CONSIDERATIONS 
 
 UPON THE 
 
 AMERICAN ENQUIRY. 
 
 ——Quid facitis? quae Vos dementia, dixi, 
 Concitat, O focii, captam dimittere Trojam ? 
 
 Ovid. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for J. Wilkie, No. 71, in St. Paul’s Church-yard. 
 U DCCLXXIX. 
 
CONSIDERATIONS 
 
 UPON THE 
 
 AMERICAN ENQUIRY. 
 
 H E prefent is an alarming moment -, nor 
 
 are they to be defpifed who feel fears 
 upon the occafion. Our fituation would juftify 
 apprehenfion, if apprehenfion did not render 
 our fituation more defperate. With an expence 
 of treafure new difficulties croud upon us ; with 
 a wafte of blood, frefh enemies hourly prefent 
 themfelves. We have feen the force of this 
 country unfuccefsfully tried in America-, and 
 we are now called upon to exert it againft Ame- 
 rica, France, and Spain. Our natural foes con- 
 template our enfeebled fituation with rancorous 
 delight, and are advancing to prefs us to the 
 ground. The powerful nation, whofe right 
 hand, but yeflerday, was to fmite America, now 
 
 B 
 
 trembles 
 
[ 2 ] 
 
 trembles for herfelf: from dreams of foreign 
 conqueft, fhe wakes to plans of domeftic fafety, 
 and ftarts, affrighted with the din of arms, from 
 her luxuriant couch. 
 
 What has given rife to this revolution ? How 
 has this fudden change been effe&ed ? 
 
 While Parliament was fitting, it would have 
 been prefumption in an individual to have en- 
 deavoured to call off the attention of the people 
 from the collected wifdom of the nation. The 
 deliberations of their reprefentatives were the 
 oracles to which they would naturally reforr, in 
 all cafes of doubt and difficulty; and in whofe 
 determinations all their confidence would be 
 veiled. But, whether fortunately or unfortu- 
 nately for this country, time mult decide, thofe 
 difficulties, which appeared to us alarming, have 
 fcarcely feemed worthy of notice to them. In 
 the Lower Houfe, the greateft part of the laft 
 Seffions has been confirmed in enquiries that 
 could only derive their confequence from a total 
 dearth of any more interefting fubjefls. For 
 had there been a profpeft of immediate dan- 
 ger to the kingdom, the fafety of the nation 
 could never have given way to Admiral Keppel’s 
 vindication, or the eftablifhment of Sir William 
 Howe’s military fame. In the proceedings of 
 
 the 
 
[ 3 1 
 
 the Upper Houfe this truth becomes more 
 ftriking. The dignity of Peerage condefcended 
 to examine into the breeches of decayed Tea- 
 men; and the Erft afiembly in the nation, with 
 a more than Gallic regard for the rules of deco- 
 rum, confumed a day to fettle the etiquette of 
 falute between the chaplain and the penfioners 
 of Greenwich hofpital. 
 
 If we had therefore no other proof of exifting 
 danger but the proceedings of parliament, we 
 lhould naturally conclude it ideal ar.d imaginary. 
 But when we look around, and behold in every 
 part of the kingdom the mod unufual prepara- 
 tions ; the hulbandman dragged from his peace- 
 ful occupation ; the mariner torn from his wife 
 and family ; felons permitted to make their 
 option between military fervice and infamous 
 punilhment; every purfe open to the hand of 
 Government ; an intended invafion announced 
 from the Throne; — we wake from the delu- 
 fion, into which Parliament had plunged us, 
 aftonifhed at their inconfideratenefs, and alarmed 
 for our own fxtuation. 
 
 With regard to our natural enemies, one fen- 
 timent only can prevail. But it becomes a 
 queftion, whether, under our prefent circum- 
 B 2 dances. 
 
 t 
 
[ 4 ] 
 
 fiances, we ftiould flill perfift in our efforts 
 againft America — Let us look back to the mea- 
 fures we have already purfued ; and from paft 
 errors endeavour to colled precepts for future 
 wifdom. 
 
 The privilege of not being taxed without our 
 own confent, has, fince the earlieft periods of 
 our conflitudon, been defervedly dear to every 
 Englifhman. Perhaps there is not one of which 
 the people are more jealous ; or even their re- 
 prefentatives, in times of the greateft corruption, 
 more watchful. Independently of the quiet en- 
 joyment of “ private property” being one of 
 the three component parts of liberty, it forms 
 fuch a reftraint upon the royal power, as to 
 give to the people, could they remain uncor- 
 rupted, the controul over almoft every adion of 
 the crown (a). 
 
 I will not enter into the queftion, whether a 
 diftant colony, dependent upon a kingdom, has 
 a right to lhare every privilege in common with 
 that kingdom •, or whether this country had any 
 juft claim of taxation over America unrepre- 
 fented. It is fufficient for the prefent purpofe 
 to confider, that this country attempted to exer- 
 
 (a) In DeLolme on the Conflitution, p. 86, this is placed 
 in a very ftrong light. 
 
 8 cife 
 
cife that right, and that America refilled. In 
 oppofition to an unpopular aft, they made ufe 
 of every popular art ; and employed language 
 very harmonious to the body of the people. 
 With political fagacity, they reprefented them- 
 felves as contending for the common caufe; 
 and turning afide the dagger that was through 
 their fides to flab the conftitution of this country. 
 They called upon every Englifhman to join 
 them in oppofition to fo odious a claim ; and 
 to feel for fellow-fubjefts who were labouring 
 to refift an unconftitutional meafure. They 
 artfully affefted to confider the act of -parliament 
 as diflinft from the att of the people while 
 their friends in this country refined upon their 
 cunning, and diflinguifhed between the aft of 
 parliament and the act of the minijler. The 
 plain underflanding of an Englifhman was not 
 proof againfl l'uch addrefs, and the nation was 
 much divided upon the juflice of their caufe. 
 The mofl violent juflified their refiftance, and 
 confidered them as champions in the caufe of 
 liberty ; while even the mofl moderate alleged, 
 it was imprudent in this country to endeavour to 
 enforce a claim, which, whether juft or unjuft, 
 would certainly never be quietly fubmitted to. 
 
 But the time was come when the conteft 
 was to aflame another appearance, and the 
 
 quell ion 
 
queftion of ftrength to be tried. Parliament 
 adopted a hoftile fyftem ; armies were fent forth, 
 and fleets equipped. A new fcene was now ex- 
 hibited, and the fubjefts of this country were 
 permitted to array themfelves in a hoftile man- 
 ner, in the face of the Britifh army. They 
 were colle&ing ammunition, and had provided 
 cannon ; when the plains of Lexington were 
 dyed with the firft blood fhed in the prefent 
 civil war. 
 
 The nation now paufed for a moment. — Grief 
 was feen upon fome countenances ; deep re- 
 flexion was perceived upon all. From different 
 emotions different counfels refulted. One party 
 thought it time to drop every peaceful meafure, 
 and became clamorous for hoftility and war. 
 The other threatened Minifters with the confe- 
 quences of their conduft, who had provoked a 
 brave people to refiftance by an invafion of 
 their rights ; and charged them with irritating 
 the minds of freemen by pointing the bayonet 
 at their breafts. 
 
 Miniftry feemed to feel the divided ftate of 
 the nation, and their meafures were indecifive 
 and irrefolute. They appear not to have 
 thought ferioufly of any lafting refiftance on 
 the part of America ; and to have imagined, 
 
 that 
 
[ 7 ] 
 
 that the appearance of force would terrify them 
 into fubmiffion. Indeed fuch was the language 
 of the day. The Americans were reprefented 
 as daftardly poltroons, incapable of any manly 
 exertion ; and the expreflion was employed, 
 that though “ dogs in forehead, in hearts they 
 were deer (£).” Thofe who publilhed thefe opi- 
 nions feemed to forget, that there is a certain 
 value beneath which no human quality fhould 
 be eftimated ; and that even the timid “ deer,” 
 when it perceives no hope but in defpair, will 
 turn upon its purfuer, and exert thofe means of 
 defence, with which nature has provided all her 
 creatures. 
 
 But whatever might be the opinion of dif- 
 ferent parties,, with regard to the refntance 
 which America made to the claim of taxation, 
 the declaration of independence ftaggered her 
 rnoft zealous friends. A declaration that was 
 to throw off all the authority of this country 
 over America-, to expunge from our books 
 every ftatute concerning her ; to annihilate our 
 commerce ; to fnut up our nurferies of feamen ; 
 — and taking from us thefe great refources, 
 pour them into the iap of a powerful rival, and 
 
 [ 6 ) Pope’i Homer. 
 
 inve- 
 
Inveterate enemy — fuch a declaration can hardly 
 be fuppofed to have been very favourably re- 
 ceived. There were not, however, wanting 
 men to vindicate this meafure ; while the majo- 
 rity of the American party only endeavoured to 
 palliate it. They attributed it to that fyftem 
 of opprefiion, which Adminiftration, they faid, 
 had uniformly purfued ; to the contempt with 
 which every petition had been received, and 
 every remonftrance rejcfled ; and looked for- 
 ward to the time, when under the adminiftration 
 of men in whom they could confide, and upon 
 the adoption of meafures they might deem 
 equitable, the Americans would revoke this 
 declaration. In the mean time, every packet 
 that arrived from America, brought frefh proofs 
 of her fixed purpole to emancipate herfelf from 
 the dominion of this country. The feeds of 
 rebellion, fcattered with a profufe hand, were 
 fpreading widely. The foil was friendly, and 
 the climate genial. 
 
 Pofterity will hardly credit the tale, that at a 
 time, when we were at peace with all the world, 
 except America, there could be found a man, 
 who, urging fo difgraceful a motive as the defeat 
 of our arms, could propofe to the people of 
 this country to acknowledge American inde- 
 pendence. 
 
pendence. The Duke of Richmond (<•) was the 
 man who came forward with this daftardly pro- 
 pofal ; which was fhortly followed by a notifi- 
 cation from the Court of France, of their hav- 
 ing concluded a treaty with America as an inde- 
 pendent ftate. The Earl of Chatham ftill lived ; 
 or rather, under a complication of diforders, he 
 protra&ed a wearifome exiftence. His under- 
 
 (r) It would be difrefpeaful to pafs by this illuftrious charac- 
 ter, without rendering it due homage. His Grace plays a very 
 confpicuous part in the tragedy of the times. He is no 
 orator ; but, like the prollitute in Scripture, “ loud and 
 noify.” His application is indefatigable; and it is not his 
 fault if his judgment is not equal to it. By oppofing Minifters 
 he has acquired fome degree of fame. There are men who, 
 without pofleffing wifdom enough to difcover what is right, 
 have juft fenfe enough to difcover what is wrong. His Grace 
 is certainly a powerful opponent; not from any final triumph 
 which he obtains, but becaule he proves an obftade in the 
 mean time. He is, moreover, remarkably captious and tur- 
 bulent ; and calls to our recolleflion John Lilburn of noto- 
 rious memory, of whom it was faid, if there were no other 
 man living but himfelf Lilburn would quarrel with John. 
 
 The following lines have unaccountably llrayed into this 
 note: 
 
 Therfites only clamoured in the throng, 
 
 Loquacious, loud, and turbulent of tongue; 
 
 Aw’d by no lhame, by no refpeft controul’d. 
 
 In fcandal buiy, in reproaches bold. 
 
 The Great to cenfure was his darling theme, . 
 
 But Royal fcandal* his delight fupreme. 
 
 * What cared he for the King’s birth-dav ? D. of R. 
 
 C ftanding 
 
landing preferved its vigour ; but his corporal 
 infirmities rendered him unfit for the labours of 
 public life. His mind was the helplels tenant 
 of a decayed cattle, venerable in its ruins 1 He 
 was the firffc who had ttarted doubts in Par- 
 liament with regard to the right of this country 
 to tax America, and had declared that “ he 
 rejoiced in her refiftance.” He had cenlured the 
 conduct of Adminiftration as founded in error 
 and folly, and had made unl'uccefsful efforts to 
 effeft a reconciliation. But when he found that 
 the aims of America were no longer difguifed, 
 and that, renouncing an attachment to this 
 country, fhe became an inftrument to the ambi- 
 tion of France, he hurried down to Parliament 
 anxious to deliver his opinions. He exclaimed 
 againft the perfidy of our enemies ; he execrated 
 their mad ambition, that was kindling through- 
 out Europe the flames of war. He dwelt upon 
 the refources of this country •, he expatiated 
 upon her fpirit. He declared himfelf a friend 
 to America till fhe had declared independence ; 
 but in the purfuit of this meafure he “ would 
 contribute his fhirt oft his back to oppofe her.” 
 It was a folemn fight, to behold the expiring 
 efforts of this illuftrious Statefman ! All parties 
 gazed upon him with reverence; and a mute 
 awe pervaded the auguft Affembly. It feemed 
 as if they had anticipated the event that was 
 foon to take place ; and, like children, were 
 i croud- 
 
[ II 1 
 
 crouding round the death-bed of their aged and 
 venerable parent, to receive the lad teftimonies 
 of his affc&ion, and the dictates of his depart-, 
 ing experience. — His words gave new vigour 
 to firmnels; frelh confidence to hope; and fen- 
 timents flowing from his enlightened under- 
 ftanding were received and treafured up, as the 
 facred precepts of political morality. 
 
 The opinion of the nation became fettled 
 from this time. No man in a ptiblic fituation 
 would avow an opinion in favour of American 
 independence; and none but a few fluves to 
 fyftem, whofe influence was as weak as their 
 abilities were infignificant, were heard to mutter 
 in fupport of it. 
 
 Force had been exerted without fuccefs ; and 
 Parliament determined to try the effects of mo- 
 deration. Commiflioners went out, with a power 
 to grant every privilege to America, fliort of 
 independence.- Unfortunately the intentions of 
 this country could not be fully revealed to 
 them ; for expreflions occurring in the Commif- 
 fioners declaration injurious to “ their great and 
 generous ally the good King of France,” reduced 
 the Congrcis ( d ) to the neceflity of putting an 
 end to its further reading ; and, after a feries of 
 fruitlefs efforts, the Commiflioners returned to 
 this country. 
 
 (</) Proceedings of Congrefs. 
 
 C 2 
 
 Such 
 
Such has been the progrefs of this unhappy 
 conteft ; and at this day there cannot remain a 
 doubt with regard to the future condutt of the 
 American Congrefs. They will never relin- 
 quifli independence while they can pofiibly pre- 
 ferve it ; and no entreaty, no conceffion, upon 
 our part, will induce them to change their pur- 
 pofe. Force only can bring them back to the 
 fubjedtion of this country •, and we mull truft 
 to the vigour of our arms, for what every other 
 method has been unfuccefsfully exerted to ob- 
 tain. — But what have we to hope from thefe ? 
 Has not the glory of our arms been already 
 fufficiently tarnilhed? To what purpofe have 
 we handled them, but to croud the prifons of 
 America, and to call forth the armaments of 
 France and Spain ? Where are our fuccefles to 
 be found ? Where are our triumphs recorded ? 
 Every victory we claim difputed by the enemy, 
 and nothing certain but our defeats. Of thefe 
 we have unfortunately the moll damning proofs: 
 
 arma, 
 
 Militibus fine caede 
 
 Direpta vidi ; vidi ego civium 
 Retorta tergo brachia libero. 
 
 Hor. 
 
 In return for the mod ample fupplies of money 
 and men, we have no other fatisfaftion but to 
 learn, that our failure has been owing to the 
 
 igno- 
 
ignorance of Minifters, or the incapacity of 
 Generals. 
 
 But there are candid and difinterefted men, 
 who, neither blaming Minifters nor Command- 
 ers, impute our failure to the impracticability 
 of our attempt. You have not, fay they, made 
 difficulties to yourfelves *, they have not grown 
 out of your errors ; they were inherent in your 
 fituation. You have attempted to difturb the 
 neceflary relations of things ; you would combat 
 the order of events. Defift from the vain en- 
 deavour ; withdraw your troops from America ; 
 acknowledge her independence ; and conclude 
 a treaty with her as beneficial as you can render 
 to your intereft. Your fituation becomes every 
 day more difficult. If, after a profound peace 
 of feveral years, with the moft laviffi contribu- 
 tion of money and troops, you have not been 
 able to conquer America, in the infancy of 
 military difcipline, unaffifted by any foreign 
 power; what probability is thereof your luc- 
 cefs, after you have fpilled your blood, and 
 exhaufted your treafure, againft America trained 
 to arms, hardened in war, and affifted by France 
 and Spain ? 
 
 To thofe who are unaccuftomed to reafon, it 
 is difficult to deteft the fallacy of this argument. 
 The pofitions are founded upon affumed faCts 
 
 of 
 
of popular exiftence ; which, if they were true, 
 mult compel an inference in its favour. But it 
 is not true that we have made war againft 
 America, bur againft a rebellion exijling in Ame- 
 rica-, and it is equally falfe that we have done 
 all in our -power to fubdue that rebellion. 
 
 It is confidently aflerted by Gentlemen ( e ), 
 whofe long refidence in America has afforded them 
 every, means of information, and whofe vera- 
 city ftands unimpeached, that not one fifth part 
 of the people of America has, at any period, 
 fupported from choice the American rebellion. 
 This affertion is proved by a variety of fatts. 
 The reluctance which the people fhewed to fend 
 Delegates to Congrefs was fo great, that the laft 
 delegation from the province of Pennfylvania was 
 made by lefs than two hundred voters, although 
 there are at leaft thirty thoufand men entitled 
 to vote by the laws of that province. In the 
 Congrefs of 1774* one of the Delegates from 
 the province of New York, reprcfcnting a con- 
 fiderable diftridl in that province, was chofen by 
 himfelf and his clerk only. At the time that 
 the Britifti army was expeCted in Philadelphia, 
 the Pennfylvania militia could not be prevailed 
 upon to turn out. In difobedience to repeated 
 proclamations, the Britifh army was fupplied 
 with great plenty of provifions. Though Con- 
 
 («) General Rob.rtfon, and Jofcph Galloway, Efq. 
 
 grefs 
 
grefs voted for the campaign 17 77, fixty-fix 
 thoufand men, they could not bring into the field, 
 at the utmoft, fixteen thoufand. The Congrefs 
 paid 56/. 5 s. for every recruit, while we only 
 paid il. 5 s. Defertions were fo frequent, that 
 in a day fifty have been known to come in. 
 Such was the averfion to ferve, that 200 /. has 
 been given for a fubftitute. Seven thoufand 
 provincials are actually ferving in our army. In 
 the back parts of Carolina one thoufand fix hun- 
 dred took up arms in fupport of the King’s au- 
 thority. It was thought necefiary to difarm all 
 the people of Queen’s County; and when we 
 confider the art and violence the Congrefs made 
 ufe of; fhutting up every fource of informa- 
 tion and complaint, by imprifoning printers, 
 who dared to canvafs their meafures ; appoint- 
 ing Committees to fruftrate every plan of the 
 friends of Government ; holding forth to them 
 the penalties of confifcation and high-treafon ; 
 keeping fpies to watch every motion ; an armed 
 force conftantly before their eyes (f )\ — when 
 we confider all thefe circumllances, it is impofii- 
 ble to refufe belief to the affertion of General 
 Robertlon and Mr. Galloway. 
 
 But if the people in America are fo friendly 
 to our caufe, how happens it that thefe favour- 
 
 (f) Evidence of General Robertfon and Mr, Galloway be- 
 fore the Hoiife of Common', fajjim , 
 
 able 
 
able difpofitions have not been improved, and 
 that the immenfe force we have fent into that 
 country has not been able to bring her back to a 
 coniticutional dependence upon this ? The quef- 
 tion is important, and deferves fome degree of 
 confideration. 
 
 Sir William Howe took the command in 
 America, with every favourable expectation 
 from his conduCt. He had not fignalized him- 
 felf by any difplay of military knowledge; but 
 had ferved in America under the late General 
 Wolfe, and had given very honourable proofs 
 of his bravery. This was fufficient to procure 
 him the affeCtion of the people, with whom 
 courage effects more than charity. He embark- 
 ed for America with the Generals Clinton and 
 Burgoyne. The fecond was but little known 
 out of the profeflion. The latter had, indeed, 
 appeared in more characters than one to the pub- 
 lic. His exploits at Prefton were well known, 
 and for fome time remembered with refentment; 
 but his zeal to do juftice to an oppreffed peo- 
 ple, and to vindicate the character of the na- 
 tion, had in fome mcafure reinftated him in the 
 opinion of his countrymen (g ). Their departure 
 was celebrated with all the pomp of poetry; 
 and a tempeft that appeared, about the time of 
 
 (_£■) Enquiry into the (late cf the Eaft India Company, 
 
 their 
 
t *7 ] 
 
 their failing, upon the face of the fky, was pro- 
 phetically interpreted to be the God cf Battles 
 arming them with his lightning. 1 pede faufto 
 quo te rapit Jupiter , was the farewel they re- 
 ceived ; and the nation was convinced that 
 Victory beckoned them acrofs the Atlantic. 
 
 But popularity is more eafily acquired than 
 preferved. The firft news that arrived from 
 America ( h ) brought us proofs of what Was 
 before very clearly afeertained, the courage of 
 Sir William Howe ; but the nation had reafon 
 to lament that this gallant officer had been fo 
 much expofed. At the expence of the deareft 
 blood in the nation, a victory it is trite was pur- 
 chafed ; but there were fome, who, in the emo- 
 tions of grief for their departed friends and 
 kindred, were heard to exclaim, “ It is one 
 thing to gather laurels, it is another to fcacter 
 cyprefs (/')!” It was faid, that the rafhnefs of a 
 foldier, not the prudence of a General, had con- 
 ducted this enterprize ; and that to “ take the 
 bull by the horns” was not always the part of 
 wifdom. 
 
 Sir William HoWe felt the reproof, and feems 
 to have determined never again to incur a like 
 cenfure. From this period the war was carried 
 
 (£) Engagement at Bunker** hill, 
 
 (<} Sterne, 
 
 on, ' 
 
 0 
 
£ 18 3 
 
 on, if not with the delay, at lead wich all the 
 caution of a Fabius ; and Sir William Howe 
 had been taught to refpeCt the enemy too much, 
 ever again to approach them without all the 
 ceremonies of combat. It is not here a proper 
 place to enumerate what thefe were. They are 
 recorded at length in every Gazette ; and may 
 ferve to undeceive thofe who have foolifhly 
 imagined, that any fuccefs is to be effected in 
 war by dint of difcipline and valour. 
 
 The bulk of the people, who have no con- 
 ception of armies being long oppofed to each 
 other without an engagement taking place, 
 began to murmur at this inactivity of the Com- 
 mander in Chief. Some doubted his capacity, 
 others his zeal in the caufe. The liberal told 
 us, that the influence of women and wine was 
 irreflftible •, the fordid whifpered, that Sir Wil- 
 liam’s fortune had been ruined in this country ; 
 and infinuated that his appointments were im- 
 menfe. A foreign officer (k) was*heard to declare, 
 “ If you had paid your Generals by the job, and 
 not by the day, this bufmefs would have been 
 fettled long ago.” The mod infulting pafqui- 
 nades were circulated through the town j a 
 reward was offered to whoever fhould bring 
 news of a (frayed army ; a mod hackneyed allu- 
 flon was worn thread-bare ; and Antony and 
 
 Cleo- 
 
 (i) General De H . 
 
C l 9 ] 
 
 Cleopatra led the van of political para- 
 graphs. 
 
 Thole who attacked his meafures with ferious 
 argument, pretended that they difcovered un- 
 pardonable errors in every part of his conduct. 
 With powers for negociating peace, he never 
 exerted them but upon fome great advantage 
 gained by the rebels; and offered them terms 
 of pardon, when they were flufhed with fuccefs, 
 and moft confident in their caufe. They alleged 
 that he had loft feveral glaring opportunities 
 of putting an end to the rebellion ; and that in 
 five feveral complete defeats, at Long Ifland, 
 the White Plains, Quibble Town, Brandy- 
 Wine, and German Town, there was no purfuit 
 made after victory. He permitted the rebels 
 to efcape, and returned to the dice and his 
 miftrefs. He indulged in the luxuries of Capua, 
 when he Ihould have marched to the gates of 
 Rome. 
 
 Lord Howe, who had been appointed to the 
 command of the fleet, (hared in fome degree 
 thefe reflexions with his brother. At the head 
 of an immenfe naval power, he fuffered the 
 Americans to fit out (hips of force ; and what 
 had never been forefeen, to become formidable 
 by fea. Our trade fuffered feverely -, the 
 packets of Government were intercepted ; and 
 . D 2 even 
 
[ ao 3 
 
 even upon the coaft of America a King s fhip (/) 
 was obliged to ftrike her colours to the A men-, 
 can flag. It is faid that fome Gentlemen, who 
 had loft all their property in this conteft, ap- 
 plied to his Lordlhip for leave to fit out letters 
 of marque to cruize againft the enemy > and 
 that he fternly replied, “ Will you never have 
 done with diftreffing thefe poor people ? Will 
 you never give them an opportunity of feeing 
 their error 
 
 The complaints of the nation, and the general 
 dififatisfaftion that prevailed, were become too 
 ferious to be difregarded •, and it having been 
 fignifled to the Brothers, that his Majefty con- 
 fented to their return. Sir William, and fhortly 
 after, Lord Howe arrived in this country. In 
 their turns they became clamorous for redrefs, 
 and talked much of their infulted honour, and 
 much of their injured fame. Parliament after 
 fome difficulty met their complaints, and an 
 enquiry was inftituted into their conduct. 
 
 We have feen that enquiry proceeded upon ; 
 and there are three things necefiary to be con- 
 fidered •, the nature of the tribunal, the evidence 
 given, and the refult of the enquiry. 
 
 (/) Fox, Captain Fotberingham, 
 
It may, perhaps, hereafter be a matter of 
 furprize, that no Court could be found in this 
 kingdom to fit in judgment upon military ope- 
 rations, but the Houfe of Commons ; and that 
 no better time could be appointed but at the 
 clofe of a laborious Seffions, and at a time of 
 great national difficulty and danger. It is not 
 eafy to conceive, how men not bred to the pro- 
 feffion, and only accuftomed fiftis contendert 
 verbis •, could be able to form proper opinions upon 
 the complicated lift of military manoeuvres that 
 have fo peculiarly diftinguiffied the prefent war. 
 The honourable Mr. C. Fox has a quick under- 
 ftanding, and Mr. Edmund Burke (m) moll 
 furprifing volubility; but we are yet to learn 
 that they have military judgment, and expe- 
 rience in the art of war. Were they witnefies 
 of the condition of the rebel army, of their 
 numbers, of their want of difcipline ? Are they ' 
 acquainted with the face of the country ? or 
 
 (») When I mention the names of thefe two Gentlemen, 
 
 I do not mean to re prefent them as ignorant beyond the reft; 
 but only as having been moft aftive in this enquiry. I 
 rcfpeft their abilities ; and have, perhaps, a better opinion 
 of their patriotifm than the public. Whatever is fuggefted 
 by them fhould be heard with attention. Their efforts can 
 only proceed from a pure affedlion to their country ; for if 
 our enemies were to become pofTefled of e^ery acre of land in 
 the kingdom, they cannot be lofers by the event: and their 
 opinion ought to be attended to; for they are certainly belt 
 fudges in a caufe who are not parties intzrejled. 
 
 can 
 
[ « 5 
 
 ian they, from a defcription of it, form any 
 comparative opinion upon the ftrength of parti- 
 cular fituations, from fimilar fituations that 
 come within their own experience ? When and 
 where was this experience acquired ? During their 
 fervice lajl war in Germany ? The idea is too 
 abfurd for ferious refutation ! It is true, the 
 eonduft of the Howes was of great national 
 confequence, and merited the confideration of 
 she reprefentatives of the people. But this 
 Confideration fhould not have been confined to 
 the Houfe of Commons. The reports of men, 
 enabled from profeflional knowledge and faith- 
 ful fervices to decide, might have merited their 
 moil ferious attention. In effect, we fhould be at 
 a lofs to fay, how it was pofiible that this enquiry 
 found its way into the Houfe of Commons, if 
 we did not know that Oppofition * had taken it 
 by the hand. The noble Lord and his Brother 
 
 relying 
 
 * The following {ketches are hazarded with diffidence : 
 
 'Mr. Edmund Burke is attached from fiiendfhip and inte- 
 reft to Lord Rockingham, and {hared in his (hort Adminiftra- 
 tion. As its character was “ debility,” fo is that of Mr. 
 Burke. He poflefles genius but he wants judgment ; and is 
 better calculated for the cloiet than for a public aflembly. 
 Intent upon the difplay of his own abilities, he cannot watch 
 the paffions, or accommodate himfelf to the temper of his 
 audience. In his reafoning he is too lubtile and abftrufe. 
 He never ftrikes boldly at his adverfary, but by endeavouring 
 to circumvent, fuffers him to efcape. He renders' politics a 
 2 fyftcm 
 
 v 
 
any 
 
 rti- 
 
 hat 
 
 ind 
 
 m 
 
 too 
 
 the 
 
 inal 
 
 i of 
 
 this 
 
 i to 
 
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 uiry 
 
 hif 
 
 enit 
 
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 ying 
 
 tP • 
 fWV • 
 
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 sfo 
 
 tM*. 
 id is 
 
 nnbJy. 
 f ri 
 of his 
 
 bfcA 
 
 coring 
 
 fide* 
 
 fvacs 
 
 [ 23 1 
 
 relying upon fuch powerful affiftance, looked 
 forward, not only to an honourable acquittal^ 
 
 but 
 
 4 J 
 
 fyflem of metaphyfics. We admire, but we are not con- 
 vinced. Trifling, diffufive, and puerile, he feems to hav-e 
 chofen the ludit amabiliter for his motto 5 and when we 
 expeft him, in all his dignity, upon the front of the theatre, 
 we find him at play behind the feenes. — Yet he has his excel- 
 lencies. His imagination is warm and fruitful. He plays 
 with the moll difficult fubje<ft ; he leads it through the wind- 
 ing mazes of his fancy ; he places it in a tboufand lights ; 
 he gives it an infinity of colours. We admire for a while 
 the fplendour of the drefs ; but the eye becomes tired witk 
 the gaudy glare of the glittering tinfel, and wilhes for the 
 beautiful fimplicity of nature. Inftead of bringing forward 
 the bold outlines and prominent features of his figure, he 
 bellows his labour upon the drapery. And even in this 1 ms 
 is faulty. His purple robes refemble a patched garment. 
 He often debafes the fublimell thought by the coarfeft 
 allufion ; and mingles the vulgarity of idiom with the moflr 
 delicate graces of expreffion.— Mr. Burke has a certain cur- 
 rency with all parties. He can never rife into Sterling value 
 with any. 
 
 Mr. Fox wants every requifite to form the exterior of an 
 orator. His perfon is fhort and fqualid; his appearance 
 mean and difagrecable. His voice, naturally inharmonious, is 
 rendered more fo by his unlkilful management of it. His 
 countenance is llrongly Judaic. At his Jerufalem levee, if a 
 llranger were to be alked, which of the chofen race prelent 
 had moft of the blood of Jacob in his veins, Mr. Fox would 
 be pointed out as the man. He poflelTes ltrong ingredients 
 to form a political charadler. He has early been accullomed 
 to the viciffitudes of fortune, and been marked out by the florms 
 
 of 
 
 1 
 
but to a vote of thanks : and it was the interefl: 
 of Oppofition to promote the enquiry, whatever 
 
 cf fate. He is a ftranger to thofe indulgences of youth, which 
 unnerve the intelledual fyftem : the liftlefs languor that fuc* 
 ceeds the exceffive hilarity of focial pleafures ; the abufe of 
 w ] ne ; or the immoderate enjoyment of women. Play has 
 filled up the meafure of his time; and he has experienced all 
 its diilradion. From affluence and profperity, he has been 
 reduced to beggary and want ; from a command of fortune 
 and friends, to a fervile dependence upon ufurious creditors. 
 This has fitted him for the great bufmefs of a kingdom, and 
 taught him to look for revolutions. In the Houfe of Com- 
 mons he leads Oppofnion. He is not fuppofed to poffefs ? 
 great fund of information, but his mind fupplies this defi- 
 ciency from her own inexhauflible treafure. His undemand- 
 ing is flrong and mafculine ; his expreflion full and copious* 
 In proportion to the quicknefs of his conception, his delivery 
 is rapid. The torrent of argument comes rolling from him 
 with irrefiftible force. He does not leave his hearers to 
 follow; he drives them before him. He is a perfed mailer 
 of the art of debate ; and difguifes the fentiments of his 
 opponents with fo much dexterity, that it is fome time before 
 we perceive the diftortion. The flrongefl fenfe is not proof 
 again ft his power. He fits truth to the rack of ingenuity, 
 and tortures the unhappy fufferer. His eloquence never fails 
 to produce its effed. It llrikes the whole affembly ; every 
 man communicates the fhock to his neighbour.— With thefe 
 qualifications he would rife to the higheft offices in the ftate, 
 if the fame linking difadvantages did not fetter his flight. 
 He is fuppofed to want firmnefs. He is faid to be deftitute 
 of principle. As his charader is fo bare p public view, his 
 efforts are not imputed to honourable motives. His in- 
 vincible attachment to play makes it impoffible for him to 
 poffefs the confidence of his country ; and thoagh his abilities 
 aie admired by all men, no man wrfhes him to be employed. 
 
 might 
 
 / 
 
might be the event to the noble Admiral and 
 the honourable Commander, becaufe it would 
 take up the time and harafs the attention of 
 Government,' at a juncture when time was 
 mod wanting, and attention fhould be lead 
 embarrafled. 
 
 Such was the tribunal, before which they 
 appeared. Minidry had declared they fhould 
 confine themfelves to their own exculpation ; 
 Oppofition favoured their caufe, fo that they 
 had little to dread from the rigour of their 
 judges. The evidence is equally drange. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis was the fird examined ; and 
 truly his Lordfhip’s tedimony is of a very curi- 
 ous nature. Before he anfwers any queftion, he 
 takes an opportunity to aflure the Houfe of his 
 great veneration and regard for the character of 
 Sir William Howe; and that he thinks he has 
 ferved his country with fidelity, afiiduity, and 
 great ability. After having borne this public t 
 tedimony to the General’s conduct, he begs the 
 Houfe to underdand, that he fhall not anfwer 
 quedions of opinion, but merely quedions of 
 matter of fad. The policy of this condud is 
 obvious. Lord Cornwallis will not fubjed him- 
 felf to the dilemma of giving his opinion upon 
 particular operations, becaufe if he gave it in 
 favour of the General, he might be at a lofs 
 E to 
 
[ 26 ] 
 
 tojuftify it*, and if upon queftions being propofed, 
 the anfwers Ihould turn out unfavourable to the 
 General, he would leave the Houfe at a lofs to 
 underftand, how he came to form fuch an opi- 
 nion of Sir William Howe’s great ability. The 
 refource was certainly happy, and does honour 
 to his Lordlhip’s ingenuity. 
 
 I (hall not enter into the particulars of his 
 Lordlhip’s evidence; becaufe, upon the face ot 
 it, it is inadmifiible evidence. He appears to 
 have been fo much a party concerned, that the 
 vindication of his military reputation is neceffa- 
 rily connected with that of Sir William Howe. 
 Like Pylades and Oreftes, they will go down hand 
 in hand to pofterity. It is univerfally admitted, 
 that the defeat at Trenton * gave a mod unfor- 
 tunate turn to the war ; perhaps the mod fo of 
 any defeat we have fuffered. It is as undeniably 
 
 • The fuccefs of the Rebefs at Trenton had a very mif- 
 chievous effect on the Britifh fervice. It removed that panic 
 with which the New States of the Middle Colonies were 
 Hrickcn. It enabled the Congrefs and the Members of the 
 New State of Pennfylvania, to return to Philadelphia, the 
 molt advantageous poft for their refidence in all America* It 
 revived their fpirits, and the fpirits of the difaffefled* — It in- 
 duced a number of the militia to turn out, who otherwile 
 would not have done it ; and contributed in a great meafure 
 to the raifing of the army which Wafhington commanded the 
 next campaign. — Evidence of J, Galloway, Efq* 
 
 true. 
 
t 2 7 1 
 
 true, that that defeat was owing to the too great 
 extenfion of our cantonments. I was the per- 
 fon, fays Lord Cornwallis, who fuggefted to Sir 
 William Howe the idea of extending his canton- 
 ments, and I think myfelf bound in honour to 
 anfwer for it (n). Upon another occafion, the 
 action of Brandywine, he allures the Houfe, he 
 did not concur in that meafure; that he has no 
 right to take any merit from it ( 0 ) ; from this 
 negative pregnant we are left to conclude he did 
 concur in mod other meafures •, and in anfwer to 
 feveral queftions, he makes a diftin&ion between 
 public confultations, and private conferences (/>) ; 
 from all which it evidently appears, that Sir 
 William Howe, upon almoft all occafions, con- 
 fulted with Lord Cornwallis. His Lordfhip is 
 indeed cautious how he gives any direct proof 
 of this. When a queftion is put to him, the 
 anfwer to which might make any meafure his 
 own, his Lordfhip obje&s to it; and his objec- 
 tion cannot certainly be over-ruled. It would 
 be admitted at the bar of any court of juftice in 
 the kingdom, I will not anfwer your queftion ; 
 it tends to criminate myfelf 
 
 (n) Examination of Lord Cornwallis before the Houfe of 
 Commons. 
 
 (a) Ibid. 
 
 (/) Ibid. 
 
 E 2 
 
 General 
 
[ %8 ] 
 
 General Grey, who comes next, is certainly a 
 competent, though not a very credible. witnefs(j). 
 He fpeaks with too much confidence, and with 
 too little confideration to make much impreffion 
 upon the minds of fenfible men. He fpeaks 
 to the character of Sir William Howe, in terms 
 of the higheft panegyric, and enters into a jus- 
 tification of many particular traniaCtions. He 
 confidered the force, under Sir Williarp Howe, 
 as very incompetent to the purpofe he was en- 
 trufted with it to accomplilh ; and . does not 
 think that any force this country can fparefrom 
 her home defence and that of her diltant pof- 
 feflions, can effeCt the reduction of America (r). 
 His evidence may be reduced to this ; matter 
 of opinion upon American meafures, and a great 
 ..character of Sir William Howe. As to the 
 fifth, his experience does not entitle him to fpeak 
 with any precifion ; and accordingly we find that 
 he is contradicted in every opinion he has form- 
 ed ; and, with regard to the latter, character 
 
 .1 U 0 // 2 1 •• * * *• " * V * ' 
 
 (q) This expre&on is not to be underftood in an odious 
 fenfe. It is merely ufed as a legal phrafe. An evidence is 
 competent ', unlefa under particular disqualifications; but if his 
 teftimony be contradicted, we are to judge of his credibility . 
 General Grey fpeaks to matters of opinion, and, I ve ily be- 
 lieve, fpeaks from his confidence ; but if he be miftaken, it is 
 no reafon, bec^ufe he has been too pofitive, that we fhould be 
 too credu’ous. 
 
 (r) General Grey’s evidence before the Houfe of Com- 
 mons, 
 
f 29 ] 
 
 can. only avail in doubtful circumftances, and 
 is never fuffered to be placed in oppofition 
 to fa&s. 
 
 It is unneceflary to dwell long upon the tefli- 
 .monies of the Captains Montrefor and Macken- 
 zie, or Sir George Ofborne. Captain Montrefor 
 fpeaks to the flrength of the Rebel lines at 
 Long Ifland, and the pofition above Quibble- 
 Town, and he thinks in both inftances the 
 General afted properly in not attempting to 
 force them (j). Captain Mackenzie is exa- 
 mined, and informs the Committee, that Ge- 
 neral Howe gave leave to Sir Henry Clinton 
 to make a diverfion in the Highlands to favour 
 the operations of General Burgoyne (/) ; and Sir 
 George Ofborne (a) proves that the General 
 had notice of the attack at iTrenton, and that 
 our defeat there was owing to Colonel R hall’s 
 intoxication, and difobedience of orders. He 
 fpeaks highly in favour of Sir Wiliiam Howe, 
 and confiders him as a great, able, pnd judi- 
 cious Commander (ce>). 
 
 ( s ) Captain Montrefor’s evidence, before the Hcufe of 
 f ommons, 
 
 (/) Captain Mackenzie’s evidence, before the Houfe of 
 Commons. 
 
 («) Sir George Ofoorne’s evidence, before the Houle of 
 Commons. 
 
 (av) Captain Money’s evidence before the Houfe of Com* 
 mon c , upon the Canada enquiry. 
 
 Such 
 
f 30 ] 
 
 Such is the evidence produced by Sir William 
 Howe i and without confidering the teltimony 
 on the other fide, but admitting this to ftand 
 uncontradi&ed, would it be confidered by the 
 nation as an exculpation from the very heavy 
 charges, under which he has fo long and fo 
 generally laboured ? Can it be fuppofed that the 
 fenfe of the army had been fairly collefted from 
 the opinions of two or three Officers attendant 
 upon his perfon ; obliged to him for prefer- 
 ment; attached to him from friendfhip; who 
 feem to have lhared his councils, and to have 
 had an influence over his meafures ? And after 
 all, what does it amount to? That the rebels 
 were in pofieffion of a ftrong country, and that 
 they underftood the art of entrenching them- 
 felves to advantage. Good God ! — but I would 
 wifh to keep my temper. — Was Sir William 
 Howe entrufted with forty thoufand men to 
 encounter no difficulties ? Was he to prepare 
 for no labours ? Did he imagine that his troops 
 were to walk over the fmooth furface of a lawn, 
 and never to attempt a vidlory but where there 
 was an impoffibility of a defeat ? In an enemy’s 
 country, was not delay deftrudtion ? And ffiould 
 not a blow have been ftricken that might have 
 fpread an univerfal panic, even though at a 
 confiderable expence ? If the rebels were found 
 to fortify themfelves fo ftrongly, when they were 
 diflodged from one poft, why were they fuf- 
 
 6 fered 
 
fered to ftrcngthen themfelves in another? Was 
 nothing to be hazarded at the head of a valiant 
 and dilciplined army againft feeble and raw 
 recruits? Was nothing to be trufted to the 
 ardour of troops flulhed with victory, and in 
 the full career of purfuit after a flying and 
 defeated enemy ? — When I hear Officers high 
 in rank holding fuch language at the bar of a 
 Britilh Houfe of Commons, — I grow afhamed 
 for my country ; every manly feeling takes the 
 alarm within me, and my blood runs cold with 
 indignation. 
 
 If we look back to the time of our gallant 
 anceftors, we Ihall have reafon to wonder at 
 their fuccefies. The fyftem of war admitted 
 not then of fuch mathematical precifion ; nor 
 did they confume weeks in the field to calculate 
 the exadt force of a ball, or the refiftance of an 
 intrenchment, behind which an enemy was 
 lodged. The event of an engagement was not 
 reduced to a certainty ; no intricate eftimation 
 of difficulties determined every enterprize. All 
 was darknefs, uncertainty and ignorance ! They 
 vainly confided in their valour, and trufted to 
 the reputation of their arms. They never 
 counted the numbers of the enemy, but rated 
 the energy of their own troops. And yet this 
 imperfedt fyftem has led to vidtory and renown, 
 
 and 
 
[ 32 ] 
 
 and rendered the name of Briton refpedtable in 
 every part of the world. 
 
 If engagements had never taken place but 
 between armies of equal ftrength, the hiftory 
 of human combats would be comprized within 
 a narrow compals ; and if this fyftem were to 
 prevail, mankind would have little to fear from 
 the future ravages of war. But thofe troops 
 which we did not dare to attack within their 
 entrenchments, thofe very troops thought it 
 their duty to attack us within ours. “ On the 
 morning of the yth of O&ober, General Ar- 
 nold marched out to attack us within our en- 
 trenchments: he advanced under the heavieft 
 cannonade of artillery, grape fhot, and rifle 
 fire, I ever beheld, and never gave way till 
 they met the JBritifh grenadiers (*).” — I will 
 
 only 
 
 (x) It is unneceflfary to d well upon the particulars of Gene- 
 ral Robertfon’s and Mr. Galloway's evidence, of which advan- 
 tage has been already taken, further than to ftate briefly, 
 that the latter Gentleman is of opinion that the powers for 
 negociating peace, with which Lord and Sir William Howe, 
 as Commiffioners were inverted, have been injudicioufly 
 exerted; and inllead of promoting the purpofe for which 
 they were delegated, from the manner in which they were 
 employed, have protra&ed the war, and materially injured 
 our caufe. General Robertfon does not think the country 
 remarkably ftrong, and is of opinion we ought to have at- 
 tacked the Rebel ports. We wave other particulars. The 
 
 retreat 
 
33 
 
 only obferve, for the regulation of our future 
 condud, “ Fas eft et ab hofie doceri 
 
 Thus would the matter ftand, if no evidence 
 had been produced to controvert that in favour 
 of Sir William Howe. But the evidence of 
 Mr. Galloway and General Robertfon contra- 
 dids diredly that of General Grey ; and when 
 we confider that General Robertfon has been 
 twenty-four years in America, and Mr. Gallo- 
 way forty-eight; and that General Grey has 
 only palled eighteen months in that country ; 
 their charaders in every refped Handing upon 
 the fame footing, we cannot hefitate one mo- 
 ment in our determination (y). 
 
 retreat from Bofton ; the expedition to Philadelphia; or the 
 bufinefs of the Jerfeys. The having neglefted to make a 
 proper ufe of the powers for negociatjng peace ; the permit- 
 ting the rebels to throw up entrenchments, and not attacking 
 them; making no purfuit after viitory ; are the great fails 
 upon which we reft. We do not inftitute a rigid fcrutiny 
 into the conduit of Sir William Howe to bring to light any 
 latent error, but to difcover whether there is any part of his 
 conduit that is free from error. It is not the trial of virtue ; 
 it is the condemnation of vice. 
 
 (j>) It appears from General Robertfon’s evidence, that if 
 the grenadiers had not been called off by the General they 
 would have ftormed the lines at Brooklyn; and if the attack 
 had been made, they muft have forced them, as Putnam 
 could not colledt th-es hundred out of all the troops to ftand 
 to their arms. 
 
 But 
 
 ] 
 
 F 
 
[ 34 ] 
 
 But no proof can be fo ftrong of the guilt of 
 Sir William Howe, as the manner in which this 
 enquiry terminated. The evidence upon the 
 part of Sir William had been gone through; 
 Miniftry were upon the examination of theirs; 
 when Sir William Howe, who had entreated, 
 who had provoked, who had infilled upon this 
 enquiry, negletls to attend at the ufual hour; 
 no Member in his abfence chufes to move for 
 the further fitting of the Committee, and it be- 
 comes difiolved of courfe. The Committee 
 makes no report ; the Houfe comes to no refo- 
 lution. — It is fufficient to Hate the fa£t. It is 
 .impoffible to err in the commentary. 
 
 Thefe obfervations are founded in Itubborn 
 fact, and they will not eafily be refuted. They 
 are made with the freedom of truth, and 
 the confidence of convidlion. They do not 
 proceed from enmity to Sir William Howe, 
 but from zeal for the public fervice. May 
 he long continue undifturbed in the peace- 
 able pofiefiion of his enjoyments ! Let him 
 throw the dice. Let him lie with his mifirefs. 
 Play is a venial error, unlefs carried to a criminal 
 excefs ; and the immoderate love of women is a 
 generous failing. We freely forgive the errors 
 that itoccafions, and impute them to an amiable 
 weaknefs. Sir William may be the man of 
 gallantry, the agreeable companion, the gene- 
 rous 
 
[ 35 ] 
 
 rous friend i but it was neceflary the Public 
 fiiould know, that he is not the great Com- 
 mander *. 
 
 But whatever may be the opinion rcfpedling 
 him, we have certainly derived lights from this 
 enquiry to guide us in our future attempts. 
 If the fyftem of war which he purfued be jufti- 
 fied as a general fyftem ; ftill it will be admitted 
 that the oppofite one would have proved more 
 fuccefsful in our particular inftance ; and of 
 courfe we may expedt to fee it adopted in future. 
 It has convinced us, that the conteft is not vain, 
 nor the purfuit impracticable ; and if favourable 
 circumftances have not been improved ; if war 
 has been unfkilfully carried on ; if peace has 
 been injudicioufly negociated, we have fuffered 
 through our “ folly, not our fate,” and we 
 may hope that the errors of our condudt are not 
 irreparable. 
 
 With regard to general Burgoyne, it is not 
 yet time to enquire into his condudt. The day 
 muft come when that will be difcufled in a pro- 
 per place. If every Commander, who, in any 
 manner whatfoever, lofes a King’s Ihip, muft be 
 brought to a court-martial; is it not fit that he 
 
 ' Perhaps his charadter may he fumnied up in a few words, by 
 applying to him what Montefquieu fays of Charles the Twelfth 
 of Sweden, Sir William Howe is net an Alexander the Great ; 
 but he would have made a good folaier under Alexander. 
 
 alfo 
 
[ 3$ 1 
 
 alfo Ihould face one, who has loft an army ? 
 One fa<5t, however, is very glaring upon the 
 face of the Canada evidence.— Great ftrefs is laid 
 throughout upon the opinion of the late Gene- 
 ral Frazer. His memory is defervedly efteemed. 
 His death happened unfortunately for us j it 
 happened fortunately for him. He was not a 
 witnefs to the unhappy condition of his fellow- 
 foldiers. He died in the bed of honour ; and 
 the tears of his country ftreamed over his grave. 
 — It is painful to me to quit the language of 
 panegyric for that of reproach. “ General 
 “ Frazer (fays Colonel Kingfton) (z) found fault 
 « with no operation of the campaign, but that 
 «< of employing Germans, inftead of Britifh, 
 « upon the expedition to Bennington.” — Is there 
 a man who will take upon him to aflert, that 
 the Bennington expedition was not the lofs of the 
 Northern Army * ? 
 
 (z) Colonel Kingfton’s examination before the Houfe of 
 Commons upon the Canada enquiry. 
 
 (•) The evidence concerning Lord Howe will not be taken 
 any notice of. In his chara&er of Qommiflioner he is equally 
 culpable with the General ; and the evidence that affetts the 
 one applies to the other. As an Admiral, commanding a nu- 
 merous and powerful fleet, he has alfo been cenfured. He 
 certainly fuffered our commerce to be very fhamefully annoyed. 
 But as the public opinion does not feem to be with thofe who 
 have attacked his conduct, we would rather ** praife where w? 
 
 can, than cenfure where wc may.” 
 
 i 
 
 It 
 
[ 37 3 
 
 It is already very clearly proved, that the 
 Americans in general have been favourable to 
 our caufe. Events remain to be mentioned that 
 will place this truth in the ftrongeft light. No 
 two meafures could be more odious to the peo- 
 ple of America than the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, and the Treaty with France. At 
 the beginning of this conteft, the people in ge- 
 neral, were very far from having independence 
 in view. There were, however, a particular 
 fet of men who indulged this hope-, and by 
 every art, that the defigning could pradtife over 
 the weak, laboured to bring about their pur- 
 pofe. But fo fenfible were the Congrefs of the 
 general averlion that prevailed from a leparation 
 with this country, that even at the time that 
 they declared independence, they aflerted, that 
 it was not with a view to a total feparation of 
 the two countries, but from necefiity becaufe, 
 unlefs they declared independence, the Powers 
 of Europe would not trade with them, and they 
 were in great diftrefs for want of many foreign 
 necefiaries. To carry the Declaration was found 
 a inoft arduous talk. Their debates lafted near 
 a fortnight ; and, when the queftion was put, 
 fix Colonies divided againft fix-, the Delegates 
 for Pennfylvania being alio divided, the queftion 
 remained undecided. One of the Members of 
 that Colony, however, changed his opinion ; 
 and upon the queftion, the next day, it was 
 
 carried 
 
[ 38 ] 
 
 carried in the affirmative, by a Jingle vote 
 only (a). 
 
 It is, therefore, fair, from the face of 
 the proceedings of Congrefs, to conclude that 
 America was divided upon the queftion of Inde- 
 pendence. But, when we confider that' Con- 
 grefs was by no means a fair reprefentation of 
 the people ; that the friends of Government 
 would not vote for a Deputation to an Afiem- 
 bly, whofe proceedings they confidered as vio- 
 lent and unlawful ; that fome counties fent no 
 Delegates ; that in no county where thefe Dele- 
 gates were not appointed by the Afiemblies 
 (which were in four only) were they chofen by 
 one- twentieth part of the people (b ) when we 
 confider all thefe circumftances, we may fafely 
 affirm, that a very final] part of America favour- 
 ed this meafure. 
 
 And. if fuch was the cafe at that time, have 
 any circumftances fince occured to reconcile 
 them to it? This country had then treated them 
 with too much pride; and by returning no an- 
 fwer to their petition, as it unworthy of any an- 
 fwer, had aggravated a fancied injury by a 
 leal infult. i he molt vigorous preparations 
 
 (a) Evidence of I Galloway, Efq, 
 
 (/-) Ibid. 
 
 were 
 
[ 39 1 
 
 were making to fubdue them ; the meafure of 
 employing foreign troops was then known ; un- 
 conditional fubmiffion was founded loudly, in 
 fliort, it was the time, at which there appeared 
 to be the greateft degree of irafcibility in the 
 proceedings of this country — and yet America 
 wifhed not for Independence ! What then muft 
 be their feelings at this time, when Great Bri- 
 tain has made the moft ample and liberal con- 
 ceflions-, when (he has offered to wave the claim 
 that gave rife to the difpute ; and to eftablifh 
 the connection, between the two countries, up- 
 on the broad and liberal principles of mutual 
 commerce, and reciprocal freedom ? The Con- 
 grefs allured them, they declared Independence, 
 that they might trade with foreign powers ; they 
 have fince made them parties to a treaty offenfive 
 and defenfvve with that power, whom America 
 has ever been taught to confider with an eye of 
 deteftation. A treaty with a defpotic Monarch, 
 who affeCts to feel for their violated rights, and 
 their invaded freedom ; againft a nation, from 
 whom their anceflors defcended ; with whom 
 they have long maintained the neareft and 
 deareft connexions; whofe conftitution is known 
 to be the pureft production of liberty ; whofe 
 manners, cuitoms, and difpofitions are fo fimi- 
 lar ; and with whom they have fo often fought, 
 bled, and conquered ! 
 
 But 
 
C 46 ] 
 
 But it will naturally be aflced, If fuch are the 
 fentiments of the people of America, and if 
 this averfion from Independence is fo univer- 
 fal, why do they not rife in oppofition to Con- 
 grefs ? The queftion is not of difficult folution. 
 It may be anfwered by another. Every tyrant is 
 odious to his people •, for the mind of man can- 
 not brook oppreffion ; how happens it then , that 
 fo many tyrants have been fuffered to exijl ? The 
 truth is, it is difficult for a body of peo- 
 ple to aft in concert. Their feelings are too 
 throng, and their proceedings too diibrderly, 
 to cope with command of temper, regularity, 
 and method. It is not often that men are found 
 who chufe to lead fo fickle and tumultuous a 
 body. For if the popular attack fhould fall 
 fhort of its purpofe, it would be impoffible to 
 punilh the body of the people, and the Chiefs 
 alone would remain expofed to the vengeance of 
 power. It is to the creation of tribunes that 
 Cicero attributes the equilibrium of the Roman 
 conftitution having been fo long preferved. 
 They a£ted betwixt the fenate and the people. 
 They knew the fickle temper of the latter, who 
 had forfaken fo many of their friends, and per- 
 mitted fo many of their favourites to be facri- 
 ficed-, and a regard to their own fafety in- 
 duced them to controul the fury of the populace, 
 for whofe meafurcs they muft ultimately be re- 
 fponfiblei and who to-day might ftorm the 
 
 fenate- 
 
[ 4 1 1 
 
 Senate-houfe, and to-morrow pull down the 
 Tribunal. Hence they encouraged them in a 
 conftant oppofition to the meafures of the Se- 
 nate ; their harangues were vehement and fcdi- 
 tious ; but they faultered when it became ne- 
 cefiary to a<5t (r). Though the inhabitants of 
 America may, in general, be hoftile to the Con- 
 grefs, no one chufes to be the firft in refitting 
 them. It is difficult to deftroy a form of Go- 
 vernment •, and of the only form that at pre- 
 fent prevails in America, the Congrefs are in 
 pofieffion. 
 
 Perhaps we may in a great meafure owe 
 our fuccefs to accident. From the earlieft times, 
 the fubverfion of tyrannical Governments has 
 not been owing to any preconcerted fcheme, or 
 combination of plans, on the part of thofe who 
 have fuffered under them ; but to events, which, 
 operating ftrongly upon the moft violent paf- 
 fions of the human mind, have fuddenly driven 
 the people to meafures of diftraction and fury, 
 and roufed all the powers of defpair. At Rome, 
 the tyranny of the Tarquins was not likely to 
 
 (c) The American difpute prefents us at once with the proof 
 and the exception to this rule. The conduft of the Congrefs 
 is certainly an exception to it, for they have placed themfelves 
 in a refponfible iituation. The firft proclamation iffue'd proves 
 it ; a pardon was offered to all thofe who Ihould return to 
 their allegiance, except Hancock and Adams. 
 
 be 
 
 G 
 
[ 42 ] 
 
 be abolilhed, when the dead body of Lucrecii 
 produced the expulfion of the tyrants •, the peo- 
 ple, groaning under ufury and extortion, would 
 never have feceded, had not the Debtor appeared 
 in the Forum, covered with ftripes; and the 
 bloody knife of Virginius effected .the ruin of 
 the Decemvirs ( d , ). In like manner, at Athens, 
 a domeftic injury placed Harmodius and Arif- 
 togiton at the head of the people ; and put an 
 end to the ufurpation of Hippias. 
 
 The Congrefs of America, fenfible that the 
 fame caufes muft ever produce the fame effe&s, 
 have endeavoured, by force and fraud, to 
 ftrengthen and to difguife their proceedings. 
 Thofe, who abfolutely refufed to come into their 
 meafures, have been fubjeded to all the penalties 
 of confifcation, and finally to the punilhment 
 of high-trcafon. To prevent refiftance, a whole 
 province has been difarmed. The members, 
 who difiented from the meafures of Congrefs, 
 have not been permitted to enter their protefts. 
 While their refolutions were publilhed to the 
 people, fuch, as befpoke the violence and 
 diftradion of their proceedings, had been ex- 
 punged from their journals j and their mea- 
 fures falfely appeared to be the refult of un- 
 difturbed unanimity. But America begins to 
 
 ( \d ) Efprit des Loix. 
 
 murmur 
 
C 43 1 
 
 fiiurmur at their conduct. She perceives that 
 her happinefs is not their aim, but that they are 
 aftuated by a mad ambition. It is not to be 
 expedted that they will cheerfully enter into any 
 negociation with this country, that might put 
 an end to the conteft. War drew them from 
 infignificance : peace muft give them back to 
 obfcurity. But with difpofitions in our favour, 
 upon the part of the people, we have little to 
 apprehend from them. Their fituation is our 
 belt fecurity. When America is ripe for a 
 change, it will become unfafe for them to con- 
 tinue in it ; and their meafures muft necefiarily 
 accelerate that moment. They will early affedt 
 to fwim with the ftream. They may in fecret 
 ftrive to countenfdt, but it is impofiible that 
 they fhould openly endeavour to check the 
 general fpirit. Should they be mad enough to 
 attempt it, our force would co-operate with the 
 people, and leave them no alternative but fub- 
 million. 
 
 If there are any who affedt to dilbelieve the 
 teftimony of Mr. Galloway ( e ), and to fuppofe 
 it founded in intereft, error, or partiality ; to 
 
 fuch 
 
 (t) When Mr. Galloway appeared before the Houfe of 
 Common.', an attempt was made to invalidate his teilimony, 
 by reprefenting him as an imerejled ’witntfs . He had quitted 
 his family j he had fled his country ; he had incurred the 
 C 2 guilt 
 
[ 44 J 
 
 fuch let the internal evidence of the conteli at 
 this period afford demonftration, 
 
 The Americans, before the fatal rupture with 
 this country, enjoyed the produce of a moft 
 luxuriant climate, and all the advantages of a 
 lucrative commerce. But cultivation has necef- 
 farily ceafed, and commerce has been inter- 
 rupted. The hufbandman loiters over the land, 
 when he confiders that he is not induftrious for 
 himfclf; that fome hoftile excurfion may foon 
 render his fertile dwelling a defolated wafte, and 
 fnatch from his helplefs family their only mife- 
 
 guilt of high-treafon againft the States of America; he had 
 given up 40,000/. for a fcanty pittance barely equal to the 
 wants of the day, — and yet he was an interejled man l one 
 whom mercenary motives, it was to be prefumed, would 
 warp from truth, or influence to falfchood ! If fuch infinua- 
 tions are pra&ifed with any fuccefs, what man will in future 
 make a like facrince for fo ungrateful a nation ? What Ame- 
 rican in his fenfes will efpoufe our caufe, if afler having 
 experienced every fpecies'of perfection, he is to meet with 
 fuch a reception from thufe for whom he has willingly incur- 
 red it: I hope, however, that the national character is too 
 well eltabl iflied to fufrer from the behaviour of a particular 
 defeription of men. Mr. Galloway has endeared himfelf to 
 the inhabitants of this country. The houfe of every loyal 
 Englifliman is open to him ; the hand of every loyal Englifh- 
 man is warm to him ; the heart of every loyal Englifliman 
 
 beats in his favour ! Mr. T d, Mr. F— x, and Mr. 
 
 B -e may af erfe his chara&er ; but every man cf honour, 
 juftice, and humanity, will defend i*. 
 
 rable 
 
[ 45 ] 
 
 fable fupport. The parent no longer fends his 
 offspring to the field, animated by the tale of li- 
 berty, and glad in his country’s caufe. Fie tells 
 him the forebodings of his anxious mind ; he 
 imparts to him the fufpicions he entertains ; and 
 communicates the doubts which diftradt his aged 
 experience. Fie turns to the page of hiftory. 
 There they find that moft tyrannic governments 
 have owed their origin to popular delufion, and 
 to the arts of men who have appeared to be the 
 warmed friends of liberty, at the moment that 
 they were meditating the molt abfolute meafures 
 of defpotifm. They read of Pififtratus at 
 Athens; of the Decemvirs at Rome; of the 
 Medici at Florence ; and, in the hiftory of their 
 own anceftors, of the Long Parliament in this 
 country. “ My fon (exclaims he), what are 
 we contending for ? We are relinquifhing the 
 belt form of Government which human wifdom 
 ever devifed, in queft of uncertain and ideal ad- 
 vantages. We are renouncing an alliance with 
 a free country for ore with an abfolute Mo- 
 narch, who profeffes a regard for the freedom of 
 America, and an attachment to the natural 
 rights of mankind. What reafon have we to 
 fuppofe him fincere? Will the nation who 
 fought to enfiave the United States of Holland, 
 and to deprive them of freedom and independ- 
 ence, become a friend to the United States of 
 
 America, 
 
America, who have no other claim to her 
 friendlhip, but that they are ftruggling to gain 
 thefe privileges ? We took up arms to obtain 
 redrefs of a grievance; that purpofe is effected, 
 and it is time that peace Ihould be reftored.” — 
 The trembling parent thus difclofes his mind ; 
 and the young man forrowful, departs to return 
 no more. The Congrefs have contracted an 
 immenfe debt, which mull ultimately fall upon 
 the people. The latter are tired of military 
 fervice, and pant for the return of peace and 
 domeftic enjoyment. They compare their for- 
 mer fituauon with the prelent ; and are melan- 
 choly at the change One hundred thouland 
 men have already perilhed, the fifth part of the 
 white people in America capable of bearing 
 arms (/). Under thefe circumitances, Congrefs 
 muft have recourfe to compulfive methods to 
 raife fupplies, and fend troops into the field; 
 and with thefe difpofitions upon the part of the 
 people, they will not be very patiently fub- 
 mitted to — The man of fenfe and rtfle&ion, 
 who draws information from his own mind, and 
 reafons upon the probable confequences of eve- 
 ry meafure, not madly concurring in it as his 
 pafiions urge, or fervilely acquiefcing as au- 
 thority requires, perceives in a very ftriking 
 
 (f) Mr. Galloway’s evidence. 
 
point of view, the different fituations of the two 
 countries. He knows, that if the conted were 
 to ceafe at this moment, it mud terminate pro- 
 fperoufly for America ; much to the glory of 
 her arms, to the honour of her councils, and 
 to the advantage of her people. She will have 
 obtained the firft obje£l of contention, and have 
 acquired the mod invaluable privileges. He 
 confiders that Great Britain cannot put an end 
 to the war by treaty, without acknowledging 
 American independence. If he confider inde- 
 pendence as a defirable objeft for America to ob- 
 tain, he alfo confiders, that it will be difadvan- 
 tageous for Great Britain to lofe it ; and that if 
 it will be glorious for America to fucceed, it 
 will be difgraceful for Great Britain to be de- 
 feated. If it Ihould take off a few redraints 
 . from their commerce, it will not only ruin our 
 trade, but may terminate in the lofs of all our 
 diftant poffcffions, of our name among nations, 
 perhaps of our exidence as a date. He fees no- 
 thing but certain difgrace and infamy, and pro- 
 bable ruin for Great Britain, if Ihe were to ac- 
 knowledge the independence of America. Her 
 nice fenfe of honour ; her pride as a great na- 
 tion ; her fpirit, and her invincible perfeve- 
 rance ; her former condud, and even her pre- 
 fent reputation, afford him no reafon to conclude, 
 that Ihe will eafily become reconciled to in- 
 famy, and refigned to difgrace j or that Ihe will 
 
 3 give 
 
[ 4« J 
 
 give herfelf up to ruin without a ftruggle, and 
 expire without a groan. He places himfelf in 
 her fituation. He feels what powerful motives 
 urge her to carry on the war, and he fbrefees 
 from its continuance an innumerable train of 
 ills. He refle<5ts, that though America is at this 
 moment fuccefsful, her arms may yet be de- 
 feated; and, from every pofiible confideration, 
 he concludes, that it is not for her intereft to 
 perfft obftinately in the ftruggle. — The daily 
 labourer enters not into nice difquifition, but 
 reafons from his immediate feelings. The ad- 
 vantages which he is told to look for, are di- 
 ftant and uncertain ; iaftant calamities prefs up- 
 on him. His perfon is fubje&ed to the hard- 
 ftiips of military fervice ; his property is not 
 fecure from hoftile attempts; he is opprefied by 
 his own friends, and plundered by his enemies. 
 He cannot enter into the views of the former, 
 and of courfe he repines at the hardnefs of his 
 lot ; and when he looks around, he beholds no 
 pofleffions of the latter, upon which he may fa- 
 tisfy his refentment by committing depredations, 
 or reimburfe himfelf, by making reprifals. Thus 
 perfecuted and diftreffed, it is but natural that 
 he fhould wifli for an end to the war, becaufe 
 
 it would prove an end to his calamities On the 
 
 other hand, if the people of America look up 
 to their friends, they are poflelTed of too 
 much fenfe to fuppofe, that the motives pro- 
 claimed 
 
[ 49 1 
 
 claimed by the Court of France are thofe 
 which really influenced her to afford them 
 afliftance. They know that her hiftory is a 
 continued feries of endeavours to fubdue the 
 liberties of mankind, and to reduce the govern- 
 ment of every nation to her own defpotic 
 ftandard. Intereft and ambition armed this 
 aipiring power. She diverts the ftreams of 
 American commerce from their accuftomed 
 channel, that they may flow in upon her own 
 foil, and render it rich and fertile. She aflifts 
 America to fliake off the dependence upon this 
 country, that America may become dependent 
 upon her. Thefe truths are too ftriking to be 
 difguifed ; and the Americans are already alarm- 
 ed for the confequences. They forefee that it is 
 impoflible the two powers can long maintain an 
 intercourfe founded upon the principles of mu- 
 tual advantage *, that the difionance of their 
 manners, government, and religion, can never 
 aft in concert fo as to produce harmony. How 
 will a people, the forms of whofe religion are 
 fo Amplified that they will not even fuffer a 
 Bifhop to refide among them, be reconciled 
 to the pomp of high mafs, and the idolatrous 
 worfbip of the Roman Catholic church ? If they 
 will not tolerate thefe, is it not likely that 
 France would feel for her infulted faith, and 
 infill upon a due obfervance of her ceremonies ? 
 Is a fpirit of meeknefs and fubmifiion, of patience 
 under controul, the diftinguifhing charaftcriftic 
 H of 
 
 T 
 
[ 5 ° ] 
 
 of this feft ? In fhort, the union is unnatural, 
 and it cannot poffibly continue. 
 
 It i3 true, our fituation is in fome refpefts 
 more arduous than it was. France and Spain 
 have armed againft us, and it does not appear 
 that we have any foreign allies. We muft nor, 
 however, defpair. The national jealoufy, which 
 fub lifts between thefe powers will, in all proba- 
 bility, prove favourable to us. Inftead of 
 ftrengthening, they may weaken each others 
 efforts. If we fhould not prove fuccefsful, our 
 fituation muft make us friends* for it is not the 
 intereft of Europe to permit us to be facrificed. 
 Holland will afford us affiftance in time, though 
 fhe feems unwilling to give it at prefent. She 
 is a trading power, and will endeavour to make 
 the befi bargain. The market is certainly fa- 
 vourable to her •, but when we fhew lefs anxiety 
 to purchafe, fhe will become more willing to 
 treat. But even fhould we remain totally de- 
 ferred, and continue without affiftance, the 
 fituation is not unparalleled in our hiftory. 
 “ When poor old England flood alone, and had 
 not the accefs of another kingdom, and yet had 
 more, and as potent enemies as it now hath, 
 yet the King of England prevailed (g). n 
 
 I do not, however, mean to reprefent our 
 fituation as that of perfeft eafe. It has great 
 C?) Sir Edward Coke, Parliamentary Hiftory, Vol. vii. 
 
 p. 400. 
 
 and 
 
[ 51 ] 
 
 and numerous difficulties. If we fhould be 
 under the neceffity of recalling our troops from 
 America, the probability of recovering her will 
 be diftant indeed. We can only preferve our 
 friends by affording them protection ; or induce 
 others to become fo, by having a force at 
 hand to affift them. We have in this part of 
 the world a fl et that can face that of France 
 and Spain-, in the Weft Indies we are equal, 
 and in the Eaft Indies greatly fuperior to them. 
 They cannot tranfport any body of troops to 
 attack our diftant poffeliions, while we preferve 
 the fovereignty of the fea ; and at home we have 
 a defence that leaves us little to apprehend. 
 To our navy every effort ought to be direfted ; 
 and while this continues upon a fuperior foot- 
 ing, our army in America may be left to aft. 
 At any rate, we fhould i'uffer many of our 
 poffeffions to be facrificed before we confent to 
 relinquifh America. In the Ihipwreck of the 
 ftate, every thing valuable cannot be preferved; 
 but this is tne plank to which we fhould cling, 
 and the laft property from which we Ihould 
 parr. 
 
 It is often laid. How did this country lubfifl 
 before America was difeovered ? The anfwer is 
 plain : America unknown to us was unknown to 
 every other power. But now that Ihe has re- 
 ceived from this country the principles of free- 
 dom, and the elements- of commerce; that her 
 H 2 inha- 
 
inhabitants have been employed in our manu- 
 factures-, that her fhipwrights have built, and 
 |ier failors navigated our Ihips-, that her foldiers 
 have been trained to our dilcipline, and fought 
 under our banners -, (hall we permit them to 
 turn thefe advantages againlt the nation from 
 ■which fhe derived them ? It is not only a weight 
 taken out of our fcale, but it is alfo thrown 
 into the oppolite one. If America were to be- 
 come a great and independent power in a dur- 
 able alliance with France, what a powerful 
 addition of ftrength would this country have to 
 combat in every future war with her natural 
 enemies 1 But if France were not to fucceed in het 
 views upon America, and the latter were to be- 
 come a great nation unconnected with her, it is 
 at leaft certain, that if America and this country 
 were to make war againft each other, France 
 would always join America. Ford Shelburne 
 truly faid, When the independence of America pall 
 be acknowledged , the fun of this country will be fet 
 for ever in the W< ejl% — The power, the commerce, 
 the conftitution of this country, can exift no 
 longer than America is dependent upon her. 
 
 If we are not convinced of this truth, every 
 blow that we flrike is an outrage done to huma- 
 nity. Every drpp °f blood that we fpill be- 
 comes an indelible (lain upon the national 
 character. We do not wage honourable war. 
 We pommit barbarous murder. — If, on the 
 8 contrary, 
 
[ 53 1 
 
 contrary, we feel its force, the objeit is worth 
 contending for. Every man will be convinced 
 that the fafety and exiftence of his country are 
 at ftake ; that he is not ftruggling for dominion 
 and empire, but that he is fighting pro arts et 
 focis. He muft not liften to the idle difcourfes 
 of extravagant theorifts, who talk of “ the 
 friendfhip of America being an infinite recom- 
 pence in exchange of an irkfome dominion, 
 onerous to them, and barren to us ( h ). Treaties 
 
 are dictated by convenience, and violated as 
 intereft requires. Friendfhip among nations is 
 a folecifm in politics. We muft have feme 
 better fecurity for the friendfhip of America, 
 than an unhallowed form of words. That fecu- 
 rity muft be a dependence upon this country ; 
 and in the purfuit of this objedt, difadvantages 
 muft not difhearten us. Let difficulties multi- 
 ply, and one defeat fucceed to another, ftill we 
 • muft continue firm and conftant to our purpofe, 
 and not waver, as fortune proves fickle. We 
 will ftrive to emulate the conduit of that illuf- 
 trious people, among whofe conquefts that of 
 our anceftors was not reckoned the leaft diffi- 
 cult. They feemed to acquire additional acti- 
 vity from every defeat, and to gain, like An- 
 taus , frefh force from every fall. They were 
 not dejedted with every reverfe of fortune \ 
 
 (b) Mr. David Hartley’s Letters, p. 41. 
 
 but 
 
 lr 
 
[ 54 ] 
 
 I 
 
 but preferved a greatnefs of foul in the 
 mod defperate fituations. When Pyrrhus, 
 after having obtained many fucceffes over the 
 Romans, offered to treat with them upon ad- 
 vantageous terms ; they replied, in the true 
 fpirit of magnanimity, Let Pyrrhus depart from 
 Italy. When Hannibal was laying waffe the 
 Roman territory, they fent Scipio to beat down 
 the gates of Carthage. — We muff be prepared 
 for the moft calamitous events. We muff look 
 forward to what may happen, and put the quef- 
 tion to ourfelves, Have we fortitude to encoun- 
 ter it ? If the ani wer fhould prove in the affir- 
 mative, let us not only adb, but reafon like men. 
 To-day we may reduce a fort in America; to- 
 morrow we may be defeated before one ; but 
 thele are cafualties that muff not be luffered to 
 interfere with our great purpofe and defrgn. 
 
 But it is time to put an end to thefe Obferva- 
 tions. It has been faid, It is impojjible to fubdue 
 the rebellion in America ; — they are offered to the 
 public, with a view to prove the falfchood of 
 that affertion. They fubmit to the candour of 
 the nation, whether it has not been eftablilhed 
 by incontrovertible evidence, that cur failure 
 hitherto has been owing to very grol's mifrna- 
 nagement ; and that though from their public 
 and formal a£is it may appear otherwile, yet 
 the people o£ America are favourable and 
 
 friendly 
 
[ 55 ] 
 
 friendly to our caufe ; and there is every reafon 
 to hope for future fuccefs from wile and vigorous 
 meafures. If the attempt is admitted to be 
 practicable, the merits of this imperfect perform- 
 ance will then be comprefied within a narrow 
 compafs. To thofe who are of opinion, that the 
 efiential welfare of this country depends upon 
 reducing the Americans to their former depend- 
 ence, little argument will be necefiary to prove, 
 that we lhould lhed our laft drop of blood in 
 the attempt ; and it is hoped, that thefe remarks 
 upon it may contribute to infpire them with 
 proper confidence, and manly hope. But to thofe,. 
 who think differently; who affert, that “the 
 “ friendfhip of America will be an infinite recom- 
 “ pence in exchange of an irkfome dominion, 
 “ onerous to them and barren to us,” all argu- 
 ment mull be vainly employed ! For it would 
 be madnefs to juftify a war that may terminate 
 in our ruin, and cannot poflibly contribute to 
 our advantage. 
 
 FINIS. 
 

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