfe.. In the preamble, the king’s power of
prefling, a power exercifed during all former times, was declared egal, and con-
trary to the liberty of the fubjed. By a neceffary confequence, the prerogative,
which the crown had.eyer affumed, of obliging men to accept of any branch of
public fervice, was abolithed and annihilated : A prerogative, it-muft be owned, :
not very compatible with a limited monarchy. In order to elude this law, the
King offered to raife 10,000 yoluntiers for the Irith fervice: But the commons
were afraid, left fach an army would be too much at his difpofal: Charles, {till
unwilling to fubmit to fo confiderable a diminution of power, came to the houfe
of peers, and: offered to pafs the law without the preamble ; by which means, he
faid, that ill-timed queftion with regard to the prerogative would for the prefent
be avoided, and the pretenfions of each party be left intire. Both hous took
’e
ae
ht
sal ©
6¢
ce
cc
te
a4
12 AISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
s . © . “ . “ “yy 3 a s ~
fire at this precipitant meafure, which, from a fimilar inftance, while the billof
attainder againft Strafford was in dependance, Charles might forefee, would ‘he
received with refentment. By the lords, as well’as commons, a vote patied,
declaring it to be an high breach of privilege for the king to take notice of any
bill, which was in agitation in either of the houfes, or to exprefs his fentiments
¥siliCil
with regard to it, before it be prefented to him for his affent -in a parliamen-
tary manner. The King was obliged to compofe all matters by an apology,
Tue general queftion, we may obferve, with regard to privileges of parlia.
ment, has always been, and ftill continues, one of the greateft myfteries of the
E:nglith conftitution; and, in fome refpects, notwithftanding the accurate genius
of that government, which we enjoy, ‘thefe privileges are, at prefent, as undeter-
mined, as were formerly the prerogatives of the crown. Such privileges as are
founded on long precedent cannot be controverted: But tho’ it were certain, that
former kings had not, in any inftance, taken notice of bills lying before the
houfes (which yet was not unufual); it follows not, merely from their never
exerting fuch a power, that they had renounced it, or never were poffefled of it.
Such privileges too as are effential to all free affemblies, which deliberate, they
may be allowed to affume, whatever precedents may prevail: But tho’ the king’s
interpofal, by an offer or advice, does, in fome degree, overawe or ref{train liber-
ty; it may be doubted, whether it impofes fuch evident violence as to entitle
the parliament, without any other authority or conceflion, to claim the privilege
of excluding it. But this was the favorable time for extending privileges; and
had none more exorbitant or unreafonable been challenged, few bad confequences
had followed. The eftablifhment of this rule, ’tis certain, contributes to the
order and regularity, as well as freedom, of parliamentary proceedings.
Tue interpofal of peers in the election of commoners was likewife, about this
time, declared a breach of privilege; and continues ever fince to be condemned
&
i
by votes of the commons, and univerfally practifed thro’out the nation.
Every meafure purfued by the commons, and {till more, every attempt made
by their partizans, was full of the moft inveterate hatred againft the hierarchy,
and fhowed a determined -refolution of fubyerting the whole ecclefiaftical efta-
blifhment. Befide numberlefs vexations and perfecutions which the clergy under
went from the arbitrary power of the lower houfe; while the King was in Scot-
+
land, the peers, having paffed an order for the obfervance of the laws with regard
to public worfhip, the commons affumed fuch authority, that, by a vote alone of
their houfe, they fufpended thofe laws, tho’ enacted by the whole legiflature:
And they particularly forbade bowing at the name of Jesus; a practice, which
eave them the higheft feandal, and which was one of their capital objections &
gaint
a ACR EL Rb § * 4. 313
Chap. VI,
gainft the eftablifhed religion. They complained of the King’s filling five vacant ~1¢ 41
fees, and confidered it as an infult upon them, that he fhould compleat and
itrengthen an order, which they intended foon entirely to abolifh*. They had
accufed thirteen bifhops of high treafon for ena¢ting canons without confent of
parliament ; tho’, from the foundation of the monarchy, no other method had
ever been practifed: And they now infifted, that the peers, upon this general ac-
cufation, fhould fequefter thofe bifhops from their feats in parliament, and commit
them to prifon. Their bill for taking away the bifhops’ votes had, laft winter,
been rejected by the peers: But they again introduced the fame bill, tho’ no pro-
rogation had interveened; and they endeavored, by fome minute alterations, to
elude that rule of parliament which oppofed them. And when they fent up this
bill to the lords, they made a demand, the moft abfurd in the world, that the
bifhops, being all of them parties, fhould be refufed a vote with regard to that
queition. After the refolution was once formed by the commons, of invading
the eftablifhed government of church and ftate, it could not be expected, that their
proceedings, in fuch a violent attempt, would thenceforth be altogether regular
and equitable: But it muft be confeffed, that, in their attacks on the hierarchy,
they itill more openly tranfgreffed all bounds of moderation; as fuppofing, no
doubt, that the facrednefs of the caufe would fufficiently atone for employing means,
the moft irregular and unufual. This principle, which prevails fo much among
pious zealots, never difplayed itfelf fo openly, as during the tranfactions of this
whole period. |
BuT, notwithftanding all thefe efforts of the commons, they could not expect
the concurrence of the upper houfe, either to this law, or to any other, which
they fhould introduce for the farther limitation of royal authority. The majo-
rity of peers adhered to the King, and plainly forefaw the depreflion of nobility,
as a neceflary confequence of popular ufurpations on the crown. The infolence
indeed, of the commons, and their haughty treatment of the lords, had already
rifen to a high pitch, and gave fufficient warning of their future attempts upon that
order. They muttered fomewhat of their regret, that they fhould be enforced to
fave the kingdom alone, and that the houfe of peers would have no part in the
honor. Nay, they went fo far as openly to tell the lords, ‘* That they themfelves
** ‘were the reprefentative body of the whole kingdom, and that the peers were no-
€ thing but individuals, who held their feats in a particular capacity: And,
‘« therefore, if their lordfhips will not confent to the pafling ats neceffary for the
‘¢ prefervation of the people, the commons, along with fuch of the lords as are
‘“‘ more fenfible of the danger, muft join together, and reprefent the matter to
‘* his Majetty.” So violent was the democratical, enthufiaftic fpirit diffufed thro’-
Vout. I. Rr out
* Nalfon, Vol. Il. p. 511.
”
y A
Fe hie
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
out the nation, that a total confufion of all ranks and orders was juftly to be ap.
prehended; and the wonder was not, that the majority of the nobles fhould feek
{helter under the throne, but that any of them {hould venture to defert it. But the
tide of popularity feized feveral, and carried them wide of all the moft eftablithed
maxims of civil policy. Among the opponents of the King are ranked the Ear]
of Northumberland, Lord admiral, a man of the firft family and fortune, and en.
dowed with that dignified pride; which {o well became his rank and ftation: The
Earl of Effex, who inherited all his father’s popularity, and haying, from his carly
youth, fought renown in arms, united to a midling capacity that rigid inflexibi-
lity of honor, which forms the proper ornament of a nobleman and a foldier;
The Lord Kimbolton, foon afterwards Earl of Manchefter, a perfon diftinguifhed
by humanity, generofity, affability, and every amiable virtue. Thefe men,
finding that their credit ran very high with the nation, ventured to encourage thofe
popular difordérs, which, they vainly imagined, they poffefled authority fufficient
to regulate and control.
In order to obtain a majority in the upper houfe, the commons had recourle to
the populace, who, on other. occafions, had done them fuch important fervices.
Amid the greateft fecurity, they affected continual fears of deftruction to them-
felves and the nation, and feemed to quake at every breath or rumor of danger.
They again excited the people by never-ceafing enquiries after confpiracies, by
reports of infurrections, by feigned intelligence of invafions from abroad, by
difcoveries of dangerous combinations at home among papifts and their adherents.
‘When Charles difmiffed the guard, which they had ordered during his abience,
they complained; and upon his promifing them a new guard, under the command
of the Earl of Lindefey, they totally refufed the offer, and were well pleated to
infinuate, by this inftance of jealoufy, that their danger chiefly arofe from the King
himfelf *. They ordered halberts to be brought into the hall, where they affem-
bled, and thus armed themfelves againft thofe confpiracies with which, they pre-
tended, they were hourly threatened. No {tories of plots were fo ridiculous, that”
they were not willingly attended to, and difperfed among the multitude, to
whofe capacity they were well adapted. Beale, a taylor, informed the commons, .
that, walking in the fields, he had hearkened to the difcourfe of certain perfons,
unknown to him, and he had heard them talk of a moft dangerous confpiracy-
A hundred and eight ruffians, as he learned, had been appointed to mut-
der a hundred and eight lords and commoners, and were promifed rewards for
thefe affaflinations, ten pounds for each lord, forty fhillings for each commoner.
Upon this notable intelligence, orders were iffued for feizing priefts and jefuits,
a conference was defired with the lords, and an ordinance of both houfes was
framed for putting the kingdom immediately into a pofture of defence T.
THE
* Journ, 30th Nov. 1641. + Nalfon, Vol. II. p. 646, Journ, 16th Noy. 1641.
© BAA VES OD 415
Tue pulpits too were called in aid, and refounded with the dangers which
threatened religion, from the defperate attempts of papifts and malignants.
Multitudes of people flocked towards Weftminfter, and infulted the prelates and
fuch of the lords as adhered to the crown. The peers voted a declaration again{t
thefe tumults, and fent it to the other houfe; but -thefe refufed their concur-
rence *. Some feditious apprentices, being feized and committed to prifon, im-
mediately received their liberty, by an order of the commons. The fheriffs and
juftices having appointed conttables with {trong watches to guard the parliament ;
the commons fent for the conftables, and required them to difcharge the watches,
conveened the juftices, voted their orders a breach of privilege, and fent one of
them to the tower +. Encouraged by thefe indications of their pleature, the po-
pulace crowded about Whitehall, and-threw out infolent menaces againtt the
King himfelf. Several reformed officers and young eentlemen of the inns of
court, during this time of diforder and danger, offered their fervices to his
Majefty. Betwixt them and the populace, there paffed frequent fkirmifhes,
which ended not without bloodfhed. By way of reproach, thefe gentlemen
gave the rabble the appellation of RoUNDHEADS} on account of the fhort cropt
hair, which they wore: Thefe called the others CAVALIERS. And thus the
nation, which was before fufficiently provided of réligious as well as civil caufes
ef quarrel, were alfo fupplied with party-names, under which the factions might
rendezvous.and finalize their mutual hatred. Such propenfity have mankind
to difcord and civil diforder, that names alone, without any oppofition of
intereft or principles, will often be fufficient to excite them, at the hazard
of their own lives, to feek the flaughter and deftruction of their fellow-
citizens. |
MerAwn while, the tumults {till continued, and-even increafed, about Wett-
minfter and Whitehall. The cry continually refounded againft di/bops and
rotten-bearted lords. The former efpecially, being eafily diftinguifhable by their
habit, and being the object of violent hatred to all the fectaries, were expofed to
the moft dangerous infults. Williams, now created archbifhiop of Yorke, having
been abufed by the populace, haftily called a meeting of his brethren. By his
advice, a proteftation was drawn and addreffed to the King and the houfe of
lords. The bifhops there fet forth, that, tho’ they had an undoubted right to fit
and vote in parliament, yet, in coming thither, they had been menaced, affault-
ed, affronted, by the unruly multitude, and could no longer with fafety attend
their duty in the houfe. For this reafon, they protefted againft all laws,
Rr 2 votes,
* Rufhworth, Part EI. Vol. I. p. 710.
+ Nalfon, Vol. Il. p. 792. Journ. 27, 28, and 29th of December 1641.
Chap VI.,
1641,
December 27;
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4 a i n : ee > Toe
326 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
difhonorable to the perfonal character of the King. Thefe are the words: “* Where.
‘* as there has been of Jate a moft dangerous and defperate defign upon the houle
‘* of commons, which we have juit caufe to believe an effect of the bloody coun.
** cils of papifts and other ill-affected perfons, who have already raifed a rebellion
in the kingdom of Ireland. And whereas, by reafon of many difcoveries, we
** cannot but fear they will proceed, not only to ftir up the like rebellions and
‘“infurrections in this Kingdom of England; but alfo to back them with forces
** from abroad, &&£e. *”
Here Charles firft ventured to put a ftop to his conceffions; and that not
by a refufal, but a delay. When this demand was made; a demand, which, if
eranted, the commons juftly regarded as the laft they fhould ever have occafion
tomake; he was at Dover, attending the Queen and the Princefs of Orange
in their embarkation. He replied that he had not now leifure to confider a mat-
ter of fo great importance, and mutt therefore refpite his anfwer, till his return.
The parliament inftantly difpatched another meflage to him, with follicitations
{till more importunate. T hey expreffed their preat prief at his Majetty’s anfwer
to their juit and neceflary petition. They reprefented, that any delay, during
dangers and diftractions fo great and prefling, was equally unfatisfactory and de-
{tructive as an abfolute denial. They infifted, that a imeafure, fo neceflary for
public fafety, it was their duty to fee put in execution. And they affirmed, that
the people, in many counties, had applied to them for that purpofe, and, in
fome places, were, of themfelves and by their own authority, providing againtt
thofe urgent dangers, with which they were threatened T:
Even after this infolence, the King durft not venture upon a flat denial. Be.
fide excepting to the preamble, which threw fuch difhonor upon him, and pro-
tefting the innocence of his intentions, when he entered the houfe of commons ;
he only defired, that the military authority, if it was defective, fhould firft be
conferred upon the crown; and he promifed to beftow commiflions, but fuch as
would be revokeable at pleafure, on the very fame perfons, whom-the parliament
had named in the ordinance. By a former meflage, he had expreffed his wifhes,
that they fhould lay before him, in one view, all the demands, which they e-
{teemed requifite for the fettlement of the nation. They pretended, that they
were expofed to perils, fo dreadful and imminent, that they had not leifure for
fuch a work. The expedient, propofed by the King, feemed a fufficient remedy
during this emergence ; and yet preferved the prerogative of the crown, intiré
and unbroken. |
But
* Rufhworth, part 3. vol. i. chap. 4. + Id, ibid,
7 gk
wart. | ‘ _*» hs 4 ,
Sin hes ; —— ee ne oe ee
gaa beetle te ee tie :
eH A: RULE. Ss I, 327
But the intentions of the commons were very wide of this purpofe, and their
panics could be cured by one remedy alone. They inftantly replied, that the
dangers and diftempers of the nation were fuch as would endure no lon ger delay ;
and unlefs the King fpeedily complied with their demands, they would be inforced,
for the fafety of the King and kingdom, to diipofe of the militia by the authori-
ty of both houfes, and were refolved to do it accordingly. They afferted, that
thofe parts of the kingdom, which have, from their own authority, put them-
felves in a pofture of defence during thefe prevailing jealoufies and fears, have
acted fuitable to the declarations and dire&tions of both houfes, and conformable
to. the laws of the kingdom. And while they thus menaced the King with their
power, they invited him to fix his refidence at London, where, they knew, he
would be intirely at mercy *.
‘“ Tam fo much amazed at this meflage,”: faid the King in. his prompt reply,
“ that I know not what to anfwer. You fpeak of jealoufies and fears ! lay your
“hands on your hearts and afk yourfelves, whether I may not likeways be di.
“ fturbed with fears and jealonfies: And if fo, Laffure you, that this meffage has
“* nothing leffened them.
‘* As to the militia, I thought fo much of it before I gave that anfwer, and.
**'am fo much affured, that the anfwer is agreeable to what in juftice or rea:
*¢ fon you can afk, or I in honor grant, that I fhall not alter it in any point.
«For my refidence near you, I with it might be fafe and honorable, and
“ that I had no caufe to abfent myfelf from Whitehall: Afk yourfelyes whether
“* T have not.
‘* What would you have? Have I violated your laws? Haye I denied to pafs.
“ any bill for the eafe and fecurity of my fubje@ts? Ido not afk, what you
“* have done for me..
‘““ Have any of my people been tranfported with fears and apprehenfions? 1
“* offer as free and generous a pardon as yourfelves can devife. All this confider-
“‘ ed, there is a judgment of heaven upon this nation, if thefe diftractions con-
“ tinue.
“* Gop fo deal with me and mine as all my thoughts and intentions are uprielit
“ for the maintenance of the true proteftant profeflion, and for the obfervance and
“* prefervation of the laws; and.I hope God will blefs and aflift thofe laws for my
“ prefervation.””
No fooner did the commons defpair of obtaining the King’s confent to their or-
dinance, than they inftantly voted; That thofe who advifed his Majefty’s an-
{wer were enemies to the ftate and mifchievous projectors againit the. defence of
tne
* Rushworth, part 3. vol.i. chap. 4,
Chap. VE.
1042.
tf of March
=
= ee oye
ee ee
a
ee
King arrives
at Yorke.
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
428
the nation; that this denial is of that dangerous confequence, thay if his-Ma-
jefty perfift in it, it will hazard the peace and fafety of all his kingdoms, wn-
lefs {one fpeedy remedy be applied by the wiidom and authority of both houfes.;
and that fuch ef the fubjects as have put themfelves ina poiture of defence
againft the common danger, have done nothing but what is juftifiable, and ap.
proved by the houfe *. ; .
Lest the people, who, in no inftance, ‘had ever feen any authority of parlia-
ment exerted without the concurrence of the king,’ might be averfe to the fe-
conding all thefe ufurpations, they were plied with rumors of danger, with the
terrors of invafion, with the dread of the Englith and Irifh papifts; and the moft
unaccountable panics were {pred thro’out the nation. Lord Digby, having en-
tered Kingfton with a coach and fix, attended with afew livery-fervants, thein-
telligence was conveyed to London ; and it was immediately voted, that he had
appeared in a hoftile manner to the terror and affright of his Majefty’s fubjecs,
and had levied war againft the King and kingdom+. Petitions from all quarters
loudly demanded of the parliament to put the nation in a poiture of defence;
and the county of Stafford in particular expreffed fuch dread of an infurrection
mong the papifts, that every man, they faid, was conftrained to ftand upon his
puard, not even daring to go to church unarmed tf.
Tuat the fame violence, ‘by which he had fo long been oppreffed, might not
ftill reach him, and extort his confent to the difhonorable and pernicious ordinance
of the militia, Charles had refolved. to remove farther from London: And ae-
cordingly, taking the Prince of Wales and the Duke of Yorke along with him,
he arrived, by flow journeys, at Yorke, which he was determined, for fome
time, -to make the place of his refidence. The diftant parts of the kingdom,
being removed from that furious vortex of new principles and opinions, which
had tran{ported the capital, {till retained a fincere regard for the church and mo-
narchy; and the King here found marks of attachment beyond what he had bes
fore expected. From all quarters of England, the prime nobility and gentry,
either perfonally or by meflages and letters, expreffed their duty towards him};
and exhorted him to fave himfelf and them from that ignominious flavery, with
which they were threatened. The {mall interval of time, which had pafled
fince the fatal accufation of the members, had been fufficient to open the eyes of
many, and recover them from the aftonifhment, with which, at firft, they had
been feized. One rafh and paflionate attempt of the King feemed but a fmall
counterpoize
*Rofhworth, part 3. vol. i. chap. 4.
+ Clarendon, Rufhworth, part 3. vol. i. chap. 2. p. 495.
} Dugdale, p. 8o. fi
Oi vA Rik Bs) ot 329
counterpoize to fo many acts of deliberate violence, which had been offered to
him and every other branch of the legiflature. And however fweet the found of
liberty, many refolved to adhere to that moderate freedom, tranfmitted them
from their anceftors, and now better fecured by fuch important conceffions; ra-
ther than, by engaging in a giddy fearch after greater independence, run a mani-
feft rifque, ‘either of incurring a cruel fubjection, or abandoning all law and
order.
CHARLES, finding himfelf {upported by a confiderable party in the kingdom,
began to fpeak in a firmer tone, and to retort the accufations of the commons
with a vigor, which he had never before exerted. Notwithitanding all their re-
monftrances, and menaces, and infults, he {till perfifted in refufing the militia-
ordinance; and they proceeded to frame a new ordinance, in which, by the au-
thority of the two houfes, without the King’s confent, they named lieutenants for
all the counties, and conferred on them the command of the whole military force,
the whole guards, garrifons, and forts of the kingdom. . He iffued proclamations
again{t this manifeft ufurpation; the moft precipitant and moft enormous, of
which there is any inftance in the Englith hiftory : And, as he profeffed a refolu-
tion ftrictly to obferve the law himfelf, fo was he determined, he faid, to oblige
every other perfon to pay it a like obedience. The name of the king was fo
effential to all laws, and fo familiar in all ats of executive authority, that the
parliament were afraid, had they totally omitted it, that the innovation would
be too fenfible to the people. Inall cominands, therefore, which they conferred,
they bound the perfons to obey the orders of his Majetty, fignified by both houfes
of parliament. And, inventing a diftin¢tion, hitherto unheard of, betwixt the
office and the perfon of the king; thofe very forces, which they employed againft
him, they levied in his name and by his authority.
‘I'1s remarkable how much the topics of argument were now reverfed betwixt
the parties. The King, while he acknowledged his former error, of employing
a pretext of neceflity, in order to infringe the laws and-conftitution, warned the
parliament not to imitate an example, on which they threw fuch violent blame :
And the parliament, _ while they clothed their perfonal fears or ambition under
the appearance of national and imminent danger, made unknowingly an apology
for the moit exceptionable part of the King’s conduct. That the liberties of the
people were no longer expofed to any peril from royal authority, fo narrowly cir-
cumfcribed, fo exaétly defined, fo unfupported by revenue and by military power;
might be maintained upon very plaufible topics: _ But that the danger, allowing
it to have any exiftence, was not of that kind; great, urgent, inevitable;
which diffolves all law and levels all limitations, feems apparent from the fimpleft
Vou. I. ae view
Chap. VY.
1642.
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330 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
view of thefe tranfa@ions. So obvious indeed was the King’s prefent inability
to invade the conftitution, that the fears and jealouties, which operated on the
people, and pufhed them fo furiowfly to arms, were undoubtedly, not of a civil,
but of a religious nature. The diftempered imaginations of men were agitated
with a continual dread of popery, with a horror for prelacy, with an antipathy
to ceremonies and the liturgy, and with a violent aftection for whatever was
mo{t oppofite to thefe objects of averfion. The fanatical fpirit, let loofe, con-
founded all regards to eafe, fafety, intereit; and diffolved every moral and ci.
vil obligation.
Tue great courage and conduct, difplayed by many of the popular leaders,
have commonly inclined men to do them, in one refpect, more honor than they
deferve, and to fuppofe, that, like able politicians, they employed pretexts,
which they fecretly defpifed, in order to ferve their felfith purpofes. ’Tis how-
evér probable, if not certain, that they were, generally fpeaking, the dupes of
their own zeal. Hypocrify, quite pure and free from fanaticifm, is perhaps as
rare, as fanaticifm intirely purged from all mixture of hypocrify. So congenial
to the human mind are religious fentiments, that, where the temper is not guard:
ed by a philofophical fcepticiim, the moft cool and determined, it is impodflible
to counterfeit long thefe holy fervors, without feeling fome {hare of the affumed
warmth: And on the other hand, fo precarious and temporary is the operation
of thefe fupernatural views, that the religious extafies, if conftantly employed,
muft often be counterfeit, and muft ever be warped by thofe more familiar mo-
tives of intereft and ambition, which infenfibly gain upon the mind. This in-
deed feems the key to moft of the celebrated characters of that age. Equally
full of fraud and of ardor, thefe pious patriots talked perpetually of feeking the
Lord, yet {till purfued their own purpofes; and have left a memorable leflon to
pofterity, how delufive, how deftructive that principle is, by which they were
animated.
E.acu party was now willing to throw on its antagonift the odium of commen:
eing a civil war; but both of them prepared for an event, which they deemed ine-
vitable. To ‘gain the people’s favor and good opinion was the chief point on
both fidés. Never was there a people lefs corrupted by vice, and more atuated
by principle, than the Englifh during that period: Never did the nation poflels
more capacity, more courage, more public fpirit, more difinterefted zeal. The
infafion of one ingredient in too large a proportion had corrupted all thefe noble
principles, and converted them into the moft virulent poifon. To determine his
choice in the approaching contefts, every man hearkened with avidity to thé rea-
fous, propofed on both fides. The war of the pen preceded that of the fword,
and
O¢ Be ASR AGB 89 ai 331
and daily fharpened the humors of the oppofite parties. Befide private adven- Chap. VI.
turers without number, the King and parliament themfelves carried on the con- wet
troverfy, by meflages, remonftrances, and declarations, where the nation was
really the party, to whom all arguments were addrefled. Charles had here a
double advantage. Not only his caufe was more favorable, as fupporting the
antient government of churchand ftate, againft the moft illegal pretenfions: It
was alfodefended with more art and eloquence. Lord Falkland had accepted of
the office of fecretary; aman, who adorned the pureft virtue, with the richett
gifts of nature, with the moft valuable acquifitions of learning. By him, affift-
ed by the King himfelf, were the memorials of the royal party chiefly compofed.
So fenfible was Charles of his fuperiority in this particular, that he took care to
difperfe every where the papers of the parliament along with his own, that the
people might be the more enabled, by comparifon, to form a judgment betwixt
them: The parliament, while they diftributed copies of their own, were anxious
to {upprefs all the King’s compofitions.
To clear up the principles of the conftitution, to mark the boundaries of the
powers entrufted by law to the feveral members, to fhow what great improvements
the whole political fyftem had received from the King’s late conceflions, to demon-
{trate his intire confidence in his people and his reliance on their affections, to
point out the ungrateful returns which had been made him, and the enormous
encroachments, infults, and indignities, to which he had been expofed; thefe
were the topics, which, with fo much juftnefs of reafoning and propriety of ex-
preflion, were infifted on in the King’s declarations and remonttrances *.
tsa ae Tuo’
* In fome of thefe declarations, fuppofed to be penned by Lord Falkland, is found the firft regu-
jar definition of the conftitution, according to our prefent ideas of it, that occurs in any Englifh
compofition ; at leaft any, publifhed by authority. The three fpecies of government, monarchical,
ariftocratical, and democratical, are there plainly diftinguifhed, and the Englifh government is ex-
prefsly faid to be none of them pure, but all of them mixed and tempered together. ‘This ftyle,
tho’ the fenfe of it was implied in many inftitutions, no former king of England would have ufed,
and no fubjeét would have been permitted to ufe. Banks and the crown-lawyers againft Hambden,
‘Wn the cafe of fhip-money, infift plainly and openly on the king’s abfolute and fovereign power: And
the oppofice lawyers do not deny it: They only affert, that the fubjects have alfo a fundamental
property in their goods, and that no part of them can be taken but by their own confent’in parlia-
ment. But that the ~parliament was inftituted to check and control the king, and fhare the fupreme
power, would, in all former times, have been efteemed very blunt and indifcreet, if not illegal,
language. We need not be furprized, that governments fhould long continue, tho’ the boundaries
of authority, in their feveral branches, beimplicite, confufed, and undetermined. This is the cafe
all over the world. Who can draw an exact line betwixt the fpiritual and temporal powers in catho-
fic flatés ? What code afcertained the precife authority of the Roman fenate, in every occurrence ?
Perhaps,
23d of April.
Preparations
for civil war.
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN,
3.32
Tuo’ thefe writings were of confequence, and tended much to reconcile the _
nation to Charles, it was evident, that they would not. be decifive, and that
keener weapons mutt determine the controverfy. To the ordinance of the par.
jiament concerning the militia, the King oppofed his commiflions of array. The
counties obeyed the one or the other, according as they {tood affected. And
in many counties, where the people were divided, mobbifh combats and {kir-
mifhes enfued. The parliament on this occafion, went fo far as to vote, * That,
** when the lords and commons in parliament, which is the fupreme court of ju-
‘< dicature, fhall declare what the law of the land is, to have this not only quetti-
“ oned, but contradicted, is a high breach of their privileges.” This was a plain
affuming the whole legiflative authority, and exerting it in the moft material ar-
ticle, the government of the militia. Upon the fame principles, the King’s ne-
gative voice in pafling of laws, by a verbal criticifm on the tenfe of a Latin verb,
they pretended to ravifh from hin. |
The magazine of Hull contained the arms of all the forces levied againft the
Scotch ; and Sir John Hotham, the governor, tho’ he had accepted of a commif-
fion from the parliament, was not efteemed much difaffected to the-chureh and
monarchy. Charles, therefore, was hopeful, that, if he prefented himfelf at
Hull before the commencement of hoftilitics, Hotham, overawed by his prefence,
would admit him with his retinue; after which he would eafily render himfeif
matter of the place. But the governor was on his guard. He fhut the gates, and
refufedto. receive the King, who defired leave to enter with twenty perfons only.
Charles immediately proclaimed him traitor, and complained-to- the parliament
of his difobedience. The parliament avowed, and juftified the aétien..
Tue county of Yorke formed a guard to the King of 600 men: For the:
kings of England. had-hitherto lived among their fubjects like fathers among their
children, and had-derived all their fecurity from the dignity. of their.character and.
from the protection of the laws. The two houfes, tho’ they had already leviedka
guard for themfelyes ; had attempted to {eize all the military power, all the navy,
and
Perhaps, the Engliffy is the firftmixt government, where the authority of every part has been vey
accurately defined: And yet there ftill remain many very important queftions, betwixt the two houfes, .
that, by common confent, are buried in a difereet filence. The king’s power is, indeed, moreex--
gCily limited; but this period, of which-we now treat, is the time, at which-that accuracy com-
menced. And it appears from Warwic and Hobbs, that. many. royalifts blamed this philofophical
precifion-in the King’s penman, and thought that the veil was very imprudently taken off the myfte-
ries of government. °Tis certain, that liberty reaped mighty advantages from thefe controverii¢s.
and inquiries; and the.royal authority too became more fecure, within thofe provinces, which were.
afigned to it.
CoH 4A Sy. D Bo's I. itis §
and all the forts of the kingdom; had openly employed their authority in every Chap. VE.
fpecies of warlike preparation: Yet immediately voted, ‘* That the King, fedu- rO4z.
“< ced by wicked council, intended to make war again{t his parliament, who, in
“« all their confultations and actions, had propofed no other end, but the care of
** his kingdoms, and the performance of all duty and loyalty to his perfon ; that
** this attempt was a breach of the truft repofed in him by his people, contrary
“to his oath, and tending to a diffolution of the government; and that who-
“ever fhould aflift him in fuch a war, were traitors by the fundamental laws of
“* the kingdom.”
THE armies, which they had beerrevery where levying under pretext of Ire-
land, the parliament henceforth more openly inlifted for their own purpofes,
and gave the command. of them to the Earl of Effex. In London no lefs than
four thoufand men inlifted in one day *.. And the parliament voted a declarati-
on, which they required.every member tofub{cribe, that. they would live and.
die with their general. ;
Tsey iffued orders for bringing in loans of money and-plate, in order to main- roth of Janes
tain forces, which: fhould defend the king and both houfes- of parliament: For
this ftyle they ftill preferved. Within ten days, vaft quantities of plate were
brought into their treafurers. Hardly were there men enough to’receive it, or
room fufficient to lay it. And many with regret were obliged to carry back
their offerings, and wait till the treafurers could find leifure to receive them. Such
zeal animared the pious partizans of the parliament, efpecially in the city! The
women parted with all the plate and ornaments of their houfes, and even with
their filver thimbles and bodkins, in-order to fwpport the Good caufe againft the
malignants. >
Mran waite the fplendor of the Nobility, with which the King was envi-.
roned, much eclipfed the appearance at Weftminfter. The Lord keeper, Littlé-
ton, had fled to Yorke, and fent the great feal before him. Above ferty peers
of the firft rank attended the King; while the houfe of lords feldom confiited of
more than fixteen members. Near the moiéty too of the lower houfe abfented.
themfelves from councils, which they efteemed fo full’of danger. The commons
fent up an impeachment againft nine peers, for deferting their duty in parliament.
Their own members alfo, who fhould return to them, they voted not to admit,
till fatisfied concerning the reafon of their abfence.
To the peers, who attended him, Charles made a declaration, that he expet-.
ed from them no obedience to any commands, which were not warranted by the.
laws
*. Vicar’s God in the mount,
334. HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
laws of the land. Thofe peers anfwered this declaration by a proteft, where they
declared their refolution to obey no commands, but fuch as were warranted by
that authority. By thefe deliberate engagements, fo worthy of an Englifh prince
and Englifh nobility, they meant to confoundthe furious and tumultuary refolu-
tions taken by the parliament.
Tue Queen, difpofing. of the crown-jewels in Holland, had been enabled to
purchafe a large cargoe of arms and ammunition. Part of thele, after efcaping ma-
ny perils, arrived fafely to the King. His preparations were not near fo forward
as thofe of the parliament. In order to remove all jealoufy, he had refolved,
that their ufurpations and illegal pretenfions fhould be apparent to the whole world,
and thought, that, to recover the confidence of his people, was a point much
more material to his intereft, than the collecting any magazines, {ftores, or ar-
mies, which might breed apprehenfions of violent or illegal councils. But the ut.
gent neceflity of his fituation no longer admitted of delay. He now prepared
himfelf for defence. With a fpirit, activity, and addrefs, which neither the
one party apprehended, nor the other expected, he employed all the advantages,
which remained to him, and rouzed up his adherents to arms. The refources
‘of this Prince’s genius increafed in proportion to his difficulties; and he never ap-
peared greater than when plunged into the deepeft perils and diftreffes. From
the mixt character, indeed, of Charles arofe, in part, the misfortunes, in which
England was, at this time, involved. His great political errors had raifed him
inveterate enemies: His eminent moral virtues had procured him zealous parti-
zans: And betwixt the hatred of the one and the affections of the other was the
nation agitated with the moft violent convulfions.
Tuar the King might defpair of all compofition, the parliament fent him the
conditions, on which they were willing to come toagreement. Their demands,
contained in nineteen propofitions, amounted to a total abolition of monarchical
authority. They required, That no man fhould remain in the council, who was
not agreeable to parliament ; that no deed of the king’s fhould have validity, un-
lefs it paffed the council, and was attefted under their hand ; that all the officers
of {tate fhould be chofen with confent of parliament ; that none of the royal fa-
mily fhould marry without confent of parliament or council; that the laws fhould
be executed againft catholics ; that the-votes of popifh lords fhould be excluded;
that the reformation of the liturgy and church-government fhould have place,
according to. advice of parliament; that the ordinance, with regard to the mi-
litia, be fubmitted to; that the juftice of parliament may pafs upon all delin-
quents ; that a general pardon be granted with fuch exceptions as fhall be advifed
by
ta A Ce ee, B.S I, 335
by parliament; that the forts and caftles be difpofed of by confent of parlia- Chap. VI.
ment; that no peers be made but with confent of both houfes. bP42-
‘“ SHouLp I grant thele demands,” faid the King in reply, ‘*1 may be
‘¢ waited on bare-headed ; I may have my hand kiffed ; the title of majefty be con-
“ tinued to me; and The king’s authority, fignified by both houfes, may be {till the
‘‘ {tyle of your commands; I may have {words and maces carried before me,
“ and pleafe myfelf with the fight of a crown and {ceptre (tho’ even thefe twigs
‘¢ would not long flourifh, when the ftock, upon which they grew, was dead) :
« But as to true andreal power, I fhould remain but the outfide, but the picture,
“< but the fign of a king.” War on any terms was efteemed, by the King and
all his counfellors, preferable to fo ignominious a peace. Charles accordingly
made account of fupporting his authority by arms. ‘¢ His towns,’ he faid,
“¢ were taken from him, his fhips, his arms, his money; but there ftill remain-
‘6 ed to him a good caufe, and the hearts of his fubjects, which, with God’s blef-
“ fing, he doubted not, would recover all the reft”’ Collecting therefore fome
forces, he advanced fouthwards; and at Nottingham, he erected his royal ftan-
dard, the open fignal of difcord and civil war thro’out the nation..
7
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CH APs.
1642.
Commence-
ment of the
war.
State of par-
ties,
336 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
CH APS? VEL
Commencement of the civil war. State of parties. Battle of Edge.
hil].—_— Negotiation at Oxford.——Viétories of the royalifis in the weft,
Battle of Stratton. Of Lanfdown. Of Roundway-down.——
Death of Hambden. Briftol taken. Siege of Glocefter. Battle
of Newbury. Aétions in the north of England. Solemn league and
covenant. Arming of the Scotch. State of Ireland.
HEN two names, fo facred in the Englifh conftitution, as thofe of
Kiwoe and PARLIAMENT, were placed in oppofition to each other;
no wonder the people were divided in their choice, and were agitated with the
moit violent animofities and factions.
Tue nobility and more confiderable gentry, dreading a total confufion of ranks
and orders from the fury of the populace, ranged themfelves in defence of the
monarch, from whom they received, and to whom they communicated, their
luftre. Animated with the fpirit of loyalty, derived from their anceftors, they
adhered to the antient principles of the conftitution, and valued themfelves on
exerting the maxims, as well as inheriting the poffeflions, of the old Englifh fa-
milies. _ And while they paffed their time moftly in their country-feats, they
were furprized to hear of opinions prevailing, with which they had ever been un-
acquainted, and which implied, not a limitation, but an abolition almoft total, of
nonarchical authority *.
Tue city of London on the other hand, and moft of the great corporations,
took part with the parliament, and adopted with zeal thofe democratical principles,
on which the pretenfions of that affembly were founded. The government of
cities, which, even under abfolute monarchies, is commonly republican, inclined
them to this party: The {mall hereditary influence, which can be retained over
the induftrious inhabitants of towns; the natural independence-of citizens; and
the force of popular currents over thofe more numerous affociations of mankind;
all thefe caufes, there, gave authority to the new principles propagated thro’out
the nation. Many families too, which had lately been enriched by commerce,
faw
* Among the other nobility, the Earl of Briftol, tho’ long in the oppofition, when matters came
to extremity, adhered to the court, and was profecuted with implacable malice by the parliament.
He died in France in 1652,
CH A R L E S I. 337
faw with indignation, that, notwithftanding their opulence, they could not Chap. VIE.
raife themfelves toa level with the antient gentry: They therefore adhered to a ——
power, by whofe fuccefs they hoped to acquire rank and confideration. And the
new fplendor and glary of the Dutch commonwealth, where liberty fo happily
foftered induftry, made all the commercial part of the nation ardently defire to
fee a like form of government eftablifhed in England.
Tux genius of the two religions, fo clofely, at this time, interwoven with
politics, correfponded exactly to thefe divifions, The prefbyterian religion wag
new, republican, and fuited to the genius of the populace: The other had an
air of greater fhow and ornament, was eftablifhed on antient authority, and bore
an affinity to the kingly and ariftocratical parts of the conttitution. The de-
votees of prefbytery became of courfe zealous partizans of the parliament: The
friends of the epifcopal church valued themfelves on defending the rights of
monarchy.
Some men too there were of liberal education, who, being either carclefs
or ignorant of thofe difputes, bandied about by the clergy of both fides, afpi-
red to nothing but an eafy enjoyment of life, amid the joyial entertainment
and focial intercourfe of their companions. All thefe flocked to the King’s {tan-
dard, where they breathed a freer air, and were exempted from that rigid pre-
cifenefs and melancholy aufterity, which reigned among the parliamentary
party.
NEVER was a quarrel more unequal than feemed at firft that betwixt the con-
tending parties: Almoft every advantage lay againft the royalcaufe. The King’s
revenue had been feized, from the beginning, by the parliament, who iffued out
to him, from time to time, {mall fums for his prefent fubfiftence; and as foon
as he withdrew to Yorke, they totally ftepped all payments. London and all
the fea-ports, except Newcaftle, being in their hands, the cuftoms yielded
them a certain and confiderable fupply of money ; and all contributions, loans,
and impofitions were more eafily raifed from the cities, which pofleffed the ready
money, and where men lived under their infpection, than they could be levied
by the King in thofe open countries, which, after fome time, declared for
him.
Tue feamen naturally followed the difpofition of the fea-ports, to which
they belonged. And the Earl of Northumberland, Lord admiral, having em-
braced the party of the parliament, had named, at their defire, the Earl of War-
wic for his lieutenant; who at once eftablifhed his authority in the fleet, and kept
the intire dominion of the fea in the hands of that affembly.
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COHTA SRA Eo Sk ar 343
were none who breathed not the fpirit of liberty, as well as of loyalty: And in sa.” es
the hopes alone of his amending fome paft errors, were they willing, in his de-
fence, to facrifice their lives and fortunes.
Wai Le the King lay at Shrewfbury, and was employing himfelf in collecting
money, which he received, tho’ in no great quantities, by voluntary contribu-
tions, and by the plate of the univerfities, which was fent him 3 he received
news of an action, the firft which had happened in thefe wars, and where he
was fuccefsful. P
Own the appearance of commotions in England, the Princes, Rupert and Mau-
rice, fons to the unfortunate Palatine, had offered their fervice to the Kings; and
the former, at that time, commanded a body of horfe, which had been fent to
Worcefter, in order to watch the motions of Effex, who was marching towards
that city. No fooner had the Prince arrived, than he faw fome cavalry of the
enemy approaching to the gates. Without delay, he brifkly attacked them, as
they were defiling from a lane and forming themfelves. Colonel Sandys, who led
them and fought with valor, being mortally wounded; fell from his horfe. The
whole party, was routed, and was purfued above a mile. The Prince hearing
of Effex’s approach, retired to the King. This rencounter, tho’ in itfelf of
fmall importance, raifed mightily the reputation of the royalifts, and acquired
univerfally to Prince Rupert the character of promptitude and courage; qualities,
which he eminently difplayed, during the whole courfe of the war.
Tue King, on muftering his army, found it about 10,000 men. The Earl
of Lindefey, who in his youth had fought experience of military fervice in the
low-countries *, was general: Prince Rupert commanded the horfe: Sir Jacob
Aftley, the foot: Sir Arthur Afton, the dragoons: Sir John Heydon, the
artillery. The Lord Bernard Stuart was at the head of a troop of guards. The
eftate and revenue of this fingle troop, according to Lord Clarendon’s computa
tion, was at leaft equalto that of all the members, who, at the commencement
of the war, voted in both houfes. Their fervants, under the command of
Sir William Killigrew, made another troop, and always marched with their
matters.
WiTu this army the King left Shrewfbury, refolving to pive battle as foon as
poflible, to the army of the parliament, which he heard was continually aug-
menting by fupplies from London. In order to bring on an action, he directed
his courfe towards the capital, which, he knew, the enemy would not abandon
tohim. Effex had now received his inftructions. The import of them was,
to prefent a moft humble petition to the King and to refcue him, and the royal
| family,
12th O&.
+ He was then Lord Willoughby.
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344 HISTORY of GREAT BRITAIN.
family, from thofe defperate malignants, who had: feized their petiors Twe
dayg-after the departure of the royalifts from Shrewlfbury, Re left Woreefter.
Tho’ it be eafy in civil wars to get intelligence, the two armies ‘were within fix
thiles of each other, ’ere cither of the generals was acquainted with the approach
of his enemy. Shrewlbury and Worcefter, the places from which they fet out,
are not above twenty miles diftant; yet had the two armies marched ten days
in this mutual ignorance. So much had military {kill, during a long peace, de-
cayed in England. | |
Tue royal army lay near Banbury: That of the parliament, at Keinton, in
the county of Warwic. Prince Rupert fent intelligence of the enemy. Tho’
2jdof ot the day was far advanced, the King refolved upon the attack: Effex drew up
his men to receive him. Sir Faithful Fortefcue, who had levied a troop for the
Irith wars, had been obliged to ferve in the parliamentary army, and was now
pofted on the left wing, commanded by Ramfay, a Scotchman. No fooner did
thé King’s army approach, than Fortefcue, ordering his troop to difcharge their
piftols in the ground, put himfelf under the command of Prince Rupert. Part.
ly from this accident, partly from the furious {hock made upon them by the
Prince; that whole wing of cavalry immediately fied, and were purfued for two
miles. The right wing of the parliament’s army had no better fucceds. Chaced
from their ground by Wilmot and Sir Arthur Afton, they alfo took to flight.
The King’s body of referve, commanded by Sir John Biron, judging, like raw
foldiers, that all was over, and impatient to have fome fhare in the action, with
fpurs and loofe reins followed the chace, which their left wing had precipitately
led them. Sir William Balfour, who commanded Effex’s referve, perceived the
advantage: He wheeled about upon the King’s infantry, now quite unfurnithed
of horfe, and made great havoc among them. Lindefey, the general, was mot
tally wounded, and taken prifoner. His fon, endeavoring his refcue, fell like-
ways into the enemy’s hands. Sir Edmund Verney, who carried the king's
{tandard, was killed, and the ftandard taken; but it was afterwards recovered. In
this fituation, Prince Rupert, on his return, found affairs. Every thing bore
the appearance of a defeat, inftead of a victory, with which he had haftily flat-
tered himfelf. Some advifed the King to leave the field: But that Prince,
whofe perfonal valor was unqueftioned, rejeéted fuch pufillanimous council. The
two armies faced each other for fome time, and neither of them retained courage
fufficient for a new attack. All night they lay under arms ; and next morning
found themfelves in fight of each other. General, as well as foldier, om both
fides, feemed averfe to renew the battle. Effex firft drew off and retired to
Warwic. The King returned to his former quarters. Five thoufand men are
faid
Ct te Ara hb. S sc. 345
faid to have been found dead on the field of battle, and the lofs of the two armies, So dy
as far as we can judge by the oppofite accounts, was nearly equal. Such was the :
event of this firftbatele, fought at Keinton or Edge-hill.
Some of Effex’s horfe, who had been drove off the field in the beginning of
the action, flying to a great diftance, carried news of a total defeat, and ftruck
a mighty terror into the city and parliament. After, a few days, a more juil
account arrived ; and then the parliament pretended to a:compleat victory. The
King too, on his part, was not wanting to difplay his advantages; tho’, except
the taking of Banbury, a few days after, he had few marks of victory to boaft
of. He continued his march, and took poffeflion of Oxford, the only town in
his dominions, which was altogether at his devotion.
Arter the royal army were recruited and refrefhed; as the weather ftill
continued favorable, they were again put in motion. A party of horfe having been
fent from Abingdon, where were fixed,the head quarters of the cavalry, they ap-
proached to Reading, of which Martin was eftablifhed governor by the parlia-
ment. Both governor and garrifon were feized with a panic, and fled with pre-
cipitation to London. Charles, hoping that every thing would yield before him,
advanced with his whole army to Reading. The parliament; who, inftead of
their fond expectations, that Charles would never be able to collect an army,
had now the profpect of a civil war, bloody, and of uncertain event; . were far-
ther alarmed at the near approach of the royal army, while their own forces
lay at adiftance. . They voted an addrefs for a treaty. The King’s nearer ap-
proach to Colbroke quickened their advances. Northumberland and Pembroke
‘with three commoners prefented the addrefs of both houfes; in which they be-
fought his Majefty to appoint fome convenient place, where he might refide, till
committees could attend him with propofals. The King named Windfor, and
defired, that the garrifon might be removed, and his own troops admitted into
that fortrefs. | |
Mean while Effex, advancing by hafty marches, had arrived at London. But
neither the prefence of his army, nor the precarious hopes of a treaty retarded
the King’s approaches. At Brentford, he attacked two regiments quartered 3oth of Nov.
there, and, after a fharp action, beat them from that village, and took about soo
prifoners. The parliament had fent orders to forbear all hoftilities, and had ex-
pected the fame compliance from the King; tho’ no ftipulations to that purpofe
had been mentioned by their commiflioners. Loud complaints were railed againtft
this attack, as the moft apparent perfidy, and breach of treaty. Finflamed
with refentment, as well as anxious for its own defence, the city marched its
trained bands in excellent order, and joined the army under Effex. The force
VoL. I. xn xX . of
3643.
Negotiation
at Oxford,
3406 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN,
of the parliamentary army now amounted to above 24000 men, and was much fupe-
rior to that of the King’s. After both armies had faced each other for fome time,
the King drew off and retired to Reading, and from thence to Oxford.
WHILE the principal armies on both fides were retained in inaction by the
winter feafon, the King and parliament were employed in real preparations for
war, andin feeming advances towards peace. By means of contributions or af
feflments, levied by the horfe, Charles maintained his cavalry: By loans and yo.
luntary prefents, {ent him from all parts of the kingdom, he fupported his infan-
try: But the fupplies were {till very unequal to the neceflities under which he la.
bored. The parliament had much greater refources for money; and had, by con.
fequence, every military preparation in much greater order and abundance. Be.
fide an impofition, levied in London, amounting to the five and twentieth part
of every one’s fubftance, they eftablithed on that city a weekly affeffinent of
10,000 pounds, and another of twenty four thoufand, on the reft of the king.
dom. And as their authority was at prefent eftablifhed in moft counties, they
levied thefe taxes with great regularity; tho’ they amounted to fums, much be
yond what the nation had formerly paid to the public exigences,
THE King and parliament fent reciprocally their demands and a treaty com-
menced, but without any ceffation of hoftilities; as had at firft been propofed,
The Earl of Northumberland and four members of the lower houfe came to Ox-
ford as commiffionets. In this treaty, the King perpetually infifted on the re-efta-
blifhment of the ctown in its legal powers, and on the reftoration of his conftt-
tutional prerogative: The parliament ftill required new conceflions, and a far:
ther abrigement of regal authority, as a more effe€tual remedy to their fears
and jealoufies. Finding the King fupported by more forces and a greater party,
than they had ever looked for, they feemingly abated fomewhat of thofe exorbi-
tant conditions, which they had formerly claimed; but their demands were fill
too great for an equal treaty. Befide other articles, to which a compleat victory
could alone intitle them; they required the King, in exprefs terms, utterly to
abolifh epifcopacy ; a demand, which, before, they only infinnated: And they
required, that all other ecclefiaftical controverfies fhould be determined by their
affembly of divines; that is, in the manner the moft repugnant to the inclinations
ot the King and all his partizans. They likeways defired him to acquiefce in their
fettlement of the militia, and to confer on their adherents the intire authority of
thefword. And in anfwer to the King’s propofition, that his magazines, towns,,
forts, and fhips, fhould be reftored to him, the parliament required, that they
should be put into fuch hands as they could confide in. The nineteen propofitions,
which
itt oh Rot. B,S5. ks 347
which they formerly fent the King, fhewed their inclination to abolifh monarchy ¢
They only afked, at prefent, the power of doing it. And having now, in the
eye of the law, been guilty of treafon, by levying war again{t their fovereign ;
it is evident, that their fears and jealoufies muft, on that account, have multi-
plied extremely, and have rendered their perfonal fafety, which they interwove
with the national, {till more incompatible with the authority of themonarch. Tho’
the well-known gentlenefs and lenity of the King’s temper might have enfured
them againft all fchemes of future vengeance; they preferred an independent {e-
curity, accompanied too with fovereign power, before the ftation of fubject,
and that not intirely guarded from all apprehenfions of danger *.
Tue conferences went no farther than the firft demand on each fide. The
parliament, finding, that there was no likelihood of coming to any agreement, fud-
denly recalled their commiflioners.
A military enterprize, which they had concerted early in the fpring, was im-
mediately undertaken. Reading, that garrifon of the King, which lay neareft
London, was efteemed a place of confiderable ftrength, in that age, when the
art of attacking towns was not well underftood in Europe, and was totally un-
known in England. Before this town the Earl of Effex fat down with an army
of 18000 men; and he carried on his attack by regular approaches. ‘Sir Arthur
Afton, the governor, being wounded, Collonel Fielding fucceeded to the com-
x x 2 mand,
* Whitlocke, who was one of the commiffioners, fays, “ In this treaty, the King manifefted
his great parts and abilities, ftrength of reafon and quicknefs of apprehenfion, with much pa-
“ tience in hearing what was objected againft him; wherein he allowed all freedom, and would
himfelf fum up the arguments and give a moft clear judgment upon them. His unhappinefs was,
that he had a better opinion of other’s judgments than of his own, tho’ they were weaker than
his own; and of this the parliament-commiffioners had experience to their great trouble. ‘They
“* were often waiting on the King, and debating fome points of the treaty with him, until midnight,
«« before they could come to aconc!ufion. Upon one of the moft material. points, they prefied his
“ Majefty with their reafons and beft arguments they could ufe to grant what they defired. The
King faid, he was fully fatisfied, and promifed to give them his anfwer in writing according to
“‘ their defire; but, becaufe it was then paft midnight, and too late to put it into writing, he
would have it drawn up next morning (when he commanded them to wait on him again) and
then he would give them his anfwer in writing, as it was now agreed upon. But. next morning
“the Kine told them, that he had altered his mind: And fome of his friends, of whom the
commiffioners inquired, told them, that after they were gone, andeven his council retired, fome
of his bed-chamber never left prefling and perfuading him till they prevailed on him to change
his former refolutions.” It is difficult, however, to conceive, that any treaty could have place
betwixt the King and parliament, while the latter infifted, as they all along did, on a total fub-
miffion to all their demands, and challenged the whole power, which they intended to employ to
the punithment of all the King’s friends.
Chap. VII.
1043.
roth April.
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Chap. VIT,
1643.
a A
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i$ HISTORY* or GREAT BRITAIN,
mand. In a little time, the town was found to te no longer in a condition of de.
fence; and, tho’ the King approached, with ai intention of obliging Effex to
raile the fiege, the difpofition of the parliamentury army was fo ftrong, as ren-
dered that defign impracticable. Fielding, therefore, was content to yield the
town, on condition, that he fhould bring off allthe garrifon with the honors of
war, and deliver up deferters. This laft condition was efteemed fo ignominious
and fo prejudicial to the King’s intereft, that the governor was tried by a coun.
cil of war, and condemned to lofe his life for caifenting toit. His fentence was
afterwards remitted by the King.
Essex’s army had been fully fupplied with al the neceffarics of life from Lon:
don: Even many of the fuperfluities and luxuries were fent’them by the care
of the zealous citizens: Yet the hardfhips, wlich they fuffered from the fiege,
during fo early a feafon, had weakened themto fuch a degree, that they were
no longer fit for any new enterprize. And thetwo armies, for fome time, en-
camped in the neighborhood of each other, without attempting, on either fide,
any action of moment.
Bes1be, the military operations betwixt the principal armies, which lay in the
center of England; each county, each town, each family, almoft, was diyi-
ded within itfelf; and the moft violent convulfons fhook the whole kingdom.
Thro’out the winter, continual efforts had everr where been made by each par-
ty to furmount its antagonift; and the Englift, rouzed from the lethargy of.
peace, with eager, tho’ unfkillful hands, employed againit their fellow-citizens
their long neglected weapons. | The furions zeal for liberty and prefbyterian difci-
pline, which had hitherto run uncontroled thro’ the nation, now at lait excited
an equal ardor for monarchy and _epifcopacy.;. when the intention of abolifhing
AMMEN Es A
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CONnVERtION for neutraruty, tho’, ee! feveral COUTIICS, 1t had been Cl tered Into,
thefe antient modes of government was openly avowed by t
and confirmed by the moft folemn oaths, yet being voted illegal by the two
houfes, was immediately broke; and the fixe ¢ difcord was {pred into every
corner. he altercation of difcourfe, the controverfies of the pen, but above
all, the declamations of the pulpit, indifpoféd the minds of men towards each
other, and propagated the blind rage of. party. Ficrce, however, and enflamed
as were the difpofitions of men, by a war, bothcivil and religious, that great
deitroyer of humanity; all the events of this period are lefs diftinguithed by a-
trocious deeds, cither of treachery-or cruelty, than were ever any inteftine dif-
cords, which had fo long a continuance. A circumftance, which, if duely
weighed, will be found to imply great praife of the national charaGer of that
people, now fo unhappily rouzed to arms.
i
fe vr ATRL ee Ss I. 249
In the north, the Lord Fairfax commanded for the parliament, the Earl of
» bul
Newcatftle for the King. This Iatt Nobleman began thofe affociations, which
were afterwards fo much practifed in other parts of the kingdom. He united in
a league for the King the counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, Weftmore-
land, and the Biltiopric: and engaged, fome time ere’ other counties in the
fame affociation. Finding that Fairfax, affifted by Hotham and the garrifon of
Hull, was making progrefs in the fouthern parts of Yorkefhire; he advanced
with a body of four thoufand men and took poffeflion of Yorke. At Tadcafter,
he attacked the forces of the parliament and diflodged them: But his victory
was not decifive. -In other rencounters he obtained fome inconfiderable advan-
tages. But the chief benefit, which refulted from his enterprizes, was the efta-
blifhing the King’s authority in all the northern provinces.
In another part of the kingdom, the Lord Broke was killed by a fhot, while
he was taking poficflion of Litchfield for the parliament. After a tharp combat,
near Stafford, betwixt the Earl of Northampton and Sir John Gell, the fetiner,
who conmiaanlel the King’s forces, was killed while he combated with extreme
valor; and his forces, difcouraged by his death, tho’ they had obtained the ad-
vantage in the action, retreated into the town of Stafford.
Sir William Waller began to diftinguith himfelf among the generals of the
parliament. Active and indefatigable in his operations, rapid and enterprizing 5
his genius was fuited to the nature of the war;- which being managed by raw
troops, conducted by unexperienced commanders, afforded { Girnels to every bold
and fudden undertaking. After taking Winchefter and Chichefter, he advan-
ced towards Glocefter,. which was in a manner blockaded by Lord Herbert, who
had levied confiderable forces in Wales for the royal party. While he attacked
the Welch on one fide, a fally from Gloceiter made impreflion on the other.. Her-
bert was defeated 5 five hundred of his mem killed on the fpot; a theufand ta-
ken prifoners, and he himfelf efcaped with fome difficulty to Oxford. ~ Hereford,
efteemed a {trong town, defended by a confiderable garrifon, was furrendered to
Waller, from the cowardice of Collonel Price, the governor. Teukefbury under-
went the fame fate. Worcelter refuled him admittance ; and Waller, without
placing: any garrifons in his new conquefts, retired to Glocefter, and from thence
to Effex’s army.
Bur the moft memorable actions.of valor, during this winter-feafon, were per-.
formed in the weft... When Sir Ralph Hopton, with his fmall troop, retired in-
to Cornwall before the Earl of Bedford, that Nobleman, defpifing fo inconfider-
able a force, abandoned the purfuit, and committed the fuppreflion of the roya
party to the fherifis of the county, But the affections of Cornwall were much in-
clined
= a ne as he ee
Chap. VI¥.
1643,
Vidories of
the royalifts:
in the weik..
Chap. VII,
1043.
250 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN,
clined to the King’s fervice. While Sir Richard Buller and Sir Alexander Carew,
lay at Launcefton, and employed themfelves in executing the parliament’s ordi-
nance for the militia, a meeting of the county was affembled at Truro; - and af.
ter Hopton produced his commiffion from the Earl of Hertford, the King’s general,
it was agreed to execute tke laws and to expel thefe invaders of the county,
The trained bands were accordingly levied, Launceiton taken, and all Cornwall
reduced to peace and obedience to the King.
Ir had been ufual for the royal party, on the commencement of thefe diforders,
to claim, on all occafions, the {trict execution of the laws, which, they knew,
were favorable to them; and the parliament, rather than have recourfe to the
plea of neceflity, and avow the tranfgreflion of any ftatute, had alfo been accu
{tomed to warp the laws, and by forced conftruétions to interprete them in their
ownfavor. But tho the’ King was naturally the gainer by fuch a method of con-
ducting war, and it was by favor of law, that the trained bands were raifed in
Cornwall; it appeared that thefe maxims were now prejudicial to the royal party.
Thefe troops could not legally, without their own confent, be carried out of the
county ; and confequently, tie advantages which they had obtained, it was im-
poflible to pufh into Devonfhire. The Cornith royalifts, therefore, bethought
themfelves of levying a force, which might be more ferviceable. Befide Sir
Ralph Hopton; Sir Bevil Grarville, the moft beloved man of that country, Sir Ni-
cholas Slanning, Arundel, ard Trevannion, undertook, at their own charges, to
raife an army for the King ; and their great intereft in Cornwall foon enabled
them to effect their purpofe. The parliament, alarmed at this appearance of the
royalifts, gave a commiflion to Ruthven, a Scotchman, governor of Plymouth,
to march with the whole forces of Dorfet, Somerfet, and Devon, and make an
intire conqueft of Cornwall. The Earl of Stamford followed him, at fome dif.
tance, with a confiderable fupply. Ruthven, having entered Cornwall by
bridges thrown over the Tamar, haftened to an action; left Stamford fhould
join him and obtain the honer of that victory, which he looked for with aff
rance. The royalifts, in like manner, were impatient to bring the affair toa de-
cifion, before Ruthven’s army fhould receive fo confiderable a reinforcement.
The battle was fought at Bradoc-down; and the King’s forces, tho’ inferior in
number, gave a total defeat totheir enemies» Ruthven with afew broken troops
fled to Saltafh; and when that town was taken, he efeaped, with fome difficul-
ty, and almoft alone, into Plynouth. Stamford retired, and diftributed his forces
into Plymouth and Exeter.
-_
NoTWITHSTANDING thefe advantages, the extreme neceffities both of mo-
mey and ammunition, under which the royalifts labored, obliged them to enter
into
Oo HW ACR oe) bo Or 351
into a convention of neutrality with the parliamentary party in Devonfhire; and Chap. VII.
this neutrality held all the winter-feafon. In the {pring it was broke by the au- 1643.
thority of the two houfes; and war re-commenced with great appearance of dif-
advantage to the King’s party. Stamford, having aflembled a itrong body of
near feven thoufand men, well fupplied with meney, provifions, and ammuniti-
on, advanced upon the royalifts, who were not half his number, and were op-
prefied by every fpecies of neceflity. Defpair, joined tothe natural gallantry Battle of Strat-
of thefe troops, commanded by the prime gentry of the county, made them re- °°”
folve, by one vigorous effort, to overcome all thefe difadvantages. Stamford 16th of May.
being encamped on the top of a high hill near Stratton, they attacked him in
four divifions, at five in the morning, having lain all night under arms. One
divifion was commanded by Lord Mohun and Sir Ralph Hopton, another by Sir
Bevil Granville and Sir John Berkeley, a third by Slanning and Trevannion, a
fourth by Baffet and Godolphin. — In this manner the a@tion begun; the King’s
forces prefling with the utmoft vigor thofe four ways up the hill, and their e-
nemies as obftinately defending themfelves. The fight continued with very doubt-
ful fuccefs, till word was brought to the chief officers of the Cornifh, that their am-
munition was {pent to lefs than four barrels of powder. This defect, which they
concealed from the foldiers, they refolved, by their valor, to fupply. By means
of meffengers, they agreed to advance without fring till they reached the top of
the hill, and could be on equal ground ‘with the enemy. The officers’ courage
was, by the foldiers, fo well feconded, that the royalifts began, on all fides, to gain
ground. Major-general Chidley, who commanded the parliament-army, (for
Stamford kept at a diftance) failed not in his duty; and whem he faw his men re*
coil, himfelf advanced with a good ftand of pikes, and piercing into the thick.
eft of the enemy, was at laft overpowered with nambers and taken prifoner. His
army, upon this difafter, gave ground apace; infomuch that the four parties of
the royalilts, growing nearer and nearer as they sfcended, at laft all met together
upon the plain at the top; where they embraced with unfpeakable joy, and fig-
nalized their victory with loud fhouts and mutualcongratulations.
AFTER this fuccefs, the attention of both King and parliament was turned towards
the weft, as.toa veryimportant fcene of ation. The King fentthe Marquis of
Hertford and Prince Maurice, witha reinforcement of cavalry; who haying joined
the Cornifh army, foon over-ran the county of Devon: and advancing into that
of Somerfet, began to reduce it to obedience. On the other hand, the parlia-
ment having fupplied Sir William Waller, to whom they much trufted, with a sora
compleat army, difpatched him weftwards, in order to check the progrefs of the
royalifts, After fome fkirmifhes, the two armies met at Lanfdown, near Bath,
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Chap. VII.
AAs
1643.
Battle of
Roundway-
down.
3 3th of July.
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN,
and fought a pitched battle, with great lofs on both fides, but without any deci-
it Granville was there killed; and Hopton, by the blow-
. The royaliits next attempted to
march eaftwards and to join their forces to the King’s at Oxford: But-Walles
hung on their rear, and infefted their march till they reached the Devizes. Re.
five event. The gallar
ing up of fome powder, was dangeroufly hurt
snforced by additional troops, which flocked to him from all quarters; he fo
I re y v9 ?
nuch furpaffed the royalifts in number that they durft no longer profecute their
J t J 3 gw oO
march or expofe themfelves to the danger of an action. It was refolved that
Hertford and Prince Maurice fhould proceed with the cavalry; and having recei.
veda reinforcement from the King, : fhould haften back to the relief of their
diftrefled friends in the Devizes. Waller was fo confident of taking this body
of infantry, now abandoned by their friends, that he wrote to the parliament,
that their work was done, and that, by the next poft, he would inform them
of the number and quality of the prifoners. But the King, even before Hert-
ford’s arrival, hearing of the great difficulties to which his weftern army was re-
duced, had prepared a confiderable body of horfe, which he immediately difpatch-
ed under the command of Lord Wilmot. Waller drew up on Roundway-down,
about two miles from the Devizes; and advancing with his horfe to fight Wil.
mot and preyent his conjunction with the Cornifh infantry, was received with e-
qual valor by the royalilts. After a fharp action he was totally routed, and fly-
ing with a few horfe, efcaped to Briftol. Wilmot feizing the enemies cannon,
and having joined his friends, whom he came to relicve, attacked Waller's
infantry with redoubled courage, drove them off the field, and routed and difper-
fed the whole army. |
Tuts important victory, following fo quick after many other fucceffes, ftnick
great difmay into the parliament, and gave an alarm to their principal army,
commanded by Effex. Waller exclaimed loudly agvain{t that general, for allow-
ing Wilmot to pafs him, and proceed without any interruption to the fuccor
of the diftreffed infantry at the Devizes. But Effex, finding that his army fell
continually to decay after the fiege of Reading, was refolved to remain upon the
defenfive; and the weaknefs of the King, and his want of all military dtores, had
alfo reftrained the activity of the royal army. No action had happened in that
part of England, except one fkirmifh, which, of itfelf, was of no great confe-
quence, and was rendered memorable by the death alone of the famous Hamb-
den.
CoLLoNEL Urrey, a Scotchman, who ferved in the parliament’s army, ha-
ving received fome difguft, came to Oxford, and offered his fervice to the King.
In order to prove the fincerity of his converfion, he informed Prince Rupert of
the
Cn AR b- Eos ) # 353
‘the loofe difpofition of the enemies quarters, and exhorted him to form fome at-
‘tempt upon them. The Prince, who was intirely fitted for that kind of fervice,
_ falling fuddenly upon the difperfed bodies of Effex’s army, routed two regiments of
cavalry and one’of infantry, and carried his ravages within two miles of the gene-
‘ral’s quarters. The alarm being given, every one mounted on horfeback, in or-
der to purfue the Prince, to recover the prifoners, and to repair the difgrace,
which the army had fuffered. Among the reft, Hambden, who had a regiment
of infantry, that lay at adiftance, joined the horfe as a fimple volunteer ; and
overtaking the royalifts on Chalgrave field, entered into the thickeft of the bat-
tle. By the bravery and activity of Rupert, the King’s troops were brought off,
and a great beoty, along with two hundred prifoners, conveyed to Oxford.
But what moft pleafed the royalifts was the expectation, that fome difafter had
happened to Hambden, their capital and much dreaded enenty. -One of ‘the pri-
foners taken in the action, faid, that he was confident Mr. Hambden was hurt:
For he faw him, contrary to his wlual cuftom, ride-off the field, before the acti-
‘on was finifhed; his head hanging down, and his hands leaning upon his horfe’s
neck, Next day, the news arrived, that he was fhot in the fhoulder with a
‘brace of bullets, and the bone broke. Some days after, with exquifite pain,
he died of his wound ; nor could his whole party, had their army met with a to-
tal overthrow, be caft into greater confternation. The King himfelf fo highly
valued him, that, either from generofity or policy, he offered to fend his own
furgeon to affift at his cure *.
Many were the virtues and talents of this eminent perfonage ; and _ his valor,
during the war, had fhone out with a luftre, equal to that of all the other ac-
‘complifhments, by which he had ever been fo much diftinguifhed. Affability in
converfation ; temper, art, and eloquence in debate; penetration and difcern-
ment in council; induftry, vigilance, and enterprize in action; all thefe praifes,
by hiftorians of the moft oppofite parties, are unanimoufly afcribed to him. His
virtue too and integrity, ‘in all the duties of private life, are allowed to have been
‘beyond exception: We muft only be cautious, notwithftanding his generous
zeal tor liberty, how we afcribe to him the praifes of a good citizen. Thro’ all
the horrors of civil war, he fought the abolition of monarchy and fubverfion of
the conftitutions an end, which, had it been attainable by peaceful meafures,
ought carefully to have been avoided, by every lover of his country. But whe-
ther, in the purfuit of this violent enterprize, he was actuated by private ambiti-
on, or by honeft prejudices, derived from the former abufes of royal authority, it be-
VoL. I. | Yy longs
. /* Warwic’s Memoirs.
Chap. VII,
1643,
~
Chap. VII.
1643.
Briftol taken.
25th of July.
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
fad
54
longs not to an hiftorian of this age, fcarce even to an intimate friend, pofitive.
ly to determine. .
Essex, difcouraged by this event, difmayed by the total rout of Waller, was
farther informed, that the Queen, who had landed in Burlmgton bay, was.ad.
vanced to Oxford, and had brought from the north a reinforcement of three
thoufand foot and fifteen horfe. From Thame and Aylefbury, where he had hi,
therto lain, he thought proper to retreat nearer London, andhe fhowed tohis friends
his broken and difheartened forces, which a few months before, he had Jed to
the field in fo flourifhing a condition. The King, difembarrafled of this enemy,
fent his army weftward under Prince Rupert; and by conjunction with the Cor-
nifh troops, a very formidable force, for numbers, as well as reputation and ya-
lor, was compofed. That an enterprize, correfpondent to men’s expectations,
might be undertaken, the Prince refolved to lay fiege to Briftol, the fecond town
for riches and greatnefs in the kingdom. Nathaniel Fiennes, fon to Lord Say,
himfelf, as well as his father, a:great parliamentary leader, was governor, and
commanded a garrifon of two thoufand five hundred foot, and two regiments, one
ot horfe, another of dragoons. The fortifications not being compleat or regular,
it was réfolved by Rupert to ftorm thecity; and nextmorning, with little other
provifions, fuitable to fucha work, befide the courage of the troops, the affault
began. The Cornish, in three divifions, attacked the weft fide, with a refolu-
tion, which nothing but death could control: . But tho’ the middle divifion had
already mounted the wall, fo great was the difadvantage of the ground, and ‘fo
brave the defence of the garrifon, that in the end the affailants were repulfed,
with a confiderable lofs both of officers and foldiers. On the Prince’s fide, with
equal courage, and almoft with equal lofs, but with better fuccefs, was the af
fault conducted. One-divifion, led by Lord Grandifon, was beat off, and the
commander himfelf mortally wounded: Another, conducted by Collonel Bellafis,
met with alike fate: But Wafhington with a lefs party, finding a place in the
curtaine weaker than the reft, broke in, and quickly inade room for the horfe
to follow. By this irruption, however, nought but the fuburbs was yet
gained: The entrance into the town was {till more difficult: And by the lofs
already fuftained, as well as by the profpect of farther danger, was ‘every one
extremely difcouraged: When to the great joy of the whole army, the city
beat a parley. The garrifon were allowed to march out with their arms and bag-
gage, leaving their cannon, ammunition, and colours. © For this inftance of
cowardice, Feinnes was afterwards tried by a court-martial, and-condemned to
lofe ‘his head; but the fentence was remitted by the general.’
GREAT
CAH ASE DL Es I. 358
Great complaints were made of violences, exercifed on the garrifon, con-
trary to the capitulation An apology was made, by the royalifts, asif thefe
were 2 retaliation for fome violences, committed on their friends at the furrender
of Reading. And under pretext of like retaliations, but really from the extreme
hatred of the parties, were fuch irregularities continued during the whole courfe
of the war. ,
Tue lofs, fuftained by the royalifts in the affault of Briftol, was confiderable.
Five hundred excellent foldiers perifhed. Among thofe of condition were Gran-
difon, Slanning, Trevannion, and Moyle: Bellafis, Afhley, and Sir John O-
wen, were wounded: Yet was the fuccefs, upon the whole, fo confiderable as
mightily elated the one party, and depreffed the other. The King, to fhow that
he was not intoxicated. with good fortune, nor afpired to a total. victory over
the parliament, publifhed a manifefto, in which he renewed the proteftation for-
merly taken, with great folemnity, at the head of his army, and expreffed his
firm intention of making peace upon the re-eftablifhment of the: conftitution.
Having joined the camp at Briftol, and fent Prince Maurice with a detachment
into Devonfhire,; he deliberated how to employ the remaining forces, in, an en-
terprize of importance. Some propofed, and feemingly with great reafon, to
march directly to London, where every thing was in great confufion, where the
army was baffled, weakened and difmayed, and where, it was hoped, either
by an infurrection, by victory, or by treaty, a fpeedy end might be put to the
civil diforders: But this undertaking, by reafon of the great number and force
of the London militia, was thought by feveral to be attended with confiderable dif-
ficulties. Glocefter, lying within twenty miles, prefented an eafier, and yet a
very important conqueit. It was the only remaining garrifon poffeffed by the
parliament in thofe parts. Could that city be reduced, the King held the whole
courfe of the Severn under his command; the rich and male-content counties of
the weft, having loft all protection from their friends, might be enforced to pay
high contributions, as.an atonement for their difaffection; an open communi-
cation could be preferved betwixt Wales and thefe new conquefts; and half of
the kingdom, being intirely free’d from the enemy, and thus united into one
firm body, might be employed in re-eftablifhing the King’s authority thro’out the
remainder.» Thefe were the reafons for embracing that peels ; fatal, as it
was ever eftcemed, tothe royal party.
THe governor of Glocefter was Maffey, a foldier of fortune, who, before he
engaged with the parliament, had offered his fervice to the King;. and as he
was free from the fumes of enthufiafm, by which moft of the officers.on that
fide, were intoxicated, he would lend an ear, it was prefumed, to propofals for
Yy2 accommodation.
Chap. VII.
1043.
Siege of Gloe
cefter.
Chap. VII,
"1643,
} wf
roth of Aug.
356 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN,
accommodation. ' But Maffey was refolute to preferve an intire fidelity to his ma-.
{ters; and tho’ no fanatic himfelf, he well knew how to employ to advantage:
that fanatical fpirit, fo prevalent over his city and garrifon. ._The fummons to,
furrender allowed two hours for an anfwer: But before that time expired, there
appeared before the King two citizens, with lean, pale, fharp, and difmal vifages :
Faces, fo ftrange and uncouth, according to Lord Clarendon ; figures, fo habj.
ted and accoutered ; as at once moved the moft fevere countenances to mirth, and
the moft cheerful hearts to faddnefs. It feemed impoflible, that fuch ambafladors
could bring lefs than a defiance. The men, without any circumftance of duty
or good manners, in a pert, fhrill, undifmayed accent, faid, that they brought.
an an{wer from the godly city of Glocefter: And extremely ready were they, ac-
cording to the hiftorian, to give infolent and. feditious replies to any queftions ;,
as if their bufinefs were chiefly, by provoking the King, to make him violate his
own fafe conduct. The anfwer from the city was in thefe words. ‘“ We the.
** inhabitants, magiftrates, officers and foldiers, within the garrifon of Glocefter,
“unto his Majefty’s gracious meflage, return this humble anfwer: That we do.
‘‘ Keep this city, according to our oaths and allegiance, to and for the ufe of his.
** Majefty and his royal polterity: And do accordingly conceive ourfelves whol-
“* ly bound to obey the commands of _his Majefty fignified by both houfes of par-
‘‘ lament: And are refolved by God’s help to Keep this city accordingly.” Af-
ter thefe preliminaries, the fiege was refolutely undertaken by the army and as res
folutely fuftained by the garrifon.
WHEN intelligence of the fiege of Glocefter arrived in London, the confter-,
nation, among the inhabitants, was as great, .as if the enemy were already at
their gates. The rapid progrets of the royalitts threatened the parliament with @
fudden conqueft': The factions. and difcontents, among themfelves,.. in the citys
and thro’out the neighboring counties, prognofticated fome dangerous divifion or
infurrection. Thofe parliamentary leaders, it muft be owned, who had intro-
duced fuch mighty innovations in the English conftitution, and who had project-
ed fo much greater, had not engaged in an enterprize, which exceeded theireourage
and capacity. Great. vigor, fromthe beginning, as well as wifdom, had they
difplayed in all their councils 3. and a furious, head-ftrong body, broke loofe from
the reftraint of law, had hitherto been retained in fubje@ion by their authority;
and firmly united by. zeal and paflion, as by the maft legal and eftablithed Or
vernment. A {mall committee; on whom the two houfes dey
had directed all their councils, and. had preferved a fecrecy in
promptitude in execution, beyond what the King,
olved their power,
deliberation, and:a
notwith{tanding the advantages
poilefled by a fingle leader, had ever been able to attain. Senfible that no jeas
| louly
—— ~~ . © O44 Os ee Died i ae Ne A Le
Cs ASR LES k. 267
loufy was by their partizans entertained againft’them, they had, on all occafions, Chap. VHT?
exerted an authority much more defpotic, than by the royalifts, even during wens
the prefling exigences of war, could with patience be endured in their fovereign:
Whoever incurred their difpleafure, or was expofed to their fufpicion, was com-
mitted to prifon, and profecuted under the notion of delinquency: After all the
old jails were full, many new ones were erected; and even the fhips were
erowded with the royalifts, both gentry and clergy, wholanguifhed-below decks;
and perifhed in thofe unhealthy confinements: Taxes, the heavieft; and of the
moft unufual nature, they impofed by an ordinance of the two-houfes: A com¢
miflion for fequeftration they voted; and they feized, where-ever they had’ power;
the revenues of all the King’s party*: And knowing, that themfelves and all
their minifters, by refifting-the prince, were expofed to the penalties of hw,
they refolved, with a fevere adminiftration, to overcome thefe terrors, and reé
tain the people in obedience, by penalties: of.a more immediate execution. In
the beginning of this fummer, a combination, formed againft them. in London;
had obliged them to exert the plenitude of their authority.
EpMoND WALLER, the great’refiner of Exnglifl, verfification, was a mem-
ber of the lower houfe; a man of confidérable fortune, and not more diftin-
guifhed by his poetical genius, than by his parliamentary’ talents, and by the po-
litenefs and elegance of his manners. -As full‘of Keen fatyre and invective in his
eloquence, as of tendernefs and panegyric in his poetry, he caught the attention
ef his hearers; and exerted the utmoft boldnefs in blaming thofe violent councils,
by which the commons were governed. Finding all oppofition within doors to
be fruitlefs, -he endeavored to form a party without, which might oblige the
parliament to accept of reafonable conditions and reftere peace ‘tothe nation.
The charms of his converfation, joined to his character of courage and ‘integrity,
had procured him the intire confidence of ‘Northumberland, Conway, and every
eminent perfon of either fex who refided in London. Without-referve, they o-
pened their breaft to him, and exprefled them: deteftation of the furious meafures,,
purfued by the commons, and their»withes, that fome expedient ‘could be found
for {topping ‘fo impetuous a career. Tomkins, Waller’s brother-in-law, and
€haloner, the intimate friend of ‘Fomkins, had entertained like fentiments; and
as the connexions of thefe two gentlemen lay chiefly:in the city, they informed
Waller, that the fame abhorrence of warprevailed there, among all men of rea-
fon and. moderation: Upon reflection, it feemed not impracticable, that a com*
bination might be framed betwixt the lords and citizens; and, by mutual con-
; toils ST . eerty
* The King afterwards copied from this example; but as the far greateft part of the nobility
-and landed gentry were his friends, he reaped much lefs profit from this meafure.
358 HISTORY or GREAT, BRITAIN,
cert, the illegal taxes be refufed, . which the parliament, without the royal affent,
impofed, onthe people. _ While the affair was in agitation, and lifts were forming
of. fuch.as they conceived. to be well affected to their defign ; a fervant of Tom.
kins, who had overheard their difcourfe,, immediately carried, the intelligence to
Pym... Waller, Tomkins, and Chaloner were feized, and tried by a court-martial,
They were all. three condemned, and the two latter executed on gibbets, erected
before their own doors. A covenant, as a teft, was taken * by the lords and .
commons, and mmpofed on their army, and on all who: lived within their quarters,
Befide refolving to amend and. reform.their lives, the covenanters vow, that they,
never will lay down arms, fo long as the papifts, now in open war againit the
parliament, fhall, by force of arms, be protected againft juftice; they exprefg
their abhorrence of the late confpiracy; and they promife to afliit to the utmost
the forces, raifed by both houfes, againft the forces, levied by the King.
WALLER, asfoon as imprifoned, fenfible of the mighty danger, into which
he. was fallen, was fo feized with the dread of death, that all his former {piri
deferted him; and he confefled whatever he knew, without fparing his moft in-
timate friends, without regard to the facred confidence repofed in him, without
diftinguifhing betwixt the negligence of familiar converfation and the {chemes. of
a regular confpiracy... With the moft profound diflimulation, he counterfeited
{uch remorfe of confcience, that, his trial was put off, out of mere chriftian-
compaflion, till he might recover the ufe of his underftanding. . Vifits he invited
from the ruling clergy of all fe@s; and while he exprefled his own penitence, he
received their devout exhortations with humility and reverence, as conveying
clearer conviction and information, than in. his life he had ever before attained.
Prefents too, of which, as well as of flattery, thefe holy men-were not infenf-
ble, he diftributed among them; as a {mall retribution for their prayers and
ghoitly council. And by all thefe artifices, more than from any regard to the
beauty of his genius, of which, during that time of furious cant and faction,
{mall account would be made,’ he prevailed fo far as to haye his life fpared, and a
fine of ten thoufand pounds accepted in:liew of it, |
Tue feverity; exercifed againft the confpiracy or rather project of Waller,
mereafed the authority of the parliament, and feemed’ to enfure them againtt
like attempts for the future. But, by the progrefs of ‘the King’s arms,» the des
feat of Sir William Waller, the taking of Briftol, the fiege of Glocefter, a cry
for peace was renewed, and with more violence than ever. Crowds of women,
with a petition for that purpofe, flockéd about the houfe, and were fo clamorous
and importunate, that orders were given for difperfing them; and fome of the
females
* 6th of June,
oe ant Rut ee Pacahis
females were killed in the fray. Bedford, Holland, and Conway, had deferted Chap. VII.
the parliament, and had gone to Oxford; Clare and Lovelace had followed them: 1043.
Northumberland had retired to his country-feat: Effex himfelf fhowed extreme
difatisfaction, and exhorted the parliament to make peace. The upper houfe
-fent down terms of accommodation more moderate than had hitherto been in-
fifted on. It even paffed by a majority among the commons, that thele propo-
{als fhould be tranfmitted to the King. The-violent took the alarm. © A petition
againft peace was framed in the city and prefented by Pennington, the factious
mayor. Maltitudes attended him, and renewed all the former menaces againft
the moderate party *. The pulpits thundered, and rumors were {pred of twenty
thoufand Irifh, who had landed, and were to cut the throats of every prote-
{tant. The majority was turned to the other fide; and all thoughts of pacifica-
tion being difmiffed, every preparation was made for refiftance, and for the im-
mediate relief of Glocefter, on'which, the parliament were fenfible, all their fuc-
_cefs in the war did fo much depend.
- Massey, being refolute to make a vigorous defence, and, having under his
command a city and garrifon, ambitious of the crown of martyrdom, had hi-
therto maintained the fiege with courage and capacity, and had much retarded all
the advances of the King’s army. By continual fallies, he infefted them im their
trenches and’pained fudden advantages over them: By difputing every inch of
eround, he repreffed the vigor and alacrity of their courage, elated by former
fucceffes, His garrifon, however, was reduced to the lait extremity; and he
took care, from time to time, to inform the parliament, that, unlefs {peedily re-
lieved, he would be neceflitated, from the extreme want of proyifions and ameu-
nition, to open his gatesto the enemy.
THE parliament, in order to repair their broken condition, ‘and put them-
felves in a pofture of defence, now exerted to the utmoft their power and autho-
rity. They voted that an army fhould be levied under. Sir William Waller,
whom, notwithftanding his misfortunes, they loaded with extraordinary caredfles.
Having affociated in their caufe, the counties of Hertford, Effex, Cambridge,
Norfolk, Suffolk, Lincoln, Huntington, they gave the Earl of Mancheiter a
commiflion to be general of the affociation, and appointed an army to be levied
under his command. But above all, they were intent that Effex’s army, on
which their whole fortune depended, fhould be put into.a condition of marching
againft the King. Their preachers they afrefh excited to furious declamations a-
gainft the royal.caufe: Even the expedient of prefling, tho’ abolifhed by a late
law, for which they had ftrenuonfly contended, they now employed; And they
engaged
* Clarendon, Hollis, Se.
9 wee
Ghar. \ Ii.
f | 4 | z 5 4. 5 :
f , sth Sept.
== = a et
zoth Sept.
Battle of
Newbury.
HISTORY or ‘GREAT BRITAIN.
360
engaged the city to fend along four regiments of its militia to the relief of Glo.
cefter.’ All fhops, in the mean while, they ordered to be fhut; and every map
expected, with the utmoft anxiety, the event of that important enterprize.
Essex, carrying along with him a well appointed army of 14000 men, ‘took
the road of Bedford and Liecefter; and, tho’ inferior in cavalry, yet, by the
mere force of conduct and difcipline, he pafled over thofe open champaigne coun:
tries, and defended himfelf from the enemies’ horfe, who had advanced’ to meet
him, and who infefted him during his whole march. As he approached to Glo-
cefter, the King was obliged to raife the fiege, and open the way for Effex’s en-
trance into that city. The neceflities of the garrifon were extreme... One barrel
of powder was their. whole ftock of ammunition remaining’; . and their other pro:
vifions were in the fame proportion. Effex had brought along military ftoress
and, with victuals of every kind, the neighboring country abundantly. fupplied
him. The inhabitants had carefully concealed ‘all provifions from. the King’s: ar:
my, and pretending to ‘be quite exhaufted, had referved.their ftore for that caufe
which fo zcaioufly they favored. |
Tue chief difficulty ftill remained. A battle with the King’s army, Effex
dreaded from their great fuperiority of horfe; andhe refolvedto return, if poflible,
without running that hazard. At Teukefbury, which was his firft ftage, he lay
five days, and feigned by fome preparations, to point towards Worcefter. By
a forced march, during the night, he reached Cirencefter, and obtained the
double advantage, of pafling unmolefted an open country, and of furprizing a
convoy of provifions, which lay in that town. Without delay, he proceeded
towards London; but, when he reached Newbury, he was furprized to find,
that the King, by hafty marches, had arrived before him, and was already pot
fefled of that place. |
Aw action was now unavoidable ; and Effex prepared for it with - prefence of
mind and not without military conduc&. On both “fides the battle was fought
with defperate valor and a fteddy bravery. Tho’ Effex’s horfe were feveral times
broke by the King’s, his infantry maintained themfelves in firm array; and, be-
fides giving a-continued fire, they prefented an invincible rampart of pikes againft
the furious impulfe'of Prince Rupert.and thofe gallant troops of gentry, of which
the royal cavalry were chiefly compofed. The London militia efpecially, tho’ ut-
terly unacquainted with aétion, tho’ drawn but a few days before from their ordi-
nary occupations, yet, having exaétly learned all military exercifes, and being
‘animated with unconquerable zeal for the caufe, in which they were engaged; ¢-
qualled,- on this occafion, what could be expected from the moft veteran forces.
“While the armies were engaged with the utmoft ardor, night put an end to the
action,
GHH*A ReL EOS. ft 361
ation, and left the event undecided. Next morning, Efex proceeded on his Chap. Vi.
march; and tho’ his rear was once put into fome diforder by an incurfion of the —_
King’s horfe, he reached London in fafety, and received deferved applaufe for
his conduc and fuccefs in the whole enterprize. The King followed him on his
march, and having taken poffeflion of Reading, after the Earl left it, he there
éftablithed a garrifon ; and ftraitened, by its means, London and the quarters of
the enemy. |
in the battle of Newbury, on the part of the King, befide the Earls of Sun-
derland and Carnarvon, two Noblemen of very promifing hopes ; was unfortu-
nately flain, to the great regret of every lover of ingenuity and virtue thro’out
the kingdom, Lucius Cary, Lord Vifcount Falkland, fecretary of ftate. Be-
fore affembling the prefent parliament, this man, devoted to the purfuits of
learning, and to the fociety of all the polite and elegant, had enjoyed himfelf in
every pleafure, which a fine genius, a generous difpofition, and an opulent for-
tune could afford. Called into public life, amidit all the attacks‘on regal ufur-
pations he ftood foremoft, and difplayed that mafculine eloquence, and un:
daunted love of liberty, which, from his intimate acquaintance with the fublime
fpirits of antiquity, he had greedily imbibed. When civil convulfions proceeded
to extremity, and it became requifite for him to choofe his fide; he tempered
the ardor of his zeal, and embraced the defence of thofe limited powers, which
remained to monarchy, and which he efteemed requifite for the fupport of the
Englifh conftitution. Still anxious, however, for his country, he feems to
have dreaded the too profperous fuccefs of his own party as much as of the ene-
my; and, among ‘his intimate friends, often, after a deep filence, and frequent
fighs; he would, with a fad accent, re-iterate the word, Peace. -In excufe for
the too free expofing of his perfon, which feemed unfuitable in a fecretary, he
alleged, that it became him to be more active than other men in all hazardous
enterprizes, left his impatience for peace might bear the imputation of cowar-
dice or pufillanimity. From the commencement of the war his natural chear-
fulnefs and vivacity became clouded; and even his ufual attention to drefs, re-
quired by his birth and itation, gave way to a negligence, which was eafily ob-
fervable. On the morning of the battle, in which he fell, he had fhown fome
care for the adorning his perfon; and gave for a reafon, that the enemy fhould not
find his body in any flovenly, indecent fituation. “ 1.am weary,” fubjoined he,
« of the times, and forefee much mifery to my country; but believe, that I fhall
s be out of it ’ere night.” This excellent perfon was but thirty four years of age,
when a period was put to his life.
Vou. I.” fe THE
Chap. VIT.
1043.
Aétions in the
north.
362 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
Tue lofs foftained on both fides, in thebitt! e of Newbury, and the advanced
feafon, obliged the armies to retire into winter-quarters.
In the north, during this fummer, the great intereft and popularity of the
Earl, now created Marquis of Newcaftle, had raifed a very confiderable force
for the King; and great hopes of fuccefs were entertained from that quarter,
There appeared, however, in oppofition to him, two men, on whom the event
of the war finally depended, and who began, about this time, to be remarked
for their valor and military conduct. Thefe were Sir Thomas Fairfax, fon to
the lord of that name, and Oliver Cromwel. The former gained a confiderable
advantage at Wakefield * over a detachment of royalifts, and took Genera] Goring
prifoner: The latter obtained a victory at Gainfborow + over a party command.
ed by the gallant Cavendifh, who perifhed in the ation. But both thefe defeats
of the royalifts were more than fufficiently compenfated by the total rout of Lord
Fairfax at Atherton moor t+, and the difperfion of his whole army. After this
victory, Newcaftle, with an army of 1f000 men, fat down before Hull, of
which Hotham was no longer governor. That gentleman and his fon, partly
from a jealoufy of Lord Fairfax, partly from a repentance of their cngagements
againft the King, had entered into a correfpondence with Newcattle, and had ex:
prefied an intention of delivering Hull into his hands. But their confpiracy being
difcovered, they were arrefted and fent prifoners to London; where, without
any regard to their former fervices, they fell, both of them, victims to the feve-
rity of the parliament.
NEWCASTLE, having carried on the attack of Hull for fome time, was beat
off by a fally of the garrifon|, and faffered fo much, that he thought proper to
raife the fiege. About the fame time, Manchefter, who advanced from the
eaftern affociated counties, having joined Cromweéel and young Fairfax, obtained
a confiderable victory over the royalifts at Horn-Caftle ; where the two officers
laft mentioned gained great renown for their conduc and gallantry. And tho’
fortune had thus ballanced her favors, the King’s party {till remained much
fuperior in thofe parts of England; and had it not been for the garrifon of Hull,
which kept Yorkefhire in awe, a conjunGtion of the northern forces, with the army
in the fouth, had probably enabled the King, inftead of entering on the unfortu-
nate, perhaps imprudent, enterprize of Glocefter, to march directly to London,
and put an end to the war. |
WHILE the military enterprizes were carried on with vigor in England, and
the event became every day more doubtful, both parties caft their eyes towards
the neighboring kingdoms, and fought afliftance for the finifhing that enterprize,
tb
* 2if of May. tT 31 of July. t 30th of June, {| 12th of O&ober,
SAARI BoSy Mk “
‘4 which their own forces experienced fuch furious contraft and oppofitions The er Vit,
parliament had recourfe to Scotland; the King, to Ireland. _ 4643.
WueEn the Scotch covenanters obtained that end for which they fo earneftly
longed, tlie eftablifment of prefbyterian difcipline in their own country, ag
were not fatisfied, but indulged till an ardent palion for propagating, by all
methods, that mode of religion in the neighboring kingdoms. Hav ing Haptered
themfelves, in the fervor of their zeal, that, by faupernatural Bee aces, they
would be enabled to carry their triumphant covenant to the gates of Rome iticlf,
it bchoved them firft to render it prevalent in England, which already fhowed
fo prompt a difpofition to receive it. Even in the articles me nea ne
expreffed a defire of uniformity in worfhip with England ; site = tf -
ploying general expreflions, had approved of this inclination, as pious an md
ble. No fooner was there any appearance of a rupture, than the Eenglith par “3
ment, in order to allure that nation into a clote confederacy , openly declare
their wishes of ecclefiattical reformation, and of imitating the example of their
northern brethren. And when war was actually commenced, the oe,
were ufed; and the Scotch beheld, with the utmott iapalleas . ua -
a¢tion where they could not e{teem themfelves indifferent ascitic a .
King, they faid, be able, by force of arms, to prevail gel sts oe ee -
England, and re-eftablifh his authority in that powerfu ing aes . Ww ai
doubtedly retract all thofe conceflions, which, with fo many eee yar
violence and indignity, the Scotch have extorted from him. Be ide a ar :
his own intereft and a regard to royal power, which has been entirely een ila 3
:» his native country; his very paflion tor prelacy and for ee ast
mut lead him to invade a church, which he has ever been taught to a as
‘antichriftian and unlawful. Let us but confider who the perfons are that com-
pofe the factions now fo furionfly engaged in arms. Does not the goa ae!
Sit of thofe very men, who have ever oppofed all war with en ‘ = aig 7
punifhed the authors of our oppreflions, who have obtained us the " |
: and. who, with many honorable exprcilions, have conferred on
us an ample reward for our brotherly afliftance ! oe is goer sac br ¢
papifts, prelates, malignants; all of them Reals eneiucs “othe a g S ae »
and refolute to facrifice their lives for their idolatrous elt ithmen $f |
mention our own neceflary fecurity ; can we — Let ae oa
| at pure light, with which we are, above als Matiols, :
Mate = by es g the fame divine knowlege to peices 1 ca
n of blood in order to attain it: iefe were in
With thefe doctrines the pulpits écchoed:
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Scotland the topics of every conyeriation :
4.2.2
364 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
And the famous curfe of Meroz, that curfe fo folemnly denounced and re-iferated,
againit neutrality and moderation, refounded from al quarters *,
THE parliament of England had ever invited the Scotch, from the commence.
ment of the civil diffentions, to interpofe their mediation, which, they knevr,
would be fo little favorable to the King: Amd the King, for that very reafon,
had ever endeavored, with the leaft offenfive expreflions, to decline it. Karly
this {pring, Loudon, Lord chancellor, along with other commuflioners, and at.
tended by Henderfon, a popular and intriguing preacher, was fent to the King
at Oxtord, and renewed the offer of mediation; but with the fame fuccefs as be.
fore. ‘Ihe commiflioners were alfo empowered to prefs the King on, the article
of religion, and to recommend to-him the Scotch mode}-of ecclefiaftical worthip
and difcipline. This was touching Charles in. a very tender point: His honor,
his confcience, as well as his intereft, he believed to be intimately concerned in
fupporting prelacy and the liturgy. He begged the commiflioners, therefore, to
reft fatisfied with the conceffions which he had made to Scotland; and having
ordered their own church according to their own principles, to leave their neigh-
bors in the like liberty, and not to intermeddle with affairs, of which they could
not be fuppofed competent judges. .
Tue divines of Oxford, fecure, as they imagined, of a victory, by: means of
thew authorities from church hiftory, their citations from the fathers, and their
{piritual arguments, defired a conference with Henderfon, and undertook, by dint
of reafoning, to convert that great apoftle of the north: But Henderfon, who
had ever regarded as impious the leaft doubt with regard to his own principles,
and who knew of a much better way for reducing opponents than the employing
any theological topics, abfolutely refufed all difputation or controverfy. ~The
Englith divines went away, full of admiration at the blind affurance and bigotted
prejudices of the man: He, on his part, was moved with equal: wonder at their
obftinate attachment to fuch grofs errors-and delufions..
By the conceflions which the King had granted to Scotland; it became neceffx.
7
ty for him to fummon a parliament once in three years; and in June of the fub.
{equent year, was fixed the period for the mecting of that affembly. Before that
time clapfed, Charles flattered himfelf, that, by fome decifive advantage, . he
would be able to reduce the Englifh parliament to-a reafonable fubmiffion, and
might then expect with fecurity the mecting of a Scotch parliament. Tho”
17
earneiily follicited by Loudon to fummon prefently that. reat. council of the
AUG
nation,.
* Curfe ye Meroz, faid the angel of the Lord; curfe ye bitterly the inhabitants thereof: becanfe.
the mighty, Judges, chap,
they came not to the help of the Lord, tothe help of the Lord ag aint
V. ver, 23,
CHR AAR sb) BS) th 365
nation, he abfolutely refufed to give authority to men, who had already excited
fuch dangerous commotions, and who fhowed {till the fame difpofition to refift
and invade his authority. The commiflioners, therefore, not being able to pre-
vail in any-of their demands, defired the King’s paflport for London, where
they propofed to confer with the Englifh parliament; and being likeways denied
this requeft, they returned with extreme diflatisfaction to Edinburgh.
Fue office of confervators of the peace was newly erected. in Scotland, in or-
der to maintain the confedermey betwixt the two kingdoms; and thefe, infti-
gated by the clergy, were refolved,, fince they. could not obtain the King’s con-
fent, to fummon, in his.name, but by their own authority, a. convention of
e{tates; and to bereave their fovereign of this article, the only one which re-
mained of his prerogative. Under pretext of providing for national peace, en-
dangered by the neighborhood of Englifh armies, was a convention called*; an
affembly, which, tho’ it mects with lefs folemnity, has the fame authority as a
parliament, in raifing money and levying forces. Hamilton, and his brother
the Earl of Laneric, who had been fent into Scotland, in order to oppofe
thefe meafures, wanted either. authority or fincerity; and paflively yielded to
the torrent. The general aflembly of the church. met along with the convention,
and’ exercifing an authority almoft abfolute over the:whole. civil: power, made
every political confideration yield to their theological zeal and prejudices.
Tue Englifh parliament were, at that time, fallen into great diftrefs, from
the progrefs of t
he King’s arms; and. they fladly fent to Edinburgh com-
miffioners, with ample powers, to treat of a nearer union and confederacy with
the Scotch nation. The perfons employed were the Earl of Rutland, Sir William
Armyne,. Sir. Henry Vane the younger, Thomas -Hatcher and Henry Darley,
attended with Marfhal and Nye, two clergymen of fignal authority. . In this ne-
gotiation, the man chiefly trufted to was Vane, who, in eloquence,. addrefs,_ ca-
pacity, as well as inart and diffimulation, was not furpafled by any-one, even
during that age, fo famous for active talents. By his perfuafion was formed at
Edinburgh that soLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT} whicit effaced al] the
former proteftations and vows, taken in both kingdoms;: and long maintained
its credit and authority. This covenant, befide mutual defence againft all oppe-
nents, bound the fubfcribers to endeavor, without: refpect of perfons, the extir-
pation of popery and prelacy, fuperitition, herefy,. {chifm, and profanenefs; to
maintain the rights and privileges of parliaments, along with the King’s autho-
rity; and to difcover and bring to juftice all-incendiaries and malignants.
Tar
* 22d of Jane:
Chap. VIL
7044;
Solemn
league ang
cevenant.
— eS
Se ,
st. ae
= =
= SO se ows
ee _
}
|
|
, |
Hi |
aes Chap. VII.
edie 1545,
ha
H i
ial
| i my it ¥
ik
oy
tne
a4
hint |
as
at KE
ah hh]
ib
iM be
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he
bad 2
HE A Ce
i sept. 17.
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ia :
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if |
ies
iae
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RE
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rf
if
ht
hig
ne A 2 e
i Arming of
aad the Scotch.
366 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN,
Tue fubfcribers to the covenant vowed alfo to preferve the reformed religion
eftablifhed in the church of Scotland; but by the artifice of Vane no more ex.
plicite declaration was made with regard to England and Ireland, than that the
kingdoms fhould be reformed, according to the word of God and the example of
the pureft churches. The Scotch zealots, when prelacy was abjured, efteemed
this expreflion quite free from ambiguity, and regarded their own model as the
only one which correfponded, in any degree, to fuch a defcription: But that
able politician had other views; and while he employed his preat talents in
over-reaching the prefbyterians, and fecretly laughed at their fimplicity; he had
blindly devoted himfelf to the maintainance of fyftems, ftill more abfurd and
more dangerous.
In the Englifh parliament there remained fome members, who, tho’ they had
been induced, either by private ambition or by zeal for civil liberty, to concur
with the majority, {till retained an attachment to the hierarchy and to the antient
modes of worfhip. But in the prefent danger. which threatened their caufe. al]
I p per, ;
icruples were removed; and the covenant, by whofe means alone, they could
expect to obtain fo confiderable a re-inforcement, as the acceflion of the whole
Scotch nation, was received without oppofition. The parliament, therefore,
having firft fubfcribed it themfelyes, ordered it to be received by all who lived
under their authority.
GREAT were the rejoicings among the Scotch, that they fhould be the happy
inftruments of extending the kingdom of Chrift, and diffipating that profound
darknefs in which their neighboring nations were involyed. The general affem-
bly applauded this glorious imitation of the piety difplayed by their anceftors,
who, by three different applications, during the reign of Elizabeth, had endeavored
to engage the Englifh, by perfuafion, to lay afide the ufe of the furplice, tippet,
and corner cap. The convention too, in the height of their zeal, ordered every
one to {wear to this covenant, under the penalty of confifcation, befide what
farther punifhment it fhould pleafe the enfuing parliament to infli& on the refu-
Jers, as enemies to God, to the king, and to the kingdom. And being determined
that the fword fhould carry conviétion to all refractory minds, they prepared
themfclves, with great vigilance and activity, for their military enterprizes. By
means of a hundred thoufand pounds, which they received from England ; by the
hopes of good pay and warm quarters; not to mention men’s favorable difpofition
towerds the caufe; they foon compleated their levies. And having added the
troops which they had recalled from Ireland, they were ready, about the end of
the year, to enter into England, under the command of their old general, Leven,
with an army of above twenty thoufand men,
‘THE
= |
Orie 8 xR SE. 8: J. 367
- ‘Tue King, forefecing this tempeft which was gathering upon him, endeavored — Vil.
to fecure himfelf by every expedient; and he caft his eyes towards Ircland, in a:
hopes, that that kingdom, from which his caufe had already received fo much
prejudice, might, at laft, contribute fomewhat towards his protection and {c.
curity.
AFTER the commencement of the Irifh infurretion, the Englith parliament, State of
tho’ they undertook the fuppreflion of it, had ever been too much erfgaged, either 1¢!#"4-
in military projects or expeditions at home, to take any effectual ftep towards
the finifhing that enterprize. They had entered indeed into a contract with the
Scotch, for fending over an army of ten thoufand men into Ireland; and in order
to engage that nation into fuch an undertaking, befide the promife of pay, they
agreed to put Caric-Fergus into their hands, and to inveft their general with an
authority quite independent of the Englifh government. Thefe troops, fo long
as they were allowed to remain, were ufeful, by diverting the force of the Irith
rebels, and protecting in the north the finall remnants of the Britifh planters,
But except this contract with the Scotch nation, all the other meafures of the
parliament were hitherto either abfolutely infignificant, or tended rather to the
prejudice of the proteftant caufe in Ireland. By continuing their furious perfe-
cution, and {till more furious menaces againi{t priefts and papifts, they rendered
the Irifh catholics obftinate in their rebellion, and cut off all hopes of indulgence
and toleration. By difpofing before-hand of all the Irith forfeitures to fubfcribers
er adventurers, they rendered alt men of property defperate, and feemed to
threaten a total extirpation of the natives. And while they thus infufed fpirit
and animofity into the enemy, no meafure was purfued, which could tend to.
fupport or encourage the proteftants, who were reduced to the laft extremity.
So great is the afcendant, which, from a long courfe of fucceffes, the Englith
has acquired over the Irifh nation, that tho’ the latter, when they receive inili-
tary difcipline among foreigners, are not furpafled by any European people, they
have never, in their own country, been able to make any vigorous effort for the
defence or recovery of their liberties. In many rencounters, the Englifh, under
Lord More, Sir William St. Leger, Sir Frederic Hamilton, and others, with
great difadvantage of fituation and numbers, had put the Irifh to rout, and return-
ed in triumph to Dublin. The fiege of Tredah, the rebels raifed, after an obfti-
nate defence made by the garrifon. Ormond had obtained two compleat victo-.
ries, at Kilrufh and Rofs; and had brought relief to all the forts, which were
befieged or blockaded in different parts of the kingdom. But notwithftanding all
thefe fucceffes, even. the moft common neceffaries of life were wanting to the
victorious armies. The Irifh, in their wild rage again{{ the Britith planters, had
laid
68 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
11
laid watte the whole kingdom, and were the mfelves totally unfit, from their bar.
arous floth and ignorance, to raife any convenicnce of human life During the
cour {e of {ix months, no 41 Sarat ies had come fr om England ; except the fourth part
of one {mall veffel’s lading. Dublin, to fave itfelf from ftarving, had been
obliged to fend the greateft part of its inhabitants to England. The army had
little ammunition, fearce exceeding 4o barrels of powder; not even fhoes or
cloaths ; and for want of food, the cavalry had been obliged to eat their own
horfes. And tho’ the diftreffes of the Irifh were not much iferior; befide that
they were more hardened againft fuch extremities, it was but a melancholy pro:
fpect, that the two nations, while they continued their furious animofities, fhould
make defolate that fertile ifland, which might ferve to the fubfiftence and hap-
pinefs of both. .
By the intereft chiefly and authority of Ormond, the juftices and council of
{reland had failen ‘into an entire dependance on the King. Parfons, Temple,
Loftus, and Meredith, who feeined to incline towards the oppofite party, had
been removed; and Charles had fupplied their place by others better affected to
his fervice. A committee of the commons, which had been fent over to Ireland,
in order to conduct the affairs of that kingdom, had been excluded the council,
in obedience to orders tranfmitted from the King. And thefe were reafons {uff
cient, befide the great difficulties under which they themfelves labored, why
the parliament were unwilling to fend fupplies to an army, which, tho’ et-
gaged in a caufe they much favored, was-entirely governed by their declared
enemies.
Tue King, .as he had neither money, arms, ammunition, nor proyifions to
fpare from his own urgent wants; refolved to embrace an expedient, which
might, at once, relieve the neceflities of the Irifh proteftants, and contribute to
the advancement of his affairs in England. A ceffation with the rebels, he
thought, would enable his fubjects in Ireland to provide for their own ie
and procure him the aflittance e of the army againft the Englifh parliament. But
as a treaty with a nation, /o odious for their religion and their barbarities, might
be reprefented in very invidious colors, and renew all thofe calumnies with
which he had been loaded; it was neceflary to proceed with great caution in
conducting that meafure. A remonftrance from the arny was made to the Irifh
S
council, reprefenting their intolerable neceffities, and craving permiflion to leave
the kingdom: And if that was refufed, We mujft have recourfe, they faid, to tbat
ze and primary law, with which God has endowed all men; we mean the law of na-
“Une, which teaches Every creature 10 prejerve tlelf, Memorials both to the King
and
« wt a Sh Bi ls ee ’ ts Sere eee ee H Pie LE Te Pe eee ——- aoe 3h pests >,
J
— |
Cri A RobL«B § I. 369
sand parliament were tranfmitted by the juftices and council, in which their wants Chap. VII.
sand dangers are ftrongly fet forth; and tho’ the general expreflions in thefe memo- 1043.
rials might perhaps be liable to exaggeration, yet, from the particular facts men-
tioned, from the confeffion of the Englith parliament, and from the very nature
-of things, it is apparent, that the Irifh proteftants were reduced to great extre-
mities *; and it became prudent in the King, if not abfolutely neceflary, to em-
brace fome expedient, which might fecure them, for a time, from the ruin and
mifery with which they were threatened.
AccorDINGLY, the King gave orders} ‘to Ormond and the juftices to con-
clude, for a year, a ceffation with the council.of Kilkenny, by whom the Irifh were
governed, and to leave both fides in poffeflion of their prefent advantages. The
parliament, whofe bufinefs it was to find fault with every meafure adopted by the
oppofite party, and who would not lofe fe fair an opportunity of reproaching the
King with-his favor for the Irifh papifts, exclaimed loudly againft this ceflation.
Among other reafons, they infifted upon the divine vengeance, which England
might juftly dread for tolerating antichriftian idolatry, under pretext of civil con-
traéts and political agreements. Religion, tho’ every day employed as the engine
of their ambitious purpofes, was fuppofed too facred to be yielded up to the tem-
poral interefts or fafety of kingdoms.
Tux.army, after the ceffation, ‘there was little neceffity, as well as no means,
of fubfifting in-Ireland. The King ordered Ormond, who was entirely devoted
to him, to fend over confiderable bodies of it to England. Moft of them conti-
nued in his fervice: But a {mall part of them, having foftered in Ireland a high
animofity againft the catholics, and hearing the King’s party univerfally re-
proached with popery, foon after deferted to the parliament.
Some Irifh-catholics came over, along with thefe troops, and joined the King’s
army, where they continued the fame cruelties and diforders, to which they had
been accuftomed. The parliament voted, that no quarter, in any action, fhould
ever be granted them: But Prince Rupert, by ufing fome reprizals, foon repreffed
this inhumanity.
* See farther Cattes Ormond, Vol. iii, No. 113, 127, 128, 129, 134, 136, 141, 144, 149, 158,
159. All thefe papers put it paft doubt, that the neceflities of the Englifh army in Ireland were
extreme,
+ 2a of September.
VoL. I. Aaa CHAP.
1644,
©
HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
CHAP. VI.
Invafion of the Scotch. Battle of Marfton-moor Battle of Cropredya
Effex’s forces difarmed. Second battle of Newberry we
Rife and character of toe independents.—— elf- denying OF AINANCE —_—_—e
fairfax, CromwelmmmTreaty of Oxbridge —mmm Execution Of Laid mous
bridge.
HI King had. hitherto, during the courfe of the war, obtained many ad-
vantages over the parliiment, and had raifed himf{elf from that low cone
dition, in which he was at firt placed, to be nearly upon an equal footing with
his adverfaries. Yorkefhire, and all the northern counties, were fubjected by the
Marquis of Newcaftle; and, excepting Hull, the parliament was mafter of no
garrifon in thefe quarters. Jh the welt, Plymouth alone, having been in vain
befieged by Prince Maurice, sefifted the King’s authority : And had it not been
for the difappointment in the ‘atal enterprize of Glocetter,
had extended, without interruption, from one end of the kingdom to the other ;
and had occupied a greater extent of ground, than thofe of the -parliament,
Many of the royalifts flattered themfelves, that the fame vigorous fpirit, ~which
had elevated them, to the preent height of power, would {till favor their pro-
grefs, and obtain them a final victory over their antagonilts >: But thefe who-
judged more foundly, obferved, that, befide the acceflion ef the whole Scotch:
nation to ‘the fide of the parlament ;. the very principle, on which the royal
fucceffes were founded, was every day acquired, more and more, by the oppo-
fite party. The King’s troops, full of gentry and nobility,. had -exerted:a yalor
fuperior to their enemies, and had hitherto been fuccefsful in alo. every ren-
counter: But in proportion as the whole nation became warlike, ‘by ‘the ‘continu.
ance of civil difcords, this alvantage was more equally fhared, and fuperior
numbers, it was expected, mutt at Jaf obtain the victory.. The King’s troops
alfo, ill paid, and deftitute of every neceflary, could not poflibly be retained
in equal difcipline with the pariamentary forces, to whem all fupplies were fur-
nifhed from unexhaufted ftores snd treafures. The feverity of manners, fo much
aifected by thefe zealous religionifts, affted. their mulitary inftitutions 3 and the
rigid inflexibility of character, by which the auftere reformers of church and
{tate were diftinguithed, enabled the parliamentary chiefs to re{train their foldiers
the royal garrifons
within
Clk Ae Ride k.S oF. 373
within ftricter rules and more exact order, And while the King’s officers indul-
ged themfelves in equal or greater licences, thin thofe to which, during times of
peace, they had been accuftomed, they were apt, both to neglect their duty,
and to fet a pernicious example of diforder, to the foldiers under their com-
mand. 4
Ar the commencement of the civil war, all Englifhmen, who ferved a-
broad, were invited over, and treated with extraordinary refpect and reverence:
And moft of them, being defcended of good families, and by reafon of their
abfence, unacquainted with the new principks, which depreffed the dignity of
the crown, had inlifted under the royal ftandird. But it is obfervable, that tho’
the military profeflion requires great genius, ind long experience, in the princi-
pal commanders, all its fubordinate duties nay be difcharged by very ordinary
talents, and from fuperficial praGtice. Citizens and country-gentlemen foon be-
came excellent officers; and the generals of greateft fame and capacity happened,
all of them, to {pring up on the fide of the piliament. The courtiers and great
nobility in the other party, checked the growth of any extraordinary genius a-
mong the fubordinate officers; and every man there, as in a regular eftablifhed
government, was confined to the ftation, in which his birth had placed him.
The King, that he might make preparations, during the winter, for the en-
fuing campaign, fummoned to Oxford all the members of either houfe, who ad-
hered to his interefts; and endeavored to avail himfelf of the name of parliament,
fo paflionately cherifhed by the Englifh nation. The houfe of peers was pretty
full; and befide the nobility, employed in diferent parts of the kingdom, it con-
tained twice as many members as voted in Weltminfter. The houfe of commons
confifted of about 1403; which amounted not to above half of the other houte
6f commons.
So extremely light had government hithertc lain upon the people, that the very
name of exci/e was unknown to them; and among the other evils arifing from
thefe domeftic wars, was the introduétion of that impoft into England. The
parliament at Weftminfter having voted an excife on beer, wine, and other com-
modities; thofe at Oxford imitated the example, and conferred that revenue on
the King. And in order to enable him the better to recruit his army, they
eranted him the {um of 100,000 pounds, to be levied by way of loan upon the
fubje&. The King circulated privy feals, counterfigned by the fpeakers of both
houfes, requiring the loan of particular funs, from fuch perfons as lived within
his quarters. Neither party had yet got above the pedantry of reproaching its
antagonift with thefe illegal meafures. |
Aaa 2 THE
Chap, VIil.,
1044.
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372 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN,
Tue Weftminfter parliament paffed a whimfical ordinance, commanding alf
the inhabitants of London and the neighborhood, to retrench a meal a-week,,
and to pay the value of it for the fupport of the public caufe. ’Tis eafily ima-
gined, that, provided the moncy was paid, they troubled themfelves very little
about the execution of their ordinance.
Sucu was the King’s fituation, that, in order to reftore peace to the nation,
he had no occafion to demand airy other terms, than to reftore the laws and cons
{titution, to replace him in the fame rights which had ever been enjoyed by his
predeceffors; and to re-eftablifh, on its antient bafis, the whole frame of govern:
ment, civil as well as ecclefiaftical. And that he might facilitate an end, feems
ingly fo defirable, he offered to employ means equally popular, an: uniyerfal a4
of oblivion, and a toleration or indulgence to tender confciences. Nothing
therefore could contribute more to his intereft, than every difcourfe of peace,
and every difcuflion of the conditions, ‘upon which that blefling could be obtain.
ed. And for this reafon, on all occafions, he follicited a treaty, and defired a
conference and mutual examination of pretenfions, even when he entertained no
hopes, that any conclufion could poflibly refult from it. ,
For like reafons, the parliament wifely avoided, as much as they could, al]
advances towards negotiation, and were cautious hot to expofe too eafily to cen-
fure thofe high terms, which their apprehenfions or their ambition made them
previoufly demand of the King. - Tho? their partizans were blinded with the
thickeft veil of | religious prejudices, they dreaded to bring their pretenfions te
the teft, or lay. them open before the whole nation.. In oppofition to the facred
authority of the laws, tothe venerable precedents of many ages, they were a:
fhamed to plead nothing. but fears and jealoufies, which were not avowed by the
conititution, and to which, neither the perfonal character of Charles, fo full of
virtue, nor: his condition, fo deprived of all independent authority, fee
afford any reafonable foundation. Grievances which had been fully redreffed’
powers, either legal or illegal, which had been entirely abandoned ;- it feemed
unpopular, and invidious, and ungrateful, any farther to infitt on.
Yuat he might abate the univer{al veneration, paid to the y
ment, the King had. iffued a declaration, where he fet forth alf
which himfelf and his partizans in both houfes,
and he thence inferred, that.the affembly
liament, and, till its liberty was reftored
declaration was an obftacle to all treaty,
der to elude it,
med to
ame of parlia-
the tumults, by
had been driven from London;
at Weftminfter was no longer a free par-
» Was intitled to no authority. — As this
fome contrivance feemed requifite, in om
£
Con AvE 1D E $s I. 373
A fetter was wrote to the Earl of Effex, and fubfcribed by the Prince, the Chap. Vitis
Duke of Yorke, and forty three noblemen. © They there exhort him to be am ies
inftrument for reftoring peace, and:to promote that happy end with thofe, by
whom he was employed. Effex, tho’ much difgufted with the parliament, tho’
apprehenfive of the extremities to which they were driving, the’ defirous of a-
ay reafonable peace; yet was {till more refolute te preferve an honorable fidelity
to the truft repofed in him. He replied, that as the paper fent him, neither com-
tained any addrefs to the two houfes of parliament, nor any acknowlegment of
their authority, he could not communicate it to them. Like propofals were re-
iterated by the King, during the enfuing campaign, and met ftill with a like an-
fwer from Effex.. |
In order to make another trial fora treaty, the King, this fpring, fent:a letter di-
rected to the lords and. commons of parliament affembled at Weftminfter: But as he
alfo mentioned, in the letter, the lords and commons of parliament aflembled at Ox
ford, and declared that his {cope and: intention was to make provifion how all the
members of both houfes might fecurely meet in a full and free convention ; the
parliament, clearly perceiving the conclufion which was implied, refufed all treaty
upon:fach terms. And-the King, who knew how {mall hopes there were of con-+
cluding peace, would not abandon’ the pretenfions, which he had aflumed, nor
acknowlege the two houfes, more openly, for a free parliament.
Tus winter the famous Pym died; aman as much hated by the’one party,
as refpected by the other. At London, he was confidered as the victim to na-
tional liberty, who had abriged his life by inceffant labors for the intereft of his
country : At Oxford, he was believed to have been ftruck with an uncommon
difeafe; iand to have been confumed with vermine; asa mark of divine venge-
ance, for his multiplied crimes and treafons. He had been fo little ftudious of
improving his private fortune in, thofe civil wars, of which he had been one
chief inftrument, that the parliament thought themfelves obliged, out of gratitude,
to. pay the debts, . which. he had contracted *.. We now return tothe militas
ry operations, which, during winter,: were carried, on with vigor in feveral
places, notwithitanding the feverity of the feafon.
Tue forces, . brought from Ireland, were landed at Moftyne im North-Wales ;
and being put under the command of Lord Biron, they took the caftles of Lee
warden, Beefton, Acton, and Dedington houfe. No place in Chefhire or the
neighborhood, now held for the parliament, except Nantwich : And to this
town Biron laid fiege during the depth of winter. Sir Thomas Fairfax, a-
larmed at. fo confiderable a progrefs, affembled an army of 4000 men in Yorko-
fhire,
* Journ, 13th of February 1643,
Chap. VIIL,
1644.
Tnvafion from
Scotland,
22d of Feb,
1th of April,
374 HISTORY ®F!' GREAT BRITAIN,
fhire, and having joined Sir William Brereton, was approaching to the camp of
the royalifts. Biron and his foldiers, elated with fucceffes obtained in Ireland,
had entertained the moft profound contempt for the parliamentary forces; a dif-
pofition; which, if confined to the army, may be regarded as a good. prefage of
victory; but if it extend to the general, is the mott probabie forerunner of a
defeat. Fairfax fuddenly attacked the camp of the royalifts. The fwelling of
the river by a thaw divided one part of the army from. the other. | That part ex.
pofed to Fairfax, being beat from their poft, retired into the church of Aéon,
and were all taken prifoners: The other retreated with precipitation. And thus
was diflipated or rendered ufelefs that body of forces, which had been drawn
from Ireland; and the parliamentary party revived in thofe north-wett counties
of England.
Te invafion from Scotland was attended with confequences of much greater
importance. Having fummoned in vain Newcaftle, which was fortified by the
vigilance of Sir Thomas Glenham, the Scotch pafled the Tyne; and faced the
Marquis of Newcaftle, who lay at Durham with an army of 14000 men. Af
ter fome military operations, in which that general reduced the : Scotch -to:diffi-
culties for forrage and provifions, he received intelligence of a great difatter,
which had befallen his forces in Yorkefhire. Collonel Bellafis, whom he had left
with a confiderable body of ‘Troops, was totally routed at Selby, by Sir Thonias
Fairfax, who had returned from Chefhire, with his viGorious forces: Afraid of
being enclofed. betwixt two armies, Newcaftle retreated; and Leven having join-
ed Lord Fairfax, they fat down before Yorke, in which the army of the royal:
ifts had fhut up themfelves. But as the Scotch and parliamentary forces, were
not numerous enough to beleaguer fo large a town, divided by a river, they
contented themfelves to incommode it by a loofe blockade ; |
ed, for fome time, in fufpenfe betwixt thefe oppofite
Dur1ne this winter and {prin
and affairs remain-
armies.
g, Other parts of the kingdom had alfo been
harrafled with war. Hopton, having affembled an army of 14000 men, endea-
vored to break into Suffex, Kent, and the fouthern aflociation, which feemed
well difpofed to receive him. Waller fel] upon him at Cherington, and gave him
a deteat * of confiderable importance. In another part, fiege being laid to
Newark, Rupert prepared himfelf for relieving a town of fuch confequence,
which alone preferved the communication betwixt the King’s fouthern and northern
guarters. With a {mall force, but that animated by his ative courage, he broke
thro’ the enemy, relieved the town, and totally diffipated that army of the par-
liament +.
Bur
* zgth of March. t 218 of March.
Se BAx RL: Es iF 37%
But tho’ fortune feemed to have divided her favors betwixt the parties, the Chap. VIH.
King found himfelf, in the main, a confiderable lofer by this winter-campaign ; 1044.
and he prognotticated a {till worfe event from the enfuing fummer. The prepa-
rations of the parliament were great and much exceeded the flender refources,
of which he was pofleffed. In the eaftern affociation, they levied 14000 men,
under the Earl of Manchefter, feconded by Cromwel. An army of ten thou-
fand men under Effex ; another of nearly the fame force under Waller, were af-
fembled in the neighborhood of London. The former was deftined to oppofe
the King: The latter was appointed to march into the welt, where Prince
Maurice, with a fmall army which went continually to decay, was fpending
his time in vain before Lyme, an inconfiderable town upon the fea-coaft. The
utmoft efforts of the King could not raife above ten thoufand men at Oxford :
and on their {word chiefly, during the campaign, were thefe to depend for fub-
fiftance.
Tue Queen, terrified with the dangers, which every way environed her, and
afraid of being enclofed at Oxford, in the middle of the kingdom, fled to Exe-
ter, where, fhe hoped, in tranquillity to bear the child, of which fhe was now
pregnant, and from whence fhe had an eafy efcape into France, if prefled by the
forces of the enemy. She knew the implacable hatred, which, on account of
her religion and her credit with the King, the parliament had all along borne her.
Lait fummer, the commons had fent up to the peers an impeachment of high trea-
fon againft her; becaufe, in his utmoft diftrefles, fhe had aflifted her hufband
with arms and.ammunition, which the had bought in Holland. And had the fal.
Jen into their hands, neither her fex, fhe knew, nor high ftation, would protect
hemagainftinfults,. at leait, if not danger, from thofe fierce republicans, who {o.
little affected to conduct themfelves by the maxims of gallantry and _polite-
nef{s.
From the beginning of thefe diffenfions, the parliament, ’tis remarkable, had,
in all things, afflumed amextreme afcendant over their fovereign, and had difplay-
eda violence and arrogated an authority, which, on his fide, would. not have
been:compatible, either with his temper or fituation. While he {poke: perpetual-
ly of pardoning all Rebels; they talked of nothing but the punithment of Dejin-
quents and Malignants: While he offered a toleration and an indulgence to tende:
con{ciences 5. they threatened the utter extirpation of prelacy: To his profefii-
ons of lenity,. they-oppofed declarations of rigor: And the more the antient te-
nor of the laws inculcated a refpeful fubordination to the crown, the more care-
ful were they, by their lofty pretenfions, to cover. that defect, under which they
labored..
THEIR
2d of July.
Battleof Mar-
fton-moor,
370 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
THEIR preat fucceffes in the north feemed'to fecond their ambition, and final-
ly to promife fuccefs to their unwarrantable enterprizes. Manchefter, -having ta-
Lee Lincoln, had united his army to thofe of Leven and Fairfax; and Yorke
was now clofely befieged by their combined forces. That town, tho’ vigorouf-
ly defended by Newcattle, was.reduced to great extremity; and the parliamen-
tary generals, after enduring great lofies and fatigue, flattered themfelves that
all their labors would at laft be crowned by that important conqueft. On.a fud.
den, they were alarmed with the approach of Rupert. ‘That gallant Prince, ‘ha-
ving vigoroufly exerted himfelf in Lancafhire and Chethire, had collected a con-
fiderable army ; and joining Sir Charles Lucas, who commanded .Newcaftle’s
horfe, haftened to the relief of Yorke with an army of 20,000 men. The
Scotch and parliamentary generals raifed the fiege, and drawing up on Marfton-
lifts. Rupert approached the town by
another quarter, and interpofing the river Oufe, betwixt him and the enemy,
fafely conjoined his forces to thofe of Newcaftle. The Marquis endeavored to
perfuade him, that, having fo fuccefsfully effected his purpofe, -he fhould be com
tented with the prefent advantage, and leave the enemy, now much diminifhed
by their loffes, and difcouraged by their ill fuccefs, to diffolve by thofe mutual
diffenfions, which had taken place among them. The Prince, whofe martial
difpofition was not fufficiently tempered with prudence, nor foftened by complai-
fance, pretending a pofitive order from the King, without deigning to confult with
Newcaltle, whofe great merit and fervices deferved better treatment, immediate-
ly gave order for battle, and drew out the whole army to Marfton-moor. This
action was obftinately difputed betwixt the moft numerous armies, which
were engaged during the whole-courfe -of thefe wars; nor were the forces on
both fides much different in their number. Fifty thoufand Britifh troops were
led to mutual flaughter; and the victory feemed long undecided betwixt them.
Rupert, who commanded the right wing of the royalifts, was oppofed to Crom-
wel*, who conducted the choice troops of the parliament, enured to danger un-
der that determined leader, animated by zeal, and confirmed by the moft sigid
difcipline. After a fharp combat, the cavalry of the royalifts gave way; and
the infantry, who ftood next them, were likeways borne down, and put to
flight. Newcaftle’s regiment alone, refolute to conquer or to perifh, obftinate-
ly kept their ground, and maintained, by their dead bodies, the fame order,
in which they had at firft been arranged. In the other wing, Sir Thomas Fair-
fax and Collonel Lambert, along with fome troops, broke thro’ the royalifts ;
and, tranfported by the fury of purfuit, foon reached their victorious friends, €n-
gaged
moor, propofed to give battle to the roya
~ Ruth. part. 3. vol. ii, p. 633.
Ce RS es ; i fo eee Oe ee 5 eas weeks we se
Cin ASK: %E $ % OF. "* Ozzy
gaped alfo in purfuit of the enemy. But after that tempceft was paft, Lucas, who
commanded the royalifts in this wing, reftoring order to his broken forces, made
a furious attack on the parliamentary cavalry, threw them into diforder, pufh-
ed them upon their own infantry, and put that whole wing to rout. When
ready to feize on their carriages and baggage, he percerved Cromwel, who was
now returned from purfuit of the other wing. Both fides were not a little fur-
prifed to find that they muft again renew the combat for that victory, which each
of them thought they had already obtained. The front of the battle was now ex-
actly counterchanged, and each army occupied the ground, which had been pof-
feffed by the enemy at the beginning of the day. This fecond battle was equally
furious and defperate as the firft: But after the utmoft efforts of courage by
both parties, victory wholly inclined to the fide of the parliament. The Prince’s
train of artillery was taken; and his whole army pufhed off the field of
battle.
Tu1s event was, in itfelf, a mighty blow to the King; but proved much
more fatal in its confequences. The Marquis of Newcaftle was intirely loft to
the royal caufe. That Nobleman, the ornament of the court and of his order,
had been engaged, contrary to the natural bent of his difpofition, into thefe
military operations, merely by a high fenfe of honor and a perfonal regard to his
mafter. From his determined valor, the dangers of war were difregarded: Its
fatigues were oppreflive to his natural indolence. Munificent and gencrous in his
expence; polite and elegant in his tafte; courteous and humane in his beha-
vior; he brought a great acceflion of friends and of credit to the party, which
he embraced. But amidft all the hurry of action, his inclinations were fecretly
drawn to the foft arts of peace, in which he took delight; and the charms
of poetry, mufic, and converfation ftole him often from his rougher occupati-
ons. Sir William Davenant, an ingenious poet, he named his heutenant-ge-
neral: The other perfons, in whom he placed confidence, were more the in-
{truments of his refined pleafures, than qualified for the bufinefs which they under-
took : And the feverity and application, requifite to the fupport of difcipline,
were qualities of which he was intirely devoid.
Wuew Prince Rupert, contrary to his advice, refolved on this battle, and
iffued all orders without communicating them to him; he took the field, but,
he faid, intirely as a volunteer; and, except by his perfonal courage, which
fhone out with luftre,. he had no fhare in the a@tion. Enraged to find, that all
his fuccefsful labors were rendered abortive by one act of fatal temerity, terri-
fied with the profpe& of renewing all his pains and fatigue, he refolved no long-
ex to maintain the few refources which remained to a defperate caufe and thought,
Vou. I. Bbb that
Chap. VIII.
1044.
2 ge
ee ee
Chap. VIl,
1644,
26th of July.
378 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN,
that the fame regard to honor, which had at firft called him to,arms, now re.
quired him to abandon a party, where he met with fuch unworthy treatment.
Next morning early, he fent word to the Prince, that he was inftantly to leave
the kingdom; and without delay, he went to. Scarborow, . where he founda
vellel, which carried him beyond feas.. During the enfuing years, till the re.
{toration, he lived abroad in great neceflity, and faw with indifference his o-
pulent fortune fequeftered by thofe who affumed the government of England,
By fubmiflion or compofition, he difdained to.mark obeifance. to their ufurped’
authority ; and the leaft favorable cenfors of his merit allowed, that the fide.
lity and fervices of a whole life, had fufficiently atoned for one rath action, into
which his paflion had betrayed him.
Prince Rupert with equal precipitation drew off the remains of his army, and,
retired into Lancafhire. Glenham, in a few days, was obliged, to furrender
Yorke; and he marched out his garrifon with all the honors of war. Lord
Fairfax, remaining in the town, eftablifhed his government in that whole county,.
and {ent a thoufand horfe into Lancafhire,, to join with the parliamentary forces
in that quarter, and attend the motions of Prince Rupert: The Scotch army
marched northwards, in order to join with the Earl of Calendar, who was adyan-
cing with ten thoufand additional forces; and to reduce the town of Newcattle,
which they took by ftorm: The Earl of Manchefter, along with Cromwel, to
whom the fame of this great victory was chiefly afcribed, and who was wounded
in the action, returned to the eaftern. affociation, in order to recruit his
army.
WHILE thefe events paffed in the north, the King’s affairs in the fouth were.
conducted with more fuccefs and more ability. Ruthven, a Scetchman, who
had been created Earl of Brentford, aéted, under the King, as general.
Tue parliament foon compleated their two armies commanded by Effex and
Waller. The great zeal of the city facilitated this undertaking.. Many fpeeches,.
by the parliamentary leaders, were made to the citizens, in order to excite their
ardor. Hollis, in particular, exhorted them not to fpare, on this important oc-
cafion, either their purfes, their perfons, or their prayers; and they were fuf-
ficiently liberal, it muft be confefled,. in: all thefe contributions: The two gene-
rals had orders to march with their combined armies towards Oxford; and, if
the King fhut himfelf up in that city, to lay fiege to it, and by one enterprize
put.a period to the war. The King, leaving a great garrifon in Oxford, pafled
with dexterity betwixt the two armies, which had. taken Abingdon and _ had, en-
clofed him on both fides *. He marched towards Worcefter ; and Waller recei-
ved
* 3d of June,
CoH) ABR Be $60 h 379
sed orders from Effex to follow him and watch his motions; while he himfelf march-
ed into the weft, in queft of Prince Maurice. Waller had approached within
two miles of the royal camp, and was only feparated from it by the Severn,
when he received intelligence, that the King was advanced to Beudly, and di-
rected his courfe towards Shrewfbury. In order to prevent him, Waller prefent-
ly diflodged, and haftened by quick marches to that city: When the King, fud-
denly returning upon his own foot-fteps, reached Oxford; and having reinforced his
army from that garrifon, now in his turn marched out in fearch of Waller.
The two armies faced each ether at Cropredy-bridge near Banbury; but the
Charwell ran betwixt them. Next day, the King diflodged and marched towards
Daventry.- Waller ordered a confiderable body to pafs the bridge, with an inten-
tion of falling on the rear of the royalifts. He was repulfed, routed, and purfued
with cenfiderable lofs. Stunned and difheartened witht his blow, his army decay-
ed and melted away by defertion; andthe King thought that he might fafely leave
it, and march weftward againft Effex. That general, having obliged Prince
Maurice to raife the.fiege of Lyme, having taken Weymouth and Taunton, ad-
vanced {till in his conquefts, and met with no equal contraft or oppofition.
The King followed him, and having re-inforced his army from all quarters, ap-
peared in the field with an army fuperior to the enemy. Eilex, retreating into
Cornwall, informed the parliament ‘of his danger, and defired them to fend an
army, which might fall on the King’s rear. ‘General Middleton received a com-
‘miflion to execute’that fervice; but came too late. Effex’s army, cooped up in a
narrow corner at Leftithiel, deprived of all forrage and provifions, and feeing
no profpect of fuccor, was reduced to the laft extremity. The King prefled
them on one fide ; Prince Maurice on another; Sir Richard Granville on a third.
Effex, Robarts, and fome of the principal officers, efcaped in a boat to Plymouth :
Balfour with his horfe paffed the King’s guards, in a deep mift, and got fafely
to the garrifons of his own party. The foot under Skippon were obliged to fur-
render their arms, artillery, baggage and ammunition; and being conducted to
the parliament’s quarters, were difmifled. By this advantage, which was much
boafted of, the King, befide the honor of the enterprize, obtained what he {tood
extremely in need of: The parliament, having preferved the men, loft what
they could eafily repair. |
No fooner did this news arrive in Londen, than the committee of the two
kingdoms voted thanks to Effex for his. fidelity, courage, and conduct; and
this method of proceeding, no lefs politic than magnanimous, the parliament pre-
ferved thro’ the whole courfe of the war. Equally indulgent to their friends and
Bbb 2 rigorous
Chap. VIII.
1044.
Battle of Cro-
predy-bridge.
ft of Sept.
Efiex’s forces
difarmed,
i 380 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN,
| i
it
i!
I
HH
Chap. Vitr. rigorous to their enemies, they employed, with fuecels, thefe two powerful ex.
1644. gines of reward and'punifhment, in confirmation of their authority,.
TuHat the King might have lefs reafon to exult in the advantages, which he
had obtained in the weft, the parliament oppofed to him very numerous forces,.
Having armed anew E:ffex’s fubdued, but not difheartened troops, they ordered
| | Manchefter and Cromwel to march with their recruited forces from the eaftern.
Oe a affociation; and conjoining their armies to thofe of Waller and Middleton, as
| Second battle well as of Effex, oficr battle to the King. At Newberry, where Charles chofe
haliiet of Newberry. pi. poft, they attacked him with great vigor; and that town was a fecond time
Wg 27thof O&. the fcene of the bloody animofities of the Englifh, Effex’s foldiers, exhorting
ht Ses Se
5
st. 2
- ct oo OT >
482 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN,
‘Chap. Vint. that fuch clear and certain tenets, as they themfelves adopted, could be rejected
L044,
only from a-criminal and -pertinacious obftinacy, had hitherto gratified, to the
full, their bigotted zeal in alike-doctrine and-practice: The independents, from
the extremity of the fame zeal, were conducted into the milder principles of to.
Teration. Their mind, fet afloat inthe wide fea of infpiration, could confine
itfelf within no certain limits; and the fame variations, in which a fanatic ip.
dulged hinifelf, he was apt, by a natural train of thinking, ‘to extend to others,
Of all chriftian fects, this was the firft, which, during its profperity, as well as
adverfity, always adopted the principle of toleration; and, ’tis remarkable, .that
fo reafonable a doctrine-owed its origin, not toreafoning, but to the ‘height of ex.
travagance and enthufiafm.
Porery and prelacy, alone, whofe genius verged towards fuperftition, the
‘independents -were ‘inclined to treat with rigor. The enthufiaftic doctrines too
of fate or deftiny, they were apt ‘to-efteem effential to all religion. In thefe
rigid opinions, the whole fectaries, amidft all their other differences, unanimoutly
concurred.
Tue political fyftem of the independents kept pace exactly with their religi-
‘ous. Net contented with confining, to very narrow limits, the power of their
fovereign, and reducing the king tothe rank of firft magiftrate; which was
the project of the prefbyterians; this fe@, more ardent in the purfuit of liberty,
afpired to a total abolition of ‘the monarchy, and even of the ariftocracy; and
‘projected an intire equality of rank and order, in a republic, quite free and inde
pendent. In confequence of this {cheme, they were declared enemies to all pro-
pofals for peace, except-on fuch terms as, they knew, it was impoffible to ob-
tain; and they adhered 'to that m: xim, which is, in the main, prudent and ‘po-
litical, that whoever draws his fword againf{t his fovereign, fhould throw away
the fcabbard. By terrifying others with the fear of vengeance from ‘the ‘injured
prince, they had engaged greater numbers into the oppofition againft peace, than
had adopted their other principles with regard to government and religion. And
the great fuccefs, which had attended the arms of the parliament, and the
greater, which was foon expected, confirmed them {till further in this -obftina-
cy.
Sir Harry Vane, Oliver Cromwel, Nathaniel Fiennes, and Oliver Sir John,
the follicitor-general, were regarded as the deaders of the independents. The
Harl of Effex, difgufted with a war, of which he be
gan to forefee the pernicious
and promoted every reafonable plan
of accommodation. The Earl of Northumberland, fond of his rank and digni-
ty, regarded with horror a {cheme, which, if it took place, would confound
himfelf
confequences, adhered to the prefbyterians,
Ct A oR o£. Ss I. | 933
himfelf and his family with the loweft in the kingdom. The Earls of Warwic, Chap. VIER
and Denbigh, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William Waller, Hollis, Mafley, White-
locke, Mainard, Glyn, had embraced the fame fentiments. In the parliament,
a confiderable majority, and a much greater in the nation, were attached to the
prefbyterian party; and it was only by means of cunning and deceit at firft,
and afterwards of violence, that the independents could entertain any hopes of
fuccefs.
Tre Earl of Manchefter, provoked at the violent impeachment, which the
King had lodged againft him, had long forwarded the war with great alacrity ;
but, being a man of humanity and principles, the view of public calamities, and
the profpect of a total fubverfion of government, began to moderate his ardor,.
and inclined him to promote peace on any fafe or honorable terms. He was even
fufpected, in the field, not to have pufhed to the utmoft againft the King the ad-
vantages, obtained by the arms of the parliament; and Cromwel, in the pu-
blic debates, revived the accufation, that he had wilfully neglected: at Denning-
ton caftle, a favorable opportunity of finifhing the war by a total defeat of the
royalifts. ‘ I fhowed him evidently,” faid Cromwel, ‘* how this fuccefs
‘¢ might be obtained; and only defired leave, with my own brigade of. horfe,
“ to charge the King’s army in their retreat; leaving it in the Earl’s.choice, if
‘¢ he thought proper, to remain neuter with the reft of his forces: But, not-
“ withftanding all importunity, he pofitively and obftinately refufed his confent;
“¢ and gave no other reafon but that, if we met with a defeat, there was an end
‘¢ of our pretenfions: We fhould all be rebels and traitors, and. be executed and
““ forefeited by the law.”
MANCHESTER, by way of recrimination, informed the parliament, that at
another time, Cromwel having propofed fome fcheme, which,. it feemed impro-
bable, the parliament would agree to, he infifted and faid, My Lord, if you will
fick firm. to honeft men, you foall find-yourfelf at the bead of an army, which will give
law both to king and parliament. ‘* This difcourfe,” continued Manchetter,
‘© made the greater impreflion on. me, becaufe I knew the lieutenant-general to be
“a man of very deep defigns; and he has even ventured to tell me,. that.it never
“ would be well with England till I was Mr. Montague, and. there was ne’er
«<4 lord or peer in the kingdom.” So full was Cromwel of thefe republican.
projects, that, notwithf{tanding his habits of profound hypocrify, he could not,
fo carefully guard his expreffions, but that fometimes his favorite notions would.
e{cape him. |
TueEse violent diffentions brought matters to extremity, and pufhed:the inde~
pendents to the execution of theix defigns. The prefent generals, they thought,
were:
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Chap. VITl.
164 A.
384 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN, .
were more defirous of protracting than finifhing the war; and having entertained
a {cheme for preferving {till fome ballance in the conftitution, they were afraid
of intirely fubduing the King, and reducing him to a condition, where he fhould
be intitled to afk no conceflions. A new model alone of the army would bring
compleat victory to the parliament, and free the nation from thofe calamities, un.
der which it labored. But how to effect this project was the difficulty. The
authority, as well as merits of Effex, were very great with the parliament. Not
only he had ferved them all along with the moft exact and fcrupulous honor:
was, in fome meafure, to be afcribed to his popularity, that they had ever beeg
enabled to levy an army or make head againft the royal caufe, Manchetter,
Warwic, and the other commanders had likeways great credit with the public ;
nor were there any hopes of prevailing over them, but by laying the plan of ay
oblique and artificial attack, which would conceal the reil purpofe of their anta.
goniits. The Scotch nation and Scotch commiflioners, ‘ealous of the proprefs of
the independents, were anew obitacle 5 which, without the utmoft art and fub-
tlety, it would be difficult to furmount. The methods by which this intrigue was
conducted, are fo fingular, and mark fo well the genius of the age, that we fhall
give a detail of them, as they are delivered by Lord Clarendon.
A faft, on the laft Wednefday of every month, hal, at the beginning of
thefe commotions been ordered by the parliament; and :heir preachers, on that
day, kept alive, by their vehement declamations, the popular prejudices enter-
tained againit the King, againft prelacy, and againft pepery. The King, that
he might combat the parliament with their own weapon, appointed likeways a
monthly faft, where the people fhould be inftruéted in the duties, of loyalty and
of fubmiflion to the higher powers; and he chofe the fecond Friday of every
month for the devotion of the royalifts. It was now propofed and carried in
parliament, by the independents, that a more folemn faft fhould be voted ; when
they fhould implore the divine afliftance for extricating them from thofe perplexi-
ties, in which they were at prefent involved. On that diy, the preachers, after
many political prayers, took care to treat of the reigning divifions in the parlia-
ment, and afcribed them intirely to the felfifh ends, purfued by the members.
In their hands, they faid, are lodged all the confiderable commands of the army,
all the profitable offices in the civil adminiftration: And vhile the nation is falling
évery day into poverty, and groans under an infupportable load of taxes; thefe
men multiply poffeflions on poffeffions, and will, ina litle time, be matters of
all the riches in the kingdom. That fuch perfons, who fatten in the calamities
of their country, will ever embrace any effectual meafure for bringing them to
aperiod, or enfuring a final fuccefs to the war, cannot rafonably be expected.
Lingering
i et BAM BSS 8s 33%
Lingering expedients alone will be purfued: And the operations in the field Ke =
concurring, in the fame pernicious end, with the deliberations of the cabinet ; 38
civil commotions will, for ever, be perpetuated in the nation. After exaggera-
ting thefe diforders, the minifters fell again to their prayers ; and befought the
Lord that he would take his own work into his own hand; and if the inftru-
ments, whom he had hitherto employed, were not worthy to bring, to a conclu-
fion, fo glorious a defign, that he would infpire others more fit, who might per-
feét what was begun, by eftablifhing true religion, and putting a fpeedy period to
the public miferies.
Ow the day fubfequent to thefe devout animadverfions, when the parliament
met, a new fpirit appeared in the looks of many. Sir Henry Vane told the com-
mons, That, if ever God had appeared to them, it was in the holy ordinances of ye-
fterday: That, as he was credibly informed by many, who had been auditors in diffe-
rent congregations, the fame lamentations and dif courfes, which the godly preachers
had made before them, had been heard in other churches: That fo remarkable a
concurrence could proceed only from the immediate operation of the Holy Spirit :
That he therefore befought them, in vindication of their own honor, in confidera-
tion of their duty to God and their country, to lay afide all private ends, and re-
nounce every office, attended with profit or advantage: That the abfence of fo
many members, . occupied in different employments, had rendered the houfe ex-
tremely thin, and diminifhed the authority of their determinations: And that he
could not forbear, for his part, the accufing himfelf as one who enjoyed a gain-
ful office, that of treafurer of the navy; and tho’ he was poffefled. of it before
the civil commotions, and owed it not to the favor of the parliament, yet was he
ready to refign it, and to facrifice, to the welfare of his country, every confidera-
tion of private intereft and advantage.
CromMweEt aéted next his part, and commended the preachers for having
dealt with them plainly and impartially, and told them their errors, of which
they were fo unwilling to be inftructed. Tho’ they dwelt on many things, he
faid, on which he had never before reflected; yet, upon revolving them, he
could not but confefs, that, till there was a perfect reformation in thefe particu-
lars, nothing which they undertook could poflibly profper. The parliament, no
doubt, continued he, had done wifely in the commencement of the war, to en-
page feveral of their members in the moft dangerous parts of it; and to fatisty
the nation, that they intended to fhare all hazards. with the meaneft of the peo-
ple. Butaffairsare now changed. During the progrefs of military operations,
there have arifen, in the parliamentary armies, many excellent officers, who, are
qualified for higher commands than they are now poffeffed of. And tho’ it be-
VoL. I. Ccc comes
oe ae
Chap. VIII.
1644,
Sel f- denying
Ordinance,
386 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
comes not men, engaged in fuch a caufe, to put truft in the arm of Sieh, yet he
could affure them, that their troops contained generals, fit to command jn any
enterprize of Chriftendom. The army indeed, he was forry to fay, did not
corre{pond, by its difcipline, to the merit of the officers; nor were there any
hopes, till the prefent vices and diforders, which prevail among the foldiers, were
reprefied by a new model, that their forces would ever be attended with fignal
fuccefs in any undertaking.
Iw oppofition to this reafoning of the independents, many of the prefbyteriangs
fhowed the inconvenience and dangers of the projected alteration. Whitelocke,
in particular, aman of honor, who loved his country, tho’, in every change of
government, he always adhered to the ruling power, faid, That, befide the in-
gratitude of difcarding, and that by fraud and fubtilty, fo many noble perfons,
to whom the parliament had hitherto owed its chief fupport; they would find it
extremely dificult to fupply the place of men, now formed by experience to com-
mand and authority: That the rank alone, pofleffed by fuch as were members of
either houfe, prevented envy, retained the army in obedience, and gave weight
to military orders: That greater confidence could be repofed in men of family and
fortune, than in mere adventurers, who might entertain feparate views from
thofe embraced by. the perfons, who employed them: That no maxim of policy
was more undifputed, than the neceflity of preferving ‘an infeparable connexion
betwixt the civil and military powers, and retaining the latter in ftri@ fubordi-
nation tothe former: That the Greeks and Romans, the wifeft and moft pafli-
onate lovers of liberty, had ever entrufted to their fenators the cominand of
armies, and had maintained an unconquerable jealoufy of all mercenary forces :
And that thofe alone whofe intereft was involved in that of the public, and who
poffefled a vote in the civil deliberations, would fufficiently refpect the authority
of parliament, and never could be tempted to turn the fword againit thofe, by
whom it was committed to them.
NoTWITHSTANDING thefe reafonings, a committee was chofen to frame
what they called the Se/f denying ordinance ; by which the members of beth houfes
were excluded from all civil and military employments, except a few offices which
were fpecified. This ordinance was the fubject of great debate, and, fora long
time, rent the whole parliament and city into factions. But, at laft, by the pre-
valence of envy with fome; with others, of falfe modet{ty ;
of the republican and independent views 3 it pafled-the houfe of commons, and
was fent to the upper houfe. The peers; tho’ the fcheme was, in part, levelled
again{t their order; tho’ all of them were, at bottom, extremely ayerfe to it;
poffeifed fo little authority, that they durft not oppofe the refolution of the.com-
with a great many,
mons ;
btw Bee Res Y ret: 487
mons; andthey efteemed it better policy, by an unlimited compliance, to ward
off that ruin, which they faw approaching. The ordinance, therefore, having
paffed:both houfes, Effex, Warwic, Manchetter, Denbigh, Waller, Brereton,
and many others, refigned their commands, and received the thanks of parlia-
ment for their good fervices. A penfion-of ten thoufand pounds a year was fettled.
on Effex.
at Tae army, it was agreed to recruit to 22,000 men; and Sir Thomas Fairfax
was appointed general. ’Tis remarkable, that his commiflion did not run, like
that of Effex, in the name of the king and.parliament, but in that of the pars
Hiament alone: (And the article of :the fafety of the king’s perfon was omitted,
So much had the animofities increafed betwixt the parties. Cromwel, being
a member of the lower houfe, fhould have-been difcarded along with the others ;
‘but this impartiality would -have difappointed all the views of thofe, who had in-
troduced the felf-denying ordinance. He was faved by a fubtilty, and by that
political craft, in which he was fo eminent. At the time, when the other of-
ficers refigned their commiflions, care was taken, that he fhould be fent with a
body of horfe, in order to relieve Taunton, befieged by the royalifts. His ab-
fence being remarked, orders were difpatched for his prefent attendance in. par-
Jiament ; and the new general was directed to employ fome other officer in that
fervice. A ready compliance «was feigned; and the very day was named, on
which, it was averred, he would take his place in the houfe.. But Fairfax, ha-
ving appointed a rendezvous of the army, wrote to the parliament, and defired
Jeave to retain, for fome days, Lieutenant-general Cromwel, whofe advice, he
faid, would be-ufeful, in fupplying the place of thofe-officers, who had refigned.
Shortly after, he begged, with much earneftnefs, that they would allow Crom-
wel to ferve that campaign. -And thus -the independents, tho’ the minority, by
art and cunning prevailed over the prefbyterians, and beftowed the whole
military authority, in appearance, upon Fairfax, in reality, upon Cromwel.
Farrrax was a perfon equally eminent for courage and for humanity, and
not more guided by that Aonor, which regards the opinions of the public, than by
that nobler principle of virtue, which feeks the inward fatisfaction of felf-appro-
bation and applaufe. Sincere in his profeflions; difinterefted in his views; open
in his conduct; he had formed one of the moft fhining characters of that age;
had not the extreme narrownefs of his genius, in every thing but in war, and
his embarraffed and confufed clocution, on every occafion but when he gave or-
ders, diminifhed the luftre of his merit, and rendered the part, which he acted,
Ccec2 even
Chap. VIIE.
1644.
1645.
Fairfax.
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tOAE,
g
Cromvvel,
Treaty of
Uxbridge.
338 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
even when inyefted with the fupreme command, but fecondary and -fubord).
nate.
CROMWEL, by whofe fagacity and infinuation Fairfax was intirely govern.
ed, is one of the moft eminent and moft fingular perfonages, which occurs ip
hiftory : The itrokes of his character are as epen and {trongly marked, as the
fchemes of his conduct were, during the time, dark and impenetrable. His ex.
tenfive capacity enabled him to form.the moft enlarged projects: His enterprizing
genius was not difmayed with the boldeft and moft dangerous. Carried, by his
natural temper, to magnanimity, to grandeur, and to an imperious and domi-
neering policy; he knew, when neceffary, to employ the moft profound diffi-
mulation, the moft oblique and refined artifice, the femblance of the greateft mo-.
deration and fimplicity.. A friend to juftice, tho’ his public conduc was one
continued violation of it ;. devoted to religion, tho’ he perpetually employed. it
as the inftrument of his ambition; his crimes were derived: from the profpect of
fover¢ign power, a temptation, which is, in general, irrefiftible to human na-
ture. And while he ufed well: that authority, which he attained by fraud and
violence, he has leffened, if not overpowered, our deteftation. of his enormities,,
in our admiration of his fuccefs and of his genius.
DvuRine this important tranfaction of the felf-denying ordinance, the negotia-
tions for peace were likeways carried on, tho’ with fmall hopes. of fuccefs. The:
King having fent two meflages, one from Evefham*, another from Taviftoke 5
defiring a treaty, the parliament difpatched commiffioners to Oxford, with pro-
pofals, no lefs exorbitant than if they had obtained a compleat victory. The ad-
vantages gained during the campaign, the great diftreffes of the royalifts, had.
much elevated their hopes; and they were refolyed to repofe no truft in men,,
enflamed with the highett animofity, and who, were they poffefied of power,
were fully authorized by law to punifh all their Opponents as rebels and as trai-
tOrs.
Tue King, when he confidered the propofals and the difpofition of the par-
hament, could not expect any accommodation, and had no profpect but of war
or of total fubmiffion and fubjection: Yet, in order to fatisfy his own party,
who were extremely impatient for peace, he apreed to-fend the Duke of Rich-
mond and Earl of Southampton,’ with an anfwer to the parliament’s propofals,,
and at the fame time to defire a treaty upon their mutual demands and pretenfions.
It now became neceflary for him to retract his former declaration, that the two
houfes at Weftminfter were not a free parliament; and accordingly, he was in-
duced, tho’ with great relu@tance, to give them, in his anfwer, the appellation
| of
* 4th of July, 1644. + 8th of Sept, L644.
C H°AR'L Es S'oL 389
ef the parliament of England. | But it appeared afterwards, by a letter, which Chap. VE
he wrote to the Queen, and of which acopy was taken at the battle of Nafeby, O45:
that he fecretly entered a proteftation in his council-book; and he pretended, tho’
he had called them the parliament,. that he had-not. thereby acknowleged them for
fuch. This fubtlety,. which does no honor to Charles, is the moft noted of
thofe very few inftances,, from which the enemies of this Prince have endeavored
to load:-him. with the imputation of infincerity ;. and have inferred that the -par-
jiament could repofe no confidence in his profeflions and declarations, not-even 1n
his laws and ftatutes.., Fhere is, however, it muft be confeffed, a difference u-
niverfally avowed betwixt fimply giving to.men the appellation, which they af.
fume, and tliefolemn acknowlegement of their title to it; tho’ it had been much.
better,, no doubt, had the King, in fuch delicate tranfactions betwixt him and. his
people,. kept at the wideit difference from {uch refinements.
Tue, time and place of treaty, were agreed on, and. accordingly fixteen cOM- 30th Jans
miflioners from the King met.at Uxbridge with twelve authorized. by the parlia-
ment, attended with the Scotch commiflioners. It was agreed. that the Scotch
and parliamentary commiffioners fhould give in their demands with regard to three.
important articles, Religion, the Militia, and Ireland; and that thefe fhould be
facceflively examined. and difenffed in conferences with the King’s commiflioners. .
It was foon found totally impracticable to come to any agreement with regard to
any of thefe articles..
In the fummer 1643, while the negotiations were carried on with Scotland,
the parliament had fummoned an affembly at Weftminiter, compofed of 121 di-
vines and 30 laymen, celebrated, in their party, for piety and learning. By
their advice, alterations were made in the thirty-nine articles, or in the metaphy-
fical doctrines of the church; and, what.was of greater importance,, the liturgy
was intirely abolifhed, and, in its place, anew dire@tory for worfhip was efta-
blifhed; where, fuitable to the {pirit of the puritans, the utmoft liberty, both:
in praying and’preaching, was indulged to the public teachers. By the folemn.
league and covenant, epifcopacy was. abjured, as deftructive of all true piety ;
and a national engagement, attended with every circumttance, which could ren-
der'a promife facred and obligatory, was entered: into with the Scoteh,. never to
fuffer its admiffion. . All thefe meafores fhowed little fpirit of accommodation in
the parliament; and the King’s commiffioners were not furprized to find the efta- - :
blifhment-of prefbytery and the directory pofitively demanded, along with the fub-
fcription of the covenant, both by the King and. kingdom *.. :
TAD»
* Such love of contradiétion prevailed in the parliament, that they had converted Chriftmas,
which, with the churchmen, was a great feftival, into a folemn faft and humiliation ; .* In order,”
aa:
)
Chap. VIII.
1645.
290 HISTORY! 0% GREAT: BRITAIN.
Hap Charles been of a difpofition to regard all theological controverfy, as the
mere refult of human folly and depravity; he yet had been obliged, in good po-
licy, to adhere to epifcopal jurifdiGtion, not.only'becaufe it was favorable to mo.
narchy, but becaufe all his adherents were paflionately devoted to it; and to a.
bandon them, in what they regarded as fo important an article, was for ever to
relinquifh their friendfhip and afliftance. But Charles had never attained fuch en.
larged principles. Bifhops, he efteemed effential to the very being of a chriftian
church; and he thought himfelf bound, by more facred ties, than thofe of poli-
cy, or even of honor, to the fupport of that order. His conceffions therefore,
on this head, he judged fuficient, when he agreed, That an indulgence fhould
be given to tender confciences with regard to ceremonies; that the bifhops fhould
exercife no act of jurifdiction or ordination, without the confent and council of
fuch prefbyters as fhould be chofen by the clergy of each diocefe; that they re-
fide conftantly in their diocefe, and be bound to preach every Sunday; that plu-
ralities be abolifhed; «that abufes in ecclefiaftical courts be redrefled; and that a
hundred thoufand pounds’be levied from-the bifhop’s eftates and the chapter lands,
for
as they faid, “ that it might call to remembrance our fins and the fins of our forefathers, who,
“* pretending to celebrate the memory of Chrift, have turned this feaft into an extreme forgetfulnefs
“of him, by giving liberty to carnal and fenfual delights.” "Tis remarkable, that, as the parlia-
ment abolifhed all holy-days, and feverely prohibited all amufement on the Sabbath and even
burned, by the hands of the hangman, the king’s book of {ports : ‘The nation found, that there
was no time left for relaxation or diverfion. ‘Upon application, therefore, of the fervants and ap-
prentices, the parliament appointed the fecond Tuefday of every menth for play and recreation.
But thefe inflitutions, they: found great difficulty to execute; and the peaple were refolved to be
merry when they pleafed, not when the parliament fhould prefcribe to them. ‘The keeping of
Chriftmas holy-days was long a great mark of malignancy, and very feverely cenfured by the com-
mons. ‘Even minced pyes, which cuftom had made a Chriftmas dith among the churchmen, was
regarded, :during that feafon, asa profane and fuperftitious viand by the fe€taries; tho’ at other
times it agreed-very well with their fiomachs. In the parliamentary ordinance too, for the obfer-
vance of the Sabbath, they inferted a claufe for the taking down of May-poles, which they called
a heathenifh vanity. Since we are upon this fubject, it may-not-be amifs*to mention, that, befide
“fetting apart Sunday for the ordinances, as they called them, ‘the godly had regular meetings on
Thurfday for refolving cafes of confcience, and conferring about their progrefs in grace. What
they were chiefly anxious about, was the fixing the precife moment of their converfion or new
birth ;. and whoever could not afcertain fo dificult a point of calculation, could not pretend any
title to faintfhip. The profane fcholars at Oxford, after the parliament became matters of that
town, gave to the houfe, in which the godly aflembled, the denomination of Scruple-Shop: The
godly, intheirturn, infulted the feholars:and profeffors ; and, intruding into the places of leélures,
» declaimed againft human learning, and challenged the moft knowing of them to prove that their cal-
‘ling was from Chrift. Weare not-told-what anfwer the profeflors of Oxford made to this ‘challenge.
See Wood’s Fatti Oxonienfes, p. 740, Mee
Z — ae i MAlACaS? i eS BARI Ke
}
~—
—
AT Se. ART JL OE» & I. 391
for payment of debts contracted by the parliament. Thefe conceflions, tho? con-
fiderable, gave no fatisfaction to the parliamentary commiflioners; and, without
abating any thing of their rigor on this head, they proceeded to their demands
with regard to the militia.
THE King’s partizans had all along maintained, that the fears and jealoufies of
the parliament, after the fecurities fo early and eafily given, to public liberty,
were either feigned or groundlefs; and that no human inftitution, could be bet-
ter poized and adjufted, than was now the government of England. By the
abolition of the {tar-chamber and court of high commiflion, the prerogative,
they faid, has loft all that coercive power, by which it had formerly. fuppreffed
or endangered liberty: By the eftablifhment of triennial parliaments, it can
have no leizure to acquire new powers, or guard itfelf, during any time, from
the infpection of that watchful aflembly :. By the flender revenue of the crown,
no king can ever attain fuch influence as to. procure a repeal of thefe falutary {ta-
tutes: And while the prince commands no mercenary forces, he will in vain,
by violence, attempt an infringement of laws, fo clearly defined by means of
late difputes, and fo paflionately cherifhed by all his fubjeéts. In this fituation
furely, the nation, governed by fo virtuous a monarch; may,. for the prefent,
remain in tranquillity, and try, if it be not poflible, by peaceful arts, to elude
that dan ger, with which, it is pretended, its liberties are {till threatened..
But tho’ the royalifts infifted on thefe plaufible topics, before the.commence-
ment of the war, they were obliged toown, that the progrefs of civil.commoti-
ons had fomewhat abated the force and evidence of this reafoning. If the power of
the militia, faid the oppofite party, be entrufted to the King, it were not now
altogether impoflible for him to abufe that authority. By.the rage of inteftine
difcord;. his partizans are. enflamed into an extreme. hatred towards their antago-
nifts; and have contracted, no doubt, fome prejudices again{t popular privileges,
which, in their apprehenfion, have been the fource of fo much mifchief. Were
the.arms of the ftate, therefore, put entirely into fuch hands ;, what public fe-
curity, it may be demanded, can be given to liberty, or what private fecurity to
thofe, who, in oppofition to the letter of the law, have fo generoufly ventured
their lives in defence of it? In compliance, with this apprehenfion, Charles offer-
ed, that the arms of the {tate fhould be entrufted, during three years, to twen-
ty commiflioners, who fhould be named, either by common agreement betwixt.
him and the parliament, or the one half by him, the other by the parliament.
And, after the expiration of that term, he infifted, that his conftitutional autho-
rity over the militia fhould again return.to him,
THE
Chap. VIIF,
£645,
Chap. VIII,
1645.
392 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
THe parliamentary commiffioners at firft demanded, that the power of the fword
fhould for ever beentrufted to fuch perfons, as the parliament alone fhould appoint 7
But afterwards, they relaxed fo far, as to require that authority only for feven
years; after which, it was not to return to the king, but to be fettled by bill,
or by common agreement betwixt him and his parliament. The King’ S commngh,
fioners afked, whether pate ufies and fears were all on one fide, and whether the
prince, from {uch violent attempts and pretenfions as he had experienced, had not,
at leaft, equal reafon to apprehend for his authority, as they for their liberty:
Whether there was any equity, in fecuring.only one party, and leaving theo.
ther, durifg the courfe of feven years, entirely at the mercy of their enemies?
Whether, if unlimited power was entrutted to the parliament during folong a
period, it would not. be eafy for themto frame the fubfequent bill in the manner
moit agreeable to themfelves, and keep for ever, pofleflion of the fword, as
well as of every article of civil power and jurifdiction ?
Wt1TH regard to Ireland, there were no greater hopes of accommodation be-
twixt theparties. The parliament demanded, That the ceflation with the rebels
fhould be declared void; that the management of the war fhould be refigned over
entirely to the parliament; and that after the conqueft of Ireland, the nomina-
tion of the Lord lieutenant and of the judges, or in other words, the fovereignty
of that kingdom, fhould likeways remain in their hands.
Wuar rendered a peaceful accommodation {till more defperate : The demands
on thefe three heads, however exorbitant, were acknowleged, by the patlia
mentary commiflioners, to be nothing but preliminaries. Were all thefe grant:
ed, they {till referved the power of reviving thofe other demands, {till more ex-
orbitant, which, a little before, had béen ‘tranfmitted to the King at Oxford,
Such ignominious terms were there infifted on, as worfe could fcarcely be demand:
ed, were Charles totally vanquifhed, a prifoner, and in chains. The King was
required to attaint and exempt from a general pardon, forty of the moft confi-
derable of his Englifh fubjects, and nineteen of his Scotch, along with all popifh
recufants in both kingdoms, who had borne arms for him. It was infifted on,
that forty-eight ‘more, alon® with all members who had fate in either houfe at
Oxford, all lawyers and divines who had embraced the King’s party, fhould be
rendered uncapable of any office, be forbid the exercife of their profeffion, be
prohibited from coming within the verge of the court, and forfeit the third of
their eftate to the parliament. It was required, that whoever had borne arms
for the King, fhould forfeit the tenth part of their eftate, or if that did fuflice,
the fixth, for the payment of public debts. As if the royal authority was not
Sficient! y annihilated by fuch terms, it was demanded, that the court of wards
fhould
,
y
Fe P —~
~aae, ee) : - MAA Sas ~~ 2 6HS Jie
z .
CH AR L.E’S I, 393
fhould be abolifhed ; that all the confiderable officers of the crown, and all the
judges, fhould be appointed by parliament ; and that the right of peace and war
fhould not be exercifed without the confent of that aflembly. The prefbyterians,
it muft be confeffed, after infifting on fuch conditions, differed in little but in
words, from the independents, who required the eftablifhment of a pure repu-
blic. When the debates had been carried on tono purpofe, during twenty days,
among the commiffioners, they feparated, and returned; thofe of the King, to
Oxford, thofe of the parliament, to London.
A little before the commencement of this fruitlefs treaty, a deed was executed by
the parliament, which proved their determined refolution to yield nothing, but
to proceed in the fame violent and imperious manner, with which they had, at
firft, entered on thefe dangerous enterprizes. Archbifhop Laud, the moft fa-
vored minifter of the King, was brought to the {caffold; and in this inftance,
the public might fee, that popular aflemblies, as, by their very number, they
are, in a great mealure, exempt from the reftraint of fhame, fo, when they alfo
overleap the bounds of law, naturally break out into acts of the moft atrocious
tyranny and injuttice.
' From the time, that Laud had been committed, the houfe of commons, engaged in
enterprizes of greater moment, had found no leifure to finifh his impeachment ;
and he had patiently endured fo long an imprifonment, without being brought to
any trial. After the union with Scotland, the bigotted rage of that nation re-
vived the like fpirit in England; and the fectaries refolved to gratify their ven-
geance in the punifhment of this prelate, who had fo long, by his authority, and
by the execution of penal laws, kept their zealous fpirit under the moft violent
confinement. He was accufed of high treafon, in endeavoring to fubvert the
fundamental laws, and of other high crimes and mifdemeanors. The fame illega-
lity of an accumulative crime anda conftructive evidence, which appeared in
the cafe of Strafford; the fame violence and iniquity in condu¢ting the trial; the
{ame malignity of interpretation; the fame cruelty of oppreflion, exercifed a-
gainft the fame innocence, tho’ perhaps inferior virtues and abilities; are con-
fpicuous thro’ the whole courfe of this profecution. The groundlefs charge of
popery, which was belied by his whole life and conduct, was continually urged
againft the prifoner; and every error rendered unpardonable by this imputation,
. which was fuppofed to imply the height of allenormities. ‘* Thisman, my
“‘ lords”, faid Serjeant Wilde concluding his long fpeech againftvhim, “ is like
‘* Naaman the Syrian; agreat man, but a leper’.
We hall not enter into a detail of this matter, which, at prefent, feems to ad-
mit of fo little controverfy. It fuffices to fay, that after a long trial, and the ex-
VoL. I. Ddd amination
Chap. VIII.
1645.
Execution of
Laud.
SS - ==
fa
394 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
thap. VILL amination of above a hundred and fifty witneffes, the commons found fo litte
likelihood of obtaining a judicial fentence againft Laud, that they were obliged to
have recourfe to their legiflative authority, and to pafs an ordinance for taking
away the life of this aged prelate. Notwithftanding the low condition, into
which the houfe of peers were fallen, there appeared fome intention of rejecting
this ordinance; and the popular leaders were again obliged to apply to the mul-
titude, and to extinguifh, by threats of new tumults, the fmall remains of liber.
ty, poffeffed by the upper houfe. Seven peers alone voted in this important
queftion. The reft, either from fhame or fear, took care to abfent them.
felves.
Laup, whohad behaved during his trial with great fpirit and vigor of genius,
fuccumbed not under the horrors of his execution; but tho’ he ufually profeffed
himfelf apprehenfive of a violent death, he found all his fears to diffipate before
that fuperior courage, by which he was animated. ‘* No one”, faid he, *, can
‘¢ be more willing to fend me out of life, than I am defirous to go.” Even
upon the feaffold, and during the intervals of his prayers, he was harraffed and
molefted by Sir John Clotworthy, a furious zealot of the reigning fect, and 2
great leader in thelower houfe: This was the time he chofe to examine the prin-
ciples of the dying primate, and totrepan him into a confeflion, that he truft-
ed, for his falvation, to the merits of good works, not to the death of the Re-
deemer. Having extricated himfelf from thefe theological toils, the Archbifhop
laid his head on the block; and it was fevered from the body by one blow *.
Thofe religious opinions, for which he fuffered, contributed, no doubt, to the
courage and conftancy of his end. Sincere, he undoubtedly was, and. much
fuperior to low interefts, in all his purfuits; and ’tis to be regreted, that fo.gencrow
afpirit, who conducted his enterprizes with fuch warmth and induftry, had not
entertained more enlarged views, and adopted principles more favorable to the ge-
neral happinefs of fociety.
THE great and important advantage, which the party obtained by Strafford’s
death, may, in fome degree, palliate the iniquity of the fentence pronounced
gainft him: But the execution of this old infirm prelate, who had fo long re-
mained an inoffenfive prifoner, can: be afcribed to nothing but vengeance and bi-
gotry in thofe fevere religionifts, by whom the parliament was intirely govern-
ed. That he deferved a better fate was not queftioned by- any reafonable man:
The degree of his merit was, in other refpects, much difputed. Some accufed
him of recommending flavith dotrines, of promoting perfecution, and of en-
couraging
* sath of January.
on
at
C:H A Re LOE .S 395
couraging fuperftition ; while others thought, that his conduét, in thefe three Chap. VIII.
particulars, would admit of apology and extenuation.
Tuat the /etter of the law, as much as-the moft flaming court-fermon, incul-
cates paflive obedience, is very apparent: And tho’ the Jpirit -of a limited po-
vernment feems to require, in very extraordinary cafes, fome mitigation of fo rigo-
rous a doétrine; it mutt be confeffed, that the preceding genius of the Engtifh
conftitution had rendered a miftake in this particular very natural and excufable.
To infliG& death at leaft, on thofe, who depart from the exact line -of truth in
thefe nice queftions ; fofar from being favorable to national liberty ; favors {trong-
ly of the fpirit of tyranny and profcription.
ToLERATION had hitherto been fo little the principle of any chriftian fect,
that even the catholics, the remnant of the religion profefled by their anceftors,
could not obtain from the Englith the leaft indulgence. This very houfe of com-
mons, in their famous remonttrance, took care to juftify themfelves, as from
the higheft imputation, of any intention to relax the golden reins of difcipline or
granteany toleration : And the enemies of the church were fo fair, from the be-
ginning, as not to lay claim’to any liberty of confcience, which they called a
toleration for foul-murder... They openly challenged the fuperiority, and even
menaced the eftablifhed church with that perfecution, which they afterwards,
with fuch feverity, exercifed againft it. And if the queftion be confidered in
the view of policy ; tho’ a fect, already formed and advanced, may, with fome pre-
text, demand a toleration; what title had the puritans to this indulgence, whe
were juft on the point of feparation from the church, and whom, it might be
hoped, fome wholefome and legal feverities would ftill retain in uniformity to
°F.
WHATEVER ridicule, toa philofophic mind, may be thrown on pious cere-
monies, it muft be confeffed, that, during a very religious age, no inftitutions
can be more advantageous to the rude multitude, and tend more to mollify that
Dddz2 fierce
* That Laud’s feverity was not extreme, appears from this fact, that he caufed the atts or re-
cords of the high commiffion-court to be fearched, and found that there had been fewer fufpenfions,
deprivatious, and other punifhments, by three, during the feven years of his time, than in any
feven years of his predeceffor Abbot ; who was notwithftanding in great efteem with the houfe of
commons. Troubles and trials of Laud, p. 364. But Abbot was little attached to the court, and
was alfo a puritan in dottrine, and bore a mortal hatred to the papifts. Not to mention, that the
mutinous fpirit was rifing higher in the time of Laud, and would lefs bear control. The maxims,
however, of his adminiftration were the fame which had ever prevailed in England, and which had
place in every other European nation, except Holland. To have changed them for the modern
maxims of toleration, would have been efteemed a very bold and dangerous enterprize.
104§-
i | Chap. VIII.
ae 1045.
396 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
fierce and gloomy fpirit of devotion, to which they are fo fubje&. Even the Eng.
lifh church, tho’ it had retained a fhare of popifh fuperitition, may juitly be
thought too naked and unadorned, and {till to approach too near the abftrag
and fpiritual religion of the puritans. Land and his aflociates, by reviving 2.
few primitive inftitutions of this nature, corrected the error of the firft reform.
ers, and prefented, to the affrightened and aftonifhed mind, fome fenfible, ex.
terior obfervances, which might occupy it during its religious exercifes, and a.
bate the violence of its difappointed efforts. The thought, no longer bent on that
divine and myfterious Effence, fo fuperior to the narrow capacities of mankind,
was able, by means of the new model of devotion, to relax itfelf in the cop.
templation of pictures, poftures, veftments, buildings; and all the fine arts,
which miniftered to religion, thereby received additional encouragement. The
primate, ’tis true, conducted this fcheme, not with the enlarged fentiments and
cool difpofition of a legiflator, but with the intemperate zeal of a fectary; and
by overlooking the circumftances of the times, ferved rather to inflame that
religious fury, which he meant to reprefs. But this blemifh is rather to be re-
garded as a general imputation on the whole age, than any particular failing of
Laud; and ’tis fufficient for his vindication to obferve, that his errors wefe the
moft excufable’of all thofe which prevailed during that zealous period.
CHA Pi
a
CoH AscR SHE-S I, 397
© Ff AP, Ts
Mintrofe's viétortes. The new model of the army.——Battle of Nafe-
by. Surrender of Briftol. The weft conquered by Fatrfax.
Defeat of Montrofe. Ecclefiaftical affairs. King goes to the
Scotch at Newark. End of the war.——King delivered up by the
Scotch,
’ FHrxe the King’s affairs declined in England, fome events happened in
Scotland, which feemed to promife him a more profperous iflue to the
quarrel.
Brerore the commencement of thefe civil diforders, the Earl of Montrofe,
a young Nobleman of a diftinguifhed family, returning from his travels, had been
introduced to the King, and had made an offer of his fervices; but by the infinuati-
ons of the Marquis, afterwards Duke of Hamilton, who poffeffed much of Charles’s
Montrofe’s
victories.
confidence, he had not been received with that diftinction, to which he thought |
himfelf juftly intitled. Difgufted with this treatment, he had forwarded all the
violence of the covenanters; and fuitable to the natural ardor of: his genius, he
had applied himfelf, during the firft infurrection, . with great zeal as well as fuc-
cefs, in levying and conducting their armies. Being commiflioned by the Tadies
to wait upon the King, while the royal army lay at Berwic, he was fo won upon,
by the civilities and careffes of that monarch, that. he thenceforth devoted him-
felf intirély, tho’ fecretly, to his fervice, and entered into'a clofe correfpondence
with him. In the fecond Scotch infurrection, a great military command was, by .
the covenanters, entrufted to him; and he was the firft who paffed the Tweed,
at the head of their troops, in the invafion of England. He found means, how-
ever, foon after to convey a letter to the King: And by the infidelity of fome
about that Prince ; Hamilton, as was by fome fufpected; a copy of this letter was
fent to Leven, the Scotch commander. Being accufed of treachery and a corre-
fpondence with the enemy, Montrofe openly avowed the letter; .and afked the
generals, if they dared to call their fovereign an enemy: - And by this bold and
magnanimous behavior, he efcaped the danger of an immediate profecution. . As
he was now fully known to be of the royal party, he no longer concealed his
intentions; and he endeavored to draw thofe, who had entertained like fenti-
. ments;
Chap. ,¥¢
1645.
398 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
ments, into a bond of affociation for his mafter’s fervice. Tho’ thrown inte
prifon for this enterprize *, and detained fome time, he was not difcouraged ;
ut {till continued, by his countenance and protection, to infufe Spirit into the
diftrefled royalifts. Among other perfons:of diftinction, who united themfelyes
to him, was the Lord Napier of Merchilton, fon to the famous inventor of the lo-
garithms, the perfon to whom the title of aGREAT MAN is more juftly due, than
to any other, whom his country ever produced.
THERE was in Scotland another party, who profefling equal attachment to the
King’s fervice, pretended only to differ with Montrofe about -the means of at-
taining the fame end; and of this party, Hamilton was the leader. That Noble-
man had canfe to be extremely devoted to the King, not only by reafon of the
connexion of blood, which united him to the royal family; but on account of
the extraordinary confidence and favor,, with which he had ever been honored
by his mafter. Being accufed by Lord Rae, not without fome appearance or
probability, of a confpiracy againit the King; Charles was fo far from harbor-
ing fufpicion againft him, that, the very firft time Hamilton came to court, he
received him into his bed-chamber, and pafled alone the night with him. But
fuch was the Duke’s unhappy fate or conduct, that he efcaped not the imputa-
tion of treachery to his friend and fovereign ; and tho’ he at laft facrificed his life
in the King’s fervice, his integrity and fincerity have not by hiftorians been thonght
intirely free from blemifh. Perhaps, (and this.is the moft probable opinion) the
fubtilties and refinement of his conduct and his temporizing maxims, tho’ accom:
panied with good intentions, have been the chief caufe of a fufpicion, which has
never yet-been cither fully proved or refuted. As much as the bold and vivid
fpirit of Montrofe prompted him to enterprizing meafures, as much was the cau-
‘tious temper of Hamilton inclined to fuch as were moderate and dilatory. While
the former foretold, that the Scotch cevenanters were fecretly forming an union
with the Englith parliament, and inculcated the neceflity of preventing them by
fome vigorous undertaking; the latter {till infifted, that every fuch attempt
would precipitate them into meafures, to which, otherways, they were not, per-
haps, inclined. After the Scotch parliament was fummoned without the King’s
authority, the former exclaimed, that their intentions were now vifible, - and
that if fome unexpected blow was not ftruck, to diflipate them, they would arm
the
* It is not improper here to take notice of a miftake committed by Clarendon, much to the dit
advantage of this gallant Nobleman; that he offered the King, when his Majefty was in Scot-
land, to affaflinate Argyle. All the time the King was in Scotland, Montrofe was confined t
prifon.
4
om Way Robe £ Ss k 399
the whole nation againft the King; the latter maintained the poffibility of out-
voting the difaffected party, and fecuring, by peaceful means, the allegiance of
the Scotch nation. Unhappily for the reyal caufe, Hamilton’s reprefentations
met with more credit from the King and Queen, than thofe of Montrofe; and
the covenanters were allowed, without interruption, to proceed in all their ho-
{tile meafures. Montrofe haftened to Oxford; where-his invectives againit Ha-
milton’s treachery, concurring with the general prepoflcilion, and fupported by
the unfortunate event of his councils, were entertained with univerfal affent and
approbation. Influenced by the clamor of his party, -more than his own fufpici-
ons, Charles, as foon as Hamilton: appeared, fent him prifoner to. Pendennis
caftle in Cornwall. His brother, Laneric, who was alfo put under confine-
ment, found means to make his efcape, and fled into Scotland.
Tue King’s ears were now open to Montrofe’s councils, who propofed none
but the boldeft and moft daring, fuitable to the defperate {tate of the royal cause
in Scotland.. Tho’ the whole nation was occupied by the covenanters, tho’ great
armies were by them kept on foot, and every place guarded by a vigilant admi-
niftration; he undertook, by his own credit, and that of the few friends, who
remained to the King, to raife fuch commotions, as would foon oblige the male-con-
tents to recal thofe forces, which had fo-fenfibly thrown the ballance in favor of
the parliament. Not difeouraged with the defeat at Marfton-moor, which ren-
dered it impoflible fer him to draw any fuccor from England; he was content
ed to ftipulate with the Earl of Antrim, a Nobleman of Ireland, for fome fup-
ply of men from that country. And he himfelf, changing his difguifes and paf-
fing thro’ many dangers, arrived in Scotland; where he lay concealed in the
borders of the Highlands, and fecretly prepared the minds of his partizans for the
attempting fome great enterprize.
No fooner were the Irifh landed, tho” not exceeding eleven hundred foot,
very ill armed, than Montrofe declared himfelf, and entered upon that {cene of
action, which has rendered his name fo celebrated. About eight hundred of the
men of Athole flocked to his ftandard. Five hundred men more, who had been
levied by the covenanters, were perfuaded to embrace the royal caufe: And
with this combined force, he haftened toattack Lord Elcho, who- lay at Perth
with an army of 6000 men, affembled upon the firft news of the Infh invafion.
Montrofe, inferior in number, totally unprovided'of horfe, ill fupplied with arms
or ammunition, had nothing to depend on, but the courage, which he himfelf,
by his own example and the rapidity of his enterprizes, fhould infpire into bis
raw foldiers. Having received the fire of the enemy, which was anfwered chietf-
ly with a volley of ftones, at the head of his troops he rufhed amidft them
with
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Chap. IX.
1645.
406 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
with his {word dtawn, threw them into confufion, pufhed his advantage, and
obtained a compleat victory, with the flaughter of two thoufand of the cove:
nanters *,
Tis victory, tho’ it augmented the renown of Montrofe, increafed not his
power nor numbers. ‘The far greater part of the kingdom were extremely at-
tached to the covenant; and fuch as bore an affection to the royal caufe, were ter.
tified at the eftablifhed authority of the oppofite party. Dreading the fuperior
power of Argyle, who, having joined his vaffals to a force levied by the pu-
blic, was approaching with a confiderable army ; Montrofe haftened northwards,
in order to rouze the Marquis of Huntley and the Gordons, who, having hafti-
ly taken arms, had been inftantly fupprefled by the covenanters. He was join:
ed on his march by the gallant Earl of Airly, with his two younger fons, Sir
Thomas and Sir David Ogilvy: The eldeft was, at that time, a prifoner with
the enemy. At Aberdeen, he attacked the Lord Burley, who commanded a
force of 2500 men. After a fharp combat, by his undaunted courage, which,
in his fituation, was true policy, and was alfo not unaccompanied with military
fkill, he put the enemy to flight, and in the purfuit did great execution upon
them +.
Bur by this fecond advantage, he obtained not the end, which he propofed.
The envious nature of Huntley, jealous of Montrofe’s glory, rendered him a-
verfe to join an army, where he himfelf mutt be fo much eclipfed by the fupe
rior merit of the general. Argyle, re-inforced by the Earl of Lothian, was on
his back with a great army: The militia of the northern counties, Murray,
Rofs, Caithnefs, to the number of $000, oppofed him in front, and guard-
ed the banks of the Spey, a deep and rapid river. In order to elude thefe nume-
rous armies, he turned afide into the hills, and faved his weak, but active troops,
in Badenoch. After fome marches and counter-marches, Argyle came up with
him at Faivy-caftle. This Nobleman’s character, tho’ celebrated for political
courage and conduct, was very low for military fkill and prowefs; and he here,
after fome fkirmifhes, in which he was wortted, allowed Montrofe to efcape
him. By quick marches, thro’ thefe inacceffible mountains, that general free’d
himfelf from the fuperior forces of the covenanters.
SUCH was the fituation of Montrofé, that very good or very ill fortune was
equally deftructive to him, and diminithed his army. After every victory, his
foldiers, greedy of fpoil, but efteeming the fmalle{t acquifition to be inexhautt-
ed riches, deferted in great numbers, and went home to fecure the treafures,
which they had acquired. . Tired too, and {pent with hafty and long marches,
inh
* ift of September i744, T 11th of September 1644.
i
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. ar
CH AR L E S$ I. 401
in the depth of winter, thro’ {nowy mountains, unprovided of every neceflary ;
they fell off, and left their general almoft alone with the Irifh, who, having no
place to which they could retire, {till adhered to him in every fortune.
WT thefe, and fome reinforcement of the Athole-men, and Macdonalds
whom he had ‘recalled, ‘Montrofe fell fuddenly upon Argyle’s country, and let
loofe upon it the whole rage of war; driving the cattle, burning the houfes,
and putting ‘the inhabitants to the fword. This feverity, by which Montrofe
fullied his victories, was ‘the refult of private animofity againft the-cheiftain, as
much as -of zeal forthe public caufe. Argyle, collecting three thoufand ‘men,
marched in queft of the enemy, who had retired with their plunder; and he
Jay at Innerlochy, fuppofing himfelf {till at a confiderable diftance from them.
The Earl of Seaforth, at the head of the garrifon of Invernefs, who were old
foldiers, joined to s000 new-levied troops of ‘thenorthern-counties, ‘preffed the
royalifts on the other fide, and threatened them with ‘inevitable deftruction. By
a quick and unexpected march, Montrofe haftened to Innerlochy, and prefented
thimfelf in order of battle, before the furprifed, but not afrighted, -covenanters.
Argyle alone, feized with a panic, deferted his army, ‘who {till maintained their
ground, and gave battle to the royalifts. After a vigorous refiftance, they were
defeated, and purfued with great flaughter: And the power of the Campbells (that
is Argyle’s name) being thus broke; the highlanders, who were in general well-af-
fected to the royal caufe, began to join Montrofe’s camp, in great numbers. Sea-
forth’s army diffipated of itfelf, at the very terror of his name. And the Lord
Gordon, eldeft fon to-Huntley, having efcaped from his uncle Argyle, who had
hitherto detained him, now joined Montrofe, with ‘no contemptible number of
his followers, attended by his brother, the Earl of “Aboine.
Tue council at Edinburgh, alarmed at Montrole’s progrefs, began to think oi
a more regular plan of defence, againft an enemy, whofe repeated victories had
rendered him extremely formidable. They fent for Baillie, an officer of reputa-
tion; and.joining him in command with Urrey, who had again inlifted himfelt
among the King’s enemies, they fent them to the field, with a confiderable ar-
my, againit the royalifts. Montrofe, with a detachment of. 800 men, had at-
tacked Dundee, a town extremely zealous for the covenant : And having carried
it by affault, had delivered it up to be plundered by his foldiers; when Baillie and
Urrey, with their, whole force, were unexpectedly upon him. His conduct and
prefence of, mind, in this emergence, appeared confpicuous. Inftantly he called
off his foldiers from plunder, put them in order, fecured his retreat by the moft
{kilful meafures; and having marched fixty miles in the face of an enemy much
Vou. I. bh. ¢.¢ {uperior
Chap. IX.
1645;
2d of Feb,
, =
SS at
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Phapv IX.
OAS:
402 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
iuperior,; without ftopping, or allowing his foldiers the leaft fleep or refrefhment,
1.
ne at
lait feeured himfelf in the mountains.
Baillie and Urrey now divided their troops, in order the better to condug the
war apauift the enemy; who furprifed them, as much by the rapidity of his
marches, as by the boldnefs of his enterprizes. Urrey, at the head of 4000 men,
met fim at Alderne, near Invernefs; and, encouraged by the fuperiority of
axumber (for the covenanters were double the royalifts), attacked him in the pott
which he had chofen. Montrofe, having placed his right wing in very {trong
ground, drew the beft of his forces to the other, and left no main body betwixt
them; a detect which he artfully concealed, by fhowing a few men thro’ the
trees and hedges, with which that ground was covered. .That Urrey might
have no leifure to perceive the ftratagem, he inftantly led his left wing to the
attack ; and, making a furious impreflion upon the covenanters, drove them of
the field, and obtained a compleat victory. In this battle, the valor of young
Napier, fon to the lord of that name, fhone out with fional Juftre.
BAILLIE now advanced, in order to revenge Urrey’s difcomfiture; but, at
Alford, he met himfelf with a like fate *. Montrofe, weak in cavalry, lined
his troops of horfe with infantry; and after putting the enemies horfe to the
rout, fell with united force upon their infantry, which were entirely cut in pie-
ces, tho’ with the lofs of the gallant Lord Gordon on the part of the royalifts..
And having thus prevailed in fo many battles, which his vigor ever rendered as
decifive as they were fuccefsful; he fummons together all his friends and confede-
rates, and prepares himfelf for marching into the fouthern provinces, in order to
put a total period to the power of the covenanters, and diflipate the parliament,
which, with great pomp and folemnity, they had affembled at St. Johniton’s.
WHILE the fire was thus kindled in the north of the’ ifland, it blazed out,
with no lefs fury in the fouth ; and both armies, as foon as the feafon would per:
mit, prepared to take the field, in hopes of bringing their important quarrel to
a quick decifion. The pafling the felf-denying ordinance had been protracted by
fo many debates and intrigues, that the {pring was far advanced before it received
the fanction of both houfes; and by many it was efteemed dangerous, fo near
the time of action, to introduce fo great Innovations into the army. Had not
the punctilious principles of Effex engaged him, amid all the difgufts which he
received, to pay implicit obedience to the parliament ; this alteration had not
been efiected without fome fatal accident : Since, notwithftanding the prompt
refignation of his command, a mutiny was generally apprehended. Fairfax, or,.
more properly fpeaking, Cromwel under his name, introduced, at laft, the sew
modes
¥ ad of July,
ChHbracR: Lf, § I. 403
model into the army, and threw the whole troops into a different fhape. From
the fame men, new regiments and new companies were formed, different officers
appointed, and the whole military force put into fuch hands, as the independents
could entirely rely on. Befide members of parliament who were excluded, ma-
ny officers unwilling to ferve under the new generals, threw up their commifli-
on; and unwarily facilitated the project of putting the army entirely into the
hands of that faction. |
Tuo’ the difcipline of the former parliamentary army was not contemptible, a
more exact plan was introduced, and rigoroufly executed, by thefe new command-
ers.. Valor indeed was very generally diftuled over the one party as well as the o-
ther, during this period: Difcipline too was attained by the forces of the. parlia-
ment: But the perfection of the military art, in concerting the general plans of
action, and the operations of the field, feems ftill, on both fides, to have been, in a
great meafure, wanting. Hiftorians at leaft, perhaps from their own ignorance and
inexperience, have not remarked any thing but a headlong impetuous conduct ;
each party hurrying to a battle, where valor and fortune chiefly determined the
fuccefs. The great ornament of hiftory, during thefe reigns, -are the civil, not
the military tranfactions.
Never furely was a more fingular army aflembled,- than that which was now
fet on foot by the parliament. To the greateft number of the regiments, chap-
lains were not appointed: The officers affumed the {piritual duty, and- united it
with their military functions. In all the intervals of action, they occupied them-
felves in fermons, prayers, exhortations; and the fame emulation, there, attend-
ed them, which, in the field, is fo neceflary to fupport the honor of that pro.
feflion. _Rapturous ecftafies fupplied the place of {tudy and reflection ; and: while
the zealous devotees poured ont their thoughts in unpremeditated harangues, they
miftook that eloquence, which, to their own furprize, as well as that of others,
flowed in upon them, for divine illuminations, and for illapfes of the Holy Spi-
rit. Wherever they lay in quarters, they excluded the minifter from his pul-
pit; and, mounting that dangerous tribunal, conveyed their fentiments to the
audience, with all the authority, which followed their power, their valor, their
military exploits, united to their apparent-zeal and fervor. . The private foldiers;
feized with the fame fpirit, employed their vacant hours in prayer, in perufing
the Holy Scriptures, in ghoftly conferences; where they compared the progrefs
of their fouls in grace, and mutually {timulated each other to farther advances
in the great work of their falvation. When marching to battle, along with
the inftruments of military muficy ithe whole field refounded with pfilms and {pis
ritual fongs, adapted to the oceafion; ‘and each man endeavored to. drown-the
v
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Chap. IX.
1645,-
New model of
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404. HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
fenfe of prefent danger, in the profpect of that crown of glory which was fet bes.
fore him. In fo holy acaufe, wounds were efteemed meritorious; death, mar-
tyrdom; and the hurry and dangers of action, inftead of banifhing their pions
vifions, ferved rather to imprefs their mind more ftrongly with them. During
no period, did human nature wear fo remarkable a form; nor did men’s imagina-
tion ever advance, with more rigorous, but ftill irregular fallies, into thofe my.
{terious regions, pcinted out by religion.
Tue royalifts enleavored to throw a ridicule on this fanaticifm of the parlia-
mentary armies, without being fenfible how much reafon they had to apprehend!
it. The forces, aflembled by the King at Oxford, in the weft, and in other pla-
ces, were equal, if not fuperior, in number, to their adverfaries; but aétuated
by a very different {pirit. That licence, which had been introduced by the de-
fe& of pay, had rien to a prodigious height among them, and rendered them
nore formidable to their friends than to theirenemies. Prince Rupert, négligent
of the people, fonc of the foldiery, had indulged the troops ia very unwarrant-
able liberties : Wilmot, a man of profligate principles, had. promoted the fame
fpirit of diforder: And the licentious Goring, Gerrard, Sir Richard Granville,
now carried it to tke greateft pitch of enormity. In the weft efpecially, where
Goring and Granville commanded, univerfal fpoil and havoc were committed;
and the whole coun:ry was laid wafte by their unbounded rapine. All diftingti-
on of parties beingin a manner dropped; the moft devoted: friends of the church
and monarchy, wifhed there for fuch fuccefs to the parliamentary forces, as might
put an end to thefe oppreflions. The country people, defpoiled: of their whole fub-
{tance, flocked together in feveral places, armed with clubs and ftaves; and tho’
they profeffed an :nmity to the foldiers of both parties, their hatred was in
moft places levelled chiefly againft the royalifts, from whom they had met
with the worft treatment. Many thoufands of thefe tumultuous peafants were:
affembled in differert parts of England; who deftroyed all fuch ftrageling foldi-
ers as they met wita, and much infefted the armies.
Ter difpofition of the forces on both fides, was as follows: Part of the
Scotch army was employed in taking in Pomfret, and other towns in Yorkefhire :
Part of it befreged Carlifle, valiantly defended by Sir Thomas Glenham. Che-
iter, where Biron canmanded, had long been blockaded by Sir William Brereton;
and was reduced to great difficulties. The King, being joined by the Princes,
Rupert and Maurice, lay at Oxford, with a confiderable army of about 14,000
men. Fairfax and Cromwel were pofted at Windfor, with the new modelled ar-
my, of about 22,coo men. Taunton, in the county of Somerfet, defended
by Blake, fuffered « long fiege from Sir Richard Granville, who commanded an
army
Commas RpDL«k § I. 405
army of about 8000 men; and, tho’ the defence had been very obftinate, the
garrifon was reduced to the laft extremity. Goring commanded, in the weit, an
army of nearly the fame: number.
Own opening the campaign, the King formed the project of relieving Chetfter;
Fairfax, that. of relieving Taunton... The King was firlt in motion. When he
advanced to Draiton in Chefhire, Biron met him, and. brought intelligence, that
his approach had raifed the fiege, and that the parliamentary army was drawn off.
Fairfax, having reached Salifbury in his road weftward, received orders from
the committee of both kingdoms, appointed for the management of the war, to
return and. lay fiege to Oxford, now expofed by the King’s abfence. He obey-
ed, after fending Collonel Weldon to the weft,, with a detachment of 4000 mene
On Weldon’s approach, Granville, who imagined that Fairfax with his whole
army was upon him, raifed the fiege, and allowed this pertinacious town, now
half taken and half burned, to receive relief: But the royalifts, being reinfor-
ced with 3000 horfe under Gasiiig again advanced to Taunton, and fhut up, Wel-
don, with his fmall army, in that ruinous city..
Tue King, having effected his purpofe-with regard:to Chefter, returned fouth-
wards; and, in his way, fate down before Leicefter, a garrifon of the parliament-
Having made a breach in the wall, he ftormed the town on all fides; and, after.
a furious affault, the foldiers entered {word in hand, and committed all thofe dif-
orders, to which their natural brutality, enflamed by refiftance,, is fo much ad-
dicted. A great booty was taken and diftributed among them :. Fifteen. hundred
prifoners fell into the King’s hands. This fuceefs, which {truck a great terror
into the parliamentary party, determined Fairfax to.leave Oxford, which he was
beginning to approach; and march towards the King,. with.an intention of of-
fering him battle. The King was advancing towards Oxford, in order to raife
the fiege, which.he apprehended was laid before it; and both armies, ’ere they:
were aware, had advanced within fix. miles of each other... A council of. war.
was Called by. the King, in order to deliberate concerning the meafures which he
fhould purfue. On the one hand, it feemed more prudent to delay. the combat;
because Gerrard, who lay in Wales with 3000 men, might.be. enabled, ina
little time, to join the army; and Goring, it was haped, would foon be mafter
of Taunton, and having put the weft im full fecurity, would: then unite
his forces to thofe of the King, and give him an inconteftable fuperiority
over the enemy. On the other hand, Prince Rupert; whofe boiling-ardor {till
pufhed him on to combat, excited-the impatient humor of the nobility and gentry,.
of which the army was full; and urged the many difficulties under which the.
royalifts labored, and from which nothing but a victory.could relieve them. . The.
refolution
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Chap. IX,
1645.
r4th of June.
Battle of
Nafeby.
406 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
refolution was formed to give battle to Fairfax ; and the royal army immediately
advanced upon him.
Ar Nafeby was fought, with forces nearly equal, this decifive and well-dif-
puted field, betwixt the King and parliament. The main body of the royalifts
was commanded by the King : The right wing, by Prince Rupert: The left, by Sir
Marmaduke Langdale. Fairfax, feconded by Skippon, placed himfelf in the
main body of the oppofite army: Cromwel, in-the right wing: Ireton, Crom-
wel’s fon-in-law, in the left wing. The charge was begun, with his ufual cele.
rity and ufual fuccefs, by Prince Rupert. Tho’ Ireton made {tout refiftance, and
even after he was run thro’ the thigh with a pike, {till maintained the combat,
tll he was taken prifoner; ‘yet was that whole wing broke, and purfued with
precipitate.fury by Rupert: He was even fo inconfiderate as to lofe time in fum-
moning and attacking-the artillery of the parliament, which had been left with
a good guard of infantry. The King ledon his main body, and difplayed, in
this action, all the conduct of a prudent general, and all the valor of a ftout fol:
cier. T'airfax and Skippon encountered him, and well fupported that reputati-
on, which they had acquired. Skippon, being dangeroufly wounded, was de-
fired by Fairfax to leave the field; but declared that he would remain there as long
a; one man maintained his ground. The infantry of the parliament was broke,
and prefled upon by the King; till Fairfax, with great prefence of mind, brought
tp the referve and renewed the combat.. Mean while, Cromwel, having led on
his troops to the attack of Langdale, overbore the force of the royalifts, and by.
his prudence improved that advantage, which he had gained by his valor. Ha-
ving purfued the enemy about a quarter of a mile, and detached fome troops to
prevent their rallying ; he turned back upon the King’s infantry, and threw them
into the utmoft confufion. One regiment alone preferved its order unbroken,
tho’ twice defperately aflailed by Fairfax: And that general, excited by fo ited:
dy a refiftance, ordered Doyley, the captain of his lite-guard, to give them a third
charge in front, while he himfelf attacked them in rear. The regiment was
broke. | Fairfax, with his own hands, killed an enfign, and, having feized the
colours, gave them to a foldier to keep for him. The foldier afterwards boafting
that he had won this fpoil, was reproved by Doyley, who had feen the action:
Let him retain that honor, faid Fairfax, I bave to day acquired enough befide.
Prince Rupert, fenfible too late of his error, left the fruitlefs attack on
the enemy’s artillery, and joined the King, whofe infantry was now totally dif-
comfited. Charles exhorted this body of ‘cavalry not to defpair, and cried aloud
to them, One charge more and we recover the day. But the difadvantages, under
which they labored, were too evident ; and they could by no means be induced
to
@inscATRaALAB $ I. 407
to renew the combat. - Charles was. obliged to quit the field, and leave: the vi-
ctory to the enemy.: The flain, on the fide of »the parliament, exceeded thofe
on the fide of the King: » They loft a thoufand men; he sot above eight hun-
dred. But Fairfax made prifoners;» soo officers; 4000. private men: Took
all the King’s artillery and ammunition, and totally diflipated -his infantry: So
that {carce any victory could be more compleat, ‘than that which hé obtaincd.
AMONG the other {poils, was feized the King’s cabinet, with the copies 0; his
letters to the Queen, which the parliament aftérwards ordered to bé publifhed.
They chofe, no doubt, fuch of themas they thought would reflect moft difho-
nor upon him: Yet upon the whole, the letters are wrote with great delicacy
and tendernefs, and give a very advantageous idea both of the King’s genius and
morals. A mighty fondnefs, ’tis true, and attachment, he expreffes to his con-
fort, and often profeffes that he never would embrace meafures, difagreeable to
her: But fuch declarations of civility and confidence, are not always to be tiken
in a literal fenfe. And fo legitimate an affection, avowed by the laws of God and
man, may, perhaps, be excufable towards a woman of beauty and fpirit, even
tho’ fhe was a papitt.
Tue Athenians, having intercepted a letter wrote by their enemy, Philip of
Macedon, to his wife Olympia; fo far from being moved by a curiofity of prying
into the fecrets of that alliance; immediately fent the letter tothe Queen unopen-
ed, Philip was not their fovereign; nor were they enflamed with that violent
animofity again{t him, ‘which attends all civil commotions.
AFTER the battle, the King retreated with that body of horfe, which re-
mained intire, firftto Hereford, then to Abergavenny; and remained fome-ime
in Wales, from the vain hope of raifing a body of infantry in thofe harraffed and
exhaufted quarters. Fairfax, having’ firlt re-taken Leicefter, which was fur-
rendered upon articles, began to deliberate concerning his future enterprizes. A
letter was brought him, wrote by Goring tothe King, and unfortunately entnift-
ed to a {py of Fairfax. Goring informed the King, that, in three weeks time,
he hoped to be maiter‘of Taunton; after which he would join his Majetty with
all the forces of the weft; and entreated him, in the mean while, to avoid co-
ming to any action with the enemy. This letter, which, had it been fafely de-
livered, had probably prevented the fatal battle of Nafeby, ferved now to dire@
the councils of Fairfax. After leaving a body of 3000 men to Pointz and Kof-
feter, with orders to atténd the King’s motions, he marched immediately to the
weft, with a view of faving Taunton and fupprefling ‘the only confiderable force
which now remained to the royalifts..
jr
2
Chap, 1X,
1645.
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: | O45.
roth of July.
ath of Sept.
| at | Surrender of
pat Briftol.
24th of Sept.
yoS HISTORY of GREAT BRITAIN,
In the beginning of the campaign, Charles, apprehenfive of the event, had
fent the Prince of Wales, now fifteen years of age, to the.weft, with the title
of general, and had given orders, if he was prefled by the enemy, that he thould
make his efcape into a foreign country, and fave one part of the royal family
from the violence of the parliament. Prince Rupert had thrown himfelf into
Briftol, with an intention of defending that important city. Goring command,
ed the army before Taunton. _
Own Fairfax’s approach, the fiege of Taunton was raifed ; and the royaliftsre- .
tired to Lamport, an open town in the county of Somerfet. Fairfax attacked them
in that poft, beat them from it, killed about 300 men, and took 1400 prifoners.
After this advantage, he fat down before Bridgewater, a town efteemed ftrong,
and of great confequence in that country. Having entered the outer town by
ftorm} Windham the governor, who had retired into the inner, unmediately ca-
pitulated, and delivered the place to Fairfax. The garrifon, to the number of
2600, were made prifoners.of war.
Havine taken Bath and Sherborne, Fairfax refolved to fit down before Bri-
ftol; and made great preparations for an enterprize, which, from the ftrength of the
garrifon, and the reputation’ of Prince Rupert, the governor, was efteemed of
the laft importance. But, fo precarious in moft men is this quality. of military
courage! a poorer defence was not made by any town, during this whole war:
And the general expectation was here extremely difappointed. No fooner had
the parliamentary forces entered the lines by {torm, than the Prince capitulated,
and délivered up the city to Fairfax. A few days before, he had wrote.a letter
to the King, in which he undertook to defend the city for four months, if no
mutiny enforced him to furrender tt. Charles, who was forming fchemes, and
collecting forces, for the relief of Brittol, was aftonifhed at fo unexpected an event,
which was little lefs fatal to his party than the defeat at Nafeby.. Full of indigna-
tion, he inftantly recalled all Prince Rupert’s commiflions, and fent him a pafs to
go beyond feas.
Tue King’s affairs now went fait to ruin in all quarters. Cazriifle, after an
obftinate fiege; being furrendered* to the Scotch, they marched fouthwards,
and laid fiege to Hereford; but were obliged to raife it on the King’s approach :
And this was the laft glimpfe of fuccefs, which attended his arms. Having
marched to the relief of Chefter, which was.a-new befieged by the parliamentary
forces under Collonel Jones; Pointz attacked his rear, and enforced him to give
battle. While the fight was engaged with great obitinacy, and victory feemed
to incline to the royalifts ; Jones fell upon them from the other fide, and put them
to
* 28th of June.
a 2) SRN es
~~. es : . eT +BAC 7% ok & ied Seu diadls Sabie xe 8 er eye
SAA oR ee, a Ss & 200
to rout, with the lofs of 600 flain and 1000 prifoners. The King, with the
remains of his broken army, fled to Newark, and from thence efcaped into Ox-
ford, where he fhut up himfelf during the winter feafon.
Tue news, which he received from all fides, were no lefs fatal than thofe e-
vents, which paffled, where he himfelf was prefent. Fairfax and Cromwel, af-
cer the furrender of Briftol, having divided their forces, the former marched
weftwards, in order to compleat the conqueft of Devonfhire and Cornwal; the
latter attacked the King’s garrifons which lay to the eaft of Briftol. The De-
vizes were furrendered to Cromwel; Berkeley caftle was taken by ftorm; Win-
chefter capitulated; Bafing-houfe was entered fword in hand: And all thefe
middie counties of England were, in a little time, reduced to obedience under the
“parliament.
Tne fame rapid and uninterrupted fuccefs attended Fairfax. The parliamentary
forces, elevated by paft victories, governed by the moft rigid difcipline, met
with no equal contraft from troops, difmayed by repeated defeats, and corrupt>
ed by licentious manners. Having beaten up the quarters of the royalifts at
Bovey-Tracy, Fairfax fat down before Dartmouth, and in a few days entered it
by ftorm. Poudram caftle being taken, and Exeter blockaded on all fides ;
Hopton, a man of merit, who now commanded the royalifts, having advanced
to its relief with an army of 8000 men, met with the parliamentary army at
Torrington; where he was deteated, all his foot {cattered, and he himfelf with
his horfe obliged to retire into Cornwall. Fairfax followed him, and vigorouily
purfued the victory. Having inclofed the royaliits at Truro, he forced the whole
army, confifting of ooo men, chiefly cavalry, to furrender upon terms. The
foldiers, delivering up their horfes and arms, were allowed to difband, and recei-
ved twenty fhillings a-piece, to carry them to their homes. Such of the officers,
as defired it, had paffes to retire beyond feas The others, having promifed never
more to bear arms, payed compofitions to the parliament *, and procured their
pardon. And thus Fairfax, after taking Exeter, which compleated the conquett
of the weft, marched, with his victorious army, to the centre of the kingdom,
and fixed his camp at Newbury. The Prince of Wales, in purfuance of the
King’s orders, retired to Scilly, then to Jerfey; from whence he went to Paris;
where he joined the Queen, who had fled thither from Exeter, at the time the
Earl of Effex conducted the parliamentary army to the weit.
VoLides FR ff Ix
* Thefe compofitions were different, according to the demerits of the perfon: But by a vote
of the houfe they could not be under two years rent, of the delinquent’s eftate. Journ. tith of
Auguft 1648.
et? + a, vis be
Chap. IX,
1646.
1646.
The weft con-
quered by
Fairfax.
18th of Jan.
19th Feb.
A1O HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN,
>
In the other parts of England, Hereford was taken by furprize: Chefter fin:
rendered: Lord Digby, who had attempted, with 1200 ho-fe, to break into
Scotland and join Montrofe, was defeated at Sherburn, in Yorkefhire, by Collo.
nel Copley; his whole forces feattered, and he himfelf obliged to fly, fir to
the ile of Man, and thence into Ireland. News too arrived that Montrofe hinn
felf, after fome more fucceffes, was at laft routed; and this only remaining hope
of the royal party finally extinguithed.
WueEN Montrofe defcended into the fouthern countics, the covenanters, af.
fembling their whole forces, met him with a numerous army and gave him battle,
but without fuccefs, at Kilfyth *. This was. the moft compleat victory which
Montrofe ever obtained. The royalifts put to fword fix thoufand of their ene-
mies, and left the covenanters no remains of any army in Scotland. The whole
kingdom was fhook with thefe repeated fuccefles; and many noblemen, who.
fecretly favored the royal caufe, now declarer openly for it, when they faw a.
force able to fupport them. The Marquis of Douglafs, the Earls of Annandale
and Hertfield, the Lords, Fleming, Seton, Maderty, Carnegy, with many o-
thers, flocked to the royal ftandard. Edinburgh opened its gates, and gave li-
berty to all the prifoners, which were there detained by the covenanters. A-
mong the reft, was the Lord Ogilvy, fon to Airly, whofe family had contributed
extremely to the victory, obtained at Kalfyth.
Davip Lesty was detached from the army in England, and marched to the
relief of his diftreffed party in Scotland, Montrofe advanced {till farther to the
fouth, allured by vain hopes, both of rouzing to arms the Earls of Hume, Tra-
quaire, and Roxborough, who had promifed to join him ; and of obtaining from
England fome fupply of cavalry, of which he ftood in great need. By the ne-
gligence of his feouts, at Philip-Haugh in Tweddale, Lefly furprized_ his army,
much diminifhed in numbers, by the defertion of the Highlanders, who had re
tired to the hills, according to cuitom, in order to put their plunder in fecurity.
After a fharp fight, where Montrofe: exerted the moft heroic valor, his forces
were routed by Lefly’s cavalry+. And he himfelf obliged, with his broken
forces, to fly into the mountains; where he again prepared: himfelf for new
battles and new enterprizes.
THe covenanters ufed the victory with great rigor. Their prifoners, Sir
Robert Spottifwood, fecretary of {tate, and fon to the late primate, Sir Philip
Nifbet, Sir William Kollo, Collonel Nathaniel Gordon, Andrew Guthry, fon
to the bifhop of Murray, William Murray, fon to the Earl of Tullibardine,
were condemned and executed. The fole crime, imputed to the fecretary, was.
the
* 15th of Auguft 1645. t 13th of Sept, 164¢,
Rea ee ee _& ~ een sr Ur ee
Ca tir AgRi& Bs » 4. Art
the delivering to Montrofe the King’s commiflion to be captain-general of Scot-
land. Lord Ogilvy, who was again taken prifoner, would have undergone the
fame fate, had net his fitter found means to procure his efcape, by changing
cloaths with him. . For this inftance of courage and dexterity, fhe met with very
harfh ufage. The clergy follicited the parliament that more royalifts might be
executed ; but could not obtain their requeft *.
Arter all thefe repeated difafters, which, every where, ‘befell the royal par~
ty, there.remained only one body of troops, on which fortune could exercife
her rigor. Lord Aftley with a fmall army of 3000 men, chiefly .cavalry, march-
ing to Oxforc, inorder to join the King, was met .at Stowe by Collonel Mor-
gan, and utterly defeated ; himfelf being taken prifoner. ‘‘ You have done your
“ work’, faid Aftley to the parliamentary officers ; ** and may now go to play,
¢ ynlefs you choofe to fall out among yourfelves.”’
Tux condition of the King, during this whole winter, was, to the aft de-
eree, difaitraus and melancholy. As the dread of ills is commonly more oppref-
five than thar real prefence, .perhaps in no period .of his life was he more
juftly the object of compaflion. His.vigor of mind, which, tho’ it fometimes
failed him inacting, never.deferted him in his fufferings, was what alone fupport-
ed him; .and he was determined, as he wrote.to Lord Digby, .if he could not
live asaking, to.die like.a gentleman; nor fhould any of his friends, he faid,
ever have refon te blufh for the prince, whom they had fo unfortunately fer-
yed +. The murmurs of difcontented officers, on the-one hand, harraffed their
unhappy fovereign; while they over-rated thofe fervices and fufferings, which,
they. now faw, muft, for ever, be unrewarded: The affectionate duty, on the
other hand, of his more generous friends, who refpected his misfortunes and his
virtues, as much as his dignity, muft have wrung his heart with new forrow 3
when he refle@ted, that fuch difinterefted atrachment would fo foon be expofed
to the-rigor.of his implacable enemies. Repeated attempts, which he made for
a peaceful ard equitable accommodation with the parliament, ferved to no
‘purpofe, bit .to convince them that the victory was intirely in their
hands. To feveral of his meffages, in which he defired a paffport for commil-
fioners, they deigned not to make the leaft reply. At laft, after reproaching
him with the blood which was fhed during the war, they told him, that. they
were prepariig bills for him, and his pafling them would be the bet pledge of
his inclination towards peace: In other words, he muft yield at difcretion. He
defired a perfonal treaty, and offered to come to London, upon a fafe conduct
for himfelf and his attendants: They abfolutely refufed him accefs, and iffued
| Pfi 2 orders
* Guthry’s Memoirs. + Carte’s Ormond, vol. ili, No 433.
Chap IX.
1646.
22d.0f March:
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Chap. IX.
1646,
412 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN,
orders for the guarding, that is, feizing, his perfon, in cafe he fhould attempt
to vilit them. A new accident, which happened in Ireland, ferved to inflame the
minds of men, and to increafe thofe calumnies, with which his enemies had fo
much loaded him, and which he ever regarded as the moft grievous part of his
misfortunes.
AFTER the ceffation with the Irifh rebels, the-King was defirous of conch.
ding a final peace with them, and obtaining their afliftance in England: And he
gave authority to Ormond, Lord lieutenant, to promife them an abrogation of
all the penal laws, enacted againft catholics; along with the fufpenfion. of Poia-
ing’s ftatute, with regard to fome particular bills, which fhould be agreed on.
Lord Herbert, created Earl of Glamorgan, (tho” his patent had not yet patled
the feals) having occafien for his private affairs to go to Ireland, the King con-
fidered that this Nobleman, being a catholic and allied to the beft Irith fami-
lies, might be of fervice; and he accordingly defired him to promote, by
his good offices, the negotiation, which was then on foot with the rebels. Gla-
morgan, bigotted for his religion, and paflionate for the King’s fervice, but
guided, in thefe purfuits, by no manner of judgment or difcretion, fecretly,
of himfelf, without any communication with Ormond, concluded a peace with
the council of Kilkenny, and agreed in the King’s name, that the Irifh thould
enjoy all the churches, which they had ever been jn poffeflion of, fince the com-
mencenient of their infurrection; on condition that they fhould affift the King
with a body of ten thoufand men. As foon as this tranfaction was divulged, Or-
mond, who was well affured, that the King had never cenfented to a treaty, by
which the catholic was, in a manner, made the eftablithed religion of Ireland,
immediately threw Glamorgan into prifon, and charged him with high treafon
on account of his temerity. The King difowned the giving him any authority
for this pacification ; and fent to the parliament an account of the whole matter.
The prejudices which prevailed againft him, made his relation meet with no man-
mer of credit with the parliament or their partizans. And to this day, his vera-
city in this point is, by fome hiftorians, very much called in queftion *.
Havine
* Ft feems to me, that Glamorgan’s commiffion: was either forged: or furreptitions, or that it was
limited by fecret inftractions, which he did not regard: But the fuppofition of its forgery is by far
the moft probable. ‘To form.a perfect judgment of this queftion requires the perufal of feveral ori-
ginal papers, befide what are to be found in Rufhworth, particularly many letters in the third vo-
sme of Carte’s lifeof Ormond. Perhaps, the following hints may be of ufeto the reader, who
would go to the bottom of this affair, which, at firt yiew, feems more intricate than it real-
ly is.
kh. It:
ee
a i =a _ #uaes4eae 03.085 Bk en a a le
Ci Me Ar Re BoE dS «bk 413
Havine loftall hope of prevailing over the rigor of the parliament, either by
arms or by treaty, the only refource, which remained to the King, confifted in the
inteftine diffenfions, which ran very high amongft the parties. Prefbytcrians and
independents,
1. It was known to the King, that Glamorgan had very little fenfe; and he informs Ormond.
of it, and puts him on his guard in this particular, Carte vol. it. appendix 13. Is it conceivable,
that he entrufted fo delicate a tranfaction to him, intirely independent of Ormond? 2, Glamorgan
was zealous for the King, very zealous for his religion: ‘This treaty, to a man of {mall underitand-
ing, might feem to ferve both. 3. He was a man of fo little probity or fo great levity, that his
forgeries, in other inftances, are palpable and avowed. In order to render himfelf confiderable
among the Irith, he fhowed them a paper, pretended to be figned by the King, where Charles
promifes his daughter to his eldeft fon, gives him the right of coinage, endows him with the power
in England as well as Ireland, of making nobility and beftowing any title below a duke,. of na-
ming one of the fecretaries of ftate, two of the privy council, and the attorney or follicitor-general,
He forged alfo a letter from the King to the Pope; and the forgery was fo palpable, that the Nun-
cio refufed to accept the letter.. Is any credit to be paid to fuch. a man’s affeverations? Or even a-
ny attention given them? 4. The letter, which he produced, had many internal marks of forgery.
it bears to be fealed with the privy fignet ; yet it was not fealed at all: He is called in it Gla-
morgan, not Herbert; tho’ he never bore the former title at Oxford, becaufe his patent had
not paffed the feals: It is not counterfigned by any feeretary, nor written in the ufual ftyle of fuch
warrants, nor does it refer to any inftructions. 5. Ormond was Lord lieutenant, and greatly and
defervedly trufted by the King : Would the King have difgraced himfelf and affronted fo great and
good a fubjea, by conducting a negotiation in Ireland ‘by a canal, unknown to him? 6, The
King, in 31 of July 1645, after the battle of Nafeby, being reduced to great ftraits, writes earneft-
ly to Ormond to conclude a peace vpon certain conditions mentioned, and to come over himfelf
with all the Irifh he could procure. See Carte vol. 3. No 400. This were a great. abfurdity, if
he had already fixed a different canal, by which, on very different conditions, he propofed to efta-
blifh a peace. 7. In Oétober the 22. as his diftrefles multiply, he fomewhat enlarges the conditi-
ens. A new abfurdity. See Carte vol. iii. No 411. 8. Ormond had told the King,.that too large
conceffions to the catholics would be oppofed by the Irith council, who might throw themfelves in-
to the hands of the Englifh parliament and oppofe the tranfportation of the Irifh auxiliaries. See
Carte vol. iii. No 410. What abfurdity, then, of granting conditions, which both the council
and Ormond mutt oppofe, and-muft of courfe be ineffectual to the end propofed. g. By the King’s
tetter to Ormond, on the 2d of December fee No 414, ‘tis plain he knew nothing of Glamorgan’s
peace: Yet thatis three months after it was concluded. A plainimpoffibility! 10. Lord Digby,
is evident, knew nothing of Glamorgan’s commifiion, tho’ the King’s fecretary, and at Oxford, when:
it is pretended to be granted: How durft he otherways have arrefted Glamorgan for acting in obe-
dience to it? But is it probable, that it could be a fecret to Digby? 11..Ormond. and Digby,
without faying to inform the King or waiting his orders, immediately arrefted Glamorgan, and
were perfeétly affared that Charles was incapable of giving fuch feandalous orders. Nothing can
do greater honor to the King, nor more fully. prove his innocence. | 12. The King’s pofitive denial,
poth in public, and in all his private letters to Ormond and Digby, muft be admitted by every
ene, but the moft bigotted enemies to this Prince, to be of great weight. 13. Glamorgan forged
plaialy
Chap. IX.
1646,
——e aes A
Chap. IX.
1646.
414 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
independents, even before their victory was fully compleated, fell into high con.
tefts about the divifion of the fpoil, and their religious as well as civil difputes,
agitated the whole nation.
THE
‘plainly thefe words, of fo great confequence (Or his pleafure known), which he inferted into the co.
py of the peace, which he gave into the Irifh council. I ftill repeat the queftion: Was he not
equally capable of another forgery? -14. But what plainly acquits the King, is, that after all the
articles of peace were concluded by Glamorgan, that Nobleman privately added a defeazance in
thefe terms. ‘‘ The Earl of Glamorgan does no way intend hereby to oblige his Majefty other
“* than he himfelf fhall pleafe, after he has received thefe 10,000 men, as a pledge and teftimony
“ of the faid Roman catholics’ loyalty and fidelity to his Majefty; yet he promifes faithfully, Up
** on his word and honor, not to acquaint his Majefty with this defeazance, till he had endeayor. ’
«ed, as far as in him lay, to induce his Majefty to the granting of the particulars in the faid
“ articles: But that done, the faid commiffioners difcharge the faid Earl of Glamorgan, both ig»
‘* honor and confcience, of any farther engagement to them therein; tho’ his Majefty fhould not
«© be pleafed.to grant the faid particulars in the articles mentioned; the-faid Earl having given
‘* them aflurance, upon his word, honor, and voluntary oath, that he would never, to any perfon
‘© whatfoever, difcover this defeazance in the interim without their confents.” Here was a treaty
and no treaty ; and no clearer proof can be produced, that Glamorgan was confcious, that he acted
without powers. The queftion is only, why the Irifh accepted of atreaty which bound no body. They
probably hoped that the King would be more-eafily induced to ratify a treaty, which was concluded,
than to confent to its conclufion. 15. Even after the King was prifoner, Ormond made peace on
eafier terms. A proof, that the Irifh were at laft fatisfied, that Glamorgan wanted authority,
16, When Lord Digby’s papers were taken, after his defeat, the parliament took care to publith
every thing, which, ‘by any means, could throw a reflection on the King ; but they took care to
fupprefs whatever could redound to his praife. Among the reft was a letter, wrote by Digby to the
Trifh council of Kilkenny, and which Dr. Nalfon found afterwards in the paper-office. ‘ Jam
«* commanded by his Majefty to declare to you, that, were the condition of his affairs much more
«¢ defperate than it is, he would never redeem them, by any conceflion of fo much wrong both
“© to his Honor and Confcience: It is for the defence of his religion principally, that he-hath under
‘* gone the extremities of war here, and he will never redeem his crown by facrificing it there.——
«* Tf nothing will content you but what muft wound his honor and con{cience, you mult expeét,
‘¢ that how low foever his condition is, and how deteftable foever the rebels of this kingdom are
* to him; he willin that point join with them, the Scotch, or any of the proteftant profefiion, ra-
‘¢ ther than do the leaft act, that may hazard that religion, in which and for which he will live
‘« and die.” The King’s fentiments are fofficiently exprefied in this letter. See Carte vol. iii.
No 402.
It is ridiculous to allege, that Glamorgan was not punifhed, as-a proof that he had‘had:a.come
mifion. His father, the Marquis of Worcefter, had deferved as well of the King as any fubje&
in hisdominions : And was this a time for the King’s punifhing his friends for imprudent fervices;
when he was opprefled and -borne down by the violence of his open, and implacable ene-
mies ?
Ta” =) | eee - (Amara ies es s
Cee ywAS RSL. 8 a 415
Te parliament, tho’ they had very early abolifhed epifcopal authority, had
not, for a long time, fubftituted any other in its place; and their committees
of religion had hitherto aflumed the whole ecclefiaftical jurifdicion: But, by
an ordinance, they now eftablifhed the prefbyterian government in all its forms
of congregational, claffical, provincial, and national affemblies.. The whole in-
habitants of each parifh were ordered: to meet and choofe elders, on whom, a-
long with the minifter, was beftowed the intire diretion of all fpiritual con-
cers within the congregation. A number of neighboring parifhes, commonly
betwixt twelve and twenty, formed a claffis; and the court, which governed
this divifion, was compofed of all the minifters, along with two, three, or four
elders chofen from each parifh. The provincial affembly retained an infpeétion
over feveral neighboring clafles, and was compofed intirely of clergymen: The
national affembly was conftituted.in the fame manner; and its authority extend-
ed over the whole kingdom. ’Tis probable, that the tyranny exercifed by the
Scotch clergy, had given warning not to allow laymen a place in the provincial
or national affemblies; left the nobility and more confiderable gentry, follici-
ting a feat in thefe great ecclefiaftical courts, fhould beftow a confideration upon
them, and render them, in the eyes of the bigotted multitude, a rival to the
parliament. In the inferior courts, the intermixture of the laity might ferve ra-
ther to temper the zeal of the clergy.
Bur tho’ the prefbyterians, by the eftablifiment of parity among the eccle-
fiaftics, were fo far. gratified, they were denied fatisfaction in feveral other points,
on which they were extremely intent. The affembly of divines had voted pret:
bytery to be of divine right: The parliament refufed their affent.to any fuch de:
cifion. Selden, Whitelocke, and other political reafoners, aflifted by the inde-
pendents, had prevailed.in this important deliberation.. They thought, that had
the bigotted religionifts been able to get their heavenly charter recognized, the
prefbyters would foon become more dangerous to the magiftrate than had ever
been the prelatical clergy. Thefe latter, while they claimed to themfelves a di-
vine right, admitted of a like origin to civil-authority: ‘The former, attribu-
ting to their own-order a celeftial: pedigree, derived the legiflative power from
no more dignified a fource than the voluntary affociatien of the people.
Unper color.of keeping the facraments from profanation, the clergy of all
chriftian fects had affumed, what they call the power of the keys, or the right
of fulminating excommunication; and this pretext.is fo natural, that in moft o--
ther religions, particularly that of the Druids, alike engine of prieftly authori-
ty has been employed. The example of Scotland was fufficient warning for the
parliament to make provifion againit fo feverea tyranny. By an ordinance, they
determined
Chap, IX
1646,
Ecclefiaftical
affairs.
ae
a ees ae 4
a oo
Chap. is
1646,
=
$
416 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
determined all the cafes, in which excommunication could be ufed. They al.
lowed of appeals to the parliament from all ecclefiaftical courts. And they ap.
pointed commiflioners in each province to judge of fuch cafes as fell not within
their ordinance. So much civil authority, intermingled with the ecclefiaftical,
gave difpuit to all the zealots.
But nothing was attended with more univerfal fcandal than the propenfity of
many in the parliament towards a toleration of the proteftant fectaries. The
prefbyterians exclaimed, that this indulgence made the church of Chrift refemble
Noah’s ark, and rendered it a receptacle for all unclean beafts. They infifted,
that the leaft of Chrift’s truths was fuperior to all political confiderations. They
maintained the eternal obligation of their covenant to extirpate herefy and fchifm,
And they menaced all their opponents with the fame rigid perfecution, of which
they had, themfelves, fo loudly complained, when held in fubjection by the hie-
rarchy.
So great prudence and referve, in fuch material points, does great honor to
the parliament; and proves, that, notwithitanding the prevalence of bigotry
and fanaticifm, there wanted not members, who had more enlarged views, and
payed regard to the civil interefts of fociety. Thefe men, uniting themfelves to
the enthufiafts, whofe genius is naturally averfe to clerical ufurpations, ,retam-
ed {fo jealous an authority over the affembly of divines, that they allowed them
nothing but the liberty of tendering advice, and would not entruft them even
with the power of electing their own chairman or his fub{titute, or of {upplying
the vacancies of their own members. ,
Wutte the difputes were canvafled by theologians, who engaged in their fpi-
ritual contefts every order of the ftate; the King, tho he entertained hopes of
reaping advantage from thefe divifions, was much at a lofs what fide it would be
moft for his intereft to comply with. The prefbyterians were, by their prina-
ples, the leaft averfe to regal authority; but were rigidly bent on the eXtirpation
of the prelates: © The independents were refolute to lay the foundations of a re-
publican government; but as they pretended not to erect themfelves into a nati-
onal church, it might be hoped, that, if gratified with a toleration, they, would
admit the re-eftablifhment of the hierarchy. So great attachment had the King
to epifcopal jurifdiction, that he was ever inclined to put it in ballance even with
his own power and kingly office.
Bur whatever advantage he might propofe to reap from the divifions of the par-
liamentary party, he was apprehenfive, that it would come too late, to fave him
from that deftruCtion with which he was inftantly threatened. Fairfax was ap-
proiching with a powerful and viétorious army, and was taking all meafures for
Jaying
ra see 4 . ghoeatasuaiesain
'
ec HiA RL EF
S I, 417
faying fiege to Oxford, which muft infallibly fall into his hands. ‘To te taken
captive and led in triumph by his infolent enemies, was what Charles jultly ab-
horred; and every infult, if not violence, was to be dreaded, from that enthu-
fiaftic foldiery, who hated his perfon, and defpifed his dignity. In this cefperate
extremity, he embraced a meafure, which, in any other fituation, mugit juttly
lye under the imputation of imprudence and indifcretion.. |
‘Monrrevritz, the French minifter, interefted for the King more by the
natural fentiments of humanity, than any inftructions from his court, which
feemed rather to favor the parliament, had follicited the Scotch generals and com-
miflioners, to give protection to their diftrefled fovereign; and having met
with many general profeflions and promifes, he had always tranfmitted thefe,
perhaps with fome exaggeration, to the King. From his fuggeftions, Charles
began to entertain thoughts of leaving Oxford, and flying to the Scotch army,
which at that time lay before Newark. He confidered that the Scotch nation
had been fully gratified in all their demands; and having already, in their own
country, annihilated both epifcopacy and regal authority, had no farther concef-
fions to exact of him. In all difputes, which had paffed about fettling tie terms
of peace, the Scotch, he heard, had {till adhered to the milder fide, and had
endeavored to foften the rigor of the Englifh parliament. Great difgufttoo, on
other accounts, had taken place betwixe the nations; and the Scotei found,
that, im proportion as their affiftance became lefs neceflary, lefs valuewas put
upon them. The progrefs of the independents gave them great alarm; and they
were fcandalized to hear their beloved covenant fpoken of, every day, with lets
regard and reverence. The refufal of a divine right to prefbytery, and the in-
fringing ecclefiaftical difcipline from political confiderations, were, to them,
the fubje& of much offence; and the King hoped, ‘that, in their prefeat: difpo-
fition, the fight of their native prince, flying to them in this extremity of di-
{trefs, would rouze every fpark of generofity in their bofom, and promre him
their favor and protection. |
In order to conceal his intention, orders were given at every gate in Oxford,
for allowing three perfons to pafs; and in the night, the King, accompanied only
with: Dr. Hudfon and Mr. Athburnham, went out at that gate, which leads to
London. He rode before a portmanteau, and called himfelf Adhburnhun’s fer-
vant. He paffed thro’ St. Albans, Henley, and came fo near London as Harrow
on the Hill. He oncéentertained feme thoughts of entering into that dty, and
of throwing himfelf on the mercy of the parliament. But at lait, ifter paf-
fing thro’ many crofs roads, he arrived at the Scotch camp before Newark. The
Vou. I. | Gee paliament,
Chap. IX.
1646,
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418 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN,
Chap. 1X. parliament, hearing of his efcape from Oxford, iffued rigorous orders, and
1040. ‘threatened with inftant death, whoever fhould harbor or conceal him.
King goes tO. §=—6--. [_' & Scotch generals and commiffioners affected great furprize at the appear-
rai ta cae ance of the King: And tho’ they payed him all the exterior re{pect due to his dig-
ark, nity, yet they inftantly put a guard upon him, under color of protection; and
made him in reality a prifoner. They informed the Einglith parliament of this
unexpected accident, and affured them, that they had entered into no private
treaty with the King. They applied to him for orders to Bellafis, governor of
Newark, to furrender his town, now reduced to extremity ; and the orders
were inftantly obeyed. And hearing that the parliament laid claim to the en.
tire difpofal of the King’s perfon, and that the Englifh army were making fome
motions towards them ; they thought proper to retire northwards, and fixed their
camp at Newcattle.
Tx1s meafure was very agreeable to the King; and he began to entertain
hopes of protection from the Scotch. He was particularly attentive to the be-
havior of their preachers, on whom all depended. It was the mode of that age
to make the pulpit the feene of news; and on every great event, the whole
Scripture was ranfacked by the clergy, for paffages applicable to the prefent occa-
fion. The firft minifter who preached before the King, chofe thefe words for
his text. *¢ And behold all the men of Ifrael came to the king, and faid
‘unto him, Why have our brethren, the men of Judah, ftolen thee away, and
** have brought the king and his houfhold, and all David’s men with him, over
** Jordan. And all the men of Judah anfwered the men of Ifrael, Becaufe the
** king is near of kin to us; wherefore then be ye angry for this matter? Have
‘“ we eaten at all of the king’s coft? or hath he given us any gift? And the men
‘‘ of Ifrael anfwered the men of Judah, and faid, we have ten parts in the king,
‘“ and we have alfo more right in David than ye: Why then did ye defpife us,
** that our advice fhould not be firft had in bringing back our king? And the
‘‘ words of the men of Judah were fiercer than the words of the men of Ifrael*,
But the King foon found, that the happinefs of the allufion chiefly had tempted
the preacher to employ this text, and that the covenanting zealots were no way
pacified towards him. | Another preacher, after infolently reproaching him to his
face, with his mifgovernment, ordered this pfalm to be fung ;
Why doft thou, tyrant, boaf thyfelf
Thy wicked deeds to praife :
The
* II, Sam, chap, xix, 41, 42, and 43 verfes. See Clar. vol, iii, p. 18,
st. | Ee . Samet a2 ab Rieke ee are Per Te ae
CrHrAcR WE S§ I. AIQ
The King ftood up, and called for that pfalm which begins with thefe words,
Have mercy, Lord, on me, I pray;
For men would me devour:
The good-natured audience, in pity to fallen majefty, fhowed, for once, great-
er deference to the King than to the minifter, and fung the pfalm which the for-
mer had called for F. |
Cuar.es had very little reafon to be pleafed with his fituation. Not only he
found himfelf a prifoner, very narrowly guarded : All his friends were keeped at
a diftance; and no intercourfe, either by letters or converfation, was allowed
him with any one, on whom he could depend, or who was fufpected of any at-
tachment to him. The Scotch generals would enter into no confidence with
him; and ftill treated him with diftant ceremony and feigned refpect. And e-
very propofal, which they made him, tended farther to his abafement and his
ruin.
Tuey required him to iffue orders to Oxford, and all his other garrifons, com-
manding their furrender to the parliament : And the King, fenfible that their
refiftance was to very little purpofe, willingly complied. The terms which were
given to moft of them, were honorable; and Fairfax, as far as lay in his power,
was very exact in obferving them. Far from allowing violence; he would not
even permit infults or triumph over the unfortunate royalifts; and by his gene-
rous humanity, fo cruel a civil war ended, in appearance, very calmly, betwixt
the parties.
Oxmonp having received like orders, delivered Dublin, and other forts, into
the hands of the parliamentary officers. Montrofe too, after having expericn-
ced {till more variety of good and bad fortune, threw down his arms, and reti-
red into foreign countries.
Tue Marquis of Worcefter, a man paft eighty four, was the laft in the king-
dom, who fubmitted to the authority of the parliament. He defended Raglan
caftle to extremity ; and opened not its gates till the middle of Auguft. Four
years, a few days excepted, were now elapfed, fince the King firft erected his
ftandard at Nottingham. So long had the Britifh nations been occupied in fhed-
ding the blood of their fellow-citizens, and laying wafte their mother-countty,
by their civil and religious quarrels !
+ Whitelock, page 235.
Chap. IX.
16046,
Chap.
X.
£20 HISTORY o& GREAT BRITAIN,
ey} i
= 7 : ‘. Ci. a t+npr ; r 3 oe ¢ —
luch as a Captive, entirely at mercy, could expect from the moft inexorable viGor:
Yet were they little worfe than what were infifted on before the fatal campaign:
/
be > ° f g - a, a ee ~
of Nafeby. The power of the fword, inftead of ten, which the King now of.
fered, was demanded for twenty years, along with a right to levy whatever
money the parliament fhould think proper for the fupport of their armies. The
ether conditions were, in the main, the fame with thofe which were formerly
offered to the King.
Cuarues faid, that propofals, which introduced fuch important innevations
in the conftitution, demanded time for deliberation: The commiffioners replied,
that he muft give his anfwer in ten days. He defired to reafon about the mean:
ing and import of the terms: They informed him, that they had no power of
debate; and required peremptorily his confent or refafal. He requefted a perfonal
ereaty with the parliament: They threatened, that, if he delayed compliance,
the parliament, without him, by their own authority, would {eetle the nation.
WaT the parliament was moft intent upon, was not the treaty with the
King, to whom they payed fittle regard; but that with the Scotch nation. Two
important points remained to be fettled with them ; their delivery of the King,
and the eftimation of their arrears.
Yue Scotch pretended, that, as‘Charles was King of Scotland as well as of
England, ‘they were intitled to an equal vote in the difpofal of his:perfon: And.
that, in facha cafe, where the titles are equal, and the fubje& indivifible, . the
preicrence was due to the prefent poffeflor. The English maintained, that, he, be-
ingin England, was comprehended within the jurifdiction of that Kingdom, and
could not be difpofed of by any foreign nation. A delicate queftion this, and
what furely could not be decided by precedent; fince fuch a fituation is not, any
where, to be found in hiftery.
AAs the Scotch concurred with the Englifh, in impofing fuch rigerous cendi-
tions on the King, ithat, notwithftanding his unfortunate fituation, he ftill refu-
fed to accept ef them 3 at ds-eertam, that they did not defire his freedom; nok
could they ever intend to join lenity and tyranny together, ia fo inconfiftent a
manner. Befere the fettlement of terms, ‘the adminiftration mut be poffefled
intircly by the parliaments of both kingdoms; :
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A24. HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN,
Trey proceeded fo far as to name eleven members, whom, in general terms,
they charged with hich treafon, as enemies to the army and evil counfellors to
the parliament. Their names were Hollis, Sir Philip Stapleton, Sir William
Lewis, Sir John Clotworthy, Sir William Waller, Sir John Maynard, Mafley,
z 7~T J 5 ahintlo ee Fs TraAYrA Ff > TeHrTT a oa % 5
Glyn, Long, Harley, and INICbOIS. Theie were the very leaders of the pref-
byterian par
Turvy infifted, that thefe members fhould immediately be fequeftred froy
parliament, and be thrown into prifon. The commons replied, that, upon a
general charge, they ce ae not ania fo far. The army obferved to them,
that the cafes of Strafford and Laud were direct precedents for that purpofe. At.
laft, the eleven members themfelves, not to give occafion to difcord, begged leaye.
to retire from the houfe; andthe army, for the prefent, feemed fatisfied with
this inftance of fubmiflion.
PRETENDING, that the parliament defigned to levy war upom them, and.
to involve the nation again in blood and. confufion, they required, that
all new levies fhould be ftopped. The parliament complied with this de-
mand.
THERE being no figns of refiftance, the army, in order to faye appearances,
removed, at the defire of the parliament, to a greater diftanes from. Lendon, and.
fixed their head quarters at Reading. The King they carried along with them ia
ail their removes.
TuatT Prince now found himfelf setter fituation than at Holmby, and had
attained fome greater degree of free lane as well as. of confideration with both.
parties. |
AL his friends had accefs to him :. His correfpondence with the Queen was
not interrupted: Ais chaplains were reftored, and.he was allowed the ufe af
the liturgy: His children were onee allowed to vifit him, and pafled a few days
at Caverfham, where he then refided. The Duke of Glocefter, his youngett
fon, and the Princefgs Elizabeth, he had not feen fince he left London, at the
commencement of the civil diforders ;- nor the Duke of. Yorke,. fince he went to
the Scotch ae before Newark. No private man, unacquainted with the plea-
fures of a court, and:the tumult of a camp, more paflionately loved his family,
than did this good Prince; and fuch an inftance of indulgence in the army was
ieee grateful’ to ea Cromwel, who was witnefs to the meeting of the:
royal family, confeffed, that he never had been > at fo- tender a {cene;
and he extremely applauded: the benignity,, which difplayed.itfelf in the whole dif-
pofition and behavior of Charles,
THAT
CH AR Ay eS; i, 25
Tuat artful politician, as wellas the leaders of all parties, payed court to the
King; and fortune, notwithftanding all his calamities, feemed again to fimile
upon him. The parliament, afraid of his forming fome accommodation with
the army, {poke to him in .a more refpectful ftyle than formerly ; and invited
him to refide at Richmond, and contribute his affiftance to the fettlement of the
nation. All:the chief officers treated him-with great regard, and talked eve-
ry where of reftoring him to his juit powers apd prerogatives. In the public
declarations of the army, the fettlement of his revenue and authority was infill-
edon. The royalifts, every where, entertained hopes of the reftoration of
monarchy; and the favor, which they univerfally bore the army, con-
tributed very much to difcourage the parliament, and to forward their fub-
miflion.
Tue King began to feel of what confequence he was. The more the. national
confufions increafed, the more was he confident, that all parties would, «at, laft,
have recourfe to his lawful authority, as the only remedy for the .public difor-
ders. You cannot be-without me, {aid he, on feveral occafions: Jou cannot
compafe the nation but by my affiftance. A people without government and vithout
liberty, a parliament without authority, an army without a legal mafter:: Dif-
trations every where, terrors, oppreflions, convulfions: From this fcene of
confufion, which could not long continue, all men, he hoped, would.be brought
+o reflect on that antient government, under which they and their anceftors had
fo long enjoyed happinefs and tranquillity.
Tro’ Charles kept his cars open to all propofals, and expected to hold the
ballance betwixt the oppofite parties, he entertained more hopes of accommoda-
tion with the army. He had experienced the extreme rigor of the -parliament.
They pretended totally to annihilate his authority: They had confined his per-
Yon. In both thefe particulars, the army fhowed more indulgence. None of
his friends were debarred his prefence. And in the propofals, which the coun-
cil of officers fent for the fettlement of the nation, they infifted neither on the
abolition of epifcepacy, nor on the punifhment of the royalifts; the two points
to which the King had the moft extreme reluctance: And they demanded that
a period fhould be put to the prefent parliament, the event for which he moft
ardently longed.
His conjunction too feemed more natural with the-generals, than with that u-
furping afflembly, who had fo long afumed the entire authority of the ftate, and
who had declared their refolution {till to contitme mafters. By gratifying a few
perfons with titles and preferments, he might draw over, he hoped, the whole
military power, and, in an inftant, reinftate himfelf in his civil authority. To
ee Se Ireton
Chap. X.
1647.
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HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN,
439
[reton he offered the leutenancy of Ireland: To Cromwel, the garter, the ti.
tle of Earl of Effex, and the command of the army. Negotiations to this pur-
pofe were feeretly conducted. Cromwel pretended to hearken to them; and was
pleafed to Keep the door open for an accommodation, if the courfe of events
fhould, at any time, render it neceffary. And the King, who had no fufpicion,
that
one,
born a pri vate gentleman, could entertain the daring ambition of {¢-
zing a iceptre, tranimitted thro’ a long line of monarchs; was hopeful, that he
would - 1.34 ePmorace 9° ALSqQTTre ' ‘ T +17 £ + .
would, at | Mt, embrace a meafure, which, by all the motives of duty, intereft,
and fufety, feemed to be recommended to him.
bh’
/ Cromwel allured the King by thefe expectations, he {till continued
his {cheme of reducing the parliament to fubjeGtion, and depriving them of all
means of refiltance. To gratify the army, the parliament invefted Fairfax with
the title of general in chief of all the forces in England and Ireland ; and entrufted
uilitary authority to a perfon, who, tho’ well inclined to their fervice,
at his own difpofal.
’
. | s
a) y ‘ Z i vue 7 4 a
Ireland, and deferted the
"Tay LY cer ar ‘hat ft le Trn C xxrh4 . ; ; j
HEY voted, that the troops, which, in obedience to them, had inlifted for
} 7
tc he rebellious army, fhould be difbanded, or, in other words,
be punifhed tor their fidelity. The forces in the north, under Pointz, had already
mutinied again{: their general, and had entered into an affociation with the army,
which was fo fuccefsfully employed in exalting the military above the civil au-
thority.
| THAT no refource might remain to the parliament, it was demanded, that
the militia of London fhould be changed, the prefbyterian commiffioners difpla-
ced, and the command reftored to thofe, who, during the courfe of the war, had
conitantly exercifed it. Even fo violent a demand, the parliament complied with
and pafled a vote in obedience to the army
By this unlimited patience, they hoped to temporize under their prefent dif-
ficulties, and wait a more favorable opportunity for recovering their authority
and influence : But the impatience of the city loft them all the advantage of their
cautious meafures. A petition againft the alteration of the militia was carried te
Weitiminfter, attended by the apprentices and feditious multitude, who befieged
the door of the commons; and by their clamor, neife, and violence, obliged
them to reverfe that vote, which they had paffed fo lately. When gratified in
3 pretenfion, they immediately difperfed, and left the parliament at li-
erty. |
;
No fooner was intelligence of this tumult conveyed to Reading, than the army
— putinmovement. The two houfes being under force, they were refolved, they
aid, to vindicate, agai fediti eee os
; vindicate, again{t the feditious citizens, the invaded privileges of parlia-
ment,
“= 4- > TS a . P
i —-~ eee ee Pry TT ee > EE TT eo Ne ee eee
~+ tie, SE .. BRAAMBAT 27 LG “peo, a . P er ~ = Ts a
Con Mae Tor«s 1s pie
ment, and reftore that affembly to its juft freedom of debate and council. In
their road to London, they were drawn up on Hounflow-Heith; a formidable
army, twenty thoufand ftrong, and determined, without regard to laws or [i-
berty, to purfue whatever meafures their generals fhould dictate to them. Here
the moft favorable event happened, to quicken and encourage their advance.
The fpeakers of the two houfes, Manchefter and Lenthal, attended with eight
peers, and about fixty commoners, having fecretly retired from the city, pre-
fented themfelves with their maces and all the enfigns of their dignity; and com-
plaining of the violence put upon them, applied to the army for defence and
protection. With fhouts and acclamations they were received: Refpect was
paid them as to the parliament of England: And the army, furnifhed with fo
plaufible a pretext, which, in all public tranfactions, is of great confequence, ad-
vanced to chaftife the rebellious city, and re-inftate the violated parliament.
Ne1TuHer Lenthal nor Manchefter were efteemed independents; and fuch a
ftep in them was intirely unexpected. But they probably forefaw, that the army
muft, in the end, prevail, and they were willing to pay court in time to that au-
thority, which began to predominate in the nation.
Tue parliament, forced from their temporizing meafures, and obliged to re-
fiyn, at once, or combat for their liberty and power, prepared themfelves with
vigor for defence, and were determined to refift the violence of the army. The
two houfes immediately chofe new fpeakers, Lord Hunfdon, end Henry Pelham:
They renewed their former orders for inlifting troops: They appointed
Maffey to be commander: They ordered the trained bunds to mann the
lines: And the whole city was in a ferment, and refounded with military
preparations.
WHEN any intelligence arrived, that the army {topped or retreated, the
fhout of One and all, ran with alacrity, from ftreet to ftreet, among the citi-
zens: When news came of their advancing, the cry of Treet and capitulate was
no lefs loud and vehement. The terrer of an univerfal pillage and even maflacre
had feized the timid inhabitants.
As the army approached, Rainfborow, being fent by the general over the ri-
ver, prefented himfelf before Southwark, and was gladly received by fome fol-
diers, who were quartered there for its defence, and who were refolved not to
feparate their interefts from thofe of the army. It behoved then. the parliament
to fubmit. The army marched in triumph thro’ the city; but preferved. the
preateft order, decency and appearance of humility. They conducted to Wett-
minfter the two fpeakers, who took their feats as if nothing had happened. The
eleven impeached members, being accufed as caufes of the tumult, were expel-
| led;
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438 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
led; and moft of them retired beyond feas: Seven peers were impeached:
The mayor, one fherriff, and three aldermen, fent to the tower: Several citi-
Zens ie officers of the militia, committed to prifon: Every deed of the parlia-
ment annulled, from the day of the tumult tl ll the return of the {peakers.; The
lines about the city levelled: The militia reftored to the independents : Regi-
ments quartered in Whitehall and the Meufe: And the parliament being reduced to
aregular formed fervitude, a day was appointed of folemn thankigiving to God for
the reftoration of its liberty.
Tue independent party, which, in the lower houfe, was confiderable, and
held fome propertion to the prefbyterian, exulted in their victory. The whole
authority of the nation, they imagined, was lodged in their hands; and they
had a near profpe@ of moulding the government into that imaginary republic,
which had long been the object of their wifhes.. In all encroachments of the mi-.
litary power they had fecretly concurred; and they expected, by the terror of
the fword, to impofe a more perfect aii of liberty on the relu&ant nation.
All parties, the king, the church, the parliament, the prefbyterians, had been
‘guilty of errors, fince the commencement of thefe diforders.: But, it muft be
confeffed, that this delufion of the independents and republicans was, .of all o-
thers, the moit tae to common fenfe and the eftablifhed maxims of po-
litics. Yet- were the-leaders of that party, Vane, Fiennes, St. John, Martin,
the men.in England the moft celebrated for profound thought and deep contri-
vance; and by their well-colored pretences and profeflions, they had over-
reached the whole nation. To deceive fuch men would argue afuperlative capa-
city in Cromwel; were it not, that, befide the great difference there is betwixt
dark, crooked councils and true wifdom, an exorbitant paflion for rule and au-
thority will make the moit prudent overlook the dangerous confequeaces of fuch
meafures as feem.to ris in any degree, to their advancement.
Tue leaders of the army, having eftablifhed their dominion over the parlia-
ment and city, ae to bring the King to Hampton-Court; and he lived,
for fome time, in that palace, poe an appearance of dignity and freedom.
Such admirable equability of temper did he-poffefs, that, during all the variety
of fortune, which he underwent, no difference was perceived in his counte-
nance or behavior; and tho’ a prifoner, in the hands of his moft inveterate enc-
mies, he fupported, towards all who pi Be: him, the majefty of a monarch;
and that, neither with lefs nor greater ftate, than what he had been accu-
{tomed to maintain. His manner, which was not in itfelf popular nor gracious,
how appeared amiable, from its great meeknefs .and equality.
THE
Ce “A RE ES’ ok 439
Tue parliament renewed their applications, and prefented him with the fame Chap. X.
conditions, which they had offered at Newcaitle. The King declined acceptance ; $047-
and defired them to take the propofals of the army into confideration, and make
them the foundation of the public fettlement. He {till entertained hopes, that
his negotiations with the generals would be crowned with fuccefs; tho’ every
thing, in that particular, boredailya worfe afpe&. Moft hiftorians have thought,
that Cromwel never was fincere in his profeflions; and that, having, by force,
rendered himfelf mafter of the King’s perfon, and, by fair pretences, acquired
the countenance of the royalifts, he had employed thefe advantages to the en-
flaving the parliament: And. afterwards thought of nothing but the eftablifh-
ment of his own unlimited authority, with which he efteemed the reftoration,.
and even life of the King, altogether incompatible. ‘This opinion, fo much war-
ranted by the exorbitant ambition and profound diflimulation of his characters
meets with ready belief; tho’ ’tis more agreeable to the narrownels of human
views, and the natural darknefs of futurity, to fuppofe, that this daring ufurper
was guided by events, and did not, as yet, forefee, with any affurance, that un-
paralleled greatnefs, which he afterwards attained. Many writers of that age
have afferted *, that he really intended to make a private bargain with the King;
ab
* Salmonet,; Ludlow, Hollis, &c. all thefe, efpecially the laft, being the declared inveterate
enemies of Cromwel, are the more to be cfedited, when they advance any fact, which may ferve
to apologize for his violent and criminal conduct. There prevails a itory, that Cromwel intercepted
a letter, wrote to the Queen, where the King faid, that he would firft raife and then deftroy Crom- '
wel. But, befide that this conduct feems to contradi&t the charaéter of the King, it is, on othe:
accounts, totally unworthy of credit. It is firft.told by Roger Coke, avery paflionate hiftorian,
who wrote fo late as the revolution, and. whosnentions it only as.a rumor. In the Memoirs of Lord.
Broghill, we meet with another ftory of an intercepted letter, which deferves fome more attention,
and agrees very well with the narration here given. Itis thus related by Mr. Maurice, chaplain
to Roger Earl of Orrery. - “ Lord Orrery, in. the time of his greatnefs with Cromwel, juft after
« he had fo feafonably relieved him in his great diftrefs at Clonmell, riding out of Youghal! one
«day with: him and Ireton, they fellinto difcourfe about the King’s death. Cromwel thereupon
6 {aid more than once, that if the King had followed his own judgment, and had been attended by
“* none but trufty fervants, he had foolled them all; and that onte they hada mind to have clofed
* with him, but, upon fomething that happened, fell off from that defign. Orrery finding them in
* good humor, and being alone with them, afked, if he might prefume to defire to know, why
“ they would once have clofed with his Majefty, and why. they.did:nos. Cromwel very freely told
« him, he would fatisfy. him in both his queries. The reafon (fays he) why we would have clofed
s¢ with the King was this: We found that the Scotch and prefbyterians began to be more powerful
“than we, and were‘likely to-agree with him, and leave us in the lurch. For this reafon we thought
<¢ it beft to prevent them by offering firft to come in upon reafonable conditions: But whilft our
« thoughts were taken.up with.this fubject, there came a letter to us from one of our fpies, who
6¢ twas
=
SS ee
aa
4.40 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
ameafure, which ‘carried the moft plaufible appearance both for his fafety and ad. ~
vancement + But that he found infuperable difficulties in reconciling to it the wild
humors of the army. The horror and antipathy of thefe enraged fanatics had,
for many years, been artfully fomented again{it Charles; and tho’ their - prinej.
ples were, on all occafions, eafily warped and eluded by private intereft, yet was
fome col oring requifite, and a flat contradiction to all former profeflions und te.
nets could not fafely be propofedto them. ’Tis certain, at leaft, that Cromwel
made ufe of this reafon, why he admitted-rarely of vifits from the Kinp’s friends,
and fhowed lefs favor than formerly to the royal caufe. The agitators, he faid,
had rendered him odious to the army, and had reprefented him as a traitor, who, :
for the fake of private intereft, was ready to betray the caufe of God to the great
enemy of piety and religion. Defperate projects too, he afferted to be fecretly
formed, for the murder of the King; and he pretended much to dread left all his
authority, and that of the commanding officers, would not be able to reftrain
Pe FER AR PENA, RS Sp TRY yA mee Be anaes
thete enthufialts from their DIOOGY purpoics.
e a
INTELLIGENCE
“‘ was of the King’s bed-chamber, acquainting us, that our final doom was decreed that very day;
‘ that he could not pofiibly learn what it was, but we might difcover it, if we could but intercept
“ : TES TSS ree a eS
—— —s - ~ :
> . =~ t ‘d y nf a: ' Q =
a > = : ~
Ul FP MA BOLE 's I, 443
a rebellion againft their mafters, he had encouraged a very arrogant {pirit among
the inferior officers and private men ; andthe camp, in many re{pects, bore ra-
ther the appearance of civil liberty than ‘of military obedience. The troops
themfelves were formed into a fpecies of republic; and the plans of imaginary re-
publics for the fettlement of the ftate, were, every day, the topics of converfation
among thefe armed legiflators. Royalty it was agreed to abolifh: Nobility muft
be fet afide: Even all ranks of men be levelled; and an univerfal equality of
property, as well as power, introduced among the citizens. . The faints, they
faid, were the falt of the earth: An intire parity had place among the elect:
And, by the fame rule, that the apoftles were exalted from the moft ignoble
profeflions, the meaneft centinel, if enlightened by the fpirit, was intitled to e-
gual regard with the greateft commander. In order to wean the foldiers from
thefe licentious maxims, Cromwel had iffued orders for difcontinuing the meetings
of the agitators; and he pretended to..pay intire obedience to the parliament,
whom, being now reduced fully to fubjection, he propofed to make, for the fu-
ture, the inftruments of his authority. But the Levellers, for fo that party in
the army was called, having experienced the fweets of dominion, would not foe
eafily be deprived of it. They fecretly continued their meetings: They afferted,
that their officers, as much as any part of the church or ftate, ftood in need of
reformation : Several regiments joined in feditious remonftrances and petitions:
Separate rendevoufes were concerted: And every thing tended to total anarchy
and confufion. But this diftemper was foon cured by the rough, but dexterous
hand of Cromwel. He chofe the occafion of a review, that he might mark the
greater boldnefs, and {pred the terror the wider. — He feized the ringleaders bei
fore their companions: .Held.in the field a council of war: Shot one mutineer
inftantly ; and {truck fuch dread into the reft, that they prefently threw down
the fymbols of fedition, which they had difplayed, and thenceforth returned to
their wonted difcipline and obedience. |
CromMweEL. had gréat deference for the council of Ireton; aman, who, ha»
ving grafted the foldier on the lawyer, the ftatesman on the faint, had adopted
fuch principles as were fitted to introduce the fevereft tyranny, while they feem>
éd to encourage the moft unbounded licence, in human fociety. ~ Fierce in_his
nature, tho’ probably fincere in his intentions; by arbitrary power he propofed
to eftablifh liberty, and, in profecution of his godly purpofes, he efteemed him-
felf difpenfed from all the ordinary rules of morality; by which inferior mortals
mu{t allow themfelves to be governed. At his fuggeftion, Cromwel fecretly
called at Windfor a council of the chicf officers, in order to deliberate concern-
ing the fettlement of the nation, and the future difpofal of .the King’s perfon.
Kkk2 In,
Chap. X.
1647.
7
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444 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
In this conference, which commenced with devout prayers, poured forth by
Cromwel himfelf and other infpired perfons (for the officers of this army received
infpiration with their commiflion), was firft opened the daring and unheard of
council, of bringing the King to juftice, and of punifhing, by a judicial fentence,
their fovereign for his pretended tyranny and mal-adminiftration. While Charles
lived, even tho’ reftrained to the clofeft prifon, confpiracies, they knew, and
infurrections would never be wanting, in favor of a prince, who was fo extreme-
ly revered and beloved by his own party, and whom the nation in general began
to regard with great affection and compaflion. ‘T’o murder him privately. was ex~
pofed to the imputation of injuftice and cruelty, aggravated by the bafenefs of
fuch a crime; and every odious epithet of Zra:tor and Afajin would, by the ge-
neral voice of mankind, be undifputably afcribed to the actors of fuch a villany,
Some unexpected procedure muft be attempted, which would aftonifh the world
by its novelty, would bear the femblance of juftice, and cover its barbarity by
the audacioufnefs of the enterprize. Striking in with the fanatical notions of the
intire equality of mankind, it would afcertain the devoted obedience of the army,
and ferve as a general engagement againft the royal family, whom, by their open
and united deed, they would fo atrocioufly affront. and injure *.
Tuis meafure, therefore, being fecretly refolved on, it was requifite, by de-
erees, to make the parliament adopt it, and to conduct them from violence to
violence; till this laft a&t of atrocious iniquity fhould feem, in a manner, whol-
ly inevitable. The King, in order to remove thofe fears and jealoufies, which
were perpetually pleaded as reafons for every invafion of the conftitution, had of-
fered, by a meflage, fent from Carifbroke caftle, to refign, during his own life,
the power of the inikitia and the nomination to all the great offices; provided,
that, after his death, thefe prerogatives fhould again return to the crown: But
the parliament acted intirely as victors and enemies; and, in all their tranfadti-
ons with him, payed no longer any regard toequity or reafon. At the inftigati-
on of the independents and.army,.. they. neglected this offer, and framed-four
propofitions, which they fent him as preliminaries; and, before, they would
deign to treat, they demanded his pofitive affent to all of them. - By one, he was
required to inveft the parliament with the military power for twenty years, along
with
* The following was a very: favorite text antong the-fanatics of thatage. ‘‘ Let the high praifes
«‘ of God be in the mouths of his faints, and.a twofold {word in their hands, to execute vengeance
* upon the heathen and punifhment upon the people ; to bind their kings with chains and their no-
“* bles with fetters of iron; to execute upon them the judgments written: This honor have all.
<‘ his faints.” Pfalm cxlix. ver. 6,7, 8,9 Hugh Peters, the mad chaplain of Cromwel, preached
frequently upon this text. .
pe
4
sr wt a Peng
Oo Fe A Ree, OB SAL
445
with an authority to levy whatever money fhould be requifite for exercifimg it: Chap. X.
And even after the twenty years were elapfed, they referved a right of reaflu- wT
ming the fame authority, whenever they fhould declare the fafety of the king-
dom to require it. By the fecond, he mut recall all his proclamations and de-
clarations againft the parliament, and acknowlege them to have taken arms for
their juft and neceffary defence. By the third, he was to anmull all the acts,
and void all the patents of peerage, which had paffed the great feal, fince it had
been carried from London by Lord Littleton, the chancellor. By the fourth,
he gave the two houfes power to adjourn as they thought fit: A demand feem-
ingly of no great confequence; but contrived by the independents, that they
might be able to remove the parliament to places, where it fhould’remain in per-
petual fubjection to the army.
Tue King regarded the pretenfion.as moft unufual and exorbitant, that he
fhould make fuch conceflions, while infecure of any fettlement; and blindly
truft his enemies for the conditions, which they were afterwards to grant him.
He required, therefore, a perfonal treaty with the parliament, and defired that
all the terms, on both fides, fhould be adjutted, before any conceffions, on ¢i-
ther fide, fhould be infifted on. The republican party in. the houfe pretended
to take fire at this anfwer;, and openly inveighed, in the moft virulent terms,
againft the perfon and government of the King; whofe name, hitherto, had
commonly, in all debates, been mentioned with fome degree of reverence. Ire-
ton, feeming to {peak the fenfe of the army, under the appellation of many
thoufand. godly men, who had ventured, their lives in defence of the parliament,
faid> That the King,.. by.denying the four bills, had refufed fafery and protection
to his people; that their obedience to him was but a reciprocal duty for his pro-
tection of them; and that, as he had failed on his part, they were free’d from
all obligations to allegiance, and muft fettle the nation, without confulting any
longer fo mifguided a prince. Cromwel, after giving an ample character of the
valor, good affections, and godlinefs of the army, fubjoined, That it. was €x-
pected the parliament fhould govern and defend the kingdom by their own power
and refolutions, andnot accuftom the people any longer,to expect fafety and go-
vernment from.an obftinate man, whofe heart God had hardened; that thofe,
who, at the expence of their blood, had hitherto defended the parliament from
fo many dangers, would {till continue, with fidelity,and courage, to protect them
againft all oppofition, in this vigorous meafure. ‘* Teach them not,” added he,
‘© by neglecting your own fafety and that of the kingdom (in which theirs too
“ is involved) to imagine themfelves betrayed, and their interefts abandoned to
(6 tho
~* the
1648:
vai
)
at ay
yt|
i
ale’
Wi
< ree
ee
—e Sy 9 ton
= ee ee
Chap X.
1648.
isth of Jan.
446 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
‘* the ‘rage and malice of an irreconcilable enemy, whom, for your fake, they
“have dared to provoke. . Beware, (and at thefe words he laid bis band on his
‘* fword ) beware, left defpair caufe them to feek fafety by fome other means,
*‘ than by adhering to you, who know not how to confult your own fafety,”
Such arguments prevailed; tho’ ninety one members had {till the courage to op.
pofe. It was voted, that no more addreffes be made to the King, nor any letters
or meffages received from him; and that it be treafon for any one, without leaye
of the two houfes, to have any intercourfe with him. The Lords concurred in
the fame ordinance.
By this vote of non-addreffes, for fo it was called, the King was, in reality,
dethroned, and the whole conttitution formally overthrown. So violent a mea.
ture was fupported by a declaration no lefs violent. The blackeft calumnies
were there thrown upon him; fuch as, even in theit famous remonitrance, the
commons thought proper to omit, as incredible and extravagant: The poifon-
ing his father, the betraying Rochelle, the contriving the Irifh maffacre. By
blafting his fame, had that injury been in their power, they formed a very proper
prologue to the murthering of his perfon.
No fooner had the King refufed his affent to the four bills, than Hammond,
by orders from the army, removed all his fervants, cut off all correfpondence
with his friends, and fhut him up in clofe confinement. To Sir Philip Warwic
the King afterwards thowed an old decrepid man, who, he faid, was employed
to Kindle his fire, and was the beft company he enjoyed, during feveral months
that this rigorous confinement lafted. No amufement was allowed him, or foci-
ety, which might relieve his anxious thoughts: ‘To be fpeedily poifoned or af.
faffinated was the only profpeét, which he had, every moment, before his eyes ;
For he entertained no apprehenfion of a judicial fentence and execution, an é
vent, of which no hiftory, hitherto, furnifhed an example. Meanwhile, the
parliament were very induftrious in publifhing, from time to time, the intelli.
gence, which they received from Hammond ;° ‘how chearful the Kine was, “how
pleafed with every one who approached him, how fatisfied in his prefent conditi:
on: As if the view of fuch admirable benignity and conitancy had not been
more proper to inflame, than allay, the general compaffion of the people. The
great fource, whence the King derived confolation amidft all his calamities, was
undoubtedly religion; 4 principle, which, in him, feems to have contained no:
thing fierce nor gloomy, nothing which enraged him againit his adverfaries, “or
terrihed him with the difmal profpect of futurity, While every thing around
him -
<—e ts
iS ake Sd =
GSH. AVYRLO Reg YS AAT
him bore a hoftile afpect ; while friends, family, relations, whom he paffionaté-
ly loved, were placedat a diftance, and impotent to ferve him; he repofed
himfelt with confidence in the arms of that Being, who penctrates and fuftains
all nature, and whofe feveritics, if received with piety and refignation, he re-
garded as the fureft pledge of unexhaufted favor.
Te parliament and army, meanwhile, enjoyed not, in tranquillity, that
power, which they had obtained with fo much violence and injuftice. Com-
binations and confpiracies, they were fenfible, were every where forming a-
round them; and Scotland, whence the King’s caufe had received the firft
fatal blow, feemed now to promife it fupport and affiftance. |
Bzrore the delivery of the King’s perfon at Newcaftle, and much more,
fince that event,. the fubjects of difcontent had been daily multiplying betwixt
the two kingdoms. The independents, who began to prevail, took all occa-
fions of mortifying the Scotch, whom the prefbyterians looked on with the great-
e{t afletion and veneration. When the Scotch commiflioners, who, joined to
a committee of Englifh lords and commons, had managed the war, were ready
to depart, it was propofed in parliament to give them thanks for their civilities
and good offices. The independents obtained, that the words, Good offices, fhould
be ftruck out; and thus the whole brotherly friendfhip and intimate alliance
with the Scotch refolved itfelf into an’acknowlegement of their being well-bred
gentlemen.
Tue advance of the army to London, the fubjection of the parliament, the
feizing of the King at Holmby, his confinement in Carifbroke caftle, were fo
many blows, fenfibly felt by the Scotch; as threatening the final overthrow of
prefbytery, to which they were fo paflionately devoted. “rhe covenant was pro-
fanely called, in the houfe-ofcommons,-an-almanac.out of date; and that im-
piety, tho’ complained of, had paffed uncenfured.” Inftead of being able to de-
termine and eftablifh orthodoxy by the fword and by penal ftatutes, they faw
the fectarian army, who were abfolute mafters, claim an unbounded liberty of
confcience, which the prefbyterians regarded with the utmoft horror. All the
violences, put on the King, they loudly blamed, as contrary to the covenant,
by which they ftood engaged to defend his royal perfon. And thofe very acti-
ons, of which themfelves had been guilty, they denominated treafon and rebel-
lion, when executed by an oppofite party.
Tue Earls of Loudon, Lauderdale, and Laneric, who were fent to London,
protefted againft the four propofitions; as containing too great a diminution of
the King’s civil power, and providing no fecurity for religion. They complain-
ed, that, notwithftanding this proteftation, the propofitions were {till infifted
| on ;
Second civil
war.
;
ie
¥;
ie
ba
1648.
i vali on from
nahi
448 HISTORY or GREAT BRHUTAIN.
on; contrary to the folemn league and treaty betwixt the two nations, And
when they accompanied the Enelith commiflioners to the ifle of Wight, they
fecretly formed a treaty with the King, for arming Scotland in his fa.
VOL.
THREE parties, at that time, prevailed in Scotland. The Royalifs, who
infifted upon the reftoration of the King’s authority, without any regard to re-
ligious feéts or tenets: Of thefe Montrofe, tho’ abfent, was regarded as the
head. The Rigid prefbyterians, who hated the King, even. more than they ab-
horred toleration; and who were refolved to give him no afliftance,. till he fhould
fion the covenant : Thefe were governed by Argyle. The Moderate prefbyte.
rians, who endeavored to reconcile the interefts of religion and the crown, and
hoped, by fupporting the prefbyterian party in England, to fupprefs the feca-
rian army, and re-inftate the parliament, as:well as King, in their juft freedom
and authority: The two brothers, Hamilton and Laneric, were leaders of this
party.
WueEwn Pendennis caftle was furrendered to the parliamentary army, Hamil-
ton, who then obtained his liberty, returned into Scotland; and being gene-
roufly determined to remember antient favors, more than recent: injuries, he im-
mediately embraced, with zeal and fuccefs, the protection of the royal caufe.
From the parliament he obtained a vote to arm.40,000 men, in fupport of the
King’s authority, and to call over a confiderable body under Monro, who com-
manded the Scotch forces in Ulfter. And tho’ .he .openly protefted, that the
covenant was the foundation of all his meafures, he fecretly formed an. alliance
with the Enelifh royalifts, Sir Marmaduke Langdale and Sir Philip Mufgrave,
who furprized Berwic and Carlifle, and levied confiderable forces in the north af
England.
Tue general aflembly, who fat at the fame time, and were guided by Argyle,
dreaded the confequences of thefe meafures, and forefaw, that, if fuccefsful,
the oppofite party would effe& the reftoration of monarchy, without the efta-
blifhment of prefbytery in England. To join the King before he had fubferibed
the covenant, was, in their eyes, to reftore him to his honor before Chrift was
re{tored to his; and they thundered ont anathemas againft every one, who payed
obedience to the parliament. Two fupreme independent judicatories were erett-
edin the kingdom; one threatening the people with damnation and eternal tor-
ments, the other with imprifonment, banifhment, and military execution. The
people were diftracted in their choice; and the armament of Hamilton’s party,
tho’ feconded by all the civil power, went on but flowly. The royalifts he would
not, as yet, allow to join him, left he might give offence to the ecclefiattical
; party ;
Sek AND aka. : —*
' y er ee . . “ ; ww die :
is . BPR SSS - Mat TAGATiS aS DE RS DD Eee eae. a ee vs os Ne. Ad Se hoe the ed +t
CSS GA Re as BOS OR: 4:40
party; tho’ he fecretly promifed them truft and preferment, as foon as his army
fhould be advanced into England.
WHILE the Scotch were making preparations for the invafion of England,
every part of that kingdom was agitated with tumults, infurrections, con{pira-
cies, difcontents. ’Tis feldom, that the people gain any thing by revolutions
in government; becaufe the new fettlement, jealous and infecure, muft com-
monly be fupported with more expence and feverity than the old: But on no
occafion was the truth of this maxim more fenfibly felt, than in the prefent fitua-
tion of England. Complaints againft the oppreflion of fhip-money, againit the
tyranny of the ftar-chamber, had rouzed the people to arms: And having
gained a compleat victory over the crown, they found themfelves loaded with a
multiplicity of taxes, formerly unknown ; and {carce an appearance of law and
liberty remained in the adminiftration. The prefbyterians, who had chiefly fup-
ported the war, were enraged to find the prize, juft when ic feemed within
their reach, by violence {natched from them. The royalifts, difappointed in
their expectations, by the cruel treatment, which the King received from the
army, were highly animated to reftore him to liberty, and recover the advan-
tages, which they had unfortunately loft. All orders of men were inflamed with
indignation at feeing the military prevail over the civil power, and king and par-
liament at once reduced to fubjection by a mercenary army. Many perfons of
family and diftinction, from the beginning of the war, had adhered to the par-
Jiament: But all thofe were, by the new party, deprived of authority; and e-
very office was entruited to the vileft and mott ignoble part of the nation. A
bafe populace exalted above their faperiors: Hypocrites exercifirig Intquity un-
der the vizor of religion: In thefe two circumttances are comprized the utmoit
depravity of human nature 5 and»thefe. were. now found united, in the fame ufur-
ped and illegal adminiftration.
Tuo’ the whole nation feemed to combine in their hatred of military tyranny,
the ends, which the feveral parties propofed, were fo different, that little con-
cert was obferved in ‘théir infurrections. Langhorne, Poyer, and Powel, pref-
byterian- officers, who commanded bodies-of troops in Wales, were the firft who
declared themfelves, and drew together a confiderable army in thofe parts, which
were extremely devoted to the royal canfe. An infurrection was raifed in Kent
by young Hales and the Earl of Norwich. Lord Capel, Sir Charles Lucas, Sir
George Lifle, excited commotions in Effex. The Earlof Holland, who had fe-
weral times changed party, fince the commencement of the civil wars, endea-
wored to colle& forces in Surrey. . Pomfret caftle in Yorkefhire was furprized
Vou. I. | BLT by
G ‘AD. x.
1043,
Chap. X.
1048.
450 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
by Morrice. Langdale and Mufgrave were in arms, and mafters of Berwic and
Carlifle in the north.
WuaT feemed the moft dangerous circumftance, the general fpirit of difcon.
tent had feized the fleet. Seventeen fhips, lying in the mouth of the river, de-
clared for the King ; and putting Rainfborow, their admiral, afhore, failed over
to Holland, where the Prince of Wales took the command of them.
Tue Englith royalifts exclaimed loudly againit Hamilton's delays, which they
attributed to a refined policy in the Scotch; asif their intentions were, that all
the King’s party fhould firft be fuppreffed, and the victory remain intire to the
prefbyterians. Hamilton, with better reafon, complained of the precipitant hu-
mor of the Englifh royalifts, who, by their ill-timed infurrection
to march his army, before his levies were compleated, or his
forwardnefs.
No commotions, beyond a tumult of the apprentices, which was foon fuppref.
fed, were raifed in London: The terror of the army kept the citizens in fubje-
Ction. The parliament was fo overawed, that they declared the Scotch to be e.
nemies, and all who joined them, traitors. Ninety members, however, of the
lower houfe had the courage to diffent from this vote.
Cromwez and the military council, with vigor and conduct prepared them-
felves for defence. The eftablithment of the army was, at this time, 26,000
men; but by inlifting fupernumeraries, the regiments were cenfiderably.aug-
mented. Colonel Horton firft attacked the revolted troops in Wales, and gave
them a confiderable defeat. The broken remnants threw themfelyes into Pem-
broke, and were there clofely befieged, and foon after taken, by Cromwel.
Lambert was oppofed to Langdale and Muferave in the north, and gained advan-
tages over them. Sir Michael Livefey. defeated the Farl of Folland at Kingfton,
and purfuing his victory, took him prifoner at St. Noets. Fairfax, having rot:
ed the Kentith royalifts at Maidftone, followed the broken army : And when
they joined themfelves to the Effex infurgents, and threw themfelves into Colche-
iter ; he laid fiege to that place, which defended itfelf to the Jatt extremity. A
new fleet was manned, and fent out under the command of
revolted thips, of which the Prince was admiral.
Waite the forces were employed in all quarters, the parliament regained its
liberty, and began to a&t with its wented courage and fpirit. The members,
who had withdrawn from the terror of the army, returned; and infufing bold-
nefs into their companions, reftored to the prefbyterian party the afcendant,
which it had formerly loft. The eleven impeached members were recalled, and
the vote, by which they were expelled, was reverfed. The vote too of non-ad-
S, forced him
preparations in any
Warwic, to oppofe the
drefles
C'A AR LES .- I. Abt
dreffes was repealed; and commiflioners, five peers and ten commoners, were fent Chap. X.
to Newport in the ifle of Wight, in order to treat with the King. He was allowed _—
to fummon feveral of his friends and old counfellors, that he might have their ad-
vice in thisimportant tranfattion. The theologians on both fides, armed with
their fyllogifms and citations, attended as auxiliaries. By them, the flame had
firft been raifed ; and their appearance was but a bad prognoftic of its extinction.
Any other inftruments feemed better adapted for a treaty of pacification.
Wen the King prefented himfelf to this company, a great and fenfible altera- 18th of Sept.
tion was remarked in his afpect from what appeared the year before, when he re- Treaty of
fided at Hampton-Court: The moment his fervants had been removed, he had Newport.
laid afide all care of his perfon, and had allowed his beard and hair to grow,
and to hang difhevelled and neglected. His hair was become almoft intirely gray ;
either from the decline of years, or from that load of forrows, under which he
labored, and which, tho’ borne with admirable conftancy, preyed inwardly on
his fenfible and tender mind. His friends beheld with compaflion, and perhaps
even his enemies, that Gray and difcrowned head; as he himfelf terms it, in a co-
py of verfes, which the truth of the fentiment, rather than the elegance of ex-
preflion, renders very pathetic. Having in vain endeavored by courage to de-
fend his throne from his armed adverfaries, it now behoved him, by reafon and
perfuafion, to fave fome fragments of it, from thefe peaceful, and no lefs impla-
cable negotiators.
Tue vigor of the King’s mind, notwithftanding the feeming decline of his
body, here appeared unbroken and undecayed. The parliamentary commilflioners
would allow none of his council to be prefent, and refufed to enter into reafon-
ing with any but himfelf. He alone, during. the tranfactions of two months,
was obliged to fuftain the argument againft fifteen men of the greateft parts and
capacity in both houfes; and no advantage was ever obtained: over him. This
was the fcene, above all others, in which he was qualified to excel. A quick
conception, a cultivated underftanding, a chafte elocution, a dignified manner ;
by thefe accomplifhments he triumphed in all difcuffions of cool and temperate
reafoning. The King is much changed, {aid the Earl of Salifbury to Sir Philip
Warwic: He is extremely improved of late. No, replied Sir Philip ; he was always fo:
But you are now at laft fenfible of it. Sir Henry Vane, to his fellow-commiflioners,
drew an argument from the King’s uncommon abilities, why the terms of paci-
feation muft be rendered more ftrict and rigid*. But Charles’s capacity fhone
not equally in action as in reafoning. |
| Lil 2 THE
* Clarendon, Sir Edward Walker.
4:52. HISTORY. or GREAT: PRITFAIN,
= > . . ~*~ . ~ t 4 a > ‘ '
Tue firft peint infifted on by the parliamentary commiffioners, was the recals
ling alk his.proclamations and declarations againdt the parliament, and the acknow-
leging, that they had taken arms in“ their own defence. . He frankly offered
the former conceflion; but long fcrupled the latter. The falfhood, as well ag
indignity of that acknowlegement, begot in his breaft an extreme relu€tance
againtt it. The King had, no doubt, in fome particulars of moment, invaded,
from a leeming neceflity, the privileges of his people : But having renounced all
claim to thefe ufurped powers, having confeffed his errors, ‘and having repaired
every breach of the conftitution, and even erected new ramparts, in order ta
fecure it; he could no longer, at the commencement of the war, be reprefented
as the aggreflor. However it might be pretended, that the former difplay of his
arbitrary inclinations, or rather his monarchical principles, rendered an offenfive
or preventive war in. the parliament prudent and reafonable; it could never, in
any’ propricty of fpeech, make it be denominated a defenfive one. But the par-~
lament, fenfible, that. the letter of the law condemned them as rebels and traitors;
eltecmed this point intirely requifite for their future fecurity : - And the King,
finding, that peace could be obtained: on no other terms, at laft yielded to it.
He only entered a proteft, which was admitted; that. no conceflion, made by.
him, dfhould be valid, unlefs the whole treaty of pacification. was concluded.
Ile agreed, that the parliament fhould retain, during the term of twenty years,
the whole power of the militia and army, and of levying what money they
pleafed for their fapport.. He even yielded to them the right of refuming, at
any time afterwards, this authority, whenever they fhould declare it requifite for
public fafety. In effect, the important power of the {word was for ever ravithed
‘rom him and his fucceffors.
He agreed, that all the great oilices, during twenty years, fhould be filled by
both houfes of parliament. He relinquifhed to them the entire government of
©
ireland, and the conduct of the war there. He renounced the power of the
wards, and
1 accepted of 100,000 pounds a year in lieu of it. He acl
|
the fale of the ch 1apter lands, the abolition of all forms of pr: = and {trit laws
apain{t the catholics.; The King offered to retrench ev ery thing; which he’ did
not: efteem..of , apoftolical io Aanrrin + He was willing to abolifh archbithops,
deans, prebends, canons: He offered, that the chapter lands fhould be let at low
leafes during ninety nine years: He confented, that. the prefent church-goverh-
ment fhould continue during three years: After that time, he required not, that
any thing fhould be reftored to bifhops but the powerof' ordination, and even
that power to be exercifed by advice of the prefbyters.. If the parliament, upon
the expiration of that period, was not willing, all other branches of epifcopal
jurifdiction were abolifhed, and a new form of church-government muft, by
common conient, be cftablifhed. The book of common prayer he was willing
to renounce, but required the liberty of ufing fome other liturgy in his own
chappel: A'demand, which, tho’ feemingly very reafonable, was pofitively re-
fufed by the simhaeit. 3
Ir may be proper for the information of pofterity to obferve, that bread and
wince in the communion, and water in baptifm, being contecrated by a prefbyter,
thefe
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454, HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
rele rites were efteemed by the King invalid, unlefs the prefbyter himfelf had
ocen previoully confecrated by a bifhop: And confequently, without that order,
the {piritual benefit, accruing from the participation of thefe elements, was en.
tirely loft. If this prejudice of the King appear fuperftitious and contemptible to
fome philofophical minds, as certainly the queftion is very minute; it ought ftill
to be confidered, that he was fupporting the religion, which
found, by law, eftablifhed in his kingdoms.
Tar
iN
» at his acceflion, he
the difpute on the articles, one is not furprifed, that
t two of the parliamen.
tary theologians fhould tell the King, That if he did not confent to the utter
abolifoing epifcopacy, he would be damned. But it is not without {ome indignation,
that we read the following vote of the lords and commons. *« The houfes, out
** of their deteftation, to. that abominable idolatry ufed in the mafs, -do declare,
“" that they cannot admit of or confent unto any fuch indulgence in any law,
‘ as is defired by his Majefty for exempting the Queen and her family from the
" penalties to. be enacted againft the exercife of. the mafs.” The treaty of mars
triage, the regard to the Queen’s fex and high ftation, even common humanity ;
all confiderations were undervalued, in comparifon of their bigotted prejudi-
ces *,
‘
It
* The King compofed a letter to the Prince, in which he related
action, and accompanied his narrative, with feveral wife, as well as pathetical refle@tions and advi-
ces. The words with which he concluded the letter, are remarkable. “ By what hath been faid,
“* you fee how long I have labored in the fearch of peace: Do not you be difheartened to tread in
“ the fame fteps. Ufe all worthy means to reftore yourfelf to your rights, but prefer the way of
peace: Show the greatnefs of your mind, father to conquer yourenemies’ by pardoning, than
by punifhing. If you faw how unmanly and unchriftian the implacable difpofition is in our ill-
wifhers, you would avoid that fpirit. Cenfure me not for having parted with fo much of our
right: The price was great; but the commodity was, fecurity to us, peace to my people. And
I am confident, that another parliament would remember, how ufeful a king’s power is to a peo-
ple’s liberty; of how much power I diveited myfelf,
a parliamentary way, in order to agree the bounds of prince and people. Give belief to my
experience, never to affe€& more greatnefs or prerogative, than what is really and intrinfically
for the good of the fabje@s, not the fatisfaCtion of favorites. If you thus ufe it, you will never
want means to be a father to all; and a bountifyl prince to any, whom you incline to be ex-
traordinarily gracious to. You may perceive, that all men entruft their treafure, where it returns
them intereft; and if a prince, like the fea, receive and repay all the freth ftreams, which the’
rivers entruft with him, they will not grudge, but pride themfelves,
“ ocean, Thefe confiderations,
and your ftate may be fo much the more eftab!
fubjects have learned, I dare fay, that yi
* themfelves, and fo,
the whole courfe of this tranf-
-~
é¢
qc
§
oo
€¢
ac
that I and they might meet once again in
to make him up an
may make you as great a prince as your father is a low one;
ifhed, as mine hath heen fhaken. For our
Ctories over their princes, are but triumphs over
will more unwillingly hearken to changes hereafter. The Englifh nation
a6 are
C°HTAR! 2 © si7¢¥ 465
Ir was evidently the intereft, both of King and parliament, to finith their Chap. ¥.
treaty as quickly as poflible; and endeavor, by their combined forces, to refift, 1648.
if poffible, the ufurping fury of the army. it feemed even the intereft of the
parliament, te leave, in the king’s hand, a confiderable fhare of authority, by
which he might be enabled to proteé them and himfelf, from fo dangerous an e-
nemy. But the terms, on which they infifted, were fo rigorous, that the King,
fearing no worfe from the motft implacable enemies, was in no hafte to come to a
conclufion. And fo great was the bigotry on both fides, that they were willing
to facrifice the greateft civil interefts, rather than relinguifh the moft minute of
their theological contentions. From thefe caufes, aflifted by the artifice of the
independents, the treaty was {pun out to fuch a length, that the invafions and
in{urre¢ctions were every where fubdued ; and the army had leizure to execute their
violent and fanguinary projects.
HaMiLTon; having entered England with a numerous tho’ undifciplined ar- Civil‘war and
my, durft not unite his forces with thofe of Langdale; becaufe the Englith roy- oreffed. ae
alitts had-refufed to take the covenant ; and the Scotch prefbyterians, tho’ en-
gaged for the King, refufed to join them en any other terms. The two armies
marched together, tho” at fome diftance ; nor could even the approach of the parli-
amentary army under Cromwel, oblige the covenanters to cenfult their own fafety,
by aclofe union with the royaliits. “When principles are fo abfurd and fo deftru.
ctive- of human foctety, it may fafely be affirmed, that, the more fincere and
the more difinterefted they are, they only become the more ridiculous and o-
dious.
Cromwet feared not to oppofe 8000 men, to the numerous armies of 20,000,
commanded by Hamilton and Langdale. By furprize, he attacked the Jatter,
near Prefton in Lancafhire ; * and, tho’ the royalifts made a ftout refiftance, yet,
not being fuccored in time by their confederates, they were almoft entirely cut
in pieces. Hamilton was next attacked, put tao rout, and purfued to Utoxeter,
were
**- are a fober people, however, at prefent, infatuated. I Know not bat this may be the laft time,..
** I may {peak to you or the world publicly. 1am fenfible into. what hands | am fallen; and yet,.,
“I blefs God, I have thofe inward refrefhments, which the malice of my enemies cannot perturb...
“« T have learned to bufy myfelf, by retiring into myfelf; and therefore can the better digeft what-
“ever befalls me; not-doubting, but God’s providence will reftrain our enemies power, and turn
“ their fiercenefs into his praife. To conclude, if God give you fuceefs, ufe it hambly, and be-
“ ever far from revenge. If he‘reftore you to your right on hard conditions, whatever you pro- -
“‘ mife, keep. Thefe men, who have violated laws, which they were bound to preferve, will
“ find their triumphs full of trouble, But do not you think any thing in the world worth attaining,
** by foul and unjuft means.”
* s7thof Auguft.
—
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= —+ oe
aoe Sos
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;
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a
6 HISTORY or GREAT vee ae
where hefurrendered himfelf prifoner. Cromwel followed his advantage; and
marching into Scotland with a confiderable body, joined pea who was alfe
in arms}; and having fupprefied Laneric, Monro, and other moderate prefbyte-
xians, he placed the power entirely in the hands of the violent party. The eccle-
fiaftical authority, exalted above the « civil, exercifed the tevereit vengeance on
—
all thofe who had any fhare in Hamilton’s engagement; nor could.any of that
party recover truft, or even live in fafety, but ig doing folemn and public pe-
nance for taking arms, by i ke of parliament, in ee abst of their lawful
fovercign.
Tue chancellor Loudon, who had, at firft, ;countenanced Hamilton’s -enter-
prize, being terrified with the menaces of the clergy, had, fometime before, gone
over to the other party; and he now, openly in the church, tho’ invefted with
the higheft civil character in the kingdom, did penance for his obedience to the
parliament, which he termed a carnal felf-feeking. His penance he: accompa-
nied with fo many tears, and fuch pathetical addrefles to the people for their pray-
ers, inthis his uttermoft forrow and diftrefs, that an univerfal weeping and la-
mentation took -place among the deluded lied. 3
Tue loan of great fums of money, often to the ruin of families, was exacted
of all fuch as lay under any fufpicion of favoring the King’s party, tho’ their
conduct had been ever fo inoffenfive. This was a device, fallen upon by the m-
ling party, in order, as they faid, to reach Heart-Malignants. Never in this I-
fland, was known fo fevere and arbitrary a government, as was generally exerci-
fed, be the patrons of liberty in both kingdoms.
Tue fiege of Colchefter terminated in a manner equally unfortunate, as Ha-
milton’s engagement, for the royal caufe. After fuffering the utmoft extremity
of famine, after feeding on the vileft aliments; the garrifon defired, at laft, te
capitulate. Fairfax required them to furrender at mercy ; and he gave fuch an
explanation of thefe terms, .as. to referve to himfelf power, if he pleafed, to put
them. allinftantly to the {word. The officers endeavored, tho’ in vain, to perfuade
the foldiers, by making a furious affault, to break thro’, or at leaft, to fell their
lives as dear as poflible. They-were obliged * to accept-of the conditions offer-
ed; and Fairfax, initigated by the furious Ireton, to whom Cromwel, in his
abfence, had configned over the government of the paflive gencral, feized Sir
Charles Lucas and Sir George Lifle, and refolved to make them inftant facrifi-
ces to military juitice. This unufual piece of feverity was loudly exclaimed a-
gainft by all the prifoners. -Lord Capel, fearlefs of danger, reproached Ireton
with
* 28th of Auguf.
ee
Cs ALR VIE «sé: Ya, At7
with it; and challenged him, as they were all engaged in the fame honorable caule,
to exercife the fame impartial vengeance on all of them. Lucas was firft fhot to
death, and gave, himfelf, orders to fire, with the fame alacrity, as if he had
commanded a platoon of his own foldiers. Lifle inftantly ran and kiffed his dead
body, and then chearfully prefented himfelf toa like fate. ‘Thinking that the
foldiers, deftined for his execution, ftood at too great a diftance, he called te
them to come nearer: One of them replied, [’4 warrant you, Sir, we'll bit you :
He anfwered fmiling, Friends, I have been nearer you when you have miffed me.
Thus perithed this generous fpirit, not lefs beloved for his modefty and humanity,
than efteemed for his courage and military conduct.
Soon after, a gentleman, appearing in the King’s prefence, clothed in mourn-
ing for Sir Charles Lucas; that humane Prince, fuddenly recollecting the hard
fate of his friends, payed them a tribute, which none of his own unparalleled
misfortunes ever extorted from him: He diffolved into a flood of tears.
By thefe multiplied fuccefles of the army, they had fubdued all their enemics ;
and none remained but the helplefs King and parliament, to oppofe their violent
meafures and pretenfions. From Cromwel’s fuggeftion, a remonftrance was
drawn by the general council of officers, and fent to the parliament. They there
complain of the treaty with the King; demand his punifhment for the blood
fpilt during the war; require a diffolution of the prefent parliament, and a more
equal reprefentative for the future ; and affert, that, tho’ fervants, they are int-
tled to reprefent thefe important points to their mafters, who are themfelves no
better than fervarits and truftces of the people. At the fame time, they advance
with the army to Windfor, and fend Colonel Eure to feize the King’s perfon at
Newport, and convey him to Hurft cattle in the neighborhood, where he was
xeduced to very ftrict confinement.
Tus meafure being forefeen= fome» time before, the King was exhorted to
make his efcape, which was conceived to be very eafy: But having given his
word to the parliament not to attempt an evafion during the treaty, and three
weeks afterwards; he would not, by any perfuafion, be induced to hazard the
reproach of ‘violating his promife. In vain was it urged, that a promife, given
to the parliament, could no longer be binding; fince they could no longer afford
him protection from violence, threatened him by other perfons, te whom he was
bound by no tye or engagement. The King would indulge no refinements of ca-
fuiftry, however plaufible, in fuch delicate fubjeéts; and was refolved, that whatever
depredations fortune fhould commit upon him, fhe never fhould bereaye him of
his honor. |
You. L Mmm THE
Chap. X.
1648,
The King fei-
zed again by
the army.
——————
= cig fe
———————— _——
aa SS >
—° 5 ere
abel Piten iF 4
Ae a ee ee
Chap. X,
December 6,
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Be, oo ety Rel pee: — a — —————— : -
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—— - —= —— + pe <= _ = — -
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458 HISTORY or GREAT BRVTALN,
THE parliament loft not courage, notwith{tanding the danger, with which
they were fo nearly menaced. Tho’ without any plan for refifting military ufr-
pations, they generoufly refolved to withftand them to the utmoft; and rather to
bring or a violent and vifible fubverfion of government, than lend their autho.
rity to thofe illegal and fanguinary meafures, which were projected. They fet
afide the remonftrance of the army, without deigning to anfwer it;
they voted
the feizing the King’s perfon, to be without their content,
and fent a meffage to
the geneal, to know by what authority that enterprize had been executed ; and
they iffu:d orders, that the army fhould advance no nearer London.
Hou.'s, the prefent leader of the prefbyterians, was aman of the moft un-
conquerasle intrepidity; and many others of that party feconded -his magnani-
mous {puit. By them it was propoted, that the generals and principal officers,
for their difobedience and ufurpations, fhould, by the parliament, be proclaimed
traitors.
Bur the parliament were dealing with men,
words, ror retarded by any {crupulous delicacy. The generals, under the name
of Fairfax, (for he {till allowed them to employ his name) marched the army to
London, and placing guards in Whitehall, the Meufe, St. James’s, Durham-
houle, Covent-garden, and Palace-yard, furrounded the parliament with ‘their
hoftile armaments.
Tue pirliament, deftitute of all hopes of prevailing,
tage to rent. They attempted, in the face.of the army, to clofe their treaty
with the King; and, tho’ they had formerly voted his conceflions with regard
to the chirch and delinquents to be uniatisfactory, they now took into contide-
ration the final refolution with regard to the whole. - After a violent debate of
three days, it was carried, by a majority of 2129 againit 82, that the King’s
conceflion: were a foundation for the houfes to proceed upon in the fettlement of
the kingdom.
who would not be frightened by
retained, however, cou-
Next day, when the commons were to meet,
drayman, at the head of two regiments,
ed by the Lord Grey of Groby, feized in the paflage, forty one members of the
preibyteriajparty, and fent them .to.a low room, which pafled by the denomi-
nation of ell; whence they were afterwards carried to feveral inns. Above
160 members more were excluded; and none were allowed -to enter but the moft
furious andmoft determined of the independents ; and thefe exceeded not the num-
ber of fiftyor fixty. This atrocious invafion of the parliament,
under the rame of Colonel Pride’ s purge ; fo much difpofed w
merry with the dethroning of thofe members,
Colonel Pride, formerly a
had blockaded the houfe > and, dire&-
commonly paffed
ere the nation to make
who had violently arrogated the
whole
Cc QO Bas ¥ 1. 459
whole authority of the government, and deprived the King of his legal preroga-
tives.
Tue fubfequent acts of the parliament, if this diminutive affembly deferves
that honorable name, retain not the leaft appearance of law, equity, or free-
dom. They inftantly reverfed the former vote, and declared the King’s concef-
fions unfatisfactory. They determined, that no members, abfent at this laft vote,
fhould be received, till they fubfcribed it, ‘as agreeable to their judgment. They
renewed their former vote of non-addrefles. And they committed to prifon,
Sir William Waller, Sir John Clotworthy, the generals, Maffey, Brown, and
Copley, and other leaders of the prefbyterians. Thefe Men, ‘by their credit
and authority, which was then very high, had, at’ the commencement of the
war, fupported the parliament; and thereby prepared the way for the greatnefs
of the prefent leaders, who, at that time, were of very fmall account in the
nation. | |
Tue fecluded members having publifhed a paper, containing a narrative of the
violence, which had been exercifed upon them, and a proteftation, that all ats
were void, which, from that time, had been tranfacted in the houfe of commons;
the remaining members encountered it with a declaration, where they pronounced
it falfe, fcandalous, feditious, and tending to the deftruction of the vifible and
fundamental government of the kingdom.
Tuese fudden and violent revolutions held the whole nation in terror and
aftonifhment. Every man dreaded to be trampled under foot, in the contention
betwixt thofe mighty powers, which difputed for the fovereignty of the ftate.
Many began to withdraw their effects beyond feas: Foreigners fcrupled to give
any credit to a people, fo torn by domeftie factions, and oppreffed by military u-
furpation : Even the internal commerce of the kingdom began to ftagnate: And
in order to remedy thefe growing evils, the army, in their general’s name, pu-
blifhed a declaration, where they exprefled their refolution of fupporting law and
yuitice. .
Tue more to quiet the minds of men, the council of officers took into con-
fideration, a fcheme called The agreement of the people; being the plan of a repu-
blic, to be fubftituted in the place of that government which they had fo violent-
ly pulled in pieces. Many parts of this fcheme, for correcting the inequalities of
the reprefentative, are very plaufible; had the nation been willing to: receive it,
or had the army intended to impofe it. Other parts are too perfect for human
nature, and favor ftrongly of that enthufiaftic fpirit, fo prevalent thro’out the
kingdom.
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460 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN,
Tue height of all iniquity and fanatical extravagance yet remained; the pus
blic trial and execution of their fovercign. To this period was every meafure
precipitated by the furious independents. The parliamentary leaders of that pars
ty had. intended, that the army fhould, themfelves, execute that daring enter-
prize; and they efteemed fo irregular and lawle{s a deed, bett fitted to fuch irre-
gular and lawlefs inftruments. But the generals were too wife, to load them-
{elves fingly with the infamy, which, they knew, mu{t attend an action, fo fhock-
ing to. the general fentiments of mankind. The parliament, they were refolved,
fhould fhare with them the reproach of a meafure, which was efteemed requifite
for the advancement of their common ends of fafety and ambition. In the
houfe of commons, therefore, a committee was appointed to bring in a charge a-
gainit the King.. On their report a vote pafled, declaring it treafon in a king,
to levy war againft his parliament, and appointing a H1GH COURT OF JusTICE
to try his Majefty for this new invented treafon.. This vote was fent up to the
houfe of peers.
Tue houte of peers, during the civil wars, had, all along, been-of fmall ac-
count; but it had lately, fince the King’s fall, become totally contemptible;
and very few members would fubmit to the mortification of attending it. They.
nappened, that day, to be more frequent than ufual, and were aflembled to the
number of fixteen. Without one diffenting voice, and almoft. without delibera-
tion, they initantly rejected the vote of the lower houfe, and adjourned them-
felves for ten days; hoping, that this delay would be able to retard the furious,
career of the commons..
Tur commons were not to be ftopped’ by fo fmall an obftacle. Having firft
eitablithed a principle, which is noble in itfelf, and feems fpecious, but is belied
by all hiftory and experience, That the people.are the origin of all juft power ;. they.
likeways declared, thatthe commons of England, affembled in parliament, be-
ing chofen by the people, and reprefenting them, have the fupreme authority of
the nation; and that whatever is enacted and declared law.hby. the. commons,
hath the ferce of law, without the confent of king or houfe of peers. The.
ordinance for the trial of Charles Stuart, king of England, fo they called him,
was again red and unanimoufly affented to.
In proportion to the enormity of the violences. and. ufurpations, were aug
mented the pretences of fanctity, among thofe impious regicides.. ‘+ Should any
* one have voluntarily propofed,’” faid Cromwel in the houfe, “ to bring the.
“‘ King to punifhment, I fhould have regarded him as the greateft traytor; but,
“ fince providence and neceflity have caft us upon ity I will pray to God for a
bleiling
2) ES. | ee aT Lads svete are i iis amc MRGaCa amon ok cleans caer ads SPT ress omer her sss ke sin eee
Ci HEM win or s°*: 464
“ blefling on your councils; tho’ I am not prepared to give you any advice on this Chap: %
*‘ important occafion. Even I myfelf,” fubjoined he, ** when I was lately offering: sag
“* up petitions for his Majefty’s refaentaeil felt my tongue cleave to the roof of
*“my mouth, and confidered this fupernaturak movement as the an{wer, which
“* Heaven, having rejected the King, had fent to my fupplications.’’
A woman of Hertfordfhire, illuminated by prophetical vifions, defired admit-.
tance into the council of war, and communicated to them a revelation, which
aflured them, that their meafures were confecrated from above, and ratified by a
heavenly fanction. _ This intelligence gave them great’ comfort, and much con-
firmed them in their prefent refolutions. |
CoLtowet Harrifon, the fon of a butcher, and the moft furious enthufiatt of
the army, a man endowed with manners and. humanity, fuitable to his education
and turn of mind, was fent with a {trong party to conduct the King to London.
At Windior, Hamilton, who was there detained a prifoner, was admitted into
the King’s prefence; and falling on his knees, paflionately exclaimed, My dear
mafter! I bhave.indeed been fo to you, replied Charles, embracing him... No far-
ther intercourfe was allowed betwixt them. The.King was inftantly hurried a-
way. Hamilton long followed him with his eyes,. all fuffufed in tears, and _pro-
gnofticated, that, in this fhort falutation, he had given the laft adieu to his friend
and fovereign. |
Curves himfelf was affured, that the period of his life was mow approach-
ing; but.notwith{tanding all the preparations, which were making, and the in-
telligence, which he received, he could not, even yet, believe, that. his ene-
mies really meant to conclude their violences by a public trial and.execution. A
private affaflination he every.smoment looked for; and.tho’.Harrifon,adlured him,
that his apprehenfions were intirely groundlefs, it was by that cataftrophe, fo
frequent with dethroned princes, that he expected to terminate his life. In ap-
pearance, as wellas reality, the King was nowdethroned. All the exterior fym-
bols of fovereignty were withdrawn, and his attendants had orders to ferve him
without ceremony. At firft, he was fhocked with inftances of rudenefs and fa-
miliarity, to which he had been fo little accuftomed. Nothing fo contemptible as a
defpifed prince! was the reflection, which they fuggefted to him. But he foon
reconciled his mind to this, as to his other calamities.
Aut the terms of the trial were now adjufted;. and the. high court.of juftice
fully conftituted. It confifted of 133 perfons, as named by the commons; but
there never met above 70: So difficult was it found, notwithitanding the blind-
iefs of prejudice, and the allurements of intereft, to engagemen of any name
er character in that. criminal meafure, Cromwell, Ireton, Harrifon, and the
chief
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1049.
The King’s
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462 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
chief officers of the army, moftof them of very mean birth, were members,
along with fonie of the lower horfe and fome citizens of London. The twelve
judges were at firft appointed in the number: But having affirmed, that it was
contrary to all the ideas of Englih law to try the King for treafon, by whofe
authority al! accufations for treafa muft neceflarily be conducted; their names,
as well as thofe of fome peers, were afterwards ftruck out. Bradfhaw, a law-
yer, was chofen prefident. Cok? was appointed follicitor for the people of Eng-
land. Doriflaus, Steele, and Ake, were named afliftants. The court fat in
Weftminfter hall.
Ir is obfervable, that, in callirg over the court, when the crier pronounced
the name of Fairfax, which had been inferted inthe number, a voice came from.
one of the fpectators, and cried, He has more wit than to be bere. When the charge
was red againft the King, In the name of the people of England; the fame yoice
exclaimed, Not a tenth part of thm. Axtel the officer, who guarded the court,
giving orders to fire into the box, whence thefe infolent fpeeches came; it was
difcoyered,. that Lady Fairfax was there, and that it was fhe who had had the
courage to utter them. She wasa perfon of very noble extraction, the daughter
of Horace Lord Vere of Tilbury 5 but being feduced by the violence of the times,
ghe had long feconded her hufbanc’s zeal againft the royal caufe, and was now, as
well as he, {truck with abhorrence at the fatal and unexpected confequence of
all his boaited victories. |
THE pomp, the dignity, the ceremony of this tranfaétion correfponded to
the greateft conception, that is uggefted in the whole annals of human kind ;
the delegates of a great people fitting in judgment upon their fupreme magiftrate,
and trying him for his mifgovernment and breach of truft. The follicitor, in
the name of the commons, reprefinted, that Charles Stuart, being admitted king
of England, and entruffed with 1 limited power; yet neverthelefs, out of a
wicked defign to erect an unlimited and tyrannical government, had traiteroufly
and malicioufly levied war againftthe prefent parliament, and the people, whom
they reprefented, and was therefore impeached as a tyrant, traitor, murderer,
and a public and implacable ensmy to the commonwealth. After the charge
was finifhed, the prefident direéted his difcourfe to the King, and told him, that
the court expected his anfwer. :
Tue King, tho’ long detainel a prifoner, and now produced as a criminal,
fuftained, by his magnanimous courage, the majefty of a monarch. With great
temper and dignity, he declined the authority of the court, and refufed to fub-
mit himfelf to their jurifditior. He reprefented, That, having been engaged
in treaty with his two houfes of jarliament, and having finifhed almoft every ar-
ticle,
Civ ASR. BE s 2. 463
ticle, he had expected to be brought to his capital in another manner, and’ere Chap. X.
this time, to have been reftored to his power, dignity, revenue, as well as to his 1049-
perfonal liberty: That he could not now p&ceive any appearance of the upper
houfe, fo effential a member of the conttituticn ; and had learned, that even the
commons, whofe authority was pretended, vere fubdued by Jawlefs force, and
were bereaved of their liberty: That he hinfelf was their NATIVE HEREDI-
TARY KinG; nor was the whole authority of the ftate, tho’ free and united,
titled to try him, who derived his dignity from the Supreme Majetty of Hea-
ven: That, admitting thofe cxtravagant priiciples, which Jevelled all.orders of
men, the court could plead. no power, deleg:ted by the peoples. unlefs the cone.
fent of every individual, down to the meandt and moft ignorant peafant, had
been previoufly afked. and obtained: That ie acknowleged, withont {cruple,.
that he had a truf, committed to him, and me moft facred and inviolable; he
was entrufted with the liberties-of his people, and would not now betray them,
by recognizing a powcr, founded-onthe moft atrocious violence and ufurpation ;
That having taken arms, and frequently expofed his life, in defence of public
liberty, of the conftitution, of the fundameatal Jaws .of the kingdom, he was
willing, in this laft and moft folemn fcene, to feal with his blood thofe precious
rights, for which, tho’ in*vain, he had fo lng contended: That thofe, who-
arrogated a title to fit as his judges, were born his fubjects, and born fubjects to
thofe laws, which determined, That the king auld do no wrong: That he lay un-
derno neceflity. of fheltering himfelf under that general maxim, which puards eve-
ry Englifh monarch, even the leaft deferving; but was able, by the moft fatis-
factory reafons, to juftify thofe meafures, in which he had been engaged: That,
to the whole world, and even to them, his pretended judges, he was willing, if
called upon in another manner,.to prove the inteority of his conduct, and afferr
the juftice of thofe defenfive arms, to which, unwillingly and unfortunately, he
had had recourfe: But that, in order to prefeve an uniformity of conduct, he
muft, at prefent, foregoe the apology of hisinnocence; left,’ by ratifying an
authority, no better founded than that of robbers and pyrates, he -be juttly
branded asthe betrayer, inftead of being applauded as the martyr, of the confti-
tution. Boss
Tue prefident, in order to fupport the majefty of the people, and maintain the
fuperiority of his court above the prifoner, {till inculcated, That he mudt not-decline
the authority of his judges; that they over-ruld his objections 5 bhat they were
delegated by the people, the only fource of every lawful power; and that kings.
themfelves acted but in truft from that communty, which-had invefted this high
court of juftice with its jurifdiction. Even aciording to thefe principles, which,
in
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Chap X.
16.409.
27th of Jan.
Abt. HISTORY Gr GREAT BRITAIN.
in his prefent fituation, he was perhaps obliged to adopt, his behavior, inogeneral,
will appear not a little harfh and barbarous; but when we confider him.as a fub-
ject, and one too of no high character, addrefling himfelf to his: unfortunate fos
vereign, his ftyle will be efteemed, tothe lait degree, audacious and infolent.
THREE times was Charles produced before the court, and as often declined
their jurifdiction. On the fourth, the judges having examined fome witneiles,
by whom it was proved, that the King had appeared in arms apainft the forces,
commiffioned by the parliament, they pronounced fentence againft him. He
feemed very anxious, at this time, to be admitted to a conference with the: twe
houfes; andit was fuppofed, that he intended to refign the crown to his fon:
But the court refufed compliance, and confidered that requeft as nothing but a de-
lay of juftice.
Ir is confefled, that the King’s behavior, during this laft period of his life,
does great honor to his memory ; and that, in all appearances before his judges, he
never forgot his part, either as a prince or as a man. Firm and intrepid, he
maintained, in each reply, the utmoft perfpicuity and juftnefs both of thought
and expreffion: -Mild and equable, he rofe into ne paflion at that unufual autho-
sity, which was affumed over him. His foul, without effort or affectation,
feemed only to remain in the fituation familiar to it, and-to look down with
contempt on all the efforts of human malice and iniquity. The foldiers, inftiga.
ted by their fuperiors, were brought, tho’ with difficulty, to cry aloud for ju-
ftice: Poor fouls! faid the King to one of his attendants; for a little money they
would do as much againft their commanders. Some.of them were permitted to go
the utmoft length-of brutal infolence, and to fpit in his face, as he was conveys
ed along the paflage to the court. To excite a fentiment of piety, was the only
effect which this inhuman infult was able to operate upon him.
Tue people, tho’ under the red of lawlefs, unlimited power, could not for-
bear, withthe moft ardent prayers, to pour forth their withes for his preferva-
tion; and, in his prefent diftrefs, they avowed him, by their gencrous tears, for
their monarch, whom, in their mifguided fury, they had before fo violently re-
jected. . The King was foftened at this moving fcene, and expreffed his gratitude
for their dutiful affe@tion. One foldier too, feized by contagious fympathy, de-
manded from heaven a blefling on oppreffed and fallen majefty: His officer, over-
hearing his prayer, beat him to the ground in the King’s prefence. The punifh-
ment, methinks, exceeds the offence: This was the reflection, which Charles form-
ed on that occafion.
As foon as theintention of trying the King was known in foreign nations, fo enor-
mous an action was exclaimed againft by the general voice of reafon and humanity 5
and
CH A RD L. Ee oF 465
and all men, under whatever form of government they were born, rejeéted this
example, as the utmoft effort of undifguifed ufurpation, and the moft heiriots
infult on law and juftice. The French ambaflador, by orders from his court, in-
terpofed on the King’s behalf; The Dutch employed their good offices: ‘The
Scotch exclaimed and protefted againft this violence: The Queen, the Prince,
wrote pathetic letters to the parliament. Al follicitations were found fruitlefs
with men whofe refolutions were fixed and irrevocable.
Four of Charles’s friends, perfons of the greateft virtue and dignity, Rich-
mond, Hertford, Southampton, Lindefey, applied to the commons. They re-
prefented, That they were tie King’s counfellors, and had concurred, by their ad-
vice, with all thofe meafurés which were now imputed as crimes to thcir royal
mafter: That, in the eye of the law, and according to the di€tates of common
reafon, they alone were guilty, and were alone expofed to cenfure for every
blameable action of the prince: And that they now prefented themfelves, in or-
der tofave, by their own punifhment, that precious life, which it became the
commons themfelves, and every fubject, with the utmoit hazard, to protect and
defend. Such a generous effort contributed to their honor 5 but operated nothing
towards the King’s fafety.
Tue people remained in that filence and aftonifhment, which all great paffions,
when not furnifhed with an opportunity of exerting themfelves, naturally pro-
duce inthe human mind. The foldiers, being inceflantly plied with prayers, -fer-
mons, and exhortations, were wrought up to a degree of fury, and imagined,
that, in the acts of the moft extreme difloyalty towards their prince, confifted
their higheft merit in theeyes of Heaven.
THREE days were allowed the King betwixt his fentence and his execution,
This interval he pafled with great tranquillity-chicfly in reading and devotion.
All his family, that remained in England, was allowed accefs to him. It con-
fifted only of the Princefs Elizabeth and the Duke of Glocetter: The Duke of
Yorke had made his efcape. Glocefter was little more than an infant: The
Princefs, notwithftanding her tender years, fhewed a very advanced jadgment;
and the calamities of her family had made a deep impreflion upon her. After ma-
ny pious confolations and advices, the King gave her in charge to tell the Queen;
That, during the whole courfe of his life, he had never once, even in thought,
failed in his fidelity towards her; and that his conjugal tendernefs and his life
fhould have an equal duration.
To the young Duke too, he could not forbear giving fome advice, in order
‘to feafon his mind with early principles of loyalty and obedience towards his bro-
ther, who was fo foon to be his fovereign. Holding him on his knee, he faid,
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466 HISTORY (or
GREAT: BRITAIN
‘* Now they will cut off thy father’s head.”” At thefe words, the chid looked
very ftedfaitly upon him. ‘¢ Mark! child, what I fay: . T hey will cat off my
‘“ head! and perhaps make thee a king: But mark what I fay: Thou muf
*“ not be a king, as long as thy brothers, Charles and James, arealive.. They
will cut off thy brothers’ heads, when they can catch them! And thy head too
€¢ t
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hey will cut off at lait! And therefore I charge thee do not be madea king b
“them!” The Duke, fighing, replied, ‘1 will be torn in pieces firt!? go
determined an anfwer, from one of fuch tender years, filled the King’s eyes with
c
tears of joy and admiration.
Every night, during this interval, the King flept found as ufual; tho’ the
noife of workmen, employed in framing the fcaffold, and other preparations for
his execution, continually refounded in his ears*. The morning of the fatal day,
he rofe early ; and. calling Herbert, one of his attendants, he bade him employ
more than ufual care in drefling him, and preparing him for fo great and joyful a
folemnity. Bifhop Juxon, a man endowed with the fame mild and {teddy virtues,
by which the King himfelf was fo much diftinguifhed, affitted him in his devoti:
ons, and payed the laft melancholy duties to his friend and fovereign.
Tue ftreet before Whitehall was the place deftined for the execution: For it
was intended, by choofing that very place, in fight of his own palace, to mark
more {trongly the triumph of popular juftice over royal majefty. Whenthe King
came upon the fcaffold, he found it fo furrounded with foldiers, that he could
not expect to. be heard by any of the people: He addreffed, therefore. his dif.
courfe to the few perfons who were about him; particularly Colonel Tomlin-
fon, to whofe care he had lately been committed, and upon whom, as upon many
others, his amiable deportment. had operated an intire converfion. He juftified
his own innocence in the late fatal wars, and obferved, that he had rot taken
arms, till after his parliament had inlifted forces; nor had he any other obje@ in:
his warlike operations, than: to preferve that authority intire, which by his an-
ceftors was tranfmitted to him. He threw not, however, the blame upon. the
parliament ; but was more inclined to think, that ill inftruments had interpofed,.
and excited in them fears and jealoufies with regard to-his intentions. Tho’ inno-
cent towards his people, he acknowleged the equity of his execution in the eyes:
of his Maker; and obferved, that an unjuft fentence, which he had fuffered to
take eflect,. was now punifhed by an unjuit fentence upon himfclf. | He forgave all
his enemies, even the chief inftruments of his death ; but exhorted them and the
whole nation to return to the way of peace, by paying obedience: to: their law-
ful fovereign, his fon and fucceflor. When he was preparing himfel? for the
block,
* Walker’s hiftory of independency,
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Ce A ORLY Es oe 467
block, Bifhop Juxon called tohim: “ There is, Sir, but one ftage more, which, Chap. X.
“¢ tho’ turbulent and troublefome, yet is a very fhort one. Confider, it will foon shay.
“¢ carry you a great way; it will carry you from earth to heaven; and there you
‘¢ fhall find, to your great joy, the prize, to which you haften, a crown of glory.”
‘‘T go,’ replied the King, ‘* from acorruptible to an incorruptible crown; where
*¢ no difturbance can have place.”” At-one blow was his head fevered from his
body. A man ina vizor performed the office of executioner-: Another, in a like
difguife, held up,-to the fpectators, the head, {treaming with blood, and cried aloud,
This isthe head of .a traitor!
Ir is impoflible to defcribe the grief, indignation, ‘and aftonifhment, which
took place, not only among the {pectators, who were overwhelmed with a flood
of forrow, but thro’out the whole nation, as foon as the report of this fatal ex-
ecution was conveyed to them.. Never monarch, in the full triumph of fuccefs
and victory, was more dear to his people than his misfortunes and magnanimity,
his*patence and piety, had rendered this unhappy Prince. In proportion to their-
former delufions, which had animated them againit him, was the violence of their
return to duty and affection; while each reproached himfelf, either with active
difloyaty towards him, or with too indolent defence of his opprefled caufe. On
weaker minds, . the effects of thefe complicated paflions were prodigious. Wo-
men are faid to have caft forth the untimely fruit of their womb: Others fell
into convulfions, or funk into fuch a melancholy as attended them to their grave :
Nay fone, unmindful of themfelves, as tho’ they could not, or would not furvive
their beloved prince, it is reported, fuddenly fell down dead. The very pulpits
were b:dewed with unfuborned tears; thofe pulpits, which had formerly thun-
dered. out the moft violent imprecations and anathemas againft him. And all men
united in their deteftation of thofe hypocritical parricides, who, by fanctified
pretences, had fo long difeuifed their treafons, and in this laft aét of atrocious ini-
quity, had thrown an indelible {tain upon the nation.
A frefh inftance of hypocrify was difplayed the very day of the King’s death.
The gererous Fairfax, not contented with being abfent from the trial, had ufed
all the intereft, which he yet retained, to prevent the execution of the fatal fen-
tence; and had even employed perfuafion with his own regiment, tho’ noneelie
fhould follow him, to refcue the King from his difloyal murderers. _Cromwel
and Ireion, informed of this intention, endeavored to convince him, that the
Lord hid rejected the King; and they exhorted him to feek by prayer fome di-
rection from Heaven on this important occafion: But they concealed from him,
that already they had figned the warrant for the execution. Harrifon was the
perfon appointed to join in prayer with the unwary general. By agreement, he
Nnn 2 prolonged
Andcharaéter.
468 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
;
prolonged his lamentable dirges, till intelligence arrived, that the fatal blow wag
firuck. Hethen rofe from his knees, and infiited with Fairfax, that this event
was a miraculous and providential anfwer, which Heaven had fent to their deyout
{upplications.
Ir being remarked, that the King, the moment before he ftretched out his.
neck to the executioner, had faid to Juxon, with avery earneft accent, the fin:
gle word, RememBer; great myfteries were fuppofed to be concealed under
that expreflion, and the generals vehemently infifted with the prelate, that he
Should inform them of the King’s meaning. Juxon told them, that the King,
having frequently charged hiin to inculcate on his fon the forgivenefs of his mur-
derers, had taken this opportunity, in the laft moment of his life, when his com-
mands, he fuppofed, would be regarded as facred and inviolable, to re-iterate
that defire; and that his mild fpirit thus terminated its prefent courfe, by an ad
of benevolence towards his greateft enemies.
Tue character of this Prince, as that of moft men, if not of all men, was
mixed ; but his virtues predominated extremely above his vices, or, more pro
perly fpeaking, his imperfections: For fcarce any of his faults rofe to that pitch
as to merit the appellation of vices. To confider him in the moft favorable light,
it may be affirmed, that his dignity was exempted from pride; his humanity from
weaknefs, his bravery from rafhnefs, his temperance from aufterity, his fruga-
lity from avarice: All thefe virtues, in him, maintained their proper bounds,
and merited unreferved praife. To fpeak the moft harfhly of him, we may af-
frm, that many of his good qualities were attended with fome latent frailty,
which, tho’ feemingly inconfiderable, was able, when feconded by the extreme
malevolence of his fortune, to difappoint them of all their influence: His benefi-
cent dijpofition was clouded by a manner not very gracious; his virtue was tin-
tured with fuperitition; his good fenfe was disfigured by. a deference to perfons
of a capacity much inferior to his own; and his moderate temper exempted him
not from haity and precipitate refolutions. He deferves the epithet of a good, ra-
ther than of a great man; and was more fitted to rule in a regular eftablithed
government, than either to give way to the encroachments of a popular affembly,
or finally to fubdue their pretenfions. He wanted fupplenefs and dexterity fuffi-
cient for the firft meafure: He was not endowed with the vigor requifite for the
fecond. Had he been born an abfolute prince, his humanity and good fenfe had
rendered his reign happy and his memory precious: Had the limitations on pre-
ropative been, in his time, quite fixed and afcertained, his integrity had made
him regard, as facred, the boundaries of the con{titution, Unhappily, his fate
threw him into a peried, when the precedents of many former reigns favored
{trongly
4 ane Se oR. __ cate
Sco he Eee TST oss Er ce teaee T eet Ee PET Te oe ---= =
a - s- =e > 35 Se eee ee a Ae SN SWS ts Bid er SS er a ee
ih 1 adie” = ;
CH ART Es - *¥ 469
ftrongly of arbitrary power, and the genius of the people ran violently towards
liberty. And if his political prudence was infufficient to extricate him from fo
perilous a fituation, he may be excufed; fince, even after the event, when it
is commonly eafy to correct all errors, one is at a lofs to determine what conduct,
in his circumftances, could have maintained the authority of the crown, and pre-
ferved the peace of the nation. Eixpofed to the affaults of furious, implacable,
and bigotted factions, it was never permitted him, without the moft fatal con-
{equences, to commit the fmalleft miftake ; a condition too rigorous to be impo-
{fed on the greateft human capacity.
Some hittorians have rafhly queftioned his good faith: But, for this reproach,
the moft malignant ferutiny of his comduét, which, in every circumftance, is
now thorowly known, affords not any reafonable foundation. On the contrary,
if we confider the extreme difficulties, to which he was fo frequently reduced,
and compare the fincerity of his profeffions and declarations ; we fhall avow, that
probity and honor ought juftly to be placed among his moft fhining qualities.
In every treaty, thofe conceflions, which, he thought, in confcience, he could.
not maintain, he never could, by any motive or perfuafion, be induced to grant.
And tho’ fome violations of the petition of right may be imputed to him; thefe-
are more to be afcribed to the lofty ideas of royal prerogative, which he had im--
bibed, than to any failure in the integrity of his principles.
Tuts Prince was of a comely prefence; of a fweet, but melancholy afpect.
His face was regular, handfome, and well complexioned; his body {trong, heal-
thy, and juftly proportioned ; - and being of a middle {tature, was capable of en-
during the greateft fatigues. He excelled in horfemanfhip and other exercifes 3:
and he poffeffed all the exterior, as well as many of the eflential qualities, which
form an accomplifhed prince. ~~~ eet a
Tue tragical death of Charles begot a queftion, whether the people, in any
cafe, were intitled to judge and to punifh their fovereign ; and moit men, re-
garding chiefly the atrocious ufurpation of the pretended judges, and the merit of
the virtuous, tho’ perhaps not entirely innocent, prince who fuffered, were
inclined ftrongly to condemn the republican principles, as highly feditious and
extravagant: But there {till were a few, who, abitracting from the particular
circumftances of this cafe, were able to confider the queftion in general, and
were inclined to moderate, not contradict, the prevailing fentiment. Such might
have been their reafoning. If ever, on any occafion, it were laudable to conceal
truth from the populace; it muft be confeffed, that the doctrine of refiftance
affords fuch an example; and that all f{peculative reafoners ought to obferve,
with regard to this principle, the fame cautious filence, which the laws, in every
| fpecies
Chap. Xi.
1649.
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$2. ee ee
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see
Chap. X,
1640,
470 HISTORY .or. GREAT BRITAIN.
é
{pecies of government, have ever prefcribed to themfelves. Government is infti.
tuted, in order to reftrain the fury and injuftice of the people; and being always
founded on opinion, not on force, -it is dangerous, by thefe {peculations, to
weaken the reverence, which the multitude owe to authority, and to inftrug
them before-hand, that the cafe can ever happen, when they may be free’d from
their duty of allegiance. Or fhould it be found impoflible to retrain the licence
of human difquifitions, it muft be acknowleged, that the doctrine ‘of obedience
ought alone to be inculcated, and that the exceptions, which are very rare,
ght feldom or never to be mentioned in popular reafonings and.difcourfes. Nor
is-there any danger, that mankind, by this prudent .referve, fhould univerfally
degenerate into a ftate of abject fervitude. When .the exception. really. occurs,
even tho’ it:be not precedently expected and defcanted on, it mult, from its very
nature, be fo obvious and undifputed, as to remove all doubt, and overpower the
reftraint, however great, impofed by teaching the-general doétrine of obedience.
But betwixt refifting a prince and dethroning him, there is a very wide interval ;
and the abufes of power, which can warrant the latter violence, are much greater
and more enormous, than thofe which will juftify the former. Hittory, how-
ever, fupplies us with examples even of this kind; and the reality of the fuppo-
fition, tho’, for the future, it ought ever to be little looked for, muft, by all can-
did inquirers, be acknowleged in the paft. But betwixt dethroning a prince and
punifhing him, there is another very wide interval; and it were not ftrange,
if even men of the moft enlarged thought fhould queftion, whether human nature
could ever, in any monarch, reach that hej ght of depravity, as to warrant, in re-
volted fubjects, this laft act of extraordinary jurifdiction. That illufion, if it be
an illufion, which teaches us to pay a facred regard to the perfons of princes, is fo
falutary, that to diffipate it by the format trtat and punifhment of a fovereign, will
have more pernicious effeéts upon the people, than, the example of juttice can be
f{uppofed to have a beneficial influence upon princes, by checking their career of
tyranny. Tis dangerous too, by thefe examples, to reduce princes to defpair,
or bring matters to fuch extremities again{t perfons endowed with great power, as
to leave them no refource, but in the moft violent and moft fanguinary councils.
This general pofition being eftablifhed, it mutt, however, be,obferved, that no
reader, almoft of any party or principle, was ever fhocked, when he red, in anti-
ent hiftory, that the Roman fenate voted Nero, their abfolute fovereign; to bea
public enemy, and, even without trial, condemned him. to the fevereft and moft
ignominious punifhment; fuch a punifhment, as the meaneft Roman.citizen was,
by the laws, exempted from... The crimes of that bloody tyrant are fo enormous;
that they break thro’ all rules } and extort a confeflion, that fuch.a dethroned
prince
Ent ee ene BOS! aR 471
prince is no longer fuperior to his people, and can no longer plead, in his own de-
fence, laws, which were eftablifhed for conducting the ordinary courfe of admi-
niftration. But when we pafs from the cafe of Nero to that of Charles, the
great difproportion, or rather total contrariety of characters, immediately {trikes
us; and we ftand aftonifhed, that, amongft a civilized people, fo much virtue
could ever meet with fo fatal a cataftrophe. Hiltory, the great miftrefs of wif.
dom, furnifhes examples of all kinds; and every prudential, as well as moral pre-
cept, may be authorized by thofe events, which her enlarged mirror is able to pre-
fent tous. From the memorable revolutions, which pafled in England during
this period, we may naturally deduce the fame ufeful lefion, which Charles him-
fel, in his latter years, inferred ; that it is very dangerous for princes to aflume
more authority, than the laws have allowed them. © But, it muft be confefled,
that thefe events furnifh us with another inftruction, no lefs natural and no lefé
uieful, concerning the madnefs of the people, the-furies of fanaticifm, and the
danger of nrercenary armies.
In order to clofe this part of Britifh hiftory, it is alfo neceffary to relate the
diffolution of the monarchy in England: That event followed foon after the death
of the monarch. When the peers met upon the day, appointed in their adjourn:
ment, they entered upon bufinefs, and fent down fome votes to the commons,
of which the latter deigned-not to take the leaft notice. In a few days, the
lower houfe paffed-a vote, that'they fhould make no more addreffés to the houfe
of peers, nor receive any more from them; and that that houfe was ufelefS and
dangerous, and was therefore to be abolifhed. A like vote pafled with regard to
the monarchy; and ’tis remarkable, that Martin, a furious republican, in thé
debate on this queftion, confeffed, that, if they defired a king, the laft was as
proper as any gentleman in England --"Phecommons formed a few preat feal,
on which that aflembly was reprefented with this legend, ON THE FIRST YEAR
OF FREEDOM, BY GOD’s BLESSING, RESTORED, 1648. The forms of ail’
public bufinefs were changed, from the king’s name, to that of the keepers of
the liberties of England. And it was declared high treafon to proclaim
or any otherways acknowlege Charles Stuart, commonly called Prince of
Wales.
Tue Princefs Elizabeth the commons intended to bind apprentice to a button-
maker: The Duke of Gloceiter was to be taught fome other mechanical employ -
ment. But the former foon died; of grief, as is fuppofed, for her father’s’ tragical
end: The latter was, by Cromwel, fent beyond feas. |
Tite
* Walker's hiftory of independency, part 2,
Chap. X,
r64g.
Chap. X.
£049.
472 HISTORY or GREAT BRITAIN.
THE King’s ftatue, in the Exchange, was thrown down; and.on the pedeftal thefe
‘words were inferibed: Exit TYRANNUS, REGUM ULTIMUS3 | Ihe tyrant is
gone, the lalt of the kings. ieee
Duxe HAMILTON was tried by a new high court of juftice, as Earl of Cam:
bridge in England; and condemned for high treafon. This fentence, which
was certainly very hard, but which ought to fave his memory from all impita-
‘tions of treachery to his maiter, was executed on a fcaffold; erected before Wet.
minfter hall. Lord Capel underwent the fame fate. Both thefe Noblemen had
eicaped from prifon, but were afterwards difcovered and taken. To all the {ols
‘licitations of their friends for pardon, the generals and parliamentary leaders {till
replied, that it was certainly the intention of Providence they fhould fuffer; fince
it had permitted them to fall into their.enemies hands, after they had once reco-
vered their liberty.
Tue Earl of Holland loft his life by a like fentence. Tho’ of a polite and
courtly behavior, he died lamented by no party. His ingratitude to the King,
and his frequent changing of fides were regarded as great ftains on his memory.
The Earl of Norwich and Sir John Owen, being condemned by the fame court,
were pardoned by the commons.
Tue King left fix children; three males, Charles born in 16 30, James Duke
of Yorke, born in 1633, Henry Duke of Glocefter, born in 16413 and three
females, Mary Princefs of Orange, born 16 31, Elizabeth, born 1635, and
Henrietta, afterwards. Duchefs of Orleans, born at Exeter 1 644.
Tue Archbifhops of Canterbury in this reign were Abbot and Laude
The Lord keepers, Williams, bifhop of Lincoln, Lord Coventry, Lord
Finch, Lord Littleton, Sir Richard Lane; the Lord admirals, the Duke of
Buckingham and the “art of Northumberland; the Lord high treafurers, . the
Earl of Marlborough, the Earl of Portland, Juxon bifhop of London, Lord
Cottington; the fecretaries of ftate, Lord Conway, Sir Albertus Moreton, Coke,
Sir Harry Vane, Lord Falkland, Lord Di gby, Sir Edward Nicholas.
It may be expected that we fhould here make mention of the Jcon Bafilike, a
‘work. publifhed in the King’s name a few days after his execution. It feems al
moft impoffible, in the controverted parts of hittory, to fay any thing which
will fatisfy the zealots of both parties: But with regard to this queftion, it is
dificult for an hiftorian to fix any opinion, which will be intirely to his own
fatisfaction. The proofs brought to evince that this work is or is not the King’s,
are fo convincing, that, if an impartial reader perufes any one fide apart*, he
will
* See on the one hand Toland’s Amyntor, and on the other Wagftaffe’s Vindication of the royal
Martyr, 3d edition along with Young’s addition. We may remark, that Lord Clarendon’s total
filence
CoH A Fiee. § x. 473
will think it impoffible, that arguments could be produced, fufficient to counter-
ballance fo ftrong an evidence: And when he compares both fides, he will be at
a lofs to fix any determination. Should an abfolute {afpence of judgment be found
difficult or difagreeable in fo interefting a queftion, I muft confefs, that I thould
incline to give the preference to the arguments of the royalifts. The teftimo-
nies, which prove that performance to be the King’s, feem-rather more nume-
rous, certain, and direct, than thofe on the other fide. This is the cafe, even
if we confider the external evidence: But when we weigh the internal, deri-
ved from the {tyle and compofition,. there is no manner of comparifon. Thefe
meditations, in elegance, purity, neatnefs, and fimplicity, refemble exactly the
genius of thofe performances, which we know with certainty to have flowed from
the royal pen: But are fo unlike the bombaft, perplexed, rhetorical, and cor-
rupt ityle of Dr. Gauden, to whom they are afcribed, that. no human teftimony
feems fufficient to convince us, that he was the author. Yet all the evidencas,
which would. rob the King of that honor, tend to prove, that Dr. Gauden had
the merit of writing fo fine a performance,‘ and the infamy of impofing it on the
world for the King’s.
Ir is not eafy to conceive the general compaflion excited towards the King,
by the publifiiing, in fo critical’a juncture; ‘a work fo full of piety, meeknefs,
and humanity. Many have not {crupled to afcribe to that book the fubfequent
reftoration of the royal family. Milton compares its effects to thofe which were
operated onthe tumultuous Romans by Anthony’s reading to them the will’ of
Caefar. The Jcon paffed thro’ fifty editions in a twelvemonth; and indepen-
dent.of the great intereft taken in it -by- the nation, as-the fuppofed production
of their murdered fovereign, it muft be acknowleged the beft profe compofition,
which, at the time of its publication, was to be found in the Epelith language.
Vou. I. Ooo 3
filence with regard to this fubje@t, in fo fulla hiftory, compofed in vindication of the King’s mea-
fures and character, forms a very ftrong prefumption on Toland’s fide, and a prefumption of
which that author was ignorant; the works of the noble hiftorian not being then publifhed.
Bifhop Burnet’s teltimony too muft be allowed of weight againft the Jroz.
~
The End of the Firft Volume.
Chap. X
1040,
Publifhed by the fame Author,
Price bound 12 s
ESSAYS and TREATISES on feveral Subjects, in four Volumes,
CONTAINING,
Vor. IL. ESSAYS MORAL and POLITICAL.
Vor. 1. PHILOSOPHICAL ESSAYS concerning Human Un-
derftanding.
Vor, Tl. INQUIRY concerning the Principles of Morals.
Vor. IV. POLITICAL DISCOURSES.
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