jy B. There being a pretended Collection,of fbme of thele 
 Tra&s, publilhed under the lame Name, ’tis 
 thought fit to give notice, that there are leverai 
 things inferted in, the laid Book, which were not 
 his, and thole that are, being full of Errors, Q- 
 tniffions and Miltakes, which in many Places in¬ 
 vert the Senfe and Defign of the Author; This 
 J Collection has been corrected, and contains a- 
 bove double the number of Trafts that were 
 printed in the laid fham ColleCtion 3 as more at 
 targe exprelTed in the Preface* 
 

 the 
 
 preface 
 
 To the whole. 
 
 T 1S mt from any Opinion I havt of the 
 Value of my own Performances, nor 
 from the Fondnef of appearing in Print 
 having fo lately fuffered for it, that l 
 have confented to this Publication. 
 
 But 'tis owing to a certain Printer , who had 
 forg d 4 Jurrept it ions Collett ion of fever al Tratts * 
 tn which he had the Face to put feverat 
 Things which l had no Hand in, and vilely to 
 dtfmember and mangle thofe 1 had-, giving the 
 
 Y h iul tte f f C f**‘** of my Writing!- and 
 his Publtfber, of the fame Kjdnty, to put my Name 
 
 t0 fTy and all this to get a Penny, at the price of 
 expofing me and the Book in a mofi uncivil , as 
 ftd m difhoneji manner . 
 
 * ? / 
 
The P H EiF ACE 
 
 I have confented therefore to this VMention y 
 in order to do my (elf fuflice to the World, And 
 that l may not ' he impos d upon , nor the (Farid 
 abus'd, by a (purions Collection of what 1 have no 
 Legitimate Claim to, and an erroneous Copy of what , 
 
 1 have. 
 
 Before I refolv'd on this Courfe, 1 fet about 
 Correcting the Mi (lakes of the Book they have 
 Publiftfd, till 1 came to above three hundred Er¬ 
 rors and then being weary oj Amt name m., I 
 refolvd to di/abufe the World with a corrected 
 Copy. 
 
 Nor is this all the Injury done me, by this 
 Piratical Printer, as fuch are very rightly cal¬ 
 led , who unjufl/y print ether Mens Copies’, 
 but 1 think ‘tis a rno(t unaccountable piece of 
 Boldnefi in him, to print that particular Book 
 calPd, The Ihorteft Way with the Diffenters, 
 while 1 lay under the publick Rejentment for 
 the fame Fact. And though the Government, 
 indeed, may punijh one Criminal and let another go 
 free ; yet, it (eems a little hard, That 1 fhould 
 fuffer for printing a Book, and another Print it in 
 the Face of the Government to get Money by it. 
 
 1 have no RcaCn to be glad, tho * it is too 
 true, 1 am a large Sufferer for writing that 
 Book, though the Government were to quit me 
 to Morrow, which I fee no Reafon to expeCt ; 
 and it cannot Conejpond with my fenfe ofjujlice, 
 
 That 
 
 
The PREFACE. 
 
 That another fJjould have a Tacit Allowance to re¬ 
 feat the Crime. 
 
 The honefly of the Matter IJ,hall not meddle 
 withy becaufe J find 'tis what the Perfon does not 
 concern himfelf about , but juflifies ; which he 
 can do upon no other Foundation , than he may the 
 taking my Hat from my Heady or my Purfe on 
 the Road. 
 
 Thefe in fhort are the true Caufes of this Pub¬ 
 lication ; but Jince ’tis tht*s ufher'd into the Worldy 
 1 mufi ask leave to make fome further ufe of the 
 Book it felf. 
 
 Fir fly with fubmijfion to a judgment of Cha- 
 rity, 1 cannot pafs for an Incendiary : Of all 
 the Writers of this Age, I have y 1 am fatis- 
 fied y the rnofl Induftrioufly avoided writing 
 with want of Temper ; and / appeal to what is 
 now Pub lifts dy whether there is not rather a 
 Spirit of Healing than of Sedition runs through 
 the whole Collecltony one mifunderftood Article 
 excepted. 
 
 ^ And as to the excepted Piece , ft nee the general 
 Vogui has Condemn'd it, I fubmit to the Cen- 
 fure, but mufi enter a Protefiation that my In¬ 
 tention Was not Seditious. I avoid Vindicating 
 the Meajures I took in the Method of the Argu¬ 
 ment y and rather acknowledge my felf in the wrong 
 than diffute it ; but, however , I might by my 
 ill Conduct draw a Picture which fbew'd a Face 
 
 A 4 I did 
 
The PREFACE. 
 
 J did not defign to Paint ; yet, / never defigned 
 Juch a Face as fbould fcare Mankind , 
 the World think we Mad. 
 
 J have been a Man of Peace and Charity, 
 and in all the TraCts of this Volume, / think 
 it mil appear’, if 1 have offended in Rhime , 
 
 1 am ready to own my. Error when Convinced 
 of it. 
 
 The Enemy I have purfud is fo t both to God 
 and Man. If 1 have run at Vice with too full 
 a Cry, fill 'tis at Vice , and lam perfwaded none 
 but the Vicious will be angry', and for them, like 
 Acids in Phyfick, I hope the more it difiurbs them 
 the better 'twill Work. 
 
 I am very forry to fnd Jome Gentlemen 
 angry at me for a Fault wholly their own, and 
 which, I could not have thought would ever 
 happen : The Cafe is this ; They fancy them-- 
 fives Lampoond, and Expos'd, in fame Cha¬ 
 racters which really were never defign d for them: 
 And fo take a Coat which never was cut out for 
 that ufe. 
 
 The Truth is, thefe Gentlemen are Satyrs up¬ 
 on themfelves, by fixing the Characters, as Things 
 which rnufi be fuitable, fince the likenefs was fuch 
 they could not know themfelves from a Stran- 
 g*r. 
 
 I ar$ 
 
 rv.v 
 

 The PREFACE 
 
 I am rather fotry the Coat fits them, than that 
 they have called it their oven, (trice their Per - 
 fons mere never known to me , before they deferib'd 
 themfelves in this Accident. 
 
 I am ajjaulted by two or three Gentlemen of 
 another fort, and of no mean Quality, who are 
 * * n g r y that they are left out in fome Characters 
 in the Satyr called, Reformation of Manners; 
 thefe Gentlemen are difpleafed, thinking 1 did not 
 fuppofe them bad enough to be Lampoon'd ; in 
 which l muft do my felf this fuftice, to let them 
 know they were mtftaken ; for, indeed , 1 thought 
 them too bad to meddle with , but that being 
 harden'd in all manner of Pice, beyond reclaim¬ 
 ing, I thought Satyr, whofe End is Reforma¬ 
 tion, had no Bufnefs with them ; therefore, • 
 as 'tis fear'd, their Maker has done before me, t 
 left them to themfelves, that whenever Heaven 
 [ball think fit to recover them, they may ft and 
 as Monuments of Wonder, and ferve to convince 
 the Wor Id that Miracles are not ceas'd. 
 
 This Collection alfo, may difabufe the World, 
 who tacitly charge me with writing DifrefpeCtfully 
 of the Queen. I appeal to the Book it felf ; and 
 and as I really never did publifb the leaft Claufe 
 that way, fo / think, / never fail'd either in 
 Verfe or Profe , to addrefs her Majefty with all 
 the Deference of a dutiful Subject, and to add fo 
 much of the Debt due to her exalted Merit as T 
 pas capable of ; anf if / have ever fail'd, in 
 
The PREFACE. 
 
 Cafes lefs Publick, though it can never admit of 
 a Proof , I (hall not fail of fuch humble Acknow¬ 
 ledgments as becomes me. 
 
 The vicious Party, who are touch'd too Warmly, 
 in fome of the Satyrs, are moft induflrioufly ran- 
 facking my Character, to make it, if poffible, look 
 like themfelves', the meaning is, that being as bad 
 my Jelf, I have really no right to find fault with 
 them. Of this 1 might fay much, but fball con- > 
 tract it to this fhort Hint, I never pretended to 
 want either Sins or Misfortunes, and no Man is 
 more willing to acknowledge his Miflakes, both to God 
 and Man, than my felf. But I make the Com¬ 
 plainants this fair Challenge , If it can be made 
 appear, that I am Guilty of any of the Crimes 
 for which / have Reprov'd, Satyriz'd and Ani¬ 
 madverted upon others, fo far my Satyr is unjujl i 
 and 1 am an improper Perjon to write it. 
 
 I (hall fay nothing to the particular Subjells 
 treated on in this Book, let them anfver for them¬ 
 felves ; only I think my felf obliged to take no¬ 
 tice of a Clamour, r.aifed by fome uncharitable Peo¬ 
 ple, about mj writing agatnfi Occalional Con¬ 
 formity, and ill treating Mr. How. 
 
 As to the Fir(l, It has ever been my declared 
 Principle, I have endeavour'd with a conjlant Di¬ 
 ligent Enquiry into Truth, to come to a true Un¬ 
 der(landing in that Cafe ; and after all, it re¬ 
 mains clear to me, That it is fmful againft God, 
 fcandalom to the Diffenters, and will be fatal to 
 
 their 
 
The PREFACE. 
 
 their htereft, and in all three, ] thought-my [elf 
 concerned to bring it upon the Stage. They who 
 tax me with being the Author of Perfection by 
 it, 1 think deflrve no Anfver; for fince Oc- 
 caftiond Communion with the Church is their 
 Opinion, they are in no danger of Perfection : 
 Perfection, if ever it happen, as I fee no prof 
 peel of it, tnuft not be for Occafional Comply ante, 
 but for not Complying at all. 
 
 As for my ill treating a certain Gentleman, to 
 whom I wrote a floor t Preface on this Head, I ap¬ 
 peal to all Impartial , unbyajs' d Judgements in the 
 II or Id, if there is any jujl Occdflon given by me, 
 ' *» the faid Preface, for fuch a Reply as that 
 learned Gentleman gave me, and I refer to the 
 Preface it felf ; and I farther appeal, if my Re¬ 
 ply be ^ in any thing Indecent, or unfit able to the 
 Necefflty of my Argumentand the Refietf due 
 10 a Man of his Merit. 
 
 I fee nothing remains to fay of me, or of 
 ny -look ; they that [earch for Faults may 
 fir. them plenty, and they that will mend them 
 J me .-> . fl>*U always have my Acknowledgment 
 J the Jfindnefs : Rut he that wotd d make Faults 
 ft n there is none, has little Charity and lefts 
 Hone fly. 
 
 Rut fince the World has been pleafed to ruffle me 
 a little too feverely, concerning my own Errors, J 
 purpoje to vifit them fhortly, with a State of the 
 \ ~ * ~ Cafe 
 
 
the 
 
 PREF 
 
 ACE. 
 
 Ctfe between my Errors and theirs; not at all 
 to lefjen my own, but to fettle Matters between 
 Vice and Repentance a little ; and that they 
 may have no Excufe to re jell the Admonition, 
 tecaufe the Reprover is not an Angel \ and if 
 all Men would but acknowledge their Vaults as 
 freely a* 1 [ball do mine, Amendment would cer¬ 
 tainly follow. 
 
 For Crimes confeft are more than half Reform’d^ 
 
Thr'T ABLE 
 
 The Freeholders Flea againft Stock-jobbing 
 Ele Elions of Parti ament -Men. p. igg, 
 
 Reafons againft a War with France, &c 
 
 p. 183. 
 
 An Argument, /hewing, that a Standing 
 Army, with confent of Parliament is 
 not lnconftftent with a Free Govern - 
 
 ment. * r* „ ^ 
 
 p. 202. 
 
 Th, danger of the Protefiant Religion, from 
 the prefent profpeU of a Religious War 
 
 “Europe. P . 223. 
 
 the Villainy of Stock-jobbers deleted, and 
 
 the Caufes of the late run upon the 
 
 Bank and Bankers difcovered and con¬ 
 sidered . p 2 „. 
 
 The Six cfiftinguijhing Charafterj of a Par¬ 
 liament Man. p. 271 
 
 The poor Mans Plea. p 2 g^ 
 
 An Enquiry into the Occafional Conformity 
 of Mentors, in Cafes of Preferment, 
 with a Preface to Mr. How. p. ^ 
 
 A Leu 
 
The TABLt 
 
 A Letter to Mr. How, by way of Reply to 
 his Confideration of the Preface , to an 
 Enquiry into the Occafional Conformity of 
 Vijfenters. * p. 322. 
 
 Tide two great Quefiions confidered. Firfi, 
 What the French King will do, with re- 
 fpeft to the Spanifh Monarchy ? Second\ 
 What Me afur es the Englifh ought to take . 
 
 P- 345 . 
 
 The two great Quefiions farther confider¬ 
 ed, with fome Reply to the Remarks. 
 
 p. 364. 
 
 An Enquiry into Occafional Conformity , / hew¬ 
 ing, that the Vijfenters are no ways con¬ 
 cerned in it. p. 380. 
 
 A new Teft of the Church of Englands 
 Loyalty , or Whiggifh Loyalty and Church 
 Loyalty compard. p. 3^7. 
 
 The fhorteft way with the Vijfenters, or 
 Propofals for the EJlablifbment of the 
 Church. p. 41?. 
 
 A Brief 
 
TfieTABLE 
 
 A Brief Explanation of a late Pamphlet 
 entituled\ The (horteft Way with the 
 Di(Tenters. p. ^5. 
 
 The jhorteft Way to Felice and Union. 
 
 p. 464, 
 
 THE 
 
 
True-Born. Englijhman: 
 
 SATYR; 
 
 Statuimus Pacem, & Securitatem, & Concordiamju- 
 dictum & 'Juftitium inter Anglos Normannos, 
 
 Francos, & Britoncs Walliae & Cornubiae, Pi&os 
 & Scotos Albaniae, {imiliter inter Francos & In- 
 fuUnos , Provincias, & Patrias , qu£ pertinei t ad 
 Coronam nofir am , & inter omnes nobis Subjectos y 
 firmiter & inviolabiliter objervari. 
 
 Charta Regis Willielmi Conquifitoris de 
 Pacis Publica,-.Ci/>. r. 
 
 An Explanatory 
 
 PREFACE- 
 
 I T is not that 1 fee any Reafon to alter my Opinion in any 
 thing l have writ } •which occafions this Epiftle * hut l 
 find it necejf'ary for the (atis faff ion of fome Perfons of Honour , 
 as well as Wit> to pafl a (hort Explication upon it y and tell 
 the Vtforld what I mean } or rather,what J do not mean , in fome 
 things wherein I find 1 am liable to be m ifunder Hood. 
 
 I confefi my felf fomething fur prized to bear that I am taxd 
 with Bewraying my own Neft % and Abufing our Nation , by 
 
Antxplanatory Preface. 
 
 Meanrtl f °f our Original , in order to mb 
 *u- f n T l h contem Pible abroad and at home ; in which, I 
 thmk, they are miftaken : For'why fltould not our Neighbours 
 be as good as Wtt to Derive from ? And 1 mufi add, That 
 had we been an unmix d Nation , 1 am of Opinion it had been 
 t t, 0Ur Difadvantage : For to go no farther, we have three 
 
 TZ S 1j° Ut U f aS elear f rom mtxtures of Blood as any in 
 the World, and I know not which of them 1 could with our 
 felves tobe like ; l mean the Scots, the Welfh and the Info • 
 and if 1 were to write a Reverfe to the Satyr, 1 would exa¬ 
 mine all the Nations of Europe, and prove, That thofe Na - 
 turns which are moft mix'd, are the befl, and have leaf of 
 ■ artfm and Brutality among them ; and abundance of Rea- 
 Jons might be given for it, too long to bring into a Preface. 
 
 But give this Hint, to let the World know, that 1 am far 
 /cm thinking , >tis a Satyr upon the Englifh Nationy to tell 
 tK f. are Derived from all the Nations under Heaven ; 
 a , J r °rn leveral Nations. Nor is it meant to under- 
 7I L he 0ri Z inal °f the Engllfli, for we fee no reajon te 
 like them worje, being the RcliBs of Romans, Danes, Sax- 
 ns and blormans, than we jhould have done if they had re- 
 Tnln Bnta ns> tbatis s 'than if they had been all Welfh- 
 
 But the Intent of the Satyr is pointed at the Vanity of thofe 
 w talk, of their Antiquity, and value themfelves upon their 
 engine, their Ancient Familiesand being True-Born; 
 W j, eas ^ impoffible we fhoud be Tme-Born: and if wt 
 could, jhou d have loft by the Bargain. 
 
 d heje fort of People, who call themfelves True-Born, and 
 te l long Stones of their Families , and like a Nobleman of 
 enice. Think a Foreigner ought not to walk on the 
 lame iiJe of the Street wich them, are own'd to be meant 
 tn t as Satyr. What they would infer from their long Origi¬ 
 nal, I know not, nor is it eafe to make out whether they arc 
 the better or the worfe for their Anceflors : Our Englilh Na¬ 
 tion may Value themfelves for their Wit, Wealth and Cou- 
 rage, and I believe few Nations will diffute it with them ; 
 ut or long Originals, and Ancient True-Born Families of 
 £ngiilh, 1 woud advife them to wave the Difcourfe. A 
 
 True 
 
An Explanatory Preface. 
 
 True Engl i Ol Man is one that defer ves a Character ^ and / 
 have no where leffened him, that I know of 9 , but as for 0 True 
 Born Englijh Man, I confefs' l do not under(land him. 
 
 From hence 1 only infer. That an Englifh Man y of all 
 Men ought not to dejptfe Foreigners as filch, and I think the 
 Inference is juft, fince what they are to Day, we were 
 yefterday, and to morrow they will be like us. If Fo¬ 
 reigners misbehave in their [everal Stations and Employments, 
 
 I have nothing to do with that ; the Laws are open to 
 punijh them equally with Natives^ and let them have no 
 Favour . . 
 
 But when 1 fee the Town full of Lampoons and InveElives 
 againft Dutchmen, Only becaufe they are Foreigners* 
 and the King Reproached and lnfulted by Injolent Pedants , and 
 Ballad-making Poets , for employing Foreigners, and for being 
 a Foreigner himfelf I confefs my (elf moved by it to remind 4 
 our Nation of their own Original, thereby to let xhem fee what 
 a Banter is put upon, our felves in it ; fince jfeaking 0/*Englifh- 
 men ab Origine, we are really all Foreigners our Jelves . ^ 
 
 / could go on to prove ’tis alfo Impolitick in us to difccurage 
 Foreigners ; fince ’tis eafie to make it appear that the multitudes 
 of Foreign Nations who have took Santtuary here , have been 
 the great eft Additions to the Wealth and Strength of the Nation ; 
 the great eft Efj'ential whereof is the Number of its Inhabitants: 
 
 Nor would this Nation have ever arrived to the Degree of 
 Wealth and Glory, it now boa fts of if the addition of Foreign 
 Nations , both as to Manufactures and Arms, bad not been 
 helpful to it. This is fo plain, that he who is ignorant of it 
 is too dull to be tailed with. 
 
 The Satyr therefore Imufi allow to be juft, till I am other- 
 wife convinc'd ; becaufe nothing can be more ridiculous than 
 to bear our People boaft of that Antiquity , which if it bad 
 been true, would have left us in fo much worfe a Condi¬ 
 tion than we are in now : Whereas we ought rather to 
 I boa ft among our Neighbours, that we are a part of themjelves ) 
 
 of the fame Original as they, but better'd by our Climate, ana 
 like our Language and Manufactures, deriv'd from them, and 
 
 M i im- 
 
An Explanatory Preface. 
 
 improv'd by us to a Perfection greater than they can pre - 
 tend to. 
 
 This we might have valud our (elves upon without Vani¬ 
 ty: But to difoun our Defcent from them, talk big of our An¬ 
 cient Families , and long Originals , and (land at a dijiance 
 from foreigners, like the Enthufiaft in Religion , with a 
 Stand off, lam more Holy than thou: This is a thing 
 fo ridiculous , in a Nation deriv’d from Foreigners y as we are, 
 that l could not but attack them as 1 have done . 
 
 And whereas lam threatned to be call'd to a Tub lick Ac¬ 
 count for this Freedom ; and the Pubh[her of this has bun 
 News- paper’d into Goal already for it • tho* 1 fee nothing in 
 it for which the Government can be difpleafed ; yet if at the 
 fame time thofe People who with an unlimited Arrogance in 
 Print, ever/Day Affront the King, Prefcribe the Parlia¬ 
 ment, and Lampoon the Government, may be either Pu- 
 ni(hed or Refrained , I am content to (land and fall by the pub- 
 lick Jufiice of my Native Country> which lam not fenfible 1 
 have any where injur'd. 
 
 Nor would 1 be mijunderflood concerning the Clergy ; with 
 whom if 1 have fallen any Licenfe more than becomes a Satyr, 
 Iqueftton not but thofe Gentlemen , who are Men of Letters> 
 are alfo Men of fo much Candor , as to allow me a Loofe at the 
 Crimes of the Guilty , without thinking the whole Profejjion 
 lafb d who are Innocent. 1 profefr to have very mean Thoughts 
 
 of thofe Gentlemen who have deferted their own Principles y and 
 expos'd even thtir Morals as well as Loyalty ; but not at all 
 to think it afjtits any but futh as are concern d in the 
 Fail. 
 
 Nor would I be mifepreftnted as to the Ingratitude of the 
 Eoglifli to the Ring and his Friends ; as if I meant the Eng¬ 
 lish as a Nation, are fo. The contrary is fo apparent, that 
 1 would hope it (Isouid not be Suggefled of me: And therefore 
 when 1 have brought sn Britannia Speaking of the King , I 
 Juppofe her to be the Reprefentative or Mouth of the Nation , as 
 a Body . But tf l fay we are full of fuch who daily affront the 
 King, and abufe bis Friends j who Print feurrileus Pamphlets y 
 virulent Lampoons , and reproachful publick Banters y againfl 
 both i he Kings Perfon and hi i Government ; I Jay nothing but 
 
An Explanatory Preface. 
 
 what is too true : And that the Satyr is direBed at fuch 1 
 freely own 5 and cannot fay , hut l jhou’d think it 'very bard 
 to be Ctnfur’d for this Satyr, while fuch remain Uncyuefliori d 
 and tacitly approv’d. That I can mean none but fuch, is plain 
 from thefe few Lines, Page 27 . 
 
 Ye Heavens regard ! Almighty Jove } look down. 
 And view thy injur’d Monarch on the Throne. 
 
 On their ungrateful Heads due Vengeance take, 
 Who fought his Aid, and then his Part forfake. 
 
 If I have fallen rudely upon our Vices , I hope none but the 
 Vicious will be angry , As for Writing for Inter eft l difown 
 it \ l have neither Place nor Penfion, nor Piolpect; nor 
 leek none, nor will have none: If matter of FaB ju fi¬ 
 fes the Truth of the Crimes } the Satyr is juft. As to the Pot- 
 tick Liberties I hope the Crime is pardonable : 1 am content to 
 be Stond , provided none will Attack me but the Innocent 
 
 If my Country-Men would take the Hint , and grow 
 better Naturd from my ill Nacur’d Poem, as fome call it \ 
 I would fay this of it , that tbo it is far from the bed Sa¬ 
 tyr that ever was Wrote } twould do the molt Good that 
 ever Satyr did 
 
 And yet lam ready to ask Pard n of fome Gentlemen 
 too 5 who tbo they are Englilh-men, have good N* are 
 to foe tbemfclves Reprov’d , and can bear it. Thefe a t 
 Gentlemen in a true Senfe , that can bear to be told of 
 their Faux Pas, and not abufr the Reprover. To jucb I 
 muft fay , this is no Satyr j they are Excep ions to rhr 
 General Rule j and I value my Performance from then 
 nerous Approbation , more than I can from any Opinion . v 
 have of its Worth . 
 
 The hafty Errors of my Verfe 1 made my Excufe for 
 fore ; and face the time I have been upon it has been 
 but little , and my Leifure lef y I have all along flrove **■ 
 
 & 2 
 
An 
 
 explanatory Ereiace. 
 
 ther to make the Thoughts Explicit e, than the Poem CornB 
 
 thT7n’ 1 h ™ e mended J°™ Faults in this Edition, and 
 
 th*- reft muft be placd to my Account. 
 
 As to Anfwers, Banters, True-Englifh Billinfote 7 
 
 I?'? l hem u U j 7 My will J H b and then the Shop will 
 he (hut Had I wrote it for the Gain of the PreR 1 
 
 fhould have been concern'd at its being Printed again and 
 
 a £\ % Py rate ?j f % cf them, and Paragraph- 
 
 7^1 B J W<mU l hey bUt d ° k and A* * 
 
 -v™, yXt c ‘ fh ,h " ,w ‘ lccm ‘ f" 
 
 J be P J nce l n f ed “ tbi End of their Works. Til en- 
 *& * f p hod y Bu T no body will Write: Ayd not 
 a not Poet of them all now will in Defence of his 
 Native Country, which I have abus’d, they fev pZ 
 
THE 
 
 P R E F A C E\ 
 
 T H E End of Satyr is Reformation : And the 
 Author, tho' he doubts the Work of Converfion 
 is at a General Stop, has put his Hand to the Plow. 
 
 1 expeff a Storm of 111-language from the Fury of 
 the Town, and efpecially from thofe whofe English 
 Talent it is to Rail: And without being taken for a 
 Conjurer, I may venture to foretel, that 1 fhall be 
 Caviled at about my mean Stile, rough Verib,and in¬ 
 correct Language Things I might indeed have ta¬ 
 ken more Care in. Put the Book is Printed \ and tho 
 I fee fome Faults, 1 tU too late to mend them : And 
 this is all 1 think needful to fay to them. 
 
 Pofjibly fomebody may take me for a Dutchman, in 
 which they are miftaken : But 1 am one that would be 
 glad to fee Englifhmen behave themfelves better to 
 Strangers, and to Governours alfo ; that one might 
 not be reproached in Foreign Countries for belonging 
 to a Nation that wants Manners. 
 
 1 ajfure you, Gentlemen, Strangers ufe us better 
 abroad', and we can give no re afon but our 111 Nature 
 for the contrary here. 
 
 Methinks an Englifhman, who is fo proud of be¬ 
 ing call'd A Cioodfellow, (Jjoud be Civil: And it 
 cannot be denied but we are in many Cafes, and parti¬ 
 cularly to Strangers, the churlijhejl People alive . 
 
 As to Vices, who can dijpute our Intemperance, 
 while an Honeft Drunken Fellow is a Charailer in a 
 Mans Praife ? All our Reformations are Banters, 
 and will be fo, till our Magijlrates and Gentry Re - 
 
 £ 4 « farm 
 
The PREFACE. 
 
 form themfelves by way of Example-, then, and not 
 till then they may be expected to punijh others with - 
 out Bluffing. 
 
 As to our Ingratitude, I defire to be underfloodof 
 that particular People, who pretending to be Prote- 
 fiants, have all along endeavour'd to reduce the Li. 
 berties and Religion of this Nation into the Hands 
 °f Kpig James and his Pop iff Powers: Together 
 with finch who enjoy the Peace and Protection of the 
 prejent Government, and yet abuje and affront the 
 Kjngwhoprocur'd it, and openly profefi their uneaft- 
 nefi under him : Thefe, by whatfoever Names or Ti¬ 
 tles they are dignified, or difiingutjh'd, are the Peo. 
 pie aimd at: Nor do I difiown, but that it is Jo 
 much the Temper of an Enghlhman to abufe his Be¬ 
 nefactor, that 1 could be glad to fee it rectified. 
 
 T.hey who think J have been guilty of any Error 
 in expofing the Crimes of my own Country-men to 
 them/elves, may among many honefi Infiances of the 
 like nature, find the fame thing in Mr Cowjy, in 
 his imitation of the[econd Qlympick Ode 0 /Pindar.- 
 His IVords are theje j 
 
 But in this Phanklefs World, the Givers 
 Are Envy’d even by th’Rcceivers: 
 
 ’Tis now the Cheap and Frugal Fafhion, 
 
 Rather to hide than pay an Obligation. 
 
 Nay, ’tis much worfe than 16 ; * 
 
 It now an Artifice doth grow, 
 
 Wrongs fnd Outrages to do, 
 
 ( Left Men fliould think we Owe. 
 
 THE 
 
THE 
 
 INTRODUCTION^ 
 
 That makes this difcontented Land appear 
 Lefs happy now in Times of Peace, than a: . 
 
 Why Civil Feuds difturb the Nation more. 
 
 Than all our bloody Wars have done before. 
 
 Fools out of Favour grudge at Knaves in Place, 
 
 And Men are always hone ft in Difgrace: _ _ 
 
 The Court Preferments make Men Kna.es in courfe. 
 
 But they which wouM be in them, wont! be work 
 ’Tis not at Foreigners that we repine, 
 
 Wou’d Foreigners their Perquifues re ign . 
 
 The Grand Contention’s plainly to be leen. 
 
 To get feme Men put out, and lome put in. 
 
 For this our Senators make long Harangues. 
 
 And florid Members whet their polifh’d Tongues, 
 
 Statefmen are always ftek of one Dsfeafe ; 
 
 And a good Penf<m gives them prefent Eafe. 
 
 That’s the Specifick makes them all Content 
 With any King and any Government. 
 
 Good Patriots at Court-Abufes rail, 
 
 And all the Nation’s Grievances bewail: 
 
 But when the Sovreign Balfam's once apply d, 
 
 The Zealot never fails to change his Side. 
 
 And when he mud the Golden Key refign, 
 
 The Railing Spirit comes about again. ^ 
 
he Introduction. 
 
 mo (haB this BubbPd Nation difabufe 
 
 While .hey .heir own Fellct.es 'refitfe? 
 
 Who at .he Wars have made Inch mighty Porf*,. 
 Xed now are falling on. with one another. ' 
 •Tj h , needl f Fcars ,hc JfMloo. Nation fill, 
 
 mt t' ; uT l “" [av ' d n*# tb,ir iri • 
 
 ' Fl % Millions Sterling have disburs’d. 
 
 To be wrth Peace and too much Plenty Curs’d 
 Who their Old Monarch eagerly undo. 
 
 And yet uneafily obey the New. 
 
 The^n r ^/ earCh ’ a dee P Incifl °n make; * 
 
 The Poyfon s ftrong, the Antidote's too weak.’ 
 
 is pointed Truth mull mapage this Difpute, 
 
 And down-right Englilh Contae. 
 
 Whet thy juft Anger at the Nation’s Pride: 
 
 And with keen phrafe repel the Vicious Tide. 
 
 To EnghShntm their own beginnings Ihow, 
 
 Math tb, m , h} fik u , 
 
 Go back to elder Times, and Ages pill, ‘ 
 
 And Nations into long Oblivion caft • 
 
 To oM Britannia's Youthful Days retire, 
 
 And there lor Trm-im Englifh/nen enquire, 
 
 Ar,to» w freely will difown tl)C Nm £ 
 
 4n„d l TT herfilf6 »“ whencetheycame- 
 
 Go b et to r r “ d f ° r 3 Name —i 
 And fetch the dark Original from Hell • ’ ? 
 
 Speak, smr, for there’s none like thee can tell. £ 
 
 the 
 
THE 
 
 True Born Englijhman . 
 
 part I. 
 
 W Here-ever God erects a Houle of Prayer, 
 The Devil always builds a Chapel there: 
 And’twill be found upon Examination, 
 The latter has thelargeft Congregation: 
 For ever fince he firft debauch’d the Mind, 
 
 He made a perfeft Conqueft of Mankind. 
 
 With Uniformity of Service, he 
 Reigns with a general Ariftocracy.^ 
 
 No Nonconforming Se&s difturb his Reign, 
 
 Tor of bis Toak there's very few Complain.. 
 
 He knows the Genius and the Inclination, 
 
 And matches proper Sins for every evVy Nation. 
 
 He needs no Standing Army Government; 
 
 He always Rules us by our own Confent: 
 
 His Laws are eafie, and his gentle Sway 
 Makes it exceeding pleafant to obey. 
 
 The Lift of his Vice-gerents and Commanders, 
 Out-does your Cafars , or your Alexanders. 
 
 They never fail of his infernal Aid, 
 
 And he’s as certain ne’er to be betray’d. 
 
 Thro’ all the World they fpread his vaft Command, 
 And death’s Eternal Empire is maintain d. 
 
2 ; 
 
 They rule fo politickly and. fb well. 
 
 As if they were Lords Juftices of Hell. 
 Duly divided to debauch Mankind, 
 
 And plant Infernal Dilates in his Mind, 
 
 Tnde, the firft Peer, and Prefident of Hell, 
 To his /hare Spain, the largeft Province, fell/ 
 The fubtile Prince thought fitteft to bellow 
 On thefe the Golden Mines of Mexico; 
 
 With all the Silver Mountains of Peru ; 
 
 Wealth which would in wife bands the World undo: 
 Becaufe he knew their Genius to be fuch; 
 
 Too Lazy and too Haughty to be Rich. * 
 
 So proud a People, fo above their Fate, 
 
 That if reduc’d to beg, they'll beg in State. 
 L.avi/h of Money, to be counted Brave, 
 
 And proudly ftarve, becaufe they fcorn to fave. 
 Never was Nation in the World before, 
 
 So very Rich, and yet fo very Poor. 
 
 v Lu ft chofe the Torrid Zone of Italy, 
 
 Where Blood ferments in Rapes and Sodomy • 
 Where (welling Veins o'erflow wish livid Stream*, 
 W.thHcat impregnate from r^num F| ames; 
 Whofe flowing Sulphur forms Infernal Lakes, 
 
 And humane Body of the Soil partakes. 
 
 There Nature ever burns with hot Defires, 
 
 Fann’d with Luxuriant Air from Subterranean Fires 
 Here undifturb’d in Floods of fealding Luft, 
 
 I h Internal King reigns with Infernal Guft. 
 
 Vrtm- 
 
T 
 
 Drunk'nnefi, the Darling Favourite of Hell, 
 
 Chofe Germany to Rule; and Rules lo well. 
 
 No Subjeds more obfequioully obey, 
 
 None pleafe fo well, or are fo pleas’d as they. 
 
 The cunning Artift manages fo well, 
 
 He lets them Bow to Heav’n, and Drink to Hell. 
 
 If but toWine and him they Homage pay, 
 
 He cares not to what Deity they Pray, 
 
 What God they worfhip moft, or in what way. 
 
 Whether by Luther , Calvin, or by Rome, 
 
 They fail for Heav’n, by Wine he fleers them home. 
 
 Ungovern’d Paffion fettled fii fl in France , 
 
 Where Mankind Lives in Hafte, and Thrives by Chance, 
 A Dancing Nation, Fickle and Untrue: 
 
 Have oft undone themfelves, and others too: 
 
 Prompt the Infernal Didates to Obey, 
 
 And in Heil’s Favour none more great than they. 
 
 The Vagan World he blindly leads away. 
 
 And Perfonally Rules with Arbitrary Sway : 
 
 The Mask thrown off, YUin Devil his Title (lands; 
 
 And what elfewhere he Tempts, he there Commands. 
 
 There with full Guft th’Ambition of his Mind 
 Governs, as he of old in Heav’n defign’d. 
 
 Worfhip’d as God, his Tainim Altars fmoke, 
 
 Embru’d with Blood of thofe that him Invoke, 
 
 The reft by Deputies he Rules as well. 
 
 And plants the diftant Colonies of Hell. 
 
 By 
 
( 4 ) 
 
 By them his Secret Power he well maintains, 
 And binds the World in his Infernal Chains, 
 
 By Zeal the Irifh ; and the Rujh by Folly: 
 Fury the Dane : The Swede by Melancholy: 
 
 By ftupid Ignorance the Mufcovite: 
 
 The Chinefe by a Child of Hell, call’d Wit } 
 Wealth makes the Perfian too Effeminate: 
 
 And Poverty the Tartars Delperate : 
 
 The Turks and Moors by Mattmet he fabdues: 
 And God has given him leave to rule the )qws : 
 
 Rage rules the Portuguefe, and Fraud the Scotch i 
 Revenge the Pole j and Avarice the Dutch. 
 
 Satyr be kind, and draw a lilen* Veil, 
 
 Thy Native England's Vices to conceal: 
 
 Or if that Task’s impoflible to do, 
 
 At leaft be juft, and Ihow her Vertues too j 
 Too Great thefirfi , Alas! the lafi too Few. 
 
 England unknown as yet, unpeopled lay j 
 Happy, had fhe remain’d fo to this Day, 
 
 And not to ev’ry Nation been a Prey. 
 
 Her open Harbours, and her Fertile Plains, 
 
 The Merchants Glory thele, and thole the Swains, 
 To ev’ry Barbarous Nation have betray’d her. 
 Who Conquer her as oft as they Invade her. 
 
 So Beauty Guarded but by Innocence, 
 
 That Ruins her which fliould be her Defend. 
 
 Ingratitude, a Devil of Black Renown , 
 
 PofTsfs’d her very early for his own. 
 
C 5 ) 
 
 An Ugly, Surly, Sullen, Selfilh Spirit, 
 
 Who Satan’/ wor(l Perfections Joes Inherit : 
 
 Second to him in Malice and in Force, 
 
 All Devil without , and all within him tVorfe. 
 
 He made her Firft-born Race to be lo rude. 
 
 And fuffer’d her to be fo oft (ubdu’d : t 
 By fev’ral Crowds of wand’ring Thieves o’er-run, 
 Often unpeopl’d, and as oft undone. 
 
 While ev’ry Nation that her Powers reduc’d. 
 
 Their Languages and Manners introduc’d. 
 
 From whofe mix’d Relicks our Compounded Breed > 
 By Spurious Generation does fucceed b 
 Making a Race uncertain and unev’n. 
 
 Deriv’d from ail the Nations under Heav’n. 
 
 The Romans firft with Julius Cafar came, 
 Including all the Nations of that Name, 
 
 Gauls, Greeks, and Lombards ; and by Computation, 
 Auxiliaries, or Slaves of ev’ry Nation. 
 
 With Hengifl, Saxons b Danes with Sueno came, 
 j In fearch of Plunder, not in fearch of Fame/ 
 
 ( Scots, Pitts, and Irijh from th’ Hibernian Shore; 
 
 • And Conqu’ring William brought the Normans o’er. 
 
 AH thefe their Barb’rous Off-fpring left behind, 
 The Dregs of Armies, they of all Mankind; 
 Blended with Brit aim who before were here, 
 
 Of whom the Weljh ha’ bled the Character. 
 
 From this Amphibious Ill-born Mob began 
 Tfiat yam ill-Mtur'd thing, an EngUlh-man. 
 
 Th« 
 
( 6 ) 
 
 The Cufloms, Sir-names, Languages, and Manners, 
 Of all thefe Nations are their own Explainers: 
 
 Whofe Relicks are fo lafting and io flrong, 
 
 They ha’ left a Shiboleth upon our Tongue; 
 
 By which with eafie fearch you may diftinguifh 
 Your Roman-Saxon-Dantfh-Norman Englifh. 
 
 The great Invading * Norman let us know Wm. the 
 What Conquerors in After-Times might do 
 To ev’ry * Mufqueteer he brought fo Town , * Or Archer. 
 
 He gave the Lands which never were his own. 
 
 When firft the Englijh Crown he did obtain, 
 
 He did not fend his Dutchmen home again. 
 
 No Re-aflumptions in his Reign were known, 
 
 Davenant might there ha’ let his Book alone. 
 
 No Parliament his Army cou’d disband $ 
 
 He rais'd no Money , for he paid in Land. 
 
 He gave his Legions their Eternal Station, 
 
 And made them all Free-holders of the Nation. 
 
 He Canton’d out the Country to his Men, 
 
 And ev’ry Soldier was a Denizen. f 
 
 The Rafcals thus Enrich’d, he call’d them Lords, 
 
 To pleafe their Upftart Pride with new made Words 5 
 And Doomfday Book his Tyranny Records. 
 
 And here begins our Ancient Pedigree 
 That fo exalts our poor Nobility : 
 
 Tis that from fome French Trooper they derive. 
 
 Who with the Norman Ballard did arrive: 
 
( 7 ) 
 
 Thefe in the Herald’s Regifter remain. 
 
 Their Noble mean Extraction to explain. 
 
 Yet who the Heroe was, no Man can tell. 
 
 Whether a Drummer or a Colonel: 
 
 The filent Record Blufhes to reveal 
 Their Undefended Dark Original. 
 
 But grant the bed, How came the Change to pals; 
 A True-Born Englijhman of Norman Race ? 
 
 A Turkijh Horle can (how more Hiftory, , . 
 
 To prove his Well-delcended Family. 
 
 Conquest, as by the * Moderns ’cis expreft, 
 
 May give a Title to the Lands polled: 
 
 But that the Longed Sword Ihou’d be lo Civil, 
 
 To make a. Frenchman Englipr, that’s the Devil. 
 
 Thele are the Heroes who delpile the Dutch, 
 
 And rail at new-come Foreigners fo much ; 
 
 Forgetting that themfelves are all deriv’d 
 From the moft Scoundrel Race that ever liv’d, 
 
 •■A horrid Crowd of Rambling Thieves and Drones, 
 Who ranlack’d Kingdoms, and difpeopled Towns. 
 The Pift and Painted Britain , Treach’rous Scot, 
 
 By Hunger, Theft, and Rapine, hither brought. 
 Norwegian Pirates, Buccaneering Danes, 
 
 Whole Red-hair d Off-lpring cv’ry where remains. 
 
 Who join’d with Norman-French compound the Breed 
 From whence your True-Born Englishmen proceed. 
 
 And led by Length of Time it be pretended. 
 
 The Climate may this Modern B;eed ha’ mended; 
 
 C 
 
 Wife 
 
( 8 ) 
 
 Wife Providence to keep us where we are, 
 
 Mixes us daliy with exceeding Care : 
 
 We have been Europe’s Sink, the Jakes where (he 
 Voids all her Offal Out-caft Progeny. 
 
 From our Fifth Henry's time, the Stroking Bands 
 Ofbanilh’d Fugitives from Neighb’ring Lands, 
 
 Have here a certain San&uary found : 
 
 Tb‘ Eternal Refuge of the Vagabond. 
 
 Where in but half a common Age of Time, 
 
 Borrowing new Blood and Manners from the Clime, 
 Proudly they learn all Mankind to contemn* 
 
 And all their Race are True-Born Englishmen. 
 
 Hutch , Walloons , Flemmings , Inflmen, and Stott, 
 Vaudois and Valt dins, and Hugonots, 
 
 -In good Queen Befts Charitable Reign, 
 
 Supply’d us with three hundred thouland Men, 
 Religion, God we thank thee, lent them hither, 
 
 Priefls, Proteftants, the Devil and all together ; 
 
 Of all Profeffions, and of ev’ry Trade, 
 
 All that were perfecuted or afraid ; 
 
 Whether for Debt, or other Crimes they fled, 
 
 David at Hackelah was ftill their Head. 
 
 The Off-fpring of this Milcellaneous Crowd, 
 
 Had not their new Plantations long enjoy’d, 
 
 But they grew Englishmen, and rais’d their Votes 
 At Foreign Shoals of Interloping Scots. 
 
 The * Royal Branch from Fid land did fuccaed, * K * 
 With Troops of Scots, and Scabs from NortMsy-Tweed. 
 The Seven firft Years of his Pacifick Reign 
 Made him and half his Nation Englishmen. 
 
(9) 
 
 Scots from the Northern Frozen Banks of T*y, 
 
 With Packs and Plods came Whigging all away: 
 
 Thick as the Locufls which in <s£gypt fwarm’d. 
 
 With Pride and hungry Hopes compleatly arm’d: 
 
 With Native Truth, Difeafes, and no Money, 
 
 Plunder’d our Canaan of the Milk and Honey. 
 
 Here they grew quickly Lords and Gentlemen, 
 
 And all their Race are True •■Bw»-Engliflimeri. 
 
 • The Civil Wars, the common Purgative, 
 
 Which always ufe to make the Nation thrive, 
 
 Made way for all that ftrolling Congregation, 
 
 Which throng'd in Pious Ch - s‘$ Reftoration. j 
 
 The Royal Refugee our Breed reftores, 
 
 With Foreign Courtiers, and with Foreign Whores .* 
 
 And carefully repeopled us again. 
 
 Throughout his Lazy, Long, Lafcivious Reign ; 
 
 With fiich a bleft and True-born Engltfh Fry, 
 
 As much Illuftrates our Nobility, 
 
 A Gratitude which will lb black appear. 
 
 As future Ages muff abhor to hear: 
 
 When they look back on all that Crimfbn Flood, 
 
 Which ftream d in Lindfeys, and Caernarvon s Blood 3 
 Bold StraffordCambridge, Capel, Lucas, Lijle, 
 
 Who crown’d in Death his Father’s Fun’ral Pile. 
 
 The lofs of whom, in order to fupply, 
 WithTr«f-5or»-Englilh Nobility, 
 
 Six Ballard Dukes lurvive his Lufcious Reign, 
 
 The Labours of Italian Caftlemain, 
 
 French Vortfmoutb , Taby Scot , and Cambrian. J 
 
 Befides the Numrous Bright and Virgin Throng, 
 
 Whole Ferrule Glories ihade them from my Song; 
 
 C % This 
 
( 1 ° ) 
 
 This Off-fpring, if one Age they multiply* 
 
 May half the Houle with Ettgltjh Peers liipply ; 
 
 There with true Englijh Pride they may contemn 
 Scbofjierg and Portland , new made Noblemen. 
 
 French Cooks, Scotch Pedlars, and Italian Whores, 
 Were all made Lords, or Lords Progenitors. • 
 
 Beggars and Baftards by his now Creation, 
 
 , Much multiply’d the P-—-g<? of the Nation; 
 
 Who will be all, e'er one Ihqrt Age runs o’er, t r 
 
 As True-Born Lords as thbie we had before-' 
 
 v Then to reernifthe Commons he prepares, 
 
 And heal the Latent Breaches of the Wars ; 
 
 ' The Pipus Purpolc better to advance, 
 
 ^Tinvites the banifir’d Proteftantsof France •: 
 
 Hither for Gods-lakeand their own they fled, 
 
 Some for Religion came, and lome for Bread : 
 
 Two hundred Thouland Pair of Wooden Shoocs, 
 
 Who, God be thank’d had nothing left to lolc; 
 
 To Heav’n’s great Praife did for Religion fly. 
 
 To make us flarve our Poor in Charity. 
 
 In ev’ry Port they plant their fruitful Train, 
 
 To get a Race of True Born Englilhmen: 
 
 Whofe Children will, when Riper Years they lee, 
 
 Be as Ilj-natur’d and as Proud as we : 
 
 Call themlelves Englijh , Foreigners defpife, 
 
 Be Surly like us all, and juft as Wife. 
 
 Thus from a Mixture of all Kinds began, 
 
 That Het’rogeneous Thing, An Englishman : 
 
 In 
 
In eager Rapes, t and furious Lull begot. 
 
 Betwixt *a Painted Britain and a Scot. 
 
 Whole gcnd’ring Off-fpring quickly learn’d to Bow, , 
 And yoke their Heifers to the Roman Plough: 
 
 From whence a Mongrel half-Bred Race there came, 
 With neither Name, nor Nation, Speech or Fame. 
 In whole hot Veins new Mixtures quickly ran. 
 Infus’d betwixt a Saxon and a Dane. 
 
 While their Rank Daughters, to. their Parents jufty 
 ^Receiv’d all Nations with Promifcuous Lull. 
 
 This Nauleous Brood direftly did contain 
 The well extra&ed Blood of Enghjhmen. 
 
 Which Mcdly canton’d in a Heptarchy, 
 
 A Rhapfody of Nations to fupply, 
 
 Among themfelves maintain’d eternal Wars, 
 
 And ftill the Ladies Lov’d the Conquerors. 
 
 . The Wtjlern Angles all the reft fubdu’d ; 
 
 A bloody Nation, barbarous and rude: 
 
 Who by th q Tenure of the Sword pofleft 
 One part of Britain, and liibJu’d the reft. 
 
 And as great things denominate the (mall. 
 
 The ConquVmg part gave Title to the whole. 
 
 The Scot, Pitt, Britain, Roman, Dane, fubmir. 
 
 And with the Englijh-Saxon ail Unite: 
 
 And thefe the mixture have fo dole purfu’d. 
 
 The very Name and Memory’s fubdu’d: 
 
 No Roman now, no Britain does remain ; 
 
 Wales ftrove to feparate, but ftrove in Vain: 
 
 The filent Nations undiftinguilh'd fall. 
 
 And Englijhmani the common Name for all, 
 
 C 2 
 
Fate jumbled them together, God knows low ; 
 
 What e’er they were they’re True-Born E»gh(h now. 
 
 The Wonder which remains is at our Pride, 
 
 To value that which all wife Men deride. 
 
 For Englishmen to boaft of Generation, 
 
 Cancels their Knowledge, and Lampoons the Nation. 
 A True-Born Englishmans a Contradi&ion, 
 
 In Speech an Irony, in Fa<ft a Fi&ion. 
 
 A Banter made to be a teft of Fools, 
 
 Which thole that ufe it juflly ridicules. 
 
 A Metaphor invented to exprels 
 A Man a-kin to all the Univerle. 
 
 For as the Scots , as Learned Men ha’faid. 
 
 Throughout the World their Wand’ring Seed ha’fpread $ 
 So open-handed England , ’tjs Believ’d, 
 
 Has all the Gleanings of the World Receiv’d. 
 
 Some think of England ’twas our Saviour meant. 
 
 The Golpel Ihould to all the World be lent: 
 
 Since, when the BlelTed Sound did hither reach. 
 
 They to all Nations jnight be faid to Preach. 
 
 ’Tis well that Virtue gives Nobility, 
 
 How lhall we elle the want of Birth and Blood fupply ? 
 Since Icarce one. Family is left alive. 
 
 Which does not from lome Foreigner derive. 
 
 Of /ixty thoufand EngliSh Gentlemen, 
 
 Whole Names and Arms in Regifters remain, 
 
 We challenge all our Heralds to declare 
 Ten Families which EngliJIs Saxons are. 
 
 France 
 
(IJ) 
 
 France Juftly boafts the Ancient Noble Line 
 Of Bourbon , Montmorency , and Lorrain. 
 
 The Germans too their Houle of Auftria fhow, 
 
 And Holland their Invincible Najjau, ■ 
 
 Lines which in Heraldry were ancient grown, 
 
 Before the Name of Englijhman.w as known. 
 
 Even Scotland too, her Elder Glory fhows. 
 
 Her Gourdons, Hamiltons, and her Monroes ; 
 
 Douglas, Mackays , and Grahams , Names well known, 
 Long before Ancient England knew her own. 
 
 But England, Modern to the laft degree. 
 
 Borrows or makes her own Nobility, 
 
 And yet Ihe boldly boafts of Pedigree: 
 
 Repines that Foreigners are put upon her, 
 
 And talks of her Antiquity and Honour: 
 
 Her S— — list S - Is, C — —Is, De - la 
 
 M - ns and M - ues, D — s, and V - 
 
 Not one have English Names, yet all are Ewj 
 Your Houblons, Tapillons, and Lethuliers, 
 
 Pals how for True born-Englijb Knights and 
 And make good Senate Members, or Lord-1 
 Wealth, howloever got, in England makes 
 Lords of Mechanicks, Gentlemen of Rakes 
 Antiquity and Birth areneedlels here; 
 
 =Tis Impudence and Money makes a P- 
 
 Innumerable City-Knights we know, 
 
 From Bkwcoat-Ho/pitals and Bridewel flow.- 
 Draymen and Porters fill the City Chair, 
 
 And Foot-Boys Magiftkrial Purple weai* 
 
 C 4 . Fauj 
 
( H ) 
 
 Fate has’but very fmall Diftin&ion (et 
 Betwixt the Counter and the Coronet. 
 
 Tarpaulin L-—ds, Pages of high 'Renown, 
 
 Rife up. by Poor Mens Valour, not their own. 
 Great Families of yefterday we (how. 
 
 And Lords, whole Parents were the Lord knows who. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 Breed’s dc(brib'd : Now, Satyr, if you can, 
 
 X Their Temper (how, for Manners make the Man, 
 Fierce, as the Britain ; as the Roman Brave; 
 
 And Iels inclin'd to Conquer, than to Save: 
 
 Eager to Fight, and lavilli of their Blood ; 
 
 And equally of Fear and Forecaft void. 
 
 The Tift has made ’em Sowre, the Dane Morofe : 
 
 Falle from the Scot, and from the Norman worle. 
 
 What Honefty they have, the Saxons gave them. 
 AniThat, now they grow old, begins to leave them. 
 The Climate makes them Terrible and Bold ; 
 
 And English Beef their Courage does uphold : 
 
 No Danger can their Daring Spirit pall. 
 
 Always provided that their Belly’s full. 
 
 ■«* 
 
 In dole Intrigues their Faculry’s bitf weak, 
 
 For gen’raliy whate’re they know they fpeak : 
 
 And often their own Councils undermine. 
 
 By their Infirmity, and not Defign ; 
 
 From whence the Learned fay it does proceed. 
 
 That Englifh Treafons never can niceeed. 
 
 For 
 
( i5 ) 
 
 For they’re fo open-hearted, you may know 
 Their own moft fecret Thoughts, and others too. 
 
 The Laboring Poor, in fpight of Double Pay, 
 Art Sawcy, Mutinous , and Beggarly : 
 
 So lavifh of their Money and their Time, 
 
 That want of Forecaft is the Nation’s Ci ime. 
 Good Drunken Company is their Delight; 
 
 And what they get by Day they fpend by Night. 
 Dull Thinking.feldom does their Heads engage, 
 But Drink their Youth away , and Hurry on Old Age. 
 Empty of all good Husbandry and Senfe; 
 
 And void of Manners moft, when void of Pence, 
 Their ftjong averfion to Behaviour s fuch. 
 
 They always talk too little, or too much. 
 
 So dull, they never take the pains to think: 
 
 And feldom are good-natur’d, hut in Drink. 
 
 In Englifh Ale their dear Enjoyment lies, 
 
 For which they‘11 ftarve themfelves and Families. 
 An Englishman will fairly Drink as much 
 As will maintain two Families ot Dutch : 
 Subje&ing all their Labour to their Pots; 
 
 The greatest Artifls are the greatest Sots. 
 
 The Country poor do by Example live. 
 
 The Gentry lead them, and the Clergy drive ; 
 What may we not from fuch Examples hope l 
 Jhe Landlord is their God , the Triefi their Pope. 
 
 A Drunken- Clergy, and a Swearing Bench, 
 
 Das giv c n the Reformation fuch a Drench, 
 
( 16 ) 
 
 As wife Men think there is iome caule to doubt. 
 
 Will Purge good Manners and Religion out. « 
 
 Nor do'the Poor alone their Liquor prize, 
 
 The Sages join in this great Sacrifice. 
 
 The Learned Men who ftudy Arifiotle , 
 
 Correct him with an Explanation Bottle ; 
 
 Praife Epicurus rather than Lyfander , 
 
 And * Arijlippus more than Alexander * The Dru „^ s 
 The Doctors too their Galen here refign, Name for Canary, 
 And genially preicribe Specifick Wine. 
 
 The Graduates Study's grown an eafier Task, 
 
 While for the Urinal they tofs the Flask. 
 
 The Surgeon's Art grows plainer ev‘ry Hour, 
 
 And WineVthe Balm which into Wounds they pour. 
 
 Poets long fince Parnajjus have forlaken, 
 
 And fay the ancient Bards were all miftaken. 
 
 Apollo's lately abdicate and fled. 
 
 And good King Bacchus governs in his Head ; 
 
 Hp does the Chaos of the Head refine. 
 
 And Atom-Thoughts jump into Words by Wine : 
 
 The Infpiration's of a finer Nature; 
 
 As Wine mult needs excel Parnajjus Water. 
 
 Statefmen their weighty Politicks refine, 
 
 And Soldiers raife their Courages by Wine; 
 
 Cxcilia gives her Chorifters their Choice, 1 
 
 And let’s them all drink Wine to clear their Voice. 
 
 Some think the Clergy firft found out the way. 
 
 And Wine's the only Spirit by which they Pray , 
 
 - . t But 
 
 
( *7 ) 
 
 But others, left prophane than fo, agree, 
 
 It clears the Lungs and helps the Memory : 
 
 And therefore all of them Divinely think, k 
 Inftead of Study, 'tis as well to Drink. 
 
 And here I would be very glad to know, 
 Whether our Afgilites may drink or no. 
 Th'Enlightning Fumes of Wine would certJfhly, 
 Aflift them much when they begin to fly : 
 
 Or if a Fiery Chariot Ihou'd appear, 
 
 Inflam'd by Wine, they'd ha‘ the lels to fear. 
 
 Even the Gods themlelves, as Mortals fay, 
 
 Were they on Earth, wou'd be as drunk as-they: 
 
 NeStar would be no more Celeftial Drink, 
 
 They'd all take Wine, to teach them how to drink. 
 But Englifl) Drunkards, Gods and Men out-do. 
 Drink their Eftates away, and Senlestoo. 
 
 Colon's in Debt, and if his Friends (hould fail 
 To help him out, muft Die at laft in Goal; . , 
 His Wealthy Uncle fent a Hundred Nobles* 
 
 To pay his trifles off y and rid him of his troubles : 
 But Colon like a True-Born-Engli(hman , 
 
 Drank all the Money out in bright Champain ; 
 And Colon does in Cuftody remain. 
 
 Drunk'neft bat been the Darling of the Realm , 
 
 E'er face a Drunken Pilot bad the Helm. 
 
 In their Religion they are 16 unev'n. 
 
 That each Man goes his own By way to Heaven. 1 
 
( >8 ) 
 
 Tenacious of Mi (fakes to that degree, 
 
 That ev‘ry Man purfues it fep'rately. 
 
 And fancies none can find the Way but he : 
 
 So (hy of one another they are grown, 
 
 As if they ftrove to get to Heav'n alone. 
 
 Rigid and Zealous, Pofitive and Grave, 
 
 And ev c ry Grace, but Charity , they have : 
 
 This makes them (o IU-natur‘d and Uncivil 
 That all Men think an Englishman the Devil. 
 
 Surly to Strangers, Froward to their Friend; 
 Submit to Love with a relu&ant Mind , 
 
 I^efolv'd to be Ungrateful and Unkind. 
 
 If by Neceffity reduc'd to ask, 
 
 The Giver has the difficulteft Task : 
 
 For what's beftow'd they aukwardly receive. 
 And always take lefs freely than they give. 
 The Obligation is their highefi: Grief; 
 
 And never Love, where they accept Relief. 
 
 So fallen in their Sorrows, that 'tis known, 
 Tey‘11 rather die than their Affli&ions own : 
 And if reliev'd, it is too often true, 
 
 That thefd abufe their Benefactors too: 
 
 For in Diftrels their Haughty Stomach's fuch. 
 They hate to fee themfelves oblig'd too much, 
 Seldom Contented, often in the Wrong ; 
 
 Hard to be Tleadd at all, and never long. 
 
 If your Miftakes their Ill-Opinion gain. 
 
 No Merit can their Favour re-obtain : 
 
 And if they’re not Vindi&ive in their Fury, 
 
 ‘Tis their Unconftant Temper does lecure-ye; 
 
C *9 ) 
 
 Their Brain’s ib cool, their Paffion feldom burns : 
 
 For all's condens'd before the Flame returns: 
 
 The Fermentation's of lo weak a Matter, 
 
 The Humid damps the Fume, and runs it all to Water, 
 So tho' the Inclination may be ftrong, 
 
 They're Pleas'd by fits, and never Angry long. 
 
 • Then if Good Nature fhows fome flender Proof, 
 They never think they have Reward enough ; 
 
 But like our Modern Quakers of the Town, 
 
 Expett jour Manners, and Return you none. 
 
 Friendjhip, th‘ ab(lra<fted Union of the Mind, 
 
 Which all Men feek, but very few can find : 
 
 Of all the Nations in the Univerfe, 
 
 None talk on c t more, or underhand it left: 
 
 For if it does their Property annoy. 
 
 Their Property their Friendfliip will deftroy. 
 
 As you difcourfe them, you fhall hear them tell 
 AH things jn which they think they do excel: 
 
 No Panegyrick needs their Praife record j 
 An Engli finnan ne'er wants his own good word. 
 
 His long Difcourfes gen'rally appear 
 .' Prologu'd with his own wond c rous Character: 
 
 But fifft t* illuftrate his own good Name, 
 
 He never fails his Neighbour to defame: 
 
 And yet he really defigns no wrong j 
 7 His Malice goes no further than his Tongue. 
 
 But Pleas'd to Tattle, he delights to Rail, 
 
 To [at is fie the Letch ( ry of a Tale. 
 
His own dear Praifes clole the ample Speech, 
 Tells you how Wife he is; that is, how Rich: 
 For Wealth is Wifdom ; he that c s Rich is Wife ; 
 
 And all Men Learned Poverty Defyife. 
 
 His Generofity comes next, and then 
 Concludes that he‘s a True-Born-Englijhman; 
 
 And they ‘tis known, are Generous and Free, 
 Forgetting, and Forgiving Injury: 
 
 Which may be true, thus rightly underftood, 
 Forgiving 111 tarns , and forgetting Good. 
 
 Chearful in Labour when they've undertook it, 
 But out of Humour, when they're out of Pocket 
 But if their Belly, and their Pocket’s full. 
 
 They may be Phlegmatick, but never Dull: 
 
 And if a Bottle does their Brains refine, 
 
 It makes their Wit as Jftarkling as their Wine. 
 
 As for the general Vices which we find 
 They’re guilty of in common with Mankind, 
 Satyr , forbear, and filently endure; 
 
 We muft conceal the Crimes we cannot cure* 
 Nor (hall my Verfe the brighter Sex defame ; 
 
 For Englijh Beauty will preferve her Name. 
 Beyond difpute. Agreeable and Fair , 
 
 And Modefler than other Nations are: 
 
 For where the Vice prevails, the great Temptation 
 Is want of Money more than Inclination. 
 
 In general, this only is allow'd. 
 
 They’re fomsthing Noify , and a little Vmid. 
 
( 21 ) 
 
 An Englishman is-gentleft in Command, 
 
 Obedience is a Stranger in the Land : 
 
 Hardly fubje&ed to the Magiftrate j 
 Sbr Engliflimen do all SubjeElion bate. 
 
 Humbleft when Rich, but peevifh when they’re Poor: 
 And think whate’er they have, (hey merit more. 
 
 / 
 
 The meaneft EngUfb Plow-man ftudies Law, 
 
 And keeps thereby the Magiftrates in Awe; 
 
 Will boldly tell them what they ought to do. 
 
 And fometimes punifh their Omiflions too. 
 
 Their Liberty and Property’s fo dear, 
 
 They Scorn their Laws or Governours to fear: 
 
 So bugbear’d with the Name of Slavery, 
 
 They can’t fubmit to their own Liberty. 
 
 Reflraint from 111, is Freedom to the Wife ; 
 
 But Engliflimen do all Reflraint Defpife. 
 
 Slaves to the Liquor, Drudges to the Pots, 
 
 The Mob are Statefmen , and their Statefmen Sots. 
 
 Their Governours they count fuch dangerous things. 
 That ’tis their Cuftom to affront their Kings: 
 
 So jealous of the Power their Kings poffefs’d. 
 
 They fuffer neither Power nor Kings to reft. 
 
 The Bad with Force they eagerly fubdue ; 
 
 The Good with conftant Clamours they purfue: 
 
 And did King Jefut Reign , they'd murmur too. 
 
 A difeontented Nation, and by far 
 Harder to Rule in Times of Peace than War : 
 
 Eafily 
 
Eafily let together by the Ears, 
 
 And full of caufelels Jealoufies and Fears: 
 
 Apt to Revolt^, and willing to Rebel, 
 
 And never are contented when they're well. 
 
 No Government cou’d ever pleale them long, 
 
 Cou’d tie their Hands, or re<ftifie their Tongue. 
 
 In this to Ancient Ilrael well compar’d. 
 
 Eternal Murmurs are among them heard. 
 
 It was but lately that they were oppreft. 
 
 Their Rights invaded, and their Laws fupprell: 
 When nicely tender of their Liberty, 
 
 Lord! What a Noife they made of Slavery. 
 
 In daily Tumults Ihow’d their Difcontcnt j 
 Lampoon’d their King, and mock’d his Government. 
 And if in Arms they did not firft appear, 
 
 ’Twas want of Force, and not for want of Fear. 
 
 In humbler Tone than Englijh us’d to do. 
 
 At Foreign Hands, for Foreign Aid they fue. 
 
 William, the Great Succejfor of Naflau, 
 
 Their Prayers heard, and their Opprefltons law: 
 
 He faw and lav’d them : God and Him they prais’d; 
 To this their Thanks, to that their Trophies rais’d. 
 But glutted with their own Felicities, 
 
 They foon their New Deliverer Defpile; 
 
 Say all their Prayers back, their Joy dilown, 
 
 Unfing their Thanks, and pull their Trophies down: 
 Their Harps of Praile are on the Willows hung j 
 For Englifhmcn are ne'er Contented long. 
 
( 2 ? ) 
 
 The Rev’rend Clergy too! and who’d ha’ thought 
 That they who had fuch Noft-Refiftance taught, 
 Should e’er to Arms againft their Prince be brought 
 Who up to Heaven did Regal Pow’r advance ; 
 Subjecting Englifls Laws to Modes of. France. 
 Twilling Religion lb with Loyalty, 
 
 As one cou’d never l ive, and t’other Die. 
 
 And yet no fd<3ner did their Prince delign 
 Their Glebes and Perquifites to undermine. 
 
 But all their Paflive Doctrines laid afide ; 
 
 The Clergy their own Principles deny’d:- 
 Unpreach’d their Non-refifting Cant, and Pray’d 
 To Heaven For Help, and to the Dutch ior Aid. 
 
 The Church chim’d all her Do&rines back again, 
 And Pulpit Champions did the Caufe maintain ; 
 
 Flew in the Face of all their former Zeal, 
 
 And Non-Refiftance did at once repeal. 
 
 The Rabbles fay it wotlld be too prolix. 
 
 To tie Religion up to Politicks: 
 the Churches Safety is Suprema Lex. 
 
 And lo by a new Figure of their own. 
 
 Their former Dodrines all at once difowri. 
 
 As Laws Pofi Fach> in the Parliament, 
 in urgent Cates have obtain’d AHent > 
 
 But are as dangerous Prefidents laid by ; 
 
 Made Lawful only by NeceflTuy. 
 
 The Rev’rpnd Fathers then in Arms appeal 4 
 And Men of God became the Min of War. 
 
 The Nation, Fir'd by them, to Arms apply, 
 
 Afliauk theijf Antichriftian Monarchy ; 
 
To their due Channel all our Laws reftorc, 
 
 And made things what they Ihou’d ha* been before. 
 
 But when they came to fill the Vacant Throne, 
 
 And the Pale Pr lefts look f d back on what they‘d done; 
 IIow Englifn Liberty began to thrive. 
 
 And Church of England Loyalty out-Live: 
 
 How all their perlecuting Days were done, 
 
 And their Deliv’rer plac’d upon the Throne : 
 
 The Priefts, as Friefts are wont to do, turn'd Tail : 
 They’re Englijlmen, and Nature will prevail. 
 
 Now they deplore the Ruins they ha’ made. 
 
 And murmur for the Mafter they betray’d. 
 
 Lxcufc thole Crimes they cou’d not make him mend $ 
 And fuffer for che Caule they can’t defend. 
 
 Pretend they’d not have carried things fo high ; 
 
 And Proto-Martyrs make for Popery. 
 
 Had the Prince done as they defign’d the thing, 
 
 Ha fet the Clergy up to Rule the King ; 
 
 Taken a Donative for coming hither, 
 
 And lo ha’ left their King and them together, 
 
 We had. fay they, been now a happy Nation. 
 
 No doubt we ’d feen a BleJJed Reformation: 
 
 For Wile Men fay Vs as dangerous a thing, 
 
 A Ruling Vrieft-hood, as a Vrsejl-nd King. 
 
 And of all Plagues with which Mankind arc Curlr,- 
 Eccleftajlick Tyranny's the wor£. , . 
 
 ... V : \ 
 
 If all our former Grievances were feign’d, 
 
 King James has been abus’d, and wc trapajg’d ; 
 Bugbear’d with Popory and Power Delpotick, 
 Tyannick Government, and Leagues-Exotick; 
 
 c , The- 
 
 
*' ( 2 5 *) 
 
 The Revolution's a Phanatick Plot, 
 
 W" -a Tyrant, and K- J ——- was not: 
 
 A Fa&ious Army, and a Poyfon'd Nation, 
 
 Unjuftly forc'd King James's Abdication; 
 
 But if he did the Subje&s Rights invade. 
 
 Then he was puniili'd only, not betray'd , 
 
 And punijhing of King's is no fuch Crime, 
 
 But Englifhmen ha' done it many a Time. 
 
 When Kings the Sword of Juftice firft lay down, 
 They are no Kings, though they poffels the Crown. 
 Titles are Shadows, Crowns are empty things. 
 
 The Good of Subjects is the End of Kings j 
 To guide in War, and to protect in Peace : 
 
 Where Tyrants once commence the Kings do ceafe: 
 For Arbitrary Power's lb ftrange a thing, 
 
 It makes the Tyrant , and unmakes the King. 
 
 If Kings by Foreign Priefts and Armies Reign, 
 And Lawlefs Power againft their Oaths maintain,; 
 Then Siihje&s iriuft ha c reafon to complain. 
 
 If Oaths mufi bind us when our Kings do III 
 To call in Foreign Aid is to Rebel. 
 
 By force to circumfcribe our Lawful Prince, 
 
 Is wilful Trealon in the largeft Senle: 
 
 And they who once Rebel, moft certainly 
 Their God, and King, and former Oaths defy. 
 
 If foe allow no Male-Adminiftration 
 Gould cancel the Allegiance of the Nation: 
 
 Let all our Learned Sons of Levi try, > 
 
 Thu Eccles'afiick RMle to unty: 
 
w ( 26 > 
 
 How they could make a Step to Call the Prince, 
 And yet pretend to Oaths and Innocence. 
 
 By th' firft Addrefs they made beyond the Seas, 
 They're Perjur'd in the moft intente Degrees; 
 
 And without Scruple for the time to come, 
 
 May Swear to all the Kings in Chridendom. 
 
 And truly did our Kings confider all, 
 
 They f d never let the Clergy fwear at all: 
 
 Their Politick Allegiance they'd refute j 
 For Whores and Prieds will never want Excufe. 
 
 But if thc Mutual Contrail was diffolv'd, 
 
 The Doubts explain'd, the Difficulty folv'd: 
 
 That Kings when they defcend to Tyranny, 
 
 DiJJolve the Bond, and leave the SubjeB free. 
 
 The Government's ungirt, when Juftice dies. 
 
 And Conftitutions are Non-Entities. 
 
 The Nation's all a Mob, there's no fuch thing 
 As Lords or Commons, Parliament or King. 
 
 A great promilcuous Croud the Hydra lies. 
 
 Till Laws revive, and mutual Contract ties : 
 
 A Chaos free to chute for their own fhare. 
 
 What Cate of Government they pleate to wear : 
 If to a King they do thc Reins commit, 
 
 All Men are bound in Cor.fcience to liibmit : 
 
 But then that King mull by his Oath affent 
 To Pojlulata's of the Government; 
 
 Which if he breaks, he cuts off the Entail, 
 
 And Power retreats to its Original. 
 
 This Dodtrine has the Sanftion of AfleJlt, 
 From Nature's Univerftl Parliment. 
 
( 27 ) 
 
 The Voice of Nations, and the Courle of Things, 
 Allow' that Laws fuperior are to King?. 
 
 None but Delinquents would have Jultice ceafe. 
 Knaves rail at Laws, as Soldiers rail at Peace: 
 
 For Juftice is the End of Government, 
 
 As Reafon is the Telt of Argument. 
 
 No Man was ever yet fo void ofSenfe, 
 
 As to Debate the Right of Self-Defence, 
 
 A Principle fo grafted in the Mind, 
 
 With Nature born, and does like Nature bind; 
 
 Twilled with Realbn and with Nature too; 
 
 As neither one nor t'other can undo. 
 
 Nor can this Right be left when National; 
 
 Realbn which governs one, Ihould govern all. 
 
 Wharc'er the Dialed of Courts may tell. 
 
 He that his Right Demands, can ne‘er Rebel. 
 
 Which Right, if *tis by Governours deny'd,- 
 May be procur'd by Force, or Foreign Aid. 
 
 For Tyranny's a Nation's Term of Grief; 
 
 As Folks cry Fire, to haften in Relief. 
 
 And when the hated v Word is heard about. 
 
 All Men Ihou'd come to help the People out. 
 
 Thus England cry f d Britannia's Voice was heard; 
 
 And great Naffau to refcue her appear'd : 
 
 Call'd by the Uriiverfal Voice of Fate ; 
 
 God and the Peoples Legal Magiftrate. 
 
 Ye Heav'ns regard! Almighty Jove , look down. 
 
 And view thy injur'd Monarch on the Throne. 
 
 D 5 Oa 
 
 1 
 
( 28 ) 
 
 On their Ungrateful Heads due Vengeance take, 
 Who fought his Aid, and then his aid forfake. 
 Witnels, ye Powers! It was our Call alone. 
 
 Which now our Pride makes us alham’d to own. 
 Britannia's troubles fetch'd him from afar. 
 
 To Court the dreadful Cafualties of War; 
 
 But where Requital never can be made , 
 Acknowledgment's a Tribute feldotn pay d. 
 
 He dwelt in Bright Maria's Circling Aims, 
 
 \ Defended by the Magick of her Charms, 
 
 Prom Foreign Fears, and hom Domeftick Harm.'*. 
 Ambition found no Fuel {other tdis, 
 
 He had what God cou'd give, or Man defire. 
 
 Till Vity rowz’d him from his foft Repole: 
 
 His Life to imleen Hazards to expofc; 
 
 Till Pity mov'd him in our Caufe t‘ appear ; 
 
 Pity.' That Word which now we hate to hear. 
 
 But Engiijh Gratitude is always fuch, 
 
 To hate the Hand which does oblige too much. 
 
 Britannia's Cries gave Birth to his Intent, 
 
 And hardly gain'd his unforefecn Affent: 
 
 His bpding Thoughts foretold him he Ihould find 
 The People Fickle, Sclfifh and Unkind. 
 
 Which Thought did to his Royal Heart appear 
 More dreadful than the Dangers of the War: 
 
 For nothing grates a generous Mind fo foon. 
 
 As bafe Returns for hearty Service done. 
 
 Satyr beJtlent , awfully ptepare, 
 
 • Britannia' s Song, and WTfam's Praife to hear. 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 Stand 
 
( 29 ) 
 
 Stand by, and let her chearfully rehearfe 
 Her Grateful Vows in her Immortal Verier 
 Loud Fame‘s Eternal Trumpet let her lound: 
 Liften ye diftant Poles, and endlefs Round. 
 May the ftrong Blaft the welcome News convey 
 As far as Sound can reach, or Spirit can fly. 
 
 To Neigbb'rittg Worlds, if fuch there be, relate 
 Our Hero's Fame, for theirs to imitate. 
 
 To diftant Worlds of Spirits let her rehearfe: 
 for Sprits without the help of Voice Converfe, 
 
 May Angels hear the gladfome News on high, 
 
 Mix'd with their everlafting Symphony. 
 
 And Hell it felf ftand in S'ufpence to know. 
 Whether it be the Fatal Blaft, or no. 
 
 BRITANNIA. 
 
 The Fame ofVertue 't is for 'which l found, 
 
 And Heroes with Immortal Triumphs Crown d. 
 
 Fame built on folid Virtue fwifter flies, 
 
 Than Morning-Light can fpread my Eaflern o kies . 
 The gath c ring Air returns the doubling Sound , 
 
 And loud repeating Thunders force it round : 
 
 Eccboes return from Caverns of the Deep .v ^ 
 
 Old Chaos Dreams ©n c c in Eternal Sleep. 
 
 Time hayids it forward to its latefl Urn, 
 
 From whence it never, never {hall return jj 
 Nothing is heard fo far, or lafls fo long\ 
 
 ( Tis heard by ev'rj Ear, and fpeke by ev c ry Tongue. 
 
 My Heroj with the Sails of Honour Furl'd* 
 
 Rifes like the Great Gtnius of the World. 
 
- 
 
 C ?o ) 
 
 By Fate and Fame wifely prepar'd to be 
 The Soul of War, and Life of Vi&oiy. 
 He fpreads the Wings of Vert ue on the Throne, 
 And ev'ry Wind of Glory fans them on . 
 
 Immortal Trophies dwell upon his Brow , 
 
 Fref) as the Garlands he has won hut now . 
 
 By different Steps the high Afjent he gains. 
 
 And differently that high Affent maintains . 
 
 Princes for Pride } and Luft, of Rule make War y 
 And ftruggU for the Name of Conqueror. 
 
 Some Fight for Fame , andJome for Vtftory ; 
 
 He Fights to Save, and Conquers to let Free, 
 
 Then feck no Thrafe his Titles to conceal , 
 
 And bide with Words what Aft ions muf reveal 
 No Parallel from Hebrew Stories take y 
 Of God like Kings my Similies to make : 
 
 No borrow'd Names oonceal my living Theam j 
 But Names and Things directly 1 proclaim . 
 
 His honefl Merit does his Glory raife ; 
 
 Whom that Exalts, let no Man fear toPraifc; 
 
 Of fuch a Subjeft no Man need be fhy ; 
 
 Vertue's above the Reach of Flattery. 
 
 He needs no Character, but his own Fame, 
 Nor any flattering Titles, but his own Name. 
 WillianjV the Name that's fpoke by ev'ry Tongue 3 
 William** the Darling Subjeft of my Song . 
 
 Iiffen ye Virgins to the Charming Souvd 7 
 And sn Eternal Dances band it round : 
 
 Tcssr early Offerings to this Altar bring ; 
 
 Make him at tnce a Lover and aJtwg< 
 
 /Hay 
 
( 3 * ) 
 
 May be fubmit to none but to your Arms ; 
 
 Nor ever bejubdu'd, but by your Charms, 
 
 May jour (oft Thoughts for him be all Sublime , 
 
 And ev'ry tender Vow be made for him. 
 
 May he be frfi in tv'ry Morning-Thought, 
 
 And Heav'tt ne c er hear a Vray'r , when he r s left out* 
 May ev'ry Omen } evry boding Dream, 
 
 Be Fortunate by mentioning his Name $ 
 
 May this one Charm Infernal Lowers affright. 
 
 And guard you from the Terrors of the Night. 
 
 May every cbearful Glafi, as it goes down, 
 
 To William 4 * Health > be Cordials to your own} 
 
 Let ev'ry Song be Cboruft with bis Name , 
 
 And Mufick yay her Tribute to his Fame. 
 
 Let ev'ry Voet tune his Artful Verfe , 
 
 And in Immortal Streins bis Deeds re bearfs. 
 
 And may Apollo never more infyire 
 
 The Difobedient Bard with bis Serapbick. Fire. 
 
 May all my Sons their grateful Homage pay ; 
 
 His Vraifes fing, and for his Safety pray. 
 
 Satyr return to our Unthankful lfle,’ 
 
 Secur'd by Heavens Regard, and William's ToiJ. 
 To both Ungrateful, and to both Untrue j 
 Rebels to God, and to Good Nature too. 
 
 If e'er this Nation be Diftrefs'd agait*, 
 
 To whomfoe c er they cry, they‘11 cry in vain. 
 
 To Heav'n they cannot bavt the Face to look i 
 Or if they fhould, it would but Heaven provoke. 
 To hope for Help from Man would be too much j 
 Mankind would always tell 'em of the Dutch: 
 
 How 
 
( ) 
 
 How they came here our Freedoms to maintain, 
 Were Paid, and Curs'd, and Hurry'd home again . 
 How by their Aid we firft diffolv’d our Fears, 
 
 And then our Helpers damn’d for Foreigners. 
 
 ’Tis not our English Temper to do better; 
 
 For Englishmen think ev’ry Man their Debtor. 
 
 ’Tis worth obierving, that we ne’er complain’d 
 Of Foreigners, nor of the Wealth they gain’d. 
 
 Till all their Services were at an end. 
 
 Wile Men affirm it is the Enghfb way, 
 
 Never to Grumble till they come to Pay j 
 
 And then they always think, their Temper’s lucli, 
 
 T^t Work too little , and the Fay too muck. 
 
 As frighted Patients, when they want a Cure, 
 Bid any Price, and any Pain endure: 
 
 But when the Do&or’s Remedies appear. 
 
 The Cure’s too Ealie, and the Price too Dear. 
 
 Great Portland ne’er was banter’d when he ftrove 
 For Us his Mailer’s kindell Thoughts to move. 
 We ne’er Lampoon’d his Conduct when employ’d 
 King James's Secret Gounlels to divide: 
 
 Then we carefs’d him as the only Man, 
 
 Which could the doubtful Oracle explain: 
 
 The only Hufhai able to repel 
 The dark Defigns of our Acbitophel. 
 
 Compar’d his Mailer’s Courage, to his Senfe; 
 
 The Able(t Statejman , and the Bravefi Prince. 
 
(u ) 
 
 Ten Years in EngUfh Service he appear’d. 
 
 And gain’d his Matter’s, and the Worlds Regard: 
 
 But ’tit not England’* Cuftom to Reward. 
 
 The Wars are over, England needs him not; 
 
 Now he‘s a Dutchman , and the Lord knows what. 
 
 Schonberg, the Ablett Soldier of his Age, 
 
 With Great Najfau did in our Caufe engage: 
 
 Both joyn'd for England { s Relcue and Defence, 
 
 The greatefi Captain , and the great eft Prince. 
 
 With what Applaufe his Scories did we tell i 
 Stories which Europe's Volumes largely fwelh 
 We counted him an Army in our Aid: 
 
 Where be commanded , no Man was afraid. 
 
 His Actions with a conftant Conqueft Ihine, 
 
 From Villa-Vitiofa to the Rhine, 
 trance , Flanders , Germany , his Fame confefs; 
 
 And all the World was fond of him, but Us. 
 
 Our Turn firft ferv'd, we grudg c d him the Command. 
 Witnefi the Grateful Temper of the Land ! 
 
 We blame the K.- that he relies too much 
 
 On Strangers, Germans , TJugonots , and Dutch ; 
 
 And feldom would his great Affairs of State, 
 
 To Englifb Counfellors Communicate. 
 
 The Faft might very well be anfwer’d thus; 
 
 He has fo often been betray'd by us. 
 
 He muff have been a Madman to rely 
 On Englifb Gentlemen's Fidelity. 
 
 For laying other Arguments afide, 
 
 This Thought might morcifie our Englifb Pride, 
 
 That 
 
:^( ?4 ; 
 
 That Foreigners have faithfully Obey'd him, 
 
 And none but Englishmen have e‘er Betray'd him. 
 
 They have our Ships and Merchants bought and fold. 
 And barter'd English Blood for Foreign Gold. 
 
 Firft to the French they fold our Turky- Fleet, 
 
 And Injur'd Talmarfli next, at Camaret. 
 
 The King himfelf is fhelter'd from their Snares, 
 
 Not by his Merit, but the Crown he wears. 
 
 Experience tells us ‘tis the Englijh way. 
 
 Their Benefa&ors always to betray, 
 
 And left Examples fliould be too remote, 
 
 A Modern Magiftrate of Famous Note, s 
 
 Shall give you his own Iliflory by Rote. ) 
 
 I'll make it out, deny it he that can, 
 
 HisWor/hip is a.True-Born-Englt(bman } 
 
 In all the Latitude that e nitty Word 
 By Modern Acceptation's under flood. 
 
 The Parifti-Books his Great Defcent Record, 
 
 Jlnd now he hopes ere long to be a Lord. 
 
 And truly as things go, it would be pity 
 But fuch as he fliould Reprefent the City : 
 
 While Robb'ry for Burnt-Offering he brings. 
 
 And gives to God what he has ftole from Kings: 
 Great Monuments of Charity he raifes. 
 
 And good st. Magnus wbiflles out his Traifts. 
 
 To City-Goals he grants a Jubilee, 
 
 And hires Huzza's from his own Mobilee, 
 
 Lately he wore the Golden Chain and Gown, 
 
 With which Equipp'd, he thus harangu'd the Town. 
 
c is) 
 
 His Fine Speech, &c. 
 
 With Clouted Iron Shoes, and Sheep-Skin Breeches, 
 More Rags than Manners, and more Dirt than Riches 
 From driving Cows and Calves to Z^fow-Market, 
 While of my Greatnels there appear'd no Spark yet, 
 Behold 1 come , to let you fee the Pride 
 With which Exalted Beggars always Ride , 
 
 Born to the Needful Labours of the Plow, 
 
 The Cart-Whip Grac'd me, as the Chain docs now* 
 
 Nature and Fate in doubt what Courie to take. 
 Whether I Ihou'd a Lord or Plough-Boy make; 
 
 Kindly at laft relolv'd they wou‘d promote me. 
 
 And firfl a Knave, and then a Knight they Vote me. 
 What Fate appointed. Nature did prepare, 
 
 And furnilh'd me with an exceeding Care. 
 
 To fit me for what they defign'd to have me; 
 
 And ev f ry Gift hut Hontjly they gave pie. 
 
 • ‘ ■ , \ \ ' r ; , jj ’ } 
 
 And thus Equipp'd, to this Proud Town I came. 
 In queft of Bread, and not in quell of Fame. 
 
 Blind to my future Fate, a humble Boy, 
 
 Free from the Guilt and Glory I enjoy. 
 
 The Hopes which my Ambition entertain'd. 
 
 Were in the Name of Foot-Boy , all contain'd. 
 
 The GreateH Heights from Small Beginnings rift j 
 The Gods were Great on fiartb, before they reach'd the Skieu 
 
 B——well, 
 
( ) 
 
 3 - well, the Generous Temper of whole Mind, 
 
 Was always to be bountiful inclin'd : 
 
 Whether by his ill Fate or Fancy led, 
 
 Firft took me up, and furnilh'd me with Bread, 
 
 The little Services he put me to. 
 
 Seem'd labours, rather than were truly lo. 
 
 But always my Advancement he defign'd $ 
 
 For e twas his very Nature to be kind. 
 
 Large was his Soul, his Temper ever free j 
 The bell of Mailers and of Men to me. 
 
 And I who Was before decreed by Fate, 
 
 To be made Infamous as well as Great, 
 
 With an oblequious Diligence obey'd him, 
 
 Till trufied with his All, and then betray'd hins, 
 
 All his pall KindndTes I trampled on, 
 
 Ruin'd his Fortunes to ere# my own. 
 
 So Vipers in the Bofom bred, begin 
 
 To hift at that Hand firft which took them in. 
 
 With eager Treach'ry I his Fall purfu'd. 
 
 And my firft Trophies were Ingratitude. 
 
 Ingratitude } the worft of Humane Guilt* 
 
 The baleft Aftion Mankind can commit; 
 
 Which like the Sin again!! the Holy Ghoft, 
 
 Has leaft of Honour, and of Guilt the moftj 
 Diftinguifh’d from all other Crimes by this. 
 
 That ‘tisa Crime which no Man will confels. 
 
 That Sin alone, which fliou'd not be forgiv'n 
 On Earth, altho' perhaps it may in Heav'n. 
 
 Thus 
 
( 17 ) 
 
 Thus my firft Benefa&of I o'erthrew; 
 
 And how (hon'd I be to a fecond true? 
 
 The Publick Trult came next into my Care^ 
 
 And I to ule them lcurvily prepare: 
 
 My Needy Sov'reign Lord I play'd upon, 
 
 And lent him many a Thouland of his own; 
 
 For which great Int'refts 1 took care to Charge, 
 And lo my ill-got Wealth became lo large. 
 
 My Predeceffor Judat was a Fool, 
 
 Fitter to ha c been whipt and lent to School, 
 
 Than Sell a Saviour: Had I been at Hand, 
 
 His Matter had not been lo cheap trapann'd ; 
 
 I would ha’ made the eager Jews ha* found, 
 
 For Thirty Pieces, Thirty thouland Pound. 
 
 My Coufin Z iba t of Immortal Fame, 
 
 ( Ziba and 1 fball never want a Name : ) 
 
 Firft-born of Trealbn, Nobly did advance 
 His Mailer's Fall, for his Inheritance. 
 
 By w,hofe keen Arts old David firft began 
 To break his lacred Oath to Jonathan ; 
 
 The Good Old King 'tis thought was very loth 
 To break his Word, and therefore broke his Oath. 
 Ziba's a Traytor of fome Quality, 
 
 Yet Ziba might ha' been inform'd by me : 
 
 Had I been there, he ne'er had been Content 
 With half th' Eftate, nor half the Government. 
 
 In our late Revolution ’twas thought ftrange. 
 
 That I of all Mankind ftfou’tj like the Change, ^ 
 
^ (?*) 
 
 But they who wonder’d at it, never knew. 
 
 That in it Idid my old Game purftie: 
 
 Nor had they heard of Twenty thoufand Pound. 
 Which never yet was loft, nor ne'er was found. 
 
 Thus all things in their turn tb Sale I bring, 
 God and my Mafter firft, and then the King: 
 Till by fuccefsful Villanies made Bold, 
 
 I thought to turn the Nation into Gold ; 
 
 And fo to Forg—-y my Hand I bent. 
 
 Not doubting I cou’d gull the Government; 
 
 But there was ruffl’d by the Parliament. 
 
 And if I fcap’d the unhappy Tree to Climb, 
 ‘T,was want of Law, and not for want of Crime. 
 
 But my * Old Friend f who Printed in my Face Devli - 
 
 A needful Competence of Enghjh Brafs, 
 
 Having more Bufinefs yet for me to do. 
 
 And loth to loie his trufty Servant fo. 
 
 Manag'd the Matter with fuch Art and Skill, 
 
 As fav'd his Hero, and threw out the B—*11. 
 
 And now I'm Grac'd with unexpe&ed Honours,’ 
 For which I'll certainly abufe the Donors: 
 Knighted, and made a Tribune of the People. 
 Whofe Laws and Properties I'm like to keep Well.' 
 The Ciiftos Rotulorum of the City, 
 
 And Captain of the Guards of their Banditti. 
 Surrounded by my Catch poles, I declare 
 Againft the Needy Debtor open War. 
 
 I Hang poor Thieves for ftealing of your Pelf/ 
 
 And fuffer none to Rob you, but my felf • : 
 
( ?9 ) 
 
 The King Commanded me to help Reform’ye, 
 And how 1‘11 do't, Mils lhall inform ye. 
 
 I keep the beft Seraglio in the Nation % 
 
 And hope in time to bring it into Fafhiou. 
 
 No Brimjtone Wbor'e need fear the Lafh from me. 
 That part IT1 leave to Brother Jeffery, 
 
 Our Gallants need not go abroad to Rome, 
 
 I'll keep a Whoreing Jubilee at Home. 
 
 Whoring's the Darling of my Inclination j 
 A'n't I a Magiftrate for Reformation ? 
 
 For this my Praile is lung by ev'ry Bard, , • 
 
 For which Bridewel wou'd be a juft Rewards 
 In Print my Panegyricks fill the Street, 
 
 And hired Goal-Birds their Huzza's Repeat.’ 
 
 Some Charities contriv'd to make a (how, 
 
 Have taught the Needy Rabble to do lo; 
 
 Whole empty Noile is a Mechanick Fame, 
 
 Since for Sir Belzefod they'd do the fame. 
 
 , 0 The Conclufioii. 
 
 T Hen let us boaft of Anccltors no more, 
 
 Or Deeds of Heroes done in Days of Yore^’ 
 In latent Records of the Ages paft, 
 
 Behind the Rear of Time, in long Oblivion plac'd 
 For ifour Virtues mull in Lines defcend. 
 
 The Merit with the Families would end : 
 
 And Intermixtures would moft fatal grow; 
 
 For Vice would be Hereditary too ; 
 
 i 
 
 The 
 
w'C 40 ) 
 
 The tainted Blood wou'd of Neceflity, 
 
 In voluntary Wickedncfs convey. 
 
 Vice, like Ill-Nature, for an Age or two. 
 
 May feem a Generation to purliie ; 
 
 But Virtue feldom does regard the Breed j 
 Fools do the Wile, and Wife Men Fools fucceed. 
 What is*t to us, what Anceftors we had i 
 If Good, what better ? Or what worfe, if Bad l 
 Examples are for Imitation fet, 
 
 Yet all Men follow Virtue with Regret. 
 
 Cou f d but our Anceftors retrieve their Fate, 
 
 And fee their OfF-fpring thus Degenerate; 
 
 How we contend for Birth and Names unknown,- 
 And Build on their paft A&ions, not our own; 
 They’d Cancel Records, and their Tombs Deface,' 
 And openly dilbwn the Vile Degenerate Race r 
 For Fame of Families is aB a Cheat, 
 
 ’Tfs Vet final Virtue only makes ns Great. 
 
 TH 
 
 I 
 
 t 
 
( 4 « ) 
 
 T H F 
 
 fWotk iHonriicts. 
 
 SATYR; 
 
 By way of ELEGY on King 
 
 WILLIAM. 
 
 T O T H E 
 
 U E 
 
 MADAM, 
 
 - ? ' »’ J - :• f }' * * ' ’ 
 
 Our Majefiy has fo often declared Tour jufl Concern for 
 . the Nation's Lofi, and Tour Value for the Memory of the 
 late King : You have jo publickly approv'd his Conduit, fo vi~ 
 fibly mov'd in the fame Steps, . and purfued the wife Meafures 
 of this Your Glorious Anceftor, ..that it cannot be thought, 
 difpleafing to Your Majefiy, to reprehend tbofe who make a 
 Mock at the Sorrow of Your Majefiy and Tjbree Nations 
 . Your Majefiy was the firfi who told us he could not be, 
 fufficiently lamented. May tbofe who are not of the fame 
 Mind find no Favour with Your Majefiy, nor their Maker, 
 till they repent that Sin againfi his Merit, and the Voice of 
 their Native Country. E r Htr$ 
 
The/PREFACE. 
 
 Here are no Reflections upon Tour Majeflies Iloufhold, or 
 Council, or Courts of Juftice, or either Honfe of Parlia¬ 
 ment, and consequently no Offence againfl Tour Royal Proclama- 
 tton. Twou d be an Affront to Tour Majefly to imagine there 
 •were any under all thofe Heads of Tour Government cots'd do- 
 Jerve the Reproof of the following Satyr. 
 
 Tour Majefly has an entire Poffeffion of the Hearts of Tour 
 Tecp.e, but their Affection is flill the deeper rooted by that gene¬ 
 rous Sorrow you have exprefs'd for the Lofl of him to whom they 
 owe the full Voffeffion of their Liberty under Tour Government. 
 
 HvW they can be faithful SubjeFts to Tour Majefly that were 
 not true Friends to fuch a King, is a My fiery out of humane 
 Under fanning, flnee the Happinefl we enjoy by Tour Govern¬ 
 ment proceeds from his defending us againfl thofe who would 
 not have had Your Majcfty to Reign over us. 
 
 Twould be a Crime againfl Tour Majefly , which dtferv'd no 
 T ardor?, to fuggefi you fhotdd be offended at that part of the Sa¬ 
 tyr which points at our Immoralities: Tour Majefly 1 s Example, 
 as well as Command, has encourag'd ns all to declare War 
 againfl Tice, and there we are fare of Tour Royal Protection. 
 
 For the refl, if an extraordinary Concern for the Glorious 
 Memory of the late King has led the Author into any Exceffes, 
 he begs lour Majefly would place it to the Account of that juft 
 Paflion every honefl Man retains for his extraordinary Merit ; 
 believing that no Man can have an Indifferency for the Mt- 
 jnory of King William, and at the fame time have any Defirt 
 for the Welfare of bis Native Country. 
 
 While Tour Majefly purj'ues the true Interefl of ‘England, 
 the Proteflant Religion, and the Welfare of Europe, as he 
 did, you will have the fame Enemies that he bad, the fame 
 to oppo/e Ton abroad , and reproach Tou at home ; but Ton will 
 thereby engage all Tour honefl Subjects to adhere the firmer to 
 their Duty , all Tour Proteflant Neighbours to depend upon ' 
 Tour Protection, and God (hall Crown Tour Majefly and tbefe 
 Nations wish hiss Special Favour and Benedtthon. Amen. 
 
 THE 
 
THE 
 
 jfSlotfc Counters,<*. 
 
 S UCII has been this Iil Natur c d Nations Fate, 
 
 Always to fee their Friends and Foes too late; 
 
 By Native Pride, and want of Temper led, 
 
 Never to value Merit till ‘ds Dead : 
 
 And then Immortal Monuments they raife. 
 
 And Damn their former Follies by their Praile, 
 
 With juft Reproaches Rail at their own Vice, 
 
 And Mourn for thole they did before defpile : 
 
 So they who Mofes Government defied, 
 
 Sincerely forrow‘J for him when he Died. 
 
 And 16 when Britain's Genius fainting lay, 
 
 Summon’d by Death, which Monarchs muft obey : 
 Trembling, and Soul lels half the Nation flood, 
 Upbraided by their own Ingratitude. 
 
 They, who with true born Honefty before, 
 
 Grudg d him the Trophies he lo juftly wore. 
 
 Were, with his Fate, more than himfelf dilinay’d. 
 
 Not for their King, but for them (elves afraid. 
 
 He had their Rights and Liberties reftor’d, 
 
 In Battle purchas'd,, and by Peace lecur’d .* 
 
 E ; And 
 
And they with Enghjls Gratitude began, 
 lo feci the Favour and defpife the Man. 
 
 But when they faw that his Protection ceas’d, 
 
 And Death had their Deliverer pofleft; 
 
 , ^ ow Thunder-ftruck they ftood / What cries they rais'd 
 They look’tlikc Men Diffracted and Amaz’d; 
 
 Their Terror did their Cenfcious Guilt explain, 
 
 And wiih’t their injur’d Prince Alive again. 
 
 . They Drcam’t of Halters, Gibbets and of Jails* 
 
 French Armies, Popery and Prince of Wales, 
 
 Defcents, Invalions, Uproars in the State, 
 
 Mobs, Irith Maflacres, and God knows what 
 Imaginary Enemies appcar’J, 
 
 And all they knew they Merited they Fear’d. 
 
 ’Tis ft range that Pride and Envy Ihould prevail, 
 
 To make Men’s Senle as well as Vertue fail ; 
 
 That where they muft depend they Ihould abufe. 
 And flight the Man they were afraid to lole. 
 
 But William had not Govern’d Fourteen Year, 
 
 To be an unconcern'd Spectator here ; 
 
 His Works like Providence were all Compleat, 
 
 Which njade a Harmony we Wonder’d at. 
 
 The Legiflative Power he let Free, * 
 
 And led them ftep by ftep to Liberty, C 
 
 ’Twas not his Fault if they cou’d not Agree. ^ 
 
 Impartial Juftide He Protected fo, 
 
 The Laws did in their Native Channels flow, 
 
 From whence our fu*e Eftablifhment begun. 
 
 And William laid the firft Foundation Stone : 
 
 On 
 
(45 > 
 
 On which the (lately Fabrick foon appear’d. 
 How cou’d they fink when luch a Pilot fteer’d i 
 He taught them due defences to prepare. 
 
 And make their future Peace their prelent care: 
 
 By him directed, Wifely they Decreed, 
 
 What Lin* (hou’d be expell’d, and what (iicceefl; 
 That now he’s Dead, there’s nothing to be done. 
 But to take up the Scepter he laid down. 
 
 The Circle of this Order is fo round. 
 
 So Regular as nothing can confound : 
 
 In Truth and Juftice all the Lines commence. 
 
 And Realon is the vaft Circumference: 
 
 Williams the moving Centre of the whole, 
 
 *T had elle a Body been without a Soul. 
 
 Fenc’c with juft Laws, impregnable it (lands. 
 
 And will (or ever laft in Honefl Hands , 
 
 For Truth and Juftice are th' Immortal Springs, 
 (Give Life to Conftitutions and to Kings : 
 
 In either Cafe, if one of thefe decay, 
 
 Thefe can no more Command than thofe obey : 
 Right is the only Fountain of Command, 
 
 The Rock on which Authority muft (land. 
 
 And if executive Power fteps awry. 
 
 On either hand it (plits on Tyranny : 
 
 Oppreflion is a Plague on Mankind fenr, 
 
 Infe<fts the Vitals of a Government. 
 
 Convulfions follow, and fuch Vapours ri(^ 
 
 The Conftitution Suffocates and Dies .• 
 
 Law is the Grand fpfecific to reftore, 
 
 And unobftru&ed, never fails to Cure, 
 
^ ( 4 $ > 
 
 AH other Remedies compar’d to that, 
 
 Are Tampering and Quacking with the State, 
 
 The Conftitution’s like a vaft Machine, 
 
 That’s fiifl of curious Workmanffiip within : 
 
 Whereiho’ the parts.upwieldly may appear. 
 
 It maybe put in Motion with a Hair. 
 
 The Wheels are Officers qnd Magiftrates, 
 
 By which the whole contrivance operates: 
 
 Laws are the Weights and Springs which make it move, 
 Wound up by Kings as Managers above ; 
 
 And if they r ferew’d too high or down too low. 
 
 The Movement goes too faff or elfe too flow. 
 
 The Legiflators are the Engineers, 
 
 Who when 'cis out of order make Repairs ; 
 
 The People are the O wners, Was for them 
 The firft Inventor drew the Ancient Scheme. 
 
 ’Tis for their Benefit it works, and they 
 The Charges of maintaining it defray; 
 
 And if their Governours unfaithful pi ove, 
 
 T hey. Engineers or Managers remove, 
 
 Unkind Contention fbmetimes there appears. 
 
 Between the Managers and Engineers ; 
 
 Such ftrife is always to the Owners wrong. 
 
 And once it made the work Hand ftift too long ; 
 
 Till William came apd loos’d the fatal Chain, 
 
 And fet the Engineers to work again ; 
 
 And having made the wondrous thing compleat, 
 
 To Amt s unerring Hand he left the Helm of Stare. 
 
 Avne like Elijha when juft William went. 
 
 Receiv’d the Mantle of his Government; 
 
 And 
 
( 47 ) 
 
 And by Divine Conceflion does inherit,, 
 
 A Double Portion of his Ruling Spirit. 
 
 The Dying Hero loaded with Renown 
 Gave her the Nation^ Blefling with the Crown. 
 
 From God, the People, and the Laws her own. 
 
 Told her that he had Orders from on High, 
 
 To lay afidethe Government and Dye; 
 
 What he had Fought for, gave her up in Peace, 
 
 And cheat’d her Royal Heart with Rrofpe<5t of Sneeds. 
 While he, who Death in all its Shapes had lech, 
 
 With full Compofure quiet and ferene, 
 
 Paflivc and undiforder’d at his Fate, 
 
 Quitted the Englifh Throne without Regret. 
 
 No Confcious Guilt difturb’d his Royal Breaft, 
 
 Calm as the Regions ©f Eternal Reft; 
 
 Before his Life went our, his Heaven came in, 
 
 For all was bright without and clear within. 
 
 The bleft Rewards did to his light appear; 
 
 The Paflage eafie, and the Prolpcd: near ; 
 
 His parting Eye the gladfom Regions fpied, 
 
 Jufi foj before bis Dear Maria Dyed. 
 
 His High concern for England he exprefs t, 
 
 England , the Darling of his Royal Breaft. 
 
 The Tranfports of his parting Soul he fpenr. 
 
 Her difunited Parties to Lament, 
 
 His Wilhes then iiipplied his want of Power, 
 
 And Pray’d for them, for whom he Fought before, 
 
 Speak Envy, if you can, inform us what 
 Cou’d this unthankful Nation Murmur at? 
 
 But 
 
C 48 ) 
 
 But Difcontent was always our Difeafe • 
 
 For Engli(h-mn what Government can pleafe ? 
 
 We always had our Sons of Behai here. 
 
 Who knew no God nor Government to Fear: 
 No Wonder thefe diflik’d his Gentle fway. 
 Unwilling Homage to his Scepter Pay, 
 
 And only did for want of Power, Obey. 
 
 Some loft excufe for them we might contrive 
 Had he not been the Gentleft Prince Alive : * 
 Had he not bom with an exalted Mind 
 AH that was difobliging and unkind. 
 
 Peaceful and Tender Thoughts bis Mind poffeft 
 And High Superior Love conceal’d the reft; 
 
 Our Difcontents wou’d oft his Pity move 
 But all his Anger was fuppreft by Love. 
 
 That Heaven-born Paffion had fubdu’d his Soul 
 pofleft the greateft part, and Rul’d the whole : 
 This made him ftrive his People to poflefi. 
 
 Which be had done, had be oblig'd ’em left. 
 
 He knew that Titles are but empty things, 
 
 And Hearts of Subje&s are the Strength of Kings 
 Jufticc and Kindnefs were his conftant care, 
 
 He fcorn’d to Govern Mankind by their Fear. 
 
 Their Univerfal Lave he ftrove to Gain, 
 
 *Twas hard that we lhould make him ftrive in vain : 
 That he lhould here our English Humours find, 
 And wc> that he bad fav’d, fhou’d be unkind. 
 
 By all endearing Stratagems he ftrove, 
 
 To draw us by the fecret Springs of Love; 
 
( 49 ) T" [ 
 
 J^id when he could not Cure our Difcontcnr 3 >s —^ 
 It always was below him to Relent. 
 
 Nature was never leen in fuch excels, 
 
 All Fury when Abroad, at Home all Peace: 
 
 In War all Fire and Blood, in Peace enclin’d 
 To all that’s Sweet and Gentle, Soft and Kind, 
 Ingratitude for this, rouft needs Commence, 
 
 In want of Honefty, or want of Senle. 
 
 When Kings to Luxury and Eafe Relign’d, 
 
 Their Native Country’s juft Defence declin’d j 
 This High-pretending Nation us’d to plead, 
 
 What they’d perform, had they a King to lead : 
 What wondrous A&ions had by them been done, 
 When they had Martial Monarch* to lead on ? 
 
 And if their Prince would but with France make War, 
 What Troops of Engltfk Heroes wou’d appear ? 
 
 , ✓ 
 
 JViUiam the bottom of their Courage found, 
 
 Falfe like themfelves, moer emptinels and found; 
 
 For call’d by Fate to Fight for Chrijlendom , 
 
 They lent their King abroad, and fiaidat Home ; 
 Wifely declin’d the hazirds of the War, 
 
 To Noutifh Faftion and Dilbrders here. 
 
 Wrapt in luxurious Plenty they Debauch, 
 
 And load their A&ive Monarch with Reproach: 
 Backward in Deeds, but of their Cenliires free. 
 
 And flight the Aftions which they dare not lie. 
 
 At Home they bravely teach him to Command, 
 
 And judge of what they are afraid to mend: ' 
 
 Againft 
 
. C 1 ° ) 
 
 Agamit the Hand that faves them they exclaim * 
 And curie the Strangers, tho’ they Fight for them. 
 Tho fome who wou’d excufe the matter, fay 
 They did not grudge their Service, but their Pay 
 Where are the Royal Bands that now advance. 
 
 To ipread his dreadful Banners into France ? 
 Britannia's Noble Sons her Intercft fly. 
 
 And Foreign Heroes mull their place fupply • 
 
 Much for the Fame of eur Nobility. 
 
 Poftericy will be alham’d to hear. 
 
 Great Britain's Monarch did in Arms appear. 
 
 And (carce an Englifh Nobleman was there! 
 
 Our Anceflors had never Conquer’d France, 
 
 For Kingdoms feldom are fubdu’d by Chance, 
 
 Had Talbott, Fere, and Montacute with-held 
 The Glory, for the 'danger of the Field. 
 
 Had Englijh Ilonefly been kept alive. 
 
 The Ancient English Glory would iurvive. 
 
 But Gallantry and Courage will decline, 
 
 Wheie Pride and all Confederate Vices joyn. 
 Had we kept up the Fame of former Years, 
 Landers had been as Famous as Pointers ; 
 Ormond and Ejfex had not Fought alone. 
 
 The only Englijh Lords our Verfe can own: 
 The only Peers, of whom the World can fay. 
 That they for Honour Fought, and not for Pay. 
 
 A Regimented Few wc had indeed. 
 
 Who ferv’d for neither Pride nor Fame, but Bread: 
 
 Some Bully L— s , Proteclion P - and fo rae 
 
 Went out, becaufe they dare not ftay at Home. 
 
 Loaded 
 
( ) 
 
 Loaded with Noxious Vices they appear, 
 
 A fcandal to the Nation and the War : 
 
 Heroes in Midnight-lcufBcs with the Watch, 
 
 And Lewd enough an Army to Debauch. 
 
 Flefht with cool Murthers and from Juftice fled, 
 Purfu’d by Blood, in Drunken Quarrels fhed : 
 
 In vain they ftrive with Bravery to appear. 
 
 For where there's Guilt, there always will be Fear. 
 Thefe are the Pillars of the English Fame, 
 
 Such Peers as Hiftory muft bluih to Name. 
 
 When future Records to the World relate, 
 Marfaglia's Field and Gallant Schombergs Fate : 
 
 W- — was Captive made, it was levere. 
 
 Fate took the Hanejl Man, and Iefc the Peer. 
 
 The World owes Fame for Ages long before, 
 
 To the great Stile of W - : - which he bore: 
 
 But when we come the Branches to compare, 
 
 ’T’s a Hero Anceftor, a Bully Heir : 
 
 The ,Vertues the Pofterity forfake, 
 
 And all their Gallant Blood is dwindl’d to a Rake. 
 More might be faid, but Satyr ftay thy Rhimes, 
 And mix not his Misfortune with his Crimes; 
 
 We need not Rake the Afhcs of the Dead, 
 
 There's living Characters enough to Read. 
 
 How cou’d this Nation ever think of Peace ? 
 
 Or how look up to Heaven for Succels i 
 While Iawlefi Vice in Fleets and Camps appear’d. 
 And Oaths were louder than their Cannon heard: 
 No wonder Englifh Ifrael has been faid. 
 
 Before the French ?hUiJtine\ Fleet t’ ha* fled* 
 
 While 
 
^<50 
 
 While T —*»■—> Embrac’d with Whores appear’d. 
 
 And Wtee it felf the Royal Navy Steer d 1 
 
 William oppos’d their Crimes with fteady Hand/ 
 By his Example Firft, and then Command, 
 Prompted the Laws their Vices to fupptefs. 
 
 For which no doubt the Guilty Lov'd him left. 
 
 Ye Sons of Envy, Railers at the Times, 
 
 Be bold like Englishmen, and own your Crimes ; 
 
 For fliame put on no Black, but let us lee. 
 
 Your Habits always, and your Tongues agree; 
 
 Envy ne’er Blulhes* Let it not be laid. 
 
 You Hate him Living, and you Mourn him Dead - 
 No Sorrow Ihpw, where you no Love profefs. 
 
 There are no Hypocrites in Wickednefi. 
 
 Great Bonfires make, and tell the World y’ are glad 
 Y’have loft the greateft Bleffing e’er you had: 
 
 So Mad-Men ling in Nakednels and Chains, 
 
 For when the Senle is gone, the Song remains. 
 
 So Thanklels lfrael, when they were fet free, 
 Reproacht the Author of their Liberty : 
 
 And wilht themlelves in Egypt back again; 
 
 What pity ’twas they wiflir,' or wifljt in vain f 
 
 ■ Stop Satyr, let Britannia now relate 
 Her William s Character, and her own Fate; 
 
 Let her to him a grateful Trophy raile, 
 
 She belt can figh his Lofs, that lung his Praile. 
 
 B ii IT X N % 1 £. 
 
Britannia. 
 
 Of all my Sons by Tyranny bereft, 
 
 A Widow defolate and Childlels left. 
 
 By Violence and Injury oppreft. 
 
 To Heaven I caft my Eyes, and figtid the reft. 
 
 I need but figh, for I was always heard, 
 
 And William on my welcome Shores appear’d. 
 
 With Wings of fpeed to refcue me he Came, 
 
 And all my Sorrows vanifht into Flame. 
 
 New Joys Iprung up, new Triumphs now abound. 
 And all my Virgin Daughters hear the (bund: 
 Eternal Dances move upon my Plains, 
 
 And youthful Blood Iprings in my ancient Veins. 
 With open Arms I yielded my Embrace, 
 
 And William law the Beauties of my Face. 
 
 He had before the knowledge of my Charms, 
 
 For he had my Maria in his Arms. 
 
 While he remain’d, I gave eternal Spring, 
 
 Made him my Son,’ my Darling, and my King; 
 While all the wondting World my Choice approve. 
 Congratulate his Fate, and juftifie my Love. 
 
 Of Brittfl) Blood, in Belgian Plains he liv'd. 
 
 My only Foreign Off-fpring that furviv'd* 
 
 Batavian Climates nouriflit him a while. 
 
 Too great a Genius for lb damp a Soil ; 
 
 And freely then lurrendred him to me, 
 
 For wile Men freely will the Fates obey. 
 
 Yet in my William they had equal Share, 
 
 Atjd h& defended them with equal Care. 
 
They were the early Trophies of his Sword, 
 His Infant Hand their Liberty reftor’d. 
 
 His Nurfe, that helgick Lion, roar’d for Aid, 
 And planted early Lawrels on his Head. 
 
 His eafie Vi&ories amaz’d Mankind; 
 
 We wonder’d what the dreadful Youth d.efign'd 
 Fearlels he Fought his Country to let Free, 
 And With his Sword Cut out their Liberty. 
 The Journals of his A&ions always feem'd 
 So wonderful, as if the World had dream'd ; 
 So fiviftj fo full of Terror he went on, 
 
 He was a Conqueror before a Man. 
 
 The Bourbon Sword, tho f it was brighter far; 
 Yet drawn for Conqueft, and oppreffive War, 
 Had all the Triumphs of the World engroft, 
 But quickly all thole Triumphs to him loft. 
 Juftice to William early Trophies brought; 
 William for Truth and Jujtice always fought : 
 
 He was the very Myftery of War, 
 
 He gain'd by't when he was not Conqueror 
 And if his Enemies a Battle won. 
 
 He might be beaten, they wou'd be undone. 
 Antaus like, from every Fall he role. 
 Strengthen'd with double Vigour to oppole; 
 Thole A&ions Mankind judg'd Unfortunate, 
 Serv'd but as lecret Steps to make Him Great. 
 Then let them boaft their Glory at Landen, 
 
 In vain th‘ Embattl'd Squadrons crowded in, 
 Their's was the Vidory, the Conqueft mine. 
 
( 55 ) 
 
 Of all the Heroes, Ages part adore, 
 
 Back to the firft Great Man, and long before; 
 
 Tho’ Virtue has fometimes with Valour join’d, 
 
 The Barren World no Parallel can find. 
 
 If back to I fra el's Tents 1 fhould retire. 
 
 And of the Hebrew Heroes there enquire, 
 
 I find no Hand did Judah's Scepter wear, 
 
 Comes up to William's Modern Character. 
 
 Namure s Gvgantick Towers he o’erthrew; 
 
 David did lels when he Goliab flew. 
 
 Here’s no Uriah's lor Adult’ry flain, 
 
 Nor Oaths forgot to faithful Jonathan. 
 
 And if to Jeffe's Grandfon we ha’ recourfe, 
 
 William his Wifdom had without his Whores. 
 
 « 
 
 JoJhua might flill ha’ ftaid on Jordans Shore, 
 
 Muff he, as William did the 1Boyne, pafs oer. 
 Almighty Power was forc’d to interpofe, 
 
 And flighted both the Water and his Foes. 
 
 But had my Wtlliam been to pals that Stream, 
 
 God needed not to part the Waves for him. 
 
 Not Forty thoufand Canaanites cou’d fland ; 
 
 In lpight of Waves or Canaanites he d land: 
 
 Such Streams ne’er ftemm’d his Tide of Vi<5tory $ 
 
 No, not the Stream ; no, nor the Enemy. 
 
 His Bombs and Cannon wou’d ha’made the Wail, 
 Without the Help of Jewilh Rams Horns, fall. 
 
 When his dear Ifracl from their Foes had fled, 
 Becaufe ci ftoln Spoils by Achan hid: f 
 
5 * ) 
 
 He’d ne’er, like Jcfctta, on the Ground ha’ laid. 
 
 He’d certainly ha’ fought as well as pray'd. 
 
 The Sun would rather ha’ been thought to flay. 
 Amaz’d to fee how foon he had won the Day, 
 
 Than to give time the Camanites to flay. 
 
 The greatcft Captains of the Ages paff. 
 
 Debauch’d their Fame with Cruelty at laft: 
 
 William the Tyrants only would fubdue; 
 
 Thefe conquer’d Kings, and then the People too: 
 The Subje&s reap’d no Profit for their Pains, 
 
 And only chang’d their Mailers, not their Chains; 
 Their Vi<5iories did for themfelves appear. 
 
 And made their Peace as dreadful as the War: 
 
 But William fought Oppreffion to deftroy, 
 
 That Mankind might in Peace the World enjoy. 
 
 The Vomptys, Cafars , Scipio's y Alexander 
 Who croud the World with Fame, were great Com 
 
 ( nianders 
 
 uefe too brought Blood and Ruin with their Arms 
 But William always fought on other Terms: 
 
 Terror indeed might in his Front appear, 
 
 But Peace and Plenty follow’d in his Rear: 
 
 And if Oppreffion forc’d him to contend, 
 
 Calmnels was all his Temper, Peace his End: 
 r ie was the only Man we e’er (aw fit 
 To regulate the World, or Conquer it. 
 
 •Vho can his Skill in Government Gainfay, 
 
 He that can England’s brittle Scepter fway, 
 
 ^ here Parlies too much Rule, and King’s obey ? 
 
( 57 ) 
 
 He always reign f d by Gentlenenfs and Love, 
 
 An Emblem of the Government above. 
 
 Vote me not Childlefs then in Chriftendom, 
 
 I yet have Sons in my fufpended Womb; 
 
 And till juft Fata fuch due Provifion makes, 
 
 A Daughter my Protection undertakes. 
 
 Crowns know no Sexes, and my Government 
 To either kind admits a juft Defcent. 
 
 Queens have to me been always fortunate, 
 
 E'er fines my Englijh Phentx rul c d the State; 
 
 Who made my People rich, my Country great. 
 Satyr be juft, and when we lafii their Crimes, 
 Mingle fome Tears for William with our Rhimes. 
 Tho‘ Bafenefs and Ingratitude appear. 
 
 Thank Heaven that >we ha‘ weeping Millions here 
 Then fpeak our hearty Sorrows if you can, 
 Superior Grief in feeling Words explain : 
 
 Accents that wound, and all the Senfes numb. 
 
 And while they fpeak may ftrike the Hearer dumb \ 
 Such Grief as never was for King before. 
 
 And fuch as never, never (hall be more. 
 
 See how Authority comes weeping on, 
 
 And view the Queen lamenting on his Throne. 
 With juft regret (he takes the Sword of State, 
 
 Not by her Choice dire&ed, but his Fate y 
 Accepts the (ad Neceffity with Tears, 
 
 And mournfully for Government prepares. 
 
 The Peoples Acclamations (he receives 
 With fadn'd Joy, and a Content that grieves. 
 

 View next the fad Aflemblies that appear, 
 
 To tell their Grief for Him, and Joy for Her,’ 
 
 The firit contounds the lait with fuch Excels, 
 
 They hardly can their noble Thoughts exprefs. 
 Th’ illulfrious Troop addrefs her to condole, 
 And lpeak iuch Grief as wounds her to the Soul 
 They lodge their Sorrows in the Royal Breaft j 
 The Harbour where the Nation looks for Rolf. 
 
 Next thefe, the Reprelentatives arile, 
 
 With ail the Nations Sorrow in their Eyes. 
 
 The Epithets they righteoufly apply 
 To the Reftorer of their Liberty, 
 
 Are Tokens of their Senfe and Honeftv. 
 
 , J 
 
 For as a Body we were always true , 
 
 But ‘tis eur Parties that our Peace undo. 
 
 Who can like them the Peoples Grief exprefs ? 
 They (hew her all the Tokens ofExcels: 
 Overwhelm'd with Sortow, and fopprelt with Care 
 They place the Nation's Refuge now in her. 
 Nothing but her Succeffion could abate 
 The Nation's Sorrow for their Monarch's Fate : 
 And nothing but his Fate cou'd their true Joy 
 For her Succehion leffcn or deftroy. 
 
 The Civil Sword to her, as Heaven law fit, 
 VVith general Satisfa&ion they commit: 
 
 How can it in a Hand like hers milcarry l 
 But who (hall for us weild the Military ? 
 
 Who lhall the jarring Generals unite \ 
 
 Fiilt teach them to 'agree, and then to fight? 
 
( 59 ) 
 
 Who fliall renown'd Alliances contrive, 
 
 And keep the vaft Confederacies alive ? 
 
 Who {hall the growing Gallick Force fubdue ? 
 *Twas more than all the World, but him, cou c d do. 
 
 Sighs for departed Friends are fenfelefs things, 
 
 But ‘tis not fo when Nations mourn for King 1- . 
 
 When wounded Kingdoms Inch a Lob complain. 
 
 As Nature never can repair again ; 
 
 The Tyrant Grief, like Love, obeys no Laws, 
 
 But blindly views th c Lffe&, and not the Caule.. 
 
 Dark are the VVorks of Sovereign Providence,’ 
 
 And often clalh with our contraded Sente. 
 
 But if we might with Heaven's Decrees debate, 
 
 And of our Makers VVorks expoftulate, 
 
 Why fliould he form a Mind fupremely great, 
 
 And to his Charge commit the Reins ot Fate* 
 
 And at one hafty Blow the World defeat ? 
 
 A Blow fo fudden, fo fevere and Iwit'c, 
 
 We had no time for Supplication left: 
 
 As if Almighty Power had been afraid, 
 
 Such Prayers would by (uch Multitudes be made ; 
 
 Such Mofes‘ s wou f d to his Altars go, p 
 
 To whom lie never did, or would fay no ; s: 
 
 He hardly could know how to ftrike the Blow. 
 
 ForPrayers fomuch theSovereign Power commands, p 
 Ev‘en God himfclf fometimes as conquer'd Hands, > 
 And calls for Quarter at the VVreftler‘s Hands. jl 
 
 
( 6o ) 
 
 f 
 
 How Strenuous than had been the Sacred Strife, 
 While all the kneeling World had begg'd his Life, 
 With all that Earneftnefs of Zeal, and more 
 Than ever Nation begg'd for King before l 
 See how the neighbouring Lands his Fame improve. 
 And by their Sorrows teftifie their Love; 
 
 Sprinkle his Memory with grateful Tears, 
 
 And hand his Glory to lucceeding Years. 
 
 With what Contempt will Englijh Men appear. 
 When future Ages read his Character l 
 They'll never bear to hear in time to come. 
 
 How he was lov'd abroad, and fcorn'd at home. 
 
 The World will fcarce believe it cou'd be true, 
 
 And Vengeance mull luch Inlolcnce purine. 
 
 Our Nation will by all Men be abhorr'd, 
 
 And William's jufter Fame be lo reftor'd. 
 
 Pofterity, when Hiftories relate 
 His Glorious Deeds, will ask, What Giant's that ? 
 
 For common Vertues may Mens Fame advance. 
 
 But an immoderate Glory turns Romance . 
 
 Its real Merit does its felf undo, 
 
 Men talk it up lo high, it can't be true: 
 
 So William's Life, encreas'd by doubling Fame, 
 
 Will drown his A&ions to prelerve his Name. 
 
 The Annals of his Conduft they'll revile. 
 
 As Legends of Impoflibilities. 
 f Twill all a Life of Miracles appear, 
 
 Too great for Him to do, or Them to hear. 
 
 And 
 
( 6i ) V 
 
 And if forhe faithful VVriter fliou c d fet down 
 With what Uneafintfi he wore the Crown ; 
 
 VVhat thanklels Devil had the Land poflbft ; 
 
 This will be more prodigious than the reft. 
 
 With Indignation ’twill their Mind's infpire, 
 
 And raiie the Glory of his Actions higher. 
 
 The Records of their Fathers they’ll Deface, 
 
 And blufh to think they Tprung from luch a Race. 
 They’ll be afliam’d their Anceftors to own, 
 
 And ftrive their Father’s Follies to atone. 
 
 New Monuments of Gratitude they’ll raife. 
 
 And Crown his Memory with Thanks and Praife. 
 
 Thou, Satyr, lhalt the grateful Few rehearie. 
 And folve the Nations Credit in thy Verle ; 
 Embalm his Name with Chara&ers of Praile, 
 
 His Fame’s beyond the Power of Time to rale. 
 
 From him let future Monarchs learn to Rule, 
 And make his lafting Character their School. 
 
 For he who wou’d in time to come to be Great, 
 Has nothing now to do but imitate. 
 
 Let dying Parents when they some to blels, 
 \Vifti to their Children only his Succels. 
 
 Here their Inftru£Hons very well may end, 
 William's Example only recommend, 
 
 And leave the Youth his Hiftory t’attend. 
 
 t iJut we have here an Ignominious Crowd, 
 
 That boaft their Native Birth and Englijh Blood, 
 Whofe Breads with Envy and Contention burn. 
 Arid now rejoice when all the Nations mourn: 
 
 F 4 
 
( 62 ) ' 
 
 Their awkward Triumphs openly they Sing • 
 Infulr the Aflies of their injur’d King ; 
 
 Rejoice at the Difafters of his Crown; 
 
 And Drink the Horfe’s Health that threw him down. 
 
 Blufli, Satyr, when fuch Crimes we muft reveal. 
 And diaw a fiicnt Curtain to conceal, 
 
 AAions fo vile /hall ne'er debauch our Song; 
 
 Let Heaven alone , tho £ Juftice fuffers long. 
 
 Her Leaden Wings, and Iron Hands, may /how 
 She will be certain, tho f /he may be flow* 
 
 His Foreign Birth was made the Fam'd Pretence 
 Which gave our Home-Born Englijhmen Offence. 
 But Difcontent's the antient Enghfh Fa/hion, 
 
 The Univerfal Blemi/h of the Nation. 
 
 And ‘cis a Queftion, whether God could make 
 That King whom every Englishman would like * 
 
 Nor is it any Paradox to fay, 
 
 William bad more of Engli/h Blood than they ; 
 
 The Royal Life flow'd in his fprightly Veins, 
 
 The fame that in the Noble Stock remains j 
 The lame which now his Glorious Scepter weilds. 
 
 To whom three Nations ju/t Obedience yeilds. 
 
 A NN E, the remaining Glory of our Ifle, 
 Well /he becomes the Royal EngliJ}, Stile: 
 
 In William's Steps fedately flic proceeds, 
 
 VVilliam'j a Pattern to Immortal Deeds. 
 
 Pre/erves his Memory with generous Care * 
 Forgetting him is Disobliging her $ 
 
 Where /hall the murmuring Party then appear/ 
 
 Where 
 
( ) 
 
 Where wou‘d the Nation, but for her, ha e found 
 So fafe a Cure for fuch a fudden Wound i 
 And cou'd ftie but as well the Camp fupply. 
 
 The World the fooner wou'd their Grief lay by: 
 
 But there the fatal Breach is made lo wide, 
 
 That Lois can never, never be—-liipply f d J 
 
 Ye Men of Arms, and Englijh Sons of War, 
 
 Now learn from him how you may Fight for her ; 
 
 Your Grief for him exprefs upon her Foes, 
 
 For William lov'd fuch Funeral Tears as thofe. 
 
 c Tis William's Glorious Scepter which fhe bears. 
 
 Like William (he for Liberty appears. 
 
 She Mounts to Honour by the Steps of Truth, 
 
 And his Example Imitates in Both. 
 
 ‘Tis you mull make her blooming Fame Increafe, 
 f Tis you rauft bring her Honour, Wealth and Peace: 
 And let it once more to the World be leen, 
 
 Nothing can make us Greater than a Queen. 
 
Reformation of Manners: 
 
 A 
 
 SATYR* 
 
 T H E 
 
 PREFACE* 
 
 N O Man is qualified ft reprove other Mens Faults but be 
 that has none of his own, fay lome People who are 
 loath to be told of their Errors; and 'tis on this Account 
 only that the World has the Trouble of a Preface. 
 f If f h>at be true, the Author freely acknowledges he is the mod 
 unqualified Man in the World to reprove. 
 
 That no Man is qualified to reprove other Mens Crimes, 
 who allows himfelf in the ?raft ice of the fame, is very readily 
 granted, and is the very Subfiance and Foundation of the fol- 
 Uwing Satyr: And on that [core, the Author has as good a 
 Title to Animadverfion as another, fince no Man can charge 
 bint with any of the Vices he has reproved. 
 
 But inftead of Self-defence, he is rather willing to look back 
 on the befi ASlions of. his Life with the Lemper of a Penitent^ 
 and he wifies all Men woud do the like } 'tis the only Way 
 to make the Satyr Impertinent ; 
 
The PREFACE. 
 
 For Peniterffce would all his Verfe dilarm j 
 The Satyr's anfwer c d if the Men reform. 
 
 But tbt Fail is not true neither: ‘Tis a pretty Way for Men 
 to get rid of the Impertinence of Admonition, if none but fault - 
 left Men mu ft reprove others, the Lord ha ‘ Mercy upon all our 
 Magistrates ; and all our Clergy are undignified and fuff ended 
 at a Blow. 
 
 Nor does the Satyr affdult private Infirmity, or purfue Per- 
 fonal Vices ; but is bent at tbofe, who pretending to fupprefi Vice, 
 or being vefted with Authority for that purpofe, yet make 
 themfelves the Shame of their Country, encouraging Wicked- 
 nefs by that very Authority they have to fupprefi it. 
 
 He prefers hmfelf firry, either that Freedom of Speech is fo 
 danger ott s in this Age, or that he is too much a Coward ; other- 
 wife, fome had heard of their Crimes who think themfilves 
 above the Power of Punifhment. 
 
 *Tis hard that Vice fhould have fo much fhelter from Civ'tl 
 Power ; that Reproof fhould lead the Party to fupprefs the Poet 
 rather than the Crime. 
 
 And yet his Friends give him over for lost : An Account of 
 what he has ventur'd to fay, to whofe Importunity be thinks 
 kimjelf oblig'd to anjwer with Juvenal, 
 
 Difficile elt Satyram non fcribere. Nam quis Iniquac 
 Tam Patiens Urbis, tarn ferreus ut teneat fe ? 
 
 If any Man is Injur 1 d by the Char afters, he is content they 
 fhould carry their Refentment to what Extremity they pleafe ; 
 but if Truth may be on his fide, the only Way to make him do 
 them Jufiict is to reform: And he promifes to give Tefiimdhy 
 to their Repentance, as an Afmnd Honourable in a manner 
 as publick as pjftble . 
 
 Refer- 
 
Reformation of Manners. 
 
 H OW long may Heaven be banter‘d by a Nation, 7 
 With broken Vows, and Shams of Reformation, 
 And yet forbear to fliew its Indignation ? J 
 
 Tell me ye Sages, who the Confcience guide, 
 
 And Ecclefiaftick Oracles divide, 
 
 Where do the Bounds of Sovereign Patience end ? 
 How long may People undeflroy'd offend’ 
 
 What Limits has Almighty Power prepar’d. 
 
 When Mercy /hall be deaf, and Juftice heard i 
 
 If there's a Being Immortal and Immenfe, 
 
 Who does Rewards and Punifliments difpenfe. 
 
 Why is he Paflxve when his Power's defy'd, 
 
 And his Eternal Government's deny'd ? 
 
 Tell us why he that fits above the Sky, 
 
 Unreigns no Vengeance, lets no Thunders fly. 
 
 When Villains profper, and fuccefsful Vice 
 
 Shall human Power controul,and heavenly Power defpile? 
 
 If 'tis becau/e the Sins of fiich a Nation, 
 
 Are yet too ftnall to conquer his Compaffion, 
 
 Then tell us to what height Mankind may fiy. 
 
 Before Celeftial Fury tnuft begin i 
 
 How 
 
How their extended Crimes may reach fo high. 
 Vengeance mull follow, and of courfe deftroy j 
 And by the common Chain of Providence, 
 Deftrudion come like Caufe and Confluence ? 
 
 Then fearch the dark Arcana of the Skies, 
 
 And, if ye can , unfold thefe Myfterie*; 
 
 The claftiing Providences reconcile. 
 
 The partial Frown, and the unequal Smile. 
 
 Tell us why fome have been deftroy'd betimes, 
 While Albion's glittering Shores grow black with Crimes ? 
 Why fome for early Errors are undone. 
 
 Some longer ft ill, and longer ftill, lin on ? 
 
 England with all her blackening Guilt is fpar c d, 
 
 And Sodom's lefler Crimes receiv'd a fwift Reward > 
 And yet all this be reconcilM to both, 
 
 Impartial Juitice, and unerring Truth. 
 
 Why Oftia Hands, and no revenging Hand 
 Has yet difmifl her from the burthen‘d Land : 
 
 No Plague, no lirlpherous Shower her Exit makes, 
 And turns her Silver Thames to Stygian Lakes, 
 Whole uninhabitable Ranks might flow 
 With Streams as black as her that made ’em fo : 
 And as a Monument to future Times, 
 
 Should lend forth Vapours nauloous as her Crimes? 
 Tell us why Carthage fell a Prey to Rome, 
 
 And mourn the Fate of bright Byzantium ? 
 
 Why antient Troy’s embrac’d by Deftiny, J 
 
 And Rome, Immortal Rome, to Fate gives way> > 
 
 Yet Oftia Hands, more impious far than they ? j 
 
 Where 
 
(6S) 
 
 Where are the Golden Gates of Tale ft me, 
 
 Where High Superior Glory us'd to fliine ? 
 
 The mighty City Millions dwelt within. 
 
 Where Heaven‘s Epitome was to be leen ; 
 
 God's Habitation, Sacred to his Name, 
 Magnificent beyond the Voice of Fame • 
 
 Thofe lofty Pinnacles which once were feen 
 Bright, like the Majefty that dwelt within; 
 
 In which Seraphick Glory could rcfide. 
 
 Too great for humane Vifion to abide j 
 Whole glittering Fabrick, God the Architect, 
 
 The Sun's left Glorious Light did once rcjed ? 
 
 Thele all ha‘ felt the. Iron Hands of Fate, 
 
 And Heaven's dear Darling City's defolate. 
 
 No more the (acred Place commands our Awe, 
 
 But all's become a Curie, a Golgotha. 
 
 The Reverend Pile can fcarcc its Ruins (how, 
 Forfook by him whole Glory made it lo. 
 
 Yet Oftia Hands, her impious Towers defie' 
 
 The threatning Comets of the blazing Sky ; 
 Foreboding Signs of Ruin Ihe delpiles. 
 
 And all her reaching Saviour’s Sacrifices; 
 
 The Jews are Fools, Jerufalems outdone; 
 
 We crucifie the Father, they the Son. 
 
 Within her Reprobate Gates there are allot*’d 
 Worlc Jews than thofe which crucified their Gofl: 
 They kill’d a Man, for they fuppos'd him fc ; 
 Thefe boldly facrifice the God they know, 
 
His Incarnation Miracles deny. 
 
 And vilely Banter his Divinity ; 
 
 Their old Impoftor, Socinus, prefer. 
 
 And the long Voyage of Heaven without a Pilot (leer. 
 
 Yet Oftia boafts of her Regeneration, 
 
 And tells us wondrous Tales of Reformation ; 
 
 How againft Vice (he has been io levere. 
 
 That none but Men of Quality may Swear: 
 
 How Publick Lewdnefs is expell'd the Nation, 
 
 That Private Whoring may be more in Fafhion. 
 
 How Parifh Magiftrates, like Pious Elves, 
 
 Let none be Drunk a Sundays but themfelves. 
 
 And Hackney-Goach-men durft not Ply the Street 
 In Sermon-time, till they had faid the State. 
 
 Thefe, Ojlia , are the Shams of Reformation, 
 
 With which thou mock'ft thy Maker, and the Nation; 
 While in thy Streets unDunifh'd there remain 
 Crimes which have yet infulted Heaven in vain; 
 Crimes which our Satyr bluOies to review. 
 
 And Sins thy Sifter Sodom never knew: 
 
 Supeiior Lewdnefs Crowns thy Magiftrates, 
 
 And Vice grown grey, uliirps the Reverend Seats; 
 Eternal Blafphemies and Oaths abound, 
 
 And Bribes among thy Senators are found. 
 
 Old Venerable j fepb, with trembling Air, 
 
 Ancient in Sin, and Father of the Chair, 
 
 * Fbffook by Vices he had lov'd fo long. 
 
 Can now be vicious only with his Tongue ? 
 
 Yet talks of amient Lewdnefs with delight. 
 
 And loves to be the Juftice of the Night * 
 
 On 
 
On Baudy Tales with pleafure he reflefts, 
 
 And lewdly fmiles at Vices he correds. 
 
 The feeble tottering Magiftrate appears, 
 
 Willing to Wickednefs in fpite of Years; 
 Struggles his Age and Weaknels to refift, 
 
 And fain would fin, but Nature won't aflifi', 
 
 L -/, the Pandor of thy Judgment-Seat, 
 
 Has neither Manners, Honefty, nor Wit; 
 
 Inftead of which, he's plenteoufly fupply'd 
 With Nonfenfe, Noife, Impertinence, and Pride; 
 Polite his Language, and his flowing Stile, 
 
 Scorns to fuppole Good Manners worth his while; 
 With Principles f ora Education Bor’d, 
 
 Th’ Drudgery of Decency abhorrd: 
 
 The City Month , with Eloquence endu’d, 
 
 To Mountebank the lift’ning Multitude; 
 
 Sometimes he tunes his Tongue to foft Harangues, 
 To banter Common Halls, and flatter Kings: 
 
 And all but with an odd indifferent Grace, 
 
 With Jingle on his Tongue, and Coxcomb in his Face 
 Definitive in Law, without Appeal, 
 
 But always ferves the Hand who pays him well: 
 He trades in juftice, and the Souls of Men, 
 
 And proftitutes them equally to Gain: 
 
 He has his Publick Book of Rates to fhow. 
 
 Where every Rogue the Price of Life may know: 
 And this one Maxim always goes before. 
 
 He never hangs the Rich, nor laves the Poor. 
 God-likc he nods upon the Bench of State ; 
 
 His Smiles are Life, and if he Frown ’tis Fate: 
 
 Boldly 
 
( 7 1 ) 
 
 Boldly invading Heaven’s Prerogative; 
 
 For with his Breath he kills, or faves alive. 
 Fraternities of Villains he maintains, 
 
 Proteus their Robberies, and fhares the Gains, 
 Who thieve with Toleration as a Trade, 
 
 And then reftore according as they're paid: 
 With awkward fcornful Phiz, and vile Grimace, 
 The genuine Talents cf an ugly Face j 
 With haughty Tone infults the Wretch that dies, 
 And fports with his approaching MiferJes. 
 
 F - e, for fo fo met lines unrighteous Fate, 
 
 Erefts a Mad-man for a Magiftrate; 
 
 Equipt with Leudnefs, Oaths, and Impudence, 
 Supplies with Vices his defeat of Senfe i 
 Abandon’d to ill Manners, he retains 
 His want of Grace, as well as want of Brains. 
 Before the Boy wore off, the Rake began; 
 
 The Bully then commenc'd, and then the Man; 
 Yet Nature feems in this to do him wrong, 
 
 To give no Courage with a faucy Tongue ; 
 From whence this conftant Diladvantage flows. 
 He always gives the Words, and takes the Blows 
 Tho’ often Can’d, he’s uninftriided by’t; 
 
 But flill he fliews the Scoundrel with the Knight, 
 Still fcurrilous, and flill afraid to Fight. 
 
 His Dialer’s a Modern BiUingfgate , 
 
 Which fuus the Hojier, not the Magiftrate ; 
 
 The fame he from behind the Counter brought. 
 And yet he practis’d worfe than he was taught; 
 Early debauch'd, in Satan’s Steps he mov’d, 
 
 And all Mechanick Vices he improv’d : 
 
 G 
 
( 72 ) 
 
 At firft he did his Sovereign’s Rights invade, 
 
 And rais’d his Fortunes by clandeftine Trade: 
 Stealing of Cuftonis did his Profits bring; 
 
 And ’twas his Calling to defraud his King: 
 
 This is the Man that helps to Rule the State, 
 
 The City’s New-refortning Magiftrate, 
 
 To execute the Juftice of the Law, 
 
 And keep leG Villains than himfelf in Awe; 
 
 Take Money of the Rich, and hang the Poor, 
 And lalh the Strumpet he debauch’d before. 
 
 So for fmali Crimes poor Thieves Deftruftion find. 
 And leaves the Rogues of Quality behind. 
 
 Search all the Chriftian Climes from Pole to Pole, 
 
 And match for Sheriffs S- - pie and C- le ; 
 
 Equal in Chara&er and Dignity, 
 
 This fam’d for Juftice, that for Modefty : 
 
 By Merit chofen for the Chair of State, 
 
 This fit for Bridewel, that for BiUingfgate j 
 That richly clad to grace the gaudy Day, 
 
 For which his Father’s Creditors muff pay r 
 This ffiom the .fluxing Bagnio juft difmift. 
 
 Rides out to make himfelf the City Jeft j 
 From forne lafcivtous Dijls Clout to the Chair, 
 
 To punifh Leudnefs and Difbrders there: 
 
 The Brute he rides on wou’d his Crimes deteft, 
 For that f s the Animal, and this the Beaft: 
 
 And yet fome Reformation he began. 
 
 For Magiftrates ne’er bear the Sword in vain. 
 Expenfive Sinning always lie declin’d j 
 To frugal whoring totally refign’d 
 
( 73 ) 
 
 His Avarice his Appetite opprelt, 
 
 Bafe like the Man, and brutiin like the Lull: 
 
 Concife in Sinning, Nature’s Call iupplied. 
 
 And in one A<fi two Vices gratified. 
 
 Never was Oyfter, Beggar, Cinder, Whor^, 
 
 So much carefs’d by Magiflratc before: 
 
 They that are nice and fqueamifh in their Luft, 
 
 A fign the Vice is low, and wants a Guft: 
 
 But he that’s perfect in th f Extreme of Vice, 
 
 Scorns to excite his Appetite by Pi ice. 
 
 Our Reformation in his Reign began, 
 
 And fet the Devil up to mend the Man. 
 
 More might be Did, but. Satyr, ftay thy Rhimes, 
 And mix not his Misfortune with his Games. 
 
 C --« fupetbly wife and grave of Life,- 
 
 Could every one reform, except his Wife. 
 Pailive in Vice, he Pimps to his own Fate, 
 
 To (hew himfclf a Loyal Magifhate. 
 
 Tis doubtful who debauch’d the City more. 
 
 The Maker of the Mafque, or of the Whore, 
 
 Nor's his Religion lefs a Mafquerade; ^ ( 
 
 He always drove a ftrange myftenous Trade; 
 With decent Zeal to Church he’ll gravely come, 
 To praife that God which he denies at Home, 
 
 Socman 7- -fs his dear Ghoftly Prieft, 
 
 Who taught him all Religion to digeft ; 
 
 Took prudent Care he fhoud not much prorefs, 
 And he was ne’er addicted to Excels; 
 
 And vet he Covets without Rule or End,’ 
 
 Will fell his Wife,, his Matter, or his Friend; 
 
C 74 ) 
 
 To boundlels Avarice a conftant Slave, 
 
 Unfatisfy’d as Death, and greedy as the Grave. 
 
 Now, Satyr, let us view the numerous Fry 
 That muft fucceeding Magiftrates fiipply, 
 
 And fearch if future Years are like to be 
 Much better taught, or better rul’d, than we. 
 
 The Senators of Hofpital Defcent, 
 
 The upper Houlb of Oflia's Parliament, 
 ho from Deftrutftion fliould their City lave, 
 
 But are as wicked as they (hould be grave t 
 With Citizens in "Petto , who at need, 
 
 As tbefe do thole, fo thofe muft thefe fuccced. 
 
 D- -the Modern Judas of the Age, 
 
 Has often try’d in vain to mount the Stage; 
 
 Profufe in Gifts and Bribes to God and Man, 
 
 To ride the City Horfe, and wear the Chain, 
 
 His Vices, Oftia, thou haft made thy own, 
 
 In Vnufing him, thou writ’ft thy own Lampoon 
 Fancy the haughty Wretch in Chair of State, 
 
 At once the City’s Shame and Magiftrate, 
 
 At Table fer, at his right Hand a Whoie, 
 
 Ugly as thofe which lie had kept before ; 
 
 He to do Juftice, and reform our Lives, 
 
 And She receive the Homage of our Wives. 
 
 Now, Satyr, give another Wretch his Due, 
 Who’s chofen to reform the City too ; 
 
 Hate him ye Friends to Honefty and Senfe, 
 Hate him in injur’d Beauty's juft Defence; 
 
C 75 ) 
 
 A Knighted Booby Infolent and Bale, 
 
 « Whom Man no Manners gave , nor God no Grace; 
 
 The Scorn of Women, and the Shame m Men, 
 
 Matcht at threcfcore, to 'innocent Fifteen, 
 
 Hag-rid with jealous Whimfies let us know. 
 
 He thinks he’s Cuckold ’caufe be Jhould be fo: 
 
 His vertuous Wife expofes to the Town, 
 
 And fears her Crimes becaufe he knows his own. 
 
 Here, Satyr, let them juft Reproach abide. 
 
 Who fell their Daughters to oblige their Pnde 5 
 
 The Ch-er-n begins the dolcluljcfty 
 
 As a Memento Mori to the reft ; 
 
 Who fond'to raife'his Generation by’t. 
 
 And fee *his Daughter buckl’d to a Knight, 
 
 The Innocent unwarily beray’d. 
 
 And to the Rafcal join’d the haplefs Maid ; 
 
 The Purchale is too much below the Coft, 
 
 For while the Lady’s gain’d, the Woman’s loft. 
 
 What fhall we lay to common Vices now. 
 
 When Magiftrates the worft of Crimes allow? 
 
 Ofiia, if e’er thou wilt reform thy Gates, 
 
 ’T mult be another Set of Magiftrates: 
 
 In Practice juft, and in profeffion found ; 
 
 But God knows where the Men are to be found. 
 In all thy numerous Streets its hard to tell. 
 
 Where the few Men of Faith and Honour dwell: 
 Poor and defpiled fo feldom they appear. 
 
 The Cjnick c s Lanthorn would be ulelul here. 
 
w c 16 ) 
 
 No City in the fpacious Univcrfe 
 Boalb of Religion more, or minds it lefs, 
 Reformation talks, and Government, 
 
 Backt with an Hundred Ads.of Parliament: 
 
 1 hole ufeicls Scare-Crows of negleded Laws, 
 
 That milk th* EfFed by miffing firft the Caufe: v 
 Thy Magiftrates, who fhoul'd reform the Town, 
 Pumlh the Poor Mens Faults, but hide their own. 
 Suppiefs the Players Booths in SmithfieU Fair, 
 
 But leave th zCloyfiers, for their Wives are there, 
 Where all the Scenes of Leudneft do appear. 
 
 Satyr, the Arts and Myftejies forbear, 
 
 Too black for thee to write, or us to hear : 
 
 No Man, but he that is as vile as they, 
 
 Gan all the Tricks and Cheats of Trade furvey. 
 Some in Clandeftine Companies combine, 
 
 Ered new Stocks to Trade beyond the Line: 
 
 With Air and empty Names beguile the Town, 
 
 And raife new Credit*foIf, then cry ’em down: 
 Divide the empty nothing into Shares, 
 
 To fot the Town together by the Ears. 
 
 The Sham Projectors and the Brokers join, 
 
 And both the Cully Merchant urtdermine; 
 iFirlt he mu ft he drawn in, and then betray’d* 
 
 And they demolifh the Machine they made: 
 
 So conjuring Chymjfls, with their Charm and Spell, 
 Some wondrous Liquid wondroufly exhale ; 
 
 But when the gaping Mob their Money pay. 
 
 The Cheat's DilTblv’d, the Vapour flies away ; 
 
 The wond’ring Bubbles ftand amaz’d to fee 
 Their Money Mountebank’d to Mercury. 
 
( 77 
 
 Some fit out Ships, and double'Fraight cnfure, ' 
 And burn the Ships to make the Voyage fecure; 
 Promifcuous Plunders thro’ the World commit. 
 And with the Money buy their fake Retreat. 
 
 Others feek out to AfricU s Torrid Zone, 
 
 And i’earch the burning Shores ot Sen alone: 
 
 There in unfufferable Heats they fry, 
 
 And run valt Rifques to fee the Gold, and die. 
 
 The harmlefs Natives bafely they trepan, 
 
 And barter Baubles for the Souls of Men ; 
 
 The Wretches they to Chriftian Climes bring oer, 
 Toferve worfe Heathens than they did beioiw. 
 The Cruelties they fuffer there are fuch, 
 
 Amhoyna s nothing, they f ve out-done the Dutch. 
 
 Cortez,, Tizarro , Guzman, Fenaloe , 
 
 Who drank the Blood and Gold of Mexico , 
 Who thirteen Millions of Souls deftroy d, 
 
 > And left one third of God’s Creation void, 
 
 By Birth for Nature’s Butchery defign d, 
 Compar’d to thefe are merciful and kind ; • 
 Death could their cruelleft Defigns fulfil. 
 
 Blood quench’d their Thirft, and it luffic’d to kill 
 But thefe the tender Coup de Grace deny, 
 
 And make Men beg in vain for leave to die , 
 
 To more than Spanifli Cruelty inclin‘d, 
 
 Torment the Body, and debauch the Mind . 
 The ling’ring Life of Slavery preferve, 
 
 And vilely teach them both to Sin and ferve. 
 
 In vain they talk to them of Shades below. 
 They fear no Hell hut where fuch Cbrifiians go 
 
Of jefus Cbrtfl they very often hear, 
 
 Otcen as his Blafpheming Servants Swear ; 
 
 They hear anti wonder what ftrange Gods they he 
 Can bear with Patience ftich Indignity : 
 
 They look for Famines, Plagues, D/feafeand Death 
 Blafts from above, and Earthquakes from beneath: 
 But when they fee regardlefs Heaven looks on, 
 
 Tney curie our Gods, or think that we have none 
 Thus thoufands to Religion are brought o’er. 
 
 And maue wo. le l^evi's than they were before. 
 
 3 
 
 Satyr, the Men of Drugs and Simples fpare. 
 Pis hard to fearch the latent Vices there ; 
 
 Their Tbeologkks too they may defend, ? 
 
 They cant deceive who. never did pretend. 
 
 As to Religion, generally they (how 
 As much as their ProfeJJlon -will allow: 
 
 But count them all Confederates of Hell, 
 
 Till Ela -- bourn they with one confent expel. 
 
 B - our Satyr ftartles at his Name, 
 
 The Coll go Scandal, and the City’s Shame: 
 
 Not latisfy d his Maker to deny, 
 
 Provokes him with Lampoon and Blafphemy ; 
 And with utipresented Inlolence 
 Banters a God, and icofis at Providence. 
 
 No Nation in the World, but ours, would bear 
 To hear a Wretch Blafpheme the Godr they fear: 
 
 IBs I lelh long fince their Altars had adorn'd* 
 
 And with his Blood appeas c d the Powers he Icorn’d. 
 
 -° ut iee the Badge of cur Reforming Town, 
 
 Some cry Religion up, feme cry it down $ 
 
 Some 
 
( 79 ) 
 
 Some Worlhip God, and fome a God defie. 
 
 With Equal Boldnels, equal Liberty ; 
 
 The filent Laws decline the juft Debate, 
 
 Made dumb by the more filent Magifirate ; 
 
 And both together fmall diftin&ion put 
 
 *Twixt him that owns a God,and him that owns him nor. 
 
 The Modern Crime ‘tis thought no being had, 
 
 They knew no Atheift when our Laws were mad— 
 l Tn hard the Laws more Freedom fliould allow 
 With God above than Magiftrates below. 
 
 B _— unpunifh’d, may Hay Heaven and Earth defie. 
 
 ft —-uiJ^uimu j - j 
 
 Dethrone Almighty Power, Almighty I ruth £ eny, 
 Burlelque the Sacred, High, Unutter’d Nave, 
 
 And impious War with Jove himlelf proclaim. 
 While Juftice unconcern’d looks calmly on, 
 
 And b _- boafts the Conquefts he has won ; 
 
 Infults the Chriftian Name, and laughs to fee 
 
 Religion Bully’d by Philolophy. 
 
 B _with far lefs hazard may blafphemc, 
 
 Than thou may‘ft, Satyr, trace thy noble Theme; 
 The Search of Vice more Hazard reprefents 
 From Laws, from Councils, and from P j 
 Thou may'ft be wicked, and leis danger know. 
 Than by informing others they are io: 
 
 Thoucanft no P-, no Councilor, expole 
 
 Or drefs a vicious M-*r in his proper deaths. 
 
 But all the Bombs and Canon of the Law, 
 
 Are loon drawn out to keep thy Pen in awe, 
 
 By Laws Vofi Facto thou may'ft foon be flain, 
 
 And innuendo's fhall thy Guilt explain. 
 
u < So ) 
 
 Thou may f ft Lampoon, and no Man will refen t 
 Lampoon but Heaven, and not the P_ ’ 
 
 OurTrufties and our Welt-belov'ds forbear 
 
 f“ Heaven, and all,h,h.here, 
 
 The bold eft Flights thou'rt welcome to beftow 
 O c th‘ Gods above, but not the Gods below. 
 
 Bla bourn may banter Heaven, and A _/ Death 
 
 And r- A poifon Souls with his infe&ed Breath * 
 
 No Civil Government refents the Wrong, 
 
 But all a.e touch d and angry at thy Song. 
 
 Thy Friends without the help of Prophefie, 
 
 Read Goals and Gibbets in thy Defhny • 
 
 But Courage firings from Truth , let it appear 
 Nothing but Guilt can b - the Caufe of Fear ; 
 
 Satyr go on, thy fteeneft Shafts lee fly, 
 
 Truth can be no affront to Honcfiy, 
 
 The Guilty only are concern’d, and they 
 Lampoon themfehes whenever they cenfure thee . 
 
 PART II. 
 
 r-j HE City s view'd, now Satyr turn thine Eye, 
 
 A The Country's Vices, and the Court's, furvey, 
 And from Impartial Scrutiny fet down. 
 
 How much they're both more Vicious than the Town. 
 How does our Ten Years War with Vice advance > 
 
 About as much as it bath done with France. 
 
 Ride 
 
( Si ) \ 
 
 Ride with the Judge, and view the wrangling 
 And fee how leud our Juft ice- Merchants are ; 
 
 How Clito comes from irrigating Whore, 
 
 Pleads for the Man he Cuckold juft betore; 
 
 See how he Cants, and atfts the Ghoftly bather, 
 
 And brings the Gofpel and the Law together ; 
 
 To make his Pious Frauds be well receiv’d, 
 
 He quotes that Scripture which he ne'er believ’d. 
 Fluent in Language, indigent in Senie, 
 
 Supplies his want of Law with Impudence. 
 
 See how he rides the Circuit with the Judge; 
 
 To Law and Lewdnefs a devoted Drudge. 
 
 A Brace of Female-Clients meet him there, 
 
 To help debauch the and the Fair: 
 
 By Day he plies the Bar with ah his migar, 
 
 And Revels in Sr. Edmund 1 s Sneers at Night; 
 
 The Scandal of the Law, his own Lampoon, 
 
 Is Lawyer, Merchant, Bully, and Buffoon ; 
 
 In drunken Quarrels eager to engage, 
 
 Till Brother Juftice lodg'd him in the Cage: 
 
 A thing the Learned thought could never be. 
 
 Had not the Juftice been as drunk as he. 
 
 He pleads of late at Hymen's Nuptial Bar, 
 
 And bright Aurelia is Defendant there. 
 
 He Courts the Nymph to Wed, and make a Wife, 
 And fwears hy God he will retonn his Lite. 
 
 The folemn Part he might ha well forbore ; 
 
 For fne alas! has been, has been a Whore: 
 
 The pious Dame the l’ober Saint puts on, 
 
 And Clitds in the Way to be undone. 
 
 Cafco's debauch'd, *ds- his Paternal Vice; 
 
 For ^ickednefs defends to Families; 
 
_ (S 2 ) 
 
 The tainted Blood the See* of Vice convey 
 A,d plants new Crimes before the old decay! 
 Thro all Degrees of Vice the Father run. 
 
 But fees himfelf out finrid by either Son ; 
 t ? m t and *«/ he has unde,flood 
 And they fubjoin Adultery and Blood. 
 
 This does the Orphan's Caule devoutly bleed 
 Secures her Money, and her Maidenhead, 
 
 And then perfwades her to defend the Crime, 
 -vade the Guilt, and Banter off the Shame. 
 Taught by the fob,le Counfellor, (he (hows 
 More nice Mansions than knows . 
 
 In Matrimony finds a learned flaw, 
 
 A ^Wife in Honour, and a Wife in’ Law. 
 
 * Ch ° lct * the Su ty*”ce of the Contract made 
 k A ” d mutua l Love the only Knot that’s ty'd: 
 
 U lo the f e the LaWs °f Nations mufl fubmit-; 
 
 “ And Where the y M Contrail’s incomplete. 
 
 “ that *f Love Choice went not before, 
 
 “ The lajl may be the Wife, the firfi the Whore. 
 Ihus fhe fecurely fins with eager Guff, 
 
 And larisfies her Confciencc, and her Lufi : 
 
 Nor does her Zeal and Piety omit. 
 
 But to the Whore flie joins the Jefuit; 
 
 With conftant Zeal frequents the Houfe of Prayer 
 To heal her proifituted Conlcience there, 
 
 Without Remorfe, adjourns with full Cornent, 
 From his lafcivious Arms to th’ Sacrament. 
 
 ^ The Brother Iefs afraid of Sin than Shame, 
 Doubles his Guilt to lave his tottering Fame: 
 
 Tw 
 
03 ) l 
 
 ’Twas too much Rilqtie for any Man to run, v — 
 To fave that Credit which before was gone : 
 
 The Innocent lies unreveng’d in Death, 
 
 He flopp'd the growing Scandal in her Breath, 
 
 Till Time fhall lay the horrid Murder bare: 
 
 N* Bribes cm crujh the Writs of Error there. 
 
 Nor is the Bench lefs tainted than the Bar: 
 
 How hard's that Plague to Cure thads ipread fo far! 
 ‘Twill all prefcrib c d Authorities rejcA, 
 
 While they're moft guilty who Ihou'd firft correft. 
 Contagious Vice infers the Judgment-Seats, 
 
 And Vertue from Authority retreats: 
 
 How (hou'd fhe fuch Society endure • 
 
 Where fhe's contemn'd fhe cannot be iecure. 
 
 Milo's a Juftice, they that made him fo 
 Shou'd anfwer for th* oppreffive Wrongs he'll do; 
 His Lands almoft to Ofiiah Walls extend; 
 
 And of his heap'd up Thoulands there's no end; 
 If Magiftrates, as in the Text 'tis clear, 
 
 Ought to be fuch as Avarice abhor. 
 
 This may be known of the Almighty's Mind, 
 
 That Milo's not the Man the Text defign'd. 
 
 Satyr be bold, and fear not to expole 
 The vileft Magiftrate the Nation knows : 
 
 Let Furtus read his naked Character ; 
 
 Blulh not to write what he Ihou'd hluflt to hcai, 
 But let them blufh, who in a Chriftian State 
 Made fuch a Devil be a Magiftrate. 
 
 In 
 
\ 
 
 In Britain's Eaftern Provinces he reigns. 
 
 And ferves the Devil with exceflive Pains': 
 
 The Nations Shame, and honeft Mens furprize, \ 
 With Drunkard in his Face, and Mad-man in his Eye?. 
 The facred Bench of Juflice he Prophanes 
 With a polluted Tongue and bloody Hands : 
 
 His Intellects are always in a Storm, 
 
 He frights the People which he fhou'd reform. 
 Antipathies may feme Difeafes cure, 
 
 But \ ertue can no Contraries endure. 
 
 All Reformation flops when Vice commands j 
 Corrupted Heads can ne'er have upright Hands. 
 Shamelefs ith' Clafs of Juftices he'll fwear, 
 
 And plants the Vices he fhould punifh there, 
 tlis Mouth’s a Sink of Oaths and Blafphemies, 
 
 And Curfings are his kind Civilities 
 
 His fervent Prayers to Heaven he hourly fends. 
 
 But ‘tis to damn himfelf and all his Friends ; 
 
 He raves in Vice, and ftorms that he's confin'd. 
 
 And ftudies to be worfe than all Mankind. 
 
 Extremes of Wickednefs are hif Delight, 
 
 And's pleas'd to hear that he's diftinguifht by'c, 
 
 > E xot * c k Ways of (inning he improves 
 We curfe and hate, he curfes where he loves j 
 So ftrangely retrograde to all Mankind; 
 
 If croft he damns himfelf, if pleas'd his Friend. 
 
 This is the Man that helps to blefs the Nation, 
 
 And bully Mankind into Reformation : 
 
 The true Coercive Power of the Law, 
 
 Which drives the People which it cannot draw:- 
 The Nation's Scandal, England^ true Lampoon, 
 
 A Drunken, Whoring, Jufticing Buffoon’. ' ' 
 
 With 
 
( S 5 ) 
 
 With what ftupendious Impudence can he 
 Punilh a Poof Man's Immorality ? 
 
 How Ihou'd a Vicious Magiftrate alTent 
 To mend our Manners, or our Government? 
 
 How {hall new Laws for Reformation pals, 
 
 If Vice the Legiflation (hon'd poffels? 
 
 To fee Old S—; Blafphemy decry. 
 
 And S - e vote to punilh Bribery ; 
 
 Lying exploded by a Perjur'd Knight, 
 
 And Whoring punifh'd by a Sodomite j 
 That he the Peoples Freedom fhou'd defend. 
 
 Who had the King and People too trepan'd; 
 
 Soldiers feek Peace, Drunkards prohibit Wine, 
 
 And Fops and Beaus our Politicks refine ; 
 
 Thefe are Abfurdities too grofs to hide. 
 
 Which Wife Men wonder at, and Fools deride. 
 
 When from the Helm Socmian H - 1 flies, p 
 
 And all the reft his Tenets ftigmatize, > 
 
 And none remain that Jefm Chrifl denies. j 
 
 Judas expell'd. Lewd, Lying, C-■ fent home, 
 
 And Men of Honefty put in their room. 
 
 Blafpheming B - s to his Fen-Ditches lent, O 
 
 To bully Juftice with a Parliament, > 
 
 Then we Ihall have a Chriftian Government. J 
 Then (hall the wi(ht for Reformation rile. 
 
 And Vice to Vertue fall a Sacrifice. 
 
 And with the Naufeous Rabble that retire, 
 
 Turn out that Bawdy, Saucy, Poet P—-• 
 
 A Vmt 
 
^ ( «« ) 
 
 A Vintner's Boy the Wretch was firft preferred. 
 
 To wait at Vice's Gates, and Pimp for Bread ; 
 
 To hold the Candle, and lometimes the Door, 
 
 Let in the Drunkard, and let out the Whore: 
 
 But as to Villains it has often chanc'd. 
 
 Was for his Wit and Wickednefs advanc’d. 
 
 Let no Man think his new Behaviour ftrange, 
 
 No Metamorpbofis can Nature change; 
 
 Effects are chain'd to Caufes ; generally 
 The Ralcal born will like a Rafcal die. 
 
 His Prince’s Favours follow’d him in vain. 
 
 They chang’d the Circumllance, but not the Man; 
 While out of Pocket, and his Spirits low. 
 
 He’d beg, write Panegyricks, cringe and bow ; 
 
 But when good Penfions had his Labours crown’d, 
 His Panegyricks‘into Satyrs turn'd. 
 
 And with a true Mechanick Spirit curft. 
 
 Abus’d his Royal Benefador firft. 
 
 O what afliduous Pains does V - take 
 
 To let great D - Jet fee he cou’d miftake 
 
 Diflembling Nature falle Defcription gave, 
 
 Shew’d him the Poet, and conceal’d the Knave. 
 
 d 7 if Inch a Wretch is worth our Scorn,’ 
 Shall Vice’s blackeft Catalogue adorn ; 
 
 His hated Charader let this fupply. 
 
 Too vile even for our Univerfiiy. 
 
 A Title 
 
 Now, Satyr, to one Charader be juft, 
 M - n s the only Pattern, and the firft; 
 
( 8 7 ) 
 
 A Title which has more of Honour in’r, 
 
 Than all his ancient Glories of Defcent. 
 
 Moft Men their Neighbours Vices willdifown, 
 
 But he's the Man that firft reforms his own. 
 
 Let thole alone reproach his want ot Senle, 
 
 Who with his Crimes have had his Penitence. 
 
 ’Tis want of Senfc makes Men when they do wrong 
 Adjourn their promis'd Penitence too long . 
 
 Nor let them call him Coward, becaulc he fears 
 To pull both God and Man about his Ears. 
 Amongft the worft of Cowards let him be nam’d. 
 Who having finn’d’s afraid to be tfham i: 
 
 And to miftaken Courage he’s betray d, 
 
 Who having finn’d’s a(ham‘d to be afraid. 
 
 Thy Valour ——* does our Praile prevent. 
 
 For thou haft had the Courage to repent: 
 
 Nor lhall his firft Miftakes ourCenfure find,. 
 
 What Heaven forgets let no Man call to mind. 
 
 Satyr, make fearch thro' all the fober Age, 
 
 To bring one feafon‘d Drunkard on the Stage 5 
 Sir Stephen, nor Sir Thomas , won't luffice. 
 
 Nor Six and twenty Kentijh Juftices: 
 
 Your Eflex Priefthood hardly can lupply, 
 
 Tho r they're enough to drink the Nation dry ; 
 Tho* Parfon Bedford has been fteep'd in Wine, 
 And liink the Royal Tankard on the Rhine , 
 He f snot a Man that's fit to raife a Breed, 
 
 Shou'd Pembrook , Paul, or Robmfon lucceed 5 
 Or match the Size of matchlefs Rochefitr, 
 
 And make one long Debauch of Thirteen Year 9 
 
^ ( 88 ) 
 
 It muft be fomething can Mankind out-do, 
 
 Some high Excefs that’s wonderful and new: 
 
 Nor will Mechanick Sots our Satyr fuir, 
 
 ’Tis Quality tnuft grace the Attribute. ’ 
 
 Thefe, hke the lofty Cedars to the Shrub 
 Drink Maudlin College down, and Royftcn-Cluk 
 Such petty Drinkings a Mechanick Evil, 
 
 But he’s a Drunkard that out-drinks the Devil : 
 
 It luch cannot in Court or Church appear. 
 
 Let s view the Camp, you’ll quickly find ’em there. 
 
 Brave T— », who Reveil’d Day and Night, 
 And always kept himfelf too drunk to Fight; 
 
 • ® '~rd, in a Sea of Sulphur ftrove 
 
 To 1st the Spaniards fee the Vice we love; 
 
 Yet thefe are puny Sinners, if you'll look 
 The dreadful Roll in Fate's Authentick Book. 
 
 , e onument of Bacchus ftill remains. 
 
 Where Enghfl, Bones lye heapt in lrijh Plains; 
 Triumphant Death upon our Army trod, 
 
 And Revell'd at Dundalk in English Blood. 
 
 Let no Man wonder at the dreadful Blow, 
 
 For Heaven has feldom been infulted fo/ 
 
 vv! a i n , 0ld Scombtr i mourn'd the Troops that fell, 
 ule he made Vows to Heaven, and they to Hall. 
 Our Satyr trembles to review thofe Times 
 And hardly finds out Words to name their Crimes: 
 In every Tent the horrid Junto’s fate. 
 
 To brave their Maker, and defpife their Fate ; 
 
 Ihe York was done, Drunknefs was gone before, 
 Fife was fufpended, Death could do no more. 
 
 Five 
 
( S 9 ) 
 
 Five Regimented Heroes there appear. 
 
 Captains of Thouiands, mighty Men of War, 
 
 Glutted with Wine, and drunk with Hellifh Rage, 
 
 For want of other Foes they Heaven engage. 
 
 Sulphur and ill-extra&ed Fumes agree. 
 
 To make each drop pulh on their Deftiny. 
 
 Th’ Infernal Draughts in Blafphemics rebound, 
 
 And openly the Devil’s Health went round: 
 
 Nor can our Verfe their latent Crime conceal, 
 
 How they (hook Hands to meet next Day in Hell ; 
 
 Death pledg’d them. Fate the dreadful Compact read. 
 Concurring Juftiee (poke, and Four of Five lay dead 
 When Men their Maker's Vengeance once .fie, 
 
 ’Ts a certain Sign that their DejlruBtoris nigh. 
 
 'A*- 
 
 ’Tis vain to Angle out Examples here, 
 
 Drunkennefs will loon be th’ Nations Charaderj 
 The grand Contagion’s fpreading over all, 
 
 ’Tis Epidemick now, and National. 
 
 Since then the Sages all Reproofs defpile, 
 
 Let’s quit the People, and Lampoon the Vice. 
 Drunkennels is lb the Error of the Time, 
 
 The Youth begin to ask if ’tis a Crime: 
 
 Wonder to lee the grave Patricians come. 
 
 From City Courts of Confcience reeling home 5 
 And think ’tis hard they Ihould no Licence make; 
 
 To give the Freedom which their Fathers take. 
 
 The Seat of Judgment’s fo debauch’d with Wine, 
 j fujlice feems rather to he drunk than blind: 
 
 Lets fall the Sword, and her unequal Scale 
 
 Makes Right go down, and Injury prevail. 
 
 H 1 
 
A Vice ’tis thought the Devi! at firft defign’d. 
 Not to allure, but to affront. Mankind; 
 
 A Pleafure Nature hardly can explain, 
 
 Suits none of God Almighty's Brutes but Mart. 
 
 \ 
 
 An A(b Nauleous, that had Heaven enjoyn’d 
 r l he Pra&ice as a Duty on Mankind, 
 
 1 hey’d ffiun the Blifs which came fo foul' a Way, 
 And rather forfeit Heaven than once obey. 
 
 A double Crime, by which one A<5t w’ undo 
 At once the Gentleman and Chriftian too: 
 
 For which no better Antidote is known. 
 
 Than t have one Drunkard to another fhown. 
 
 1 he Mother Conduit of expatiate Sin, 
 
 Where all the Seeds of Wickednels begin; 
 
 The Introdu&ion to Eternal Strife, 
 
 And Prologue to the Tragedy of Life ; 
 
 A foolifh Vice does needlefs Climes reveal, 
 
 And only tells the truth it (hould conceal. 
 
 Tis ff range how Men of Senfe fhould be fubdu’d 
 By Vices (o unnatural and rude, 
 
 Which gorge the Stomach to divert the Head, 
 
 And to make Mankind merry , make them mad: 
 Deftroys the Vitals, and diftra&s the Brain 5 
 And rudely moves the Tongue to talk in vain ; 
 Biftnifles Reafon, ftupifies the Senfe, 
 
 And wondring Nature’s left in ftrange fulpence; 
 -The Soulb benumb’d, and ceaies to inform, 
 
 And all the Sea of Nature’s in a Storm; 
 
( 91 ) 
 
 The dead una&ive Organ feels the Shock, 
 
 And willing Death attends the Fatal Stroke. 
 
 And is this all for which Mankind endure 
 Diftempers part: the Power of Art to cure ? 
 
 For which our Youth Old Age anticipate. 
 
 And with Luxurious Drafts fupprefs their vital Heat ? , 
 Tell us, ye Learned Doctors of the Vice, 
 
 Wherein the high myfterious Pleafure lies ? 
 
 The great fublinie Enjoyment’s laid fo deep, 
 
 ’Tis known in Dream, and underftood in Sleepi 
 The Graduates of the Science firft commence, 
 
 And gain Perfe&ion when they lofe their Senfe: 
 
 Titles they give, which call their Vice to mind, 
 
 But Sot’s the common Name for all the Kind, 
 
 Nature’s Fanaticks, who their Senfe employ 
 The Principles of Nature to deftroy. 
 
 A Drunkard is a Creature God ne‘er made. 
 
 The Species Man, the Nature retrograde ; 
 
 From all the Sons of Paradile they feem 
 To differ in the moft acute Extieme; 
 
 Tbofe covet Knowledge, labour to be Wife, 
 
 Theft ftupifie the Senfe and put out Reafon’s Eye; 
 
 For Health and Youth tbofe all their Arts employ j 
 Tbefe ftrive their Youth and Vigour to deftroy; 
 
 Tbofe damn themfelves to heap an ill-got Store, 
 
 Tbefe liquidate their V/ealth, and. covet to be poor. 
 
 Satyr, examine bow with needful care. 
 
 What the Rich Trophies of the Bottle are. 
 
 The mighty Conqucfts which her Champions boaft. 
 
 The Prizes which they gain, and Price they colt. 
 
 H ; Th« 
 
Zs ( 92 ) 
 
 The Enfigns ofTer Order foon difplace 
 Nature's moil early Eeauties from the Face; 
 Palenefs at firft liicceeds, and languid Air, 
 
 Aod bloated Yellows fuperfede the Fair ; 
 
 The flaming Eyes betray the Nitrous Flood, 
 
 Which quench the Spirits, and inflame the Blood, 
 Dilperle t he llofic Beauties of the Face, 
 
 And Fiery Botches triumph in the place ; 
 
 The tottering Head and trembling Hand appears, 
 j.nd all the Marks of Age without the Years; 
 Difrorted Limbs, grols and unweildy move. 
 
 And hardly can purfue the Vice they love : 
 
 A Bacchanalian Scarlet dies the Skin, 
 
 A Sign that Sulphurous Streams arile within. 
 
 The Flclh embofs’d with Ulcers, and the Brain 
 Ppprefs d with Fumes and Vapour, fliews in vain 
 What once before the hire it did contain. 
 
 Strange Power of Wine, whofe Vehicle the fame 
 At once can both extinguifii and inflame: 
 
 Keen ^s the Light ning does the Sword conlume, 
 And leaves the untouch’d Scabbard in its room ; 
 Nature burnt up with fiery Vapour dies, 
 
 And Wine a little while Mock-Life fupplies: 
 
 Gouts and old Aches , Life’s fliort Hours divide. 
 
 At once the Drunkard's Punijliwent and Pride ; 
 
 Who having all his youthful Powers fubdu’d. 
 
 Enjoys Old Age and Pain before he fhou’d. 
 
 Till Nature quite exhaufted quits the Wretch, 
 And leaves more Will than Power to Debauch; 
 With Flellilh Plcafurc part Excels he views. 
 
 And fain wou’d drink, but Nature muft refufe : 
 
( 93 ) 
 
 Thus drench'd in artificial Flame he lies. 
 
 Drunk in Defire, forgets himfelf and dies. 
 
 In the next Regions he expedfs the fame $ 
 
 And Helts no change , for here be liv'd in Flame . 
 
 Satyr, to Church, Vifit the Houfe of Prayer, 
 
 And fee the wretched Reformation there; 
 
 Unveil the Mask, and learch the Sacred Sham ; 
 
 For Rogues df all Religions are the fame. 
 
 The leveral Tribes their numerous Titles view. 
 And fear no Cenfure where the Fadt is true j 
 They all fhall have thee for their conftant Friend : 
 Who more than common Sandfity pretend; 
 Provided they’ll take care, the World may fee 
 Their Pradtices and their Pretence agree; 
 
 But count them with the worft of Hypocrites , 
 
 Whom Zeal divides, and Wickednels unites, 
 
 Who in Profefiion only are precife, 
 
 Diffent in Dodtrine, and conform in V ice. 
 
 They who from the Eftablifh’d Church divide, 
 Muff do it out of Piety or Pride : 
 
 And their Sincerity is quickly try‘d, 
 
 For always they that ftand before the firfl 
 Will be the beft of Chrifiians, or the •worjl. 
 
 But fhun their fecret Councils, O my Soul! 
 
 Whole Intereft can their Confcienses controul; 
 Thole Ambo'Dexters in Religion, who 
 Can any thing dilpute, yet any thing can do.* 
 Thole Chrifiian Mountebanks, that in difguilc 
 Can reconcile Impoffibilities j 
 
C 94 ) 
 
 Alternately conform, and yet diftent, 
 
 And Sin with both Rands, but with one repent. 
 
 The Mat? of Confcience all Mankind will love 
 The Knaves themfelves his Honefty approve : 
 He only to Religion can pretend. 
 
 The reft do for the Name alone contend. 
 
 The Verity of true Religion’s known 
 By no Delcription better than its own. 
 
 Of Truth and Wifdom it informs the Mind, 
 
 And Nobly ftrives to Civilize Mankind : 
 
 With potent Vice maintains Eternal Strife, 
 Correds the Manners, and reforms the Life. 
 
 Tell us, ye Learned Magi of the Schools, 
 
 Who pole Mankind with Ecclefiaftick Rules, 
 What fttange amphibious things are they that can 
 Religion without Honefty maintain : 
 
 Who own a God, pretended Homage pay, 
 
 But neither his, nor Human Laws, Obey. 
 
 Blulh England , hide thy Hypoci itick Face, 
 
 Who has no Honefiy , can have no Grace. 
 
 In vain we argue from Abfurdities, 
 
 Religion’s bury’d juft when Vertue dies; 
 
 Vertues the Light by which Religion s known, 
 
 If this be wanting, Heaven will that difown. 
 
 We grant it merits no Divine Regard : 
 
 And Heaven is all from Bounty, not Reward; 
 But God mull his own Nature Contraduft, 
 
 Reverie the World, its Government FJegled, 
 
( 95 ) 
 
 Ceafe to be juft, Eternal Law Repeal, 
 
 Be weak in Power, and mutable in Will. 
 
 If Vice and Vertuc equal Fate ftiould know, 
 
 And that ttpblefs'd, or this unpumfh'd, go. 
 
 In vain we ftrive Religion to diiguile, 
 
 And fmother it with Ambiguities: 
 
 Intereft and Prieftcraft may, perhaps, invent 
 Strange Myfteties by way of Supplement: 
 School-men may deep perplexing Doubts difdofe, 
 And fubtle Notions on the World impofe. 
 
 Till by their Ignorance they are betray'd, 
 
 And loft in Defarts which themlelves lu‘ made. 
 Zealots may Cant, and Dreamers may Divine, 
 And formal Fops to Pageantry incline. 
 
 And all with fpecious Gravity pretend 
 Their Spurious Metaphyficks to defend* 
 
 Religion’s no divided Myftick Name j 
 For true Religion always is the fame : 
 
 Naked and plain her Sacred Truths appear, 
 
 From pious Frauds, and dark ^Enigma’s, clear: 
 The meaneft Senfe may all the Parts difeern. 
 What Nature teaches all Mankind may learn ; 
 And what’s reveal’d is np untrodden Path, 
 
 Tis known by Rule, and underttood by Faith ; 
 TThe Negatives and Pofitives agree, 
 lllufirated by Truth and Honejty. 
 
 And yet if all Religion was in vain, 
 
 Did no Rewards or Punifhments contain. 
 
V ertue's lo fuitcd to our Happinefs, 
 
 That none but Fools cou‘d be in love with Vice. 
 
 Venue 1 s a Native Re&itude of Mind, 
 
 Vice the Degeneracy of Human Kind : 
 
 Vertue is Wifdom Solid and Divine, 
 
 Vice is all tool without, and Knave within : 
 
 Virtue is Honour circumlcrib'd by Grace, 
 
 Vice is made up of every thing that c s bale ; 
 
 Vertue has fecret Charms which all Men love, 
 
 And thole that do notchule her, yet approve; 
 
 Vice i like ill Pictures which offend the Eye, 
 
 Make thole that made them their own Works deny; 
 Vertue 1 s the Health and Vigour of the Soul, 
 
 Vice is the foul Dileale infers the whole; 
 
 Venue's the Friend of Life, the Soul of Health, 
 
 The Poor Man's Comfort, and the Rich Man ( s Wealth; 
 Vice is a Thief, a Traitor in the Mind, 
 
 AlTaffinates the Vitals of Mankind $ 
 
 The Poilon'of his high Prolperity. 
 
 And only Mifery of Poverty. 
 
 To States and Governments they both extend. 
 
 Venue's their Life and Being, Vice their End ; 
 
 Vertue eftablilhes, and Vi ce deftroys. 
 
 And all the ends of Government unties : 
 
 Venue's an Englifli King and Parliament,* 
 
 Vice is a Czar of Mulcow Government : 
 
 Virtue lets bounds to Kings, and limits Growns, 
 
 Vice knows no Law, and all Reftraint difowns: 
 
 Virtue preferibes all Government by Rules, 
 
 Vice makes Kings Tyrants, and their Subjeas Fools: 
 
 _ Vertue 
 
( 97 ) 
 
 Vertue feeks Peace, and Property maintains, 
 
 Viee binds the Captive World in hoftile Chains: 
 Verm's a beauteous Building form'd on high, 
 
 Pice is Confufion and Deformity. 
 
 In vain we ftrive thefe Two to reconcile. 
 
 Vain and impoffible the unequal Toil: 
 
 Antipathies in Nature may agree, 
 
 Darknefs and Light, Difcord and Harmony ; 
 
 The diftant Poles in fpight of fpace may kifs , 
 
 Water capitulate, and Fire make Peace ; 
 
 But Good and Evil never can agree, 
 
 Eternal Difcord’s there, Eternal Contrariety, 
 
 In vain the Name o.f Vertue they put on, 
 
 Who preach up Pietyj and praftife none* 
 
 Satyr refume the Search of fecret Vice, 
 
 Conceal'd beneath Religion's fair Difguife. 
 
 Solid's a Parlon Orthodox and Grave, 
 
 Learning and Language more than moll Men have; 
 A fluent Tongue, a welt-digefted Stile, 
 
 His Angel Voice his Hearers Hours beguile ; 
 Charm'd them with Godlinefs, and while lie fpake. 
 We lov'd the Do&rine for the Teacher's fake ; 
 Stri&ly to all Prefcription he conforms. 
 
 To Canons, Rubrick, Difcipline, and Forms; 
 Preaches, Difputes, with Diligence and Zeal, 
 Labours the Church's latent Wounds to heal • 
 'Twou'd be uncharitable to fuggeft 
 Where this is found we fhould not find the reft: 
 
 
( 98 ; 
 
 \ et Solid ‘s frail and falle, to lay no more, 
 
 Doats on a Bottle, and what's worle, a W_ 
 
 Two Ballard Sons he educates abroad. 
 
 And breeds them to the Function of the Word ; 
 In this the zealous Church-man he puts on. 
 
 And Dedicates his Labours to the Gown. 
 
 ^ > ^ or his Grace the Duke thought fit, 
 
 Has in the Wild of Suffix made his Seat: 
 
 His want of Manners we could here excufe 
 For in his Time 'twas out of Pulpit-ufe: 
 
 Railing was then the Duty of the Day, 
 
 Their Sabbath-work was but to Scold and Pray ; 
 But when tranlplanted to a Country-Town, 
 Twas hop'd he'd lay his fiery Talent down • 
 
 At leaft we thought he'd lo much caution ufe. 
 
 As not his Noble Patron to abule. 
 
 But'tisin vain to cultivate Mankind, 
 
 When Pride has once pofleffion of his Mind. 
 
 Not all his Grace's Favours could prevail, 
 
 To calm that Tongue that was io ufed to’ rail. 
 Promifcuous Gall his Learned Mouth defil'd. 
 
 And Hypocondriack Spleen his Preaching fpoil'd; 
 His undiftingui/h'd Cenfure he bellows 
 Not by Delert, but as Ill-nature flows. 
 
 The Learned fay theCaufes are from hence, 
 
 An Ebb of Manners, and a Flux of Senfe 
 Dilated Pride, the Frenzy of the Brain, 
 
 Exhal'd the Spirits, and difturb'dthe M*an; 
 
 And lo the kindeft thing which can be laid* 
 
 Is not to lay he's mutinous, but mad: 
 
( 99 ) \ 
 
 For lefs coukl ne'er his Antick Whims explain; 
 
 He thouht his Belly pregnant as his Brain ; 
 Fancy‘d hirofelf with Child, and durfi believe, 
 That he by Infpiration cou'd conceive; 
 
 And if the Hetrogeneous Birth goes on. 
 
 He hopes to bring his Mother Church a Son: 
 
 Tho‘ fome Folks think the Dodtor ought to doubt 
 Not how*t got in, but how it will get out. 
 
 Hark, Satyr, now bring Boanerges down, 
 
 A Fighting Prieft, a Bully of the Gown : 
 
 In double Office he can ferve the Lord, 
 
 To fight his Battels, and to preach his Word ; 
 And double Praife is to his Merit due. 
 
 He thumps the Pulpit, and the People too. 
 
 ■ 
 
 Than fearch my Lord of L — Diocels, 
 
 And fee what Rakes the Care of Souls poffels, 
 Befeech his L ———p but to name the Prieft 
 Went fbber from his Vifitation Feaft. 
 
 Tell him of Sixteen Ecclefiaftick Guides, 
 
 One whom no Spirit but that of Wine abides; 
 Who in contiguous Parifhes remain. 
 
 And Preach the Gofpel once a Week in vain : 
 
 But in their Practices unpreach it all, 
 
 And facrifice to Bacchus and to Baal. 
 
 Tell him a Vicious Priefthood muft imply 
 ACarelefs or Defective Prelacy; 
 
 But ftill be circumfpeft, and fpare the Gown; 
 The Mitre's full as lacred as the Crown; 
 
 The 
 
( *00 ) 
 
 The Church's Sea is always in a Storm, 
 
 Leave them at Latter Lammas to reform. 
 
 If in their GulphofVice thou fhould’ft appear, 
 Thou’lt certainly be Loft and Shipwrack’d there: 
 
 Nor meddle with their Convocation Feuds, 
 
 The Church's Farce, the Clergy’s interludes : 
 
 Their Church DiftinAions too let us lay by, 
 
 As who are low Church Rakes, and who are high. 
 Enquire not who their Paflive DoArine broke, 
 
 Who lwore at Random, or who ly’d by Book : 
 
 But fince their Frailties come fo very faft, 
 
 ’Tis plain they fliou’d not be believ’d in hafte. 
 
 Satyr, far Reafons we ha’ told before, 
 
 With gentle Strokes the Men of Tofts pafs o’er; 
 
 Nor within Gun-lhot of St. Stephens come, 
 
 Unlels thou’rt well prepar’d , for Martyrdom ; 
 
 Not that there’s any want of SubjeA there. 
 
 But the more Crimes we have, the lels we’ll hear; 
 
 And what haft thou to do with Sovereign Power ? 
 
 Let them fin on, and tempt the Fatal Hour j 
 ’Tis vain to preach up dull Morality* 
 
 Where too much Crime, and too much Power agree; 
 The harden’d Guilt undocible appears. 
 
 They’ll exercife their Hands, but not their Ears. 
 
 Let their own Crimes be Punifliment enough. 
 
 And let them want the favour of Reproof. 
 
 Let the Court Ladies be as lewd as fair. 
 
 Let Wealth and Wickednefs be M -Care ? 
 
 Let D-V drench his Wit with his Eftate, 
 
 And 0-—- fin in Ipight of Age and Fate; 
 
 On 
 
( IOI ) 
 
 On the wrong fide of Eighty let him Whore, 
 He always was, and will be, lewd and Poor j 
 
 Let D -be proud, and O-gay. 
 
 Lavilh of vaft Eftates, and fcorn to pay : 
 
 The Ancient D-- has-finn’d to's Heart's content, 
 
 And but he fcorns to ftoop, wou’d now repent : 
 
 1 
 
 Wou’d Heaven abate but that one Darling Sin, 
 
 He’d be a Chriftian and a P-again; 
 
 Let poor Corrina mourn her Maidenhead, 
 
 And her loft D-- gone out to fight for Bread. 
 
 Be he Embarkt for Tcrtugal or 5— 
 
 She prays he never may return again* 
 
 For fear (he always Ihou’d refill in vain. 
 
 Satyr, forbear the blulhing Sex t’expole, 
 
 For all their Vice from Imitation flows j 
 And ’twoud be but a very dull Pretence, 
 
 To mils the Caule, and blame the Conlequence: 
 But let us make Mankind afham’d to fin. 
 
 Good Nature’l make the Women all come in j 
 This one Requeft (hall thy Rebukes exprels, 
 Only to talk a little little left. 
 
 Now view the Beaus at Will's, the Men of Wit, 
 By Nature nice, and for diicerning fit : 
 
 The finilh’d Fops, the Men of Wig and Snuff, 
 Knights of the Famous Oyfler-Barrel Muff. 
 
 
 Hei e/neets the Diet of Imperial Wit, 
 
 And of their weighty Matters wifely treat , 
 
 Send Deputies to Tunbridge and the Bath, 
 
 To guide young Country Beaus in Wit’s unerring Path. 
 
 Trigfon 
 
( 102 ) 
 
 Pngfon from Nurfe and Ilanging-fleeves got free, 
 A litde (match of Modern Blalphemy, 
 
 A powder’d Wig, a Sword, a Page, a Chair, 
 
 Learns to take Snuff, drink Chocolate, and Swear : 
 Nature feems thus far to ha‘ led him on, 
 
 And no Man thinks he was a Fop too loon; 
 
 But ’twas the Deril furely drew him in, 
 
 Againft the Light of Nature thus to fin; 
 
 That he who was a Coxcomb lo campleat. 
 
 Should now put in his wretched Claim for Wit* 
 
 Such fober Steps Men to their Ruin take, 
 
 A Fop, a Beau, a Wit, and then a Rake. 
 
 Fate has the Scoundrel Party halv’d in Two, 
 
 The Wits are Shabby, and the Fops are Beau; 
 
 The Rcafon’s plain, the Money went before. 
 
 And fo the Wits are Rakifli caufe they’re Poor j 
 Indulgent Heaven for Decency thought fir, 
 
 That Ibme fliou’d have the Money, and lome the Wit. 
 Fools are a Rent-Charge left on Providence, 
 
 And have Equivalents inftead of Senfe ; 
 
 To whom he’s bound a larger Lot to carve. 
 
 Or elfe they’d (eem to ha’ been Born to ftarve. 
 
 Such with their double Dole (hou’d be content. 
 
 And not pretend to Gifts that Heaven ne’er fent: 
 
 For ’twou’d refled upon the Power Supream, 
 
 If all his Mercies ran in one contraded Stream: 
 
 The Men of Wit would by their Wealth be known; 
 Some wou’d have all the Good, and lome ha’ none; 
 The ufclefs Fools wou’d in the W*rld remain. 
 
 As Inftanccs that Heaven cou’d work in vain, 
 
 Dull 
 
( ) 
 
 Dull Fletumacy has hh Heart's Delight, 
 
 Gets up i‘th c Morning to lye down at Night; 
 
 His Talk’s a Mals of weighty Emptinefs, 
 
 None more of Bufincfs prates, or knows it lels; 
 
 A. painted Lump of Idleneis and Sloth, 
 
 And in the Arms of Bacchus fpcnds his Youth .* 
 The waiting Minutes tend on him in^vain, 
 Mil : pent the paft, unvalued thofe remain; 
 
 Time lies as ufelefs, unregarded by, 
 
 Needlcls to him that’s only Born to die. 
 
 And yet this undilcerning thing has Pride, 
 
 And hugs the Fop that wifer Men deride. 
 
 Pride’s a moft ufeful Vertus in a Fool; 
 
 The humble Coxcomb’s always made a I ool j 
 Conceit’s a Blockhead’s only Happinefs ; 
 
 He’d hang himlelf if he cou’d ufe his Eyes. 
 
 If Fools cou’d their own Ignorance difcern. 
 They’d be no longer Fools, 
 
 From whence iome wile Philofophers ha laid, 
 Fools may lometimes be iullen, but cant be mad. 
 , ’Tis too much thinking which diftrafts the Brain,’ 
 Crouds it with Vapours which diffolve in vain ; 
 The fluttering Wind of undigefted Thought 
 Keeps Mock Idea’s in, and true ones out: 
 
 Thefe guide the undireded Wretch along, 
 
 With giddy Head and inconfiftent Tongue; 
 But Fletumacy s fefe, he’s none of them. 
 
 Bedlam can never lay her Claim to him; 
 
 Nature lecurd his unincumbred Scull, 
 
 Far Fletumacy never thinks at all i 
 
( io 4 ) 
 
 Supinely deeps in Diadoras Arms, 
 
 Doz’d with the Magick of her Craft and Charms; 
 The fubtls Dame brought up in Vice’s School, 
 
 Can love the Cully, tho' (he hates the Fool : 
 
 Wifely her juft Contempt of him conceals,” 
 
 And hides the Follies he himlelf reveals. 
 
 ’Tis plain the felf- denying Jilt’s i’ch’ Right, 
 
 She wants his Money , and be wants bet Hit, 
 
 Satyr, the Men of Rbitne and Jingle fhun; 
 
 Has‘t thou notRhimd thy (elf till thou’rt undone ? 
 On Rakifh Poets let us not refle«ft. 
 
 They only are what all Mankind expe&. 
 
 Yet ’tis not Poets have debaucht the Times, 
 
 ’Tis we that have fb damn’d their fober Rhimes ; 
 
 The Tribe’s good natur'd, and defire to pleafe. 
 
 And when you Furl at thofa, prefent you thefe. 
 
 The World has loft its ancient tafte of Wit, 
 
 And Vice comes in to raife the Appetite $ 
 
 For Wit has lately got the ftart of Senfe, 
 
 And ferves it (elf as well with Impudence. 
 
 Let him whole Fate it is to write for Bread, 
 
 Keep this one Maxim always in his Head : 
 
 If in this Age he would expeft to pleafe. 
 
 He muft not cure, but nouri(h, their Difeafe; 
 
 Dull Moral things will never pafs for Wit j 
 Some Years ago they might, but now’s too late. 
 Vertue’s the faint Grecn-ficknefs of the Times, 
 
 ’Tis lufeious yice gives Spirit to all our Rhimes. 
 
( I°S ) 
 
 in vain the fotfer thing infpir’d with Wit, 
 
 Writes Hymns and Hiftories from Sacred Writ; 
 
 But let him Blafpbemy and Baudy wrice. 
 
 The Ptom and the MoJefi both will buy’t. 
 
 The bluihing Virgin’s pleas’d, and loves to look. 
 
 And plants the Poem next her Prayer-Book. 
 
 W - ly with Pen and Poverty befet. 
 
 And Bl - re vers’d in Phyfick as in Wit; 
 
 Tho’ this of Jefus , that of Job, may fing, 
 
 One Bawdy Play will twice their Profits bring; 
 
 And had not both careft the Flatter’d Crown, 
 
 This had no Knighthood feen, nor that no Gown. 
 
 Had Vice no Power the Fancy to bewitch. 
 
 Dry den had hang’d himfelf as well as Cnecb : 
 
 Durfey had ftarv'd, and half the Poets fled 
 In Foreign Parts to Pawn their Wit for Bread,' 
 
 'Tis Wine or Leudnefs all our Themes lupplies. 
 
 Gives Poets Power to write, and Power to pleaie; ] 
 Let this delcribe the Nation’s Character, 
 
 One Man reads Milton, Forty Rochefier. t 
 
 This loft his Tafte, They fay , when h‘ loft his Sight i 
 
 Milton had Thought, but Rochefier had Wit. 
 
 The Cafe is plain, the]temper of the Time, i 
 
 One wrote the Lend, and t’other the Sublime. 
 
 And fliou’d Apollo now defcend and write 
 In Vertue’s Praife ’twou’d never pals for Wit. 
 
 The Bookffller perhaps wau’d lay, ’Twas well'. 
 filst 'TiiswU not bit the Times , ’tmuld never SeU: 
 
 i% . - Unle£ 
 
 4 
 
( *o6 ) 
 
 Unlefs a Spice of Leudnels cou’d appear, 
 
 The fprightly Part wou’d ftill be wanting there. 
 The Fafhionable World wou’d never read. 
 
 Nor the unfafhionable Poet get his Bread. 
 
 *Tis Love and Honour muft enrich our Verle, 
 The Modern Terms our Whoring to rehear(e. 
 The Iprightly Part attends the God of Wine, 
 
 The Drunken SiWbmvft blaze in every Line. 
 Thefe are the Modern Qualities muft do 
 To make the Poem and the Poet too. 
 
 Dear Satyr, if thou wilt reform the Town, 
 Thou’lt certainly be beggar’d and undone: 
 
 ’Tis at thy Peril if thou wilt proceed 
 To cry down Vice, Mankind will never read. 
 
 The Conclufion. 
 
 W Hat ftrange Mechanick thoughts of God and Man 
 Muft this unfteady Nation entertain. 
 
 To think Almighty Science can be blind, 
 
 Wifdom it felf be banter’d by Mankind, 
 
 Eternal Providence be mockt with Lies* 
 
 With Outfides and Improbabilities, 
 
 With Laws, thole RhodomantJs of the State, 
 
 Long Proclamations, and the Lord knows what. 
 
 Societies ill Manners to fupprefs. 
 
 And new (ham Wars with Immoralities, 
 
 While they themlelvcs to common Crimes betray'd, 
 
 ,Can break the very Laws themfelves ha £ made: 
 
 Witfc 
 
( io 7 ) 
 
 With JehSs Zeal they furioufly reform. 
 
 And raife falfe Clouds, which end without a Storm j 
 
 But with a loofe to Vice fecurely fee 
 
 The Subjea punilh'd, and themlelves go free. 
 
 For lharae your Reformation Clubs give o'er, 
 
 And jeft with Men, and jeft with Heaven, no more : 
 But if you wou'd avenging Powers appeafe, 
 
 Avert the Indignation of the Skies, 
 
 Impending Ruin avoid, and calm the Fates, 
 
 Ye Hypocrites, reform your Magiftrates. 
 
 # ' V, ' . 
 
 Your Queft of Vice at Church and Court begin, 
 There lye the Seeds of high expatiate Sin ; 
 c Tis they can check the Vices of the Town 
 Whene'er they pleafe but to fupprefstheir own ; 
 
 Our Modes of Vice from their Examples came. 
 
 And their Examples only muft reclaim. 
 
 In vain you ftrive ill Manners to fupprels, 
 
 By the Superlatives of Wickednels •* 
 
 Ask but how well the drunken Plow-man looks, 
 Set by the Swearing Juftice in the Stocks; 
 
 And poor Street Whores in Bridewell fell their Fate, 
 
 While Harlot M - n rides in Coach of State. 
 
 The Mercenary Scouts in every Street, 
 
 Bring all that have no Money to your Feet; 
 
 And if you lath a Strumpet of the Town, 
 
 She only fmarts/or want of Half a Crown : 
 
 Your Annual Lifts ot Criminals appear. 
 
 But no Sir Harry, or Sir Charles, is there. 
 
 Your Proclamations Rank and File appear. 
 
 To Bugbear Vice, and put Mankind in fear: 
 
 1 2 
 
 Thefe 
 
( ) 
 
 Thefe are the Squibs and Ci ackers of tine Law, 
 
 Which Hils, and make a Bounce, and then withdraw. 
 Law, like the Thunder of Immortal Jove, 
 
 Rings Peals of Terror from the Powers above; 
 
 But when the pointed Lightnings difappear. 
 
 The Cloud diflblves, and all’s ferene and clear; 
 
 Law only aids Men to conceal their Crimes, 
 
 But 'tit Example muft reform the times ; 
 
 Force and Authorities are all in vain, 
 
 Unlefs you can perlwade, jou'il ne'er conftratn; 
 
 And all perfwafive Power expires of C*urfe, 
 
 ’Till backt with good Examples to ertforce. 
 
 The Magiftrates mull Blafphemy forbear. 
 
 Be faultlefc firft themfelves, and then fevere; 
 
 Impartial Jufticc equally dilpence, 
 
 And fear no Man, nor fear no Man’s Offence : 
 Then-may ourjufticcs, and not before. 
 
 When they reprove the Rich, correct the Poor. 
 
 The Men of Honour mud from Vice diffent. 
 
 Before the Rakes and Bullies will repent; 
 
 Vertue muff be the Falhion of the Town, 
 
 Before the Beaus and Ladies put it on; 
 
 Wit mud no more be Bawdy and Profane, 
 
 Or Wit to Venue's reconcil’d in vain. 
 
 The Clergy muft be Sober, Grave and Wife, 
 
 Or elfe in vain they Cant ofParadife : 
 
 Our Reformation never can prevail. 
 
 While Precepts govern, and Examples fail 
 Were but the Ladies Vertuous as they’re Fai», 
 
 The Beaus vou'd blufh as often as they Swear; 
 
Vice wou’d grow antiquated in the Town, - 
 Wou'd all our Men of Mode but cry it down: 
 
 For Sin's a Slave to Cuftom, and wul die, 
 
 Whenever Habits fuffer a decay; 
 
 And therefore all our Reformation here 
 Muft work upon our Shame, an i not our e 
 If once the Mode of Virtue wou d begin. 
 
 The Poor will quickly be fam d toSm. 
 
 Fafhion is fuch a ftrange bewitching Charm, 
 
 For fear of being laugh’d at they U Reform. 
 
 And yet Pofterity will blulh to hear 
 Royal Examples ha’ been ufelefs here; 
 
 The only J4 E* ce t tton to T our .}% hn ol 
 Vcrtue’s not learnt in this Imperial School. 
 
 In vain Mari A Charader we read, 
 
 So few will in her Path of Venue tread. 
 
 In vain her Royal Sifter recommends 
 
 Vertue to be the Tell of all her Friends, 
 
 IS? with her own Example and Command*. 
 
 Our Church eftablUht, and our Trade reftorid, 
 0 ° Friends protend, and our Peace fecur d, 
 Z, u humbl'd, and our Fleers rnfutang Sf 
 Thefe are the triumphs of a Font' F"S ”. 
 
 At Home her milder Influence Ore rmpares, 
 
 Queen of our Vows, and Monarch of our Hearts. 
 E Chance of Sexes thus will change our Scenes, 
 Greet H'tva JM dwtj! m‘J h > 
 
 i i 
 
 the 
 
'S ( IIO ) 
 
 CHARACTER 
 
 Of the late 
 
 ThSAMVEL ANNESLEY, 
 
 By way of 
 
 ELEGY- 
 
 »'j ^ Was ip°ke from Heaven, the Beft of Men muft 
 M No Patent's feal‘d for Immortality: (pie, 
 
 Not God l sown Favourites can niunthe Stroke i 
 Even God himlelfcannot the Law revoke; 
 
 He can't, unlefs he Ihould at once repeal 
 The Eternal Laws of Nature : Change his Will; 
 Declare his Works imperfect, Life reftore 
 To all that's Dead, and be a God no more. 
 
 The World, whole Nature is to fade and die* 
 
 Muft change, and take up Immortality; 
 
 And Time, which to Eternity rouls on, 
 
 Muft charge, and he Eternity begun. 
 
 All things muft ever live, or Man muft die : 
 
 The Law's Supream, and Nature muft obey. 
 
 How vain then, and impertinent is Grief, 
 
 Which nor to Dead nor Living gives Relief! 
 
 Sighs for departed Friends are fevfelef things. 
 
 Which them no Help, nor us no Comfort brings. 
 
 Tears on the Graves, where Breathlels Bodies lie. 
 
 Our Ignorance, or Atheiln^ imply; 
 
 Allies 
 
( m) r 
 
 Afhes and Sack-cloth, Cries and renting Cloaths.V^ 
 Or Folly wore than our AffeSion [bows: 
 
 For Grief is nothing, properly, but Rage, 
 
 And God himfelf's the ObjeA we engage. 
 
 Fain we would live without his Negative ; 
 
 Which when we can't accomplish, then -we grieve : 
 
 The Paflion's foolifti, as it is profane > 
 
 The Action, as ‘tis fruitlefs, and in vain. 
 
 But would you like a Man, or Cbrifian grieve 
 When others die, he thankful you're alive ; 
 
 Improve the Great Examples you look on , 
 
 And take their Deaths for Warnings of your own ; 
 
 The beft of Men cannot fufpend their Fate: 
 
 The Good die early, and the Bad die late. 
 
 The Eternal Laws of Life are fix'd and fait. 
 
 And he who lateft dies, yet dies at lait. 
 
 Tho early Vice does early Death prelage. 
 
 Yet Piety can lengthen no Man's Age : 
 
 The Stroke's promifcuous, and there s no a pan^ 
 Beyond the Rated Bounds of Providence; 
 
 For if diftinguifh'd Piety could fave, 
 
 We had ieen no Elegy , nor he no Grave. 
 
 Stay then, and fiend a Thought upon his Herfc, 
 Whofe Name is more immortal than our Verie : 
 For tho’ Death’s Stroke, like an impetuous Hood, 
 Involves in common Fate the Juft and Good, 
 And in one Grave there undiftingmfh d lies 
 ?ht Apses of the Foolijh and the Wife, 
 
 The Pious and Profane, the Mean, the Gica * 
 And Grace it [elf can be no Bribe to Fate ) 
 
 Yet 
 
 4 
 
( *12 ) 
 
 Yet Pious Work*, like living Flowers, will grow 
 To a hind of Immortality below j 
 And Characters of Worthies, like the Sun, 
 Refle# a Luftre, tho* themfclves are gejie: 
 Which do Immortal Names co them create. 
 
 For us to Honour and to Imitate. 
 
 Then lee what Characters to him belong; 
 
 The bell that Pen e'er wrote, or Poet fung. 
 
 His Parents dedicated him , by Vow, 
 
 To ferve the Church, and early taught him how. 
 As Hannah } when fbe for her Samuel pray'd, 
 
 The welcome Loan with Thankfulnefs repay'd ; 
 So they, forefeeing ‘twou'd not be in vain, 
 
 Ask'd him of God , and vow'd him back again j 
 And he again as early did prepare 
 To lift a willing Soldier in the Sacred War. 
 
 His Pious Courfe with Childhood be began , 
 
 And was his Maker's fooner than his own ; 
 
 As ifdefign'd by InftinCt to be Great, 
 
 His Judgment Teem'd to antidate his Wit; 
 
 His Soul out grew the natural rate of Years, 
 
 And full-grown kbit, at half-grown Youth appears ; 
 Early the vigorous Combat he began, 
 
 And was an elder Chriftian than a Man. 
 
 The Sacred Study all his Thoughts confin'd ; 
 
 A fign what lecret Hand prepar'd his Mind : 
 
 The Heavenly Book he made bis only School^ 
 
 In Youth bis Study , and in Age his Rule, 
 
 Thus he in blooming Years and Hopes began. 
 Happy, Belov'd* and Bleft of God and Man; 
 
( JIJ ) 
 
 Solid yet Vigorous too, both Grave and Young, 
 
 A taking Afpea, and a charming Tongue, 
 
 With Davids Courage, and Jofiabs Youth, 
 
 M over Love , Sincerity, and Truth. 
 
 As the Gay World attack ‘d him with her charms. 
 He fhook the gaudy Trifle from his Arms; 
 
 When Fraud aflaulted him, or Fame earne d, 
 
 This he with Eafe, and that with Scorn fupprefs d: 
 Firm as the Rocks in rouling Seas abide. 
 
 When Flouds of Doubts and Dangers pafs befide. 
 When Griefs come threatning on, or Cow/orf 0V>5> 
 
 He'sundeprefs'd by thefe, unrais d by thofe ; 
 
 And thus advancing with a juft Applaufe, 
 
 Be grew a Champion, in his Maker's Caufe ; 
 
 The ©actea he fo Divinely drew. 
 
 That every (hot both hit and overthrew ; 
 
 Bit native Candor, and familiar Stsle, 
 
 Which did fo oft his Hearers Hours begude, 
 Charm'd m with Godlinef, and while he ipake. 
 
 We lov'd the DcBnne for the Teacher's fake. 
 While he inform'd us what thofe Dottrines meant. 
 By dint of?ra£tice more than Argument, 
 
 Strange were the Charms of his Sincerity, 
 
 Which made his Aftions and his Words agree. 
 
 At fuch a conftant and exaft a rate. 
 
 As made a Harmony we wondred at. 
 
 Honour he had hy Birth, and not by Chance , 
 
 And more by Merit than Inheritance ; 
 
 But both together joyn'd, compleat his Fame, 
 For Honejty and Honour are the fame. 
 
 And 
 
 \ 
 
^ ( TI4 ) 
 
 And fliow, when Merit's joyn'd with Quality, 
 The Gentleman and Cbrifiian may agree. 
 
 Honour by Vertuc only is upheld , 
 
 And vain are all the Trophies Vice can build $ \ 
 
 For tho‘ by wicked Ads Men gain Applaufe, 
 The Reputation's rotten, like the Cade; 
 
 Vain too's the fingle Honour of Ddcent, 
 
 Till Merit's added as a Supplement. 
 
 But when to Venue Grace infus f d is given. 
 
 The ftcred Incenfe reaches up to Heaven ; 
 
 No Force, or Fraud, can fitch a Fame remove. 
 It pleafes Men below , and God above , 
 
 His negative Vertues aifo have been try J d, 
 
 He had no Prieft craft in him, nor no Pride ; 
 
 No Fraud nor Wheedling Arts to be efteem’d, 
 
 But juft the very Ttrfon that be feem'd j 
 
 No.- was he touch'd or tainted with a Bribe, 
 
 That umverfal Blemijh of the Tribe : 
 
 For il to Gifts he ever was enclin'd. 
 
 He laid none up, nor left us none behind. 
 
 A Mofes for Humility and Zeal, 
 
 For Innocepce a true Nathaniel ; 
 
 Faithful as Abraham, or the Truer Spies; 
 
 No Man more Honejl, and but few fo Wife : 
 Exemplar Vertue fhone through every Part j 
 For Grace had full poffeflion of his Heart t 
 Humility was his dear darling Grace , 
 
 And Honefy fate Regent in his Face ; 
 
 Meelnef of Soul did in his Afpe& fhine, 
 
 But in the Truth refolv’d amd mafcuhne j 
 
C i*$ ) 
 
 A TUaJine Smile fate ever oh his Brow 
 A hgn that chearful Peace was lodgd below. 
 
 If e’er his Duty forc’d him to contend, 
 
 Calttmtfiwas all his Temper, Peace his End; 
 
 And if juft Genfure follow’d the Debate, 
 
 His Pity wou’d his Zeal anticipate. 
 
 A Heavenly Patience did his Mind poflefs, 
 
 Mighty in Works of Sacred Chamy. 
 
 Which none knew ho * ,OBmd ? k mm 
 
 TVirtiiohts took up his Mino 
 
 ^ry, and g^oosjhough^ 
 
 Withfitch aSoul, ^that ( had he Mines in ftore ) 
 
 A Heart lb Great, that, had he buc a 1 or ft. 
 
 rv~ti M* tlt r r f " 
 
 Now he’s above the Praifes of my > 
 
 The Be ft of Miniflers, and Reft of Men . 
 
 Then fpeak not of him with a ~>*j£* ’ 
 For why (hon’d we Repine, and he Rejoyce . 
 
 His Harvefl has been full, his Seafon long. 
 
 And long he charm'd its -wish his Heavenly Song, 
 The fame, the very fame, which 
 Fir’d with Cceleftial Raptures, fings » 
 
 Touch’d with a Sacred Influence that’s given 
 From that Eternal Harmony in Heaven ; 
 
 The Chorus and the Confirt ever laft, 
 
 A full Reward for all his Troubles paft. 
 
 Fo^rherebeaGodandferurejate, 
 
 A Haven, a Hell, » Gobi «td Evl F»«» 
 
( II* ) 
 
 A Great j Sr/lCaufc Immortal and Immenle, 
 
 That does Rewards and Punifhments difpenle j 
 Then Pious Men when they revolve to Duff, 
 
 Do thole Rewards partake, if Heaven be Juft: 
 
 For Death’s a pafjlve Notion j and the whole 
 Is but a Tranfmutation of the Soul 
 From an embodied Life to a fublime, 
 
 Prelcrib’d no more to Circumftance and Time $ 
 
 For if no difference of States there be. 
 
 How then do vice and vertue dilagree • 
 
 For here the Difadvancage plainly lies 
 
 For Knaves and Fools, againft the Juft and Wife; 
 
 By partial Fame the pojfitrous Fool's carels‘d. 
 
 The Bad exalted, and the Good fupprefs'd. 
 
 The Good Man's Expectation then mujl be 
 From Happinefs with Immortality : 
 
 Something which to fublimer Venue’s due, 
 
 Something lubftantial and eternal too. 
 
 That can for all his Suffering fatisfic. 
 
 His Hopes fupport, and all his Wants fiiply; 
 
 For if to future State we've no regard. 
 
 How then can Vertue be its own Reward l 
 Could but my happy Pen defcribe the Senle 
 That feiz'd his joyful Soul at parting hence $ 
 
 Such Contemplations would transform my Mind; 
 
 For Thoughts reach Heaven , when Bodies ftay behind i 
 And he that thinks at fo Divine a rate, 
 
 May future Happinefs anticipate. 
 
 When his Heart leap'd at the good News ofDeathj 
 And Sacred Extafies employ'd his Breath, 
 
 The blcls'd Rewards did to his Faith appear. 
 
 The Pafiage eafie, and the ProfpeCt near | , 
 
 At# 
 
 \ 
 
C JI 7 )’ 
 
 And frm Afturancc, with a lofty Gale, 
 
 Wing'd with Divineft Comfort, fill’d his Sail : 
 
 He had the gladfome Regions in bis view, * 
 
 His Hopes were conflant , and his Comforts true: S 
 
 No wonder Balaam wiflfd to die fo too . „ 
 
 And now Serapbick Joys furround liis Soul, 
 
 Which feel no diminution or controul: 
 
 But what they are, or how far they extend, 
 
 No Pen c<i» write, or Thought can comprehend , 
 
 But he who at that happy Place arrives; 
 
 For Heaven is only known by Negatives. 
 
 How much Coeleftial Vifion comprehends; 
 
 Whether to Humane Attiont it extends, 
 
 Whether he's now inform'd of Things below. 
 
 Is needleJS as impcfftble to know : 
 
 For fight of Spirits is unpreicrib'd by fpaca* 
 
 What fee they not, who fee the Eternal Face ? 
 
 The bright transforming Rays of Heavenly Light, 
 Immenfe, Immortal, Pure, and Infinite, 
 
 Thftr Likencf with their Light communicate, 
 
 The Spirit exalt, and all its Frame dilate; 
 
 Infufing with the bright Similitude 
 An inexpreffible Beatitude! 
 
 And could he now, in his exalted State, 
 
 His Thoughts by Sympathy communicate, 
 
 Or ibme iiiperior way 
 
 For Spirits converfe 
 
 Without the helps of Voice: 
 
 Could he rehearfe 
 
 To our Conception, what is Heaven above, 
 
 JTou'd be concifely thus, M $ iQitf : 
 
 Love 
 
( u8 ) 
 
 Love Infinite, Magnificent, and True, 
 
 Divine in Magnitude, and Object too : 
 
 Love, Joy, and Glory, conftitute the Place ; 
 
 The Exalted Triumphs of Viftorims Grace ! 
 
 No Sorrow can be there, becaule no Sin; 
 
 For all is Peace without, and Pure within. 
 
 There all are Gods , and yet they all adore 
 
 The One Supream^? Caufe of Sovereign Power; 
 
 And all that Adoration's mix c d with Love, 
 
 The great Ejfential of the Joys above : 
 
 That Heaven-horn PaJJion, which with pureft Flame 
 Burns only there: For here c tis but a Name, 
 
 An empty Name, by Int'.eft limited, 
 
 A Slave to Scandal , and by Fancy led. 
 
 Friendfllip, unmix'd with Sexes, reigns above 
 The true Extream of high fuperior Love; 
 
 Emblem of Heaven, which it refembles lb. 
 
 It almoft leems to make a Heaven below : 
 
 For Love in Heaven, is God communicate j 
 In Souls, Collateral; both fupreamly Great: 
 
 The Enjoyment's as reciprocal as high; , 
 
 For Love's no Paflion, but a Quality : 
 
 Thro f it the Almighty Glory darts his BeamSj 1 
 Known only by unutterable Names; 
 
 With Light and Splendor unapproach'd enthron'd. 
 Millions of fiery Spirits attending round. 
 
 Who all, like Stars, have Btightnels from bit Rajs t 
 And they reflect it back again in Praife. 
 
 Where'e'er this blefldSociety fhall dwell. 
 
 That Place is Heaven , and every where elft is Hell. 
 
C It 9 ) 
 
 THE 
 
 Spanilh Defccnt. 
 
 A 
 
 POEM. 
 
 L Ong had this Nation been amus’d in vain 
 
 With Ports from Portugal and News from Spain’ 
 With Ormond*s Conquefts, and the FlA«*fuccefs, 
 And Favours from the Moors at Maccanefs, 
 
 The learned Mob bought Compaffes and Scales^ 
 
 And every Barber knew the Bay of Cales , 
 
 Show’d us the Army here, and there the Fleet^^v 
 Here the Troops Land, and there the Foes RetreJtT 
 There at St. Mattes how the Spaniard runs, 
 
 And liften clofe as if they heard the Guns, 
 
 And fome pretend they fee them —— the Nunsi 
 
 Others deferibe the Callies and Puntah , 
 
 And tell how ealie ’tis to Conquer Cales , 
 
 Wifely propofe to let the Silver come, 
 help to pay the Nations Debts at home. 
 
 But ftill they count the Spoils without the Coif, 
 
 n And ftill the News conies fafter than the Pott 
 
 I* K 
 
 The 
 
^ ( tzo ) 
 
 the graver Heads, like Mountebanks of State 
 Of Abdication and Revolts Debate, 
 
 Expert a Revolution fliou'd appear 
 As Cheap and Eafy as it had done here. 
 
 Bring the Revolting Grandees to the Coaft, 
 
 And give the Duke deAnjou up for loft. 
 
 Doom him to France to feek relief in vain, 
 
 And fend the Duke of Aujlria to Spain, 
 
 Canvas the Council at Madrid and find 
 How all the Spanijh Courtiers ftand enclin’d, 
 Defcribe the ftrange Convulfions of the State, 
 
 And old Carrero s facrific’d to Fate : 
 
 Then all the Stage of A&ion they furvey 
 And wilh our Generals knew as much as they. 
 
 Some have their Fancies fo exceeding Bold 
 They (aw the Queens fall out, and heard ’em (cold, 
 Nor is the thing fo ftrange for if they did, 
 
 It was but from Toledo to Madrid. 
 
 And now the Farce is A&ing o’re again, 
 
 The meaning of our Mifchiefs to explain j 
 The Learned Mob O'er-read in Arms and Law, 
 
 The Caufe of their Mifcarriages forefaw. 
 
 Tell us the Loytering Minutes were Mifpent 
 Too long a going, and too few that went. 
 
 Exalt the Catalonian Garrilon, 
 
 The new made Works, the Platform and the Town: 
 Tell us it was impoifible to Land, 
 
 And all their Batteries funk into the Sand. 
 
 Some 
 
Some afe ail Banter, and the Voyage defpife 
 
 For fruitlefs Aft ions Jtldom pafs for JVife, 
 
 Tell us ’twas like our Englijh Politicks 
 TO think to wheedle Spain with Heretickt, 
 
 . The di(proportion'd Force they Banter too. 
 
 The Ships too many, and the Men too few* 
 
 Then they find fault with Condutt, and condemn 
 Sometimes the Officers, fometimes the Men, 
 
 Nor Tcapeshis Grace the Satyr of the Town, 
 Whoever fails fuccefi, (hall fail Renown. 
 
 Sir George comes in among!! the Indifcreet, 
 Sometimes the Army’s cenfur’d, then the Fleet* 
 How the abandon'd Country they deftroy’d, 
 
 And made their eftrly Declarations void, 
 
 Too hafty Proofs of their Protection gave, 
 Plund’ring the People, they came there to fave. 
 
 As if the Spaniards were fo plagu’d with Frances 
 To fly to Thieves for their deliverance. 
 
 Ten Years we felt the dying Pangs cf Wat 
 And fetch’d our Grief and Miferies froth far- 
 
 K i ®ur 
 
 But among!! all the Wifdom of the Town 
 The vaft defigns of Fate remain unknown, 
 Ungueft at, unexpected, hid from thoughts. 
 For no Man look’t for Bleffings in our Faults. 
 Mifchances fometimes are a Nations Good, 
 Rightly Improv’d, and Nicely Underftood. 
 
 
 
(tit ) I 
 
 Our Englifo Millions Foreign War maintains, 
 
 And English Blood hasdrenchf the Neighbouring Plains. 
 Nor (hall we Blufli to Boaft what all Men own. 
 Uncommon English Valour has been ihown, 
 
 'I he forward Courage of our Id Paid Melt, 
 
 Defcrves more Praifc than Nature fpures my Pen. 
 
 What cou’d they not perform, or what endure ? 
 Witnefs the mighty Baftions of Namur. 
 
 We failed much, and we attempted more, 
 
 Rut ne’er cou’d come to giving thanks before, 
 
 Unlefs, *twas when the Fatal ftrife was ore. 
 
 Some fecret Achan Curft our Enterprize, 
 
 And Ifrael fled, before her Enemies. 
 
 Whether the Poifonous Particles were hid. 
 
 In Us that Follow’d, or in Them that Led , 
 
 What Fatal Charm benum’d the Nations Sence, 
 
 To ftruggle with Eternal Providence, 
 
 Whether fome Curfe, or elfe fome Perjur'd Vow ,. 
 
 Or fome ftrange Guilt that s expiated now ? 
 
 Was it the Pilots who ill fleer’d the State, 
 
 Or was it the Decifive Will of Fate ? 
 
 ’Tis hard to tell, but this too well we know', 
 
 AII things went backward, or went on too flow, 
 
 Small was the Glory, of our High Succefs , 
 
 A tedious War, and an Imperfect Peace, 
 
 Peace Dearly purchas’d, and which Coft us more 
 Great Kingdoms, than we Conquer’d Towns before. 
 
 A&ions 
 
( **3 > 
 
 A&ions may mifs of their dcferv’d Applaufe, 
 
 When Heaven approves the Men, and not the Caufe, 
 
 And well contriv’d D(.fign.s nufcany when, 
 
 Heaven may approve the Caufe but not the Men, 
 
 Here then’s the Ground of our Expence of Blood, 
 
 The Sword of Gideon's, not the Sword of God. 
 
 The Mighty and the Wife are laid afide, 
 
 And Victory the Sex has Dignified , 
 
 We have been us’d to Ferhale Conquefis here, 
 
 And Queens have' been the Glory of the War, 
 
 The Scene Revives wjth Smiles of Providence, 
 
 All things Declin’d before, and Profpcr fince ; 
 
 And as if Iil-Succefs had been entail’d, 
 
 The Polihume Projects are the laft that fail’d. 
 
 As- Heaven, whofewthk; were hid from Human view, 
 Would blafi our old Deiigns, a’ d blcfs our new. 
 
 And now the Baffled Enterprize grows ftale, 
 
 Their Hopes Dccreafe, and jufter Doubts prevail, 
 
 The unattempted Town lings Vidory, 
 
 And fear’d with Walls, and not with Men; we fly. 
 Great Conduct in our fife Retreat we fflew. 
 
 And bravely Re-embark, when none purjue : 
 
 The Guns, the Ammunition’s put on Board ; 
 
 And what we could net plunder we refitor d. 
 
 And thus we quit the Andalufian Shores, 
 
 Drencht with the Sp'anijh Wine, and Spanijh W-s. 
 
 With fongs of fcorn the Arragonians Sing, 
 
 And loud Te Deums make the Valleys Ring. 
 
 Uncommon Joys now raife the hopes of Spain , 
 
 And Vigo does their Plate-Fleet entertain, 
 
 K 3 V* 
 
 i 
 
c 1*4 y 
 
 The vaft Galleons deep-ballaft’d with O’re, 
 
 Safely reach home to the Galitian Shore. 
 
 The Double Joy fpreads from Madrid to Rome, 
 
 The EngHJl} fled, the Silver Fleet’s come home: 
 
 From thence it reaches to the Banks of To, 
 
 And the loud Cannons let the Germans, know, 
 
 The Rattling Volleys tell their fliort-liv’d Joys, 
 
 And roar Te Deum out in Smoak and Noife. 
 
 To Millan next it flies on Wings of Fame, 
 
 There the Young Monarch and his Heroes came, 
 From fad Lux,ara , and the Mantuan Walls, 
 
 To feek New Dangers and to refcue Cales. 
 
 His Joy for welcome Treafure he expreft. 
 
 But grieves at his Good Fortune in the reft. 
 
 The Flying' Engliflt he had wifli’d to flay, 
 
 To crown with Conqueft one Vidor ious Day. 
 
 The Priefts, in high Proceflion fhew their Joy, 
 And all the Arts of Eloquence employ. 
 
 To feed his Pride of fancy’d Vi&ories, 
 
 And raife his un-try’d Valour to the Skies. 
 
 The flattering Courtiers his vain Mind Poflcfs, 
 
 With Airy hopes of Conqueft and Succefs. 
 
 Prompt his Young thoughts to run on new Extrearu^ 
 And Sycophanuck Pride his Heart Inflames: 
 
 His Native Crime fprings up, his Pulfe beats high. 
 With thoughts of Univerfal Monarchy $ 
 
 Fancies his Foreign Enemies fuppreft. 
 
 And heaps too foon, how he'll fuhdue the refi. 
 
 Princes like other Men are Blind to Fate, 
 
 Hy only fees the Event who does the Caufe Create. 
 
From hence thro’ France the Welcome Tidings fly, 
 To mock his ancient Sire with mufliroom Joy. 
 
 Raptures poflefs the ambitious Heads of France, 
 
 And Golden Hopes their new Defigns advance. 
 
 Now they Confulc to Crufh the World agen, 
 
 And talk of rifling Cbrtjlendom for Men. 
 
 New Fleets, new Armies, and new Leagues contrive, 
 And fwailow Men and Nations up alive. 
 
 Prefcribe no Bounds to their ambitious Pride, 
 
 Butfird the Wealth, and then the World divide. 
 
 Excefs of Pride, to airy Madnefs grows, 
 
 And makes Men flrange Romantick Things propofe. 
 The Head turns round, and all the Fancy’s vain. 
 
 And makes the World as Giddy as the Brain, 
 
 Men that confult fuch weighty Things as thofe. 
 
 All poflible Difafters fhould fuppofe. 
 
 In vain great Princes mighty Things Invent, 
 
 While Heaven retains the Power to prevent. 
 
 He that to General Mifchief makes pretence. 
 
 Should firft know how to Conquer Providence/ 
 
 Such drive in vain, and only Ihew Mankind, 
 
 How Tyrants cloath’d with Power, are all enclin d. 
 
 Mean while our Melancholy Fleet deers Home, 
 Some griev’d for pad, for future Mifchiefs fomc. 
 Difader fwells the Blood, and Spleen the Face ; 
 
 And ripens them for glorious Things apace. 
 
 With deep Regret they turn their Eyes to Spain, 
 
 And wilh they once might vifit her again. 
 
( 1*6 ) 
 
 Little they Dreamt that Good which Heaven prepar’d. 
 No merit from below, no Signs from Heaven appear’d. 
 No hints unlefs from their high ripen’d Spleen, 
 
 And ftrange ungrounded Sympathy within. 
 
 The filent Duke from all mif-condutt free, 
 
 Alone enjoys the Calm of Honefly ; 
 
 Fears not his Journal fhould be fairly /hown. 
 
 And fighs for England' s Errors, hot his own. 
 
 His conftant Temper’s all Serene and Clear $ 
 
 Firjl, free from Guilt , and therefore free from fear. 
 
 Not fo the reft for confcious Thoughts become 
 More relllefs now, the nearer they come home. 
 
 The Party-making Feuds on Board begin: 
 
 For. People always Quarrel when they Sin. 
 
 Refleft with Ihame upon the things mis done, 
 
 And flrift their Faults about from One to One. 
 
 Prepare Excufes, and compute their Friends, 
 
 And dread the Fate, which their Deferr attends. 
 
 Some wilh for Storms, and curfe the Wind and Sails j 
 And dream, no doubt of Gibbets and of Gaols $ 
 Imaginary Puniihmcnts appear, 
 
 And fuited to their fecret Guilt’s their fear; 
 
 Their haft’ning Fate in their own Fancies Read, 
 
 And few, ’tis fear’d, their Innocence can plead. 
 
 Then their fweet Spoils to trufty Hands convey. 
 
 And throw the rifi ' d Gods of Spain away : 
 
 Difgorge that Wealth they dare not entertain. 
 
 And wilh the Nuns their Maidenheads again. 
 
 Difmifs their Wealth for fear of fVitnefes, 
 
 And purge their Coffers, and their Confcicnces: 
 
 Curling 
 
D 
 
 Tell us ye Rabbies of abftrufer Senfe, 
 
 Who jumble Fate and Fools with Providence. 
 
 Is this the chofen Army, this the Fleet, 
 
 For which Heaven’s Praifes found in every Street ? 
 Cou’d Heaven provide them one occafion more. 
 
 Who had fo ill-difcharg’d themfelves before : 
 
 That Fleet fo many former Millions loft. 
 
 So little had Perform’d, fo much hadCoft; 
 
 That Fleer, fo often Mann’d with Knaves before. 
 
 That ferv’d us all the War to make us Poor ; 
 
 That twice had made their fruitlcls Voyage to Spain, 
 And faw the Streights , and fo came Home again : 
 
 Our Wooden Walls that lhould defend our Trade, 
 
 And many a Wit left, Wooden Voyage ha’ made, 
 
 How oft have they been fitted out in vain. 
 
 Wafted our Money, and deftroy’d our Men, 
 
 Betray’d our Merchants, and expos’d their Fleets, 
 
 And caus’d Eternal Murmurs in our Streets ? 
 
 The Nation’s Genius fure prevails above. 
 
 And Heaven conceals his Anger, (hows his Love: 
 
 The Nations Guardian Angel has prevail’d, 
 
 And on her Guardian Queen new Favours has entaird 
 
 •Now let glad E urope in her turn rejoice, 
 
 And fing new Triumphs with exalted Voice. 
 
 See the glad Poft of Tidings wing’d with News, 
 
 With fuited Speed the wondring Fleet purfues: 
 
 His hafte difcern’d, increafes their Surprize, 
 
 The more they wonder, and the more he flies. 
 
 ( i*7 ) 
 
 Cur fing their M got Trifles but in vain: 
 
 For ftill the Guilt, and ftill the fears remain. 
 
( 1x8. ) 
 
 Nor Wind, nor Seas, proportion’d Ipeed can bear; 
 For Joy and Hope have fwifter Wings than Fear. 
 
 With what Surprize of Joy they meet the News I 
 Joys, that to every Vein new Spirits infufe. 
 
 The wild Excels in Shouts and Cries appear ; 
 
 Fot foys and Griefs are all irregular. 
 
 Councils of War, for fake of Forms they call, 
 
 But fhame admits of no Difputes at all. 
 
 How Ihould they differ, where no doubt can be ? 
 
 But if they fhou’d accept of Victory, 
 
 Whether they fhou’d the great occafion take, * 
 
 Or baffle Heaven, and double their mi fake ? 
 
 Whether the naked and defencelels Prize 
 They fhou’d accept ; Or Heaven, and that difpife? 
 Whether they fhou’d revive their Reputation ; 
 
 Or fink it twice, and twice betray the Nation? 
 
 Who dare the horrid Negative defign ? 
 
 Who dare the laft fuggeft, the firft decline ? 
 
 Envy her lelf: For Satan s always there., 
 
 And keeps his Councils with the God of War. 
 
 Tho* with her fwelling Spleen fhe feem’d to bur ft, 
 Will’d the Defign, while the Event fhe curs’d. 
 
 The word’s gone out, and now they fpread the Main 
 With fwelling Sails, and fwelling Hopes for Spain. 
 With double Vengeance preft, where e’re they come, 
 Refolv’d to pay the haughty Spaniard home. 
 
 Refolv’d by future Conduct to attone. 
 
 For all our paft Miftakes, and all their own. 
 
 NeW Life fprings up in every Englijh Face, 
 
 A nd fits them all far glorious Things apace. 
 
( ) 
 
 The Booty fame excites, and fame the Caufe j 
 But more the Hope to gain their loft Applaufc. 
 
 Eager their fully d Honour to reftore. 
 
 Some Anger whets, fame Pride and Vengeance more, 
 
 The lazy Minutes now pafs on too flow: 
 fancy flies fader than the Winds can blow. 
 
 Impatient Withes lengthen out the Day ; 
 
 They chide the loytering Winds for their delay. 
 
 But Time is Natures faithful Mcflenger, 
 
 And brings up all we wifti, as well as all we fear. 
 
 The Mifts clear up, and now the Scout diferies 
 The fubjedt of their Hopes and Victories: 
 
 The wifh’d for Fleets embay’d, in Harbour lye* 
 Vnfit to fight, and more unfit to fly. 
 
 Triumphant Joy throughout the Navy flies, 
 
 Eccho’d from Shore with Terrour and Surprize. 
 Strange Tower of Noife! which at one Ample found, 
 At once (hall fame incouragc, fame confound. 
 
 In vain the Lion tangl’d in the foare 
 
 With Anguifh roars, and rends the trembling Air. 
 y Tis vain to ftruggle with Almighty Fate: 
 
 Vain and impoflible the weak Debate. 
 
 The Mighty Booms, the Forts refill in vain, 
 
 The Guns with fruitlefs Force in Noife complain. 
 See how the Troops intrepidly fall on! 
 
 Wifli for more Foes * and think they fly too foon. 
 With eager Fury to their Forts purfue. 
 
 And think the odds of Four to One too few. 
 
( i3° ) 
 
 The Land's firft Conquer'd , and the Prize attends. 
 Fate beckens in the Fleet to back their Friends. 
 Defpair fucceeds; They ftruggle now too late, 
 And foon fubmit to their prevailing Fate. 
 
 Courage is madnefs when Occafion’s paft ; 
 
 Death’s the fecureft Refuge and the laft. 
 
 And now the rolling Flames come threarning on 
 And mighty ftreams of melted Gold run down. 
 The flaming Oar down to its Center makes, 
 
 To form new Minesbeneath the Oazy Lakes. 
 
 I 
 
 Here a Galeon with Spicy Drugs inflam’d, 
 
 In Odoriferous folds of Sulphur ftream’d. 
 
 The Gods of old no fuch Oblations knew, 
 
 Their Spices weak, and their Perfumes but few. 
 
 The frighted Spaniards from their Treafares fly, 
 
 Loth to forfake their Wealth, but loth to die. • 
 
 Here a vaft Garrack flies, while none purfue. 
 Bulg’d on the Shoar by her Didratfed Crew : 
 There like a mighty Mountain the appears, 
 
 And Groans beneath the Golden weight /he bears. 
 Conqueft perverts the Property of Friend, 
 
 And makes Men ruin what they can’t defend. 
 
 Some blow their Treafure up into the Air, 
 
 With all the wild Excefles of Defpair. 
 
 Strange Fate I that War fuch odd Events fliou’d have 
 Friends would deflroy, and Enemies would fave. 
 Others their Safety to their Wealth prefer, 
 
 Ann mix fame [malt IXefcretion with their Fear, 
 
( i } 1 ) 
 
 Lift’s the belt Gift that Nature can bellow ; 
 
 The firft that we receive, thelaft which we forego: 
 And he that’s vainly Frodigal of BlooJ, 
 
 Forfeits his Senfe to do bis Caufe no good. 
 
 All Defptration's the Effetl vf Fear ; 
 
 Courage is Temper, Valour can't Defpair. 
 
 And now the Viaory’s compleatijr gain’d j 
 No Ships to Conquer now, no Foes remain’d. 
 
 The mighty Spoils exceed what e’er was known. 
 
 That Vanquith’d ever loft, or Viftor won. 
 
 So great, if Fame (hail future Times remind. 
 
 They’ll think Ihe lyes, and Libels all Mankind. 
 
 Well may the Pious Queen New Anthems raife, 
 Sing her own Fortunes, and Her Makers Praife ; 
 Invite the Nation willing Thanks to pay : 
 
 And welt may all the mighty Ones obey. 
 
 So may they ling, be always fo preferv’d. 
 
 By Grace unwilh’d, andConqueft undeferv’d. 
 
 Now let ns Welcome Home the Conquering Fleet 
 And all their well atton’d Miftakes forget: 
 
 Such high Succefs Ihou’d all Refentments drown d,- 
 Nothing but joy and welcome fltould be found. 
 
 No more their pad Mifcarriages reprove j 
 But bury all in Gratitude and Love. 
 
 Let their high Conduft have a juft Regard, 
 
 And meaner Merit meet a kind Reward. 
 
 But now what Fruits of Viftory remain? 
 
 To Heaven what Praife, what Gratitude to Man ? 
 
( *3 X ) 
 
 Let France fing Praife for fhams of Vi&ories, 
 
 And mock their Maker with Religious Lies: 
 
 But England bleft with thankful Hearts fhall raifc, 
 
 For mighty Conquefts, mighty Songs of Praife. 
 
 She needs no falfe Pretences to deceive : 
 
 What all Men fee, all Men mull needs believe. 
 
 Our Joy can hardly run into Excefs, 
 
 ^e well known Subject all our Foes confels : 
 
 We can’t defire more, they can’t pretend no lefs. 
 
 ANNE, like her Great Progenitor, lings Praife: 
 I’ke her flic Conquers, and like her Ihe Prays: 
 
 Like her flic Graces and Prote&s the Throne , 
 
 And counts the Lands Prolperity her own : 
 
 Like her, and long like her, be bleis’d her Reign, 
 Crown’d with new Conquefts, and more Fleets from 
 
 [Spam 
 
 See now the Royal Chariot comes amain. 
 
 With all the willing Nation in her Train, 
 
 With humble Glory, and with folemn Grace, 
 
 Queen in her Eyes, and Chriftian in her Face* 
 
 With Her , Her reprefented Subjects join * 
 
 And when Ihe Prays th* whole Nation fays, Amen. 
 
 With Her, in Stalls the Illuftrlous Nobles far, 
 the Cherubims and Seraphims of State: 
 
 ANNE like a Comet in the Center Ibone, 
 
 And they like Stars that circumfere the Sun. 
 
 She Great in them, and they as Great in Her \ 
 
 Sure Heaven will fuch Illuftrious Praifes hear. 
 
 - The crouding Millions hearty Bldfings pour : 
 
 Saint Paul ne'er faw but one fuch Day before . the 
 
( 1 3 3 ) 
 
 The Original ^Power of the Collective 
 Tody of the c People of England, 
 Examined and Averted. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 To the KING. 
 
 *’ I "IS not the leaft of the Extraordinaries of Your 
 
 - Majefty’s Character, That as you are King of 
 
 Your People, fo You are the Peoples King. 
 
 This Title, as it is the Moft Glorious, fo is it the 
 Moft Indifpntable in the World. 
 
 God himfelf appointed, the Prophet proclaim’d, but 
 the Peoples alfent was the finifhing the Royal Authority 
 of the firft King of Ifratl. 
 
 Your Majefty, among all theBleflmgs of Your Reign, 
 has reftor’d this, as the bed of all our Enjoyments, the 
 full Liberty of Original Right in its Actings and E#ei> 
 cife. 
 
 Former Reigns have Invaded it, and the laft thought 
 is totally fuppreft, but as Liberty revived under Your 
 Majefty’s juft Authority, this was the firft Flower fh$ 
 brought forth. 
 
 The Author of thefe •Sheets humbly hopes, That 
 what Your Majefty has fo Glorioufly Reftor’d, what 
 our Laws and Gonftitution have Declared and Scried, 
 and what Truth and Juftice openly appears for, he may 
 be allow'd to Vindicate. 
 
 Your Majefty knows too well the Nature of Govern ¬ 
 ment, to think it at all the lefs Honourable, or the more 
 Precarious, for being Devolv’d from and Center’d in 
 the Confent of your People. 
 
 The pretence of Patriarchal Authority, had it really 
 an uninterrupted Succellion, can never be fupported 
 againft the deraonftrated Practice of all Nations; bur 
 v being- 
 
C M4) 
 
 being alfo Diverted of the chief Support it might have 
 had, if that Succellion could have been provd: The 
 Authority of Governours Jure Divine has funk Igno- 
 Biinioufly to the Ground,[as a prepofterous and incon- 
 
 fiftent Forgery ,. .. ,, 
 
 And yet, if Vox Tcpuli be, as tis generally allow d, 
 
 Vox Deiy Your Maiefty’s Right to thefc Kingdoms Jure 
 Divino, is more plain than any of Your Predeceflors. 
 
 How happy are thefe Nations, after all the Opprel- 
 fions and Tyranny of Arbitrary Rulers, to obtain a King 
 who Reigns by the univcrfal Voice of the People, and 
 has the greateft fhare in their Affections that ever any 
 Prince enjoy’d, Queen Elizabeth only accepted. 
 
 And how vain are the Attempts of a Neighbouring 
 Prince, to Nurfe up a Contemptible Impoflor,^ upon the 
 pretence of Forming a Claim on the Foundation of but 
 a pretended Succeilion, again ft the Content of the gene¬ 
 ral Suffrage of the Nation. . .. 
 
 To what purpofe fhall all the Proofs of his Legitimacy 
 be, fuppofincr it could be made out , when the untverfal 
 Voice of the People already express'd in enacted Laws, 
 fhall anfwer, We will not bav r this Man to Reign over us. 
 
 May this Affe&ion of Your Subjects continue to the 
 lateft Hour of Your Life, and may Your Sail station be 
 fuch as may convince the World, That the F ‘- 
 
 licity of a Crown conjtfis in the AfjeZtions, as the firjt Autho¬ 
 rity of it derives from the Confent of the Peep e. 
 
 To the LORDS Spiritual and Temporal, and the 
 COMMONS of England. 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen, , 
 
 HE Vindication of the Original Right of aU Men 0 
 fl the Government of tbemfelves, is [0 far from a Ue- 
 rogation from, that it is a Confirmation of jour ega 
 
 nalRllk, jm Tala aU D frim, fra* tk 
 
/ 
 
 < * 3 ? ) 
 
 your Shares in the Freeholds of the Nation: If Merit has raif- 
 «d any of your Ancestors to difiinguijhing Honours, or, if the 
 Royal Favours of Princes has Dignified Families, it has al¬ 
 ways been thought fit to be flow, or to enable them to Purchafe A' 
 Portion of the Freehold of England to be annexed to thefaid 
 Titles, to make fuch Dignities rational, as well as to fupport 
 the Succeffion of Honour., 
 
 From hence you are Vefled with Sovereign Judicature, at 
 being the properetl to be trufted with the Difiributicn of Ju- 
 fiice in that Country, of which you were fuff ofed to have,, and 
 once had, the principal Propriety. 
 
 From hence youfit in Parliament as a Branch of our Con¬ 
 futation, being part of the Collective Body, repre/enting no 
 Body but your felves ; and as a Tefiimony that the Original 
 of all Power Centers in the whole. - 
 
 The reft of the Freeholders have Originally a Right to fit 
 ihert with you, but being too numerous a Body, they have long 
 fence agreed that whenever the King thinks fit to advife with 
 his People, they will chiifie a certain few cut of their Great 
 
 Body to meet together with your Lordjbips. 
 
 Here, in jhort, is the Original of Parliaments, and here , 
 If Power at any time meets ibith a Cefs, if Government and 
 Thrones become Facant 4 to this Original all Power of Coitrfe 
 returns. This it the happy Center in the great Circle of Po¬ 
 litick Order. ■ _ 
 
 From hence at the late Revolution, when the King deferted 
 the Adminiflration, and His prefent Majefty was in Arms 
 in England, Nature direttedthe People to have Recqurfe to 
 your Lord(l)ips, and to defire your Appearance as the Heads of 
 the great Collective Body ; and all the Champions for the 
 great Arguments of Divine Right could not in that Exigence 
 have Recourfe to one Prefident, nor to One Rule of Proceeding, 
 but what Nature would have Dictated to the Meanest Judg¬ 
 ment, VIZ. That the Nation being left without a Gover- 
 nour, the Propf ietdrs fhould meet to coniider of another. 
 
 And you Gentlemen of the Houle of Commons, wh» 
 are the Reprefentativcs cf your Country, yen are this great 
 Collettivc Body in Minature, you are an Abridgment of the 
 Many Folumes of the Englilh Nation. 
 
^ t W ) 
 
 to you they have fruited jointly with the King and the 
 Lords, the Power of making Laws, raifing Taxer, and Im¬ 
 peaching Criminals: But how? 'Tis in the Name of all the 
 Commons of England, whofe Reprefentatives you are. 
 
 All your Power is yours, as you are a Full and Free Re - 
 prefentative. I no where atempt to prove what Powers you 
 have not, pojfibly the Extent of your Legal Authority was 
 neverfully under flood, nor have you ever thought fit to Explain . 
 it. But this 1 may he bold to advance. That whatever 
 Powers you have, or may have, you cannot Exertife hut in 
 the Name of the Commons of England, and you enjoy them 
 as their Reprefentative, and for their Ufe. 
 
 All this is not faid to lejjen your Authority ; Nor can it he 
 the Inter eft of any Englifh Freeholder to hjfen the Autho¬ 
 rity rfthe Commons aflembled in Parliament, 
 
 You are the Conferva tors if our Liberties, the Expo fit ors 
 of our Laws, the Levyers of cur Taxes , and the Redrejjurs of 
 our Grievances, the Kings best Qouncellors, and the Peoples 
 lafl Refuge. 
 
 But if you are Dijfolved, for you are not Immortal > or if 
 you are Deceived, for you are not Infallible j 'twts never yet 
 fuppofed, till very lately, that all Power dies With you. 
 
 You may Die, but the People remain $ you may be DiffoU 
 ved, and all immediate Right may ceafe y Power rra) have its 
 Intervals, and Crowns their Interregnum 3 but Original 
 Tower endures to the fame Eternity the IVorld endures to: And 
 while there is People, there may be a Legal Authority Dele - 
 .gated, though all 6ucce/fion of Subdituted Power were at an 
 End. ' 
 
 Nor have I advanced any new Do Urine, nothing but what 
 is as ancient as Nature, and born into the World with our 
 Reafon : And I think it would be a Sin againfl the Parlia¬ 
 ment of England, to fuggeft that they would he tffended ei~ 
 tker with the DoBrine or with the Author, fince *tis what 
 their own Authority is built upon, and what the Laws of Eng¬ 
 land have given their afjent unto by confirming toe APIs of 
 the lafl Collediive Body of the People, from whence the 
 prefent Settlement of the Nation does derive / 
 
 Whert- 
 
( 137 ) 
 
 tVherefore I make no Apology for Protetfion or Favour 
 as to the Fa£l j as to Language I am ready to ask Par¬ 
 don if 1 offend, declaring my Intention is neither for 
 nor againft either Per/on or Party . As there is but One In- 
 tereff in the Nation , I ivifl) there were but One Party, and 
 that Party would adhere toUnbyaJs'd Jufiice, and ourfue the 
 Honour and Intereft of the Proteftant Religion, and the Eng** 
 iifh Liberty. 
 
 The Original Right of the People of 
 England, Examined and Ajferted .. 
 
 I Have obferv’d, when Intereft obliges any Perfon or 
 Party to defend the Caufe they have Efpous’d, they 
 pleafe themfelves with fancying they conceal their pri¬ 
 vate Deligns, by covering their Difcourfes with Gay 
 Titles. 
 
 Like a late A£t of Parliament, which in the Preamble 
 Calls it felf. An Aft for the Relief of Creditors, but in its 
 Effect was really an Act for the Relief of Debtors. 
 
 Thus fome Gentlemen place fine fpecious Titles on 
 t their Books, as fur a Populi Anglican's , A Vindication of 
 the Rights of the Commons of England, and a Vindication 
 of the Rights of the Lords, and the like; and with large 
 and high Encomiums upon the Excellency of ourCon- 
 ftitution, treat the levity of fome Peoples Judgments 
 with fine Notions; whereas the true End and Dtfign is 
 defending the Intereft and Party they have Efpous’d. 
 
 The Defence of theRights of the Representative Body 
 of the People, underftood by the Name of theOommons 
 of England in Parliament, is a great Point ' and fo plain 
 are their Rights, that ’tis no extraordinary Task to de¬ 
 fend them ; But for any Man to advance, that they are 
 fo Auguft an Afiembly that no Obje£iion ought to be 
 
 L z made 
 
( iji) 
 
 made to their Actions, nor no Reflexion upon their 
 Condutt, though the Fa& be true • and that it is not 
 to be examin’d whether the Thing (aid be true, but what 
 Authority the Perfon fpeaking has to .fay it, is a Dcc- 
 t'rine wholly new, and fee ms to me to be a Badge of more 
 Slavery to our own Reprefentative than ever the People 
 Of England owes them, or than ever they themfelvcs ex- 
 pe&ea. 
 
 This therefore, together with fome Invafions of the 
 Peoples Rights made publick byfeveral Modern Authors, 
 are the Reafons why I have adventur’d, being wholly Dlf- 
 inti rifled and tJncencerned either fer Terfons or Parties , to 
 make a fliort Eflayat declaring the Rights of the People 
 of Ekgland, not Reprefentatively but Colle&ivcly con¬ 
 fide red. 
 
 And with due Doference to the Reprefentative Body 
 Of the Nation, I hope I may fay, it can he no Diminuti¬ 
 on of their Rights , to aflert the Rights of that Body from 
 Whom they derive the Powers and Priviledges of their 
 Hdufe, and which are the very Foundation of their Be¬ 
 ing. For if the Original Right of the People be over¬ 
 thrown, the Power of the Reprefentative, which isfub- 
 fequent .and fubordinate, mu ft dye of it felf. 
 
 And beCaufe I have to do rather with Reafon and the 
 Nattire of the Thing, than with Laws and Precedents, i 
 fliall make but very little ufe of Authors, and Quota¬ 
 tions of Statutes, lince Fundamentals and Principles are 
 fuperior to Laws ot Examples. 
 
 Tcf come dire&Iy to what I defign in the following 
 i . Papers, ’tis neceflary to lay down fome 
 
 Sir h. M. Maxims, other than what a late * Au- 
 SflEEJf Ihor has furnilM us with. 
 
 i. Sains Popttli fuprema Lex :, all Govern¬ 
 ment and confequently our whole Conftitution, was 
 originally defign’d, and is maintain’d, for the Sup¬ 
 port of the Peoples Property, who arc the Gover¬ 
 ned. 
 
 2. That all the Members of Government, whether 
 King, Lords or Commons, if they Invert the Great 
 
 m 
 
 
( 139 ) 
 
 End of their Inftitution, the publick Good ceafe to be 
 in the fame publick Capacity, 
 
 And Fewer retreats to its Original. 
 
 3. That no Collective or Reprefentative Body of 
 Men whatfoever, in Matters of Politicks any more than 
 Religion, are nr ever have been Infallible. 
 
 4. That Reafon is the Tell ar d Touch-ftone of Law?, 
 and that all Law or Power that is Contradictory to Rea¬ 
 fon, is ipfofafto void in it felf, and ought not to be 
 obeyed. 
 
 Thcfe four Generals run through the whole follow¬ 
 ing Difcourfe. 
 
 Some other Maxims lefs General are the Confequence 
 of thefe; as, 
 
 Fir(l, That fuch Laws as are agreeable to Reafon and 
 Juftice being once made, are binding both to King, 
 Lords and Commons, either fe'parately, or conjunr 
 Ctively, till they are actually Repealed in due Form. 
 
 That if either of the Three Powers do Difpence with, 
 Sufpend, or otherwife Break any of the known Laws fo 
 made, they Injure the Conftitution; and 
 the Power fo acting ought to be retrain- 5 ' r Ptodu 
 ed by the other Powers not concurring monti 
 according to what is lately allowed, 
 
 That every Branch of Power is defgned as a Check upon, each 
 other. 
 
 But if all the Three Powers fhould join in fuch atj 
 Irregular ACtion, The Conftitution fufFers a Convulii- 
 On, Dies, and is Diffolved of Courfe. 
 
 Nor does it fuffice to fay, That King, Lords and 
 Commons can do no wrong, fince the mutual Confent of 
 Parties, on which that foolifh Maxim is grounded, does 
 not extend to every ACtion King, Lords and Commons 
 are capable of doing. 
 
 There are Laws which refpeCt tbe Common Rights 
 of the People, as they are the Parties to be Governed, 
 and with refpeCt to thefe the King can do no Wrong, 
 
 i i , 
 
^7 C 140 ; j 
 
 but all is laid upon his Minifters———who arc ac¬ 
 countable. 
 
 And there are Laws which particularly refpeft the I 
 Conftitution j the King, Lords and Commons, as they 
 are the Parties governing : In this regard each Branch, 
 may Wrong and Opprefs the other, or altogether, may 
 do Wrong to the People they are made to Govern. 
 
 The King may Invade the Peoples Properties, and if 
 the Lords and Commons omit to defend and protefl ' 
 them: they all do Wrong by a Tacit approving thofe A- 
 bufes they ought to oppofe. 
 
 The Commons may extend their Power to an exor¬ 
 bitant Degree, in Imprifoning the Subjects, Difpen- 
 img with the Habeas Corpus Aft, giving unlimited Pow¬ 
 er to their Sergeant to Opprefs the People in his Cufto- 
 dy, withholding Writs of Election from Burroughs and 
 Towns and fereral other Ways ; which if they are not 
 Check’d either by the King, or the Lords, they are altoge¬ 
 ther Parties to the Wrong , and the Subject is apparently 
 injured. 
 
 The Lords may Err in Judicature, and deny Juflice to 
 the Commons, or delay it upon Punftillioes and ftudi- 
 ed Occalions, and if neither the King nor the Com¬ 
 mons take care to prevent it, Delinquents are excufed, 
 and Criminals encouraged, and all are Guilty of the Breach 
 of Common Juflice. 
 
 That to prevent this, it is abfolutely neceflary that in 
 Matters of difpute the (ingle Powers fhould be Governed 
 by the Joint, and that nothing fhould fo be infilled up- ‘j 
 on as to break the Correlpondence. 
 
 That the Three fhould be directed by the Lawj 
 and where that is filent, by Reafon. 
 
 That every Perfon concern’d in the Law is in his 
 Meafure a judge of the Reafon, and therefore in his, 
 proper place ought to be allowed to give his Reafon in Cafe 
 of DiJJent. ' 
 
 That every fingle Power has an abfolute Negative 
 upon the Atts of the Other $ and if the People, who, 
 
 - are 
 
( i 4 i ) ygJ 
 
 arc without Doors, find Reafon ro Object, they may do 
 it by Petition: 
 
 But becaufe under pretence of Petitioning, Seditious 
 and Turbulent People may foment Difturbances, Tu¬ 
 mults and Diforders: The Subjects Right of Petitioning 
 being yet recogniz’d and preferv'd, the Circumftances 
 of fuch Petitions are regulated by Laws, as to the Num¬ 
 bers and Qualities of the Perfons Petitioning. 
 
 But the Laws have no where prefcrib’d the Petition¬ 
 ers to any Form of Words, and therefore no pretence 
 of Indecency of Expreffion can be fo Criminal as to be 
 deflruCtive of the Conftitution ; becaufe, though it 
 may deferve the Refentment of the Petitioned, yet it 
 is not an illegal ACt, nor a Breach of any Law. 
 
 And yet the Reprefentative Body of the People ought 
 not to be Banter'd or Affronted neither, at the Will and 
 Pleafure of any private Perfon without Doors, who finds 
 Caufe to Petition them. 
 
 But if any Expreffion be offenfive to the Houfe, it feems 
 Reafonable that the Perfons who are concerned therein 
 fliould be requir’d to explain themfelves: And if upon 
 fuch Explanation the Houfe find no Satisfaction as to 
 the particular Affront, they are at Liberty to proceed as 
 the Law direCts; but no otherwife. 
 
 And to me, the Silence of the Law in that Cafe feems 
 to imply, that rejecting the Petition is a Contempt 
 due to any indecency of that Nature, and as much Re¬ 
 fentment as the Nature of the Thing requires: Bur as 
 to breaking in upon Perfonal Liberty, which is a Thing 
 the Law is fo tender of, and has made fo ftrong a Fence 
 about, I dare not affirm~’tis a juftifiable Procedure; no, 
 not in the Houfe of Commons. 
 
 It is allcdged, That it has been practiced by all Parlia¬ 
 ments ; which is to me far from an Argument to prove 
 the Legality of it. 
 
 I think it may pafs for a Maxim, That a Man cannot 
 be Legally punifh’d for a Crime which there is no Law 
 to profecute. Now fince there is no Law to profecute 
 a Man for Indecency of Expreffion in a Petition to the 
 
 L 4. Houfe 
 
^ ) 
 
 Houfe of Commons, it remains a doubt with me how 
 they can be Legally punilh’d. 
 
 Precedents are of Ufo to the Houles of Parliament 
 where the Laws are filent, in Things relating to them- 
 felves, and are doubtlefs a fuflicient Authority to a£l 
 from. But whether any Precedent, Ufage or Cuftom, 
 of any Body of Men whatever, can make a Thing Law- 
 ful which the Laws have expreily forbid, remains a 
 Doubt with me. 
 
 It were to be wilh’d fome of our Parliaments would 
 think fit, at one Time or another, to clear up the Point 
 of the Authority of the Houfe of Commons, in Cafe of 
 jmprifoningfuchas are not of their Houfe, that having 
 the Matter ftated by thofe who are the only Expofitors 
 of our Laws, we might be troubled with no more Le¬ 
 gion Libels, to tell them what is, or is nor, Legal in their 
 Proceedings.' 
 
 The Good of the People Governed is the End of all 
 Government, and the Reafon and Original of Govern- 
 nors ; and upon this Foundation it is that it has been the 
 Practice of all Nations, and of this in particular. 
 That if the Male-Adminiftration of Governors have ex¬ 
 tended to Tyranny and Opprelfion, to Deftru&ion of 
 Right and Juftice, overthrowing the Conftitution, and 
 abufing the People, the People have thought it Lawful 
 to Realfume the Right of Government in their own 
 Hands, and to reduce their Governors to Reafon. 
 
 The prelent Happy Reftoiing of our Liberty and 
 Conftitution is owing to this Fundamental Maxim, 
 
 That Kings when they defcfnd to Tyranny, 
 
 DiJJolve the Bond, and leave the Subjeft free. 
 
 If the People are Juftifiable in this Procedure againft 
 the King, I hope I fhall not be cenfur’d if I fay, That 
 if any one [hould ask me, whether they have not the fame 
 Right j in the fame Cafes, againjl any of the Three Heads of 
 the Conftitution, I dare not anlwer in the Negative, i 
 
 1 
 
143 
 
 I may be allow’d to fuppofe any Thing which is pof- 
 lible; and I will therefore venture to fuppofe. That in 
 the late King’s Reign the Houfe of Commons, then fit¬ 
 ting, had Voted the Reftoration of Popery in England* 
 in Compliance with the King’s Inclination. 
 
 I doubt not but it had been Lawful for the Grand 
 Juries , Jufiices of the Peace , and Free-holders of any Coun¬ 
 ty, or of every County, to have Petition’d the Houfe of 
 Commons not to proceed in giving up their Religion 
 and Laws. 
 
 And in Cafe of Refufal there, they might Petition 
 the Houfe of Lords not to have pafs’d fuch a Bill. 
 
 And in Cafe of Refufal there, they might Petition 
 the King, and put Him in Mind of His Coronation En¬ 
 gagement. 
 
 And in Cafe of Refufal to that Petition, they might 
 Petition the King again to Diffolve the Parliament, or 
 otherwifc to protect their Liberties and Religion. 
 
 And if all thefe Peaceable Applications fail’d, I doubt 
 not but they might Aflociate for their Mutual Defence 
 againll any Invafion of their Liberties and Religion, and 
 apply themfclves to any Neighbouring Power or Poten¬ 
 tate for Alfiftance and Protection. 
 
 If this be not true, I can give but a (lender Account 
 of our late Revolution j which neVerthelefs I think to 
 be founded upon the exafit Principles of Reafon and 
 Juftice. 
 
 Nor will the Pretence of Indecency of Expreflion be 
 any Argument to bar the Subject of his Right of Petiti¬ 
 oning, or juftificthe ill Treatment of fuch Petitioners: 
 For the Cafe exceedingly differs from the fuppofed 
 Cafe of the Lord Chancellor, and the Complaint which 
 a late Author brings in, defil ing the Lord Chancellor to 
 turn his plaufible Speeches into Righteous Decrees. 
 
 Fir/t of all, Thy Freeholders of England Hand in a 
 different Capacity to the Members of the Houfe, who 
 arc their Trustees , their Attorneys, their Reprefentatives , 
 from that of a Complainant in Chancery to the Judge of 
 that Court. • '- * • 
 
( *44 ) 
 
 Secondly , The Lord Chancellor ha? a Right by Law 
 to Commit for perfonal Affronts offered in Coutt: 
 Whether the Houfe of Commons have the fame Right 
 by Law I know not, nor wil/ not undertake to deter¬ 
 mine ; but I do not find that Worthy Member has yet 
 attempted to prove they have. 
 
 Thirdly, This is Arguing from the Inferiour Court 
 to the Parliament of England, which is dire&Iy againli 
 Sir H. M's late Pofition, Fol. 4 . where he had, as I fup« 
 pofe, forgot that he had laid us down this Rule. 
 
 “ When there is Occafton to Debate concerning thefe Supe- 
 ** riour Powers of King, Lords and Commons, we mu/l not 
 “argue like Lawyers in Weftminfter-Hall, from the nar- 
 “ row Foundation of private Caufes of Meum and Tuum • 
 " but like St at ejmen and Senators, from the Large and No- 
 “ hie Foundation of Government, and the general Good of the 
 “ King and People. 
 
 Fourthly, But I am alfo informed, that the Cafe is 
 wrong too, and that even in that Inftance: The Lord 
 Chancellor had no Power to Commit to the Fleet , un- 
 lefs it were an Affront, Viva Voce , in Court. 
 
 Nor would it be any Argument in the fuppofed 
 Cafe I am upon, for any Body to fay, That the Occa- 
 flon muft concern that part of the Country from 
 whencefuch Petition is brought: For the Introducing 
 of Popery would certainly concern every County 
 of England. 
 
 And fuppofe again, the eopte thought themfelves in 
 danger of an Invafion from France , and thereupon the 
 Counties of Kent and Sujfex fiiould have Petitioned the 
 houfe to take them into Confideration, who, in fach 
 Cafe,were like to be the Seat of the War,and firft Expofed 
 to the Enemy ; Would any Body fay, the Occafion did 
 nor arife in the County from whence fuch Petition did 
 proceed. 
 
 In this Univerfal Right of the People confifts Our gene¬ 
 ral Safety. For notwitjhftanding all the Beauty of our 
 
 Con- 
 
( Mf > \] 
 
 Conftitution, and the exatt Symetry of its PartvSbout 
 which fome have been fo very Elegant, this noble well- 
 contrived Syftem has been Overwhelmed • the Government 
 has been Inverted, the Peoples Liberties have been 
 trampled on, and Parliaments have been rendred ufelels 
 and infignificant: And what has refiored us? The laft 
 Refort has been, to the People ;. Vox Dei has been found 
 there, not in the Representatives, but in their Original 
 the Reprefented. 
 
 And what has been the Engine that has led the Nati¬ 
 on to it ? The Reafon and Nature of the Thing. Rea- 
 fon governs Men when they are Matters of their Sences, 
 as naturally as Fire flies upwards, or Water defcends. 
 
 For what is it that King, Lords and Commons affem- 
 ble ? ’Tis to Reafon together concerning the weighty 
 Matters of the State, and to A <3 and Dp for the Good 
 of the People, what /hall be agreeable to Reafon and 
 Juftice. 
 
 I grant ’tis reafonable that every Branch fliould be 
 vetted with due Powers, and thofe powers be equally 
 diftributed. 
 
 But if they mutt be vetted with Power, fome Body 
 tnuft veil them with it: If thefe Powers mutt be diftri¬ 
 buted, fome Body mutt djftribute them. So that 
 
 There mutt be fome Power Trier to the Power of 
 King, Lords and Commons, from which, as the Streams 
 from the Fountain, the Power of King, l.ords and 
 Commons is derived. 
 
 And what are all the different Terms which Statef- 
 men turn fo often into fine Words to ferve their Ends; 
 as, Reafon of State, Publick Good, the Commonwealth, 
 the Englijh Conjlitution , the Government , the Laws of Eng-, 
 land, the Liberties of England, the Fleets, the Armies, 
 the Militia of England, the Trade, the ManufaBures of 
 England ? All are but feveral Terms drawn from and 
 reducible to the great Term, the People of England. 
 That’s the General, which contains all the Particulars, 
 and which had all Power before any of the Particulars had 
 fi Being, And from this Confidevation it is, that fome 
 x who 
 
~' 04« ) 
 
 who yet would be Oppofersof this Do&rine, Qy, when 
 it ferves their Turn, that all the Great Offices which have 
 the Title of England annexed to them, ought to be No¬ 
 minated and Approv'd by the People of England , as the 
 High Chancellor of England , High Admiral of England, 
 and the like. 
 
 That Power which is Original, is Superior; God is 
 the Fountain of all Power, and therefore is the Supreme'. And 
 if we could fuppofe a Prior and Original of the Di¬ 
 vine Power, that Original would he God , ard be Superi- 
 our ; for all fubfequent Power mutt be fubjedt and infe- 
 riour to the precedent. 
 
 The Power veiled in the Three Heads of our Con- 
 ftitution is veiled in them by the People of England, 
 who were a People before there was fuch a thing as a 
 Conftitution. 
 
 And the Nature of the Thing , is the Rea fan of the Thing: 
 Jt was veiled in them by the People, becaufe the People were 
 the only Original of their Power, being the only Power Prior 
 to the Confiituticn. 
 
 For the publick Good of the People, a Conftitution 
 and Government was Originally Formed; from the 
 mutual Confent of thefe People the Powers and Autho¬ 
 rities of this Conftitution arc derived • And for the pre- 
 fervation of this Conftitution, and enabling it to an- 
 fwer the Ends of its Inftitution in the belt manner pof- 
 fible, thofe Powers wete divided. 
 
 The fecond Maxim is a Rational Natural Confequence 
 of the former, That at the final, Cafual, or any other De¬ 
 termination of this Conftitution, the Powers are diflolv’d, 
 and all Authority mud derive de novo from the firft 
 Fountain, Original and Caufe of all Conftitutions, the 
 
 Governed. 
 
 Now it cannot be fuppos’d this Original Fountain 
 fliould give up all its Waters, but that it referves a Power 
 of fupylying the Streams: Nor has the Streams any’ 
 power to turn back upon the Fountain, and invert its 
 own Original. All fuch Motions are Excentrick and 
 Unnatural. ■ ' 1 
 
 There 
 
( 147 ) 
 
 There muft always remain a Supream Power in the 
 Original to fupply, in Cafe of the Diflolution of Dele¬ 
 gated Power. 
 
 The People of England have Delegated all the Execu¬ 
 tive Power in the King;, the Legiflaiive in th e King, Lords 
 and Commons, the Soveraign Judicature in the Lords , the 
 Remainder is relerv’d in themfdveS, and not committed, 
 no not to their Reprefentativcs : All Powers Delegated 
 are to one Great End and Purpofe, and no other, and. 
 that is the Tublick Good. If either, or all the Eranches 
 to whom this Power is Delegated invert the Defign, 
 the End of their Power, the Right they have to that 
 Power ceafesj and they become Tyrants and Ufurpcrs 
 of a Power they have no Right to. . 
 
 The Inftance has been vifible as to Kings in our Days 
 and Hiftory is full of Precedents in all Ages, and in all 
 Nations ; particularly in Spain, in Portugal > in Swede- 
 land, , in France , and in Poland’. 
 
 Butin England, the late Revolution is a particular In¬ 
 ftance of the Exereife of this Power. 
 
 King James , on the Approach of a Foreign Army, 
 and the general recourfe of the People to Arms, fled 
 out of the Kingdom. What muft the People of En¬ 
 gland do ? They had no Reafoi* to run after him j 
 there was no Body to caU a Parliament, fo the Conftitu- 
 tion was entirely Diflolv’d. 
 
 The Original of Power, the People , Aftembled in Con¬ 
 vention, to confider of Delegating New Powers for their 
 future Government, and accordingly made a New Set¬ 
 tlement of the Crown, a New Declaration of Right, 
 and a New Reprefentative of the People $ and what if 
 1 fliould fay they ought to have given a Jsew Sanction to all 
 precedent Laws. 
 
 It remains to argue from hence. But what Courfe 
 muft the People of England take, if their Reprefentatives 
 exereife the Power entrufted with them, to the Ruine of 
 the Conftitution ? , . 
 
 It has been advanced, That every Man muft fubmir, 
 and not prefume to argue again ft it upon any Suppoft- 
 tion of Mismanagement. t can 
 
C *48 ) 
 
 I can fee no Reafon given to confirm fuch a Pofition * 
 for unlefs we will place the Original of Power in the 
 Perfons Reprefenting, not in the Perfons Reprefented, 
 it cannot be made out that there ought to be no com¬ 
 plaint upon the fcore of our Mifmanagement. 
 
 It is not the Defign of this Difcourfe to leflen the 
 Authority of Parliament: But all Power muft Centre 
 fome where. If it is in the Three Branches of the Con¬ 
 ftitution, ’tis there inherently and originally, or it is 
 there by Deputation, If it be there by Deputation, 
 •hen there muft be a Power Deputing, and that muft be 
 both Prior, and confequently Superiour to the Depu¬ 
 ted, as before. 
 
 If we will come off of this, we muft fly to the old 
 ’weak Refuge of a Power fare Divino, a DoChine which 
 the moft famed Pretenders to, have liv’d to be afltam’d 
 bf, and whofe Foundation is fo weak, that ’tis not 
 worth while to expofe it. 
 
 I ftiould therefore have been very glad, that for the 
 Perfecting the Defence of the Englijh Conftitution, the 
 Centlcmen who have begun fo well, would have gone 
 forward to Recognize the Power of the People of E»- 
 gland, and their undoubted Right to judge of the In¬ 
 fractions made in thdr Conftitution, by either Parties 
 abufing the particular Powers veiled in them; and in¬ 
 verting them, by turning them againft the People they 
 are delign’d to defend. 
 
 That they would have ftated fairly what the People 
 of England are to do, if their Reprelentatives ftiall here¬ 
 after betray the Liberties or Religion of the People they 
 are intruded with the Defence of. 
 
 What by the Laws of Nature and Reafon is to be 
 expeCled, and what by the Laws of our Conftitution 
 are allow’d. 
 
 To fay, It cannot be fuppos’d the Houfe of Com¬ 
 mons can ever betray their Truft, is a Compliment:. 
 No Man is bound to make them, Humanum efl Errare. 
 We have feen Parliaments Err, and do what fucceeding 
 Parliaments have thought fit to undoe. And as that 
 
 which 
 
zr 
 
 which has been may he t fo that may he which never haj 
 been before. 
 
 % We have feen Parliaments comply with Kings ro the 
 Ruine of the Nation ; and we have feen Parliaments 
 Quarrel with Kings, to the Overturning of the Confti- 
 tution, Diflolving the Houfe of Lords, and Supprelling 
 the Monarchy. 
 
 We have feen Parliaments concur fo with the Fate 
 and Fortunes of Princes, as to comply backward and 
 forward, in Depofing and Reinthroning alternately two 
 Kings as often as Vittory put power into their Hands, 
 
 1 mean Henry the Sixth, and Edward the Fourth, who 
 were Kings and Prifoners five or fix times, and always 
 the Parliament complied with the Conqueror’s. 
 
 We have feen a Parliament of England confirm the U~ 
 furpation of Richard the Third, the greateft Tyrant 
 and moft bloody Man that ever England brought forth. 
 
 We have feen a Parliament confirm Henry the Seventh, 
 who really had no Right at all by Succeftion, and Res¬ 
 cind all the precedent Parliament had done. 
 
 Afterwards, in Matters of Religion, King Henry the 
 Eighth made a Pcpifh Parliament pull down the Supre¬ 
 macy of Rome , and fet up the King’s; and afterwards 
 fupprefs all the Religious Houfes in the Nation. His 
 Son pulled up Popery by the Roots, and planted the 
 Reformation, flill the Parliament complied. Queen Alary 
 Re-eftabli(h’d Popery, and unravelled both the Refor¬ 
 mation of King Edward , and all the Afts of Church 
 and State relating to her Mother’s Divorce, andfill the 
 Parliament confented. One Parliament Voted Queen Ma¬ 
 ry Legitimate, and Queen Elizabeth a Ballard; Another 
 parliament Legitimated Queen Elizabeth , and Repudia¬ 
 ted Queen Mary. Queen Elizabeth undid all her Sifter 
 had done, and fupprefs’d all the proceedings of Pope- 
 ty ; and all washy Authority of Parliament.. 
 
 So that this Parliamentary Branch of Power is no 
 more Infallible than the Kingly. 
 
 Had Sir H in. gone on to have Recogniz’d the Peo¬ 
 ples Right, to preferve their own Liberties in cafe of' 
 
 failure 
 
failure in any, or in all the Branches of the Conftitu- 
 ted Power, he had compleatcd his Vindication of the 
 Commons of England , which no Man could have done 
 better than himfelf. 
 
 If then upon the Subverlion of the Laws, and Jnto> . 
 ruption of Common Juftice, the Center of Power is in 
 the People, a Fortiori. The People are alfo concerned 
 in every Degree of fuch a Subverlion. 1 
 
 And ’tis the moft reafonable thing in the World, that 
 thofe who upon a total Subverlion are the Suilerers, and 
 have a Right to the Re-eftablilhment, fhov d have a 
 Right to take Cognifance of any Degree of Invalion 
 made upon their Right, and which rends to that gene- 
 ral Subverlion. 
 
 ’Tvvould be Nonfence to fuppofe, that which has all 
 the Greater Powers fhould not have the Lefs. • 
 
 Can the Peoples Good be the main and only End of 
 Government, and the Peoples Power be the laft Refort 
 when Government is Overwhelmed by the Errors ot 
 Governors? and have thefe People no Right, not to 
 much as to be fenfible of the Ruine of their Liberties, 
 till it is abfolutely compleated? ’Twould be ridiculous. 
 
 The truth is in right Reafoning, the full Invalion 
 made upon Juftice, either by the tacit or actual ABeat 
 of the three Heads of our Conftitution, is an actual 
 DilTolution of the Conftitution; and, for ough t I can 
 fee, the People have a right to difpoflefs the Incum¬ 
 bent, and commit theTruft of Government, dc Now, ,j 
 
 upon that firft Aft. . 
 
 But I chufe rather to put the Argument upon total 
 Subverlions of Right, Order and Defence, and I am 
 fure no Body will difpute it with me there. 
 
 And here, if I have any forelight, lies an ablolute 
 Security for us againftchat Bug-bear, which fo many 
 pretend to be frighted at, a Commonwealth. . 
 
 The Genius of this Nation has always appear d to tend 
 to a Monarchy, a legal limited Monarchy j and having 
 had in the late Revolution a full and uninterrupted Li¬ 
 berty, to Gaft thcmfclvesinto what Form of Government 
 
( 
 
 they pleas’d * There was not difcovered the leaf! Tndina- 
 tion in any Party towards a Commonwealth, tho’ the 
 Treatment they met with from their lafttwoKings, had 
 all in it that could be, to put them out of Love with 
 Monarchy. 
 
 A Commonwealth can never be introduc’d, but by 
 fuch Invafions of Right as muft make our Conftituted 
 Government impracticable: The Reafon is, becaufe 
 Men never willingly change for the Word ; and the 
 People of England enjoy more Freedom in our Regal, 
 than any People in the World can do in a popular Go¬ 
 vernment. 
 
 The People of England can never chufe a Common¬ 
 wealth Government, till they come to defire lefs Liberty 
 than they now enjoy; that is, till they come to be blind 
 to their own Intereft. ’ ris true, Example is no Argu¬ 
 ment ; but 1 might freely Appeal to the Friends df the 
 Laft Rcpublick in England to anfwer this Queftion. 
 
 Whether the People of England , during the Ihdrt Go¬ 
 vernment of Parliament in England, which Was eitone- 
 oufly called a Common-wealth, did, or whether they 
 can under any Commonwealth Government, founded 
 never fo wifely, enjoy greater Privileges and Advan¬ 
 tages than under the prefent Conftitution in its full and 
 free Exercife, uninterrupted by the Excefles df Kings, 
 evil Councellors, Parties and Paflioils. 
 
 If any fhall pretend that the late Parliament is aimed 
 i at in this, I hope I may have as much Liberty to fuppofe 
 they arc Miftaken j for the Days of fudging by Inuendo 
 are at an end. 
 
 If any thing feemto lie that way, the Error muft be 
 theirs who have fo mean thoughts of them, as to think 
 : the Coat will fit them j if it does , they are welcome to wear 
 
 I it. For my part, I declare my felt to intend only the 
 
 bringing.things to fuch a right Underftanding, as may 
 preferve the ballance of Power; and, I hope, I cannot 
 offend any Free Reprefentative of the People o f England 
 in faying, that What Power they have they receive from 
 • the People they repreftnt , and. That (erne Pcv’ers do (lill re- 
 •f ’ M main, 
 
( IJ2- ) 
 
 rkafn with the People^ which they never neither divejled 
 them [elves cf nor committed to them. 
 
 Nor can 1 be fenfible of offending, if I fay,that’J/j pof- 
 jfible for even a Houfe of Commons to he in the Wrong. ’Tis 
 poflible for a Houfe of Commons to be mifled by Fac¬ 
 tions and Parties. ’Tis poihble for them to be Brib’d 
 by Penfions and Places, and by either of thefe Extrcams 
 to betray their Truff, and abufe the People who en- > 
 truft them : And if the People fhouldhave no Redrefs 
 in fuch a Cafe, then would the Nation be in the hazard 
 of being ruined by their own Reprefentatives. And ’tis a 
 wonder to find it aflerted in a certain Treatife, That it 
 is not to he fuppofed that ever the Houfe of Commons can In¬ 
 jure the People who intruf them. There can be no better 
 way to demonstrate the poflibility of a Thing, than by 
 proving that it has been already. 
 
 And we need go no farther back than to the Reign 
 of King Charles the Second, in which we havefeen Lifts 
 of 18 o C Members who received private Penfions from 
 the Court; and if any Body fljall ask whether that Par¬ 
 liament preferv’d the Bailanceof Power in the three 
 Branches of our Conftitution, in the due diftribution 
 fome have mentioned, I am not afraid to anfwer in the 
 Negative, ' - , - r e. 
 
 And why even to this day are Gentlemen lo fond c?f 
 fpending their Eflates to fit in that Houfe, thatTen thou- 
 land Pounds have been fpent at a time to be Chofen,and 
 now that way of procuring Elections, is at an end, pti- { 
 vate Briberies and Clandeftine Contrivances are niudeufe 
 of to get into the Houfe. No Man jvguIcI give a Groat to 
 fit where he cannotget a Groat honefilj for fitting, unlejs there 
 were either Parties to gratifie, Profits to be made, or Interest 
 to fupport, 
 
 If then thefe things are potfible* itfeemsto me not 
 fo improper for the People, who are the Original and 
 End of the Conftituciorf, and have the main Concern 
 in it, to be very folltcitous that the due Ballance of 
 fewer be preferv’d, and decently; and, according to 
 to Law, always to fhew their Diflike and Refemmcnt 
 
ad any publick Encroachment Which either Branch of 
 the Conftitution, thall make on each Other, or on the 
 the whole, be it by their own Rcprefcntatives or any 
 where elfe. 
 
 If it is expelled, that I fhotild defeend to particular 
 Matters, debated between the two Houfes in the Iafc 
 Sefiion of this prelim Parliament j jfuch Fxpeitants will 
 be deceived: 1 /hall not meddle with a Cafe which ap¬ 
 pears fo difficult to be decided, that the rWo Houfes of 
 Parliament Could not agree about. 
 
 And fince, as I laid before, every Perfon who takes 
 upon him to fpeak to Or of the Parliament, ought to 
 have liberty to Explain himfelf; fo I have taken that Li¬ 
 berty in the Preface to this Book, to which I refer. 
 But this in General I may fay, for I am upon Generals, 
 and lhall keep to them without any relation to particu¬ 
 lar Cafes. 
 
 It cannot be that the Perple of England, Who have fo 
 touch Concern in the good Agreement of their Goverii- 
 nours, can fee the Two Houses of Parliament at any 
 time Clafh with one another, or with the King, dr the 
 King with them ■, or Encroach upon the Rights and 
 Liberties dfthe Subj“<Sh, and be Unconcern d, and not 
 exprefs their Fears' 
 
 If any Fellow Subject be Impeach’d, to fee the Dif- 
 putes between the Two Houfes about Punitilioes of 
 Form, interrupt the due and ordinary Courfe of Juf- 
 tice ; fo that a Criniinal cannot be Deceited, nor an In¬ 
 nocent Man be Juftified, but fuch Impeachments lhall 
 lie as a Brand upon the Reputationof an Innocent Per¬ 
 fon, which is a Punijlnnent worje than his Crime deferv d % 
 if be were Guilty . Thefe are Injuries to the Subject 
 in general, and they cannot be ealie &o fee them. 
 
 We have a great Cry againft .,n Evil Mmiftry, the 
 rioife of which is fo great, as it droVns the Complaints 
 of the People j bat 1 dare fjfy no re of the People of Eng - 
 land would be againfc having due Kcfentmenrs fhown, 
 and legal Punilhments infiiited with impartial Jultice, 
 Where the Perfons appear Guilty: But if Enquiry after 
 
 M a Dif- 
 
 * 
 
( 154 ) 
 
 bifordersat Home fhould delay taking care of our Safe¬ 
 ty Abroad j if private Clafhings and Difputes between 
 Parties artd lnterefts fhould take up the Hours which 
 ire due to the Emergency of Fort ign Affairs, the Peo¬ 
 ple of England will be very ill ferv’d ; and the Perfons, 
 whoever they are concerned, will be able to give but a 
 forry account to the Country that employ’d them of the 
 Truft they had committed to them: Not that Delin- ' 
 qucnts fhould not be punifh’d, or Evil Minifters Irii- 
 p cach’d, but, aS oar Saviour fays in another Cafe, Thefe 
 things ye ought to have done., and not have the other left 
 Undcne 
 
 What fhall We then fay to the manner of fixing Guilt 
 upon a Perfon or a Party by Vote. That the Lords de¬ 
 nying a free Conference, was a Delay of Juftice, and 
 tended to deftroy the good Correfpondence, &c. and 
 refufing to proceed to the Tryal of one impeach d Lord, 
 becaufe another Lord, not Impeach’d, had affronted the 
 Houfe. . . 
 
 Truly I fhall venture to fay nothing of it but this, 
 that the Clafhings and Disagreement between the two 
 l loufes are things our Enemies rejoye’d at, and the Peo¬ 
 ple of England were very forry for. Who are in the 
 light of ir Sir H. M. muft anfwerfor me, who fays, It 
 
 is not to he imagin' d that a Majority of fo numerousBo* 
 dy of Gentlemen can he influenc'd againfl Reafon and Juftice . 
 
 But at the fame time fuppofes the Lords may, by re¬ 
 ceiving Articles of Impeachment to Day,and appointing 
 to Try them Forty Years hence, or elfe to morrow 
 Morning at Truro in Cornwall. 
 
 If he means that it is not probable, I readily allow it j 
 but if he means that ’tis not poiiible, 1 cannot agree, 
 for the Reafons and Examples aforefaid . And if it be 
 but poiiible, ’tis not reSfonable the Liberty and Safety of 
 England fhould be expoft d even to a poffibifity of Difa- 
 fter; and therefore Reafon and Juftice allows, that when 
 all delegated Powers fail or expire* when Governours 
 devour the People they fhould protect; And when Par¬ 
 liaments, if ever that unhaffsy time fhall come again, fhould 
 
( *$$ ) 
 
 be either deftroy’d, or, which is as bad, be corrupted 
 and betray the People they Reprelenr, the People them- 
 felves, whp are the Original of all delegated Power, 
 have an undoubted Right to defend their Lives, Liber¬ 
 ties, Properties, Religion and Laws, agajnft all manner 
 of Invafion or Treachery, be it Foreign or Domeftick; 
 theConftitution isdilfolv’d, and the Laws of Nature and 
 Reafon a& of Courfe, according to the following 
 Syftem of Government, 
 
 The Government's ungirt when Juft ice dies , 
 
 And Ccnflitutions are non Entities: 
 
 The Nation's all a Mob j there's no fuch thing 
 sis Lords and Cowmens, Parliament or King. 
 
 A great promifeuous Croud the Hydra lies. 
 
 Till Laws revive, and mutual Contrail ties. 
 
 A Chaos free to chafe for their own jhare 
 What Cafe of Government they pleefe to wear. 
 
 If to a King they do the Reins commit. 
 
 All Men are bound in Confcience to fubmit. 
 
 But then that King mufl by his Oath ajfent 
 To Poftulata’r of the Government: 
 
 Which if he breaks, he cuts eff the Intail, 
 
 And Power retreats to its Original ■■■ 
 
 It may be ObjeBed 5 But who are thefe People to whomf 
 Tower mufl thus Retreat ? And who have the Original 
 Right in their Hands ? It mufl be the whole People. If there 
 he one Negative, every one having an equal Right , the, 
 real Claim of Power is Imperfeft : And flnee there can be no 
 general Coilsclive Meeting of the whole Community, there 
 tan be no Execution of their Power j and therefore this 
 does not juftifie a few of that Body in the name of the 
 reft, to Execute any part of that Power. 
 
 This may be Anfwercd; though upon a DtfTolutiop 
 Of Government all the People collectively cannot be en¬ 
 quired of as to what they will have done, yet one Ne¬ 
 gative ought not to Interrupt the whole. 
 
 ¥ % . Vft 
 
^ ( 1ft ) 
 
 I’ll fuppofe a general DilTolution of- Government in 
 any Country, fuch as was feen in this Nation at the laft 
 Revolution. 
 
 The People affembled in a Univerfal Mob to take 
 the Right of Government upon themfclves, are not to 
 be fuppofcti to give their perfonal Suffrages to every 
 Article, but they may agree to a Convention of fuch 
 Perfons as they think fit to Intruft, to Conftitute Je No~ , 
 vo, and may Delegare their Power, or part of it to fuch 
 a Convention j and in fuch Cafe a general Concur¬ 
 rence is to be fuppos’d, unlefs there be a pubhek 
 Diffcnt. • 
 
 Now fuppofe the general Collective Body of the 
 People Ihould not unanimoufly agree, ’tis own'd the 
 Power could not be univerfally Delegated, and there a 
 Divifon would follow 3 but in fuch Cafe, thofe who 
 Diffented from fuch an Agreement, mud declare their 
 Diffent, and agree to any other Form of Government 
 for themfclves, and fo divide from the other Body, and 
 if they do not divide, they in effeCt do not Diffent. 
 
 But then this Divifion muft be before any Members 
 are Delegated by them to Convene. 
 
 For Example: 
 
 Suppofc the Freeholders in Cornwall in fuch a Cafe 
 (hould lay, We do not approve of your deputing Men 
 to meet and confult of a new Government and Confti- 
 tution, we are refolved to be govern’d by fuch a Man 
 of our own Country. 
 
 This Resolution being again!! no Law, and that 1 
 Country having fenr no Members to reprefent them, 
 and to join with the reft of the Body, they cannot be 
 legally difturb’d or punifh’d, or forced to Unite with the 
 reft of the Nation. 
 
 Such a Divifion might be look’d upon gs a Misfortune 
 to the General Body, and unkind in the Country, or 
 part dividing from th,e reft, but in the nature of the 
 thing it could not be Unjuft. 
 
 Becaufe any Body of Men are at Liberty, upon the 
 Dilfolution of former Contracts, to be governed by 
 
 fuch 
 
 t % * \ 
 
( *57 ) 
 
 u 
 
 IB 
 
 and in fuch manner as they 
 
 (uch Laws and Perfons, 
 
 (hall think fir. a iiu<v£Wj h 
 
 Yet is there no fear^of fuoh a Diviuon wa a Country 
 To depending on its feveral Parts as this is, bccaute the 
 reft would render them fo ftneafie, that lntereft would 
 
 compel them to comply. ,V . 
 
 Note, I do not place this Right upon the Inhaouants, 
 but upon the Freeholders j the Freeholders are the propel 
 Owners of the Country : It is their own, and the o- 
 ther Inhabitants are but .Sojourners, like Lodgers in a 
 Houfe, and ought to be fubje£t to fuch Laws as the 
 Freeholders impofe upon them, or die they muft re¬ 
 move 3 bccaufe the Freeholders having a Right to the 
 Land, the other have ho right to Ijve there but upon 
 fufferance. 
 
 In former Days the Freehold gave a Right of Go¬ 
 vernment to the Freeholder, and Vaftalage and Villinage 
 was deriv’d from this Right, that every Man who will 
 live in my Land fball be my Servant , if be wont, let 
 him go about his Bufinefs^ and live fomewhere elle: 
 
 And his the fame ftillin right reafonjng. 
 
 And I make no queftion but Property of Land is the 
 beft Title to Government in the World '• if the 
 
 King was univerfa! Landlord, he ought to be univer- 
 
 fal Governor of Right, and the People fo living on his 
 Lands ought to obey him, or goolfof his Premifes.^ 
 
 And if any (ingle Man in England (hould at any time 
 come to be Landlord of the whole Freehold of England , 
 he could indeed have no Right to Difpoffefs the King, 
 till the prefent legal Settlement of the Crown fail d, be- 
 caufe it was fettled by thofe that had then a Right to 
 fettle it. 
 
 But he would immediately be the full Reprefentative 
 of all the Counties in England, and might Eledl himfelL 
 Knight of the Shire for every County, and the Sherift 
 of every County muft Return him accordingly. 
 
 He would have aU the Baronies and Tides of Honour 
 which are entail’d upon Eftates devolv’d upon him, and 
 upon any Expiration of the Settlement would be King 
 by natural Right. M J 4 
 
C ^3 ) 
 
 And he would be King upon larger Terms than ever 
 any Man was legally King of England j for he would 
 be King by inherent Right of Property. 
 
 When therefore I am fpeaking of the Right of the 
 People, I w*uld be underftood of the Freeholders, for 
 all the other Inhabitants live upon Sufferance, and ei- 
 th« are the Freeholders Servanrs, or having Money to 
 pay Rent live upon Conditions, and have no Title to 
 their living in England, other than as Servants, but 
 what they mull pay for. 
 
 Upon this foot it is that to this Day our Law fuffers 
 not a Foreigner to Purchafe any of the Freeholds of 
 England: For if a Foreigner might Purchafe, your 
 Neighbours (having Money to fparej might come and 
 buy you out of your own Country, and take Pofleflion 
 by a legal and indifputable Right. 
 
 This Original Right was the firft Foundation of the 
 leveral Tenures of Land in England ; fome held of the 
 King, lome of the Lord, fome by Knight Service, Soc- 
 a j th _ e ^ke, and fome were call’d Freeholds. 
 The Lords of Mannors had their Homages, and their 
 Services from their Tenants, as an Acknowledgment 
 that the Right of the Land gave a certain Right of 
 Government to the PofTeffor over all the Tenants and 
 Inhabitants. 
 
 But he that polTefs’d the leaft Freehold, was as much 
 Lord of himfdf , and of that Freehold, as the greateft 
 Noble-man in the Nation, he ow’d no Homage or 
 Service, no, not to the King, other than as limited by 
 Laws of his own making, than is as he was teprefented 
 in Parliament. 
 
 And as a thing which wHI put this Argument out 
 of all queftion. The Right to Lands, Mannors and 
 Lordfhips, was not Originally a Right granted by Pa¬ 
 rents from Kings or Adis of Parliament, but a natural 
 Right of Pofleiiion handed down by Cuftom, and anci¬ 
 ent Ufage, as the Inheritance from the ftill more anci¬ 
 ent Poflcffors and Prelcription, or Ufage time out of 
 Mind, is to this Day allow’d to be a fufficient Title in 
 
 feveral 
 
( *f9 ) 
 
 fpyeral Cafes, where Conveyances, Deeds, Charters, 
 and Writings of Eftares are filenr, efpecially as to Cut¬ 
 tings and Boundings of Land, Highways, Footpaths, 
 Water Courfes, Bridges, and the like. 
 
 This Right, as all Right Originally, is Founded up 
 on Reafon : For it would be highly Unreafonable, thai 
 thofe People who have no fhare of the Houfe fhould live 
 in it whether he that built it will or no. No Perfor 
 has any Right to live in England , bur they to whon 
 England belongs ;• the Freeholders of England have it b 
 poUeflion ; England is their own, and no Body has an* 
 thing to do here but thernfelves. 
 
 If they permit other People to live here, well am 
 good, but no Mart but a Freeholder lives here upo 
 any Terms but permijju Superiorum, and he pays Rent fc 
 his Licence to live here. 
 
 Thus the Liberties and Privileges of Towns and Cor¬ 
 porations, are founded upon ACts of Parliament to con¬ 
 firm Charters or Grants from the Crown, by which thf 
 Freeholders give their Confenr that fuch and fuch Be 
 dies of Men living in fuch Towns, fhall enjoy certai 
 Privileges in Conlideration of their being fo confidera- 
 bly ferviceablc to the Nation, by .paying Taxes, main¬ 
 taining the Poor, by Manufactures, Trade, and the 
 like, notwithftanding they are not pofiefs’<| of any 
 part of the Freehold. 
 
 And *tis obfervable, the King cannot give this Privi¬ 
 lege, fo as to enable any of thefe Corporations to fend 
 Reprefentatives to Parliament. None, but the Freehold¬ 
 ers of England (and fuch Towns in Conjunction,) to 
 whom the Freeholders have already granted fuch Privi¬ 
 lege, can give a Qualification of fuch a Nature, as is a 
 receiving them into an equal Rate of Privilege with a 
 Freeholder. 
 
 Every Man’s Land is his own Property ; and ’ris a 
 Trefpafs in the Law for another Man to come upon his 
 Ground without his Confent. If the Freeholders IhouId: 
 all agree. That fuch a Man fhall not come upon their 
 Land* That they will not Let him a Houfe for his 
 
 Money 
 
( 1 60 ) 
 
 Money; That whofe Land foever he fets his Foot on, 
 |he Owner Hull IndiCt him for a Trefpafs, as by Law he 
 mar, the Man muft fly the Mation ofCaurfe. 
 
 Thus the Freeholders having a Right to the Pofleflion 
 of England, the Reafon muft be good that they muft 
 have the fame Right to the Government or themfdves, 
 that they have to the Government of the reft of the* 
 Inhabitants) j and that there can be no Eegal Power in Eng¬ 
 land, but what has its Original in the PofjeJJors j for Property 
 it the Foundation of Power. 
 
 1 am nor undertaking to find fault with our Conftitu- 
 tions, tho* I do not grant neither, that it is capable of 
 no Amendment; but I would endeavovr to make way, 
 by retreating to Originals, for every Member to per¬ 
 form its proper Function, in order to put the general 
 Body into its regular Motion. 
 
 For as in the natural Body, if any Member, either 
 by Contraction of the Organ, Diflocation, or other 
 Accident, fails in the performance of its proper Duty, 
 ihe Locomotive Faculty is either interrupted, and the 
 Body diftorttd, or at leaft the regularity of Natural Mo¬ 
 tion is invaded: So in the Body Politick, if one Branch 
 of the general Union err, and that Error, is not corre¬ 
 cted, the whole Conftitution fuffers a fhock, and there 
 is an Infraction of the general Order. 
 
 The Excellency of our Conftitution confifts of the 
 Symetry of Parts j and the Balian.ce of Power $ and if this 
 Variance be broken, one Parr grows too great for the 
 Other, and the whole is put into Confulion. 
 
 To give foine Inftances of this, 'twill be needful to 
 enter a little into Hiftory, and we need not go far to 
 inform our felves, that there has been a Time when, the 
 weaknefs of our Conftitution has appeared. 
 
 Our Conftitution, when all the fine Things in the 
 World have been laid of ir, is not impregnable, when 
 Power has been thrown wholly into one Scale, the 
 other has always been trampled under Foot, and over¬ 
 thrown by it. ' v 
 
 The" 
 
( * 6 } ) V I 
 
 The Regal Power under King Charles the FiruTover- 
 ballanc’d the Lords and Commons, to the invading the 
 Right of Levying Taxes veiled wholly in the Parlia¬ 
 ment, and to the difcontinuing Parliaments for four¬ 
 teen Years, and the many Convulfions the Confiitud- 
 on felt in that time, is too melancholy a Subject to re¬ 
 flect upon. 
 
 The Houfe of Commons in the next Settlement over¬ 
 balanc'd the Lords,'and Power being added to one Side, 
 tofs’d the Upper Houfe quite out of the Scale, abfolute- 
 ly Annihilated the very being of the Peers as a Houfe, 
 and voted them out of the Conllirution. 
 
 By the Relloratjon the Conftitution return’d to its 
 Original, and the Ballancc was pois’d againWhat at¬ 
 tempts have* fmee been made to overthrow it, are need- 
 lefs to be infilled upon, but the nature of the thing 
 kads me to make one Remark, That if the King can 
 do no Wrong, nor is not puniffiable orblamable by our 
 Conftitution, but the Miniftcry, as a late Author has 
 very clearly let down. Then we have a£ted llrangely 
 in the late Revolution ; in which the King who mult be 
 Innocent only fufFered ; and the Miniltry, who mull be 
 Guilty, not only were excufed, but intrulted and 
 employed. 
 
 Not that I am of fome Peoples Opinion neither, 
 who think the late King had hard meafure in being 
 Depos'd, when be was really not accountable. For I 
 prefume I may affirm, That the Depofing King James 
 ivas founded upon his Deferring the Nation, not his 
 Male-adminiftration ; for had he continued in England 
 you might pollibly have fubdu’d him, and took him 
 Prifoner, but there had been no room for Tranfpoling 
 the Crown while he had been alive. 
 
 And ’tis allow’d by all, that thofe Pcrfons who 
 advifed him to quit the Kingdom by flying out of 
 it, either wilfully betray’d him, or very ignorantly 
 gave him the only Council which could compleac 
 His Ruin, 
 
 • How 
 
( rfo 3 
 
 HoW then It comes to pafs that thofc evil Minifteri 
 have arriv’d to Impunity for what was paft, and again 
 to be trufted both in the Court and in the Parliament 
 With the Peoples Liberties, « a My fiery pa (l dur reaches. 
 
 If I had no Name my felf, I would let down theirs j 
 or if I had a Prefs in the Clouds to Print their Practi¬ 
 ces, the World fhould not be Ignorant ; but ftnee ’tis 
 notfo, I fhall only fay as our Saviour (aid of fomeBo¬ 
 dy elfe. By their Works ye Jhali know, them. 
 
 Thefe are the Men who cry loudeft again ft the pre- 
 fent Miniftery, and on all occaliqns make ufe of the 
 pretence of Liberty to animate the Nation againft not 
 Only the prefent, but againft every Miniftery by which 
 the publick Affairs fhall be manag'd, and againft the 
 King hlmfclf. 7he fame Men who in former Days 
 Cried up a Popilh Army in a profound Peace, the Very 
 fame now cried down a Proteftant Army in time of 
 Danger. The very fame Men who could digeft the ab- 
 folttte Power of ruining our Liberty and Religion, be¬ 
 ing veiled in a Popilh King, were the firft and forward- 
 eft char durft not trull a Proteftant King with Forces e- 
 nbugh to defend us till Peace was better Eftablilh’d, but 
 have by that means, according to their Hearts delire, 
 laid us and all Europe under a necelfity of Arming a- 
 gain to maintain that Peace, which ’twas then in our 
 power to have maintain’d. 
 
 For I am free to fay ’twas not the Treaty of Partition 
 which fo much run the Spaniards upon giving them- 
 felves Up to the French , as it was the aefpicable Figure 
 the English Forces were reduced to, which made the 
 French King bold to take poflelfion of the Spanijh Mo¬ 
 narchy, which had fome, I do not fay all our Forces 
 been continued but a Year or two longer, he would 
 not have ventur’d to have done. 
 
 And yet all rhele Forces might have been fubjeCled 
 fo abfolutely to Parliamentary Power, as if they had 
 been their own; for the King never denied them any 
 Security they defir’d, and fo they might have been 
 Disbanded as ealily now as then. 
 
 Noe 
 
r 163 ) \^ y 
 
 Nor do I think that in this Difcourfe I can be fup- 
 poled to favour that Party, if there he fucb a ?arty t 
 which indeed I queftion , who would Govern this Nation 
 by the help of a Standing Army; but I muft be allowed 
 to lay down this for a Maxim, That any Force as fliall 
 be agreed to by Confent of Parliament is Legal, and 
 fome Force may at fome particular times be neccflary, 
 of which the Parliament are the only Judges. 
 
 Still I allow that of this Power fo derived from Pro* 
 perty, the Hou(e of Commons are the Abridgment; they 
 are the Freeholders of England in Miniature ; to them all 
 needful Powers and Privileges are committed, to make 
 them Capable of Ailing for the People they Reprefent; 
 and. Extremities excepted, they are our Lift Refort s But if 
 they employ thofe Privileges and Powers againft the 
 People, the reafon of thofe Powers is deftroy’d, the 
 end is inverted, and the Power Ccafes ofcourfe. 
 
 From hence ’cis reafonable to give them Ioftruilions | 
 and though they are not conditionally chofen as to 
 their Inftruilions, yet they ought in Honour rp think 
 themfelves under equal Obligation to Hand by thofe 
 Inftrudlions. 
 
 Inftruftions to Members are like the Power given to 
 an Arbitrator, in which, though he is left fully and 
 fretlly to ail, yet ’tis in Confidence of his Honour that 
 he will think himfelf bound by the Direitions he re* 
 Ceivcs from the Perfon for whom he ails. 
 
 If an Arbitrator inverts the defign of his Principle, 
 he deftfoys the end of his Election, and is fere ne¬ 
 ver to be entrufted again. 
 
 The Houfe of Commons are our Saniluary againft the 
 Opprellion of Princes, the Nations Treafurcrs, and the 
 Defenders of their Liberties , but all thefe Titles figni- 
 fie, that at the fame time they are the Nations Ser¬ 
 vants. 
 
 The Houfc of Commons alfo arc Mortal, as a Houfe » 
 a King may Diflojve them, they may die and he ex* 
 tindl j but the Power of the people has a kind of E* 
 ternicy w'ith refpeil to Politick Duration; Parliaments 
 
 my 
 
~ 
 
 ( 
 
 ftxay ceafe, but the People remain 5 for them they were 
 originally made, by them they are continued and re¬ 
 newed, from them they receive their Power, and to 
 them in reafon they ought to be accountable. 
 
 The Conclujiom 
 
 T HE Diflolution of the Iaft Parliament has been fub- 
 fequent to the Writing thefe Sheets, and two 
 Obfervat ions fall out fo naturally on this occafiori, that 
 I cannot but conclude this Subject with them. 
 
 That both His Alajefty and the whole Nation have 
 Very happily given their Approbation to the Pofitions 
 here laid down. 
 
 It cannot be' doubted but that the Language of the 
 Addreflcs of the People prefented to His Majefty, upon 
 the Indignity offer’d him by th'e French King, has in ge¬ 
 neral a Diflike included in them of the Management of 
 their late Reprefen tad ves 3 and tho’ it is a new thing, 
 yet it is plain their Proceedings in general have been 
 Difobliging to the Nation. 
 
 There was no need to exprefs in Words at length 
 before alfo His Majesty's Intentions were known , that they 
 ■defire him to Diflolve the prefent Parliament. Good 
 Manners required, that they fhould not fo plainly lead 
 His Majefty in what he was to be the Author of 3 be- 
 fides the Parliament was in Being, and the illegal Ar¬ 
 bitrary Ufageof th eKentiJI) Gentlemen frefhin the Me¬ 
 mory of the People. But what is the meaning of the 
 following Exprelfions in the Addrelfes ? If Tour Ma- 
 je(ly fleajes to entrufi us with the Choice of a new Parlia¬ 
 ment 3 When Tour Majcjly fall he gracicujly pleaftd to cad 
 a new Parliament 3 In Conjunction with a Parliament 3 and 
 the like. What would the AddrefTors have us, or have 
 the King to underhand by thefe Exprelfions, but that 
 the People finding themfelves Injur’d by the Proceed¬ 
 ings of their Reprefcntativcs, and the Nation in dan¬ 
 ger 
 
( 
 
 ger of being abufcd and betray’d to the Invafions of 
 the French, by the Illegal and Arbiravy Deiigns of a 
 Party in the Houfe, have recourfe to His Majefty, to 
 defpofe for them a Power which rhev faw going to’ be 
 mifapplitd to the Ruine of thofe from whom and for 
 w hom it was appointed. 
 
 Nor was this any thing but what was feen and 
 known before j all thefe Addrcfles arc the Legitimate 
 Olf-fpring of the Kentijh Petition ; and had not the 
 Freeholders been aw’d by the ill ufageof the Kentifh 
 Genrlermn, the whole Nation had then as unanimou fly' 
 Petition’d the Hoafe, as they have now Addrefs’d Hie 
 Majefty. 
 
 this is evident from the Tenour, and yet uodi(co¬ 
 vered Original of the Legion Papery the Contents 'of 
 which had fo much plain Truth of Fa& and Truth of 
 Law, that the Houfe flood Convicted in tfie plain 
 Condonation the Contents of it threw them in* 
 by which they gave afullailent to the Right of the 
 People. 
 
 But beyond all this is His Majefty’s Proclamation* 
 wherein, according to Truth, Reafon, anti the Nature 
 of the Thing, His Majefty has gracioully given a San* 
 £iion to the narural Right of his People, proclaiming 
 from the Englijh Throne, of which he is the mol 
 Rightful Pofkflor, by the Voice of die People, that fi¬ 
 ver fat on it. 
 
 That when the People of England do univerfally ex- 
 prels their Refolution to do what fliould or ought to 
 be defired of good Englijb Men 
 and PrOteftants, * It is rcafonable * See His Majefty'* 
 to gift r them an Opportunity to chufe Proclamation for Dif- 
 fucb Per/ons to reprefen/them in <olv,ngthe P«li«nw 
 
 Parliament , as they may judge moft likely to brine to effett 
 their jtijl and pioUt Purpojes. r,*y "" 
 
 The Words need no Commenr, they contain in them 
 a glorious Recognition from the Reftorer of Engtifi, Li- 
 ©eiry, and au unexampled Tcftimony to the rcafbna- 
 
 bkodr 
 
( 1 66 ) 
 
 blcnefs'of tbofe juft Rights which, though former King s 
 blinded by Ambition , have endeavour d to Jupprefs , His 
 prefcnt Majefty, according to his firft Declaration and 
 continued Pradtice, has accounted it his Chief Honour 
 to preferve, and which we doubt not he will hand 
 down unbroken to our Pofterity. 
 
 Fhe Free-holders Flea again/I Stocky 
 
 Elections of 4 Parliament 
 
 O F all the Nations in the World, we may fay, with¬ 
 out detrafling from the Chara&er of our Native 
 Country, that England has, for fome Ages paft, been 
 the mod Diftrafited with Divifions and Parties among 
 themfelves. 
 
 Union and Charity, the one relating to our Civil, the 
 other to Religious Concerns, -arc Strangers in the Land; 
 and whether we fpeak of difference in Opinions, or 
 differences in Intereft, We muft own that we are the 
 moft Divided, Quarrelfome Nation under the Sun. 
 
 Poland is the only Nation of Europe which can pre¬ 
 tend to match us in this ill-natur’d Qjality, and yet, 
 ail things examin’d, Poland cannot come near us. 
 
 ’Twas a true Character given of us, by the wileft 
 Princefs that ever Govern’d us, Queen Elizabeth , that 
 the Englifh were harder to be Govern’d in time of Peace 
 
 than War. , _ . , , /> 
 
 What Experience our prefent Governors have had ot 
 this old Maxim in the ftiort Peace we have had, we leave 
 to every Man’s Obfervaiion. 
 
 Not to enter into the Hiftory of the Divifions, ana 
 the civil Difturbances in the Nation’s Peace, which is 
 
 too 
 
( *67 ) 
 
 too frefli in our Memories; and cannot be review’d 
 without fenfible Regret by any Man, who loves his 
 Country, or has the leaft regard to its Profperity or 
 Reputation. 
 
 Yet we cannot but exprefs our fenfe of the encreafe, 
 and more than ordinary progrefs of this wrangling 
 Temper on the prefent Affairs of the Publick ; and 
 with what fatal fuccefs it invades us in the moft minute, 
 and moft tender Parrs 5 with what fubtilty it fpreads its 
 contagious Qualities into the Vitals of the State $ and 
 from thence defeends into the lefs noble parts, the Trade 
 of the Nation. 
 
 Religion and the State have felt the plague of Con¬ 
 tention, eating out the very Entrails of the Nation, and 
 with a fort of alternate Motion, have equally come un¬ 
 der its malignant Effetts for almoft four entire Centu¬ 
 ries of Years, and as if it was not enough to hurt us 
 in thofe two Effentials of our Peace, behold the Plague 
 is broke out in our Trade, which is the third, and next 
 to the other two, the Supreme Article of the King¬ 
 doms Profperity. 
 
 Wherefore we the Yeomandry and poor Freeholders 
 of England, having, God knows, no hand in the Dif¬ 
 ferences tho’ we have a deep fhare in the Damages, do 
 take the freedom to make our juft Remarks upon the 
 Caufcs, which,, as we apprehend, have conduc’d roo 
 much to the prefent unhappy Divifions of the Nation ; 
 and which, if fome care be not taken to prevent it, may 
 compleat the Ruin of us all. 
 
 The Wifdom of late Parliaments have Eftablifh’d two 
 great Rivals in Trade, the Old and the New Eafi-India 
 Companies. 
 
 We do not pretend to Arraign the Mice of thofe 
 Wonderful and Unintelligible Ajfemblie r, if they were in 
 being, we dare not, and, fince they are not in being, 
 ’tis not very Honourable, you’l fay, to fpeak ill of the 
 Dead. 
 
 But thus far, we hope, without Offence, we may 
 be allow’d to give our Opinions in this particular Af- 
 
 N fair, 
 
^ ( i68 ) 
 
 fair, that tho’ feperately and diftinCtly, every part of 
 the Proceedings of thofe Parliaments, might be literal¬ 
 ly and pofitively juft and Right, we mean as to the Eaft- 
 India Companies. 
 
 Yet when they are Conjunctively, and in the general 
 put together and reflected on, they feem to be clouded 
 both as to the publick Intcreft , and as to the Honour 
 of the proceedings with dark Enigma's of State, and 
 Inexplicable Paradoxes , too hard for us to undcrftand, 
 fuch as thefe, 
 
 1. That during the Being of one Company, and be¬ 
 fore the extent of their Charter, and Privileges were ex¬ 
 pir’d, we mean the three Years allowed them for bring¬ 
 ing home their EffeCts, there fhould be ereCted a new 
 Company, with power of immediate Trade. 
 
 ' Had the New Company not commenc'd their Trade, till 
 the time of the Old was expir'd, or near it, there might 
 have been a Succefjion of Companies, not two Rival Compa¬ 
 nies in Being together. 
 
 2. That the manner of Trading by the new Compa¬ 
 ny fhould be fo order’d, as that the old Company by 
 Subfcribing fhould enable thcmfelves to Trade feperately 
 as a Company flill j and that with fo Capital a Stock, 
 as always to fhare the Trade With the new Company j 
 and fo at the fame time two Contraries be upheld by 
 the fame Authority. 
 
 Had the new Company been fo Eftablifi'd that at the expi¬ 
 ration of the old,it jboud have had a Commanding Superio¬ 
 rity, by which no other Man could haveTraded,but under them, 
 by Termijfton, at the fame time leaving all Men at liberty to 
 come in and Trade with them , there had been then no Rivals 
 in the Trade , which will, no queftitn, as they now ft and, 
 feen reduce the Trade to very low Terms. 
 
 3. That after this new Company was Eftablifh’d,- and 
 the Money paid in, to the ule of the Government, 
 which pome fay was the thing which fir ft mov'd the Concep¬ 
 tion of a new Company, and which, if the old Company 
 wan'd have procur'd, they bad never been Broke, nor the new 
 ant Born, That after this new Company was ereCted* 
 
 1 
 
( 169 ) 
 
 the Stock advanc’d, and the Money to the Government 
 pay’d, they ftou’d prohibit by A& of Parliament two 
 thirds of their Trade, and fo ftarve the Child they had 
 Begotten. 
 
 If the Trade was ruinous to the Eng! i ft Manufactures, 
 and the Interefi of the Nation, it froud have been forefeen* 
 • before Gentlemen had paid their Money , or elfe it frau d not 
 have been examind afterwards. 
 
 4. Thac after all this they ftou’d grant a new Char¬ 
 ter to the old Company, by Vertue of which they have 
 both power and time to Trade, to the prejudice of the 
 new, even to their Hearts content. 
 
 We fay nothing of thofe Particulars, but thus, thac 
 really we do not underftand the coniiftency of them 
 with themfelves, they Hand to us as Arcana's of Policy 
 too high to be medlcd with. r 
 
 Nor ftou’d we trouble our Heads about them, buc 
 leave both Companies to confound one another, as we 
 believe they willj buc that we find fo great a part of 
 the Nation concern’d in their Quarrel, as gives us caufe 
 to obftrve, that the Iffue of them feems to threaten the 
 Nation with fomuhing Fatal. 
 
 For the Power of thefe two Rivals is fo great, and 
 lncereft in jrhe Kingdom fo popular and high, that mat¬ 
 ters of higher Moment than Trade feein to depend up¬ 
 on them, while ail the Proceedings of their Members, 
 
 • both in the City, and in the late Parliament, in both 
 wmch their Parties have been numerous, are, and have 
 been guided, according to their Interefi: in their refpe- 
 ctive Companies. 
 
 The grand Work which the whole Nation is now 
 intent upon, is chufing their Reprefentatives in Parlia¬ 
 ment, chufing Men to meet, and advife with the Kin^ 
 about the molt Important Affairs of the Kingdom. 
 
 And while all Men ought to be fixing their Eyes up¬ 
 on fuch Men as are belt Qualified to fit in that place of 
 Honour, and to examine who are fitted to be intruded 
 v/jth the Religion and Peace of England. and perhaps 
 of all Europe. 
 
 N i 
 
 Here 
 
C *70 ) 
 
 Here we arc plagu’d with the ImpmmerCe of Uvd 
 ka ft-India Companies, as if the Intel eft of eitncr C ^ m * 
 pany were to be nam’d in the Day with the P reuftant 
 Religion and the publick Peace, or as if they, who are fit 
 to be Representatives of the People in the great matters 
 of Pesceand War, Leagues and Alliances of Neigh¬ 
 bours * Succeffion of Crowns, and Protection of the 
 Proteftaot Religion, fhould not be capable of deciding 
 the petty Controverfy in Trade between two Rival 
 
 C °The Grand Queftion ask’d now, when your Vote is 
 requir’d for a Parliament Man, is hot as it ought to be, 
 Is\e a Man of Senfe , of Religion , of Hmefiy and E- 
 
 ^But, What Company is he for, the New or the 
 
 Mr. A. M. fet up as a Candidate in a Neighbour- • 
 • p Roro'ueh Who fet him up r ’Tis known he is r.o 
 Inhabitant 8 there, nor ever was, has no free hold, or 
 Copy-hold, or Lcafe-hold Eftate there, nor is not known 
 there, and of himfclf poffibly was not acquainted with 
 
 tW Bu?enquirc what*Company be is for ; and then fee 
 if all the^eft of that Company were not found run¬ 
 ning over Ihe Water to make their Intereft with their 
 
 Fr And S the Timfwould fail us, and the Paper too, to 
 flive you a Lift of the shop-keepers. Merchants, 2 edicts, 
 
 lid Stock-Jobbers, Who, with their Ihr J 
 r ., r L f . and Six Horfes, who, God knows , never na 
 Coach or Livery of their own, are come down into 
 S Sumries being detatch’d from London, by either 
 ?Lmnv m aet themfelvcs chofen Parliament Men, 
 hv Tofe 7 Boroughs, who are ealie to be Impos d upon, 
 and who like well-meaning. Men, that know nothing 
 Sle mat er, cTuife them upon the Recommendation 
 n ^ Country Gentlemen that have Intereft in the 
 Towns, which Country Gentlemen are prevail’d upon 
 to quit their own Pretenfions to advance theirs, b^_ 
 
( 171 ) ' \^' 
 
 by what Arguments we cannot pretend to Deter-* 
 mine. 
 
 We have formerly been told, that fpending Money 
 upon the Inhabitants of Towns was a pernicious Pra¬ 
 ctice ; and no doubt it was, and an A 6 t ut Parliament 
 has been, wifely made to prevent it. 
 
 What any Man cou’d propofe to himfelf by fpend¬ 
 ing 2000 (nay, ii°°° pound was fpent at the Town 
 of IVinchdfca j to be chofen to fit in a Houfe where 
 there is not one Farthing to be gotten honeftly, was a 
 My Iter y every one did not underltand. 
 
 But here is a new way of getting Money : For if a 
 Country Gentleman has fo much lntereft in a Town, 
 that he can be chofen a Member of Parliament, if he 
 will decline ir, here is a foi t of Folks they call Stock- 
 
 Jobbers will help him to 1000 G--s for his In» 
 
 tereft. 
 
 This is Parliament-Jobbing, a new Trade, which as 
 we thought it the Duty of F.ngli[h Free-holders thus to 
 expofe, we hope an Englifa Parliament wilj think it their 
 Duty to prevent. 
 
 For as this Stock-Jobbing in its own Nature, is only 
 a new invented fort of Deceptio Vifus, a Legerdemain in 
 Trade, fo mix’d with Trick and Cheat, that ’cwou’d 
 puzzle a good Logician to make it out by Syllcgifm : So 
 nothing can be more Fatal in England to our prelent 
 Confticution; and which in ’ time may be fo to our Li¬ 
 berty and Religion, than to have the Interefts of EledH- 
 ons Jobb’d upon Exchange for Money, and Transfer’d 
 like Eaft-lndia Stock, for thofe who bid nioft. 
 
 By this Method the Country Gentlemen may fit at 
 Home, and only Correfponding with the Brokers at 
 Jonathans and Garraway s, as the Prizes Rife or Fall, 
 may difpofe of their Interefts in the Towns they can 
 Govern, at as good a rate as they can. 
 
 The Citizens, or fuch who have their feverat Com¬ 
 panies and Intereft to ferve, will eale themfelves of ' 1 
 the expence of Travelling, with the fine borrow’d H-. 
 outpaces before mention’d, and only go to Market ir* 
 
 N \ ' 
 
C 1/2, ) 
 
 Exchange-Alley, and Buy an Election, as the Stock-Jth- 
 her ana they ihall agree, which Election fhall be ma¬ 
 nag’d by the Country Gentleman, who is to have his 
 Bargain, no Parchafe no Pay, and is to go thro’ with 
 it, or elfe he gets none of the Money. 
 
 Ele&ionsof Parliament Men are in a hopeful wayj 
 and Parliaments thetr.felvcs are in a hopeful \vay by 
 this concife Method of Practice, to come under the 
 abfolute management of a few Hands, and no doubt 
 things will go on accordingly. 
 
 Banks and Stocks may be lay’d up, and employ’d in 
 a fliort time, for the purchafing the Intereft of Gentle¬ 
 men, and our Gentry being willing to get a Penny in 
 an Honefi way, as we fay, will but too often fell their 
 Interefts, and their Country too, tfpecialiy fuch Gen¬ 
 tlemen, whofe Eftates are reduc’d to an occafion for 
 it. 
 
 The truth of it is, ’tis a Paradox, a Riddle, that we 
 Countrymen cannot underftand, nor never cou’d, what 
 makes our Gentlemen fo fond of being Parliament-men, 
 we do not very well underftand what the Bufinefs is at 
 the Parliament. Only we find we are fwlngingly Tax <1, 
 and they tell us ’tis done by the Parliament 3 but vie 
 never underftood they had any of the Money them-, 
 fclves, we always thought the Money was For the King, 
 tho’ they had the Giving of it; then we fee in the 
 king’s Proclamation for Calling a Parliament,that it was 
 to Advife with them, about Affairs of the higheft Im¬ 
 portance to the Kingdom. Now we cannot fee they 
 can get any thing bycoming together to beAdvis’d with, 
 and our Knights of the Shire tell us they get nothing 
 by it. And here lies the Difficulty, we can never re¬ 
 concile their fptnding fo rritich Money to be Chofen, 
 going up 200 Miles to London, and fpending fix Months, 
 lomttjmes therein attending the floule, and all for no 
 thing j we have often been thinking there muft be 
 fomtthing elfe in the Cafe, and we are afraid there is. 
 
 Nor did ever any thing explain this Riddle fo much, 
 p theftrugling of thefe two Companies to make Mem- 
 . ■ - . . • ' bers' 
 
( >73 3 ^ 
 
 bers of Parliament • for the meaning to us feem$ 
 thus: 
 
 That they fuppofe which Company foever gets moft 
 Friends in the Houfe, will be moft likely to be far¬ 
 ther Eftablifti’d to the Ruin of the other, and therefore 
 they make fu'h a ftir to get Friends there. 
 
 Whence firft it muft be fuppos’d, that the Matter 
 ftiall not ftand or fall by true Merit, and that Compa¬ 
 ny may be fuppreft that deferves it; for if fo, it might 
 he probable they woud both be Jupprefs'd • for we appre¬ 
 hend they are both DeftruCtive to our Englijh Trade in 
 general, and Manufactures in particular. 
 
 But 2, It muft be fuppos’d, that Friend/hip and num¬ 
 ber of Voices only wiil decide the Controverfy. 
 
 And in order to this the Stock-Jobbers , who care not 
 a Farthing which fide gets the better, but make a Prey 
 of them both, have fet up this new Trade of Jobbing 
 for Elections: And that the way of their proceeding 
 may be a little plainer underftood, we defire you to 
 read the Copy of a Letter come down laft Poft, to a 
 worthy Gentleman in our Country, from a Friend of 
 his plying in or near Exchange-Ally, concerning this 
 Matter. ♦ 
 
 SIR, 
 
 T He ’Fie cl ions for a new Parliament being begun almojl, 
 every where, I doubt not but the Time is fixt at your 
 
 Town of - I know you have the Abfolute Power of the 
 
 Inhabitants there, and can put in whom you pleafe j and 
 fading by your lafi you purpofe to decline it your, felf I am 
 id inform you, that a very honefi Gentleman, of my Ac¬ 
 quaintance, being an Eminent Merchant here, woud think 
 himfelf very much Oblig'd, if you woud ufe your Inte- 
 rejl in his behalf, upon your Grant whereof I have an Or¬ 
 der to Prefent you with a Tboufand Guineas to Buy my 
 
( 174 ) 
 
 ^ He is ready to come down at your fir(l SummoHs y in a 
 very good Equipage', Pray difpatch your Mind per the 
 Bearer , to 
 
 Tour humble Servant^ 
 
 $ 
 
 To the Honourable 
 Sir A y B , C t D, Bar. 
 
 Poflfcript. 
 
 I F Sir F, F, G, H, will difpofe of his Inter eft in the Town 
 of — - » I can help, him to very good Terms. 
 
 Now tho’ the worthy Gentleman to whom this Pro- 
 pofal was made, reje&ed it with Difdain, yet the At- 
 teroptis made very plain in the cafe. 
 
 And we are inform’d, that the Number of Members * | 
 come down into the Countries, on fuch accounts, are 
 incredible. 
 
 Wherefore we think it very needful to publifh our 
 Rcfentments at fuch a pra&ice, and to proteft again!! it 
 in this our Honeft Flea, as an indirect, wicked and per¬ 
 nicious pra&ice, and which may be of very ill confe- 
 quence to the Nation; on thefe following Accounts. 
 
 t. A Hundred, or an Hundred and fifty fuch Mem¬ 
 ber's in the Houfe, wou’d make a Dead Weight, as, it 
 us’d to be call’d, to carry any Vote they are For, or A- 
 gainft, either in the Negative or Affirmative, as they 
 ffiall agree, and if fo, it will be almoft in their power to 
 difpole of our Eftates, Perfons, Liberties and Religion, 
 as they think fit. 
 
 i. If it be true, as is very rational to fuppofe, that 
 they who will Buy will Sell, or if it be true, which feems 
 ftill more rational, that they who have Bought mujl Sell y . 
 muft make a Pew*/of it, orelfe theylofe their Vurchafe, 
 and fome their Fortunes, which they expe&ed to raife 
 by thefe mercenary Elections j then the Influence of 
 fuch a Number of Members, gotten into the Houfe by 
 the method we arc fpeaking of, will be capable of fel¬ 
 ling 
 
C 1 75 ) 
 
 ling our Trade, our Religion, our Peace, our Effects, 
 our King, our Crown, and every thing thac is Valua¬ 
 ble, or Dear to the Nation. 
 
 If Stock-jobbing of Elections be the firft ftep, in all pro¬ 
 bability Stock-jobbing of Votes will be the fecond ; for 
 he that will give a Thoufand pounds or more, only for 
 a power to Vote, expeCts to get fomething by Voting, 
 or gives away his Money for nothing. 
 
 What fhall we fay then, if a League of Confederacy 
 ihou’d be made between our Varliament-SoUicitors , and 
 bur Stock-Jobbing-Brokers, two Sort of People equally 
 mercenary and Deceitful. 
 
 We delirc to know, whether ’{would not be more fa¬ 
 tal to England than the Union of France and Spain, which 
 all Europe feems tobefo much difturb’d ar. * 
 
 In vain do we the Free-Holders of England faive to 
 chufe Men of all the Six Characters, mention’d by a late 
 Author, in order to have a Parliament every way Qua¬ 
 lified for the Important Affair, his Maje/ly has men¬ 
 tion’d in his Proclamation. 
 
 In vain fhall thofe Gentlemen we chofe Sit and Vote 
 in the Houfe, ifluch a Generation as we hear of are 
 let into the Houfe, by the help of their Money at the 
 Boroughs and Towns, for the Citizens and Burgelfes 
 put-run the Knights in number above Three for One. 
 
 We think ’tis nofmall misfortune to the Englijh Con¬ 
 stitution, that l'o great a Number of Members are cho- 
 fen by the Corporations of England, and, according to 
 our weak Opinions, it feems not equal, That all the 
 Fret-holders of a Country fhou’d be represented only 
 by two Men, and the Towns in the fame County be re- 
 piefented by above Forty, as it'is i xi. Cornwall, and near 
 the like in other Counties. 
 
 . A S a in in fome of thefe Corporations, where the 
 right of Voting is in the Mayor and Jurats, in fome 
 the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Councel; in o- 
 thers the Mayor, Aldermen, and Capital Burgdfes • in 
 others the Bayliffand Jurats, and the like, the right of 
 Voting is reduc’d to fo few, and thofe fo Mean and 
 
 Mcrce nary 
 
( 176 ) 
 
 Mercenary, that they are eafily prevail’d with, to chafe 
 fuch as they know not, but are recommended by mo¬ 
 thers. 
 
 And, which is worfe, fome Towns whofe Charters 
 rem.un, tho’ the Towns themfeivcs feem to be Dead, 
 arefo mean and contemptible, that nothing remains of 
 them but a Defpicable Village, with the Ruins of what 
 they have been. 
 
 We think it wou’d be but reafonable, that the Char¬ 
 ters and Privileges of Towns, ftiou’a die with the 
 Towns; and that whereas when they were populous 
 and Rich, they were Reprefented in Parliament, be- 
 caufe they were fo 5 when they are Depopulated and. 
 Defolate, there can be no need of any Perlon to repre- 
 fent them, what can the Members, who have ferv’d for 
 the Town of Wmchelfea anfwer, if they were ask’d, 
 who they Reprefent, they muft Anfwer they Reprefent 
 the Ruins and Vaults, the remains of a good Old Town, 
 how lying in Heaps; as for the Inhabitants* they are 
 not to be Nam’d among the Lift of the moft defpicable 
 Endfhips, or Village in the County. 
 
 Blanker in SuJ/ex , Old Sarunt, Stockbridge , Gatton , 
 Quinburro , and multitudes of Towns the like, Vho fend 
 tip Gentlemen to reprefent Beggars, and have had more 
 Alony fpent at fome of their Elections, than all the 
 Land in the Pari/hcs wou’d be worth, if Sold at a Hun¬ 
 dred Tears Purchafe. 
 
 While on the other Hand, a great many good Towns, 
 in England, being of more modern Rife in the World, 
 are not permitted to chufe at all, and the City of Lon¬ 
 don it felf, tho’ fome fay it, bears a proportion to Six 
 parts of the Kingdom, fends but Four Members of it 
 felf; and but Eight in the whole Circumference. 
 
 , This Inequality, we humbly conceive opens the 
 Door to the fraudulent practices, which have all along 
 been made ufe of in Ejections, Buying of Voices, 
 giving Freedoms in Corporations, to People Living 
 out of Corporations, on purpole to make Votes, de¬ 
 bauching the Electors, making whole Towns Drunk, 
 
C *77 ) 
 
 and Feafting them to Excefs for a Month, fometimes 
 two, or more, in order to engage their Voices. 
 
 Thefe things were fo Notorious, and withal fo Rui¬ 
 nous to the Gentry themfelves, of whom feveral Men 
 of plentiful Eftates have been miferably Beggar’d, and 
 undone, that the Parliament wifely took notice of ir 
 and have prohibited the practice. 
 
 But as if the Devil ow’d the Nation a Grudge, and 
 was rummaging his Invention to pay it; here is a new 
 project found out, to fucceed the other, which is Ten 
 Fold more the Child of Hell than that. 
 
 Elections were obtain’d by thofe Clandelline Vicious 
 ways, only to lit in the Houfe in General; but here 
 the delign feems to be form’d before-hand, what they 
 wou d be chofen for, and the meafures concerted, nay 
 we have heard that it maybe known already, and Wa¬ 
 gers have been layd in, or near Exchange Alley, which 
 Company has moll: Friends in the enfuing Parliament, 
 and how many of the Members of each Company Hand 
 faireft to be chofen. 
 
 ' Thole Gentlemen who have Intelligence, fuitable to 
 iuch nice Calculations, arc equally capable of Jobbing 
 the whole Nation; and as is already noted, having got¬ 
 ten the way of Buying and Selling, that is Jobbing E- 
 Jections, will foon influence fuch Perfons to Adi, as the 
 Mony they are able to bid ftall dire&. 
 
 Twould be but a melancholly Though^, to reflect 
 that the matter of our Succeliion, fliou’d come to be de¬ 
 bated before a Parliament, that had a Governing num¬ 
 berof fuch Members, whocou’d imagine but that the 
 lcttlement of our Crown wou’d attend the higheft bid¬ 
 der, and our future Liberty, Religion, and‘ all that’s 
 dear to us be Mortgag’d to the Bribes of Forrcigners. 
 
 • The French King need not keep great Armies on Foot, 
 Build Ships, and llrengthen himfelf at Sea to Ruin us, if 
 the great Affairs of the Kingdom concerted in Parlia¬ 
 ment fliou’d come to be prepar’d, manag’d, and byafs’d 
 at Gar raw ay's and Jonathan's CofFee-houfe, and expos’d 
 to Sale by a parcel of Stock-Jobbers. 
 
 And 
 
^ 7 ^ 
 
 And how fhall it be other wife, they that can make 
 Members, will always Govern Members 3 Creation fup- 
 pofes a Right of difpofing, the Gentlemen who Buy are 
 Oblig’d to ftand in good Terms with the Broker, Jeaft 
 they fhou’d find a better Chapman, and leave him in 
 the lurch the next Election, fo that by the Nature of the 
 thing, they are always fubjedt to this Mercenary, Scan¬ 
 dalous things call’d a Broker, and he keeps them under 
 his Girdle, if he bids them Vote for, or againft, they 
 do it, the mifehiefs are endlefs and innumerable, that 
 may attend it. 
 
 To all Men whofe Fyes are to be open’d with Reafon 
 and Argument, it fhou’d be enough to fill them with 
 abhorrence, to think that the Scandalous Mechaniclc Up- 
 ftart Miftery of Job-broking fhould thus grow upon the 
 Nation 3 that ever theEwg/#Nation fhou’d fufftr’emfelves 
 to be Impos’d upon by the New invented ways of a few 
 Needy Mercenaries, who can turn all Trade into a Lot¬ 
 tery, and make the Exchange a Gaming Table : A thing, 
 which like the Imaginary Coins of Foreign Nations^ 
 have no reality in themfelves 5 but are plac d as things 
 which ftand to be Calculated, and Reduc’d into Value, 
 a Trade made up of Sharp and Trick, and manag’d with 
 Impudence and Banter. ' ' , 
 
 That Six or Eight Men fhall combine together, and by 
 pretended Buying or Selling among themfelves, raife or 
 fink the Stock of the Eafi Mia Company, to what extra ¬ 
 vagant pketaof Price they will, fo to wheedle others, 
 fometimes toBuy, fometimes to Sell, as their occafions 
 require 3 and with fo little regard to Intrinfick Value, or 
 the circumftances of the Company, that when the Com¬ 
 pany has a lots, Stock fhall Rife 3 when a great Sale, or 
 a Rich Ship arriv’d, it fhall Fall: Sometimes run the 
 Stock down to 85; /. other times up to a 150 /. and by 
 this Method Buy and Sell lo much, that tis thought 
 -there are few of the Noted Stock jobbers, but what 
 have bought and fold more Stock than both the Com¬ 
 panies poifefs. • 
 
( 179 > 
 
 Thus let them Jobb, Trick, and Cheat one another j 
 land let them be bubbl’d by them that know no better j 
 but for God’s fake, Gentlemen, do not let the Impor¬ 
 tant Affairs of the State come under their wicked clur. 
 thes. 
 
 Don’t let them prepare our Ads of Parliament, and 
 then chufe Members to Vote for them. If Fate and 
 Popijh Confederacies, and Union of Popijb Powers abroad 
 do threaten us: Let us alone to druggie with them, and 
 have Fair Law, and Honourable Conditions for it / but 
 to be Bought and Sold, to have our Ele&ions of Mem¬ 
 bers, and our Laws, Liberties and Eftates Stock-jobb’tj 
 away, is intolerable. 
 
 Some, and not a few, of our Stock-jobbing Brokers 
 are French Men, a little Correfpondence between the 
 French Court, and Jonathan % Ccfjee-hcufe, with a Curren¬ 
 cy of Louis D'trs, will make ft range alterations here, if 
 this method of Buying and jobbing Elections ftou’d go 
 on. ° 
 
 The Parliament of England, is the Governing Coun¬ 
 cil j their Breath is our Law, and on their Breath under 
 the Diredion of God’s Providence, we all depend the 
 greateft Nicery that is polfible, ftiould be us’d in chu- 
 Iing Men of untainted Principles, and unqueftion’d 
 Wifdom, to compofe a Body fo Eminent in their Power 
 and Influence. 
 
 But to attempt to fill the Houfe with Mechanics, 
 Tradcf-men, Stock-jobbers, and Men neither of Senfe 
 rior Honefty, is ftriking at the Root, and undermining 
 the Nation’s Felicity at once, and ’tis a wonder the 
 impudence of this-attempt has not made them Stink in 
 the Noftrils of the whole Nation. 
 
 How can the King. be encourag’d to place that con¬ 
 fidence in his People, which he mentions in the late 
 Proclamation , by which People, his Majefty underftands, 
 the true Repreferitafivc Body Affembled in Parliament’* 
 if inftead of a true Reprefentative, the Houfe is fill’d with 
 Eledions Clandcftinly procur’d by Tricks and Shams 
 impos’d upon the People. 
 
 How 
 
( i8o ) 
 
 How can the King depend upon his Parliament, td 
 carry him thro’ any thing he fhall undertake by their 
 advice, if mercenary Men fill the Houfe,whofe Suffrages 
 fhall be guided by the Bribes and private procurations 
 of his, and the Nations Enemies ? 
 
 How fhall the Protefiant Religion be Efpous’d, and 
 Defended, which wife Men fay is in great Danger. 
 
 How fhall Trade be Encourag’d, and Protected, and 
 the Niceties of it Difputed and Defended ? 
 
 How fhall Reformation of Manners, which is fo 
 much wanted, and which the King has fo often Recom¬ 
 mended, be promoted ? ^ 
 
 Are Stock-jobbers. Agents of Regiments, Taylors, 
 and Eafi India Companies, Qualifi’d for thefe Works; 
 or will any fort of Men, who Purchafe Elections with 
 Mony, to bring to pafs private Interefls and Parties, 
 Efpoufe thefe General Cafes on which the Welfare of 
 the Nation depends. 
 
 Tell a Stock jobber of the Union of France and Spain ; 
 of {he Mufcovites breaking the Peace; of the Difference 
 between the Danes, and the Duke of Holftein, Tell him 
 of a good Barrier in Flanders againft the French , or of 
 Alfifting the Empercr on the Rhine , ( talkGofpel to a Ket¬ 
 tle Drum ) ’tis all Excentrick and Foreign to him: But 
 talk of the Great Mogul, and the Pirates of Madagafcar ; 
 of Fort St. George, and St. Helena , there you’ll hit him, 
 and»he turns States man prefently. 
 
 It was a Famous Stock-Jobber ; and one who is very 
 likely to be a Parliament Man, who, when fome body 
 was talking lately of the Election of the New Pope ; 
 and having heard the particulars very attentively, 
 brought out this very grave Queflion at the end on’t. 
 WeU\ fays he, I am glad'tit over } and don't you think that 
 Stock "will rife upon t. 
 
 A Learned Queflion upon the Cafe, truly; upon 
 which, pray give us leave to ask another; 
 
 • And is't not pity. 
 
 But futh a one Jhould Reprejent the City ? 
 
 You 
 
JELSS them ' “ d ** « 
 
 But when you come to talk of Parliament Men 
 . come, provided it ftands by itsfe f andSihSffc *' 
 
 do Ms N^ e „ hans ' d ' fM he b “ " 
 
 fnn^?rt aV'?“ chu/In S Men to fit in Parliament as Per 
 
 fcnfbTtl?^*; d A& f “ *«?"* 
 
 by?Member 0 ofW’ ° r ?'*' Ca{lle ' ma ? be Voided 
 What have you to do with ours ? why 0 „e bid 
 
 jSW»i^-a*JSS 
 
 Borough, or private Perfnn *e r i- (1 »j 5 . Qr 
 
 Ly SSUSS 
 
 sS|'S?SS“St s - 
 
 Membersrnto the enfuing Parliament,’ whoflS fervfl 
 
 Turn 
 
( i8i ) 
 
 Turn, and a Party, without confidering whether they are 
 Men qualified for the other great Affairs, which are ro be 
 confider’d there, and which his Majefty has affur d us, 
 areot the liigheft Importance to the Kingdom. 
 
 The CONCLUSION. 
 
 A Fter all that has been fald, it mull be allow’d, that 
 whoever forwards, or foments the publick Di- 
 vifions of the Nation, put their Hand to the Nau- 
 
 ^Divi lions have a natural tendency to Diftra&ions,whe¬ 
 ther it be Jacobite againft Williamite , Whig againft Tory, 
 DifTenter againft the Church , or Church againft Dtjjenter j 
 New Company againft the Old Stock againft Stock , or 
 whatever elfe it is divides us; fo far as any of thefe Di- 
 vifions extend to meddle with the Publick, fo far they 
 leffen ihe Nation’s Intereft, weaken the Hands of the Go¬ 
 vernment, Encourage the Enemies of our Profpenty.and 
 
 611 ’T?s^therefwf humbly Recommended to every honeft 
 Englfi Man, to ftudy Peace, and purine it by all the Pg. 
 ner Methods poflible, that We may not open a Gap tot 
 P ! 1;with our own hands: Which if we do nor, 
 
 wc may the better be able to flight the Confederate Forces 
 
 ° f NotbTngcan 1 preserve us at home, nor enable us to Af- 
 
 m0 B "ftS?^ S l«u S bcca«f»Uhat we ««bought 
 and fold, Stock-job'd into Ruin , that our Libemes and 
 
 a"V SSZ 2 
 
 Coffee houfes and Exchange, from whence they may 
 be Jobb'd to who bids moil, and a Price be fet upo ^ 
 
As there is more meant by this than is exprefs’d, fo 
 defcribi m0lC ^ifthief hid under the Pra&ice than I can 
 
 It becomes us therefore to cruih the Brat in its Birth, 
 and render all the hopes of our Enemies abortive, by a 
 juft Contempt of all fnch People, who, by any Methods 
 
 the 1 Gdvernmenr remPtt ° ^ int ° lhe Dil ' e6tin S of 
 
 Foi this feems to be a plain Confequence, That he who 
 makes ufe of any Clandejlinc Methods to get into the Uoufe 
 tf Lemmons, mitft have feme Clandestine Defign to earn oti 
 ashen he is there. J 
 
 \ . - .. ' . 
 
 Re aftms agairijl a IV'ar voith France, 
 or an Argument jhexnng that the 
 French King's Owning the Trince 
 of Wales as King of England, 
 Scotland and Ireland 5 is no Sujfi - 
 cient Gfound oj^ n Anr% 
 
 all the Nations in the World there is node that 
 
 Vu e ^entirely govemid by their Humour 
 
 fnr 'i ( ^ 1 K 1 S i no more ro do to make wav* 
 for any General undertaking, than by fome wonderful 
 
 Surprize to R-oufe the Fancy of the People, and away 
 they go with tt hke Hounds on a full Cry, till thev over¬ 
 run it, and then they are at a Halt, and will run back a- 
 gam as faft as they came on. 
 
 What good qualities we have to Ballance this foolifh 
 one, 1 leave to thofethat think it worth their while to 
 tvnre Panegyricks, which is none of my Bu finds. 
 
 O ' if 
 
If I would go a little back for Examples, to prove 
 What I fay, l might fill this little Treatife with the Hi- 
 ftory of our Hair-brain’d Undertakings, but every man’s 
 Experience is a witpefs j and if they are not juft e- 
 hough to own it, we may be fufficiently Convinc’d of 
 it in the Cafe now before us. 
 
 The h3ft this Nation is in for a War, the Univerfal 
 Cry of the People during the laft Selfion of Parliament, 
 the ill will the Parliament has incurr’d with the gene¬ 
 rality, for not making fo much haft as was thought re- 
 quifite, are living proofs of what I have now laid down ; 
 and the prefent Clutter all over the Nation, in Addref- 
 fing the King about the French' King’s Breach of Faith, 
 and Publick Sworn Treaty, as they call it, is another 
 Teftimony of it. 
 
 It is not the Defign of this Paper to Vindicate the 
 honour cf the French King, vshofc : Punctual objerving of 
 Treaties , is not reckon'd among the befl of his Royal fertues. 
 But I cannot agree with thofe People who fay in their 
 Addrefles, that his owning the Prince of Wales , as they 
 call'd him, to be the Succelfor of the late King James , 
 is directly contrary to the Stipulations of the Treaty of 
 Refold. 
 
 I atn not Writing againft a War with France , pro¬ 
 vided it be on jaftifiablc Grounds. But methinks 
 the Englifh Nation are not fa inconsiderable in the 
 World,as to fly to fhifts and drain’d Conftrii&ions, in 
 order to pick Quarrels, with our Neighbours. ’Tis 
 true, we did it with the Dutch in 1671. but, ’tisfpoken 
 to the Infamy of a Party which Govern’d at that Day, 
 and our Annals are juftly afbant'd to fet down the ftory 
 of the Smirna Fleet; and the fuccefs was anfwerable to 
 the Folly and Knavery of the undertaking, having got 
 nothing by that War but Shame, Lofs, and a Difhonou- 
 
 rable Peace. ., , . , 
 
 Thofe who wou’d have us meet with the fame iuc- 
 Eefs, may puflt us upon a War now, with the more rea¬ 
 son, but he that defires we ftiou’d end the War Honou¬ 
 rably, ought to defire alfo that we begin it fairly. Natu- 
 
o 
 
 C 185:) 
 
 h 1 fS a ??™“ ri,,Rcdre& 
 
 hc * 0l ' ld refolvc me this Doubt.^ C ‘ V ' UW ’ ' Wili 
 
 Ba,u "" °r ? ™" l ' -»■- 
 
 “TifTbc 0 w™! bot 1 
 
 Throne of t, fr"? rhe Dul “ O' -A*. on the 
 houTtinc /Z'r 0 t " S J U,chai b;en inJifpotably 
 is certainly Deftruftiv^ nVT °n » 1C tw °' Monarchies 
 which the Peace if 7 f the * allanc ' of Power, on 
 docs depend f ’ f ‘' “ Wdl as the bci "S of Trade 
 
 pLl^Twl ci " ° f iW k m ‘f*™ 
 
 WttS s^b^irs' 
 
 any of her Defigns. 41 rtrcn(l0ns to blln S to pafs 
 
 with tb "L b Vor ftam f e'cen r d nf0r * I 5 ''"''’/ ,1,eP ' a “ 
 
 ’ ior inamt Gentlemen, let us Hand to our 
 4 Treaties 
 
( 186 ) 
 
 Treaties like Men of Honour, and give no caufe of 
 
 Reproach, either to the Proteftant Religion, or the Ho- 
 noSrof our Nation v let us give no occafion for a French 
 General, like the Turkifh Ernperor at the Battle 0/Varna, 
 to lift up the Counterpart of our League up to Heaven, 
 in the Day of Battle, and call upon God to behold the 
 
 Faith of his Proteftants. , 
 
 But if there befufficient and juft grounds of a War, 
 let them be declar’d, that all the World may know, 
 that as we fcorn to trample upon our Faith, fo we are 
 not affraid to refent the Affronts put upon us, nor to do 
 
 our felvesjuftice by Force. ^ . 
 
 In order to make out what I have now aflerted, I 
 fliall go on to examine whether there is now any other 
 Foundation or fair pretence for a War, than what is 
 included in what I call a Breach of the Balance of 
 
 P °And firft l muft examine the matter of acknowledge 
 ing the pretended Prince of Wales as King of Eng an , 
 
 Affront to His Majeljy, and 
 th'* Enrlifo Nation ought to be very tender in bearing 
 any ill mage of him who is fo juftly dear to them. 
 
 But if we examin the Treaty at Refwick, give the 
 Devil his due, we cannot find any Article which m • 
 K the matter, the Fourth Article is the on y 
 place in which the Cafe is touch d upon, which is in 
 thefe Words. 
 
 “ And face the MoflChrifiian King was never more it- 
 ' « (iron* of any thing , than that the Peace be Fjrmandlnvt- 
 
 “clabldthJ [aid King Tromifes and Agrees for himfelf and 
 “ bis Succeffors, That he will on no Account what f oe ™*£ . 
 “ durb the [aid King of Great Britain in the free PoJJefon 
 the Kingdomsf Countries, Lands or Domnsons which 
 
 « be now enjoys, and therefore engages his Honour, upon the 
 
 “ Faith and Word of a King, that he will not give or afford^ 
 « am Affiance, direBly or sndireElly, to any Enemy or E 
 
 “ Jmt lf til faU Ki-S •/ Great Btitatn ; And ttyl * 
 
( i8 7 ) 
 
 »iH in no manner wbatfoevcr favour the Confpiracies ot 
 tt P 0tl M ReMt ' or Mhpof'd Perfons, may in any 
 
 U T! tX J% ° r T riVe , agalnfi the f aU Ki »£; And for 
 U -L T‘ l Pr . om, f es and Engages, That he will not /Jjjlft 
 „ wtth Arms,Sbips, Ammunition, Pr.v forts or Moneys in any 
 
 "trV' 5 'v r ** ^ «■ wL 
 
 Jlf, h fefer und^r anypretence whatever,’ Diflurb or 
 
 “ fa ‘fi K Z g ° f , Grcac Pricain in tht f r " and 
 
 Jull pojjejfionof his Kingdoms , CWfe, Lands and Do - 
 7ie King /'Great Britain promifes 
 
 ™ d engages for him elf and SucceJJors, Kings of Great 
 Britain, That he Will Inviolably do and perform the fame 
 
 « T th r fat j d ”¥ Cbri fi ian Kin d h " Kingdoms, 
 Countries, Lands and Dominions. 
 
 Now here is not one Word to enjoyn the King of 
 France not to continue the Title of King of England, 
 Scotland and Ireland to King James or any of his Pol 
 flenty, as a Titular Honour, only that he will not give 
 or afford any Affiftance, and this Afliftance is explain’d 
 afterwards, to be either of Arms, Ammunition, Ships, 
 
 th>°* r ie givi,lg thcm * uch en W Ti- 
 tles as they rtiould pleafe themfclves with, was and mull 
 
 ]i£ly be accounted a thing fo trivial, that 'twas not 
 
 thought worth the Stipulation of a Treaty 
 
 Some People are willing to make a’conftrufiive 
 
 breach of it, and fay this is Alfifting him, as it is En- 
 
 h,m r and h « P^ty : To fuch I hope I may 
 
 n?^ Llb T^ 10 3 ^ ar 1S not 10 be begun, and the 
 B ood and Treafure of a Nation expos’d upon con- 
 
 Treaty C BreacBcs ’ But dire & Htreral Infractions of a 
 
 an ^? d le * the Encouragement to that new made King, 
 
 KWnf l r00pi 5 g pa , r .% be what it will, unlefs the 
 
 them wth T a ^ 0r indire£ ^ Aid or Aflift 
 them With Arms Ammunition, Ships , Provifims or AIo- 
 
 vey, and ^hereby difturb his prefent Majefty in the 
 
 °(. t ? c Kingdoms, Countries, Lands 
 °* dominions which tie now enjoys, I fee no breach 
 
 Q \ of 
 
( >88 ) 
 
 of that Treaty at all, in his Complimenting the young 
 Gentleman in whatfo«ver Titles he has given him- 
 felf. ' 
 
 If the giving Titles to the late King, or his Pofteri- 
 ty, had been any matter confiderable in the Cafe, it 
 wou’d no doubt have been confidered in the Treaty; 
 but fince ’twas wholly left out, the French King might 
 reafonably be fuppofed thereby to be left at liberty 
 to call him by what Name or Title he thought lit to 
 defire. 
 
 As to the Perfonal Affront of the King, with all 
 humble fubmiffion to his Majefty’s Conduct, I only fay, 
 that I wifh, before his Majr(Jy had recall’d his Ambafla- 
 dor, he had been pleas’d to nave ordered him to Demand 
 Satisfaction in that Cafe ; in Anfwer to which Demand 
 the King of France might pofftbly have given his Rea- 
 fons, and made fuch a Declaration, as might have been 
 a fufficient reparation to the Honour of his Majefly; 
 and if not, then there had been more room for a pub- 
 liclc Refentment than now there feems to be. 
 
 To me it feems a thing, facing the Refentment his Ma- 
 jefly has of it, not worth our notice, and had better 
 have been pafs’d over as a Trifle, than faftn’a on as the 
 Principal Ground of a War, when there are fuch ma¬ 
 terial Points always requir’d to make a War juft, and 
 when there are fuch other juft Rcalbns for taking up 
 Arms now before us. 
 
 If a War be necefiary, it is juft, and if fo, why fhould 
 we be afffaid of it ? If it be not fo, we ought not to 
 feek Occafions, and make Conftrts&ive Breaches, and 
 Perfonal Affronts the pretences of it; the French are 
 not fo Inconfiderable in Power, that we fhould be fond 
 of a War without reafon, nor we fo Inconfiderable as 
 we need be afraid of a juft and Honourable War; a 
 War which muft coft the Blood of our Countrymen, 
 and the. Treafure of our Inhabitants, is not a thing of 
 fo little Confequence, as may be undertaken upon flight 
 Occalions; nor yet of fo great Confequence, that we 
 
fbould be afraid to enter upon it with Juft and Honou? 
 rabL' Reafons. 
 
 Nor does rhe placing the Duke D' Any.u on the 
 Throne of Spain give any juft pretence for a War with 
 France unlefs he himfelf, makes himfeif Aggreffor, by 
 waj of Diverfion, other wife than as it over Ballances the 
 Tower we [peak of, and therefore the Policy of the French 
 is very Confpicuous, who. place all thcOppofition made 
 In Italy, and the Pofleflion of Flanders upon the-King of 
 to 'Whom he is only an Auxiliar, Guarding hitn- 
 lelr thereby from all poftible Imputation of Breach of 
 Faith. 
 
 And w hat other Reafon can be given for his quitting 
 
 , yehgns upon the Rhine, where the Germans were 
 naked enough, and where a fmall Diverfion would have 
 hmbarras d the Emperor, and Jeflcn’d his Army in Ita¬ 
 ly , had not the French King forefeen, that thereby he 
 fhould have given the Confederates a fufficient Ground 
 to Quaitl with him on the Foot of the Treaty of RcJ- 
 
 CrZm 
 
 But while he A&s as an Auxiliar for hisGrandfon, 
 and only lends him Aftiftance to the placing him in the 
 Spandj) 1 hrone, w hich he fays he has a Legal Title to, 
 t oe Treaty cf Refwick remains entire, and you cannot 
 break with him, without being the Aggreifors. 
 
 If you refer to the League made with the Houfe of 
 Au/frut, as luppofing the Right to the Crown of Spain 
 to belong to the Emperor, which feems to be the only 
 real Gtouno of a War $ then our Quarrel is with the 
 Spaniard, not the French , if the French Aftifts xhc Spa¬ 
 niard, tis at his Pen!, he muft do it as a Confederate, 
 and there is ftill no need of declaring War with him 
 on that Account. 
 
 And I doubt not, I fhall make it out, that a War on 
 that Fiead, w r ould be the moft to our advantage. 
 
 It remains now to examine, upon what Foundation 
 a War again ft France can be undertaken- truly I fee 
 none yet, but what muft be founded upon the Breach 
 mw on the Ballance of Power by the King of France's 
 ! ' ’ ■ ' O4 ' ukin.i 
 
C 1 90 ) 
 
 faking Pofleflion of the Territories of our Allies, and 
 *o you muft call it a preventive War $ whether this be 
 afufficient Article to make a War Juftifiable, 1 leave to 
 the Worthy Gentleman before mention’d to make 
 out. 
 
 In the late War, and indeed in all the Wars of Europe , 
 in which the Princes engaged, have thought fit to make 
 any Declaration, the Reafons of fuch a War have been 
 publickly Afhgn’d. 
 
 The meaning of which I take to be thus, that where¬ 
 as no wife Prince will Invade his Neighbours without 
 Caufe, nor Engage his Subjects in the Hazards and Ex- 
 pences of a War, in which much Money muft be fpent, 
 and much Blood be anfwer’d for, without very good 
 Grounds for a Declaration of War, is an Appeal to 
 God and Man concerning the Juftice of the Under¬ 
 taking. 
 
 ’Tis truc, the French King, the King of Poland, and 
 Czar of Mufcovy, have taken up a new Method of late 
 Years; the former gave it for a Reafon of his Invading 
 the States General, That he was ill fatisfitd with them j 
 and the latter have Attacqued the King of Sweden with¬ 
 out any Reafon or Declaration at all - y but all thefe are 
 accounted Infamous and Difhonourable, and Methods 
 which no juft Prince will purfue ; and therefore the De¬ 
 claration againft France^ the beginning of thelaft War, 
 has its Reafons at large fet down— and thefe Reafons 
 feem to anfwer the Queftion (That a Breach of the BaUance 
 of Power is a fufficient Ground of War. 
 
 Before I proceed to the Particulars, I defire to explain 
 my fclf what I mean by the Bailan.ce of Power, and 
 what by the Breach of it. 
 
 i. By the Ballance of Power I mean this, that it is 
 found by Experience, that the only way to preferve 
 the Peace of Europe , is, fo to form the feveral Powers 
 and Princes, into Parties and Interefts, that either Con¬ 
 junctively or Seperately, no one Party or Power may 
 oe able to fupprefs another } and fo by addition of the 
 Tower fupprcst to his own, grow too ftrong for his 
 
 Neighbour^ 
 
( iji ) 1 *C7 
 
 Neighbours. I cou’d give many Inftances of this Bal¬ 
 ance , but to go further,' the City of Hamburgh i s an 
 Eminent Example of the fafety df fuch a Ballance • 
 which by a due Divifion of Intereft, is preferv’d from 
 falling into the Hands of the Danes on one Hand, the 
 Brandenburgher oh another, and the Houfe of Lunenburgh 
 on the other} whereas fhe were eafily Devoured by a- 
 ny of thofe powers feparately and apart. 
 
 All our Leagues and Treaties make mention of this 
 Ballance of Power, being the Foundation of the Peace of 
 Europe , and of the laft Confequence to be preferved. 
 
 The Firft Treaty of Partition made in behalf of the 
 Young Electoral Prince of Bavaria ; has in its Pream¬ 
 ble, as a Juft Caufe of fuch a Treaty, ” To Prevent by 
 Meafures Taken in Time, the Event which might raife New 
 Wars in Europe* 
 
 The Second Article of the fame Treaty fays, that 
 “ As the Chief Aim which his Mofi Chriftian MajeQj, and 
 “ Hu Majefty 0/Great Britain, and the States-General, do 
 “ propofe to themfelves is, the Maintaining the GeneralTran- 
 “ epuility of Europe} and his Catholic k Majefty having nolf 
 “/#?, the SucceJJion, coming to fall, woud Infallibly occaftcn 
 “ a War } and again Art. III. Whereas the 'Iwo 
 
 Kings, and the States-General , Defire above all things, 
 “ the prejervation of the Publick Quiet } therefore Art. IV - . 
 “ It is Stipulated and Agree’d, &c. 
 
 Here the Ballance of Power is at large Explain’d, by 
 having fo many Dominions fall into the Hands of one 
 Prince} by which he fhould be too ftrong, and Confc- 
 quently able to opprefs his Neighbours. 
 
 1. By the breach of this Ballance, I mean when any¬ 
 one Prince, by Brigues, and Intreagues, or otherwife 
 by Force, attempts to Enlarge his Power, asisfuppofed 
 in Cafe of the Death of the King of Spain, in the fame 
 Treaty mentioned before, by which fuch Prince would 
 become too ftrong for his Neighbour. 
 
 . Now fince all Cafes, which may juftifie a Treaty, may 
 juftifie a War, otherwife no Treaty'would have any Sig¬ 
 nification} becaufe without power torefent the breach 
 
 of 
 
( IS>* ) 
 
 of fuch a Treaty, it wou’d be of no effeft; it fecms plain 
 by thefe Treaties, that all thefe Princes do allow an In¬ 
 fraction of the General Tranquility, bv any addition of 
 power DeftruCtive of the Due Ballance, is a fufficient 
 Ground of a War ; lince all thefe Treaties have an Ar¬ 
 ticle of Guarrantee, by which each Party Obliges to 
 one another, to join their Forces againft whoToever 
 ■/hall make any breach of fuch a Treaty. Bur then ’ris 
 the Article of Guarantee makes the War Juflifiable, not 
 barely the addition, or cncreafe of Power. 
 
 Having thus explain’d my fdf, I fhall examine what 
 juft Grounds we Really have for a War. 
 
 For a War with Spain we have moft undoubted Jufti- 
 fiable Grounds, which indeed amount to anabfolute nc- 
 cdlity, in point of prefervation, both of our Commerce 
 with other Nations, and the fafety of England it felf, 
 and our Aliys. 
 
 We are bound by the Laws of Confederacy: The fc- 
 perate Article of the Grand Allyance between the Em¬ 
 peror, England and the States, wherein it is exprcfly 
 Covenanted: 
 
 ‘ That in Cafe the prefent K:?;g of Spain fall Dye without 
 u Lawful they will with all their Forces, ajfjl his lm- 
 “ ferial Majejly or his Heirs , in taking the SucceJJion cf the 
 • Spanifh Monarchy , Lawfully belonging to his Houfe 
 
 Here is an Obligation, which I doubt thofe Gentle¬ 
 men overlook’d, who faid’we had nothing to do to con¬ 
 cern our felves in the Quarrel between the Fmperour 
 and the King of Spain. 
 
 The Prefent pofteftor of Spain beingan avow’d Confe¬ 
 derate of France ; and having Invaded the Rights of an 
 Ally, Common prefervation Engages us again ft him. 
 
 This is expreft in other Cafes by an Exorbitant powerj 
 when a Prince by invalion of anothers Right, or other- 
 wife oppr effing his Neighbours, manifeftly attempts the 
 getting an exorbitant power; it has alw'ays been al¬ 
 low’d a fufficient juft Caule of Leagues and Confedera- 
 cyes: thus the Emperor Charhs join’d withWfwr/ the 
 Sth. and the Femtiam Leagu’d againft Francis the Firft; 
 
( ij>3 ) 
 
 ar d thus Him the 4 th of France , Elizabeth Queen of 
 England, and the States, united to fupprefs the Fxor 
 bitant power of Spain. And thus Gujiavus AdohL 
 Leagued with the Proteftants of Germany, an d King; Hen 
 rj the id oiFrance to check the Formidable Greatnefs 
 of Ferdinand the ad Emperour of Germany! If it has rhi f 
 alternately been the allow’d practice of Princes in al A- 
 ges; why ftou d it be Doubtful now, that it « Law£l 
 
 Ik C ^ ) . nfedc ^ ce fo [ the pubhek Tranquility • and fince 
 the King of Spam has made an aggrellion, by feizing the 
 Lawful Inheritance of our Confederate the Emperour- 
 there is without doubt a juft and necefTar y occalionof 
 beginning a War with him. 7 0n 0t 
 
 In the laft Declaration ofWaragainft France, thenre 
 amble to the particular Article of Reafons, runs thus “ 
 
 U t0e ™T y U ” J Ik' French 
 
 “ Andh if tak Z t0 & rat! fi e Ambition, & C 
 declared Wa r agamfi cur Aliyes without any t rc- 
 
 t , V cat ‘ tn ' <»# do no'ltfs than jcyn with our Aliyes in 
 
 « ?ftheF the Dtf Yl C f theFveriCh *s the Dijlurher 
 
 u/vetbe f aV t V- Ct ”‘ ncn . h c ”™7*ftke Chrifiian World. 
 arS C |YA f ^ , Kin g Ratifying his own Ambition 
 and Difturbing the Publick Peace, and invading our 
 Aliyes is reckoned fo fufficienr a Caufe, that wf can 
 
 peclaradon. t ” iyi ^ 0 ^ n : hm fu «ber fee the 
 
 U kefides the Obligation we lye under by Treaties 
 
 « V th ™ r AUtes ' wbicb « Sufficient jufiif cation of us 
 Jcr taking up sir ms at this time, facethey have fail'd 
 upon vs jo to do: The many Injuries, &C. And then 
 ,he lnfults °f tbe French upon our ow'n Sub- 
 
 Whoever will read the Declaration, will find the per- 
 fonal and particular Injuries as to E n U„d are not alfed- 
 ged, nor indeed were not the Caufesof that War, tho’ 
 te brou A'® Circumftances; but the pre- 
 Pablick Tranquility, the juft Defence of, iur 
 
 ^•iVi-xtr 6 th4 TKati “ *w 
 
 Thus 
 
r ( 194 3 
 
 thus we have receiv’d no particular injury from the 
 Duke D'Anjou, nor from the Spavrjl.1 Nation, nor have 
 fid reafon to quarrel with them as a Nation, but as the 
 6fle has invaded our Ally and Confederate the Emperor, 
 2 nd furpriz’d and pollefs’d his Lawful Inheritance, and 
 gsth6 other is in a clofe Confederacy with, andafted 
 fey the French Power, to the danger of the Peace, and 
 publick Tranquility of Europe , we* are indifpenfably 
 bound befides what has been laid, to aflift the Emperour 
 With all our Forces, for the putting him in PolTeifion of 
 the Spanijh Dominions, according to the feparate Arti¬ 
 cle mention'd before. 
 
 As to a War with France, I can yet fee no Juft Foun¬ 
 dation to begin it upon, other than as before; I do 
 fldt fav but it may follow as a Confequence, upon the 
 probability of the French King’s attacking fome part 
 Of the Confederacy, but till he has done it, it feems not 
 ft) be our bufinefs to meddle with him. 
 
 It may be Objected, that while he A (lifts the King of 
 Spain with all his Forces, though it be as Auxiliars, ’tis 
 tfleifeft a War with France. 
 
 ’Eis true it is Virtually a War With France, and let him 
 hsk to that, but ftill ’tis not immediately a War with the 
 Nation, nor can we juftify a War again!! them, 
 Until fome Breach of the late Treaty of Re)wick can be 
 afligh'd j unlefs a contriv’d defign of the French King, 
 tbAggrandife himfelf,and hisGreat andExorbitant Power 
 fee allow’d to be a fufficient-reafon. 
 
 1 think 1 have given no diffident reafon for any Bo¬ 
 dy to fufpe£t me of Jacobitifm, or of. being a Friend to 
 the French Intereft, nor unlefs I am mifunderftood, can 
 Shy thing be drawn from this Paper to argue, that we 
 fhould bear to be Infulted by the French in the Article of 
 the pretended New King. 
 
 But if we muft go ro War, I hope we ffiall Quarrel 
 firft With them who have firft Injur’d us, and who have 
 1 'hVaded our Allies, I mean the King of Spain , if the 
 Wrench will Efpoufe his Quarrel, let him take his Fate j 
 Whert he makes the like, or any attack, either upon us, 
 
 o: 
 
( *95 ) 
 
 or our Allies, as King of France , I hope we /hall pot bg 
 afraid to Declare War again/! him too; but till he does, 
 we cannot Legally be the aggrellors, unlefs on the A#? 
 count of the Ballance of Power as aforefaid. 
 
 I cannot difmifs this Article without /hewing, that by 
 this way of Proceeding, I mean by a War with Spain, 
 not with France , we /hall, 
 
 i. Have many advantages, which otheywife w§ 
 /hall not have in a War with France only, or with 
 both together. 
 
 a. The French will have more difadvantages in majn= 
 taining a War fo remote from them, than they 
 wou’d have at home. 
 
 If then I can make out firft, that ’tis more Honoura- 
 ble, and next that ’tis more profitable to begin a Way 
 with Spain, and not with France-, 1 /hail ask no more ' 
 let better Reafons be brought by them that can find then! 
 out, for I cannot. 
 
 1. By a War with Spain the Englijh Trade will jpg 
 more at Liberty ; for tho’ it may be allow’d that mapy 
 Privateers will be fitted out in France with Spanijf) 
 Commi/fioners, yet it will not be fuppofed to be pear 
 the number that ufed to be during the late War, 
 becaufe the French Squadrons continuing long from 
 home, they cannot ftiift their Men into the Privateer^, 
 as they did laft War, when fometimes two thirds of thg 
 Sea-men of their Fleet were on board their Priyateers, 
 for moft part of the Winter, and in the Summer 
 were call’d in again at demand j fo that our Trade, ,&• 
 fpecially our home Trade, and Weft-Indfa Trade, will jag 
 much freer than before. 
 
 2. Our Plantations will be vifibly Enrich’d, both by 
 open Trade, and conftant Depredations in the Spanifh 
 Weft-Indies, which never fail’d in a War with Spain, 
 
 be great gain to the Englijh. 
 
 They know very little of Trade, who are ignorapj 
 that the greateft Advantage the French gain of us ip g 
 War, is in their Privateers furpriling <0 many ojf ppy 
 Merchant Ships, which cap never pc avoided jp a Way, 
 
-- 
 
 ( ) 
 
 becaufe of the great quantity of Shipping we employ 
 in every Corner of the Seas, and the Impoflibility bf 
 atligning Convoys to every Pari of the World. 
 
 Some have afHrm d, how true 1 know not, that during 
 the laft War they took Three Thoufand Sail of our 
 Mips, and the lofs to the Englifk has been computed at 
 Twenty Millions. 
 
 And iho I queftion not but that in cate of anew Rup¬ 
 ture, we fhall take fome better Care to feenreour Trade 
 than was before, yet it muft be allow’d that a great ma¬ 
 ny of our Ships will fall into their Hands. 
 
 And this is the more a Difadvantage to us, becaufe 
 Y e . C c a , nn0 ^ r W them in kind, the number of 
 l ” eir J .‘PPtfg being fo much inferiour to ours, that 
 our Privateers can very rarely make it worth while to 
 : ’Tis true Capt. Young, and the Jerfey and Guern- 
 Jej Men made fomething of it, lying fo near their 
 Coaft, as to be always in view, but for the reft there 
 are but few Privateers who got enough to make it worth 
 while. 
 
 If then our War be Commenc’d with Spain, and not 
 With France, tho’ it be in effett a War with France, it 
 Will withour doubt leflen the number of their Rovers, 
 and leave our Trade at more Liberty. 
 
 Tis Objected here, that the French know their Ad- 
 , vantage, and fee it fo well, that they will not fuffer it 
 
 but will declare War firft--Iffo, Argument is at an 
 
 end, and ail the World will own a War Necelfary when 
 the French begin it. 
 
 I am no Privy Councellour in France, nor fo much 
 a Friend to their Deligns as to be acquainted with them 
 before Hand, but I may be allow’d to guefs from what 
 feems to be the Intereft ofth t French^ he will never Break 
 firft with US. 
 
 Kings never Quarrel for what they poflefs already, all 
 Aggrdlions of Force are ro procure the Pofleifion of 
 lomewhat they cannot otherwile obtain. 
 
 The trench King has plac’d his Grandfon upon the 
 Throne of Spain, it you will let him alone there, his 
 
 bufineis 
 
V f 
 
 i r r ( *97 ) ^ 
 
 if«« 
 
 ^ A = u iJWi!^“d&-“ r ofs 
 
 ning of Towns, laying up Magazine! in’nS Stren S th - 
 
 vemyour Attacks, h as Ven £w £tV° P* 
 
 had he intended to have Invaded Me m-uu made i 
 could have hindered ir atth^fi a f ^ e, S^oars, what 
 thdr Forces CcZlk III |l°I' he S P™& wh « 
 ■he powerful AlliSdS? h^^ 0P ' < ? ,W ’ 3ni 
 eluded and uncertain j when hi hfd m i de - “ ncon - 
 Poof upon their Frontiers , n rr iad 7° ha.talioni of 
 Forces in his cf Wy 1 ' d f ° m£ ° f ,he bcli of their 
 
 ,'r. furc *“ »=«* 
 
 It remains to make it our, that the r l v 
 be under more Difad vantages bv aAu^ K *l S wUt 
 an immediate War. ,J y 3 Au * lha r y, than by 
 
 now on FooMnSSy th a nd\" e c d ° n,yre ^ r t0 t!ie War 
 mife what is a known Truth i IO lf ’ 1 muft Ptc- 
 
 nionsofj^ are able 5cteifclv« n0ne ° f the 
 
 enough to defend S ST ™’main Forces 
 ot Spain, under the prefen tOeconomv '' ho e R ^«ue 
 maintain the prefent Army j n hall \ noc ~ble ro 
 Speaking, the dead Weight of rfie fc fo that generally 
 the French, this I fuppofe will be rafrP niU ^' e upon 
 Now *tis plain to thofe «-h\ adl,y panted. 
 
 AfFairsof illy- that the iL^^ Uidmed with the 
 Cofis the King of France more m 0W 00 Foot ^cre, 
 Thoufand Men in FL„Zs ■ c . han / Hundred 
 
 ches, the difficulty of Carriage °£ tlie,r Mar- 
 
 carrifd upon Mules over the Mount ? orcs bcin S 
 of Provifions, and the exoenre f r D lns ’ thc ^earnefs 
 <it«de of h STS f ^ witha Mul- 
 Account. w,nch frnre to Enhance the 
 
 The 
 
( >98 ) 
 
 'the French Court were not Infcnfible of this in the hft 
 War, and the French Politicians gave it as the principal 
 Reafon to excufe the unufual, and irl£ecd unheard of 
 Concerns made by the French to the Duke of Savoy, in 
 order to draw him off from the Confederacy. . 
 
 And thofe who blame that Prince s Conduit in quit- 
 tine his Engagement with the Emperor, would do 
 well to conlider what the Terms of Accommodation 
 were which the French made With him, and compare 
 them with the Pofturehis Affairs were then in, or in¬ 
 deed were ever likely to be in : , 
 
 The reftoring Peace to his ruin d Country, the re¬ 
 covering all theDutchy of Savoy out of the Hands of 
 the S, the difmiffing a French -Army which had 
 liv’d at Difcretion in the Bowels of his Country, and at 
 the Gates of his Pallace; the demoliftung which 
 
 was a Hook in his Noftrils, a Fortrefs of that Impregna¬ 
 ble Strength, as it was call’d one of the Keys;of France, 
 which coft the French .00 Millions in Fortifying and 
 Maintaining, and was an Inlet for a French Aimy into 
 his Country whenever they pleas d, the quitting a D 
 of many Millions, which was always a handle to take 
 hold of whenever the French found it convenient to 
 quarrel with him : The Marrying W? 
 
 Fortune of France, and fetting her in the 0 
 of Honour in the World without a Portion. 
 
 Why was all this done, butbecaufe the n 
 
 found the expence of a War in Italy Intolerable to him, 
 the Councils of France have never been found fo Incohe¬ 
 rent with themfelves, as to give away fnch Coun rys, 
 and fo many Millions for nothing j there muft be fom 
 Equivalent Confideration, the Forces of the av y 
 could not be fo formidable to him, for they were al¬ 
 ways beaten: As to the Germans that were there, y 
 were to be expected again upon the Rhine, md t e .j 
 Auxiliaries in Flanders, the immcdiate Fo r ces o ^ e 
 Duke were never above 15000, and it cann ° f 
 imagin’d, without Monflrous Abfurdmes, that thole 
 
(i9$V 
 
 I jooo Men could have fuch an Influence on the Vreh'ca 
 as to be bought off at fuch an Imftienfe Price 
 I think 1 may Challenge any Man to yive'a R ea fon 
 pther than what I Infift upon, for the Extravagant 
 Conditions, which the Dukeof Savor obtain’d ’ g 
 Jt was the Prodigious Expence of Conveying, Main- 
 Mining and Recruiting the French Army beyond the 
 Mcmma raSl that made ,he F r,n,h wear/ ofTe Waf 
 
 Another Difadvanrage the French muff lye tinder' is 
 that the Seat of War is their own j in former Wars we 
 have found foe French have always been wife enough 
 o make War at the coft of the Enemy, the TaW “ " 
 
 Prinrl“ POn fyr Neutrality of foe 
 
 Pr nces ,s a thing of fuch Cohfequence, that they are 
 
 obliged now to Eight on their own Ground, or that of 
 heir Allies, where they are oblig’d to pay for whi 
 
 Pav^in F Ve> /°r'-' at 3 , r , 3 doub,e Price too, or if they 
 P y in French Coin, they are paid again by the Conn. 
 iy with their Brains being knock’d our. 
 
 might add, the Inconveniences they are under from 
 the natural Hatred of the Country, which has\iverl 
 tha 1 Advan f a S cs ro f he olmnns this Campaign 
 
 laft aT have . ncv , er kn . own the French fo fool’d in the* • 
 Jaft Age, as they have been in one Summer. 
 
 If then there is one Place in the World where the 
 
 ^fid ,l ;" a c L:ir;^„ D r aBewU,b ' moft ^ 
 
 •nr L , a " d ’ l? us examine the Srdre of the War 
 
 Ijn 3 J J u ^ 1 * 1 bt : ea, ‘ly granted me that the En?~ 
 
 1 ‘ . . D ‘ itck arc Superiour there, let them that oueO? 
 
 Fte ’*nf U n h “ h fv COUId block “P “h* 
 
 S“'vSrT^,fc ir T0W “’ a " d MlSt ** 
 
 ftlves amends upon ,he s r „,„, h thdr 
 
 * ' 
 
c ioo ) 
 
 for all the Lofl'es that either they of the French can rhake 
 us fuller by Privateering. . ' 
 
 If Mounfieur Pomi with but eight Ships coutd take 
 Carthafrena, and bring 'home a Booty of Five Millions $ 
 
 I cannot fee what fhould prevent as makihgmuch grea¬ 
 ter Advantages. 
 
 There never was yet a War between the Engli (is and 
 the Spaniard, but that we made Extraordinary Advan¬ 
 tages of their Weft-India Wealth. 
 
 Why fhould we fancy to our fdves, that- we /hall be 
 lefs able to make a profit of them now, than in Oliver's 
 time, or in Queen Elizabeth's time. 
 
 Or why muft a Royal Fleet be lefs able to Injure the 
 Spaniard in the Weft-lndics , than Monfieur Pcinti's little 
 Squadron, or than a few Buccaneers have often done. 
 
 I fhall not defeend to more particulars, only I muft 
 fay in cafe of a War with Spain ; j 
 
 If our Fleets do not furprize their Galleons, and whol¬ 
 ly Interrupt the Commerce qf Spain with their Indies . 
 
 If our Plantations are not Enrich’d by Conftant De¬ 
 predations upon the Spaniards in America. 
 
 If we do not take from them the lftands of Cuba and 
 Hifpaniola. 
 
 Ifwe do not Land on the Continent, and fiiare with 
 them in the Treafuves of that Rich Country. 
 
 We muft either be ailed by vety ill Councils at home, 
 or havefalfe and ridiculous Management Abroad. 
 
 If thefe Advantages fhall be quitted, when there is 
 the jufteft Ground to begin a War that can be defil’d3 
 and a War with Prance Commenc’d on weaker Founda¬ 
 tions, where naked Peace muft be the utmoft of our 
 Wifhes if we Conquer, and Blows, and Lofs, the con¬ 
 ftant Attendants of the War, we rnuft indeed go thro’ 
 the worft of it, but furely the World will think this 
 Nation forfakenof their Senfes, and blind to their Com¬ 
 mon Incercft. 
 
 It may be reply’d to all this, we muft have a War 
 With both of them 3 to which I fhall fay, if it mult be 
 l'o, His Majefty knows better than He can be told, I 
 
 believe 
 
{ 101 ) 
 
 mnft f nrKi y Bod >’’ J' ow t0 touch the French in the 
 f ?e ,: A ff P j! rt ’ and , 1 ani P errwa <kd wifi To wifeiv 
 ? d 5 h J A ffan*s, as to be wholly on the defence Parc 
 in Flanders , in order fo carry on a War in Remote Pia 
 
 ’ 7 i 7 C Vigor where the Damage may be great" 
 cr, and the danger to their Affairs equal. 8 
 
 top ? thers ’ ofthe utmoft Confequence to re¬ 
 cover VlanJers , asa Barrier to the Englijh and Dutch I 
 anfwer I wouldCompound with ihJrLh for the Con 
 qrieft of F landers m ic Years, although we were to he 
 every Year Vidor; but the way to bring the War to a 
 happy Concluhon, is by wounding the Spaniard in 
 fome Weaker and mdre fenlible Parr, fo as , )nrin in 
 Peace he dull be glad to quit Vlandert for an Equiva- 
 Knf , and if the Germans are well fupported in Italy 
 
 ofF/3^ 3 ^ iffi the recovery 
 
 '•"““'defeat the Expeflalion ofrheFWi 
 
 »*££. »hho»“Sf’* hich h£ “* be +*» 
 
 Thus we may have a War with both, and Fitrhrwid, 
 but one, as well as have a War with one, and Fight 
 With both ; the French will always come in but hL 
 the Spaniard we ought to Figh i with for aeainft 
 
 eT ‘I' licafo V° they ah f™theMfc 
 
 eft to be beaten, and from rhem moft is to b- -or 
 If“ y ,h°e n m CCa dbet ' etR ' afons ' 1 “ftbmitwin' 
 
( *oi> ) 
 
 An ARGUMENT, [hewing, that 
 a Standing Army, with Content 
 of Parliament, is not Inconfiftent 
 with a Free Government, &c. 
 
 The PREFACE. 
 
 T he prefent Tm ml Ink War rail’A dgnaif “Si ml- 
 Law, has more ill Conferences in it, than are 
 , t fox Lt to be difcernd. The Pretenceisfpecms, and 
 !u IfLiberty is very pleafmg ; but the Principle is mor . 
 
 th/Kingdom: Liberty and Property are the GUncus Attn 
 the Fndift Nation ; and the. dearer they auto us, 
 
 ,t i$iff**<*" •* ,b T’l“ 'i i’Z , 
 
 t >1., d, bjing them b " MJ™’ 
 
 j£ '"/Europe « die King nmi lee, ; ml if dm 
 ff mr to keep il akrmd. Hew thefe Genllema will Je 
 
 Z ZthVm™, l ffmU keglal „ fee TrefofiJi »< 
 
 tZSd tf de Kirg, del give, Lew, of Pe.ee « 
 
 ^U«EuVi "t "“ZZZf.14 
 
 Sword out of his Hand in trine of Peace, bid the fairest oj 
 ' men in the World torenevs the War. 
 
 The ArguMMi ugamfl anArmp have keen fifmgb "l ’ 
 Jlb' lilkm with m un.f„4 Afkrm", **« 
 
C 103 ) 
 
 e f biehr C'nqucjt , though their Armour it not yet put off, 
 J think their Triumph goes before their Victory ; and 
 if Rook* and Writing •will not, God be thanked the Tarlia- 
 r/i'itt will Confute them, by taking care to maintain fucb 
 Voi ces, and v.o nme, as t • think needful for our fafety a- 
 broad, without dagenr at home, and leaving it to time to 
 Wake it appear, that fmb an Army, with Confent of Par¬ 
 liament is not inconfifteni with Free Government, &c- 
 
 An ARGUMENT, Jhewing , that 
 n Standing Army , &c. 
 
 I N the great Debates about a Standing Army, and in 
 all the Arguments us’d on one fide and ’torher, |c 
 leems to me .that both Partiesfare equally guilty of run- 
 fling into the Extrearns of the Controverfie. 
 
 Some have taken up fuch terrible Notions of an Ar¬ 
 my, that take it how you will, call it what you will $ 
 be it Rais d, Paid or Commanded by whom you will, 
 and let the Circuntftances be alter’d never fo much, the 
 Term is Synonimous, an Army is an Army$ and if 
 they don t Enfiave us, the Thanks is not to our good 
 Conduct j for 10 many Soldiers, fo many Matters: 
 
 * uey may do it if they will; and if they do not do 
 it now, they may doit in another Reign, when a King 
 mall arife who knows not Jefeyh, and therefore the 
 Kitque is not to be run by any means: From hence 
 they draw the Confequence, Thai a Standing Army is 
 Incon/iftent with a Free Government , &C. which is the 
 Title to the Argument. 
 
 This we find back’d by a Difcourfe of Militias: and 
 by a Second Part of the Argument, &c. and all thefe 
 
 whld ? fee ™. r ° me t0 be wrote by the fame 
 Hand, agree in this Point in General, That the War 
 pemg at an end, no Forces at all are to, be kept in Pay, 
 
 $ m 
 
« 0 Men to be Maintained whofe Profefflon is bearing 
 Arms, whofe Commiffion is to Kil! and Sby, as he has 
 it in the Second Part j but they muft be Difmift, as Men 
 for whom there is no more Occafion againft an hne- 
 my, and arc dangerous to be kept up, leaft they find 
 
 Occafion againft our f c l vcS - c . 
 
 The Advocates for the Neceifity of a Standing Jr, 
 my, feem to make light of all thefe Fears and Icalou- 
 fies - and plead the Circumftances of the Kingdom, 
 •with Relation to our Leagues and Confederacy's abroad, 
 the Strength of our Neighbours, a Pretender to the 
 Crown in Being, the Uncertainties of Leagues, and 
 the like, as Arguments to prove an Army neceflary. 
 
 1 muft own thefe are no Arguments any longer than 
 thofe Circumftances continue, and therefore can a- 
 mount to no more than to argue the neceifity of an 
 Army for a time, which time none of them has ten- 
 tured to Aflign, nor to fay how, being once Eftabhfh d, 
 we (hall be fure to be rid of them, in cafe a new King 
 fhould fucceed betore the time be expir d, who may 
 not value our Liberty at the rate his prefent Majefty 
 
 haS l d d°efire calmly to coofider both thefe Ext reams, and 
 if it be polfible, to find out the fafe Medium which 
 
 mav plcafc us all. ... ^ r . „ 
 
 If there be any Perfon who has an ill Defign in pulh- 
 j n o thus againft the Soldiery. 1 am not to expect, that 
 lefs than a Disbanding the Army will fausfie him - y 
 but fuch who have no other end than prefcrvir.g our 
 Liberties entire and leaving them fo to Poftcnty , will be 
 iatisfied with what they know is iufficient to that end ; 
 for he who is not content with what will fully anjwer tbe 
 end he props fes, has feme other end than that which he pro- 
 ■pnfe<. I make no Reflections upon any Party, but I 
 propose to direct this Difcourfe to the boneft weft 
 meaning End'S) Freeholder, who has a fhare in the Ter¬ 
 ra firm a, and therefore is concern’d to preferve Freedom 
 to the Inhabitant who loves his Liberty better than his 
 Life and won’t fell it for Money ; and this is the Man 
 • -■ ’ ‘ * who. 
 
( iOf ) 
 
 i£,t Sa, “ y °' a 
 
 cannm b^fewUbo^® <Im ' he 
 
 is not ealie with one To rhic v^’ Seattle finds he 
 of the Slavery of Nations ^1*1? r the fad Inftanecs 
 as fomany Buoys to warn hi« St 5 nc . in £ Armies, (land 
 ther Free Nations have U 1 Ct thc Rccks which o- 
 to this Man w^are to fpe^ Up ° n ’ and th ^rc ’cis 
 
 difting U !,i fc”fc,w" en'iW " ,9* ri f ht - w «c to 
 
 »w ? bawtcn a s'andt?/ a acd **W 
 
 22? “ d 3 «“> »& of Fo^/h S^£ 
 ftM&w TorL'd^S SSaST 5 ’ diffcrcnt 
 
 tia are rot, and perhaps 1 miirh^ whyaMili- 
 
 niade fir for the Ufes of the ? lt / uak . cit 0ur > “nnot be 
 ctent Times of wS?pg^ m Wat * In thc An, 
 ^ars the Invaders’^ 0 ur & e were for many 
 
 r ot of Invafions at Home®t5?^ quife ouc 
 to that Magnitude in the Wn W * bc [ ore Wc arriv’d 
 
 were hardfy ever dt r ' ”* C ° be obfcrv ’ d we 
 
 Jf- thefconqne^was *e“U'ZZ'r Z"***'* 
 
 dld not do the lame Wk ’ f t lf the s t a »“*d 
 mcms in Battle Array againft^^ God / c [ theE1 ^ 
 
 ^SRSgi SSKUST & 
 
 Day, the Kingdom his ntl'k' froin , [ta t time to this 
 *“g Troops of Soldiers eSeWH^^ D° UtW Stand ~ 
 
 * a s 
 
 Votes of the Parliament again!, l & 
 
 * Motions 
 
 T > • • J t j 
 
( zo6 ) 
 
 Morions made to Disband them, till the Days of King 
 Charles the ffift. Queen Elizabeth, thcf Hie had no Guard 
 du Corps , yet fhe had her Guards du Terres. She. had even 
 to her laft Hour feveral Armies, I may call them, in Pay 
 among Foreign States and Pritjces, which upon any vi¬ 
 able Occafion were ready to be call’d home. King 
 James the Firft had the fame in Holland, in the Service 
 of Guftavus Adolphus King of Sweden, and in the Un¬ 
 fortunate Service of the King of bohemia ; and that 
 Scotch Regiment, known by the name of DcugUfs s Re¬ 
 giment, have been ( they fay) a Regiment 25c Years. 
 King Charles the Firft had the Cine in thefeveral fcxpe- 
 ditions for the Relief of Rochel, and that fatal Defcent 
 upon the Ifle of Rhe, and in his Expeditions into Scotland ; 
 and they would do well to reconcile their Difcourfe to 
 it f.If, who fay in one place, If King Charles had had 
 Five Thoufand Men, the Nation had 'never firuck eve ffroak 
 for their Liberties ; and at the fame time fay, in another 
 place, That the Parliament were like to have been Petiti¬ 
 on d out of Doors by an Army a hundred and ffty Miles iff, 
 the there was a Scotch' Army at the Htcls of then: For 
 to me it appears that King Charles the Firll had an 
 Army then, and would have kept it, but that he had not 
 the Purfe to pay them, of which more, may be faid 
 hereafter. 
 
 But England now ftands in another Poliure, our Peace 
 at Home feems fecure, and I believe it is fo; but to 
 maintain our Peace abroad, ’tis pecd&ry to enter into 
 Leagues and Confederacies: Here is one Neighbour 
 grown too great for all the reft; as they are jingle States 
 ir Kin?daps,, and therefore to mate him, feveral muft 
 loir, for mutual Alfiftance, according to the Scotch Law 
 of Duelling, that if one cant beat you ten fall. Theft 
 Alliances are under certain Stipulations andAgreements, 
 With what Strength, and in what Places, to aid andaflift 
 one another j and to perform thefe Stipulations, fome- 
 thing of Force muft be ar hand if occafion require. 
 That' thefe Confederacies are of abfolure and indifpen- 
 (ibft neceility, topreferve the Peace of a weaker again^ 
 
 4 a Wrong* 
 
 f 
 
 ■: 
 
 
 
 
 
I 107 ; 
 
 has taug! “»»• 
 
 of S e C Wa“a„ h "Ch ”J Ma T°f ,hc P“fa* State 
 Se 1 it ^Barcler^to^ y^ur cm’n 1 ^ C< T^ ^ ' te * , 
 
 jure Tp fay, that inflead of This^wc Sdl ^r 
 for their afliftance when wan J,i ! u . / aife th em 
 if this potent Neighbour u ’ Wou f ^e fomerhing, 
 \vhofe Velocity of MoMnn\r r n T the Frtnch King, 
 W’~ Hut "Zf^Tr ' h ' C “: 4 r'i rtmt '* r » 
 HA 7-4,^ ;i> otwS,?;. S c Mili, t 
 jy> it he coq’d, ** body would n ~ ™ tc .£°> ancJ Second- 
 
 would go, ar.d would be accented 5 if thcy 
 good Jor nothing : If We u av ^ r ,°‘’ tl9e y would be 
 
 federate, who'w j 1 v 55 c our 2 - F< 5 S ? 10 aM a Con- 
 ue wanted it ? To fay we are Slf aM us if 
 never need the Ailiflaicc of ou^ ftaIi 
 
 What we are not fuS of and l^ C - ghb ° Vr .’ is to % 
 needful to maintainrbe r^T • 1S Certa,n « is as 
 Efteem of our Neighbours KcT f E % la ” d in the 
 in cafe of an Jnvafcon 3 for keenU ° Ur Coafls 
 
 purPowe^ and we /ball never he ? n P v ^ d Repuration of 
 
 .hc If o„T“^ %&*%**£ «r Invafom were 
 readier ,o grant A? pi’ “ , , fl,ou d * the 
 might be made ufeful: but our £,/ hl r k ? U1 ‘ ^ iJkia 
 Obfta, to beat the Enemy before l b ^ ne ^ s 1S Pr >”cifiis 
 ** Onr Bufinefs £ -A 
 
 oyr ' 
 
( ao8 ) 
 
 our Confederate Princes, that they may be able to fhnd 
 between us and Danger: Our Bufinefs is to prefcrve 
 Flanders , toGarrifon the Frontier Towns, and be in the 
 Field in Conjun&ion with the Confederate Armies: This 
 Ss the way to prevent Invafions, and De(cents '• And 
 when they can tell us that oik Militia is proper for this 
 work, then we will fay fomething to it. 
 
 ' I’ll fuppofe for once what 1 hope may never fail out, 
 That a Rupture of this Peace fhou’d happen, and the 
 French , according to Cuftom, break (uddenly into Flan¬ 
 ders, and over-run it, and after that Holland, what Condi¬ 
 tion wou’d fuch a Neighbourhood of fuch a Prince, 
 reduce us to ? If it be anfwer’d again. Soldiers maybe 
 rais’d to aflift them. I anfwer, as before, let thofe w ho 
 fay fo, read the Hiftory of the French King’s Irruption 
 into Holland in the Year 1671, where he conquer’d 60 
 , (Irong Fortified Towns in 6 Weeks time: And tell me 
 what it will be to the purpofe to raifs Men to fight an 
 Enemy after the Conqueft is made. 
 
 ’Twill not be amifs to obferve here that the Reputa¬ 
 tion and Influence the Englijh Nation has had abioad 
 among the Princes of Christendom, has been always more 
 or lefs according as the Power of the Prince, to aid and 
 aflift, or to injure and offend was efteem’d. Thus Queen 
 Flizaibetb carried her Reputation Abroad by the Cou- 
 rage of her English Soldiers and Seamen i and on the 
 contrary, what a ridiculous figure did King James, with 
 his Beat's Pacifies, make in all the Courts of drift mlcm 
 How did the Spaniards and the Lmperor banter and buffoon 
 him ? How was his Ambailador afharn d to treat tor 
 him,while Count Cdoredo told Count Mansfield, That his 
 HeJ Matter ( meaning King James ) hi an neither how 
 t.o make Peace or Wat ( King Charles the Firft far’d much 
 in the fame manner: And how was it altered in the 
 Cafe of Oliver, 
 
 Tho’ his Government did a Tyrant refemble. 
 lie made England Great, and her Enemies tremble. 
 
 Dialogue of the Horfes. 
 
 And 
 
JJpflWTTT 
 
 C 2.09 ) 
 
 f . fgf ™ bat isic P^ces theprefem King at the Helm of 
 the Confederacies ? Why do they commit theirT f 
 to his Charge, and appoint the Congrefs of their 
 potemaries at his Court? Why dodiftrefTedPrinceffe t 
 
 ^“whr^ as , the c DukKof 
 
 , c • W{i y did the Emperor and Kin? nf c„,- 1 nc 
 fromthe ,e R Manag - Craen f of the Peace ^ hnn? ’ris a ii 
 
 W i r 3110 ", 0 hisConduaand Ac EwOAyf 
 
 rMc r ? d ’o im >. and lis abfolutely ncccllary tofunnorr 
 r ^ trailer which England now bears in the Wt>rM 
 
 M:=£ssr“ri-r,£5 
 
 fo™riS S Con& rKdY ' ithn0f0rCe ” Ha " d, ° P«- 
 
 Of " r f c r cc, - s the Author of the Second Part 
 01 _ r . he Argument lays is pleaded for. 
 
 equally 6 dangerous 1 The An ? y,are extre ams 
 
 1 ,o clous > the one to our Inberrv ar Hn*. 
 
 tizrr 1 F* 
 
 tf£F> F =s &£ Sss 
 
 tution. * and yct n0t dan Swous to our Confti- 
 
 .JbucZ^Lr'b 11 1,0 Safe ’ 
 
 thonty of Parliament, p u by thc Au - 
 
 lp 
 
r no) 
 
 In the Claim of Right, prefented to theiprtfcitt K and 
 Which he (Wore to obfcrve as the Pacta Convent a ot the 
 kingdom, it is declared, 7 hat the Raifingor Keepng a 
 Standi^ Armi within the Kingdom in time of Peace, umejs 
 it tie by Cohftnt of Parliament, is again(t Law 
 
 This plainly lays the whole ttrets ot the Aigument 
 hdt againft the thing it fclf, A Standing Army, _ nor againft 
 the Seafon, in time of Peace, but againft the Cucum- 
 ftarice, Confent of Parliament ; and I think nothing is 
 more Rational than to Conclude from thence, that a 
 Standing Army in time of Peace, with Content ot l at- 
 Uarhent, is not againft Law, and l may go on ,noms not 
 Irtconliftent with a free Government, nor Deitructiye ot 
 
 the Englilh Monarchv. ' 
 
 There are two Dili motions rteceffary therefore m the 
 jprefcftt Debate> to bring the Queftion to a natrow 
 Compafs. 
 
 Jp| r f tl J diftinguifls between d Great Army and ajmali 
 And 
 
 Secondly, t difinguifl, between an Army hep on Yoot 
 without Ccnfent of Parliament, and an Army with 
 Consent of Parliament. 
 
 
 And Whereas We are told, an Army of Soldiers is an 
 Army of Mafrers, and the Content ot P^hament don^ 
 alter it, but they may turn them out ot Doms who 
 Rais’d them, as they did the Long Parliament. The 
 frh-fc diftinftion ahfwers that; for it a great ^rny may 
 till it,a (mall Army cafft; and then the Second l OAm- 
 than regulates the Hr ft. Lor it cannot bw luppoied* 
 
 but the Parliament when they give that Con ^ { ^ 
 cai\ only make an Army Lawful, will, not Confent 
 a kirsceh Army than they can to Matter, as that the Li^ 
 (cities or People of England, fhall never be in danger 
 
 ft ° No Map will fav this cannot be, becaute the Num¬ 
 ber mav be fuppofed as ftnall as you pleafe i but to a- 
 Vo'id the Sophiftry of an Argument, LT 1 fuppofe theve- 
 
( ill ) 
 
 ry Troops which we fee the Parliament have nor Vo, 
 t,d to be Disbanded, that is, thofe which wIre q^FoS 
 befoic the rear ,<S8 0j No Man will deny ,hem to T 
 a Standing Army, and yet fure no Man will imagine 7 
 ny danger to our Liberties from them. • 0C3t 
 
 We are ask’d, if youeftablifli an Army, and a R e y P 
 nuetopay them, Ucw {bailee he fure they willmcZT 
 mtetbemfelves ? But Will any Man ask that QuefHoiS 1 
 fuch an Army as this ? Can Six Thoufand l^ntelj thl 
 Nation they won't Disband, but will continue rffiSf 
 
 > h eS> M r d the c R aife Moncv t0 do « ? Can they Era& 
 it by Military Fxecution ? If they can our mu?’* 
 
 be very defftcablt. The keeping fuch a Remnant ? of”a« 
 
 Army docs not hinder but the Militia may be made « 
 
 bfeful as you pleafe j and the more lifeful yon mate it 
 
 the lefs danger from this Army: And however ir m!n 
 
 have been the Bulinefs of our King; to make tZ £- 7 ?^ 
 
 * "ttfs* they could, the gS 
 
 any Tokens of fuch a Dcfign, Nor is it more than JvJ 
 
 be needful,, for Cooo Men by themfeJveS wonrido If 
 
 the Invafion we fpeak of fliould ever be attempted Wfv f 
 
 has becnfaid of the Appearance of the People 0 fl hi 
 
 Vurbech. fanciedInvajion, was Very true , but I muft fal 
 had it been a true One of Forty Thoufand r 
 T roops, all that Appearance cou’d have done nolhin? 
 but have drove the Country in order to ftarve them S 
 rhen have run awav. I am nm * _ • r** w# 
 
 ihcn have l un away: I am apt enough to granr what has 
 
 bcenfaid „_.... 
 
 us, while we arc Maliers at Sea • bur' l am 'fufe dm"?)? 
 fence of England's Peace, lies in makin-W a " in r/ 
 den. Queen Elizabeth found it fo, herWay to bear 
 Spaniards , was by helping the Dutch to do Jr a j 
 as much Defended England in aiding Prince 
 ro win the Great Battel of Fhedld in"rg f 
 
 the lame Com (c ’ lor he no looner decLrf-f? riy' V ^*' 
 gamll Spain, but he Embaik’d his Army for n ^ 
 The late King CW, did the feme aSr.hf^/ 
 when after the Peace 
 
( ItZ ) 
 
 lift, and Scots were always left in the Service of the Dutch, 
 and the prefent War is a further Teftimony: For where 
 has it been Fought, not in England, God he thanked, but 
 in Flanders ? And what are the Terms of the I eace, but 
 more Frontier Towns in Flanders ? And what is the 
 Great Barrier of this Peace, but Flanders jthet .onle- 
 quence of this mav be guefs’d by the Anfwer King Wil¬ 
 liam gave when Prince of Orange , in thejate Treaty or 
 FJimeguen : when, to make the Terms the e after, twas 
 offered. That a Satisfaftion ftsoua be made to him . by the 
 French, for his Lands in Luxemburg ; to which the ( 
 Prince generoufly reply’d, He -would part with all his 
 Lands in Luxemburgh to get the Spaniards one good Frontier 
 Town in Flanders.. The veafon is plain ; for every one 
 of thofe Towns, tho’ they were immediately the Spani¬ 
 ards, were really Bulwarks to keep the French the further 
 off from his own Country ; and thus it is now; And 
 how our Militia can have any /hare in this part of the 
 War, I cannot imagine. It feems Grange to me to re¬ 
 concile the Arguments made ufe of to magnthe the bei- 
 viceablencfs of the Militia, and the Arguments to en¬ 
 force the Dread of a Standing Army; for they ftand 
 like two Batteries one agairtft another, where the Shot 
 from one difrhounts the Cannon otthe other . fajma 
 Army may enflave us, our Militia are good for nothing ; tj 
 stood for nothing they cannot defend us, and then the Army 
 is necelfary: If they are good, and are able to 
 a / mall Army can never hurt us, for what may 
 Abroad, may defend us at Home, and I 
 not confider’d. A nd what is plainer in the Woild than 
 that the Parliament of England have all along agreed t 
 this Point, That a Standing Army in time o Ptaay 
 Cmf<nt 4 ParlimM, is not agatnft Law. The EOabha 
 m:nt of the Forces in the time of King Charles II. was 
 not as I remember ever objeaed againft in Parliament, at 
 leaft we may fay the Parliament permitted them it they 
 did not eftablifh them: And the Prefent Parliament feems 
 endin’d to continue the Army on the fume foot, to far 
 as may be fuppos’d from their Vote to disband all the 
 
'\ 
 
 fc ' { ) 
 
 forces raifed forcer68®. To affirm rh™ ta * o , 
 
 in <r Army (without mv f r ..^! *b<it a Stands 
 
 6™h w X”w m » cr , Di “ in ®<>™;«,v- 
 
 th = Wn, the Pertn&on 
 
 Mpow rr" ™%£*« s 
 
 thole wX H0Ule lbM P crha P s ever enrred within 
 
 » 
 
 Charge of our Liberties mu rt ia '^ 5P? lniltre d the 
 told them His Opinion^ vvith the^Rpffo° nl >' 
 
 out leading them at all ■ and r h<- a e , 3 0 l l s / or lf » With- 
 
 Right is left in full force: For this Confcnr nfP C p °f 
 is now left the whole and foie I L utc wLl Pariiamenr 
 or rnyjhrmji andif it Votes anArmy,’rfffef SaH? 
 
 f0l ' J ^l !l ’eQi.antity, W,4 0 Zt“ the 
 
 thofe words, v2f,h h'tjcmfiMof'p^ Meani "S, of 
 
 aSt* 7 "“"S orfer 
 
 '* n « C \hybt rais'd and continued not In a r„,v a 
 fcjter Cottfem ,f “J* T ‘% % 
 
 rettlj by an Act of Parliament #'***- 
 
 Z. I hat they be continued no longer than fuch V *1- ■ 
 
 , [hull limit “*•>"* E *P‘“>" 
 
 i a mbot t S™t4 re 4 ra ; Kd , in ' be word w<«, 
 FrrrO^^X &C ™« 0 '« whb „ 
 
 . 1 am J as positively afford of the Saferv nfn,„ r -u 
 ties under the Condm^- n fr our Liber- 
 
 ShSfki???’ ** 
 
 an Army of -o or Jnoo m , ,e rht ^ a S^'e; nor is 
 
 to enfant Ui, while under th"tutdOT.' SCarCr0W a ’ ou S h 
 
 If 
 
( ii4 ) 
 
 If this be allow’d, then the Queftion before us is,whzt 
 Ihay conduce to make the Harmony between the Kin- 
 Lords and Commons eternal ? And fo the Debate about 
 
 ^Buttoleave riiat Queftion, finee frailty attends the 
 beft of Perfons, and Kings have their faux Pas, as well as 
 other Men, we cannot expeft the Harmony to be im¬ 
 mortal, and therefore to provide for the waft, our 
 Parliaments have made their own Content the only 
 Claufe that can make an Army Legitimate . Butto lay 
 that an Army dire&ly as an Army, without thele Di- 
 ftin&ions, is deftru&ive of the Englijh Monarchy, and 
 Inconfiftent With a Free Government, &c: is to fay then 
 Se Parliament can deftroy the EM Monarchyj 
 and can Mablith that which is Inconfiftent with a Ficc 
 which is ridiculous. Bur then we are 
 told that the Power of the Sword was placed m the Lords 
 ° Barons, and how they fero'd the King in his Wars with 
 
 ibemfeh sand their rajfals, and that the King had no Power 
 
 to tvade the Privileges of the Barons havingno other 
 Forces than the Vaffals if his own Demeajnes 
 Arid this Form is applauded as an extraordinary 
 ftkution becaufe there is no other Limit afun of a Monar¬ 
 ch, of any Signification thanfuch as places the Sword * the 
 Hand of the Subjett: Jndallfuch Governments where the 
 Trince^hZtle Power of the Sword the thePeople Jjr* 
 Tower of the Purfe, arc no more Monarchies hut 
 Por not only that Government is tyrannical which is tjram s 
 
 call, exercis'd , but all Governments are tyrannical which hate 
 
 not in their Confiitution fuff dent Security agatyfi the At - 
 
 Z t,r f.lOrVrJe ; that is, which have 
 Power of the Sword to Imploy againft him it need 
 
 ( 
 
 Thus we come to the Argument: Which is n ° l0 * 
 many Troops may be allow’d, or how long; but in 
 
 fhorh N« Mercenary troops at all can be maintain d wt 
 Vejlroying cur Confiitution , tnd Metam+phowng our Go- 
 Hefnritcnt into-a tyranny; 
 
 I 
 

 ( Ilf ) ^ 
 
 «J-r ad - m - ire ll0V ^ the ^aintafner of this Bails came to 
 emu g^ng us an Account of another Part of Hiftory 
 
 NoLnrfr' 0 examine, in handing down the true 
 men ?government tri this; Nation, viz. of Parlia- 
 ments. To fupply which, and to make way for w’ 
 fo^ows, I muft take leave to tell the Reader, ftat abco- 
 , time > whe ‘?this Service by Villenage and Vafk (at 
 began to be refented by the People, and by Pea- a V 
 Trade they grew rich, and the Power of the b. 
 
 BarH C °° § re ^’ frequent - Commotions, civil Warsand 
 
 ?onct rn Tn?r. rhe ? nrtqU ^ Ce ’ nay withour 
 
 K,ng,n the Quarrel: One Nobleman 
 uouid Invade another, in which the weakeft fuffered 
 - Oft and the Poor Man's Blood was the Price of all - the 
 
 K^ bt ^ i P T lcd - es of *eir own, Jd ll>i$ 
 
 thiswefon nd D b r Bar0nS t0 3CCept of an 
 
 Lnce ,1 J 3 Pa r iamen ‘ : And from this the due Bal- 
 
 iance, we have fo much heard of is deduced I need 
 
 th°is e butThis R ? de n t S thcTi T CS and Cbcumftances of 
 wv nn a h i dl,e J Ha,,ance 1S the Foundation on which 
 uenowftand, and which the Author of the Argument 
 fo highly Applauds as the beft in the Wofld fand I 
 
 Sk r°n a i' MCn r - Plll !f ge if chis Ballance be not a 
 Model rfGow'Zn" “ S P ° iMS ’ ‘ ban lhe 0,d G ” iUk 
 t J n ‘ hat die Tyranny of the Barons was intoilerable 
 nnrr^k 1 . ery , a ? d S,aVei T of the Common People infun- 
 Wii, a f’ t ,: c ; r rt B , ,00d ? nd Labourivas * the abfolute 
 
 CWi- Thi often Sacrificed to their private 
 
 'a ey were as much at his beck as his Pack 
 ot Hounds were at the Sound of his Horn whether 
 t was to march againft a Foreign Enemy, or Jj 
 
 cZ:“" T‘ so .hi .hi S L bTct 
 
 SteSSrf J r ? nI /° r ,hree hundred » Mr fo many 
 Hie Kaions at England w r ere accounted at leaft And 
 
 this was the EJfca of the Security vefted in he Peook 
 
 &£:£Z u l?V om 01 Ihe Ki "- -mSTS 
 
 to lay the Barons took care to maintain their own Ty- 
 
 Qs rannyj 
 
( ) 
 
 ranny, and to prevent the King's Tyrannizing over 
 
 them. 
 
 But *C1S faid, The Barons growing poor by the Luxury 
 cf the Times , and the Common People growing rich , they 
 eteebang d their VajJ'alage for Leafes, Rtnts, Fines , and the 
 like. They did fo, " and thereby became entituled to 
 the Service ofthemfdves and fo overthrew the Set¬ 
 tlement, and from hence came a Houft of Commons ; And 
 I hope England has tealon to value the Alteration. Let 
 them that think not refled on the Freedoms the Com¬ 
 mons enjoy in Poland, where the Gotbick Inftitution re¬ 
 mains, and they will be fatisfied. 
 
 In this Eftablifhment of a Parliament, the Sword is 
 indeed trufted in the Hands of the King, and the Pur(e 
 in the Hands of the People ; the People cannot make 
 Peace or War without the King, nor the King cannot 
 raife or maintain an Army without the People ; and 
 this is the true Ballance. 
 
 But we are told, The Power of the Vurfe is not a fuffici - 
 ent Security without the Power of the Sword: What! Not 
 again ft ten thoufand Men? To anfwer this, ’tisnecefla- 
 ry to examine how far the Power of the Sword is in 
 the Hands of the People already, and next whether the 
 Matter of Fad be true. 
 
 I fay the Sword is in part in the Hands of the People 
 already, by. the Militia, who, as the Argument fays 
 are the People them fives. And how are they Ballanc’d? 
 * Tis true, they are Commiffioncd by the King, but 
 they may refufe to meet twice, till the firft Pay is re- 
 imburft to the Country; And where fliall the King 
 Raife it without a Parliament? That very Militia would 
 prevent him. So that our Law therein Authorizing 
 the Militia to refufe the Command of the King, tacitly 
 puts the Sword into the Hands of the People. 
 
 I come now to Examine the Matter of Fad, That the 
 Turfe is not an Equivalent to the Sword., which 1 deny to 
 be true; atid here ’twill be needfary to Examine, How 
 often our Kings of England have raifed Armies on their 
 own Heads, but have been forced to Disband them for 
 
 want 
 
 ( 
 
\ 
 
 » ■£ ' f ) 
 
 U^ant of Moneys, nay, have 6ecn forced to call a Parlia- 
 i? f A a ' fe , ro Disba "d them. • 
 
 for his g F.rft Armv 5^ a Uat!Ce ofbt)th thcfe j 
 Difmifs for want of PaT^ md .h" ^ ? K i° rCed to 
 
 Money by them ’ * d rft not atccm P t Raife 
 
 j V hofe „*& 
 
 tuilTifits* To omh & f‘^ 
 
 many into F™„, d • ^ ? r4 ”£ e brought out of Ger- 
 vanhhed, and could Lov '£™ntnes, which ail 
 
 to m,lmain “hem bS! to ",- g for wam of a 
 
 made the E/forrc nf I r; t0 , Come nearer > what 
 
 iufant of theVu f ? t' Charts all Abortive, but 
 
 Hand/when tlfeD^JViW ^ Sw ° ld in h, ' s 
 Fruitlefs Voyages to ilk l ^/?^ r Went on thofe 
 Scotland he'hfd For R h U '* nA himfelf afterwards to 
 
 <ha„ fiv; ttoufind whS A*’ a 3 gra ‘ “"V •"’«<= 
 but he had not the d„ 1 Argument mentions, 
 it without a p, i- 1)1 e ’ at ! aft - he attempted to take 
 Charles the SeCond Uufd Rum '* h,ht ' Kin S 
 
 Srtli°and b f T d ^ lie 
 
 “5“ stand “■ *»* for 
 
 from wh“ Ife fttoTtHnl * t \ rfe 
 ‘'isfofacredathine S i r faCo ""'I? bccaute 
 k, found h.Ks.in 7h lit ■% 7" d " * *« 
 'ion, that whoever’attorn™£ fo od,out t° the Na- 
 
 time he a hI/> rrv 1 a[lt -mpts it, mult at the fame 
 thTng £ IO make an £ «« Conqueft or no 
 
 ' ' “ not the Power of ,4, sj.,d in 
 
 <^ % < 4 , 
 
C *18 ) 
 
 the Hands of the Militia, which are the People themfclve?, 
 ftor the Fewer of the Purfe, are not a fufficient Ballanc? 
 a gain ft the Arbitrary Power of the king, what fhall 
 we fay ? Arc, ten thoufand Men in. Arms vvunoiu Mo- 
 ney, without Parliament Authority, hem d in vutp 
 the whole Militia of England, and Dam d by thf I.aws. 
 Are they of fuch Force as to break our Conihtution ; 
 
 I cannot fee any reafon for fuch a 1 hought. The Par¬ 
 liament ol England is a Body, of whom we may fay, 
 That no Weapon formed againft them could ever Trojper ; 
 and they know their own Strength, and they know 
 what Force is needful, and what hurtful, and they will 
 certainly maintain the fir ft , and Disband the laft. 
 
 It may be faid here, 'Tit not the fear of tc,0 thoujand 
 Men, 'tis not the matter of an Arm], but tis the Thing 
 it felf-, grant a Revenue for Life , and the next King 
 will call it, My Revenue, and (0 grant an Army for 
 this King, and the next will fay. Give me my Army. 
 
 To which I Anfwer, That thefe Things have been no 
 oftner ask’d in Parliament than deny’d , and we have 
 fo many In fiances in our late Times of the Tower of the 
 Turfe, that it feems ftrange to me, that it mould not be 
 allowed to be a fufficient Ballance, 
 
 King Charles the Second, as I hinted before, was ve¬ 
 ry loach to part with Iris Army rais’d in but he 
 
 was forced to it for want of Money to pay them, he 
 durft not try whether when Money had raifed an Amy, 
 an Army codd not raife Money. ’ Tis true, hlS Revenues 
 were large, but Frugality was not his Talent, and that 
 ruin’d the Defign. King James the Second was a good 
 Husband, and that very Husbandry had altnolt rum a 
 the Nation ; for his Revenues being well managed, ne 
 maintain’d an Army out of it. For ’tis well known, 
 the Parliament never gave him a Penny towards it; bur 
 he never attempted to make his Army raile any 0- 
 jncy • if hehad, ’tis probable his Workhad been fooner 
 
 done than it was. , 
 
 But pray let us examine Abroad, it the I wje has no 
 Governed all the Wars of Europe, The Spaniards were 
 
 ( 
 
 n 
 
( «9 ) 
 
 once the moft powerful People in Europe: their mfahtrv 
 were in the Days of the Prince of Parma the niofl: li-f 
 vinable Troops in the World. The Dutch] who tero 
 
 w ! S a t d 4° n , whom hchad ,cvkd Immenfe 
 
 ’ Ij-rv dcm , and bac!< ’ d b y a great Armyofthefe 
 1 r jP? niar< t J > which among many other Reafons 
 
 ’ XttSffi! t ? RC A V ?n The ^ »'Aha afterwards 
 4 ttunpted foi his Matter to raife this Tax hv hte- Arm» 
 
 l0 ? ,hC w * lt, ^ c Netherlands* who arc now 
 
 »w bt C l;t C i ” ?ke ' VOrld i a " d S 
 
 now become the meaneft and moll defpicable Peonl<- 
 
 iafted emhr y> ^ ^ *. n ft L Cr ^ n ^ ance 5 which having 
 r , t , b ^ ears is at laft brought to this Conclufion 
 
 ,h,m mio 
 
 Inlmccoffh^u'"' 1 " * another mod lively 
 
 he drive hfmfd^ »^\' 0 What lam !™ abl ' Shifts did 
 he take rTb f ] And m 0w man y ^fpicable Steps did 
 
 ted to think of th A an e 4 Ca a Parliamenr > which he ha. 
 Fon k f A J nd yer .’ tho> he had an Army on 
 it been c V y as . 0lCed t0 doit, or flaws all his Men { had 
 W. S - C ? be done, he would have done it. Tis true 
 
 brim over lhe JF arl ot s J ra ff ord propos’d a Scheme, to 
 
 Terms buTrlJ? —^ ,Rland ’ t0 f orce England to his 
 to be atidS Experiment was thought toodefperate 
 
 S r S ’ M? d thc Very Pro J e<a ruin’d the Pro- 
 
 iaift th/n V” 1 Fate atcends eve ‘7 Contrivance a- 
 gaitt the Parliament ot England. 
 
 PdwerVn^V nC( a d T S on o further on that Head. The 
 
 as a Ballance ° nCy is f wl ?? l, y in the Parliament, 
 
 as a oauance to the Power of railing Men, which is in 
 
 this Balt ’ ^ v . 1 thC A epIy 1 Can ,neer With is, That 
 * h”f es nothing, fir an Army can Ra fe Mo- 
 
 SdeswhfrT M fl n ‘yll«fanArmj- to which I anfwer, 
 
 X able f’ fbf^^ready • Id, not think it pra- 
 
 Ce Seateft n Tvranr 7 S rcateft , Armies in the Hand's of 
 tne greatclt Tyrants wc ever had in England, nevei 
 
 0.3 
 
( 110 ) 
 
 durft attempt it. We find feveral Kings in England 
 have attempted to Raife Money without a Parliament, 
 and have tried all the means they could to bring it to 
 pafs; and they need not go baffle to Richard the Second, 
 to Edward the Second) to Edward the Fourth, to Hen¬ 
 ry the Eighth, or to Charles the Firft, to remind the / 
 Reader of what all Men who know any thing of Hi- 
 ftory are acquainted with: But not a King ever yet at¬ 
 tempted ro Raife Money; by Military Execution, or 
 Billetring Soldiers upon the Country. King fames the 
 Second had the greateft Army, and the Beft, as to Dif- 
 Cipline that any King ever had; and his defperate At¬ 
 tempts on our Liberties jhuw'd bis good Will , yet he never 
 came to that Point. I wo-’c deny, but that our Kings 
 have been willing to have Armies at Hand, to back 
 them in their Arbitrary Proceedings, and the Subjects 
 may have been aw’d by them from a more early Refent- 
 ment; but muft obferve, that all the invaiion of our 
 Rights, ana ail the Arbitrary Methods of our Gover¬ 
 nors, has been under pretences of Law. King Charles 
 the Firft Levy’d Ship Money as his due, and the Procla¬ 
 mations for that purpofe cite the pretended Law, that 
 in Cafe of Danger from a Foreign Enemy, Ships ftiould 
 be fitted out to defend us, and all Men were bound 
 to Contribute to the Charge , Coat and Conduit Money 
 bad the like Pretences; Charters werefubvened by 8 ,w 
 Warrantees , and proceedings at Law; Patriots were 
 Murtber’d under Formal Profecutions, and all was pre¬ 
 tended to be done legally. > 
 
 I know bur one Inftance in all our Englifo Story, 
 where the Soldiery were employ’d as Soldiers in open 
 Defiance of Law, to deftroy the Peoples Liberties by a 
 Militafy Abfolute Power, and that Hands as an Ever- i 
 lading Brand of Infamy upon our Militia ; and is an In¬ 
 ftance to prove beyond the Power of a Reply, That even 
 our Militia under a bad Government, let them be our {elves, 
 dnd the People , and all thoje fine Things, never fo much are 
 hinder ill Officers, and ill Management, as dangerous as 
 
( 1*1 ) 
 
 a ”y S ° hller J *>htever> will be as Infolenf, and do the 
 Drudgery of a Tyrant as effectually. 
 
 t> l V he Tf ar , l6Sl - when Dubois, and Mr. 
 r a pillion, a Member of the Prefent Parliament, were 
 s chofen Sheriffs of London, and Sir John Moor, under 
 pretence of the Authority of the Chair, pretended to 
 nominate one Sheriff himfelf, and leave the City to 
 chule but one, and confirm the Choice of the Mayor, 
 the Citizens ftruggled for their Right, and ftood firm to 
 ticii Choice, and fever a I Adjournments were made to 
 bung over the Majority ofthe Livery, but in vain : At 
 v-ngth the Day came when the Sheriffs were robe fworn, 
 and when the Livery-men affembled at Gu\ld-ha\l to 
 lwear their Sheriff:, they found the Hall Garrifon'd 
 with a Company of Trained-Bands under Lieutenant, 
 col. Qumty, a Citizen himfelf, and moft of the Soldiers, 
 Citizens and Inhabitants 3 and by this Force the Ancient 
 Livery-men were fhut out, and feveral of them thrown 
 down and infolently ufed, and rhe Sheriffs thruft a- 
 way from the Huttings, and who the Lord Mayor 
 plealed was Sworn in an open Defiance of the 
 Laws of the Kingdom, and Privileges of the City. 
 This was done by the Militia to th-ir Everlafting Glory, 
 and I do not remember the like done by a Standing Ar¬ 
 my of Mercenaries, in this Age at leaft. Nor is a Mi¬ 
 litary Tyranny practicable in England, if we confider 
 the power the Laws have given to the Civil Magiflrate, 
 unlets you at the fame time imagine that Army large 
 enough to fubdue the whole Evglijh Nation at once, 
 which i fit can be effe&ed by fuch an Army as the Par, 
 umentnow feem enclined to permit, we are in a very 
 mean Condition. 
 
 J. £ now may be objc&ed here, that the Forces 
 which were on Foot before 1680. are not the Army in 
 ebate, and that the Defign of the Court was to have a 
 much greater Force. 
 
 I do not know that, but this I know, that thofe for- 
 ces were an Army , and the Defign qf all thefe Opponents 
 pt an Army is in fo many Words, againft any Army a\ 
 
( 111 ) 
 
 all, fmallas well as great; a Tenet abfolutely deftru- 
 61 ive of the prefent Intereft of England , and of the Trea¬ 
 ties and Alliances made by His Majefty with the Princes 
 and States of Europe , who dependfo much on his Aid 
 in Guard of the prefent Peace. . / 
 
 The Power of making Peace or War is veiled in the 
 King: ’Tis part of his prerogative, but ’tis implicitly in 
 the People, becaufe their Negative as to payment, does ' 
 really Influence all thofe Actions. Now, if when the 
 King makes War, the Subject (hould refufe to allift 
 him, the whole Nation would be ruin’d : Suppofe in 
 the Leagues and Confederacies His Prefent Majefty is 
 engag’d in for the Maintenance of the prefent Peace, 
 all the Confederates are bound in cafe of a Breach to. 
 aflift one another with fo many Men, fay ten thoufand 
 for the Englijli Quota, more or iefs, where fhall they be 
 found ? Mi ft they ft ay till they are Rais'd? To what pur- 
 pole would it be then for any Confederate to depend 
 upon England for Afliftance ? 
 
 It may be faid indeed, if you are fo engag’d by 
 Leagues or Treaties, you may hire Foreign Troops tq 
 aflift till you can raile them. This Anfwcr leads to feve- 
 ral Things which would take up too much room here. 
 
 Foreign Troops require two Things to procure them; 
 Time to Negotiate for them, which may no,t be to be 
 fpar’d, for they may be almoft as foon rais’d; Time for 
 their March from Germany., lor there are none nearer to 
 be hir’d, and Money to Hire them, which mull be had , 
 by Parliament, or the King mull have it ready: If by 
 Parliament, that is a longer way (till ; if without, that 
 opens a worfe Gate to Slavery than t’other: For if a 
 King have Money, he can raife Men, or hire Men when 
 he will •, and you arc in as much danger then, and more 
 than you can be in now from a Standing Army : So 
 that lince giving Money is the fame thing as giving 
 Men, as it appear’d in the late K. 'James's Reign, both 
 muft be prevented, or both may he allow’d. 
 
 But the Parliament we fee needs no Inftru&ions in 
 this Matter, and therefore are providing to reduce the 
 
 Forces 
 
forces to the fame ^ they were in before 1680, by 
 which means all the fear of Invading our Liberties wi» 
 be at an end, the Army being fo very fmall that *tis 
 impolfible, and yet the King will have always a Force 
 at Hand to alhft his Neighbours, or defend himfelf till 
 more can be Kaifed. The Forces before l6 8 0 were an 
 Army, and if they were an Army by Confenr of Pa “ 
 Jiamem, they were a Legal Army; and if they were 
 Legal, then they were not Inconfiftcnt with a Free Go- 
 vernmept, &c. for nothing can be Inconfiftent with a 
 Free Government, which is done according to the Laws 
 of that Government; And if a Standing Army has he 7 n 
 30 En jt land Legally, then I have proved, Tbit a Stand- 
 wg Army is not Inconfiftcnt with a Free Government , &c. 
 
 The Danger of the Troteftant Reli¬ 
 gion, from the prefent Profpect of 
 a Religious War in Europe. 
 
 To the KING, 
 
 SIR, 
 
 T ^jV.y °f Your Tr °pto*> W of whic 
 
 Mankind [peaks, in Tour Praife, that both Tour Ma 
 pejty and Tour Ancestors have always been the Champions t 
 
 Mgit “ nd •f 4 Pro 
 
 Ju Cb a ht j whole . Nation ™ ad ' their Addrejfes to Tot 
 
 frm 
 
 • • ' ' \ 'f ‘ . . • % • * ; : ‘ ; 
 
 As 
 
( ) 
 
 As fab, they receiv'd Tnir Majefty in the room of thofe 
 who chofe rather to defert them, than to fee them a Free 
 Prof eft ant People ; and as fuch, they committed to Tour Ma¬ 
 jefty s Government and Protection,the Safety of their Religi¬ 
 on and Liberties, which by Tour A finance they had recover¬ 
 ed from the Invafions of Popery ; and as fuch, the Author 
 cf thefe Sheets humbly Addreffes them to Tour Majefty. 
 
 The Profeftant Religion feems to fir etch forth her Hands 
 to Tour Majefty > as to her Conftant P roteClor ; Ton may view 
 her in a foflure of Trembling at the Formidable Profpeft of 
 her encreafing Enemies, and pointing to the Confederacies that 
 are making againft her. 
 
 Providence, and the Crown Tott wear, claims Tur Ala- 
 yeftf* Concern for the Defence of Religion. 
 
 The Peace of Europe ; the Prefervafion of Trade ; the 
 leagues and Alliances made by Reafons of State , and for In- 
 tetefts of Government, are Things of Confluence to Kings 
 and Nation.si and Tour Alajefty is juftly concern d about 
 them. 
 
 The Liberties of this Nation, the Property of the S ubjeB, 
 the E?icreafe of Adanttfutures, and the Alaintenance of the 
 Poor, are Things worthy of Debates in the Great Council of 
 the Nation, the Parliament. 
 
 But thefe are all Antecedent to the Great Relative Religi¬ 
 on $ Thefe are all but Cir cum fiances to the Great Effential. 
 Circles drawn about the Great Center Religion. 
 
 Religion is, or ought to be, the Great Concern of Kings 
 and Nations j 'Tis for this Kings Reign, and Parliaments 
 Afftmble 5 Laws are Enabled j Trade is carried On j Ma¬ 
 nufactures are Improv'd ; Men Born, and the World Made . 
 
 Tour Majefty is a proper fudge, whether the danger of 
 Religion in Europe, repreftnted in theft Sheets, be real, or 
 not j and the Author freely Appeals to Tour Alajefty for the 
 Truth of it. 
 
 If it be real, God and the Prcteftant Religion calls a - 
 lot'd on Tour Majefty and the whole Nation * That laying a - 
 fiJe the Debates of other meaner Affairs, the whole Strength 
 md Soul of thp Kingdom [JjouU be applied to, and concern'd 
 tbout the Cate and Preservation of that Ineflimable Trea - 
 fwe. ' ' Nm 
 
( 11 ? ) 
 
 V3> 
 
 th ZZ lT^ -e t j JC Trips of'Property or Prerogative, or any 
 ' g e f e > of ow great Conference foever, have fo much 
 GrZ W }ff f r™ fo^taticns of the Nation! till Tbl 
 
 Ponrrtr ^A c” ' and f° f ecur> f that the Power of 
 
 °ZK and S , Uper . ftltI « n ma r be incapable to hurt it. * 
 f e know that the Almighty Power, from whom all Hu- 
 
 ReLion^ tS /T ’• I Me t0 rt™ tht Protefhnc 
 
 1 'JaZi/lf/t', ‘ i ' t<r ^ ” TmT 
 
 z-f*J " ^ ai Z Uy J W ° rh by Means andlnftruments, and 
 bfordZcl ™ n ?J 0 f r Mfi4y ^ an Inftrument in hisHant 
 MuL! r° U, Z'Z f°? 0M f Ma i'fty is humbly defer'1 to re -- 
 ffr U l d bf a fint*ular Mark of Heaven's Difpleafure 
 
 Rdfcion m i °f I a J 0 j t ? Utd rt ^ rd t0 ^Security of that 
 
 Religion yhichQod has tntruBed Your Majetty and this 
 W f f r«‘*m of hejhculd be oblig'd to reJume 
 
 7 be Danger of the Proteftanc Reli¬ 
 gion, from the prefent Trofpett of 
 a Religious IV j r m Europe. 
 
 U P O N rile prelim Itrange Circumliances of Af. 
 fiWV""?’' ° L c «fion'd bp rhe Succeffion of 
 
 S guL c °h n T d> as thcir fcVtral Tbou « hts «■* 
 
 . f°™ e > and reafon good, apprehend England efpecial- 
 
 JL J K°°l e Und u r n iany Dila dvanrages with refpeft to 
 Trade, both in the S traights and in America, where the 
 Preneb will always have Alfiftance from the Spanifh Pow, 
 r to encroach upon our Trade, have the Preference 
 
 jn 
 
^(»»o 
 
 In their Ports and Markets ; and feveral other things 
 which I could enlarge on as well as another. 
 
 Some apprehend the Growth of the French Power at 
 Sea, his Dangerous Neighbourhood, and his Encroach¬ 
 ing Humour ; which they give melancholy lnftanccsof 
 in all the late Wars, particularly in 1671; which’tis 
 needlefs here to repeat. 
 
 But Ido not yet find any Concern exprefs d, or any 
 Danger fear’d for the Proteftant Religion : Methink? 
 ? cis too certain a Token the Care of it does not lie next 
 our Hearts. 
 
 We are allarm’d at every ftep made by our Powtrful 
 Neighbours, to the detriment of our Politick Inrereft • 
 We can fee Dangers to our Trade and Shiping at the 
 diftance of an Age or two; form leagues, whether 
 right or wrong j commence Treaties, fettle Alliances, 
 and join in Confederacies and Guarranties, for the Pre- 
 fervariot>of the Ballance of Power and Trade. 
 
 But fince Anfwering of Queftions is become the Sub¬ 
 ject, and fome are pleas’d to Anfwer them before they 
 are ask’d, give a poor Pamphleteer ( or Scribler, or 
 any thing what you pleafe to call him ) leave to ask 
 one Queftion. 
 
 ff'jjere is the League ox alliance in Euiope, made, 01 
 propos'd to he made for the Preservation and Defence 
 of Proteftant Religion ? „ 
 
 The Concern of Religion is not the meaneft Article 
 
 in the Peace of Europe. . 
 
 I am not going to Preach a Lecture of Divinity, to. 
 fliow the Value of Religion,and how near the Thoughts 
 pf it ought to lye upon our Minds; I would have fo 
 much Charity, as to believe every Engllfli Proteftant has, 
 a juft Concern for the Profperity, as weft as the Secu¬ 
 rity of his Religion. . . 
 
 But poifibly every "Man that does value his Religion: 
 may not be lenfible of the Danger it is in and there¬ 
 fore it may not be amifs to examine the State oi the 
 Proteftant Religion, as it now ftands in Europe with 
 
 tefpe$ 
 

 ( 42-7 ) 
 
 fefpeft to its own Power, and the Power of its Ene-> 
 inks. 
 
 In order to which Scrutiny, ’tis neceflary to go back 
 a little to thcOriginal of the prefenc Settlement on which 
 we Hand; 
 
 The Prottftant Religion has been profefs’d in almoll 
 all the Dominions of Europe, Spain and Italy excepted 
 and in moft of thofe Countries where it has obtain’d 
 on the Inhabitants, it has been Eftablifo’d by Leagues 
 and Treaties • which Eftablifliments have generally been 
 the Llfed of bloody Wars 3 the Liberty the Proteftanta 
 e W> ' 13S > next to God’s Goodnefs, been the Purchafe 
 of the Sword, at the Price of the Blood and Treafure 
 of the People. 
 
 For the better underftanding the prefent Condition of 
 the Proteuants in Europe , I fh.ili divide them into feveral 
 Heads of Nations, and Difcourfe of them apart, bring¬ 
 ing their fhort Hiftory down to the prefent Time. 
 
 Firft, the Princes of' Germany : I place them fir ft, be- 
 catife they were the firft that flood up for the Defence 
 of Religion 3 the Chief of thefe are the Kings of Swe* 
 den and Denmark , the Dukes of Brandenburgh , Saxony 
 and Lunenburgb, Hanover , Heft Caffel, Zell , with a mul¬ 
 titude of (mailer Princes, Stares and Cities. 
 
 Thefe maintain’d a long and bloody War with the 
 Emperor Charles the Fifth, who reduc’d them to low 
 Circum fiances 3 but by the Affiftance of Henry the Se¬ 
 cond King of France , their Religion receiv’d the firft 
 Security by Treaty at die Peace of pajj'au , in the Tear 
 tr-h and was afterwards Eftablifli’d at the Diet ai 
 Augsburgh Anno 1J55. But in the Tear idiS, the War 
 was renew'd again by the Emperor Ferdinand the Se- 
 cond, who bv the Hand of his old General 7 ?//v brought 
 the whole Proteftant Intereft in Germany to the Brink o ( 
 Ruin. 
 
 The Bohemians were ruin’d at the Battle of Prague - 
 the Palatinate given to the Duke of Bavaria, the Circle 
 of the Lower Saxony over-run by Tilly 3 and the King 
 of Denmark, who headed the Proteftants, overthrown ' 
 
 at 
 
( t2§ ) 
 
 at the Battel of Kings- Lutter jthe Dakes of Mecklenburg L 
 Tomeren , Bifhopricks of firemen and Halberfiadt ; the 
 Countries of Slefta , Lufatia , and innumerable others 
 feized, and in the Emperor’s PoflelTicm , and the 
 Victorious 'titty trampled down Religion, with the Fu¬ 
 ry of a true Son of Rome. 
 
 The Proteftants in this Dilfrcfs, as we did lately here 
 in a like Cafe, fly to a Neighbouring Prince for Pro¬ 
 tection. Gujlavas Adolphus, King of Sweden, a King 
 who perhaps never had a Parallel till now, came to 
 their Afliftance with only Twelve Thoufand Men ; he 
 Landed at Straelfundt ; took all the Dutchics of Tomeren 
 and Mecklenburgh ; fecur’d the Duke of Brandenburgb's 
 Country, and enters Saxony juft as Tilly had refolv’d to 
 ruin it: Tilly meets him with an Army of Fourty four' 
 Thoufand old Soldiers, is overthrown, and his Troops 
 
 entirely ruin’d at the Battel.of Leipfick. -- God, whofe 
 
 Inftrument this Gallant King more particularly was, 
 carryed him on with fuch a Prodigious Courfe of Vi¬ 
 ctory, that in two Years he overrun two third parts 
 of the Empire ; fettled all the Protcftant Princes free 
 and uninterrupted in the Pofldfion of their Liberties 
 and Religion. 
 
 And though he loft his Life at the famous Battle of 
 Lutzjti, though his Party was afterwards bafely for~ 
 faken by the Duke of Saxony, who had been twice fav’d 
 from Ruin by them ; though the Swedes were routed 
 at the Battle of Nordkngen, yet they carried the War on 
 with Succefs, ’till they reduc’d the Emperor to demand 
 a Peace, in which the Liberty and Religion o f Germany 
 was entirely fetled on the Foot whereon it now ftands. 
 This is that famous Treaty of Weftphalia, made in the 
 Year 164.8, and which the Trot eft ants of the Palatinate 
 now complain is broken; by this Peace care was ta¬ 
 ken, as it (hould be in all Leagues, of Religion fir ft, 
 and of Property afterward; the Liberty of the Pro- 
 teftant Religion in Germany has its being here, and the 
 King of France and Sweden are Guarantees of the 
 Treaty, 
 
 The 
 
( 129 ) 
 
 J. h bVS 
 
 With faitblefs Kings, had vko „,1 r i0 ° S 
 f *“ f Ei«'« Civ! Wars, cXS of gT 
 
 z c K%y%zt ™-° «■*»of 4& 
 
 TrSTcsl'^r^In^s^it^a:? t? “ *1* 
 
 a Breach L.wee"S« Si“^*e u” ^ 
 
 Sst 
 
 £"Hc"ad of Ita '4 S ft 
 
 ss^Sfffitessr the # & o^v« “t [:« 
 
 hearpreiently. K has •>“» obferVd you (bull 
 
 £SBB 
 
 feTHSSfH-? 
 
 their trequenc Application m rh,> i? P f o they - niadfi 
 drefs of their GriSSS tor «- 
 
 did the I(radi-£< • nnr) * ariiwei d them as 
 
 to ton *££& ?JJT£^ s 2 °: d L & 
 Governor, who hoaft^ ft,-a u l j ,’r forihejr 
 thoufand of them by the hard of the H xccute< * Ei ghfeen 
 
 bloody Proceeding, together \virh^^\ l '^ man 1 W - h «* 
 W Inqui&ion, W hfch he was Kfohy^ of J ‘ he 
 
 drove the People to rhe iaft ExHemkv 1 ?‘T U ? 
 
 .^t^r 5 
 
 cied dowj) by ourMod^^r^oS^ 
 
Upon the whole World, and been more or lefs praftl. 
 fed by all Nations at one time or other. . 
 
 This War begun bv the Prince of Orange , the famous 
 Predeceffor of our pfefent King was carried on with 
 various iuccefs j and the Union of the Seven Provinces, 
 Which we now call the States of Holland, was form’d 
 headed and prote&ed by him, till he was murther’d by 
 Balthazar Gerrard , at the procurement of the Spaniards, 
 being fhot with two Bullets through the body, as he 
 was going from Dinner into a Withdrawing Room in 
 his Palace at Delft. 
 
 Hjs Succeffor Prince Maurice carried on the War with 
 better fuccefs for almoft Forty Years, and at lad reduced 
 the Spanifi Power folow, that they rather fued for Peace 
 than granted it; which Peace was the known Treaty of 
 Manlier ; at which the Spaniard renounc’d the Sovereign¬ 
 ty of the United Provinces, and declar’d them a Free 
 State as they are this day. , 
 
 England, Scotland , and Ireland IS anothei Clals. The 
 Reformation obtain’d here with lefs difficulty, and has 
 continued from the beginning of Queen Elizabeth, with¬ 
 out fuch Qppofition and Interruption as it met with a~ 
 broad. 
 
 Let us now confider thefe Four Clalfes, under One 
 General Head of Confederacy, as they w r ere engaged in 
 the late War, and we fhaM prefently put the whole in the 
 general Ballance, by which the meaneft Underflanding 
 may make a judgment what is like to be the Condition 
 of the Fretefiant Intereft in Europe. 
 
 Almoft ail the Frote/lants of Europe, the Two Nor¬ 
 thern Crowns who flood neuter excepted, were unani- 
 rnoully confederated in the laft War agalnft the Power ot 
 France j and though the Emperor and Spaniard, guided 
 by Rcafons of State, join’d with them, ’tis plain to all 
 the World what difficulty the Confederates had, what 
 Blood, what Treafure was expended to reduce the 
 French to the Terms of an Honourable Peace. 
 
 If we re-examine thePrefent State ot Europe; we fliall 
 find it, as to the Intereft of Religion, in worts Cireum - 
 
 v fiances 
 
( tji J 
 
 fiances on feveral Accounts, than it ever yet was finrv* 
 the Treaties of MiAfier and Weftphalia. 
 
 firft The Saxon , one of the moft Confiderable Prin- 
 CCS of Germany, and formerly the great Barrier of the 
 frottftant Religion on that fide, is to be counted loft 
 their Duke turn d Papift to get a Crown hardly worth 
 keeping; aclofe Confederate with the Emperor and 
 
 Kingdom UP ° n hirfl ^ HlS fUPP ° n in hiS ncw 
 
 The Ele&orate, though it remains Proteftant, is hen- 
 gar d and exhaufted to maintain their Prince in his New 
 Throne; their Forces abfent, and which is worfe al¬ 
 ready employ’d in an Unjuft and Di/honourable War 
 With a Pmeftant Prince, in defiance of Leagues unbro¬ 
 ken, and begun oh frivolous pitiful Pretences, and like 
 
 to be carried on to the ruin of its Author. 
 
 The Palatinate, another Pron/lant Eleciorare, by the 
 Succeflion of the Houfe of Newburgh is fallen into the 
 Hands of the Papi/ti , and now in the Power of a Prince 
 who in confidence of a fupport from the Emperor his* 
 Brother-in-Uw, is making the fit ft open Infractions 
 onto the Treaty of IVeJlphalia, and perfccutes his Prote- 
 Subjects with all the rigor and cruelty of a Bitrot- 
 red Prince, who thinks he thereby does God good Tcr- 
 vice, and expels to be well paid for it. 
 
 The 1 rot ejt ants Of Bohemia and Hungary are both re¬ 
 mote, and both abfolutely crufh’d under the weight of 
 the Imperial Rigor. & 
 
 The Pro!eft.ant /of Prance, who I rank’d in the (econd 
 Uals, and were once a powerful Branch, are quite 
 lolt, lunk and gone; either fuppreft and driven to Po- 
 fery at home, in defiance of the FJiB of Kants ; or like 
 the Ten Tribes of Ifrael , fcatter’d abroid into fo many 
 unknown Countreys, that they have loft themfeives and 
 in one Age more will be quite funk out of Name’ and 
 Memory. 
 
 .. E”?Wwas at the Brink of Ruin,- and the Founda¬ 
 tion of the Protejlant Religion flood abfolutely under¬ 
 pin d, the Devil like Guy Fauks in the Gunpowder- 
 
 k Plot 
 
( 1}* ) 
 
 Plot Handing with the Dark Lanthorn and Match in his 
 Hand, till the people took fuch a Fright, as put the Na¬ 
 tion into Fits, of which they could never be cur’d till 
 they had Ipewed out that Generation of Vipers that 
 Would have betrayed their Religion to the Pope, and 
 their Country to the French. 
 
 God and the Prince of Orange, the one 2s Author, the 
 other as Inftrumcnt, help’d us out; and I fay without 
 flattery. No Man can have a Senfe of the Goodnefs of 
 theFirft, and have no Graritude for the Good-will of 
 the Laft: And‘tis a juft Caufe of Wonder to confider 
 What fort of Proteftants they arc, who have forgot the 
 Condition the Proteftant Religion was in at the firft com* 
 irig over of our prefent King, and I would be glad to 
 hear a Jacobite Proteftant if fucha Heterogeneous thing 
 can be, anfwer me this Queftion, 
 
 How any Rnglijh Proteftant, without mortgaging his 
 Scnfes and Religion,can fo much as wifh either that King 
 James fhould have continued King, or fhould return to 
 be King in the fame Temper, Power, and other Cir- 
 cumftances as he was in when his prefent Majefty was 1 
 invited over? 
 
 Thus we fee feveral corifiderable Branches of the Pro¬ 
 teftant Power quite Loft. 
 
 The Swede, who is one of the moft Potent Princes in 
 Europe, in the part of the World where he is particular¬ 
 ly ufeful, we find his Hands full with two faithlefs 
 Neighbours, and the flame of a VVar broke out, which . 
 if he be not timely alfifted, may burn him out of Ger¬ 
 many. 
 
 He is a young King, though by what appears, likely 
 to come behind none of his moft Glorious Ancefiors; 
 and we have feen one Snare laid for him already, which 
 af the Englijh and Dutch had not untied, would have en¬ 
 tangl’d him fufficiently ; however, as he is, there can 
 but friiall help be obtain’d from him, for the general 
 fafety of the Proteftant Religion, Who is now fuing at 
 the Courts of his Allies for Aid againft the Pole and the 
 Muscovite. 
 
( *33 ) 
 
 It were to be Wiih’d the Proteftanrs of England would 
 agree to give fuchfpeedy and powerful aHifeance to the 
 Swede in this juncture as may effectually free him from 
 both his Aflailarirs, and put him into apofturcto enter 
 into a general Alliance for the defence of Religion, if 
 there flioald be occalion. 
 
 There are fome other Circumfianccs which weaken 
 the Proceftant Intereft; and that is the Temper of the 
 Daves, whole King feems Difobliged in the higheft man¬ 
 ner againft the Englift Dutch, and Swedes ; and fome 
 have laid, how true I don’t determine, not very zealous 
 
 for the Proteftant Religion-- At leaft, no great 
 
 matters are to be relied on from him, in cafe fuch a 
 VVar fhould break out, unlefsyou willfuppofe him to 
 be firft thoroughly reconciled to thole three foremen- 
 tion’d Powers. 
 
 Whether theBufinefs of making the Ele&or of; Brat* 
 denburgh King of Vrujfta, and the Duke of Hannover E- 
 je&or of Srunfwick , may not cool the Zeal of rhofe 
 Princes, in favour of the Emperor, I ftiall not determine. 
 
 Upon the whole it appears, that the whole ftrengch 
 Of the Proteftant Power in Europe, lies now, upon the 
 Englifi and Dutch, and the German Princes in the Circles 
 df Sttabia , and the LoW r er Saxony. 
 
 I ftiall next examine the growth and power of Popery, 
 Which plac’d in a juft Balance with the reft, will need 
 but a ftiort Inference to fhew any rational Man the dif- 
 proportionof Power that lies between them. 
 
 The Popifti Powers of Europe are as follow. 
 
 The French j a whole and entire Monarchy, undivided 
 at home, and free from the incumbrance of Proteftants 
 among them, Who had feVeral times iri former Wars ei¬ 
 ther byas’d their Power in favour of the Prate ft ants, as 
 in the Reign of Henry the II. or diverted their Deftgns 
 by Civil Wars at home, as in the Days of Lewis the XIII. 
 But the prefent King of France having not broken the 
 FJicl of Hants only, but abolilhed it,has entirely broke 
 the Body of the Hugonot Party, and rooted the very name 
 of it out of his Kingdom; fothat the French Power he¬ 
 ft % ing 
 
ihg altogether Popifc, and united under the greateft King 
 France ever faw, may juftly fund foremoft as the Firir 
 Champion of Popery in Europe. 
 
 I fhall r:ot enlarge here on the formidable Power ot 
 prance, how he has Ihtwn himfclf a Match for the grea- 
 teft part of Europe nor upon the zeal and fitly 
 the French King agaihft the Vrct eft ant Religion* they 
 are things fo known in Europe , that it is necdkls to add 
 any thing to our Apprehenfions that w ay. Let the 
 f rench Proteflants, who aic fcatter d ovti the Face of all 
 Chriftendom , be a daily Memorandum to us on that 
 
 H The Emperor, though he bethefirft Prince in Europe, 
 I place next to the French, becaufe I think him fome- 
 thineinferiourin power to Fram e, at this time cfp< dally, 
 in the Circumftances we now' are treating of, disjointed 
 from the Protejlant part of the Empire. 
 
 By the Emperor here we are to underltand the Empe- 
 rdr and the Vopijh part of the Empire, which may thus 
 be enumerated. 
 
 The Emperor, the King of Hungary, ard Bvhem^ the 
 Elector Duke of Bavaria^ a warlike ar.d powerful Pnnce 
 and always a Champion of Popery the Eleftor P^fine, 
 the Electors of Mentz,, Trier and Colvgn, with the Bidiop 
 of Manlier, and fome fmall PcpiJI> Fringes of the Em- 
 
 ^ Thc Third Head of Power on the Popijb hde is the 
 Spaniards, under which Name I comprehend all the Prin¬ 
 ces and Powers of Italy , with the Pope the Grand Image 
 of An rich rift, the Duke of Savoy, the King of Portugal , 
 and the Provinces of Flanders. 
 
 I have purpofely omitted here The Swift and Grtjins > 
 becaufe being fome Popijh, feme Protepnt, and lying 
 out of the Way, they can neither add nor diminifn in tnc 
 cafe in hand, but will be hired on both tides, as the Par¬ 
 ties find occalion for them, or canfparc Money to pay 
 
 for them. , 
 
 It miehr feem needlefs to make any Remarks here on 
 
 ilt Powers on one fide and the other* thofe who are 
 . ‘ acquainted 
 
C *3 S ) ^ 
 
 acquainted but In a tolerable meafure with the prefent 
 State of Eu ope, muft be convinc’d of this juft conse¬ 
 quence, That there is no manner of Companion to be 
 made. 
 
 But fince our Saviour dire&s rhofe who go out ter 
 War, to confider whether they are able with their i oooo 
 to Encounter the zooooof their En mies, let usrecol- 
 le(!l the Debate, and confider the Cafe, if it were now 
 coming to a War. 
 
 1 li allow that the Trottflants on every fide were firm¬ 
 ly leagu’d together bv their own Jntereft for their gene¬ 
 ral prefervation; and that all private Divifions, petty 
 Difputcs and Quarrels among themfelves were at leaft 
 laid afide lor the prefent, till the Common Danger was 
 over j which if it be not true, I wilh it were. 
 
 I muft fuppofe alfo that which I think there is too 
 much reafoh to fear, that the Pcpijh Powers before men- 
 tiond, whether ally’d or no, ftiould join in a common 
 Defign to fupprefs their Protejlant Neighbours; and 
 whether jointly or feparatdy it matters not much, Ihou’d 
 fail upon thofe which lay next them. 
 
 Having rang’d the Powers of either Party, ’tis necef- 
 Dry to declare the pofture of fuch a War, in cafe it fhould 
 ever come to pafs. 
 
 If ever th c Popijh Powers of Europe fhould enter in¬ 
 to a Confederacy to attack the Proteflants , it would 
 be thus. 
 
 The Dutch would be fallen upon by the French on one 
 hoe; and the Spanijh Netherlands being in the hands of 
 the Papijlt , the Barrier of Flanders is loft, by which 
 means the War is brought home to their own Doors, 
 and the firft Shock muft fall on their Frontiers, where 
 they muft defend themfelves again'! the Spaniards on 
 the iide of Sluice , Bergen Op Zoom , Breda, and the B/ifcb, 
 againft the French on the Maes and the Rhine, from' 
 Maeflricht ' to Nimiguen, and againft the Munjltrians on 
 the Frontiers of Groninghen to the fide of Embdtn ai d 
 fhe Sea. 
 
( *36 > 
 
 Nor wou’d their Fleet ftand them in any (lead, the 
 War wou’d be all by Land : They muft maintain Three 
 Royal Armies at leaft to keep the Field, or their Enemies 
 will break into their Country, and make them maintain 
 Doth Armies in a place. 
 
 The Dutch are not infenfible of the Truth of this, as • 
 may be plainly prov’d by the Care and vaft Expence 
 they have been at to protect Flanders in all thelaft War 3 
 from which all the benefit they haye propos'd to them- 
 felves,has been the maintaining a good barrier between 
 Them and France, and thereby keeping the War fionr 
 their own Country. * 
 
 The German War will, in all probability, be on the 
 Banks of the Elb, the Oder, and the Main : The Prote- 
 ftant Countries lie from the Oder to the Rhine , and con¬ 
 tain the whole Circles of the Upper and the Lower 
 Saxony, and a fmall part of the Circks of IVeflphalia, 
 Franconia and Suabia. 
 
 But the Weight of the War on the Froteflants muft 
 lie on the Elb and the Main : On the Elb the Imperials 
 will have their main Forces to Attack the Dukes of 
 Brandenburg and the Princes of the Houfe of Lunenburg 3 
 and on the Main, the HtJJian , with the Princes, of the 
 Lower Saxony, will be Attack'd by the Duke of Bavaria, 
 the Prince Pa!Mine, and the Electors of Treves, Mentz 
 zn&Cologn 3 backt ftili by the Emperor, the French and 
 the Spaniards. 
 
 The Swedes and Brandenburghers will again have the 
 Emperor on their backs upon the Oder, with the Poles 
 to alfift him. 
 
 Here, if ever fuch a Time fliall happen, theVVarwill 
 be very bloody 3 and w'ere not the French to join on the 
 Banks ofthe Main, perhaps the Emperor might have 
 his hands full: But a French Army to falkin among the 
 Princes of the Circles of Franconia and Weftphalia, is an 
 Article not to be confidcrd’d without giving up the 
 Caufe 3 Nothing but the Angel of God in the Army of Sena- 
 pherib, can prevent their Total Defirullicn. 
 
 I forefee 1 fhall be arackt by a fort of Men, who are 
 
 Carrying 
 
( *37 ) 
 
 Carrying on Deligns of their own, and think every 
 Man aims at them with Arguments like thefe Y 
 
 tt '- T J*t f Difcovcrhg the Weakncfs of the Prote. 
 fiants, and leading their Enemies by the hand to de, 
 lhoy them ; betraying our Friends, or expoling them. 
 
 2. This is frightning the World with Chimera’s of our 
 own Brain, which perhaps may never come to pais. 
 Dangers as likely, as that the Turks may Over run 
 L brittendom, and Extirprate the whole Chriftian ReJi- 
 gton : Things to come to pafs, when the Sky Jhali 
 
 1 - Th r is 5 ' an °rher Shift to bring England to a Ne- 
 ccfucy Qf a Standing-Army, which fome People migh¬ 
 tily want, to fubjedt her Liberty to the Arbitrary De- 
 hgns of her Enemies, y 
 
 For the Firft I anfwer: ’Tis no Difcovery at all: and 
 tky that will make luch an Objtdfion, muft fuppofe 
 the Pop,ft Princes of Europe very' dull, if they do^ot 
 know it as well as we. 7 
 
 But to make my Anfwer as ftort as the Queftiom 
 They who p cafe to info/m thejnfdves, will find that 
 in the feveral Audiences of the French Ambaffadors at 
 
 tv’u Hohnefs g ave tnoft Chriftian King f eve - 
 ral Exhortations to reftore Peace to the Church; which 
 we find explain cj at Paris in the Speeches made to the 
 King of France by the Pope’s Nuncio, where he Ex- 
 horts him again to Peace with the Spaniard, , that their 
 AimS ni ' Sht bC em P ,0 y’ d tht Extirpation of 
 
 If I ftould need Arguments to convince Men, thac 
 the French know as well as we the Power of the Prote- 
 ftant Princes, I could refer them to a late French Pamph- 
 et, punted at Paris, and Reprinted at Rome, Entitu- 
 led La Crajade, which laments the Catholick Princes 
 tearing out the Bowels of their Mother the Church ; and 
 Exhorts them very paflionarely to employ their Vidlori- 
 QUS Arms to the Extirpation of Herefie, and the De, 
 
 £ i ftrudtior* 
 
( ijS ) 
 
 ftru&iop of the Enemies of God, and the Bleffed Vir~ 
 gin. . 
 
 2. As to the Improbability of the matter, and its be¬ 
 ing a Chimera, &c, • 
 
 Firft, Gentlemen, it is nofuch improbable thing nei¬ 
 ther ; for what has been, may be. Charles the Fifth un¬ 
 dertook it Angle-handed againft all the Proteftants in 
 Iris time; and though the French oppofed him, he went 
 a great Way with the Work ; for he reduc'd them to 
 fiich low Terms, that had not the Treaty at Pcflau been 
 obtain’d by the Power of France , the Proteftant Religi¬ 
 on had been totally fupprefs'd in Germany. 
 
 Secondly , The French have abfolutelv Etfe&ed it up¬ 
 on one of the moft Confiderable Branches of Proreflan tr, 
 and thereby fhown us a Teft of their Good will to the 
 whole, and given an Inftance of the poflibility of the 
 practice. 
 
 thirdly , The Proteftant,Power was never in weaker 
 Circumftances, nor the Popifhin ftronger, if they fhould 
 but Unite : So that I muft own, if they do not attempt 
 it, they flip a manifeft Opportunity, and muft be coun¬ 
 ted Fools too; which by th? way, we r.*ever found 
 them to be. 
 
 3. As to England, Standing-Armies, Liberty, Arbi¬ 
 trary Power, and the like, I muft crave leave to fay a 
 little. I have no mind to meddle with the Difputes of 
 Politicians, nor know nothing of tliofe who have De- 
 ligns either way. ...... 
 
 They that would Enflave our Liberty by Standing- 
 Armies ; and they that would leave us naked to our 
 Enemies, or put us out of a Pofture to help our Friends, 
 are equally Enemies to the Proteftant Religion. 
 
 They that would make our Kings out of Love With 
 their Proteftant Subjects, or our People jealous of a Pro- 
 reftant King, are Beautefeus of their Native Country, 
 and want to fee her again involv’d in Blood, that /he 
 may not be able to protect Or defend the Proteftant Re¬ 
 ligion. 
 
 I 
 
C 139 ) 
 
 They who would advance the Prerogative of Kings 
 to the ruin of the Subjedls Properties 3 and they who 
 wou!d fubdne th tEngiifl, Monarchy, and the Juft Power 
 of the King to the Will and Pleafure of a Party, equally 
 dnve at the Deftrudfion of our Conftitution, and in 
 that of the Proreftant Religion. 
 
 Tis not Arbitrary Power which is the prefent Cafe 
 nor Standing-Armies, nor Liberty, nor Property, but 
 the l roteftant Religion. Let England have a care flic 
 does not take fo much Care of her Liberties, astofar 
 get her Religion: But let us fee the one done, as not 
 to leave the other undone. ’ not 
 
 In Reading fome late Pamphlets Pro and Con abnnr 
 the Danger of Trade, and the Power of our Enemies £ 
 obferve fome are for maintaining Confederacies with 
 
 L°e r ag g a I inftT ,and A1,ianCcswirh Neighbours, and fome 
 
 D T f ul ^r , Ge " tIeme ”> in the Cafe I am Treating I 
 Rank all the Powers of Europe into two Claires only* 
 Papifi and Prctejhnt : And we are fuppoling the PoDift 
 
 Powers Ihould link themfelves together inaConfedera- 
 cy for the Extirpation of Proteftants, whom they call 
 
 fiTrt' ^"y^onalMan make the Confidence! 
 
 \ hat Ihould Pioteftants do ? Can any humane Methods 
 preferve them, but a ftrift Union among themfelves to 
 join in their mutual Defence ? ro 
 
 I know better than to refledt on Parliaments • But if 
 a Parliament of Proteftants forgets the Safety of the P r0 - 
 
 gSEST ***** the ChiefWork ' *** 
 
 Trade, Liberty, Pmpetty, Right and Wrong, Tufiic« 
 and Equity, arc Things the convocated Affcmblks of 
 the People are call d together about ; and they are i^ the 
 
 to' g prrfe®e"sSe o'r Counu/S"’? 1 
 
 faltS"^r rCf0lV '' a " d beable 10 defend'and 
 
 „ T , h ' Raigion is the Fundamental of the 
 
 k»gl.lb Conftitution; and I hardly ever remember tbo 
 
 Alfcm- 
 
( M 0 
 
 Aflembling a Parliament in England, but they had their 
 Grand Committee for Religion. What thole Commit¬ 
 tees have done of late towards the propagating or fe- 
 curing Religion, is bell known to them who can fearch 
 the Journals of the Houfe, nor is it proper for me to 
 examine. 
 
 I am not for preferring Methods how the Proteftant 
 Religion is to be defended ; but I crave leave to give 
 fotne Hints from the prefent Circutnftances of Affairs, to 
 awaken Proteftants, that they may fee their Religion is 
 aim’d at by the i’opi/h Powers of Europe ; a weak Poli¬ 
 tician may forefee, That if ever a Union fliould happen 
 between the French , Spaniards and Germans , all the Pro-, 
 tenants of Europe , except us, are loft and undone, unlefg 
 lome wonderful Revolation, which a wifer Head than 
 mine cannot foretel, fhould happen. 
 
 Wherefore I delire only of Parliaments, of Proteftants 
 and Kings, that they would condefccnd fo far, as to take 
 the poor diftrefled Proteftant Religion into their Care; 
 Let it he by fuch Ways and Means , as to their Honour in their. 
 Great WijdomJhallfcem meet. If it may be done without 
 Standing-Armies, or Confederacies abroad, with all our 
 Hearts: If the Walls of Jericho will fall down at the 
 Sounding of Rams-horns, never iep us raife Batteries, or 
 plant Cannon again!! them. 
 
 Here is no room to talk of Pretences and Shooing- 
 horns for Standing- Armies ; God, and the Proteftant 
 Religion calls upon all the Profellors of it in Europe to 
 look to themfelves, and to Hand up for the City of cur 
 God; And if the Enemies of the Church of Chrift fay, 
 A Confederacy , they are to give the Curfe of God on all 
 thofe Who lhall refufe to help the Lord againft the 
 Mighty. 
 
 In this Cafe a War of Religion will require us to lay 
 afide all our ill-natur’d Animotkks: Here is no Foreign¬ 
 ers, no Refugees, no Dutch- men ; ’Tis a Proteftant, i$ 
 the general Term; as in two Annies that are to Engage, 
 lyhere one Party wears a White, and the other a Green 
 Signal in their Hats, they do not enquire what Nation 
 

 C * 4 * ) 
 
 any Man is of; bur if any of the White Party meets a 
 Soldier with the Green in his Har, Down with him • if 
 they fee another with the White in his Hat in Diftrefs 
 Relieve him is the word. * 
 
 In this Caufc of Religion, Gentlemen, if the Swede 
 or theDrfwe, or the nioft remote Nation be Attackt, we 
 are only to examine if the Proteflant Religion be his Sig¬ 
 nal ; if fo, we ought to help and relieve them, let them 
 be what Nation or People loever; and let Natural and » 
 political Aver lions be never fo great, if our Enemy’s 
 Houfebe on Fire, we’ll endeavour to put it our, if it be 
 for nothing elfe but for fear it Ihould burn our own : 
 When the Proteftants in any part of Europe are Attackt* 
 Troximus Ardet ; let us conlider, if ever the Fire of Po¬ 
 pery confumes the Broteftant Powers of Europe , the 
 Flame will certainly catch hold of us in England. 
 
 Some Gentlemen have faid lately, That Confederacies 
 and Alliances never are of any Advantage to England 
 becaufe we live by our felves in an Ifland, and have a 
 good Fleet, 4 
 
 I Ihall nor examine whether what they fay will hold 
 in Matters ot Policy and Government: But, Gentlemen 
 let me tell you, if the Evglijh Nation Ihould fee the Reft 
 or the Proteftants of Europe deftroy’d, without helping 
 them, even with all her Forces upon this principle, That 
 we are fafe having a good Fleet; Ihould we not expedl 
 belidcs all the other fatal ill Conferences, our Saviour 
 Ihould rank us among thofe, who when be was an hungry, 
 gave him no meat ; or, when he wjas in Diftrefs gave him 
 tio help, which is all eve . 
 
 But becaulc I would a little preferibe in the Cafe too 
 and come to Anfwering Queftions as well as nrher Peo- 
 
 ~c l n^^ r '. Princi P !is °^. a K P revent the Conjunction 
 
 ncre luppoied to be aim'd at. 
 
 T h H 
 
 
( H 2 - ) 
 
 This is the way to take away the Caufe, that the Ef- 
 fe£t may vanifli: This takes away all Ihadow of defin¬ 
 ing a Standing-Army ; there will be no Occafion to 
 Fight; divide but the Interefts of the Popifh Powers of 
 Europe } if you can do fo, you certainly divide their 
 Forces. 
 
 The late War is a certain Demonftration that they 
 ■will never unite againft Religion, if they cannot unite 
 cheir Interefts. Whoever gives themfelves leave to exa¬ 
 mine, will plainly- fee’tis Intereft, not Religion governs 
 Princes. I refer for it to the Anfwcr the Emperor gave 
 to King James when he demanded Aftiftance of him 
 againft King William. When having told King James, 
 “That if he had rather hearkened to his friendly Re- 
 “ monftrances, made him by the Imperial Ambaflador 
 “ the Count de Kaunitz,, than the deceitful Infinuations 
 “ of the French ; and if he had pur a flop by Force to 
 “ the many Breaches made by the French in the Treaty 
 “at Nimeguen , of which he was Guarrantee, and had 
 “entred into Confultations with the Imperial Court, 
 **and their Confederates, he might have quieted the 
 “ Minds of his People and then enumerating the Cru¬ 
 elties of the French , chiefly in the Catholick. Coun¬ 
 tries, exceeding the Turks themfelves; the Emperor 
 concludes, “That the Intereft and Safety of the Empire 
 “ is afufficient Argument ro juftifie his not afliftinghim 
 “ on account of the Popijh Religion .againft the Vrotcjlants, 
 “ having a Papift to Encounter with, who on account 
 “• of Intereft and publick Safety, ought in the fit ft Place 
 “ to be, oppofed j and that for mutual Prefervation 
 « and Defence lie mult bejuftified in taking Meafures, 
 “ with all thofe, meaning the P rot efi ants, who are con- 
 “ cern’d in the fame Defign. 
 
 Thus we fee when joint Intereft and Prefervation is 
 the Cafe, even the Papifh Princes themfelves think it 
 juftifiable to join in Confederacies, even with Heretick\ 
 tofupprefs an unjuft Invalion of an encroaching Neigh¬ 
 bour, though a Catholick. 
 
( i 4 3 > 
 
 From whence I draw thisfhortConfequence. 
 
 That if you keep the Popijh Powers of Europe from 
 Uniting their Intercfts, you in effedt, keep them from 
 Uniting their Forces, and thereby from Invading the 
 Proteftant Religion. 
 
 By preventing the Union of the Popijh Powers, pofli- 
 bly fomc may fuppofe, I mean, that England {h ould En¬ 
 gage in a New War with France, tofupport the Title of 
 the Arch-Duke Charles to the Crown of Spain ■ and 
 rhere comes in the Old Story, a Standing-Army, aeain 
 by Head and Shoulders. 
 
 Why truly. Gentlemen, If ever we pretend to have a 
 War, whether it be with France, or any Body elfe, we 
 muft certainly have an Army of our own, or fome Bo¬ 
 dies tile, or we fliall make but forry Work on’t. 
 
 Whether thofe Gentlemen would not chufe to fee the 
 Proteftant Religion in Europe funk and loft, rather than 
 fee an Army raifed in England, I cannot conclude? Bur 
 this I am bold to affirm, That they who had rather 1 
 run the Rifque of the Proteftant Religion, than of their 
 Liberties, value their Freedom above their Religion, 
 and may very well be fufpedted to have no Religion at 
 all. 
 
 Now the Rifque is not equal neither; for we have 
 had Armies in England, and have loft our Liberties - 
 and we have had Armies in England, and have nor loflb 
 our Liberties. The Difference lies here, That we had 
 Armies rais’d to Enflave us, and they did it; but the 
 laft were raifed to defend us; and when that was done, 
 fubmitted the Military to the Civil Power, and left our 
 Liberties intire. I would fay alfo, but that I fhall of- 
 fendfome Folks, That the grand Difference lay in the 
 Kings we had. 
 
 Some of our Kings defign’d our ruin, and in a great 
 Meafurecompleatcd it by Standing-Armies; but a King 
 that prote&s the Laws by a principle of Honour and 
 Juftice, can make Armies that are fo fatal to Libertv, 
 be the proteaion of Liberty: So that really it has been 
 our Kings of pious Memory, who have been Agents of 
 
 the 
 
C =M4 ) 
 
 the People’s Ruin ; and the late War has fliown the 
 World, that Armies may be rais’d and laid down again, 
 if Kings, who command them, pleafe but to fay the 
 Word, without ruining a Nation’s Liberties. 
 
 On the other Hand ; if Religion be attackt, it muft be . 
 defended, or ’twill be loft. 
 
 Thus far I have ventur’d to touch the nice Article of 
 an Army in England ; I hope every Englishman will agree 
 with mein this, That I had rather fee an Army in Eng¬ 
 land, and run the hazard of our Liberties, than fee the 
 Trotefyant Religion in Europe trodden down for want of 
 our helping to defend it. 
 
 But thefe are general Points only. 
 
 There are a great many Methods to be preferib’d how 
 the Proteftant Religion may be defended, and yet nd 
 Handing Forces raifed or maintain’d in England , and 
 fo our Liberties may not be in danger; and the firft is 
 touch’d at already, prevent the Union of Popijh Powers 
 and Intereft, and you’ll need no fighting. 
 
 Whether this may be done by giving powerful Affi- 
 ftances to the Emperor, to carry on the Pretentions of 
 the Houfe of Auftria ; or by appearing in the Mediter¬ 
 ranean with a good Fleet, to confirm the Italian Princes 
 in the Interefts of the Emperor ; or by fending over 
 what Forces we have in England and Ireland, to make a 
 Diverfion, in Conjunction with the Dutch on the Rhine, 
 or in Flanders, or by what other Ways or Means it may 
 be done, with or without an Army, ’tisall one, fonbe 
 but done, that the Proteftant Religion may be protected, 
 and the Papifts prevented from overturning us with 2 
 general DeftruCtiom 
 
 But that no Man may have any fhadow to tutpect me 
 guilty of a Defign to Argue for a Standing-Army, which 
 is the great Bugbear of the Times, or at leaft made the 
 Watch-word of a Party that would be thought to me 
 more Zealous for our Liberty than any Body elfe; l a 
 put it on another Point s Our Neighbours may be lo 
 aflifted by our Money, as never to want our Men j and 
 fo. Gentlemen, you will be try’d whether ’tis your 
 

 ( HS ) 
 
 Liberty, or pur Money, that fo much ftir has been made 
 about; and if we fhall Jet our Proceftant Neighbours 
 fink, rather than part with our Money tofunnor? them! 
 .hen the Truth will come our, n,„ wE /S 
 was the bottom of the matter: For really RehVinn 
 and Liberty are fo much in the fame Intereft 5ii t S 
 very feJdom they Clafh • and he that Srtfufe to 
 
 “h 8 ‘ 0n ' orfcar of his Lib “'r. defavS s 
 
 Thus we are got over the Point, that our Neighbour* 
 may be fupported, the Protect Religion defended 
 and the Union of the Popifb p owers of | 
 
 ted by the Protefiants at this time falling in, to Support 
 the Emperor in h,sjuft Pretenfions on the SpJ^Do 
 
 SS2.* a, ’ d a " tbis wi.hou. a S,a»dingS/t 
 
 Our pamphleteers need not difpute about the Con 
 fiftency of Inconfiftency of an Armv S ifr 
 Conftiturion, norwherher they cha^re fnr ^ 
 
 *«*«■« ■ AkS, h‘JaJgg 
 
 with then- Difcourfes of the Danger of our Liberties 
 an ^ ^?P ctt,es ^ rom a Standing-Army with rhpir i 
 
 eafnlfthTf dr th f KinS ’ by Way Exclam 2tions a! 
 gainft the fad Confequences which may happen, or mav 
 
 not b?Ppen; They need not enter into theHiftories of 
 
 Standing-Armies, nor tell us the Wonderful JwJ. 5 
 
 our moft Formidable Militia : But the Cafe will be Jl 
 
 ter d when your Prcteftant Brethren call for Alliance 
 
 if >ou are afraid to truft Arms in the Hands of tour 
 
 own Countrymen : As truly Englifhmen dLlJus' 
 
 Mows -when m Arms, very Jttrly, and loth to be Disbars- 
 
 it ™T Ht t hc,r Pa? - If thercfol ‘ e we do not chink It 
 lafe to fruft our own People, never let us defect the 
 roteftantCzuk ; for Germany and Swifferland are In 
 exhauftible Store-houfes of Men : If you will but aflTr 
 [he P» S W, with Money, -..ffl b/ZZt 
 
( H 6 ) 
 
 Or if weaffift the Emperor at this time, it may be the 
 fame thing for Prevention is all one as Execution, or 
 
 rather the better of the two. 
 
 And this leads us to confider whar, with lubmiflion 
 to better Judgments, feems to me to be the only poG 
 fible Means to prevent the Union between the Popifli 
 Powers and Europe , and therein the Ruin of the Pro- 
 
 I have faid already, Our way is to Crufh the Confe¬ 
 deracies of the Papifis ; and if I do fay, that the only 
 way to do fo, is to prevent the Crown of Spain defcend- 
 in/by Will to a Prince of the Houfe of Bourbon -, and 
 that Prince marrying a Daughter of the Houfe of Ju- 
 ftria, I fiiall believe 1 am in the Right, till I can hear a 
 better Method propos’d. 
 
 This Union is much eafier prevented than it will be 
 diflblv’d : Treaties and Alliances may difappoint it. 
 iJow whereas Armies and Fleets will hardly defeat it 
 afterward, if the Houfe of Bourbon and Auftria Unite,and 
 Conform the Interefts of their Dominions, they can 
 have no Body to bend their Arms againft, but the Pro- 
 
 tefrants , or the Mahometans. 
 
 I fee no War can be rais’d in Europe , but what will 
 of Courfe run into a War of Religion: For it the Pqtp 
 Princes agree in Interefts, they can have nothing to 
 quarrel about: And to confirm this, I appeal to a Re¬ 
 view of the general Hiffory of Europe: In vhich I of¬ 
 fer to make it appear. That fating aiidc the Quarrels 
 between the French and the Spaniards, and between the 
 Englifi and the Dutch , almoft all the Wars of Europe have 
 
 h'And rha^l’maf not be thought to fpeak without'- 
 
 War S e i" , E wMch; with fen* few in- 
 termiflions, lafted from the Year 1508, to 1648, be 
 ins 14.0 Years } and begun on pretence of recovering 
 .Pf L tnds of the Church, fequefter’d by the Duke ot 
 Saxony, and ended by the Conquefts ot King Grf*- 
 L, and his Generals, at the Treaty of m fpbah^h 
 
o 
 
 ( *47 ) 
 
 Which War that great Conquering King loft his Life, 
 and confirm d what I am faying in his laft Words, which 
 ..ome Hiftories tells us Were thus; Being wounded 
 a Carabi n-fhot, and ask’d by a German Trooper 
 who he was, Anfwer d, I am the Kmg of Sweden, u>bo 
 do Seal the Religion and liberty of the German Nation 
 with my Blood. 
 
 l *.TheVVars in the Low Countries begun with the 
 Spanijh Inquifition being Introduc’d into the Nether¬ 
 lands, and continued to the Peace of Munfter , with the 
 intermiifion of twelve Years Truce only, and ended in 
 the Liberty of the Proteftant States, being declar’d free 
 by the King of Spam j which War Philip il.of Spam de- 
 clar d a little before his Death, had coft him 564 Mil- 
 
 Minons 110 ^’ ^ C ^ C Expedition t° invade England 
 
 3. The Civil Wars of France , which began in the 
 ?Sg n ° f . He p 11 an< l eight feveral times engag’d the 
 1 L m § < ^° rn i an< i after that was carryed on by 
 ^ IV againft the Guifes, and the League backtby 
 the whole Power of Spain , on account of Religion 
 and never had any long Ceiration till the £di6l of Nant't 
 and the Peace of Vervins. 
 
 I forbear to inftance any more, being unwilling to 
 em cr the Miferies of oar Native Coum““®b" 
 
 1 think the Matter admits of nodifpute. That if the 
 Union we fpeak of ftiouldever to come topafs, there 
 hardly can commence any War in Europe but what 
 muft be upon the account of Religion/ Europe ha- 
 
 SMS e,fe t0 quarrel about, or nothing but 
 vvhat Neighbours and Guarantees can oblige one ano- 
 thw to dcc.de without a Rapture, as lately itw”?o 
 the Cafe of the Daw and the Duke of Rul/tin. 
 
 Rehgton is the only Difputc left; What bloody Bat- 
 tels have been fought? How has E:<rcp, bee/fill'd 
 WHh Slaughter between thofc powerful Princes' a* 
 v. and Francis I. for the Kingdom of Naples , for the 
 
 " d for thc “ 
 
 Vvhat 
 
 S 
 
( ) 
 
 \#hat incredible Expences, and how many heaps of 
 jlaughter’d Carcaffes has the Quarrels between the 
 French and Imperialifls COft on the Banks of the Rhine 
 and the Mofelle , and between the French arid the Spa- 
 mArds in our Age in Catalonia and Flanders ? Thefe 
 have been the Capital Wars of Europe j and if the U- 
 niori between France and Spain be compltated, the 
 Caufe is remov’d, arid the Offers ceafe of Courfe: 
 There can be no War in this part of the World but 
 what muft engage the Proteftants, unlefs the Proteftants 
 fhould fall out among thenifelves; which would be 
 worfe ftill. Hitherto the Wars between the Popifli 
 Powers has been the Safety of the Proteftanr: if one 
 pdtent Prince has Attack’d them,the Jealoufy of another 
 ha9 Defended them. The Proteftants have from the 
 very beginning been flielter’d and protefted only by 
 the Animofities and Jealoufies maintain’d between the 
 French and the Hcrufe of Auftria. 
 
 ' i cannot liken the Proteftants of Europe to any thing 
 more aptly than to the City of Hamburgh , between 
 the Danes and the Dukes of Brandenburgh and Litntn- 
 bmgh ; or to the Duke of Savoys Dominions, between 
 the Spaniards , French and Italians. 
 
 If the City of Hanburgh had had but one or thole 
 Neighbours, it had either been no City at all, or their 
 titj long ago ; but the Jealorufy and Mifunderftanding 
 Of thofe Princes is the Security of the Hamburgers. 
 
 Either the French or the Spaniards had long ago an¬ 
 nexed the Dutchy of Savoy to their Eftates, had the 
 one beeft but willing to fit ftill, and let the other en- 
 
 ^charlet V. had certainly fubdued all the Proteftants 
 in the Empire, if Henry 11 . of France had net upheld 
 them ; and that not from any Kindnefs he had to them, 
 but that he was not eafie to fee the Emperor be jo 
 Great. Afterward the Emperor himfclf encourag d 
 the Proteftaints of France , and fuffer’d Metl to be Levy- 
 cd in the Empire for the King of Navarr ; left he be-* 
 j«g quite fupprefs’d, the French fhould be at le ifa re to 
 
• - ( MS' ) 
 
 him - Thus She jeaioufe between the 
 
 of the Proteflant Religion in ,hc 
 
 Since that in out Memory, the Emperor and Kintr 
 • ?“!*•' Glar’d War againft F,l , j 
 
 of" d 'h^Trtpple Alliance only to five the Prote’ftant 
 
 £5 L ? (mm u Mi ”S i“» ■>* Hands ofthe 
 
 it nf pv, n/ 71 ’ When our Protefrant King CUrkt 
 
 LS did his utmoft to overthrow 
 
 them, and fubjeft them to an abfolute F™* C°£ 
 
 If any Man ftiall be fo wealc a« rn rpnin ;« »l„ » 
 
 °{/° me Jf‘ Pamphlets mat's aUtL t0 » s > )vbat 
 
 <lo" the Umon of Spam and Germany, 0 r of any bodZdL 
 
 1 crave leave to Anfwer f£cl/a(Wn- 
 
 jr I n S as our Saviour to the Tharifees And 1 
 dfo -will ask you a %ueftion. wsjees, And 1 
 
 thZ bat -/ lg *f s tb t e Prote P*”* Religion to us* And if 
 
 sx’sss ,o Anfwcr Xi 
 
 CS: 
 
 way's Sad forits p£S" have £ 
 
 t f B i U L f r ttins , thatafide , for we do not love to hear of 
 
 amems 5° J e ‘ mind 5 he R ^der, That the Pa?- 
 kZZ? a together with Our Proteftant 
 
 Kings and Queeiis, have always ewreG’d decD Ref^nr 
 ments at the danger of the PrUTnt RelS and of 
 our Proteftant Neighbours; and have alwimhomtht 
 t became them by Treaties and IntercellioS S! 
 
 a " d **» * -»ns 
 
 Reffoiof it SiV i,”d S f?™f l, nft ? nCe! ’ examine the 
 Si ,V ’ u ? fee rf rhe fam eReafons do not now 
 call on us for the fame Proceedings 
 
 iy ofTeG^ ’m fter \ H P rovide dfor the Safe- 
 
 SL Proip^m W 1 - Uk mc ’ her next Care Was to aflift 
 Per Proteftant Neighbours. What vaft Sums Of Mo- 
 
 S 1 ney 
 

 f 2?0 ) 
 
 nev did Hie Give and Lend j what Number of Troops 
 did ftie Raife to fupport the Hugonots in France , and 
 Prince Maurice in the Netherlands: Even before fhe 
 had any aftualWar with the >^»/^?.The Hiftoncs of 
 thofe Times reckon up above 80000 Eygltfii Soldiers, 
 including Volunteers, that fought during that long 
 War, in the Quarrel of the Proteftant Religion in the 
 Low-Countries j where they behav’d ihemielves lo well, 
 and gain’d fuch Reputation, that Forty Years after¬ 
 wards, when our Civil Wars broke out m Englana, an 
 Old Low-Country Soldier was always counted a Man ot 
 
 ■y^jue 
 
 Queen Elizabeth fent at feveral times 40000 Men 
 to the Affiftance of the French Hugmots,mtet Henry 
 
 the Fourth. „ 
 
 After the Death of Queen Elizabeth , King fames 
 the Firft, though he had not Courage enough to 
 break with Spain in the juft Quarrel of the Palfgrave, 
 King of Bohemia j yet vve find the Englifii Nation and 
 Parliament all along Refenting, not fo much the In¬ 
 jury of that Family, as the Ruin of the Protcftants in 
 3 th I Palatinate j and feveral Bodies of Men were fent 
 over to Count Mansfield to defend it j thoug.i ay t re 
 Craft of the Spaniard that Scotijh King was Cajol d into 
 an eafie deferting the Caufe both of the Proteftant Rc- 
 
 SSjtfc*. *e «* — «« 
 
 Sums of Money were given by the Parliament to affift 
 the Proteftants of Rochelle-, which though by tbeMi.- 
 application of the Court and the Duke of Buckingham, 
 did them little Service j yet ’us plain by it, that th 
 Parliament knew theProteftion of our Pioteftant Neigh¬ 
 bours was a Work the whole Nation had a juft Con¬ 
 cern in, both on Civil as well as Religious Accounts. 
 
 After this you have 6000 Men at a time twice raifed, 
 befides Recruits, and fent by Sea as far as Pomerania to 
 aifift the King of Sweden in the Quarrel of tne Pro¬ 
 teftants in Germany. 
 
 Ill 
 
( ) 
 
 , T ?.j^ Yeav i6 79 , the Parliament of England Ad- 
 qreis d King Charles rhe Second to enter into fuch 
 Leagues and Alliances with our Proteftant Neigh- 
 pours, as might effectually prtferve Flanders from fal- 
 ung into the Hands of the French j and I refer to the 
 vYords ol that Addrcfs, where you have the whole 
 People of England Remonftraring of what Cqnfe- 
 quence the Prefervation of Flanders was to the Emlifb 
 Nation j and which (lands as an Invincible Argument 
 againlt our Modem Politicians,who are for no Leagues 
 nor Confederacies, nor Neighbours, and think Ena- 
 land a Match for all the World. & 
 
 fkk ern tol3e I ^fiances enough, and ’ris matter 
 of Wonder to me, what fort of Amphibious, Neu- 
 
 wilrV Ca -c 1CS u th r? fe Proteftanrs are, which fhall ask 
 wliat lignifies the Proteflants abroad to England? Sud- 
 
 pohng there was no real Danger of our (jplves in the 
 
 wifvu T examine, in the next place, the Reafons 
 h - aV n all A alon S Educ’d the Englijh Nation to 
 forts ^ Proceftanc Neighbours ; and they are of two 
 
 Reafons of Religion , and Reafons of State : And I’ll be 
 at already them ^ oth> becaufe they are touch’d 
 
 Reafons of Religionist fuch as Charity, which obliges 
 the Strong to Proteft and Defend the Weak, when they 
 
 felv2 P TK fS r anc * injur’d, and unable to defend them-’ 
 jeJves : Thcfeveral Commands of our Saviour, for the 
 
 ° f W* are i n Diflrcfs, Uluftrated by the Sto- 
 iy or the Good Samaritan, the Declaration which our 
 souths made. That -whatfoever is done to the 
 
 ■** t ht f « done u„to himfelf and fhall be Rewarded 
 accordingly, and the like. 
 
 Reafons of State are principally the Great Dotfrine ol 
 Sdf prefervation, which branches it felf in fuch Me, 
 tnods as thele. 
 
 Keeping Danger at a diftance. 
 
 I 
 
( *>$1 ) 
 
 Keeping a good Barrier between our felves and 
 Powerful Neighbours, that you may not be forced to 
 a Defenfive War. 
 
 Preventing the Union of Neighbours of different 
 Interefts from our felves. 
 
 idly. Preferving publick Peace, which js beft done 
 By ftrong Alliances and Guarantees: 
 
 By keeping an Equality of Parties, or a General 
 Ballance of Power: 
 
 And by being always in fuch a poftur-e of Defence 
 as to make it dangerous for a Neighbour to 
 break with you. 
 
 Thefe, with many others, are thp Reafons why our 
 Princes, and our Parliaments too, have always thought 
 it bo.h their Duty apd their Intereft to Protect and 
 Defend the Proteftant Religion abroad, and have al¬ 
 ways beer, very tender of the Injuries done them by 
 the Popifh Adverfaries, and relented them accord¬ 
 ingly- 
 
 I fhall give one Inftance more : I hope the Reafen of 
 State will not be lik'd the worfe for the Stateftnan j and 
 that was Oliver Cromwell j who being Sollicited by the 
 Proteftant Faudois in Savoy, ufed all his Intereft to Me¬ 
 diate with the Duke their Prince for a Relaxation of 
 their Aliferies; and in his Letters both to the Duke 
 and the French King, after a great deal qf fruitlefs In- 
 tcrccflion, threatens to • turn all the Roman Catbolicks 
 out of England and Ireland , and feize their Effects, 
 if fome fpeedy Regard be not had to the Afflictions of 
 the Diftreffed Proteffants. I refer the Reader for the 
 Particulars, to the Latin Copies of the Letters wrote 
 on that SubjeCt by his Secretary of Foreign Difpatches, 
 the Learned Milton ; in which there are Reafons given 
 why the Englifh Nation fhould think thcmfelves oblig’d 
 to concern themfelves in the Sufferings of the Pro- 
 teftants. , 
 
 But methinks it fhould be needlefs to go any farther 
 than the Journals of our own Parliaments fince the 
 Reftoration ; where it will evidently appear, that Eng- 
 
 " #. 
 
( M3 ) 
 
 li(h Parliaments have always a deep Refenrment at the 
 Growth of Popery , and the Danger of the Proteftanr 
 Religion ; and there is no doubt but an Englijh Par¬ 
 liament will ever maintain the fame Sentiments. 
 
 . The Growth of Popery is certainly dangerous to the 
 Proteftant Religion; They are the two Buckets in the 
 Well, the two Scales on the Beam of Power; if one 
 comes up, the other muft go down $ if you add to 
 the weight qf Gne, it will lift the other out of its 
 place. ' ' ' 
 
 Let all thofe who would Hand Neuter in this Caufe 
 of Religion remember, that God Almighty has de- 
 clar d againft fuch as are lukewarm Chriftians: There 
 is no. Neuter Gender in Religion.' In the Caufe of 
 Religion, They who are not for him are againft him j 
 the Defence pf the Proteftant Religion calls upon all 
 Men who have any Value for it, to appear in the time 
 of its Danger : Defend Religion and Politick Interefts 
 will be eafily fecur’d ; a jove Principium , God and your 
 Country ; but firft God, and then your Country. 
 
 In /hort, though I am no Prophet, par the Son of a 
 Prophet, I think a Man, with but a fmajl Talent of 
 Forcaft, may be able to foretel. That if we ate want¬ 
 ing to God in the due and vigorous defence pf his 
 Church and Wor/hip, which is in Englifh, the Pro¬ 
 liant Religion j his Providence has fp wifely djfpofed 
 the matter, and made our Liberty fa dependant on,’ 
 and relative to our Religion, that it is morally impof- 
 ble Liberty in England can be any longer liv’d than 
 Religion. Popery and Slavery are like Sin and Death, 
 diredt Confequences of one another, and whenever 
 we think fit to admit the firft, any body may promife 
 us thelaft, > * • “ 
 
 Ike COAf C L U S 10 N. 
 
 I Cannot conclude this Matter without remembring 
 two Exceptions that lie againft any body’s pleading 
 the Caufe of Religion. 
 
 § % 
 
C 1*4 ) 
 
 Fir ft. That in all the ill Practices of the World, the 
 Revolutions of States, Rebellions of Subjects, and 
 Tyranny of Princes, Religion is the Mask to hide the 
 Deformity of the Monitor conceal’d. 
 
 Secondly , That Cod is Omnipotent , and the Trotefiant 
 Religion is under his immediate Protection, and that " 
 he is able to defend it without means, and againft pro¬ 
 bability. ‘ • 
 
 To the Firfi I make Anfwer in the Words of the 
 Prince of Denmark , xn the Lettci he wrote to the late 
 King James , on his joining with the Prince of Orange, 
 our prefent King, at his coming into England 3 
 
 That were not Religion the ntoTc yuftijiable Caufe , it would 
 not be made the moil fpecious Pretence. 
 
 And to this Quotation I Ihall add 3 You may as well 
 argue againft the Chriftian Church Adminiftring the 
 Eucharift, becaufe Henry vii. Emperor of Germany was 
 Poyfon’d by a Confecrated Hoft. 
 
 As to the Second Argument, ’Tis true God Governs 
 the World, and in his Government of the World he 
 has ordered that we Ihould Govern our felves by Rea- 
 fon. God has fubje&ed even the ways of his Provi¬ 
 dence to Rational Methods, and Outward Means agree 
 to it. The great Chain of Caufes and EffeCts is not 
 interrupted, even by God himfelf 3 if it be, it is on 
 Extraordinary Occaltons, which we call Miracles. 
 
 Now according to the Nature of Caufes and Confe- • 
 quences, the Argument for our Care of-Religion mull t , 
 be good 3 as to thofe People who look for Miracles, I 
 have nothing to fay to them. 
 
( IK ) 
 
 The Villainy of Stock-Jobbers dete¬ 
 ct cf and the Caufes of the late 
 Run upon the Bank and Bankers 
 dif covered and confidered. 
 
 I T has more than once been foretold that Stock-Job¬ 
 bers and Brokers would ruin our Trade, and feveral 
 Times they have bid fair for the Performance. 
 
 But never was a greater Wound given to Trade in 
 general, than now j never fo unhappily Tim’d to the 
 Difadvantage both of the Publick Revenue, and the 
 Current Credit of the Nation, nor never was there fo 
 much Bare-fac’d Villany afled ; in the Affairs of pub- 
 lick Trade as there is now. 
 
 Trade in general is Built upon, and fupported by two 
 ellential and principal Foundations, Viz,. Money and 
 Credit, as the Sun and Moon alternately Enlighten and 
 Envigorate the World, fo thefe two Effentials maintain 
 and preferve our Trade; they arc the Life and Soul of 
 Trade, and they are the ispport of one another too. 
 Money raifes Credit, and Credit in its turn is an Equi¬ 
 valent to Money. 4 
 
 From hence it follows, That Trade always bears a 
 
 Proportion to Money and Creditj and confequently. 
 
 they who by any Methods diminilh the Sr nek nf r/<u 
 
 more 
 
( 1?<S ) 
 
 more than twice the Quantity of the Coin, equally 
 fupported Trade with the Money, and funk at once 
 with the Coin* 
 
 The Merchants finding the fenfible lofs to Trade, for 
 want both of that Money and Credit, put their Inven¬ 
 tion on the Tenters} and found out the Expedient of a 
 Bank. The Exchequer alfo feeling the lofs of the Coin 
 fupplied with an imaginary Speeies in Exchequer Bills, 
 and yet both thefe fail’d in the Performance. So im- 
 poflible is it to force Credit without Calh. For till the 
 ready Money began to appear again, the Brokers and 
 Jobbers made a Prey of all Mankind in the matter of 
 Bills} and infpight of the endeavours of the Bank, or 
 the Exchequer, they bought and fold their Notes at 
 the fliameful Difcount of io, to 16 and 20 l. per Cent. 
 
 I fliall not think it needful to view the ill Effect this 
 had upon our Trade} how the needy Tradefmen, who 
 fold their Goods at common Rates, were fain to Dif¬ 
 count more than their profit to get their Money. How 
 the Exchequer-Notes defign’d for a currency in Pay¬ 
 ments were Jobb’d about the Town} and by the Po¬ 
 licy of thefe Gentlemen put upon the Tradefmen, in 
 order to be bought again at high Difcounts, and then 
 Engrofs’d again by the Money’d Men,who obtain’d the 
 Difcount as a Premio added to the Intereft upon the 
 Originals. 
 
 I could fill a large Volume with the Relation of fuch 
 Particulars, and eafily make out the damage that befel 
 6ur Trade in general} but I have inftanc’d this only to 
 prove how fatal the finking of Paper-Credit has been to 
 the Nation. : 
 
 The fupplyof new Money from the Mint, and the 
 recovery of the Bank has revived our Trade } and with 
 our Money Credit alfo began to revive : For Credit al¬ 
 ways follows plenty of Calh, as naturally as the Effedl 
 does the Caufe. * ‘ 
 
 But, asiffomeill pare attended the publick Affairs, 
 and we were not to recover our former Magnitude in 
 Trade 5 but always to be facrific'd to the Follies and In 
 
 { . .v.v. ; : ? » •’ jerefls 
 
( *S7 ) ^ 
 
 tercfts of particular Men; here is another general Blow 
 
 S ,ve " o?„ the P ubIick Credit » a flop to the Curren¬ 
 cy or Bills, That n will have a more fatal Effedt then 
 yet appears, I believe every Body expedts; but I flail 
 not fo much prcdidl the Confequenccs, as endeavour to 
 • detedt the Caufes. 
 
 Any one might have forefeen, That the Strife and 
 Contention of our two Eajt-Jndia-Companies would pro- 
 duce fome more than Ordinary Effedt: and that the 
 railing Stock of all Sorts, to a Value fo much above the 
 lntrmfick , muft have fome fatal Iffue, and would fall 
 fome where at laft fo heavy as to be felt by the whole 
 Body or Trade. 
 
 But befides this, ’twas eafie to fee that the different In- 
 
 by both ofXnT OU ' d ^ ° Fn lhe PubUck tQ be in i ur ’ d 
 Perhaps ;tiseafier to Demonftrate, That this mifehief 
 is the contrivance of Perfons and Parties, than it is to 
 dilcover the Perfons, and prove the Fadt. But on the 
 other Hand, tis not very difficult to Trace it back to its 
 Original, and detedt the very Perfons. 
 
 The defign of this Paper is not an Invedtive at any 
 particular Perfon or Party, nor is it wrote to court or 
 pleafe either Side; b ut if an y thing be faid which 
 touches or expofes the Guilty, ’tis that they, if they 
 pleafe, may fee their Errors; and if nor, the Nation may 
 take care not to be further injur’d by them. 
 
 If that new Mlftery or Machine of Trade we call Stock- 
 befirft prov’d to beat the bottom of all this 
 Aliichief; I hope the great Reprefentative of the Nad* 
 th f lament will need yery few Arguments tb 
 • J®“ e * ts ^ e * n 8 a publick Grievance. 
 
 The Old Eaft- Iydta Stock by the Arts of thefe unac¬ 
 countable People, has within 10 Tears or thereabouts, 
 without any material Difference in the Intrinfick Value,, 
 been Sold from 300/. per Cent. tQ 37/. per Cent . from 
 whence with Fluxes and Refluxes, as frequent as the 
 
 onTkv., h ™ Cn Upat 1 ? <r Cent - a S ain i during 
 which Differences, it would puzzle a very good.! 
 
 ; ' -i ArtUl 
 
( 2- 5 8 ) 
 
 Artift to prove, That their real Stock (if they have any) 
 fet lofs and gain together, can hare varied above io l. 
 
 ■per Cent, upon the whole; nor can any Reafons for the 
 rife and fall of it be fliown.but the Politick Management 
 of the Stock-Jobbing Brokers 3 whereby, according to 
 the Number of Buyers and Sellers, which *ris alfo in 
 their Power to make and manage at will, ti e Price 
 (hall dance attendance on their Defigns, and rife and , 
 fall as they pleafe, without any regard to the Intrinfick 
 Worth of the Stock. 
 
 The New Company , the Bank of England, the Exche¬ 
 quer, the whole Nation as has been lately obferv’d in 
 the Freeholders Elea a gain(l Stock-Jobbing , Elections of Par¬ 
 liament Men is, or is in a fair Way to be fubje&ed to the 
 fame Management. 
 
 To bring it home to the Cafe in Hand, The apparent 
 defign of fome People to ruin the Credit of the Nation 
 by way of Revenge, on a Party who had oppofed them 
 in other Defigns, feems fo clear, that it hardly needs to 
 be further explained. 
 
 As foon as the Election of Parliament Mt-n for the 
 City of London was over, or fo far over as that it plainly 
 appeared on which fide it enclin’d, a certain Party pre¬ 
 par’d their Meafurcs to bring about the very Defign, 
 which now we fee broke out upon us. 
 
 And that any obferving People may recollcft them- 
 felves in the matter, it may be taken Notice of, 
 
 Firfi , That the Old Company has ever fince, and fome- 1 
 time before, been amalfing to themfelves all the ready • 
 Money they could poffibly get, in order to form the 
 Defign, and make a general Scarcity of Cath, at the 
 fame time (topping their Hands as to Payments, and 
 Exports, as much as they could 3 and fome People pre¬ 
 tend to fay, they have a Million of Money by them in 
 Specie. 
 
 From whence I only make Two Short Obferva- 
 tions. 
 
 n 
 
Firft, That we may fee the Nations Enemies are 
 Mafters of their Meafures, and know the direftefl way 
 to ruin us : For nothing could be more Fatal to Trade, 
 and the publickCredit , than mgr offing the Current Cajh, 
 and keeping it from the Circulation , which is the Life 
 of our Trade. But this is not the only thine in 
 which the Old Company have injured our general 
 Intereft of Trade. 
 
 Secondly, 'Tis a fign they do not live under a French 
 Government • and ’tis well for them they do not , thd 
 t hem f elves have been fo fond of that Inter efi ; for a 
 King of France might hive fent them Word, That 
 Money being made to Circulate, if they did nor 
 know how to employ it, he did; and commanded 
 them to lend it him at 3 per Cenr. 
 
 All the while the Old Company were laying up the 
 Cadi, anddreming the Town of their ready Monev 
 Guinea s efpecially; another fet of Men who are known* 
 to be in the fame Intereft, and to have concerted Mea- 
 iurcs together, laid up in the fame Proportion, all the 
 Bank-Bills they could lay Hands on. 
 
 It is impoflible to imagine that two or three Men 
 Jould lay by Bank-Notes to the Tune of 300000’ 
 Pounds, which had no running Intereft upon them, and 
 have no defign in it; they are known to be Men who 
 underftand their own Advantages better than fo, and 
 have not rais dfuch vaft Fortunes as they polfefs from 
 
 r\ C <i! k 1 ,b ut veiling all their running 
 
 pifti in Bank-Bills; the Old Company at the fame time 
 fecuring all the ready Money, was thefirft Preliminary 
 of the deftgn which now broke our. 
 
 Things thus prepar'd, the next ftroke at the publick 
 currency of Cafti, was a report politicly rais’d and in- 
 duftnouiJy fpread abroad, that by a Complaint from 
 the Mint, which was nonfence in it felf too, the Govern¬ 
 ment was moved to cry down the French Piftoles to 17 , 
 
 1 d. and the Proclamation was in the Prels forfooth e- 
 
 very 
 
( i6o ) 
 
 Very Day; tho’ neither Government ndr Mint had 
 then done anything in the matter. 
 
 Thus the Town was prepar’d, the Guinea’s were ut¬ 
 terly vanifh’d, the Silver Money fo leflen’d as to make 
 a vifible Scarcity j a Storm gathered for the Bank, Pi-. 
 Holes made dubious. The next thing was the improv¬ 
 ing the approaching Sellions of Parliament, and the 
 profpedt of a War in Europe, to run down the Price of 
 Stock} and when this was done, and all ripe for Exe¬ 
 cution, the parties fall to Work } and firfi they began 
 with the Bank, and running hard Upon them with 
 Sums offuch magnitude, as eafily difcovered the de¬ 
 sign j allarum’d the Bank, who to return them their 
 own kind, pufil’d at their Capital Banker Mr. Sbep- 
 fjeard , and run him down prefently} and thus the Fight 
 begun. 
 
 But leaft the Bank fiiould be reliev’d from the Exche¬ 
 quer, they form an attack there too; where about Fifty 
 Thoufand Pounds in Exchequer-Bills prefent themfelves 
 for Payment at once. 
 
 This allarum’d the Exchequer too, on which a 
 new Subfcription is call’d for by the Lords, for the 
 exchanging Exchequer-Notes, and making them cur¬ 
 rant} which Subfcription We find goes on well,’ 
 and if it comes to be finilhed, and the Bank wea¬ 
 thers this ftorm, as’tis not doubted it will} all this 
 Hurricane may yet fall on themfelvesand it w'ere only '| 
 to be wifii’d that the fall of Stocks would effe£t none but • 
 fuch as have encourag’d this deftrutfive Hydra } this 
 new Corporation of Hell, Stock-Jobbing. 
 
 But fince there are a great many honeft Gentlemen, 
 and Tradefmen concern’d, whofe Families and Fortunes 
 are like to fuffer for it; ’tis worth while to examine 
 whether an Evil of fo fatal a Nature to the Publick, fo 
 DeftruSive to Trade, and fo ruinous to the Publick 
 Credit, ought not Effe&uallv to be fuppreih 
 
 I cannot however forbear to blame the Bank o( trig- 
 land, for Publifliing at fuch a Jun&ure as this, their 
 willingnefs to allow an Interefton their Seal’d Notes} 
 
 which 
 
 L 
 
( ^6l ) 
 
 Which (cents too plain to difcoVer their fears of the Par 
 
 y, and is a down rightbeging ofCredit. I ftal, S 
 
 f! c ’ e , re a j* 10 " Story, fomething allufive % 
 
 tv: W ^ 1C r Wl f Xp,ain what 1 me an ; whether 
 the Reader pleafe to take it for a Parable, or a Hiftorv 
 
 - tis all one to me, and will ferve my turn as well S, 
 way as another. well on& 
 
 A certain Tradcfman in London had borrowed a Thn„ 
 fand Pounds of a Scrivener at 6 p er 
 had kept it in his Hands fome time • but l!S£T’ ? d 
 upon him, and particularly one which ftiook his Foul? 
 datum, he began to apprehend, that if it came f<X 
 Ears of that Creditor, the Scrivener, he wouS (Si 
 
 .W^n hf m aUhatjUnaUK ' “‘demand would 
 
 Tort of People willing enough ro’ take Mn„iT W "l” 
 .hough, I, look'd lie lellSg "imfi M°Z' wo„H 
 injure his Reputation,, and poffibly only ferve to^S 
 that certain, which yet was but doubtful 'IT— 
 
 5S? 4- Mate; 
 
 p wnicn he reiolv dona quite Contrary Method 
 row^firchtt^onltTOe^ntn^anlf paid 'T 
 
 py "'.that 'twas but working fo? other Folfa tor h? 
 fcund Trade was dull, and he lave h«S > T “ 
 like and therefore in’ Hot,, hf defred 8 himto lit 
 theMoney again, for he was uneafie to be fo deeply i n 
 
 pro- 
 
( i6z ) 
 
 provided to put it out again, that if he had call'd it in’ 
 he would have given him Three Months time to pay it 
 in, and fo much Notice he expe&ed. 
 
 Aye, but fays the tradefman, that will be a Lofs to me 
 too, for Imuji keef it by me, or elfe it may not be ready at 
 the time. But, fray Sir, [aid the Scrivener, keep the Mo- ~ 
 7iey, 'trade may mend ; a Man that has a Tboufand Pound 
 ly him , meets with Opportunities that he did not think • 
 on. 
 
 The Tradefman finding his Defign take, anlwers 
 coldly No, and fo they parted ; at next Meeting, the 
 Scrivener ftill preffing him to keep the Money, he tells 
 him 5 Look ye Sir, you defire me to keep this Money, if 
 your Client will abate me i perCent. of Inter eft, I'd keep 
 it longer : The Scrivener agrees, and the Tradefman 
 anfwer’d his End, whereas had he gone and offer’d him 
 i per Cent, more for Intereft or Continuance, "tis Ten 
 to One but they had call’d for their Money. 
 
 I leave any Body to apply this Story to the Bank of 
 England, offering double Intereft at a time, when a 
 Storm threatned them, they indeed are the bed judges 
 of their own Affairs ; but if they had flood their Ground 
 boldly without it, I am of Opinion with Submiffion, 
 their Credit had flood clearer. 
 
 The Credit of the Bank of England does not immedi¬ 
 ately confift in the reality of their Foundation: Tis true 
 it does originally depend upon the Goodnefs of their _ 
 Bottom, but the more immediate Credit of their Pro¬ 
 ceeding, depends upon the currency of their Bills, and 
 the currency of their Bills depends upon ther immedi¬ 
 ate Pay j the Bank has no Advantage of the meaneft 
 fmith as to their current Bills, for no longer than the* 
 Payments continue punctual and free, no longer will 
 any Man take their Bills, or give them Credit for Mo¬ 
 
 ney. t . 
 
 All the Credit which remains to the Bank after their 
 Payment comes to flop, if ever fach a time faall be, is 
 that People have a Satisfaction $ that at long run their 
 
 Principal* 
 
( ) 
 
 Prihcipal is fafe, and thtir bottom will pay their Debts- 
 This is the Credit of their Stock, but the Credit of their 
 Caft ends if ever they baulk but one Bill 
 
 - -j 
 
 B g^d' Gedil ° flh * S “ £k 
 
 I know t'er.fore nothing the Bank could ha„~ a 
 moreco injure ,hc Credo of lieir ru£?« ?? nt 
 to make Tuch a Propofilof Inttreft upol £& WU 
 which formerly they publickly refufed ’ 
 
 of Zhl'sTr Z.—^tir ■'''l D f 8 » 
 
 and if they do anfwer all the demands which nawrf* 
 
 upon them without Payments, their Enemies will re" 
 
 Trw \ ° pi: 
 
 offer of doubling TlA rhVS're'X re 
 
 ■her d ,njur-d them, than anfwered the End' £?£ 
 
 From thefe particular Inftances, I proceed the** 
 mine whether thefe People who have carried of S 
 M J furcs > have not anfwer’d two Defigns toeethef 
 
 iy and SiT' t0 “° d ‘ hdr ° PpofeP - 
 
 t * 
 
 fi*S,2iS JStSU ££ > 
 
 the main ftrength of the Kingdom • ,1, V eakcned in 
 
 whcr^'rradei^to S pay d lKm Cs! Loun^nd^' : A ,ri0 ^ P ^ P ^^ 
 
 If it be in the power of Mercenary Brokers mA n 
 pames to engrofs the Current S K a ? ? nd C , om ' 
 Scarcity of Money, it mull consequently bc° “ foi? 
 
 T Power, 
 
efteem to the Government, to prevent the advance¬ 
 ment of any Sum of Money for the publiok Service. 
 
 And this Experiment may be a Trial of their Skill, 
 to let us fee what they are able to do, if the City does 
 hot take Care to oblige them by chufing Magiftrates or " 
 Reprefentatives to their Mind, or out of their Party. 
 
 ’Tis very hard, that this fort of Men by the Power of ' 
 their Money, and the Influence they have in the Stocks 
 of Companies, fhould have it in their Hands to put a 
 general flop to Credit, Cadi, Banks, and even the Ex¬ 
 chequer it felf. 
 
 ’Tis known, their Affection to the Government is but 
 v£ y indifferent, and that generally fpeaking, both thofe 
 two great Men we have mention’d, and almoft the 
 tvhole Party, who efpoufe the Old Companies Quarrel, 
 have put themfelves in a diiedt Oppolitidn to the Friends 
 of the Government, and always run retrograde to the 
 King, and the Nations Intereft. 
 
 That they have defign’d ill, ismanifeft by the Event, * 
 becaufe they have done what lay in their Power to ruin 
 the Nations Credit, in order to affedt ihegeneral Trade, 
 as well as the Perfons. 
 
 I Aral’ now examine a little the reafon of this Combii- 
 flion, and I cannot but refledt that there feems to be 
 feveral Caules to which it may be alfign’d; all of which 
 feem but to expofc the Temper of the People we fpeak 
 of, and to make both them and their Caufe odious to . 
 Mankind. 
 
 Firft, From Ambition to Ihow the City that they are 
 Perfons whom it is Dangerous to difobligc, and that 
 they arc able to fhow their Refentments in a Method 
 which they ought to be afraid of to let them fee that 
 they knew not what they did, when they Poll’d againft 
 Men of fuch Power and Influence as they, and that 
 they ought to have a Care of affronting Men, in whofc 
 Power it lay fomuch to check the moft effcmial Point 
 of the Cities prolperity, their Trade j and to let the 
 Government lee too, that they are Men of fuch Fi¬ 
 
 gures 
 
 ■ 
 
( 2 . 6 * ) 
 
 gures and Authority in the Nation, and can at their 
 Pleafure fo manage the Cadi and Trade of rhe Town, 
 that they can flop our Credit, break our GoJdfmirhs! 
 fink our Stocks, embarrafs the Bank, and ruin Trade* 
 at their Will and Pleafure. 
 
 So far as this is a good keafon, fo far -with Submif- 
 fiors the Government is concern'd to take Care that 
 their Influence and Power be fo refrained by wholfome 
 Laws, as that the whole Command of the Nations 
 Cafh and Credit may not be in the Hands of Companies 
 and Stock-Jobbers. 
 
 Another original Caufe of the prefent Difturbance, 
 is thefe Men exerting the Power I have been fpeaking 
 of by way of Refentment : 
 
 i. At the Citizens, in the Slur they thought put 
 upon them by the Livery, for oppofing their E- 
 lettion. 
 
 1. At the New Company, for Reafcns drawn from 
 the Different Interefis of both the faid Companies. 
 
 I ffiall not examine here whether the Eafl-India Trade 
 be a real prejudice to the general Stock of the King¬ 
 dom, but I muft be excufed to be politive in this, That 
 the two Rival Companies are certainly a prejudice to 
 the Eafl-India Trade. 
 
 And I may fafely add, That Jobbing their Stocks a- 
 bout, railing and fmking them at the Pleafure of Parties, 
 and private Interefts, is more prejudicial to Trade in 
 general, than both the Companies can make amends 
 for. 
 
 Thefe is hardly a private Tradefman in the Town, 
 but one way or other feel the eifc&s of the leaft flop to 
 the currency of Cadi, arid Goldfmiths Bills j and it feems 
 to be a Grievance to be punched by the Judge, That the 
 general Head of Trade in a City, fo dependant upon 
 Trade as this is, fhouldbe liable to the GandeftineMa- 
 
 T x nagement 
 
nagement of Parties, and fuffer for the petty Quarrels 
 and Difputesof two Eaft-lndia Companies that have no¬ 
 thing to do with them. , 
 
 As to the Dhputes between the two Companies be¬ 
 ing prejudicial both to themfelves, and to every Body_ 
 elfe f ’us plain by what has been faid. they are prejudi¬ 
 cial to Trade in general, by how much their private 
 Difputes affeCt the value of other Peoples Eftates, railing 
 and finking of Stocks, which have no relation to them, 
 and influencing publick Credit. 
 
 They are and will be certainly DeftruChve to the 
 Baft,India Trade in general, by glutting the Nation fo 
 with Goods, as to prejudice the Manufacture of Eng. 
 land, and difguft as well as injure the Poorj and by re¬ 
 ducing the Prices of their own Goods to out-do and 
 under-fell one another; which ’tis hop d alfo may in 
 time reduce them both to Circumftances more propor¬ 
 tioned to the Nature of the Trade, and to their own 
 
 ^Notthat I believe ’twould be belt for England to have 
 no Eafl-lndia-Cimpany neither; many pans of that 
 Trade are certainly beneficial to the Englifl^ Trade in 
 general; but to carry it on to fuch a Magnitude as is 
 palpably deftruCtive to the Englijh Manufactures, and 
 Impoverifliing to the Nation by exporting fuch quan¬ 
 tities of Bullion, in Specie, mutt certainly make it a pub- 
 lick Nuifance, a burthen to Trade, and a damage to the 
 
 Nation. . . „ . . 
 
 Add to this the ftrife between them, their Emulation 
 
 in Sales mutt certainly deftroy their own Defigns, and 
 ruin them both. For cheapnefs of any Goods Imported 
 Which are with our Manufacture, mutt be prejudicial to 
 that Manufacture ; and when two of a Trade ftrive to 
 ruin one another by under-felling, it generally ruins the 
 Trade, and both Parties too. 
 
 So that from the Contention between thefe two Com-* 
 panies, Trade in general is Injur’d, our Manufactures 
 difeouraged, both Companies will in the end be ruin d, 
 
 and the Eaft-lndia Trade fpoil’d if not loll 
 
( t«7 > -' 
 
 For it does not follow, That becaufc Eight or Ten 
 Ships a Year from India, may be a necellary and pro¬ 
 fitable Trade; that therefore Thirty Ships muft be fo 
 too; and ’tis eafie to demonftrate, that whereas we 
 may want Eight or Ten Ships a Year in that Trade, 
 •Twenty or Thirty would ruin the Trade it felf,and be 
 a general Prejudice to the Nation. 
 
 Trade is in no refpeCt tolerable, but as ’tis Profitable $ 
 and the profit confifts, or at leaft depends upon propor¬ 
 tion of Circumftances j if the Import exceeds the De¬ 
 mand, Goods muft fall, and if the Goods fall, the Pro¬ 
 fit finks. 
 
 The Companies cannot cxpeCl, efpecially now their 
 Silk Ttade is limited, (as by ACf of Parliament it is) 
 that this Trade can vent the Import of about Sixty Sail 
 of Ships now abroad; if they come to under-felling 
 one another, they are gone, and their Stock is not 
 worth zo per Cent, from thefirftDay they begin it. 
 
 In the mean Time, if they do find a vent for fo great 
 a quantity of Goods as all thofe Ships muft Import, the 
 EngHJb Manufacture muft fuifer. 
 
 On the ..whole matter. 
 
 Whether weconfiderthe injury tothepublick Credit 
 by the Villany of Stock-Jobbers. 
 
 The expofing the EiTemials of the Nations Profperi- 
 ty, to the Management of mercenary Brokers and Par¬ 
 ries j who upon every occafion they are pleafed to take, 
 v/hen fuch as they think fit to approve of, are not 
 chofen Lord Mayors or Parliament-Men, fhail rake 
 the Liberty to thew their Relentments by Affron¬ 
 ting the Government, ruining Banks and Gold- 
 fmiths, and finking the Stocks of all the Companies in 
 Tpwn : 
 
 Or, the powerful Influence they have by their Mo¬ 
 ney on the current Caih of the Nation. 
 
 ' . ? 3 
 
 Whether 
 
\_y (i«8> 
 
 Whether any of thefe Things are confidered: I leave 
 it to the wife Heads of the Nation, now concerned to 
 refit 6t and examine, whether it be confident with the 
 Safety of the Englijh Nation, with the Honour of the 
 l ;•''Jh Government, or with the Nature of the Englijh 
 Trade, to fuffer fuch a fort of People to go on unpre- *' 
 fcribM and unlimited, or indeed unpsoifh’d. 
 
 What fafety can we have at Home, while our Peace 
 is at the mercy of fuch Men, and ’tis in their Power 
 to Jobb the Nation into Feuds among our felves, and 
 to declare a new fort of Civil War among us when they 
 pleai’e ? 
 
 Nay, the War they manage is carried on with worfe 
 Weapons than Swords and Mufquers; Bombs may Fire 
 our Towns, and Troops over-run and Plunder us. But 
 thefe People can ruin Men filently, undermine and im- 
 pjv.rifh by a fort of impenetrable Artifice, like Poi- 
 fqn that works at pittance, can wheedle Men to ruin 
 thtinfclves, and Fiddle them out of their Money , by the 
 ttrange unheard of Fngines of Intere/is, Difcounts, Tranf- 
 fers, Tallies , Debentures , Shares, TrojeSls y and the Devil 
 and all of Figures and hard Names. They can draw 
 up their Armies, and levy Troops, ftt Stock again ft 
 Stock , Company againft Company , Alderman again!! Al¬ 
 derman ; and the poor Patfive Tradefmen, like the Pea- 
 fant in Flanders , are plundered by both fides, and hard¬ 
 ly knows who hurts them. 
 
 What will become of the Honour of the Englijh Nati- . 
 on, if the principal Affairs relating to the Credit both 
 of the publick and private Funds? is dependant upon 
 fuch vile People, who care not who they ruin, nor 
 who they advance, tho’ one be the Nation’s Friends, 
 and the other its Enemies, and expos’d to their particu¬ 
 lar Refentments? 
 
 He isa worthy Patriot, and fitly qualified for a Re- 
 prefentative, who would join his ftrength to over throw 
 the Credit of the City, and ruin Trade only to fhew hi! 
 private Refentnient for not being chofen as he thought 
 
 fit to expert. 
 
Mrs. 
 
 ( 169 ) 
 
 V? 
 
 r 
 
 Laftly, What Condition mull the Trade of England 
 he foon reduc d to, when Banks and Paper-Credit 
 which muff be own’d to be a material part of itsfub- 
 iilrance, are become fo precarious as to be liable to a 
 general Interruption from the Breath of mercenary 
 malicious, and revengeful Men. n 
 
 h might be faid here, Ton are very high againft Stock - 
 pbbmg and Stock-jobbers, no Man ought to complain of an 
 Ev.l he cannot Remedy. Can you propofe how to re¬ 
 move the grievance, and free us from the Inconvenien- 
 Cies you have difeovered ? 
 
 For anfwer, I might fay, ’tis not always to beex- 
 petted that he chat finds a Fault flioud mend it * If an 
 Enemy have laid an Ambufcude to furprife a Town 
 he who hrft Difcovcrs it is as Inftrumental to fave the 
 Place, as ne who defends the Works, and theWifdom 
 of the Parliament, their prefent Seilion being upon us 
 together with the confequence of the thing it felf 
 metninks might turn the Eyes of all Men from a (ingle 
 Perfhn to that great Aflembly, and expert the Remedy 
 
 lodg’d thC Power ot ~ Redrt ^ s more particularly is 
 
 that * ma y a ^° let the Reader know that this 
 
 1.1 mi 1 1 S a mt inc i? rabIe > nor the Men unpunishable, 
 
 I will lay down a few Generals, which if put into ex¬ 
 ecution by the Authority of Parliament, may be effe¬ 
 ctual to fupprefs fuch People as we complain off, and 
 alfo to prevent the Confequences. 
 
 Firfl, To impeach the Perfons of fuch Mifdemea- 
 nors as on a fair Hearing may be prov’d on them, and 
 among fuch other Punilhments as the Authority of 
 
 SSS 5 ? 5 r l ^ d S e ; b f7 defc tvc= Let them be made 
 uncapable of buying, felling, transferring, or polldfing, 
 either in their own Names, or the Names of any Per- 
 fon m truft for them, any Shares, or parts of or in any 
 
 or Companies now in 
 
 fta hereafcer l?c form’d °r eltablilh’d, either 
 publick or private. 
 
 Secondly, 
 
( J ( 170 ) 
 
 Secfttity, Reduce the two Companies into one, Iimi- 
 ted and reftrain d to fuch Conditions and Articles, as 
 fhou d make the Stocks and Shares fo Transferable, as 
 to Circumftances of Time and Perfons, as may render 
 alienating the Property more difficult and chargeable: 
 at the lame time all Stock to be Forfeited to the Infor¬ 
 mer, which lTia.ll be Alienated, Pawn’d, Mortgag’d, ■ 
 Given or Sold, without it be immediately Trans- / 
 
 Thirdly, Charge a Duty of 10 per Cent, to be paid 
 the King by the Seller, upon all Stock Transfer’d, as of¬ 
 ten as tis Alienated or Transfer’d- 
 . fourthly. Oblige every Pcrfon to whom any Stock 
 is Transfer’d, to fwear that he will not Buy, Sell, Alie¬ 
 nate or otherwife Mortgage or pledge the faid Stock 
 without a legal Entry of the fame, in the Books of the 
 laid Companies, and Transfering the fame according 
 to All of Parliament. 
 
 Fifthly, Limit the Fafi-India Company to fuch Con¬ 
 ditions both to Stock and Trade, as may be con Men t 
 with the preferving the Trade to India to the Englk 
 Nation, and yer preventing the faid Trade, from in¬ 
 terfering with, encroaching upon, or otherwife being 
 detrimental to our own Manufactures; that it may be 
 carried on without FaBkns among the 'SAch^x Clamours 
 from rhe Poor ; oblige them to import proper Quantities 
 of iuch Commodities as ferve to help forward our own 
 Trade, and fuch as the Nation wants, as Saltpetre, 
 Raw Silk, Spices, Drugs, Canes and Callicoes, and 
 limit them from importing too great quantities of 
 fuch Goods as leflen the Confumption of our own Ma¬ 
 nufacture. 1 
 
 Thefe methods, with the Additions of fuch as the 
 Wifdom of the Nation will find out, wou’d effectually 
 fupprds this pernicious, grow ing Party, whofe dange- 
 ious-Pj acticcs are of fuch a Nature, that no Man can 
 fay, where they will epd. 
 
 Then 
 
r 
 
 Trade be the fcenerai bulineft of ,be eXim 
 
 of s'ocMobbint B a eg f erS ^ advanced the 8 Miftery 
 orbrock-jobbing, and wc can now reckon ud a hlart 
 
 Ltft of Ftfty Seven Perfons, who wi,hin P ,hi< T™ 
 
 ?*? h T rais ' d *‘mfelve S to “ft Eftae" 
 
 tnoft of them from Mechanick, and fome of them 
 
 £r Sn e and drfpctale *■?»“• r.he <jia™ 
 J' '■ ] otre q Lling, fcandalotts Employ. 
 
 or whf, S'&SSttJt ^o I » hC ha l s¥’ 
 
 plain’d by *""• “ a ^VpirJz 
 
 Now they ride in their Coaches, keep fplendid F- 
 quipages, and thrufr themfelves into Bufintfs fet ur» 
 for Deputies, Aldermen, Sheriffs, or Mayors but ? 
 bove all, for Parliament Men, of which ( wWH rfS”* -r 
 Ohtevout Confequences that’ aretfe tia" eSd'bTt 
 nough is faid to The Freeholders Flea • which I nnrtvl 
 
 t& n „Ve° Whkh ‘ ,£fe -^conclude™* 
 
 ZlT^t'Z 
 
 tame , and the Government has nothing before them but 
 
 fg&z 1 **. w f * ffi tztfu 
 
 The Six T>iftmgui)hing Characters of 
 a Tarliament-Man. 
 
 jGood People of England, 
 
 «* Pour 
 
 ^nd twas but lately that Parham, , eneral Gne vance; 
 the Matters of * 
 
!( * 7 1 ) 
 
 This was the Deftru&ion of that Mutual Confidence 
 between King and People, which is fo |ffcntial to the 
 Profperity of a Nation. 
 
 Parliaments were call’d together, a long Speech, and 
 great Pretences for Money open’d the Seilion ; and as 
 loon as the End was anfwer’d, they were Cent Home •- 
 about their EJufinefs. 
 
 If they began to /how their Refenrments, and ap- ' 
 pear fenlible of their being Impos’d upon, if they be¬ 
 gan to fearch into the Intriegues of the Court, if they 
 began to Queftion Favourites and Minifters, they were 
 equally certain of being difmifs’d. 
 
 ' Now to fhow us what kind of a Nation vve are (that 
 according to the Old Character of an Englifhman ) can 
 never tell when we are Well, Providence has chang'd 
 the Scene.- 
 
 Former Kings have been Addreflcd by their Parlia¬ 
 ment to make War again!! the French, and Money gi¬ 
 ven by Millions to carry it on, and have had their 
 Money fpent, and no War could be had. 
 
 Now we have a King that has fought our Battels 
 in Perfon, and willingly run through all the Hazards 
 of a bloody War, and h^s been oblig’d to ufe all the 
 Perfwafions polhble to bring us to Support him in 
 it. 
 
 Former Kings would fland dill, and fee the French 
 over-run Flanders , and Ruin our Proud ant Neigh¬ 
 bours, though the Parliament and People have intreat- _ 
 cd them to Affift them, and fave Flanders from the fat¬ 
 ing into the Hands of the French. 
 
 Now we have a King who Solicitesthc People to 
 enable him to preferve Flanders from falling into the 
 Hands of the French , and to ftand by and affift our 
 Proteftant Neighbours. And we on the contrary are 
 willing to fee the French and Popilh Powers unite and 
 poffeis Blunders, and every thing the, and glad the 
 Dutch are in danger to* be Ruin'd ; nay, fo willing we 
 are to have the States General deftroy’d, that Damn the 
 Dutch is become a Proverb among us. 
 
 Formerly ; 
 
’ V W ) 
 
 Formerly we had Kings who raifed Armies in time* 
 of Peace, and maintain’d them on /ham Pretences of a 
 War never defign’d, and receiv’d Aids from the Parlia- 
 ment three times for the Disbanding one Army and 
 having fpent the Money left the Parliament to do it 
 rhemlelves. . 
 
 Now we have a King who againft his Judgment, 
 and as it now appears, againft the Nation’s Intereft 
 contented to Disband the Army at the firft Word from 
 his Parliament, though he left all the moft Powerful 
 ot our Neighbours with their Forces in full Pay 
 
 Formerly we had Kings who did what they pleas’d 
 now we have a King who lets us do what we pleate. 
 
 And yet we Englijhmen are not contented, but, as it 
 were with our Saviour, when our Kings come Eating 
 and Drinking, they cry, Behold a Gluten and a Drut 
 
 u . it • now . havc a King that comes nei¬ 
 ther Eating or Drinking, they cry out, He has a 
 
 r TS M Va - n thi u ng U° P*; etend t0 °P en the Eyes of the 
 Engl’Jb Nation, but by their own immediate Danger 
 
 T/r°^^ r 11I ?! lt *!l aVC * cnown * n former times what 
 the Iflue; of a Popifti Succeflbr would have been, and 
 fome wifer than others told the People of it and 
 
 were Rewarded with fhe Ax and the Halter for their 
 News. 
 
 But when that Popi/h Succeflbr came to the Crown, 
 ?nd had reduc d the Liberties and Religion of the 
 Nation to the laftGafp, then thofe very People, who 
 could not fee their Danger at a diftance, took a fright 
 when it was upon them, and what was the Confe- 
 quence ? Nothing hut all the Blood and Treafure of this 
 
 i [ ee » with the fame Eyesas the Tate 
 
 Lord Ruffe!, Earl of Effx and the Oxford Parliament, 
 
 "f’ couId ch % havc been convinc’d by Argument, 
 that It was wconfiffnt with the Confutation of this Pro- 
 tejtant Kingdom to he Govern'd by a Popijh Prince. Could 
 the B—ps, who threw out that Bill have known that a 
 
 Popi/h 
 
( *74 ) 
 
 Popifli King would ere£t a High Ecdefiaftick Com- 
 jpiflion Court, and fend them to the Tower, for refu¬ 
 sing him Power to Difpt nce with the Laws, this War 
 had been prevented, and the Blood of jooqoo Englijlt 
 Proteftants, who periftied in it, had been fav’d; all the 
 Ships our Merchants have loft to the French had been 
 fafe, and the many Millions of Money, which have 
 been fpent, had been in our Pockets} all this is owing 
 to the blindnefs of that Age, who could not fee the 
 danger of the Nation, till it was juft upon them. 
 
 Now, Gentlemen, this is to give you norice, that 
 the Nation is more in danger at this time from abroad 
 than ever it was then in at home. 
 
 The King in his Proclamation for the calling a Par¬ 
 liament, has done two things which no King his 
 Predecdfor ever did in our Age. 
 
 Firft, He has told us, that he has fuch a Confidence 
 in his People, that he is very deftrous to meet them, 
 and have their Advice in Parliament. 
 
 Secondly, He tells us, that what he will advife with 
 them about are Matters of the higheft Importance to 
 the kingdom. * 
 
 Matters of the higheft Importance to a Kingdom 
 rnuft relate to fotne of thefe things, Peace and War, the 
 Safety of Religion, Liberty and Trade 5 at leaft it will 
 be allow’d that thefe are Matters of the higheft Impor¬ 
 tance to the Kingdom. < . 
 
 Now, tho’ I fliall adventure to explain his Majefty’s 
 meaning, yet I may be allow’d to build the follow¬ 
 ing DiTcourfe on the fuppofition of this Explica¬ 
 tion, 
 
 And venture to fuppofe his Majefty had faid, that 
 the danger the Proteftant Religion feems to be in from 
 the formidable Appearance of the French Power, and 
 the danger qur Trade is in from the Succelfion of 
 Spain devolving to the Houfe of Bourbon, and the dan¬ 
 ger of a new Flame of War breaking out upon our 
 Confederated Neighbours, whom our Intereft, as. well 
 as Leagues and Alliances oblige us to A (lift ; all thefe 
 " ^ ' ' ' .. “ ’ ’ * • things 
 
V_7 
 
 ( *7S ) 
 
 things being Matters of the higeft Importance to the 
 Kingdom, he has refolv’d to call a new Parliament 
 to advile with them about thefe important things. 
 
 >• And becaufe the Circumftances of Affairs are fuch 
 as may bring us under a ncceility of Armies, which 
 C People are fo mightily afraid of; and that theCondi- 
 tion the breach of our Army has left us in has btea 
 fuch, that if another fliould be wanting to defend us 
 ’tis aQueftion where it could be rais’d. 
 
 Wherefore our proper Defence, may be one of the 
 important things, for ought we know, about which 
 they are to Advife. 
 
 And becaufe the Debate of an Army is a tender nice 
 Point, I fliall expiain my fclf; I do not mean that a 
 Standing Army Ihould have been kept up in Em land in 
 time of Peace, but, I fay, it had been betrer for Eng¬ 
 land and all Europe that we had not difarm’d -our felves 
 fo toon ; and if we had difarm’d, that we had not fo 
 entirely done it all at once; whereby we rend red our 
 felves fo defpicable, that the French King has had an 
 opportunity to Affront the whole Confederacy, in re¬ 
 nouncing a League ratify’d and exchang’d, and taking 
 , poffeifion of a Crown for his Grandfon, on the new 
 invented Title of adaft Will and Teltament. 
 
 This he would not have adventur’d to have done 
 had the Englijh been in a Capacity to have poffefs’d 
 Flanders , and to have appear’d at Sea, to have Protect¬ 
 ed the Princes of Italy in their Adhctcnce to the Em¬ 
 
 peror. 
 
 But the Englijh having reduc’d themfclves to fuch a 
 Condition, that whenever the French y or any bodyelfe 
 p ] eafe to Quarrel with us, we muft be a confiderable 
 while before we can be in a polture to aCt Offenfively 
 and the French having fo infulted us in the Affair of 
 Spam, that it will (land as an effectual Proof wh^rl^ 
 
 "* nuu wiw ramament in the Calc. 
 
 By 
 
( > 
 
 By advifirtg with the Parliament, I undcrftand, in¬ 
 forming them of the State of Affairs, telling them his 
 own Opinion, and asking theirs, propofing the Mea- 
 fures he thinks fit to take, and defiring their Opinion 
 of the Matter, and if they agree with him in the 
 Meafures which are to be taken, then to propofe their 
 making provifion in a Parliamentary way, for enabling 
 him to profecute fuch Meafures as they agree to. 
 
 For to debate and confider Matters of fo much Con- 
 fequence, the King has dire&ed Writs for the calling 
 a new Parliament to meet at Weflminfier the 6th of Fe¬ 
 
 bruary next. 
 
 Since the Matter is referr’d to the People of Eng¬ 
 land, and they are to chufe Reprefentatives for fo great 
 a Work, as to Advife with a proteftant King abour 
 things of the higheft Importance to the Kingdom. 
 
 Give a ftander-by leave, Gentlemen, to offer lome- 
 thing to the People of England, by way of Advice or 
 Direction, in the great Affair they have before them, 
 and if it be with more Freedom than is ufual, bear 
 ■wkh him for once, becaufe ’tis about Matters of the 
 
 1)1 The ufua? 1 Advices given in like Cafes, formerly 
 ( when the Elections of Members were fo corrupted, 
 that indeed Advice was neceffary, tho’ hopelds) ufe to 
 be, to chufe Men that had Eftates, and Men Oi Ho- 
 tieftv. Men that had Interefts in the Freehold, and in 
 the Corporations, and that would not give away their 
 Liberties, and the Advice was good : And had the Coun¬ 
 try taken that Advice the p.-would not have been 
 
 hhff’d by King James into a tacit permiffion both of 
 a Standing Army at Home, and the difpenfing the Po- 
 pifh Officers continuing in Commilhon without taking 
 
 But my Advice muft differ from, tho’ it muff in¬ 
 clude parr, of the foremention’d Particulars; ana 
 therefore while I am directing thele Sheets to the .free¬ 
 holders of England, I beg them to confider m '- J 
 Choice of Parliamenwnen, that they may be Men 
 
 I 
 
( *77 ) 
 
 Ekates, and Men of Honour in the Countries, who 
 
 thl p m p Cucum [ tance s may not be proper to ferve in 
 _ J t r ‘ament, becaufe by Prejudice or private Prin¬ 
 ciples their Judgment may be pre-engaged to the dif- 
 
 - and fince there 
 
 “ are «s neceflai-y, Gentlemen, to Caution you 
 
 T hat 7° u be , wcR aihur’d the Gentlemen you 
 ?umSnr f es a S t i r °N? h - y With thc P^ntCir- 
 
 r«sitr m '' Tt ,hr ° u « w y iStisiied wich 
 
 tne prelent Efrabufliment of the Government: as Pa- 
 pi ts aie juftly excluded by Law from coming to Par- 
 Wnr becaufe i, cannot be expefled KViLZ. 
 Immfinf" P e a proper Perfon to confult about thc 
 
 tional rhar h r ? re P nt kingdom, fo it cannot be Ra¬ 
 tional that he who is a declar’d Friend to King James 
 
 Ki« h ^T eft \ Can t 3 proper Pcrfon ro Advffe^with 
 fn tL ^ ia Z about . Matters of the highefr Importance 
 
 woidd ’ U l Canno I t . be R at»aal, that he who 
 
 li. L 1 |j n S 10 have this Nation return to her 0«. 
 ^7“j°^»Pi<I>King, can be a proper 2erfo„ robe 
 W „ Kh “ Pailiam< -™ ab »« feVurinc and dS 
 
 wha wM e „,en??o n L R u!j Si0n ; this werc ,0 P“lW»wn 
 !l at m W J ntend t0 bu dd, and would be as proper a 
 
 land wo h uld P Z' 35 a French A k } m J maintain’d in P £* r 
 
 Fourteenth ^ t0 defend us a S a ^ft Levis tL 
 
 who drink Healths to King James, and 
 im all manner of Profperity, are they fit Men to 
 
 Prii'7 eft l nt c Nati0 ”' and to Advifefp n r o- 
 ligion ? thC ScCUrhy of the Proteftant Re- 
 
 Wherefore, Gentlemen, for God fake and for vonr 
 
 J?^u nd fct a Mark on fu ’ ch Men, if you 
 
 Nairn F 1 f edled u t0the prcfent Settlement!^ 
 
 atun, Fi lends to the late King, or to his Intereft 
 you may be certain fuch Men will pull back the Nal 
 . e hveranCe, and hinder, not further that Unani¬ 
 
 mity or Councils, which is fo much more needful 
 now than ever. Can the Friends to a Popift Prince be 
 
( 178 ) 
 
 fit to Reprefent a Proteftant People ? I have nothing 
 to fay to thofe we Call Jacobites , tho I -bonder any can be 
 fuch , and yet be Proteftatsts ; but as to their Perfons I 
 lay nothing to them, no, nor to the Papifts, provided 
 they keep the Peace; but to fingle fuch out to ferve 
 the Nation in a Proteftant Parliament, and to Advife T 
 with King William in Matters of the higheft Impor- 
 tance; this is a thing fo Prepofterous, is fuch a Con¬ 
 tradiction, that I know not what to fay to it; ’tis like 
 going to the Devil with a Cafe of Confciertce. 
 
 Even our Adverfaries cannot but laugh at the folly of 
 the Englijh Nation, that they fliould chute their Ene¬ 
 mies to be their Counfcllors, and think to Eftabli/h 
 King William by King James's Friends, nothing can 
 fooner compleat the Ruin of the Kingdom, than to 
 fill the Houfe of Commons with Jacobite Members* 
 who will be fure to forward any thing that tends to 
 Divifion, in order to hinder the Nations Happinefs; 
 wherefore though I might imagine fuch Advice to be 
 needlefs, I muft infift upon it, that you will avoid fuch 
 Men as either have dtfcover’d a Difaffe&ion to King 
 William and the prefent -Settlement of the Nation, of 
 that have been upheld by thar Party. 
 
 In the next place. Gentlemen, let your Eyes be up¬ 
 on Men of Religion, chufe no Atheifts, Socinians, He- 
 reticks, Afgillites and Blaiphemers. 
 
 Had the Original of the late War been under the 1 
 Reign of fuch a Body of Men, England might have , 
 made a Will, and given her Crown to the Duke d’ 
 Berry , as Spain has to the Duke / Anjou , and have 
 fought Protection from the French. 
 
 The danger of Religion calls for Men of Religion to 
 confult about it; you can never expect that Atheifts, 
 Socinians, or Afgillites, will have any tendernefs up¬ 
 on their Minds for the Proteftant Religion; Jacobites 
 will as foon fupporc King William , as Atheifts will pre¬ 
 fers the Proteftant Religion ; what concern can they 
 have upon their minds for the Proteftant Religion, who 
 really are of no Religion at all ? They’ll think it hard to 
 
C 2?9 ) 
 
 raife anv Money for the prefervation of Religion, who 
 fancy all Religion to be a trick, and the cheat of the 
 Clergy' they can never think the danger of the Prote- 
 Rant Religion to fignifie much, whowou’d not give a 
 Shilling to fecure it, and they will never give a Shil- 
 mg to lecure it, who Believe nothing of the matter; 
 bdides this, What good Laws ? What Reformation 
 or Manners ? What wholefome Orders for the Morality 
 
 ot Converfatio* can we expett from Men of no Relici- 
 on ? ° 
 
 Of all things therefore the Members you chufe fliou’d 
 De Men of Religion, Men of Orthodox Principles, and 
 Moial m Praaice, and that more efpecially now, be- 
 came the fecurity of Religion not only here, but over 
 the whole World, may lye before them, and have a 
 gieat dependance upon their Councils. 
 
 3. MenofSence; the Houfe of Commons is nor a 
 place for Fools; the great Affairs of the State, the Web. 
 lare of the Kingdom, the publick Safety, the Religion 
 Liberties, and Trade, the Wealth and Honour of the 
 Nation, are not things to be debated by Green Heads; 
 the faying we have, that the Houfe of Commons is a 
 School for States men, is an Error, in my Opinion 
 they (hou d be all well Taught, and thoroughly team’d 
 m Matters of the higheft Moment before they come there. 
 
 There has always beena fort of Gentlemen in the H—fe 
 whole ufe to be called the Dead Weight, who pafstheir 
 Votes in the Houfe as the poor Ignorant Freeholders in 
 u n ^°> j u ^ as the Landlord, or the Juflice, or 
 
 the Parion directs; fo thtfe Gentlemen underftanding 
 very little of the matter, give their Vote juftasSirfuch 
 a one do s, let it be how it will, or juft follow fuch a 
 Tarty, without judging of the Matter. 
 
 Pray Gentlemen, if we are ruin’d, and the Prote- 
 itanc Religion muft fink in the World, let us do our beft 
 to Save it j don’t let us have caufe to fay, we fent a 
 parcel of Fools about the Bufincfs that fell into Heats 
 and Parties, and fpent their time to no purpofe for 
 want of knowing better. v 
 
 U 
 
 Of 
 
\_ J ( iSo ) 
 
 Of all Employments a Fool is the molt unfit for a Par¬ 
 liament Man, for there is no manner of Bufinefsfor 
 him; he is capable of faying neither Ay, nor No, but 
 as he is lead. 
 
 I defire to be underftood here what I mean by a Fool, 
 hot a Natural, an Idiot, a Ben in the Minories , a Born y 
 Fool, no, nor a filly, fcupid, downright Blockheaded \ 
 Fool: But Men are Fools or Wife-Men, compara¬ 
 tively confidtred with refpeft to their feveral Capacities, 
 and their feveral Employments; as he may be a Fool 
 of aParfon who is a very Ingenious Artificer; a Fool of 
 a Clock-maker, and yet be a very good-Sailor; fo a 
 Gentleman may be a good Horfe-racer, a good Sports¬ 
 man, a good Swords-man, and yet be a Fool of a Parlia¬ 
 ment-man, therefore fo I am to be Underftood. 
 
 That he who is Capable to ferVe his Country as a 
 Reprefentative in Parliament, ought to be a Man of 
 Sence, that is, a Man of a general Knowledge, and Re¬ 
 ceptive of the general Notions of things, acquainted 
 with the true Intereft of his Native Country, and the 
 general State of it, as to Trade, Liberties, Laws, and 
 common Circumftances, and - cfpecialy of that part of 
 it for which he ferves; he ought to know how to de¬ 
 liver his Mind with freedom and boldnefs, and perti¬ 
 nent to the Cafe ; and he ought to be able to diftinguilh 
 between the different Circumftances of things, to 
 knoW when their Liberties are Encroached upon, and 
 to defend them, and to know how to value a Prince 
 Who is faithful to the Liberty and Intereft of his Coun¬ 
 try, and to. diftinguifli fuch a one from thofe who 
 have made it their buiinefs to Opprefs and Invade the 
 Liberties and Properties of the People, and betray 
 then and their Intereft to Popifh and Bloody Ene¬ 
 mies. 
 
 4. Men of Years; though ’tis confefs’d Wifdom 
 makes a Yourtg Man Old, yet the Houfe of Commons 
 is not a Houfe for Boys; we have feen too many 
 voung Men in the Houfe, and rafh Councils are gene¬ 
 rally 
 
f ' 
 
 C i«i ) 
 
 lfyj h A c . E f e ^ .young Heads. Fools and Bovs 
 ould do lels harm in the Houfe, and grow wifer bv 
 being there, were they but allow'd to Sit, and not 
 §}}?. f^ ir Votes i but while a Boy may do as much 
 Muchief as a Man,. and a Fool as a Man of Senfe 
 ns hard t^e Material Points of the Nation’s Happi- 
 
 Heads U ^ Comndtted c ’ c ber to young or weak 
 
 The Grandeur of the prefent French Monarchy is 
 Wot unjuftly alcribd to the extraordinary Men, who 
 are of the King’s Council. The Parliament of E»<r- 
 land is the Great Council of the Nation, and on 
 their Reflations depends the Profperity both of Kina: 
 and People. Now jf thefe Councils are committed ro 
 young Heads, the Proceedings will be fuirable: as he 
 that (ends a Fool with a Melfage muft expert a foolilh 
 Anlwer} fo he that fends a Boy to Market exDedts to 
 make a Childs Bargain. 
 
 Men of Honffty. It was formerly faid, Chufe 
 Men of Eftates; the reafon was, that they might not 
 be tempted by Places and Penfions from the Court, to 
 , , the Nations Liberties; and indeed the Caution 
 Was good ; but. Gentlemen, the Cafe alter’d, the 
 Court and the Nation’s Intereft are now all of, a fide 
 which they were not then, nor indeed never were 
 lince Queen Elizabeth. The King defires we fliould do 
 nothing but What is for the Sedurity and Profperity of 
 Religion and the Glory of the Nation: The Caution 
 about Eftates can do no harm, but a Man’s Eftate 
 
 him at 2,1 C0 j udge of thc nece ^ty 
 
 The Article of Eftate was only fuppos’d td make a 
 a Man Cautious what he gave, becaule he was to 
 pay the more of it himfelf. Now let a Man have but 
 Senle to know when there is a neceility to give, and 
 that Senfe back d with h’onefty, if he lias not one 
 Groat in Eftate, he will be as cautious of giving away 
 • he Nation's Money, as he would be of his own : 
 
 U t To 
 
To defire Men fliould have Eftates that their Intereft 
 fliould make them (hy, and backward to give Money, 
 fuppofes at the fame time they fliould want both 
 Scnfe and Honefty. Senfe. tl'.at they could not value 
 the Nation’s Money, unlefs that were to pay part of 
 it themfelves ; and Honefty, that they would not take j 
 as much care of giving away the Nation’s Money as \ 
 their own. Wherefore do but chufe Men of Honefty, 
 and Ido not lay fo great a ftrefs upon a Man’s Eftate. 
 
 If there was any Body to Bribe them, fomething might 
 be faid 3 but that Trade is over, ( God be^ thank’d ) 
 King William has no need for it, and King James can¬ 
 not afford it, and fo that Fear ceafes. 
 
 The laft Charatter I fhall recommend to your Choice 
 is, let them be Men of Morals. 
 
 Rakes and Beaus are no more fit to fit in the Houfe 
 of Commons, than Fools and Knaves. ’Tis hard we 
 fliould put the Work of Reformation into the Hands 
 of fuch, whofe Convei fation is Vicious and Scanda¬ 
 lous. A Drunken Parfon is a very improper Agent to 
 reform a Parifli, a Lewd Sweating Juflice is not likely 
 to reform the Country, no more is a Vitious Immoral 
 Parliament likely to reform a Nation. Reformation of 
 Manners is an Article of the higeft Importance to the 
 Kingdom ; the King has Recommended it to every ■ 
 Parliament, and yet we find it very much retarded 3 , 
 
 it goes on fo heavily, that the Proceedings are hardly 
 vitible 3 and till you have a reform’d Parliament, you 
 cannot expeft a Parliament Reformers. 
 
 Lit 
 
 
 Unlefs our Members are Men of Morals, we muft 
 expert very few Laws againft Immorality 3 and if there 
 fliould fuch clean things come out of an unclean,it would 
 be all Heterodox, and Unnatural 3 ’twould be like a 
 monftrous Birth, the Parent would be affraid of it, 
 and it would be afham’d of its Parent. 
 
 Befides, 
 
Befides, how can we expect that God ftould accept 
 of the Offering dedicated by Impure Hands ? The 
 Work can never be fuppos’d to profper while the Un¬ 
 dertakers plead for God, and at the lame time Sacrifice 
 to the Devil. 
 
 ’Tis true, that God oftentimes Works by unlikely 
 Inftruments, but ’tis not often that he Works by Con¬ 
 traries 3 Jehu was made ufe of to bring to pafs the Ru¬ 
 in God had i '.retold to the Family of Ahah-, but’twas 
 a Jofch and a Jehvfaphat, for whom God referv’d the 
 Work of Reformation, and the Deftruftion of Ido¬ 
 latry. ' f 
 
 But allow that God may < make ufe of improper 
 Methods, and unlikely Inftruments, when he pleafesto 
 bring to pafs what his Providence has defign’d, yet we 
 are not to confine him to Ihow his Power, and oblige 
 him to make ufe of fuch Inftruments as he can have 
 no Pleafure in, kaft he lliould think fit to refufe his 
 Blefling, and make the Work Abortive, or at leaft de¬ 
 lay his Concurrence to the Work of our Reformation 
 till we ftiall think fit to chufe fuch Perfons for the 
 carrying it on, as aye fit to be employed in fo great a 
 Work- 
 
 T 
 
 THE 
 
THE 
 
 Poor Mans PLEA- 
 
 I N fearching for a proper Cure of an Epidemick 
 Diftemper, Phyfcians tell uS ’tis firft necelfary to 
 know the Caufe of that Diftemper, from what 
 Part of the Body, and from what ill Habit it proceeds y 
 and when the Caufe is difcover’d, it is to be removed, 
 that the Effect may ceafe of its felf y but if removing 
 the Caufe will not work the Cure, then indeed they 
 proceed to apply proper Remedies to the Difeafe it felf, 
 and the particular Part afflicted. 
 
 Immorality is without doubt the prefent reigning 
 Diftemper of the Nation: And the King and Parlia¬ 
 ment, who are indeed the proper Phyficians, feem no¬ 
 bly inclin’d to undertake the Cure. ’Tis a great Work, 
 well worthy their utmoft Pains: The Honour of it, 
 were it once perfected, would add more Trophies to 
 the Crown, than all the Victories of this Bloody War, or 
 the glory of this Honourable Peace. 
 
 But as a Perfon under the Violence of a Difeafe fends 
 in vain for a Phylician, unlefs herefolvcs to mke ufe of 
 his Prefcription, ; fo in vain does the King attempt to 
 reform a Nation, unlefs they are willing to reform them- 
 felves, and to fubmit to his Prelcriptions. 
 
 Wickednefs is an ancient Inhabitant in this Country, 
 and ’tis very hard to give its Original. 
 
 But however difBculc that may be, ’tis ealie to look 
 back to a time when we were not fo generally infe¬ 
 cted with Vice as we are now y and ’twill feem fuflici- 
 ent to enquire into the Caufes of our prefent Defecti¬ 
 on. 
 
( *8* ) 
 
 t he Proteftant Religion feems to have an unquefti- 
 oned Title to the firft introducing a ftridl Morality a- 
 mong us: and tisbut juft to give the Honour of ir. 
 where tis lo eminently dye. Reformation of Manner? 
 has lomething of a Natural Confequence in it from 
 Reformation in Religion: For finpe the principles of 
 the Proteftant Religion difown the Indulgences of the 
 Roman Pontiff, by which a rhoufand Sins are, <7. Peni¬ 
 al Crimes , bought off, and the Prieft, to five God AT 
 the trouble, can blot them out of the Account 
 perore it comes to his Hand 3 common Vices loft their 
 Charter, and Men could not Sin at fo cheap a Rate 
 as before. The Proteftant Religion has in it fdf a na¬ 
 tural Tendency to Virtue, as a ftanding Teftiraony of 
 its own Divine Original, and accordingly it has fup- 
 
 S u^ JCe anc ^ in all the Counrrics where 
 
 ithas^had a Footing: It has civiliz'd Nations, and rt- 
 form d the very Tempers of its ProfefJors: Chriftianity 
 and Humanity has gone Hand in Hand in the World • 
 vi ^ble a difference between the othe* 
 civile d Governments in the World,and thofe who now 
 are under the Proteftant Powers, that it carries its Evi¬ 
 dence m it felf. 
 
 The Reformation, begun in England in the Days of 
 'A** 1 ie S * xt h> and afterwards glorioufly ft- 
 niflied by Queen Elizabeth, brought the Englifh Nation 
 to fuch a degree of Humanity and Sobriety of Conver¬ 
 sion, as we have reafon to doubt will hardly be feen 
 again m our Age. 1 • 
 
 fomerWn! time ’ the Court affecting 
 
 fome thing more of Gallantry and Gaiety, Luxury got 
 footing; and twenty Years Peace, together with no fx- 
 traordinary Examples from the Court, gave too great 
 Encouragement toLicentioufnefs. 5 S • 
 
 rnn I L i ^ 0 , 0kf0 D 0t5nS - in ^ in S Jama the Ws time, it 
 took a deep Root in the Reign of his Son: and the 
 
 Liberty given the Soldiery in the Civil War, difpers’d 
 
 } raanner ©f Praphanefs throughout the Kingdom. 
 
 y 4 Q 
 
 T' 4 
 
 8 Thai 
 
 < rial 
 
C *86 ) 
 
 2 . That Prince, tho’ very Pious in his ownPerfonand 
 Pradice had the Misfortune to be the firft K. of England, 
 and perhaps in the World, that ever eftablilh’d Wicked- 
 nefs by a Law : By what unhappy Council, or fccrct ill 
 Fate he was guided to it, is hard to determine ; but 
 the Book of Sports , as it was called, tended more to the V 
 vitiating the Practice of this Kingdom, as to keeping the \ 
 Lord's Day , than all the Ads of Parliament, Proclama¬ 
 tions and Endeavours 0 f future Princes has done, or ever 
 will do to reform it. 
 
 And yet the People of England exprefs’d a general 
 fort of an Averfiqn to that Liberty; and fome , as if glut¬ 
 ted with too much Freedom, w hen the Reins of Law 
 were taken off, refund that Practice they allow’d them- 
 (elves in before. . 
 
 In the time of King Charles the Second, Lewdnefs, 
 and all manner of Debauchery arriv’d to its Meridian : 
 The Encouragement it had from the Practice and Al¬ 
 lowance of the Court, is an invincible Demon ft ration 
 how far the Influence otogr Government extends in the 
 Practice of the People. 
 
 The prefen' King, and his late Queen, whofe Glori¬ 
 ous Memory will be dear to the R.tion as long as the 
 World Hands, have had all this wicked Knot to unravel. 
 This was the firft thing the Qjetn let upon while the 
 King was engaged in his Wars abroad : She firft gave 
 all forts of Vice a general Difcouragement ; and on the ‘ 
 contrary, rais’d the value of Virtue and Sobriety by her , 
 Royal Example. The King having brought the War to 
 a Glorious Conclufion, and fettled an Honourable 
 Peace, in his very firft Speech to his Parliament pro¬ 
 claims a new War againft Prophanenefs and Immorality , 
 and goes on alfo to difeourage the practice of it by his 
 Royal Example. 
 
 Thus the Work is begun nobly and regularly; and 
 the P arliament , the general Reprefentative of the Nati¬ 
 on, follows this Royal Example, in enacting Laws to 
 fupprefsall manner of Prophanenefs, 
 
 " • ' Thef? 
 
( ) 
 
 Thefe are great Things, and well improv’d, would 
 give an undoubted Overthrow to the Tyranny of Vice 
 
 of Men Dorninion Pro P iiane * e f* has ufurp’d in the Hearts 
 
 But we Of the Vlebni find our felves iuftly aerie- 
 
 femL'p-" Wo ' k , 0f ; and this^Re- 
 
 forming R lgor ^kes the real Work impofiiblc : 
 V herefoie we find our felves forced to feek Rcdrefs 
 of our Grievances in the old honeft way of Petition¬ 
 ing Heavento relieve us: And in the mean time we 
 
 Dar^of^he"!? hT Ur Vro *'P aticn a S ain ft the Vicious 
 follows: ° b Uy and mry ° f the Nation i a * 
 
 Flr h W ! Prot <*> That we do not find, impartialip- 
 enquiring into the Matter, fpeaking of Moral GoodL 
 reft, that you ate one jot bettet tin 
 D'gmues* Eilat'S and Quality excepted. *Tis rrue^w* 
 are all bad enough, and we are willing in good Man¬ 
 ners to agree, that we are as wicked as you : but we 
 cannot find, on the exafteft Scrutiny, but ihar ?« Sf 
 Commonwealth of Vice, the Devilhastakenr^^ 
 level Poor and rich into one Clafs, and is fairlvt!^ *° 
 
 Immorality C “ *" Gradua, “ in ‘he M Degree 'ot 
 
 m.'ff™ JW to puni/h foryou’iimmoS,^ 
 
 and £***'>/ N ° W whl,e ^" make Law « to puni/h «/ 
 and kt yourfehes go free, tho’ guilty of the Tami v'* 
 
 ces and Immoralities, thofe Laws are unjuft arid unJ" 
 qua! in themfelves. • ’ -J r and Unc - 
 
 Tis true, the Laws do not exprels a Liberty to vote 
 and a Pumlhmenr to *; and therefore the L* S 
 Parliament are free, as King and Parliament £!?£ u - 
 out Appeal ; bu, the Genfty and Sfctt« ”f'th ‘ 
 Kingdom, while they ciecute thofe Laws upon us !h' 
 
( i83 ) 
 
 poor Commons, and themfelves pra&ifing the fame 
 Crimes, in defiance of the Laws both of God and Man, 
 go unpunifh’d ; This is the Grievance we proteft a- 
 gainft, as unjaft and unequal. 
 
 Wherefore, till the Nobility, Gentry, Juftices of 
 the Peace and Clergy, will be pleafed either to Reform V ' 
 their own Manners, and fupprefs their awn Immora- \ 
 lities, or find out fome Method and Power impartially 
 to punifti themfelves when guilty, we humbly crave 
 Leave to Object againft fetting any poor Man in the 
 Stocks, or fending them to the Houfe of Corre&ion for 
 Immoralities, as the mod unequal and unjuft way of 
 proceeding in the World. 
 
 And now Gentlemen, 
 
 That this Proteftation may not feem a little too, 
 Rude, and a Breach of good Manners to our Superi- 
 ours, we crave Leave to fubjoin our Humble Appeal 
 to your felves; and will for once, knowing you as 
 Englijh Gentlemen to be Men of Honour, make you, 
 Judges in your own Cafe, 
 
 F/r/?, Gentlemen, We appeal to your felves, whe¬ 
 ther ever it be likely to perfect the Reformation of Man¬ 
 ners in this Kingdom, without you, Whether Lawsto. 
 punifli us, without your Example alfo to influence us, 
 will ever bring the Work to pafs. 
 
 The fir ft ftep towards a loofe vicious Pradticc in this 
 Nation was begun by King Edward the Sixth, back’d 
 by a Reform’d Clergy, and a Sober Nobility: Queen 
 Elizabeth carried it on : 'Twas the Kings and rhe 
 Gentry which firft again Degenerated from that ftrift 
 Obfervation of Moral Virtues, and from thence carried 
 Vice on to that degree it now appears in. From the 
 Court Vice took its Progrefs. into the Country; and 
 in the Families of the Gentry and Nobility it harbour’d, 
 till it took Heart under their Proteblm, and made a 
 general Salley into the Nation; and We the poorCom- 
 
 j • ; •' G3QJ3S, 
 
 
( ) 
 
 raons, who have been always eafic to be guided by the 
 Example of our Landlords and Gentlemen, have really 
 been debauch’d into Vice by their Exadmles: And it 
 mult be the Example of you the Utility and Gentry of the 
 Kingdom , that mult put a Stop to the Flood of Vice and 
 Prophanenejs which is broken in upon the Country or 
 it will never be done. ’ 
 
 Our Laws again!! all manner of Vicious Praglicet 
 are already very ftvere: But Laws are ufelefs, in/it?- 
 mhcant Things, if the Executive Power which lies m 
 the Magiftratc be not exerted. The Juftices of the 
 Peace have the Power to punifli, but if they do not puc 
 forth that power, Ms all one as if they had none ac 
 all: borne have poifi bly exerted this Power $ but where- 
 ever it has been fo put forth, it has fallen upon us the 
 poor Commons.- Thefe are all Cobweb Laws, in which 
 the lmall Flies are catch’d, and great Ones break thro’. 
 My Lord Mayor has whipt about the poor Beggars 
 and a few fcandalous Whores have been fent to the 
 Houle of Correction ; fome Alehoufe-keepers and Vint¬ 
 ners have been fin’d for drawing Drink on the Sabbath- 
 Day ; but all this falls upon us of the Mob, the poor 
 Pleheu, as if ail the Vice lay among us, for we do not 
 find the Rich Drunkard carry’d before my Lord Mayor 
 nor a Swearing Lewd Merchant. The Man with a Gold 
 Rmg, and Gay deaths, may Swear before the Juftice, or 
 at the Juftice, may reel home through the open Streets 
 and no Man take any notice of it; but if a poor Man 
 get drupk, or fwears an Oath, he muft to the Stocks 
 without Remedy. 
 
 In the fecond Place, We appeal to your fdves, whe¬ 
 ther Laws or Proclamations are capable of having any 
 Effect towards a Reformation of Manners , while the 
 Benches of our Juftices are infeCted with the fanda- 
 lous Vices of Swearing and Drunkennefs; while our 
 Juftices themfelves lhall punifli a Man for Drunken-' 
 nefs, with a God damn him , fet him in the Stocks : And if 
 Laws and Proclamations are ufelefs in the Cafe, then 
 
 : ■' . the X 
 
( *90 3 
 
 they are good for nothing, and had as good be let alone 
 as publifh’d. 
 
 Tis hard, Gentlemen, to be punifti’d for a Crime, 
 by a Man as guilty as our felves j and that the Figure 
 a Man makes in the World, muft be the reafon why 
 jfie (hall not be liable to the Law: This is really punilh- 
 ing Men for being poor, which is no Crime at all i as a 
 Thief may be faid to be hang’d, not for the Fa6t, but 
 fgt being taken. 
 
 We further appeal to your felves, Gentlemen, to 
 inform us, whether there be any particular Reafon 
 why you fliould be allow’d the full Career of your cor¬ 
 rupt Appetites, without the Reftraipt of Laws, while 
 you your felves agree that fuch Offences (hall be pun- 
 iflted in us, and do really Execute the Law upon the 
 poor People, when brought before you for the fame 
 Things. 
 
 Wherefore that the Work of Reformation of Man¬ 
 ners may go on, and be brought to Perfe&ion, to the 
 Glory of God, and the great Honour of the King and 
 Parliament: That Debauchery and Praphanenefs, Drun - 
 kennefs. Whoring, and all fort of Immoralities may be 
 fupprefs’d, we humbly propofe the Method which may 
 effectually accomplish fo great a Work. 
 
 (t.) That the Gentry and Clergy, who are the Lea¬ 
 ders of us poor ignorant People, and pur Lights ereCted 
 on high Places to Guide and Govern us, would in the 
 firft Place pur a voluntary Force upon themfelves, and 
 effectually reform their own Lives, their way of Con¬ 
 verting, and their common Behaviour among their Ser¬ 
 vants and Neighbours. 
 
 1. The Gentry. They are the Original of the 
 Modes, and Cultoms, and Manners of their Neigh¬ 
 bours i and their Examples in the Countries (faciallyi 
 are very moving. There are three feveral Vices, 
 whigh have the principal Management of the great- 
 
( i9 1 > 
 
 dl paftbfMankind, viz,. Drunkennefs, Shearing, and 
 Whoring j all of them very ill becoming a Gentleman, 
 however Cuftom may have made them Modi ft: Where 
 none of thefe Three are in a Houfe, there is certainly 
 Something of a Plantation of God in the Family: for 
 • they are luch Epidemic Diftempers, that hardly Hu¬ 
 mane Nature is entirely free from them. 
 
 i. Drunkennefs that Brutift Vice; a Sin fo fordid, 
 and fo much aForce upon Nature, that had God Al¬ 
 mighty enjoyn’d it as a Duty, I believe many a Man 
 would have ventur’d the Lofs of Heaven, rather than 
 have perform’d it. The Plea fare of it feems to be 
 iofecrerly hid, that wild Heathen Nations know no. 
 thing of the matter; tis only dilcover’d, by the wile 
 people of thefe Northern Countries, who at e Vnfidentt 
 in Vice, Philofaphers in Wickednefs, who can ext raft a 
 pleafure to themfelvcs in loling their Undemanding 
 and make themfelves Sick at Heart for thur Diverli 
 
 If the Hiftory of this well bred Vice was to be Writ¬ 
 ten, ’twould plainly appear that it begun among the 
 Gentry, and from them was handed down to the poorer 
 tort,who (till Love to be like their Betters. After the Re- 
 ihtution of King Charles the Second, when drinking 
 the King s Health became the diftindlion between a C#- 
 W/er and a Roundhead , Drunkennefs began its Rei™ and 
 
 “ 4 s «««“? almoft f o«y Years: The Gentry carefs’d 
 this Beaflly Vice at fuch a Rate, that no Companion, 
 no Servant was thought proper unlefs he could bear a 
 quantity ot W ine: and to this Day ’tis added to the 
 Charader of a Man, as an additional Title, when 
 you would fpeakvvell of him He is an HoneftDnnken 
 Fe&w;; as lfhis Drunkennefs was a Recommendation 
 of his Honefty From the practice of this nafty Fa¬ 
 culty our Gentlemen havearriv’d to the teaching ofit; 
 and ,hat it might be effectually preferv’d to the next 
 Age, have very early inftructed the Youth in it. Nay 
 *Q tar has Cuftom prevail’d, that the Top of a Gentle¬ 
 
 man’s 
 
C 2-92- ) 
 
 Inan’sEntertainment has been to make his Friend Drunk; 
 and the Friend is fo much reconcil’d to it, that he takes 
 that for the effect of his Kindnefs, which he ought as 
 much to be affronted at, as if he had kick’d him down 
 Stairs: Thus ’tis become a Science, and but that the 
 InftruCtion proves fo eafie, and the Youth too apt to 
 Learn, poflibly we might have had a College erefred 
 for it before now. The further Perfection of this 
 Vice among the Gentry, will appear in two things; 
 that ’tis become the Subject of their Glory, and the 
 way of. exprefftiig their Joy for any publick Blelling. 
 Jack, faid a Gentleman of very high Quality, when af¬ 
 ter the Debate in the Houfe of Lords, King William 
 was Voted into the Vacant Throne; Jatk (fays he) 
 God damn ye , Jack go home to your Lady , and ted her we 
 have got a Protefiant King and Queen, am go make a Bonfire 
 as big as a Houfe, and bid the Butler make ye ad Drunk , ye 
 Dog ; Here was facrificing to the Devil, for a Thankf- 
 giving to God; Other Vices are committed as Vices, 
 and Men ad them in private, and are willing to hide 
 them ; but Drunkennefs they are fo fond of, that they 
 will glory in it, boaft of it, and endeavour to promote 
 It as much as poilible in others: ’Tis a Triumph to a 
 Champion of the Bottle, to repeat how many Quarts 
 of Wine he has Drunk at a Sitting, and how he made 
 fuch and fuch Honeft Fellows Drunk. Men Lye and 
 Forj'wear, and hide it. and are ajbam'd of it, as they 
 have reafon to do; But Drunkennefs and Whoring are 
 Accomptifiiments Men begin to value themfeves upon, 
 repeat them with Plcafure, and affeCl a fort of Vanity 
 in the Hiftory; are content all the World Ihould be 
 Witnefles of their Intemperance, have made the Crime 
 a Badge of Honour to their Breeding, and introduce 
 the practice as a Fafhion. Whoever gives himfelf the 
 Trouble to refleCt on the Culiomof our Gentlemen in 
 their Families, encouraging and promoting this Vice 
 of Drunkennefs, among the poor Commons, will not 
 think it a Scandal upon the Gentry of England, if we 
 
 fa > r 5 
 
 \ 
 
 D 
 
( *93 ) 
 
 ft Sif ! h V' of Drinking, as ’tis now praftifed 
 had ns Original from the Practice of the Country-S 
 tkmen, and they again from the Court 7 
 
 It maybe objected, and God forbid it fhould not 
 That there are a great many of our Nobilitv and 
 
 ' M. nt, f men ’a r h V re Men <* Honour and Ten of 
 
 Morals, and therefore this Charge is not Univerfal To 
 Which we Anfwer, ’Tis Univerfal for ail that • becaufe 
 thofe very Gentlemen, though they are n ga iVelv deS 
 as to the Commijfioh of th? Crimes We leak of S 
 r r ^ P°^ovely guilty in not executing that Power the 
 Law has put into their Hands, with an Impartial vf 
 gour. For where vvas that Gentleman or Jufdce of Jhe 
 ace ever yet found, who executed the Terms of rhe- 
 Law upon a Drunken, Swearing Lewd OnrU t lC 
 
 Its 
 
 01 that as Captain Vratz, faid, who was r y 
 
 Murth’ring Mr. Thynn, God would Jhow them fome^RefoeEi 
 * they were Gentlemen. tnemjome Rejpect 
 
 j Ch OD M “, ftM,d b" 
 
 But tf l"® P °° r Man ’ fome 'W"graTght m brf2d' 
 
 Drunken, the others * , Lewd and 
 
 e -KiiLrsltnve to mutate them; if they 
 
 difeourage 
 
C *94 ) 
 
 •Jifcourage Vice and Intemperance, the other will nol 
 be fo forward in it, nor fo fond of it. 
 
 To think then to effedt a Reformation by punilhing 
 the Poor, while the Rich feem to enjoy a Charter for 
 Wickednefs, is like taking away the EjfeEt, that the Caufe 
 may ceafe. • I 
 
 We find fome People very fond of Monopolizing a 1 
 Vice, they would have all of it to themfelves - } they 
 tnuft, as my Lord Rochefler faidof himfelf. Sin like a 
 Lord ; little fneaking Sins won’t ferve turn; but they 
 muft be Lewd at a rate above the common fize, to let 
 the World fee they are capable of it. 
 
 Otic Lawsfcemto take no Cognizance of fuch, per¬ 
 haps for the tame reafon that Lycurgus made no Law 
 agiinft Parricide , becaufe he would not have the Sin 
 num d among his Citizens. 
 
 Now the poor Man fees now fuch Dignity in Vice* 
 as t ftudy Degrees; we are downright in Wickednefs* 
 as we are in our Dealings j il we are Drunk, ’ris plain 
 Drunk, nnefs; Swearing and Whoring, is all Blunder- 
 bus with usi we don’t affcdt fuch Niceties in ourCon- 
 verfation ; and the Justices ufe us accordingly; no¬ 
 thing but the Stocks, or the Houfe of Corrosion is 
 the Cafe when we are brought before them; but When 
 our Mailers, the Gentlemen, come to their refined 
 Practice, and Sin by the Rules of Quality, we do not 
 find arty thing come of it but falfe Heraldry, the Vice / 
 is punith’d by the Vice, and the Punifliment renews 
 the Crime. 
 
 The Cafe in fhort is this; the Lewdnefs, Prophane- 
 nefsand Immorality of the Gentry, which is the main 
 caufe of the general Debauchery of the Kingdom is 
 not at all toucht by our Laws, as they are now Execu¬ 
 ted ; and while it remains fo, the Reformation of Man¬ 
 ners can never be brought to pafs, nor Prophanenefs 
 and Immorality fupprds’d j and therefore the punch¬ 
 ing the Poor diltintStly, is a Mock upon the good De- 
 figns of the King and Parliament j an Adi of Injuftice 
 
 upon 
 
( *95 ) 
 
 upon them to puniffi them, and let others as guiity go 
 free ; and a fort of Cruelty too, in taking the Advan¬ 
 tage of their Poverty to make them Suffer, beca'ufe 
 they want Eftates to purchafe their Exemption. 
 
 We have fome weak Excafes for this matter, which 
 muft be confidered: As, 
 
 (*•) The Juft ice of the Peace is a Va [Jive Magiftrate' % 
 till an Information be brought before him, and is not 
 to take notice of any thing, but as it is laid in Faft 
 and brought to an Affidavit. Now if an Affidavit be 
 made before a Juftice, that fuch or fuch a Man Swore 
 or was Drunk, he muft, or cannot avoid Fineing him* 
 the I.aw obliges him to it, let his Quality be what it 
 Will; fo that the Defeat is not in the Law, nor in the 
 juftice, but in the want of Information. 
 
 0 ) The Name of an Evidence or Informer is fo 
 fcandalous, that to attempt to Inform againft a Man 
 tor the moft open Breach of the Laws of Morality, is 
 enough to denominate a Man unfit for Society,a Rogue 
 and an Informer are Synonimous in the Vulgar Ac¬ 
 ceptation j fo much is the real Deteftion of the open- 
 eft Crimes againft God and Civil Government Dif- 
 couraged and Avoided. 
 
 (3.) The Impoffibility of the Cure is fuch, and the 
 Habit has fo obtain’d upon all Mankind, that it Hems' 
 twilled with Human Nature, as an Appendix to Na¬ 
 tural Frailty, which it is’'impoffible to feperate from 
 ir# 
 
 For Anflver ; ^ 
 
 i T - ’ Tis true; the Juftice of the Peace is in fome rff- 
 rpedt a Pajffme Magnate, and does not aft but by 'in¬ 
 formation, but fuch Information would be brought if 
 tt were encouraged; if Jufticcs of the Peace did ac- 
 
 % Quaint 
 
 l 
 
 
V _ J ( ) 
 
 quaint themfelves with their Neighbourhood, they 
 Would foon hear of the Immoralities of the Parifh - y 
 and if they did impartially execute the Law on fuch as 
 offended, without refpedt of Perfons, they would foon 
 hive an account of the Perfons and CirCumftances. 
 Befides, ’tis not want of Information, but want of • 
 punilhing what they have Information of. A poor 
 Man informs again!! a great Man, the Witnefs is dif- ' 
 couraged, the Man goes unpunifh’d, and the poor 
 Man gets the Scandal of an Informer; and then ’tis 
 but too often that our Juftices are not Men of extraor¬ 
 dinary Morals themfelves; and who (hall inform a Ju- 
 ftice of the Peace that fuch a Man Swoie, when he 
 may be heard to Swear himfelf as faff as another ? Or 
 Who (hall bring a Man before a Juftice for being Drunk, 
 When the Juftice is fo Drunk himfelf, he cannot order 
 him to be fet in the Stocks ? 
 
 a. Befides, the Juftice has a Power to puniffi any 
 Fadt he himfelf fees committed, and to enquire into 
 any he hears of cafually $ and if he wilt ftand ftill and 
 fee thofe Adis of Immorality committed before his 
 Face, who fhali bring a poor Man before him to be 
 punifhed ? Thus 1 have heard a Thoufand horrid 
 Oaths fworri on a Bowling-Green, in the Prefence of 
 a Juftice of the Peace, and he take no notice of it, and 
 go home the next hour, and fet a Man in the Stocks ' 
 lor being Drunk. 
 
 As to the Scandal of Informing, 'tis an Error in Cu - 
 Jkm, and a great Sin again!! Juftice j ’tis neccflary in¬ 
 deed that all Judgment ftiould be according to Evi¬ 
 dence, and to difeourage Evidence is to difeourage Ju¬ 
 ftice j but that a Man in Trial of the Morality of his 
 Neighbour, fhould be aftiamed to appear, mull have 
 fome particular Caufe. 
 
 (t.) It proceeds from the modifhnefs of the Vice ; 
 it has fo obtain’d upon fome Men’s Practice, that to 
 
 appear 
 
t i 97 ) _ 
 
 appear againft almoft what all Men approve teem* 
 Malicious, and has a certain profpeft either of Revenge 
 or of a Mercenary Wretch, that lntoims meerly to get 
 a Reward. ’tis true, if no Reward be plac d upon zn 
 Information, no Man Will take the trouble ; and again, 
 if too great a Reward, Men of Honour flran the thing, 
 becaufe they fcorn the Fee, and to Inform meerly for 
 the Fee, has fomething of a Rafcal in it too; and 
 from thefe ReafonS arifts the Backwardnefs of the 
 
 People. 
 
 The very fame Rich Men we fpeak ^of are the Pei- 
 fons who difeourage the Difcovery of Vice by lcan- 
 
 dalizing the Informer; a Man that is any thing of 
 a Gentleman febrns it, arid the Poor ftill Mim ck the 
 Humour of the Rich, and hate an Informer as they do 
 the Devil. ’Tis ftrange the Gentleman Ihould be a- 
 fham’d to detect the Breach of thofe Laws, which they 
 were not afham’d to make, but the very Name of an 
 Informer has gain’d fo black an Idea, in the Minds of 
 People, becaule fome who have made a Trade of in¬ 
 forming againft People for Religion, have misbehaved 
 themfelves, that truly’twill be hard to bring any Man 
 cither of Credit or Quality to attempt It. 
 
 But the main thing which makes our Gentlemc.i 
 backward in the prolecution of Vice, is their practt- 
 lina the fame Crimes themfelves; and they have fo 
 much wicked Modefty and Generdfity in them, being 
 really no Enemies to the thing it felf that they cannot 
 with any fort of Freedom punifh in others what they 
 practice themfelves. 
 
 In the Times Of Executing the Laws againft Dif- 
 fenters, we found a great many Gentlemen very V igo- 
 rous in Profecuting their Neighbours; they did not 
 {tick to appear in Perfon to dilturb Meetings, zna d^.- 
 molifh the Meeting- fLufet, and rather than fail, would 
 
C * 9 $ ) 
 
 be Informers themfelves; the Reafon was bt cable they 
 had alfo a dillike to the thing ; but we never found a 
 Diffenting Gentleman, or Juftico of the Peace forward 
 to do thus, becaufe they approved of it. Now Were 
 our Gentlemen and Magiftrates real Enemies to the 
 Immoralities of this Age, did they really hate Drun- 
 kcnnefsas a Vice, they would be forward and zealous 
 to root the Practice of it our. of the Neighbourhood" 
 they would not be backward or alham’d todeteft Vice' 
 to difturb Drunken Aflemblies, to difperfe thofe* 
 Plantations of Leachery, the publick Bawdy Houfes, 
 which are almoft as openly allow ed as the Burdelloes in 
 Italy. They would be willing to have all forts ofVices 
 fupprefs’d, and glory in putting their Hands to the 
 Work; they would not be afliam’d to appear in the 
 dete&ing Debauchery, or afraid to embroil themfelves 
 with their Rich Neighbours. ’Tis Guilt of the fame 
 Fae'l which makes Connivance, and till that Guilt be 
 removed, the Gentlemen ot England neither will, or 
 can indeed with any kind of Honour, put their Hands 
 to the Reforming it in their Neighbours. 
 
 But I think ’tis eafie to make it appear that this 
 difficulty of Informing may be removed, and there 
 need not be much occafion. for that Scandalous- Em¬ 
 ployment. 
 
 ’Tis in the Power of the Gentry of England to Re¬ 
 form the whole Kingdom without either Laws, Pro¬ 
 clamations, or Informers; and Without their Concur¬ 
 rence, all the Laws, Proclamations, and Declarations in 
 the World will have no Etfeft j the Vigour of the Laws 
 conlifts in their Executive Power: Ten thoufand Aftsof 
 Parliament r Q nifie no more than onelingle Proclama¬ 
 tion, unlefs the Gentlemen in vvhofe Hands the Execu- 
 t’on of rhofe l aws is placed, rake care to fee them du¬ 
 ly made ufeof; and how can Laws be duly Executed 
 -hut by an Impartial Diflribution of equal Rewards, 
 
 and 
 
( *99 > 
 
 and Pun5 foments, without Regard to the Quality and 
 Decree of the Perfons ? The Laws pufo on tfte JuftiCes 
 now, and they take care to go no fafter than they are 
 driven ; but would the Juftices pufo on the Laws, Vice 
 would flv before them, as Duft in the Wind, and Immo¬ 
 ralities would be foon fupprtfs’d, but it can never be ex¬ 
 pected that the Magiftrates fhould pufo on the Laws to 
 a freeSupprefoon of Immoralities, till they Refoi m thetn- 
 fclves, and their Great Neighbours Reform themfelves, 
 that there may be none to Punifh, who are too big tor 
 the Magiftrate to venture upon. 
 
 Would the Gentry of Englani decry the Modifo- 
 nefs of Vice by their own Practice ; would they bur 
 dafo it out of Countenance by difowning it; than 
 Drunken nefs and Oaths might once come mo dile^ 
 /?«?»*, and be out of Fafoion, and a Man be valued the 
 lefs for them ; that he that will Swear and be Drunk, 
 fhall be counted a Rake, and not fit for a Gentleman s 
 Company. This would do more to Refotming the 
 reft of Mankind than all the Punifhments the 
 can inflift ; the Evil encreafed by Example, and mult 
 be fupprefs’d the fame way. It the Gentiy were 
 thus Reform’d, their Families would be 10 too: No 
 Servant would be Entertain’d, no Workman Employ¬ 
 ed, no Shopkeeper would be Traded with by a Gen¬ 
 tleman, but fuch as like themfelves, were lober and 
 honeft; a Lewd Vicious Drunken Footman mult Re¬ 
 form or Starve, he would get no Service j a Servant: 
 once turn’d away for his Intemperance would be En¬ 
 tertain’d by no Body elfe j a Swearing Debauch d 
 Labourer or Workman mult Reform, or no Body 
 would Employ him ; the Drunken, Whoring, Shop¬ 
 keeper mult grow Sober or lofe all his Cuftomers? 
 and be undone, fntereft and Good banners will re¬ 
 form us of the poorer fort, there would be no need, 
 of the Stocks or Houfes of Correftion; we fhould be 
 Sober of Couxfe, becaufe we fhould be all Beggars 
 
 X 3 Slfe> 
 
( 300 ) 
 
 c ! fe j and he that loved the Vice fo dearly as to pur. 
 chafe it with the lofs of his Trade and Employment, 
 Would foon grow too Poor for his Vice, and be forc'd 
 tp leave it by his own tfecdfities; there would be no 
 need of Informers, 2 Vicious Fellow would be pre- 
 fently Notorious, he would be the Talk of the Town 
 every one wou'd flight and fhun hiq for fear of be¬ 
 ing thought like him, by being feen in his Company: 
 he would Expofe himfelf, and would be Punifli’d as 
 unpnied as a Thief. 
 
 So that in fhort the whole Weight of this Blefled 
 Work of Reformation, lies on the Shoulders of the 
 Gentry ; they are the Caufe of our Defection, which 
 being taken away, the Effea would ceafe of Courfe, 
 Vice would grow fcandalous, and all Mankind would be 
 afham d of it. 
 
 (*■) The Clergy alfo ought not to count themfelves 
 exempted in this matter, whofe Lives have been, and 
 in Lome places Hill are fo vicious and fo loofe, that 
 tis well for England , we are not fubjedl to be much 
 Trieft ridden. 
 
 ’Tis a Grange thing how it fliould be other wife 
 than it is with us the poor Commonalty, when the 
 Gentry our Pattern, and the Clergy our Teachers are 
 ;s Immoral as we. And then to confider the Cohe- 
 1‘tnce of the thing ; the Far [on preaches a thundering Ser¬ 
 mon again{l Drunkennefs , and the Jufiice of Peace fets my 
 foor Neighbour in the Stocks, and I am like to he much the 
 better for either , when I know perhaps that this fame Par Jin 
 and this fame Jufihe were both Drunk together the Night 
 before. & 
 
 It may be true, for ought we know, that a Wick¬ 
 ed Parfon may make a good Sermon j and the Spaxfi 
 proverb may be true of the Soul as well as the Body. 
 
 t. 
 
( 3 01 ^ 
 
 if the Cure be but wrought , let the Devd be the DoS,or J 
 L this does not take with the down-right Ignorant 
 People in the Country ; a poor Man gets Drunk in a 
 Country Ale Houfe, Why, are not you ajhamd to be fiub 
 a Beafi!fays a good hone ft Neighbour tohim the • 
 
 Afliamd, fays the Fellow.' Why fhould I be adumd 
 Why, there was Sir John -- and Sir Robert ——— 
 
 ■Vhv there was Sir foot} --a»u «i ww. 
 
 ind^theParfon, and they were all.as Drunk as I. And 
 jvhy a Beaft, Pray ? 1 heard Sir Robert --— lay, Tha? 
 
 He that Drinks lea(l. 
 Drinks wofi like a Beaft, 
 
 A Vicious Parfon that preaches well, but lives ill, % 
 may belike an unskilful Horfeman, who opens a Gate 
 on the wrong fide, and lets other Folks through, but 
 ihuts himfclf out. This may be poflible, but tt fow 
 mod readable to think they are a means by that fort 
 of living, to hinder both themfelves and others 3 and 
 would the Gentry and Clergy of England but look 
 back on the Guilt that really lies on them, de- 
 
 men by whofe Example fo great a part of Mankind 
 has been led into, and encourag d in the Progiels ol 
 Vice, they would find Matter of very fenous refteai- 
 
 on- 
 
 This Article of the Clergy may feem to lie in the 
 Power of their Superiors to rettity, and therefore may 
 be fomething more feafible than the other ; But 
 Gentry are Sui juris , and can noway be reduc d but 
 by their own voluntary practice. We are in England 
 exceedingly govern’d by Modes and Cuftoms. The 
 Gentry may effectually Supprefs Vice, would they bu» 
 put it out of Fafhion j but to fupprefs. it by Force feems, 
 jmpoflible. 
 
 The Application of this rough Do&rine is, in fhon* 
 both to the Gentry and Clergy, Thyfuiam Heal f J 0 ™ 
 
f'l 
 
 ( 302. ) 
 
 nefs firft; ffZc do?T Drunken ^f s and Lewd- 
 Stocte, and Lf ™ £ h T' f“ (a “ s “ 
 Punifl, us as you pleafe^ if H °" fe "Correction, ai*i 
 
 ln S fir#, then Brand us’if .ho 11 Fo' . 'T rf VVho '- 
 
 port or Hane us for f iv • For ~heads, or Tranf- 
 arc welcome^ but rn inicatl0n or Adultery, and you 
 mediately after an a Jl*! n ^ Dri »nlcennefs im- 
 
 Poor F ,IX SweannTil^^h > '» Correa 
 Mouth j thefe are the f rhe Y ery V,ce in your 
 hare in ihemfelves nomannc'fnT Ta ' he Worid ' and 
 
 5?S?" ° f 
 
 M. n gtous 3 £rfons £ bfh W “ gr l at 
 
 were not, Laws would TJ d , In * IS Plea i if there 
 thofe Vices, for rr> Men been made a S ainft 
 
 icJvesj *tis defign’d to " K Uws to P Unifh them- 
 are Guilty, andon them r> n ? V pon , none but fuch as 
 
 mind how much the Nation*™^ • 13n ro r pur rhem m 
 racy to their folly anc t [ “ owes . “ s prefent Degene- 
 
 to Reform it again by their E^ U | h V” th6rFo ” er 
 
 not publilh wL^nor Si/ 1 the ma ? 
 to no purpofe • bur r F„ tn . . ament m akeLaws 
 once morehke’chriftian? W ^?! sht hve in England 
 Glory of Gol and fe,^Gentlemen, to the 
 and Parliament, who fo pubhckl^ ^ prefent Kin S 
 Great Work of Reformation am ^ haVe arrcm P ted the 
 fo little purpofe, ° n amon S us > tho’ hitherto to 
 
 An 
 
( 30 } ) 
 
 An Enquiry into the Occafional 
 Conformity of Diflenters, in 
 Cafes, of ‘Preferment. 
 
 PREFACE to Mr. HOW,\ 
 
 SIR, ' 
 
 T Hefe Sheets are addtefs'd to you, becaufe tie Author 
 ■with Submiffiott, thinks they fometbing more marl 
 foncern you, them ordinary: * * 
 
 I. As you are, not unjufily, efeem'd one of the rr.oA 
 Learned and Judicious of the Dijjenting Mini fry. And ^ 
 
 7«tl M y ° U ha ? e more jnwdiate Relation to our prefeni 
 
 t w ‘ **" * * c «; 
 
 The Author has carefully avoided Perfonal RefleBions am 
 
 W*2 byway of Preface, being only left it. ’ ^ M 
 
 Scandalous ConfoTmity^ZsTew'- ifr^ohn^h^ 
 the firfi Inftance of it BatTi's „Z £**. Sh ° rtCr h 'H 
 Cufiom, to the great Scandal of th?ySF!** * t 
 
 the Offence of Jucb whofe Conferences Midll ** FT** 
 latitude, and the Stumbling of thofe Lo beingVflVZlk 
 
(304) 
 
 and irrefolute, are led a fide by the Eminency and Frequency' 
 if Examples y 
 
 Sir, If you knew the Author, you would eafily be fat is fed 
 that the Reafon of this Preface , is not that he covets to en¬ 
 gage in Controverfy with a Pcrjon of your Capacity and Learn' 
 ing y being altogether unfit for fuch a Task , and no way a 
 Match to yourTalent that way, 
 
 But he depres^ in the Name of hitnfelf and a great ma¬ 
 ny hone ft good Chrifiians y who would be glad to fee this Cafe 
 decided\ That you will by your felf or Jome other Hand\ as you 
 pleafe y declare to the Worlds Whether this Practice of Alter¬ 
 nate Communion be allow d y either by your Congregation in 
 particular * or the Dijfenters in general. 
 
 And if Jictfo allow'd, then he conjures you by the Honour 
 you owe to your Profeffion, <nsd the Tendernefs you have for 
 the weaknefs of others } by the regard you have to God's Ho¬ 
 nour , and the Church you ferve, That fuch Proceedings may re¬ 
 ceive their due Cenfure, tbo the Perfons wear the Gay Cloathj 
 and the Gold Ring * that the Sincerity and Purity ofDiffen- 
 ting Vrotefiants may be vindicated to the World both in their 
 Difciplme as well 4s L>oftrim 5 and that without Refpeft of 
 Perfons . 
 
 If on the other hand it be allow'd\ tis dejiredit may be 
 defended by fuch Arguments as you think convenient \ which 
 the Author promifes y if defred y never to reply to j or if you 
 give him that Liberty , fhall do it fo, as you (hall eafdy fee is 
 in order only to be infor*pd y and always fuitablc to the Re - 
 fpccl which is due to your per fan * for whom none has a 
 greater Efieem . 
 
 If none of thefeRequefts fhall be granted , the World mufi . 
 believcy That bitten cers do allow themfelves to Pra&ifo 
 what they cannot Defend. 
 
 Your very Humble Servant* 
 
 i 7- , r . . 
 
 a f, 
 
( 3©5 ) 
 
 4 T>ifcourfe upon Oecafional Con* 
 
 formity, 
 
 W HEN I review the paft Times, aad look back 
 upon the various Scenes which they prefect us, 
 as to Ecclefiaftical Tranft&ians within this Kingdom, 
 there feems nothing more ftrange than the Turns we 
 have had from Popifh to Regal Supremacy, from the 
 Romijh Religion to reform’d, from reform’d back again 
 to Romiflj, and then to reform’d again, and fo on thro 51 
 feveral Degrees of Reformation, and back again from 
 thofe Degrees to the firft Steps of Reformation, and then 
 forward again. 
 
 King Henry the Eighth, a Prince of a haughty Spirit, 
 difdaining the Infolence with which his Predeceflors 
 were treated by the Popes, gave the firft Shock to the 
 Roman Power in thefe Kingdoms. I won't fay he 
 adted from any Principles of Confcience, whatever 
 his Ambition and Intereft led him to pretend ; but that 
 was the Glofs, as it is in moft Cafes of publick Revolu¬ 
 tions. However it was, having fatisfy’d his Pride by 
 fubduing the Supremacy of the Pope, and cftablifiiing 
 his own j his Intereft next guided him to the Suppref- 
 fion of Abbies and Monafteries. The horrible Vices 
 which were protected, as well as pradtifed in thofe 
 Nefts of Superftition, giving his pretence ofTiety the 
 larger Scope, and I’ll for once be fo free with the Cha- 
 radter of that Prince, as to fuppofe what ro me feems 
 plain, that neither This Religion , or That , were of nynch 
 Moment in his Thoughts, hut his Intereft , as the Secjuel 
 made plain, by the Seizure he made of the Revenues of 
 ihe Church. . 
 
 And 
 
( JO & ) 
 
 And yet the Juftice of Providence feems very corn 
 fpicuous in that point. That thofe Houfes, who under 
 the fpecious pretences of Religion, and extraordinary 
 Devotion, had amaffed to themfelves vaft Revenues to 
 the Impoverifhing many Families, and in the meantime 
 fecretly praCtifed moft unheard of Wickednefs, fhould 
 under the fame pretence of Zeal and Piety be fuppref- 
 fed and impoverifhed by a Perfon, who meerly toferve 
 his own Glory, triumph’d over them, pretending Jehu, 
 like, tofhevsbis Zeal for the Lord. 
 
 Some do allure us, That the Eyes of this Prince were 
 really open’d as to the Point of Religion; and that 
 had he^ liv’d longer, he would moft effectually have e- 
 Itablifh’d the Reformation in his time ; but God who 
 gave him that light, if be bad it, however he might ac¬ 
 cept his Intention, as h^ did that of David's Building 
 his Houfe, yet be-referv’d the Glory of the performance 
 to his Son. 
 
 King Edward the Sixth, of whom wondrous Things 
 are fpoken in all our Englijk Writers, and more than 
 we need fuppofe fhould be literally true ; yet was with¬ 
 out doubt, a Prince of the ftri&eft Piety, not only that 
 ever reign’d, but that ever lij’d, perhaps, fince the 
 Days, of Jofiab , whofe Parallel cur Writers fay he was. 
 
 The Reformation began in his Hand •, not but that 
 the Proteftant Religion had been received in England 
 many Years before, by the preaching of John liickltf, 
 ffiUiaw. Tindall, and others, and had many Proftffors, 
 and thole fuch who, gallantly offered their Lives in de¬ 
 fence of the Truth. 
 
 But it got but little ground, for Religion has but 
 few Votaries, whale all its ProfelFors muft alfo be Con- 
 feffors, and while Exile or Martyrdom is all the profpeCfc 
 Of Advantage to be got by it. None 
 
f > 
 
 None will dare to be Diffenters in times of Danger* 
 but fuch whole Confidences are fo awaken’d that they 
 dare not be otherwife. 
 
 But in the Hands of this young Prince, tire great 
 Work was begun, and in a ftiorter time than could be 
 imagin’d, was finifh’d and eftablilh’d, the Romanics fled 
 or conformed; for we find but very few had an Incli¬ 
 nation to Martyrdom if it had been put upon them/ 
 Some indeed to ftiow the Nature of their Religion, Plea¬ 
 ded fer Baal, and Re boil'd, ftirring up the Ignorant Peo¬ 
 ple to Murther their Gideon for throwing down the Al¬ 
 tars of Baal, but like the Epbmmites of old, their Shi- 
 boleth was their undoing. 
 
 God, who thought fit to difeover the Levity of thofe 
 who had only Conform’d, and not Reform’d, who, 
 in exemplum Regis, took up this as they would have done 
 any Religion, and alfo for the Trial and Glory of his 
 Church, fulfer’d all this great Fabrick, however of his 
 own Working, to be overthrown at the Death of this 
 good King, and a Deluge of Cruelty and Popery over¬ 
 whelm'd the People in the Reign of the Queen, his 
 Sifter. 
 
 _ But Ropery found more Diffenters than the Reforma¬ 
 tion had done; and the Impreflion Religion had made 
 on the Minds of thofe who had fincerely Embrac’d ir, 
 was not fo ealily Defac’d as the pretended Reformaril 
 on of others; for the Gloffes Men had put on their 
 Actions, only as a cover from common Obfervation, 
 Was foon Difcover’d, when the Safety of owning their 
 own Principles render’d thofe Outfides no longer need¬ 
 ful, but where the true Religion had got footing in 
 the Mind, it was ftill the fame, whatever Alterations of 
 Times might make it Dangerous, and yet all People did 
 *ot Burp ; butfome being perfected in one City, fled 
 
 to 
 
( 3° 8 y 
 
 to another, and Germany efpecially was a SanCtuary for 
 the Diftreflcd Englijh Proteftanrs, that Country having 
 been before-hand with us in the Reformation. 
 
 'Twas here that our Exil’d Clergy having convers’d 
 with the Learned Reformers abroad, and particularly 
 with John Calvin, found, that tho’ they were reform’d 
 indeed from the Grofs Errors of Popery and Superfti- 
 tion, there was yet feveral Things which might be fur¬ 
 ther and further Reform’d; and being willing to 
 arrive to the greateft Perfection they were capable of 
 in Religion, (that as near as poflible they might pur- 
 fue the great Example of Chrift lefus, whole Name 
 they profefs’d, and for whom they could molt glori- 
 oufly die) they Corrected in themfelves 'thofe Things 
 which they faw needful, and by Letters to their Bre¬ 
 thren in England communicated their Opinions, with 
 their Reafons, exhorting them to go on unto Perfection 
 as they had begun. 
 
 Some of the molt Zealous for Piety and Holinefsof 
 Life, rejected this Motion ; and others as Zealous and 
 Pious, clos’d with it j and the Difputes were carried 
 fo far fometimes, as to Invade the Charity of one ano¬ 
 ther, an humble Acknowledgment of which you have 
 in a moll Chriftian Reconciling Letter from Bilhop 
 'Ridley to Bilhop Hooper , two of the moil glorious Tri¬ 
 umphant Martyrs that ever confeft the truth of Chrift 
 at the Stake. 
 
 x For the prefent, the Fire of the Perfecution (as the 
 greater Light obfcures the lefs, extinguilh’d that of 
 Diflention. But when Queen Elizabeth refeu’d the Pro- 
 teftant Religion, and the Church enjoy’d its Peace again, 
 the debate reviv’d: But the firft Eitablifhment of King 
 Edward obtain’d fo on the Minds of Men, that the 
 further Reformation was rejected. The other Party 
 being not at all convinc’d, though over-rul’d, fubmitted 
 
 their 
 
C 3°9 ) 
 
 flu-ir Pcrfons; to the Laws, but nor their Opinion i 
 affirming. That twas the Duty of every Chriftian* 
 « C D ° 5 ndea J°“|;, terve God with the greateft 
 „ Pumy , of W wffiip as w as poffible- and that this 
 « r T aS n- he P i Ur n ft WodW P which came neareft to 
 « S n D , 1V r ine Inftu 1 utl °n, which they believ’d the efta- 
 
 - they muft U bf y M,S. and ******* G0nfcfcnce 
 
 , h , ! ; “V? be own’d. That the Original Authors of 
 thde Dllpotcs were Learned, Devout, and fineularlv 
 Pious, Una in Convcrfation to Excels, if ,iat £ \J. 
 
 were cVdT v ““ I" i forI of Nw DeriKn, 
 were cilld Puritans ; of whom I ffiail lay nothing 
 
 but leave for a Record the laft Speech of a Famous F§ 
 
 reigner, who had leen the Way of living among thofe 
 
 * nd /Peking of the Words of Balaam, Let 
 
 hr }l ie . ht Deat , h °f tht Righteous, and let my latter end 
 be l,ke hts, cry d Our, 
 
 Sit Anima Mea cum Vuritanis Ahglicanis. 
 
 IJhalJ nor take upon me to obferve the Difference 
 uween rhele Primitive Diffenters and Our Prefent, 
 .lJ p/ too plain; nor to difpute the Subftance of 
 
 National Church '" ' h ™ “ d ,he ElhblW “ 
 
 f,.n, M 0nly °c bferVe ’ That ,he Reafons f « 'b= pte-’ 
 fent Diffenters Separation from the Eftabliffit Church, 
 
 rhf n ld f t0 | b £..i. xa<a, y the * a me they were then; and 
 the prefent Difltnrers are the Succefforsbf thofe firffi 
 
 2 ? ft th D ? ie ^ ent Gonformifts are the Succeffors of the 
 %£££& “ ndcr Ki " s ^ ,hc SiMh - 
 
 1 muft acknowledge that it fares with the Church 
 o\ England, and with the Diffenters both, as k has 
 
 always 
 
J I 1 ■ * 
 
 always far’d with Chrift’s Church in the whole World j 
 that while Suppreft and Perfecuted, their Profeffbrs 
 were few, and their Profefiion more fevere j but when 
 a Religion comes to be the Mode of the Country, fo 
 many painted Hypocrites get into the Church who 
 are not by their Faces to be diftinguift'd, that 
 Guile is not to be feen, till it arrive to Apoftacy. 
 The whole Ecclefiafticat Hiftory, from the firft Cen¬ 
 tury of the Chriftian Church, is full of Inftances to 
 confirm this. That the Profperity of the Church of 
 Chrift has been more fatal to it, than all the Perfecuti- 
 on of its Enemies. 
 
 I am now brought down to the prefent Time, when 
 the DiJJenting Erotefiant is fheltered by the Laws and 
 protested from the Violence which he fuffered in the 
 Late Reigns, under the Arbitrary Commands of fuch 
 State Minifters, who ftrove to daft the whole Prote- 
 llant Intereft to pieces by its own weight j and no¬ 
 thing is more apparent to thofe who are any thing 
 acquainted with the late Management of Affairs in 
 this Land, than that the Court ufed both Parties alter¬ 
 nately, as Policy and Occafion directed, to Supprefs 
 and Deftroy one another; that the whole Houle, , which 
 ieingfo divided, ecu d not fiand, might at laft fall of 
 
 But our Eyes are at laft opened, the Name of Pio- 
 teftant is now the common Title of an Englijhman, 
 the Church of England extends her Protection to the 
 tender Confciences of her Weaker Brethren, know¬ 
 ing that all may be Chriftians, tho not alike inform d, 
 and the Diffenter extends his Charity to the Church 
 of England , believing that in his due time, God Jhall 
 
 reveal even this unto them. If this is not, I Wift this 
 
 were the Temper of both Parties 5 and I am .fure ltis 
 already the Temper of fome of each fide, which 
 few are of the wifeft, moft Pious, and molt Ju¬ 
 dicious. But 
 
( 3” ) 
 
 But while Frailty and Infirmity are Effe-ntial to Hu¬ 
 manity, and Pride and Hypocrify are the two Regnant 
 Vices of the Church, this good Spirit cannot be Univer- 
 fal, and we do not expedt it. 
 
 But there is a fort of Truth, which all Men owe to the 
 Principles they profefs, and generally fpeaking, all Men 
 pay it ; a Turk is a Turk zealoufly and entirely ; an Ido¬ 
 later is an Idolater , and will ferve the Devil to a tittle : 
 None but Proteftants halt between God and Baal-, Chri-" 
 Ilians of an Amphibious Nature, who have fuch prepofte- 
 rous Confidences, as can believe one Way of Worlhip 
 to be right, and yet ferve God another way themfelves? 
 This is a flrange thing in Jfrael ! All the Hiflories of Re¬ 
 ligion in the World do not Ihew fuch a Cafe : ’Tis like 
 a Ship with her Sails hal’d fome back and fome full: ’Tis 
 like a Workman that Builds with one Hand, and pulls 
 down with t’other: ’Tis like a Filherman, who catches 
 drilh with one Hand, and throws them into the Sea with 
 another : ’Tis like every thing which fignifies nothing. 
 To fay s -a Man can be of two Religions, is a Contradidli- 
 on, unlefs there be two Gods to Worlhip, or he has two 
 Souls to fave. 
 
 Religion is the facred Profeffion of the Name of God •, 
 ferving him , believing in him, exposing from him ; and 
 like the God it refers to, ’tis in one and the fame Object, 
 one and the fame thing perfectly indivifible and infepara- 
 ble j there is in it no Neuter Gender, no Ambiguous 
 Article, God or Baal-, Mediums are impoflible. 
 
 As to the different Modes and Ways, which are the 
 Circumftantials of this Sacred Thing I call Religion-, I 
 won’t fay, but that as Ships take different Courfes at Sea, 
 yet to the belt of their Skill keeping to the direct Rules 
 of Navigating by the Compafs, they may arrive at the 
 lame Port; fo Chriflians taking different Methods in the 
 ferving this God, yet going to the bell of their Judg¬ 
 ments by the diredt Rules of the Scripture, may arrive at 
 the fame Heaven; but this is nothing at all to the Cafe ; tor 
 no Ship would arrive at any Port that failed two ways 
 together, if that were pofftble ; nor no man can ferve One 
 
 Y Cod 
 
( 5*0 
 
 God and at the fame time hold two Opinions. There 
 is but one Belt, and he that gives God two Befts ,. gives 
 him the Belt and the Worft, and one Spoils t other, till 
 
 both are good for nothing. 
 
 I have laid already, that both the Church of England, 
 and the Diflenter, fuffer in their Reputation for the mixt 
 Multitudes of their Members, which is occafion d by their 
 prefent Profperity: If a Third Party were to Tyrannize 
 over them both, we Ihould fee then who were Profflors, 
 and who were Confefl'ors •, but now it cannot be: Where¬ 
 fore, I think ’twere well to put both Sides in mind ot 
 one thing, which they are bound mutually to obferve; 
 and that is. That the Perfonal Mifearriagesofany particu¬ 
 lar Perfon or Member , is not really any Reflection upon the 
 Religion they profefs , nor ought not to be fo accounted, 
 unlefs it be where fuch Mifcarriages are the direct Di¬ 
 lates of the Do&rines they teach; and thus I would be 
 underRood in the prefent Cafe. Wherefore 1 (hall give, 
 my Eflay as to what 1 understand a Real Difienting Pro - 
 
 teftant is, or ought to be. , , , «. _ 
 
 He who Difents from an Eftabli/h'd Church on any ac¬ 
 count but from a real Principle of Confluence, « a Politick , 
 not a Religious Difenter. To explain ray felf He who 
 Diflents from any other Reafons, but fuch as thefe. That 
 he firmly believes the faid Eftablilhed Church is not or the 
 pureft Inftitution, but that he can really ferveGod more 
 agreeable to his Will, and that accordingly us his Duty 
 to do it fo, and no otherwife .■ Nay, he that cannot Dye, 
 or at leaft defire to do fo, rather than Conform, ought 
 to Conform. Schifm from the Church of Chnft is, doubt- 
 lefs, a great Sin, and if I can avoid it, I ought to avoid 
 it, but if not, the Caufe of that Sin carries the Guilt with 
 
 * But if 1 (hall thus Diflent, and yet at the fame time Con¬ 
 form -, by Conforming I deny my Diffent being lawful, or 
 by my Dilfenting 1 damn my Conforming as finful. 
 
 Nothing can, be lawful and unlawful at the fame time; 
 if it be not lawful for me to Diflent, 1 ought to Conform * 
 
 but if it be unlawful for me to Conform, I muft Diflent j 
 
 feveral 
 
 r, 
 
r • ■ ( 1'} ) 
 
 feveral Opinions may at the fame time conlill in a Conn¬ 
 s’ “imSV" 3 Fam “ i '’ b “ 
 
 <J 0 ™* t0 ' he P° int » the ™ are DiiTenters who are 
 %arated from the Church of England , and join’d in Com- 
 munion with Diflentmg Churches or Congregations. 
 
 h*t?k haVe a P eat o d Zea!ous ’ Gonfcientious, andConftant; 
 p l ^ oin t ^. e Reproaches and Inconveniences of their 
 f52feW. fu J* r d ^ er ftcution, and Lofs of Eftates and 
 Libert y foi the Caufe: And who could have fo little 
 Dharity as to doubt the Sincerity of their Profcffion ? 
 
 rjT t iefC PerfeCUCe , d > ^^ring DiiTenters, to make 
 themfelves room in the Publick Advancements, and 
 Glittering Gawdy Honours of the Age, lhall Conform to 
 that which they refus’d under all thole Difadvantages to 
 do before. And which is worfe than all this; hear O Hca- 
 
 rw a j S *° 0n aS £ ^ e P" ePent Honour is attain’d, the pre- 
 lent Advantage made, they return to the former Cir- 
 cumltances again, and are freely receiv’d, a double Crime 
 as having done no Evil. ’ » 
 
 I know not, I profefs, what thefe Perfons can fay for 
 them lei ves, and therefore cannot pretend to Anfwer 
 their Objedions; but I cannot omit one Anfwer which 
 iome People give for them, viz.. That this is no Confor- 
 Pomt °f Reli i*o*, but done as a Civil ACtion in 
 Obedience to the Laws of the Land, which have made it 
 a neceflary Charaftcriftick Quality, for admittance into 
 publick Employments, which they think it their Duty to 
 accept in order to ferve their Country, which they doubly 
 perform by Executing thole Offices to the publick Inter- 
 elc, and by excluding thofe who would otherwife get in¬ 
 to thole places, and betray their Country and their Li¬ 
 berties. 
 
 I have never met with an? confiderable Excufe made 
 tor this fait and loofe Game of Religion, but this, and 
 tins I delire to confider a little particularly. 
 
 i. That this is no Conformity in Point of Kelt Aon, but done 
 at a Civil AQion. How this can be poffible remains to 
 be determined. k Tis trjue, the Morality of an A&ion 
 
 Y 2 confifts 
 
(314) 
 
 confifts in its End ; but I cannot conceive that an A&r 
 on.purely and originally Religious, fuch as the Solemn 
 Ordinances of God’s Worfhip, can be made Civil Adti- 
 onsby any End, Defign, Will, or Intention of Man 
 whatfoever. ’Tis true, an Oath, which is a calling God 
 to witnefs, is an Adtion both Civil and Religious, but 
 ftill that was appointed and inftituted to that end, as is 
 fexprefiy noted, Heb. 
 
 Naaman's bowing in the Houfe of Rimmon \ to which 
 the Prophet anfwcred, Go in Peace , which.is underftood 
 as a permiffion, is a thing ftill different; for Naaman 
 only bowed for the Cor.venicncy or State of the King, 
 at the fame time publickly difowning the Worfhip, as 
 Interpreters are of Opinion befides, bowing the Head,tho 
 it may be a cuftomary Aft of Worfhip at that place, yet 
 is no Adt confin’d to Worfhip only, and inftituted and 
 directed fo by the God who is Worfhipped, t^fs^n 
 Adt us’d in Common Salutations. Thus we kneel to God 
 and to the King * but Sacraments are things appropria¬ 
 ted by the Divine Inflltution of God himfelf, as things 
 which have no other Signification or Import but yvhat is 
 Divine: Had Naaman defil’d to be excufed in offering 
 Sacrifices to the Idol Rimmon, the Prophet would hard¬ 
 ly have bid him go in peace. Some Actions are not Ci¬ 
 vil or Religious, as they are Civilly or Religioufly per¬ 
 form’d, but as they are Civil or Religious in tbemfclves, 
 for fome Religious Adtions are fo entirely fuch, that they 
 cannot without a horrid invafion of the Soveraignty of 
 the Inftitutor be appropriated to any other ufe^ and fuch 
 are in efpecial manner, the Two Sacraments inftituted 
 by Chrift, fuch was, before Chrift, the Sacrifices by 
 Tire ; And the judgements of God on Nadab and Jbihu, 
 for attempting to offer Sacrifice with ftrange Fire, ftands 
 as a terrible Inftance of what we ought to think is the Will 
 of God in this matter. 
 
 Further,fpeakingdiredtly of the Sacraments,are.they not 
 the fame thing,tiio’differently adminiftred in theeftablifh’d 
 Church.or in a dilfentingChurch ? and how can you take it 
 as a Civil Adt in one place, and a Religious Adt in ano¬ 
 ther ? 
 

 ( 3*5 ) 
 
 ther? This is playing-Bopeep with God Almighty, and no 
 Man can tell of them when they are about a Civil Action, 
 and when about a Religious. But to anfwer this pre¬ 
 tence at once. Sacraments as Sacraments are Religious 
 Ads, and can be no other, if you do not take it as a Sa-^ 
 crament the Cafe differs, but how can you fay you do 
 not take it as a Sacrament ? An Oath is to he taken in the 
 Senfe of the Impofer, and a Sacrament, which is a Recog¬ 
 nition of the molt Sacred of Oaths, muft be alfo taken'in 
 the Senle of the Impofer. If the Perfon Adminiflring 
 declar’d at the Adminiftration, He did not give it as a 
 Sacrament , but only give you a bit of Bread and draught of 
 Wine as a Friend , or the like, this was fomethihg; but 
 can a Minifter deliver the Bread to you, and fay, The Bo¬ 
 dy of our Lord Jefus Chrifi , &c. and you Kneeling with 
 Reverence take it as fuch, and repeat the Refponfes at 
 the Communion, and fay Amen to the Prayer, and fay ’tis 
 a Civil Adion. This is fuch Bantering with Religion, 
 as no Modeil Chriftian can think of without Horror. 
 
 2 . Another part of the Apology is, that withoutic they 
 cannot be admitted irtto Publick places of Truft; and if 
 they were not admitted, fuch will get in as will betray their 
 Country and Liberties, and they do it purely to fecure 
 their Country, which they think their Duty. 
 
 Thefe are Patriots indeed , that will damn their Souls to fave 
 their Countrey y a fort of a Publick Spirit hardly to be' 
 found in the World, and indeed a Non-entity in it felf ? 
 for ’tis a Miflrake; the Gentlemen who make this Anfwer 
 put the cafe wrong. For I would delire fuch to Anfwer 
 a few Queftions. 
 
 If the Service of their Country be fo dear to them,pray 
 why Ihould they not chufe to expofe their Bodies and fi¬ 
 liates for that Service, rather than their Souls? 
 
 The Penalty of the Law in accepting the Publick Em¬ 
 ployments is wholly Pecuniary ; the difference lies here, 
 they chufe the Trefpa/Jing on their Confcienccs , before the ha¬ 
 zard of their Eftates y as the leaft Evil; for ’tis plain, any 
 Man who will fuffer the Penalty, or run the Rifque of it, 
 which is all one, may excufe the Conformity \ for the 
 
 Y 3 Law 
 
\E/ ( 3*6 ) 
 
 Lord does not fayi you Ihall fo and fo Conform, but if 
 you do not Conform, you {hall incur fuch and fuch Penal¬ 
 ties ; any Man that will incur the Penalty, may commit 
 the Trefpafs. 
 
 So that all this Compliance is not, To be admitted to 
 Places, that they may be able to ferve their Country, but 
 to fave the Five hundred pounds and other Penalties of 
 that Ad. 
 
 e 2 • Why, if we believe the Power of God to be Om¬ 
 nipotent, fliould we imagine that he is not able to proted 
 our Country and Liberties, without our perpetrating 
 fo wicked an Ad to lecure them, as doing Evil that Good 
 may come , which is exprefly forbidden. 
 
 But we are told again, this is in it felf no Sinful Ad, 
 and therefore it is not doing Evil. This is tacitly anfwe- 
 red before tho’ ’tis not a Sinful Ad in it felt, Tet ’tis 
 either a Sinful ACt in a Dijfenter , or elfe his Diffenting be¬ 
 fore was a Sinful Ad. For if he is fatisfied he does well 
 in Conforming now, why did he not before ? There is but 
 one Anfwer for that,which is. He is otherwifeconvinced; 
 to which I reply, If that were true, he would then as a 
 Convert continue in this New Communion; but’tis evi¬ 
 dent the fame Perfons return immediately to the former 
 Profeffion as Difl’enters,and they can have no fuch Excufe, 
 unlefs it be, that they were convinc'd and reconvinc’d, 
 and then convinc’d again. 
 
 Some have the Folly to argue again ft the Law it felf, as 
 a molt Notorious Impofitionupon theConfcienccs of Men, 
 by making the Sacred Inftitutions of Chrilt a Drudge to 
 Secular Intereft, and a Caufe of mens Sins, by leading 
 them into Temptation ; I could fay enough to vindicate 
 that part, tho’ I am no more reconcil’d to that Law than 
 other Men, but ’tis remote to our Argument: ’Tis anAd 
 of Parliament, and what is fo, is of every Man’s own 
 doing,and therefore ’tis juft every one Ihou’d comply with 
 the Terms, or fuffer the Penalty ; but here is no Penal¬ 
 ty, if no Crime; if no Preferments are fought , no Honours 
 accepted, there is no Crime ; if Self-denial was as pradica- 
 ole as Self-advancement, here is no need of the Crime. 
 
 So 
 
( 3*7 ) 
 
 So that they who do this, feek the Crime , that is the fir- ft 
 Sin j then Morgage their Confciences to avoid the Penalty , 
 and fo add one Sin to another. But we are told by fome, 
 ’ris not againft their Confciences,they hope both Parties are 
 Good Chriftians, there are differences between them 
 which they don’t underftand nor meddle with, and 
 their Confciences are very well fatisfied to Communicate 
 with either. 
 
 I would ask fuch, if their Confciences would ferve to 
 Communicate with the Church, why did they Separate ? 
 For Communicating with the Dijfenter , is not an Occafi- 
 onal or Cafual thing, but an open declar’d breaking off 
 from the Church Eftablifht. Now no Man can be faid to 
 feparate from, and joyn to a thing at the fame time ; 
 if your Confcience is fatisfied in Joyning, it cannot be fa¬ 
 tisfied in Separating, unlefs you can fuppofe your Confci¬ 
 ence to be fatisfied and diffatisfied both together. If you 
 have a Confcience of any Religion at all, it muft be of 
 forae Religion or other ; if of this, it cannot be of that, 
 if of that, it cannot be of this \ to Confent and Approve, 
 are different A&s, and can never be fixt upon the fame 
 Objett at the fame time as for a Man, Paffively Religi¬ 
 ous, that can Communicate any where, that Man may 
 from the fame Principle, and with far lefs Guilt Commu* 
 nicate no where, for fuch a Man, in down-right Englijh , 
 has Proftituted the little Religion he had, if ever he had 
 any t to his Intereft, and may be Turk, Jew, Papift , or any 
 thing. 
 
 The latter part of the Charge leads me to confider a_- 
 nother Point, which relates to the Alfemblies of the Dif- 
 fenters, who admit, and by confequence approve this way 
 of proceeding. I do not pretend to examine by what 
 Methods fuch particular Churches do proceed. .And I 
 would be as tender as pofiible in making Reflections. I 
 wifh they would be as Charitable in cenfuring this Re¬ 
 proof. 
 
 I do think, with Submiffion, ’tis impoflible to prove 
 that any Perfon, whofe Cafe the foregoing Paragraph rea¬ 
 ches, can be receiv’d agaia into Churcb-Communion in 
 
 Y 4 a 
 
( 3 l8 ) 
 
 a Diffenting Alterably-upon any other Terms, than as a 
 Penitent. I have heard of fome, who have been faid to 
 have leave from their Minifters for this Matter \ if fo y 
 they have a flam’d fome Difpenfing Authority, which 1 be¬ 
 lieve does not appertain to the Minifterial Function, nor 
 is not contain’d in the Million of our Saviour. But 
 1 do not affirm, That any fuch thing has been really 
 allow’d. 
 
 As to the Relation of Churches, and the Members 
 thereof, one to another, as the Diffenters now Eftablilh’d 
 them; I am fin e, the allowance of any Member in a Pro- 
 mifcuous Communion with the Church of England and 
 the Diflenter at the fame time, is not pretended to be 
 allow’d, nor is it confiftent with it felf. ’Tis Prepofte- 
 rous, and Excentrick, and is Deftru&ive of the very 
 Foundation of the Diltenters Principles, as is already no¬ 
 ted, concerning Schifms in the Church. In this Cafe, 
 Charity can heal nothing, nor help nothing; ’tis of ab- 
 folute neceffity that one Man be but of one fide, at one 
 and the fame time. Either the Conforrailt will mar 
 the Diflenter, or the Diflenter will mar the Conformift. 
 For if l (hall be admitted into the Communion of the 
 Diflenter, and of the Church together; then the Diffen- 
 tcr muft have fome other Reafon for being a Diflenter, 
 than Purity of Worlhip. 
 
 Methinks Men (hould feem what they are ; if a Man 
 Diltent -rum the Church,let him do fo \ and his Principle 
 being v il g.ounded for Inch Diflent, let him hold it \ if 
 not v eil -grounded, let him leave it j if he cannot fuffer 
 one way, let him fuffer another j and why ffiould we not 
 be as. honelt to God as our Country. 
 
 The Motives to ferve our Country are ftrong, but 
 there are ways to do it without fuch a Violation of all our 
 Principles and Profeffion; if nut, cruft God’s Providence 
 with the Iliiie, who never wants Agents to preterve and 
 deliver his People when his time is at hand j and you 
 can have fmall hope to expect that the Office and Truft 
 you mall Execute, lhall receive any Affiftancc from his 
 Provmence, when the fit'll Step into it, is made by offer¬ 
 ing 
 
( ) 
 
 ing the greateft Affront to his Honour, and commiting 
 the vileft Aft of Perfidy in the World. 
 
 But if the gay Profpeft of a great Place, tempt any 
 Perfon beyond the Power that God’s Grace is pleas’d to 
 aflift them with, in that way let him abide , and not be re¬ 
 admitted, becaufe of his Gold Ring, and Fine Apparel, 
 without a Penitent Acknowledgement. The Difienters 
 in England can never pretend to be Difienters upon the 
 mere Principle of Purity of Worlhip, as 1 have related 
 in the beginning of this Difcourfe, if fuch lball be receiv’d 
 as blamelefs into their Communion, who have deferted 
 them upon the occafion of Preferment, and have made 
 the Sacred Inftitutions of Chrift Jefus, become Pimps to 
 their Secular Intereft, and then wipe their Mouths, and 
 lit down in the Church, and fay. They have done no Evil. 
 
 ’Tis alfo an Intolerable Affront to the Church of Eng¬ 
 land, reflecting upon its Doftrine as well as Praftice; 
 to make ufeof the Church for a Cover to fence them a- 
 gainft the Laws, at the fame time continuing to difown 
 its Communion, as a thing not fit to be continued in. 
 
 And yet the Church of England is in the right to re¬ 
 ceive fuch of the Difienters as fhall come to them without 
 the Ceremony of Recognition, becaufe it is agreeable to 
 the Notion of a National Church, which they profels to 
 be. But Difienters are bound to juftifie their Separation 
 from them, or elfe their whole Conftitution falls to the 
 Ground. Now, how a Separation and a Conformity are 
 Confident, is to mean inexplicable Riddle. 
 
 1 queftion not here the Lawfulnefs of the Difienters 
 Separation } it is not the bufinefs of this Difcourfe to 
 define it} and I am as careful as I can in making Re¬ 
 flections upon either} but I am bold to affirm, That no 
 Diflenting Church can with lawful Caufe Separate from 
 the Church of England , Eftablilh Private Churches or 
 Communions, and at the fame time allow the Members 
 to Conform to the Eftablifh'd Church too: This is in¬ 
 congruous, and one mult deftroy the other. From whence 
 I think it becomes the Difienters, if they would main¬ 
 tain the Doftrine they teach'} if they would have us be- 
 « lieve 
 
( 3 2 ° ) 
 
 lieve they Diflent purely on the honefl Principles of 
 Confcience, and Purity of Worfhip, with fuch a one. 
 
 No, not to Eat. And it is not fufficient that the Offen¬ 
 der a Lord Mayor, or any greater Perfoa; unlefs he 
 would be Lord Mayor without a Breach of the Sacred 
 Relation he had entred into, he (hould be dealt with ' 
 in that Cafe, as^ the meaneft Member of fuch a So¬ 
 ciety. 
 
 On the other hand, if a Man be call’d upon to be 
 a Magiftrate, and has Courage'enough to follow the 
 Impartial Didates of his Confcience, a Query lies be¬ 
 fore him, What fhall he do ? 
 
 The Cafe is plain } Either refuje the Honour , or run the 
 Rifque. The firft indeed is the plaineft and eafieft Way, 
 and the Ground of it is good, for he whofe Con¬ 
 fcience Didates to him that the Terms are Sinful, may 
 refufe the Call j for Preferments and Honours are a 
 Bait that fome have refufed on meer Points of Specu¬ 
 lative Philofophy ; and ’tis hard, Chriftianity fhou’d 
 not carry a Man as far. Well, but perhaps a Man has 
 a mind, to he a Sheriff or a Lord Mayor , and is a Diffen- 
 ter or perhaps he really thinks ’tis his Indifpenfable 
 Duty to ferve his Country, if he is call’d to that, or the 
 like Office j or perhaps he thinks ’cis a Duty he owes 
 his Family, to advance his Children, and the like, and 
 he is a Profefl Difienter: What fhall he do ? Let him 
 boldly run the Rifque, or openly and honeftly Conform 
 to the Church, and neither be afham’d of his Honour, 
 nor of his Profeflxon; fuch a Man all Men will Value, 
 and God will own: He need not fear carrying the 
 Sword to a Conventicle, or bringing the Conventicle to 
 his own Houfe. But to make the matter a Game, to 
 dodge' Religions, and go in the Morning to Church, and 
 in the Afternoon to the Meeting ■, to Communicate in 
 private with the Church of England , to fave a Penalty, , 
 and then go back to the Diflenters and Communicate 
 again there; This is fuch a Retrograde Devotion, 
 that I can fee no colour of pretence for in all the Sa¬ 
 cred Book. 
 
 I have 
 
( * 2 * ) 
 
 l have heard, indeed; thatfome, who are Minifters of 
 Diflenting Churches do, or did at the fame time Com¬ 
 municate with the Church of England. I do not difpute 
 how far a Mimfter may Conform as a Lay-man tho’ he 
 cannot as a Clergy-man ; but how any DifTenting Mi¬ 
 mfter can Conforra as a Lay-man, and at the fame time 
 execute a Paftoral Charge over a Congregation, whom 
 he teaches to Separate from the Church in a Lay-Com¬ 
 munion, I cannot Imagine. 1 
 
 ’Tis not as I have already noted, Conformity or Non¬ 
 conformity at the fame time, in one and the fame Perfon, 
 that istbt Point ; and doing this for a Secular End, to 
 Lave a Penalty and privately; and then, as being afham’d 
 
 °n lC ’ 8°** anc ^ f ic down as not having done it at 
 all ; and a Church-Society admitting this without taking 
 notice of it;. thefe are the Contradidions I muft infift 
 upon, and rather wifh, than exped to fee redified. 
 
 A LET- 
 
( 3 22 ) 
 
 o 
 
 A 
 
 LETTER to Mr. HOW, 
 
 By Way of R E P L Y 
 
 TO HIS 
 
 CONSIDERATIONS 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 T O A N 
 
 Enquiry into the Occafional Conformity 
 Of Dissenters. 
 
 s 1 R 
 
 A FTER fuch an account as you have given of your 
 felf in the Five firft Pages of your Book, with 
 the Averlion you have to any thing which lhou’d 
 interrupt you in your more Reclufe Studies*, I prefume 
 no Man con’d imagine you would break thorough your 
 own Meafures to attack a poor Prefacer , as you call me, 
 and wholly quitting the Argument, amufe the World, 
 and content your felf to Lalh the Author with the Seve¬ 
 rity of your Wit. 
 
 Herein, Sir, I mult own, that not only your Opponent, 
 but all the Town feem Difappointed exceedingly, that 
 Mr. How y who thinks the Subject not worth Anfwering, 
 Ihou’d trouble his Head, or fpend his Time about the 
 Impertinence of a forry Prefacer. 
 
 When 
 
C 3 2 3 ) 
 
 When 1 Addrefs’d the Preface to you, I thought I had 
 io carefully Revis’d both it and the Book, that, as I men¬ 
 tion’d to you, I cou’d no where be Tax’d with Exceed¬ 
 ing the Rules of Charity and good Manners. 
 
 And tho’ I would always make them both my Rule, 
 yet I thought my felf oblig’d to it more now than ordi¬ 
 narily, by how much the perfon to whom, and the per- 
 fons of whom I wrote, were equally known and very 
 much valued by me; and 1 did not queftion but I fhould 
 either not be Reply’d to at all, or it would be done with 
 the Charity of a Cbrijlian , the Civility of a Gentleman , 
 and the Force and Vigour of a Scholar. 
 
 But lince it feems good to you. Sir, to defeend fo far 
 below your felf as to quit the Difpute offer’d, and fall 
 upon me perfonally, and to mix Raillery and Reproach 
 with your Argument, which , I am fare , you know too well 
 to think betters theCaufe: You muft blame your felf, Sir, 
 for Obliging me in my own Defence to be a little freer 
 with you than otherwife I fhou’d have thought had be¬ 
 come me. 
 
 Nor, Sir, fhou’d I have engag’d with you, even in my 
 own Defence, knowing I am to ftruggle with fo unequal 
 a Match both as to your Learning and Reputation, had I 
 not feen your Book differ fo much from your conftant 
 Chara&er; and pardon me, Sir, for the Word, in many 
 Places from the Truth. 
 
 And fince I am oblig’d thus publickly to Animadvert 
 upon my Superiors, for fuch I own you to be both in 
 Learning and Office. > 
 
 I fhall ask your Leave to lay down feveral Miflakes 
 upon which I muft be allow’d to fuppofe you have gone 
 in the Cenfures which you have made i which Suppofi- 
 tions I draw from the whole Tenour of your Writing. 
 
 1 prefume, Sir, that you are miftaken in thefe Four 
 Point?, in the Perfon, Temper , Profejfton , and Intention of 
 the Author. 
 
 Which Miflakes, I fhall venture to fuppofe, are the-- 
 Reafons which moved you to treat your Adverfary with 
 fo much indecent Contempt, 
 
 As 
 
 
( 3 2 4 ) 
 
 As to my Perfon and Temper : ’Tis true, Sir, I have 
 chofen to conceal my Name: and tho’ bating Humane 
 Frailty, Sins and Misfortunes, I know no Reafon why the 
 Argument Ihould be alham’d of the Author, or the Au¬ 
 thor of the Argument: Yet when I confider’d how con- 
 ftant a praXice it is in the world to Anlwer an Argument 
 with Recriminations inftead of Reafonings, I thought it 
 belt to continue retir’d, that the Cafe I had enter’d upon 
 might not come clogg’d with the dead Weight of the 
 Meannefs and imperfeXions of the Author. 
 
 I need not go back to the inltance of our Saviour 
 whofe Arguments were Confronted with the Contempt 
 of that Qiieftion, Is not this the Carpenter's Son? For I 
 find that even Mr. Horn himfelf wou’d have feajch’d my 
 Chat-after to have compleated his Remarks with Perfonal 
 Reflexions. 
 
 And yet I cannot imagine what Relation my Name has 
 to the Argument; itcou’d be only ufeful to furnifh you 
 with fomething in my CharaXer to Reproach me with •, 
 which, God knows you might have found enough of. 
 
 But what wou’d all this be to the Point in hand ? The 
 Occafional Conformity of Difienters is not Condemn’d or 
 Defended by the Names of Authors on either fide, but by 
 Truth, Scripture, and Reafon. 
 
 Thou waft altogether born in Sin, fays the High-Prieft, 
 and the Elders of the Sanhedrim to the Poor Man whom 
 Chrift had healed} and doejl thou Teach us ? And yet the 
 poor Man was in the Right i and if /am fo, tho’ l was 
 the meaneft and molt fcandalous of Scriblers, is my Ar¬ 
 gument the worfe ? 
 
 But, Sir, to Anfwer all thofe Particulars, 'and let you 
 know that I am not altogether fo Ihy of my Name as you 
 imagine, I fhalj give you a Genuine honeft Account of my 
 lelr, and then my Name is at your Service. 
 
 Firft, Sir I am to tell you, that I am, and acknowledge 
 my felt to be, poflefs’d with a ftrong Averfion to Doub- 
 ling and Shifting in Points of Religion; and do think that 
 the Gale in hand is to be allow’d no Ids: And therefore 
 wrote the Enquiry with 1 wo very honeli Defigi>, viz*. 
 
 To 
 
( 3 2 5 ) 
 
 To fee if by Strength of Argument I cou’d receive Satis¬ 
 faction ; and to Explode, and, as far as in me lies, to 
 Oppofe the Practice. 
 
 Secondly, Had your Book given me, or any Body elfe 
 that I can meet with, whofe Judgment is to be valued the 
 Satisfaction I defir’d ; 1 allure you, I am fo little fond of 
 an Opinion, becaufe it is mine, that I Ihou’d not have 
 been alham’d to have own’d my felf miftaken ; and pof- 
 fibly have Ihown as much Humility in Acknowledging it 
 as you think I have Pride in Oppoling. 
 
 As to Perfonal Mifcarriages and Misfortunes, of which 
 no Man has more, and which, perhaps may weaken the 
 Reputation of the Author, but I am fure ought not of my 
 Argument: To them I fhall only fay, God in bis Merci¬ 
 ful Providence has heal'd the Lafi, and , I hope , has Par¬ 
 don'd the Firft : And if fo, l am upon even Terms in point 
 of Reafoning. 
 
 By this you may fee I am fenfible of the Beam in my 
 own Eye, and have for fome years taken up the part of a 
 Penitent on that very account ; but did never underftand 
 that^ thereby I was barr’d from Enquiring into what / 
 judgd Scandalous to the Profeffion of a Party in General, 
 of whom, though unworthy, /was a Member. 
 
 Nor, Sir, am I any-where guilty of Judging another, 
 where the Cafe is not fo plain, as that it really feems to 
 fpeak it felf i For I mult remember alfo, that we are no 
 more to call Good, Evil, or Evil, Good, than we are to 
 Judge one another. 
 
 Thus, Sir, I am gone over my own Character; and 
 fhall only demand this from you of Right, That, fo far 
 as Truth and Honefty is on my fide, ic may not, nor 
 ought not to be dcfpis’d for being ulher’d in by an un¬ 
 worthy inftrument. 
 
 And tis ftrange. Sir, that you who Animadvert upon 
 me for Judging, Ihould fo feverely judge me, and that 
 wrongfully too, as fhall appear in the Particulars of this 
 lhort Difcourfe. 
 
 I cou’d not be fatisfi’d to fay lefs to this point on thefe 
 Accounts, bccaufe I mufl: put in a Caveat againfi: Perfonal 
 
 Re- 
 
W ( J *6 ) 
 
 Reflexions as unfair in the Difpute .• He that pleafes firfl 
 to Confute the Argument, is welcome to (how his Wit 
 in Satyrizing upon the Follies and AffliXions of the Au¬ 
 thor: And there Heave it, and proceed to what I con¬ 
 ceive is your third Miftake about me. 
 
 P^iz. My profellion. And this you feem to make plain, 
 while from the i 3th, to the 2+th page, you treat me as 
 an Independent, and fpend your time to Reply to the 
 particular Tenents in difpute between You and Them : 
 which, with Submiflion, I conceive to be nothing at all 
 to the purpofe. 
 
 After this, P. 30, 31, 32, I am talk’d with as a Fifth- 
 Monarchy-man , and Leveller ; what of thefe Principles any 
 where appears in the Enquiry, I confels I am at a Iofs to 
 know; nor. Sir, have you been fo kind to lay it down. 
 
 Indeed I own my felf fomewhat lurpriz’d to fee you 
 run on in Anfwering the fcrupnlous Independent about 
 Kneeling at the Sacrament , and the Extravagant Fiftb- 
 Monarchy-man , about feiz.ng the Properties of Mankind 
 for the ufe of the Saints ; and fuch things as thefe, by 
 way of Reply to an Enquiry about Occaftonal promifeuous 
 Conformity : and am ftill at a Lofs to find an Antecedent 
 to this Relative. 
 
 I aflure you I am no Independent , nor Fifth-Monarchy- 
 tnan , nor Leveller. You have Qiown your Learning, Sir, 
 and Confuted an Error inconfiftent with Civil Society 
 very well; but this had been better done by it felf; it 
 had no more relation to the Cafe in hand, than a LeXure 
 againft the Alcboran ; and you may as well conjeXure me 
 to be a Mahometan , as a Fiftb-Monarcby-man, from any 
 thing in the Book that looks like either. But, Sir, fince 
 I am led by you to give an account of my profellion, 
 which, I hope I (hall always be ready to do; I (hall do 
 it in few words: That 1 am of the fame Clals, and in 
 the fame Denomination of a Diffenter with your felf, 
 your Office excepted, and am willing to be guided by, 
 and to praXife the Great Rule of Chriftian Charity in all 
 the proper and legal Extents of it: Indeed I have more 
 need to praXife it than you, becaufe I Hand more in 
 
( ? 2 7 ) 
 
 need of it from others, with refped to the CaufeS 
 already nam’d. And however, by wrefting Words, 
 and miftaking my Intentions, you are pleafed to fee no¬ 
 thing of it j 1 am not yet convinc’d that I have broken 
 that Great Chriftian Rule of Charity, in any thing I have 
 written. 
 
 I come now to the Fourth Thing in which you are 
 miftaken, which is in my Intentions \ in which yourafhly 
 and, I allure you, wrongfully judge me, however cauti¬ 
 ous you wou’d have me be of judging others: But, Sir, 
 Humanum eft Errare j you are no more infallible, I fee, 
 than I, and are fallen into the fame ralh Error you Re¬ 
 prove me for with fo much Severity ; by judging, that 
 the principal Defign of this Book was to refled upon a 
 Worthy Gentleman, who is nam’d in the Preface : And 
 in one place you are pleafed to join me with the Party 
 who Oppos’d him, and bring me in making my Court to 
 them. 
 
 All thefe, Sir, / (hall make appear to be not only Mi- 
 ftakes, but groundlefs Millakes} fuch as nothing but the 
 fame Thoughts which put you out of Temper, cou’d lead 
 you into: And 1 can folemnly Appeal in the Form you 
 have fet down, that you have wrong’d me in your Cen- 
 fure. 
 
 Firft, Sir, the Enquiry was publilh’d Three years ago, 
 and therefore cou’d not be defign’d as a Perfonal In- 
 vedive againft the Gentleman you fpeak of j and this the 
 Preface told you,if you had pleas’d to read it. All that can 
 be faid, is. That the Caufe being again given, the Re¬ 
 printing it was defign’d a^a Reproof to the Pradice: and 
 fo much I own. As for Perfons I am indifferent; if the 
 Coat fits any Body , let them wear it. 
 
 Secondly, Sir, / declare my felf, if of any Party, 7 am^ 
 and ever was for the Englifh Liberty, and for the putting 
 fuch Men into Magiftracy, who, in Concurrence with 
 the King, our Supream Magiftrate, wou’d proteft and 
 preferve that Liberty. And, as a Pafon every way qua¬ 
 lified to execute a Trull: of fo much Honour, whether 
 profitable or not, I won’t examine, I gave my Vote for 
 
 Z Sir 
 
r j (^ > 
 
 Sir Thomas Abney , and ihou’d ha* done fo, If I had the 
 power of Ten Thoufand Voices *, and no Man has more 
 Refped for, or Opinion of his Honefty and Ability than 
 my felf: Nor have/, God be thank’d, any Occafion to 
 fay this to flatter him ; for I neither want his Favour, nor 
 fear his Anger. 
 
 Herein therefore I prefume to fay you have been en¬ 
 tirely miftaken; and thefe Errors have led you to wafte 
 your Time, and the Reader’s too, in making needlefs Re¬ 
 marks, 3nd Anfwering thofe People who never Oppos’d 
 you. 
 
 / come now to that part of your Book which refpeds 
 the Cafe in hand ; w hich, as it is the leaft part, and in¬ 
 deed feems to agree with the Title, that it is only a 
 Confideration of the Preface ; for really with fubmiffion , 
 there is very little Anfwer to the Fall :. So it requires not 
 that I Ihou’d Reply to the Argument; for 1 fee none, 
 but that drawing back the Curtain which you have.fpread 
 over the Subjed, 1 Ihou’d fet it in a True Light, that all 
 Men may judge by their own Confciences, and the Scrip¬ 
 ture-Rule, and take care they be not diftinguilh'd out of 
 their Reafon and Religion by the Cunning and Artifice of 
 Words. 
 
 Pleale therefore. Sir, to admit me to run over your 
 Book with as modeft Animadverlions as my juft Defence 
 will.allow ; and I am content to ftand Correded, where 
 I fail in point of Decency. 
 
 Firft, You quarrel with me for a Breach of Kindnefs 
 and Equity , in hiding my own Name and Revealing yours. 
 Defigning my felf to fight in the Dark , and expelling you to 
 do it in open Light. And you give us Five whole Pages, 
 including the Quotation of your felf in your Preface to 
 the Inhabitants of Farrington, to Ihow your indifferency 
 in Controverted Difputes, and confequently your Unwil- 
 lingnefs to engage in this. 
 
 1 ruly, Sir, as to the Firft, I thought a publick Ap¬ 
 peal to you,. who are a publick Perfon, had been no 
 Sin againft Kindnefs or Equity; if it be, I ask your 
 Pardon. * 
 
 As 
 
C r-9 ) 
 
 As to my Concealing my Name, 7 have given you my 
 Reafons already , and as to my Expofing yours, had you 
 thought fit to have Replied to the Book which lay Three 
 years unanfwcr’d, without being addrefs’d to any perfon 
 in particular, you had been at Liberty to have remain’d 
 as unexpos’d as the Author. 
 
 But the Enquiry being unanfwer’d, gave foffle people 
 more prejudice againft the Integrity of Differ,ters in ge¬ 
 neral, than 7 cou’d wifii to have found; upon which 7 
 thought it neceflary to have the Matter difculs’d, if poffi- 
 ble^ and knew no Man more concerned to do it, nor more 
 capable than your felf 
 
 Nor is your Anfwering me fuch a Difappointmeht as 
 you are pleas’d to mention * but that you fhou’d attempt 
 it, and do it to no more purpofc, is, 7 confcfs, more 
 Difappointment to me than any thing 7 cou’d ha’ met 
 with. 
 
 Whether, Sir, the IndifFerency you arc fo p-e's’d with 
 in your Temper, be Congruous to your Proicffionas a 
 Gofpcl Minifter, 1 flvdl not examine : Whether you that 
 are a-Paftor of a Dilfencing Church, and Adminifler the 
 Ordinances of Chi ill: to a Seleft People, in a way DitTen- 
 ting from the Eftab’ifh’d Church, and thereby maintain 
 a Schifin in the faid Effablifh’d Church, ought to be fo in* 
 different as to boafe that you never perfwaded any Man 
 to Conform, or not to Conform, I leave it to your felf 
 to confider v<I am fute, if I was arriv’d to that Caldnefs 
 in the matter my felf, i wou’d Conform immediately i 
 for I think what 1 afR m’d in the Enquiry , Page re¬ 
 mains a Truth unanfwcred by you •, That Schifm from a 
 True Ejtablifh’d Church of Chufl, is a great Sin } and if 7 
 can Conform, 1 ought to Conform. 
 
 From this Declaration of your own indifferency to 
 meddle in Matters of ControverfI?, with your Reafons for 
 it, which! luppofe you wou’d have taken as lntrodu&ory 
 to what follows, you are pleas’d to proceed very angrily 
 to examine why I engage you in this Quarrel: I have gi¬ 
 ven you an Account of it already with all the Honerty 
 and Piainacfs / can, and I thought a Perfon in your Place 
 
 Z 2 wow’d 
 
( JJO ) 
 
 wou’d never haveRefented the being putnpon the Defence 
 of his Profelfion, or being Civilly ask’d a Queftion about 
 it •, and / cannot but obferve how carefully you avoid be¬ 
 ing engag’d in the prefent Difpure. 
 
 I ought to have been well allur’d, you fay, (i.) That 
 you did advife one way or the other ; Or, (z.) That you ought • j 
 to have dune fo. A 
 
 Really, Sir, I think it immaterial whether you were 
 or no; or, whether you ought, or no; for I never Charg’d 
 you with the firft, or affirm’d the laft; but only ask’d 
 this fair Queftion: 
 
 Whether it was allow’d by Diflenters in general, or 
 by your Congregation in particular 'i To which Queftion 
 you give no Anfwer. 
 
 But I lhall anfwer you honeftly and directly: lam 
 alTui’d, as far as Rationally I can be, by confequences of 
 things., that you have not advifed one way or other ? Nor 
 do 1 affirm you ought to have done fo, unlefs the Perfon 
 concern’d, applied to you for Advice in Point of Con¬ 
 fidence on the Cafe; if he did, Ido not lee how you could 
 decline it. So that to me,it feuns,you either were oblig’d, 
 or not oblig’d, as the Application of the Perfon concern’d 
 might alter the Cafe: I do not fay you were oblig’d offici* 
 oully to tender your Advice in the Cafe .• If J am wrong 
 here , I /hall acknowledge my Error when lam better inform’d. 
 
 The next thing will come clofe to the Point, Whether , 
 it be a Fault, an unlawful Attion, or no, for a Diffenter, 
 at fucb, to hold Occallonal Communion with the Efta- 
 blilh’d Church, and, at the fame time continue in, or re- ''j 
 turn to his Relative conjunction with a Separate Church. 
 
 That it is not a finful Adt limply to have Communion 
 with the Eftablilh’d Church, I willingly agree. But fince 
 on this Point depends the Weight of our prefent Difpute, 
 
 I mult conclude, I hat I think ’cis a finful Adt circuniftan- 
 tially and conjundtively. 
 
 And becaufe I wou’d be rightly underftood, /lhall en- I 
 deavour to be Explicit, tho’ I run the hazard of being 
 counted impertinent. 
 
 I have laid down the Cafe, J thought, fairly, and of 
 
 which 
 
( 3? 1 ) . 
 
 which you are pleas’d to take no Notice, in the Er.qimy, 
 
 r % •*. a z 
 
 % 5Sfr?<Ci“ - V * 
 
 {£ Scan Serve God m a Form m« re agree* M, 
 and that accordingly ’»« bn duty to do> f , 
 
 ^ ifUM 
 
 "lubJumiM byte real Principle of Confci- 
 l{ th D ; ( r cnt how can I Conform without Sinning a- 
 gainft^hat Conference, b, which oni, qM » 
 
 «&■»? ». * angry with me, ,f 
 
 J/1,4 >r« fmLifle of Conf.lcnce, i, ’gu,l,y of a gr.a, 
 Si ”n« he who Conform, u ,1* EfiM/b'd Cb«A againfi 
 
 J££JZ, P«i»t »/ »i«. ^ OT ' #/ 
 
 S'=asss«- 
 
 tbut to hifttfclf* niftin&ions • lodged* 
 
 fl, 8 / ^'t^rSLg .bid, Me yon .ill, 
 
 Sfc^tKSKHS 
 
 Z 3 
 
X 
 
 WjJinionj and fomc' People, who are Matters of th 
 f p j- ° f . i ^, tc ,.4 r S uln g> too often lofe both Themfol^ 
 a n l tll f Rc /z lQn w the Labyrinths of Words- *7*? 
 
 £r r - ‘-?S 
 
 " 1.0 I, 4or [1 " ! h ™ «*• 
 
 Hi’ g Difference. '7tV/nl^! T ," flcs ' 01 l,a . vc bur a Tri- 
 Jargs a Chafra ii the Church" w™tal” >aking f “ 
 for, without queffion in thrrn J ,J?“ ch t0 anfwer 
 Nation, if it has all been nrlr &S D " ilions of ^ 
 pendices. en OCCafion d by a few Email Ap- 
 
 If our Differences are not nf n r • 
 
 no more to fay; if thev l 1 % e J' Confcience 7 have 
 
 from the Common Underft mdinF- a | Myfte .a ry yet hidden 
 
 mlifired on from a Principle o' rw-; h ° W the £ can be 
 without aftinp againft-hat (\ n c ? C ence ’ ?P d then wav’d 
 juftify the firft ffln K ,J wf,,ch **, could 
 
 ® into this, / J m •' lf:m ca " r’iiiir'guifll 
 
 or Inconfiitmt Sth’ the Chriffia'I's---* b,Cl ' 7' Co " li * cnt 
 2 nd Right. ’ ^ lafl Siate » to be Orthodox 
 
 r allow your Diffiactions of Negative anH Am 
 
 siff «“*■«»-r 
 
 not reach dKcSTSSfe^TiJr 1 ? l “ b ? lil1io "> d °« 
 ought to bt fuijy u t -^ ClU P U 0l,s Perfons 
 
 Fellow Chriftians' were ft" ow u nMinds > and 
 
 them. Cre DOt t0 J Qd Se, bat to Receive 
 
 • yh* s you have anfwer’d your felf p , 
 
 m dubious and fmall Matters aV mean * 
 
 we are next to Examine \x/uu ‘ We muft ftlck herc » 
 
 tween Us and the SSbbfli’d^h'^K , the DifFercncc be- 
 titabiifh d Church be only in dubious 
 
( m > . . „ 
 
 ortr1 fm , 11 Matters; if it be, I know not how we (hall 
 Ward off the Blow of being guilty of Schifm ; the Sini of 
 which I fuppofe you will not difpute. Wherefoi c to de- 
 
 fcend to fome Particulars--|f l know why we Diflenc 
 
 from the Eftablifh’d Church, tis principally on fuch Ac¬ 
 counts as thefe. 
 
 i. On account or the Epiicopai *ciirkfoiT* M Scripture - 
 * Hierarchy, Prelatical Orainau- EAdemeforDiotefrnBi^pu 
 
 0 Ton”Knt°of'Kr impofing things own’d to bn , 
 
 ‘"“^TtSlX^ing, own’d to bn 
 otherwife indifferent, as made neceffary by the Command 
 
 ° f M to Partial Conformity, Diffent in fome things, and 
 
 S£.TO 4 
 
 pSin Which wn Diffint, and that no left than the a*. 
 ‘'t(fhSnT““r (mall things, J >™ c0 " t = n ' “ ft “ d 
 
 C ° Mth'^sfr have not thought fit to touch upon 
 lor Rnafonswhich yon know belli andl tally wonder 
 
 fo nicely about the finallcr matters, and omit the b i 
 
 “if we differ from the Eftablifh’d Church in fmall things 
 only we are to blame to make the Breach fo wide W» 
 it for fmall and dubious Things only that we E . 
 
 ccfs of the Law, Excommunications, Seizures of 
 
L J ,, ( 334 ) 
 
 1C3WS ’ and Imprifontnent of our Perfons ? And c n ™ „ 
 
 drawn from your DiftimSions, and vour fdf 
 what he may pcrham do • r\u„ ~ i y0Ur lel * te, hng us 
 
 to bhCmfciono?' • D “% “ndfo not offer mmo 
 
 fame time^ailo^^ha/ls slns^^h y ° U ? the 
 he to be admonifhed to Repeat of S’c: h £ ? Ughc noC 
 
 Reiv’d again into CoraEon? This i"’» w? ^ ** 
 by being receiv’d as a Peni.-^ v what 1 mean 
 Man is to do the part of? pV v°" F ant <>• 9- ) a 
 this Erior is a Fault thounh it nKenc * 0l L a Fau it j and 
 ranee. * lC were an Error of Igno- 
 
 bothgtoottr Rottfm,'though ft be ttiSh^'^-T^ 
 
 .?x;r «w ,jztgsz 
 
 ReH^on" for allow!,™* '^Lfc ’ ^°P Wrm « 
 
 ought not to think fo A-J whl ^/°V y °” mijft al,ow he 
 not OccafioK compelling ^ 
 « why fhou’dOciyW ml™***’ F ° rcc cou4 noc 
 
 of Otoe™ can pJovc^Th? F ^ Ge , ntIeman i but 
 them, but Occafron ‘ that^tf 5rcc cou d noc compel 
 co -’d invite them Now if l, ^° n 7 0u I and Preferment 
 tor me, I lhaiibe gotten'ovf'r U P Ca £ e 5° Reconcile this 
 Man can jollify fufFenng 'co thr °i? C - Point ’ Whether a 
 
 fwa ” *-<3* MvfiS^s 
 
 without 
 
( 335 ) 
 
 without impofing upon his Confclcnce, and which, Occa- 
 fion inviting, he may judge lawful ? 
 
 You have another Diftin&ion which, I confefs, I hardly 
 think to be Rational, that is. Unprofitable Preterment, 
 Page . Firft, I neither underftand that the Inftance 
 you are upon is Unprofitable, nor believe it; nor that 
 the Epithete can be proper to the word, for that which is 
 unprofitable cannot be a Preferment. 
 
 I mnft alfo obferve here, Sir, that the Conformity 
 exa&ed'in the late Reigns, was not fo large as vvhat thefe 
 Gentlemen are pleas’d to comply with voluntarily. Now 
 as to the Ceremonies you infift on, and which indeed 
 Ido not, as the way of Ad miniftration, Kneeling, &c. 
 it was allow’d to be fo indifferent then, that many re¬ 
 ceiv’d in the Church Standing. But when thefe Un¬ 
 profitable Preferments , as you pleafe to call them, invite, 
 they feck of themfelves what before they cou’d not be 
 forc’d to. 
 
 3 . You ask us another Queftion .* What if fome have 
 thought that alone a fufficent Reafonfor their Occafional Com¬ 
 munion with a Churchy with whom they have not a conflant 
 Communion , That they may teflify to the Warid they Decline it 
 not as no Church , but fofar pr attic ally own it as theReafon of 
 the thing requires } may not be fuppofed to do this, as thinking 
 it a good Reafon , whether it be fo or no, without going againft 
 ConJ'cience herein ? 
 
 Truly, Sir, 1 mull fuppofe thefe It may fcc’r, and Why 
 may not's , are put in to make out what you laid Page , 
 that you cou’d puzzle a mean Underitanding both ways 
 and, 1 thank God, you are driven to the Necefiity of 
 thefe Arts. But to let you fee thefe Suppolicions may 
 be replied to; 
 
 1 . Sir, the Church of England , however, mull own Her 
 felf very much oblig’d to fuch Gentlemen who will Con¬ 
 form only to Vindicate her Reputacion. 
 
 2 . They may be fuppofed to do thus, but they cannot 
 be fuppofed to do fo without a manifeft grofs ignorance, 
 and taking that, for a good Reafon which is none at all: 
 For if, Sir, you will admit that a Man is in the Right as to 
 
 him- 
 
^ toO 
 
 iiimfelf, while he thmk'slieis fo, then you open the way to 
 the fatal Latitude of all manner ofError,for no man’s guil¬ 
 ty of an Error,as an Error,but as hisjudgment may be per¬ 
 verted to believe himfelf right, when he is wrong. 
 
 Page 19 . you are pleas’d to Object forme : Since. Sir 
 you tbink it not unlawful to Communicate with fucb a Church 
 fometimet , why Jhou'd you not (for Common Order fake ) do 
 it always f ' 
 
 Sir, if you pleafe to give me leave to ask Queftions for 
 my lelf, [ wou’d ftate it frmething more fairly to 
 the Cafe in hand, thus: Since , Sir , you think it not TJn- 
 lawful to Communicate with Juch a Church fometimes why 
 jhou'dyou not , to avid the juft Imputation of Schifm , 'which 
 is a great Sin, have done it always ? And why never do it 
 but when upon an Occafion of Preferment inviting, you 
 find it rcceflary to protect you from the penalty of 
 
 I Ihou’d ha’ been very ghd you had Hated this Quefti- 
 on fully, and fuppofe what Anfwer you pleafe j for upon 
 my word , I can fuppofe none , unlefs I wou’d bring him in, 
 owning the Crime, and repenting of it i which 1 fhou’d 
 be glad to hear of. 
 
 What you fay, I fhall Hare at, Page 20 . 1 willingly ad¬ 
 mit y that what is ftmply heft, may not be befl for Prattice in 
 prefent Circumflances . And I mull likewife remind you, 
 Sir, That what may be limply Lawful, may be unlawful 
 Circumfiantially : And fo I affirm this to be, and dare 
 undertake to prove it fo, without comeing in the Num* 
 ber of Solomon's Fools, with whom you have rank’d 
 me for propofing hajlily beyond Seven Men that can render 
 a Reafon, 
 
 Here, Sir, viz. at your 20 th Page, I muff leave yea 
 £0 combat with the Independents , and Jet them anfwer 
 for themfelves; I am not at all concern’d in the Quar¬ 
 rel. 
 
 And you fpend three or four Pages as an Advocate 
 for the Church, of England , concerning Modes and Ge- 
 ftures v in which, 1 am lure, 1 am far from placing 
 the leaft Weight, where ferious Chriftianity is to be 
 
 found f 
 
c w ) 
 
 found-, and God forbid either you or I, Sir fhou’d 
 be found making a Rent in the Chrijlian Union of 
 this Church and Nation, if their Kneeling at the Sa¬ 
 crament, or the life of a Liturgy, were all the Dis¬ 
 pute; ’tis you have led me into faying any thins of 
 the Difference between the National Church ai d the 
 Diffenters. 
 
 I know that the A/Jt^ of the Primitive Church inclu¬ 
 ded the Forms ot their Adminidtations and Puhlick 
 Services \ and need not recite my Authorities for it to 
 you who know it better than I; nor that they are found 
 in the Tune of Tcrtulliayi^ and long before him. But / 
 know alfo, and the contrary has never been prov’d that 
 thofe Forms were not impos’d as Terms of Commu¬ 
 nion, and under the Penalty of Laws, at kalt till the 
 Diviiions of the Church between the Arrians and the 
 Orthodox, when Error and Perfecution got into the 
 Church, and the Evil Spirit Reign’d, to the Dcdrudion 
 or both fides. 
 
 And now, Sir, I find you no more talking to me till 
 you come to Page 25, where you are pleafed'to Satvrizc 
 upon my Title and Preface. 1 
 
 Really, Sir, / believe my lelf capable to Defend mv 
 Book againd all that the Power of Cavil and Sophifti y 
 can fugged y and therefore I am not folicitous for mv Pre¬ 
 face and Title-Page. 1 
 
 But that / may fatisfy your Requed: and telling you 
 fird, that you oblige me to it: / (hall be plain. 
 
 Tou defire me to examine my own Heart , what I meant 
 by that Suggcjhon > in Cafe: of Preferment , mentioned in the 
 Title was it not to mfinuate,- that Preferment was the in- 
 ^cement to that Worthy Perfon to aCt againft his Confer 
 
 Sir Will you be pleafed to Examine your own Ream 
 how that can be, when the Words were printed Threl 
 years before the Fad y and I Appeal toGod and the World* 
 whether you have not wrongfully Judg’d me then. Cut ‘to 
 make it more plain: u co 
 
 1 do not fa y he > or any Body elfe does it for Preferment ■ 
 * . you 
 
you are pleas’d firangely to miftake me : I fay they may 
 have the Preferment without it. 
 
 *Tis done to fave tbeir Money , to fave the Five hun¬ 
 dred Pounds , which is the Penalty of the Ad: 7 am forry 
 you have not Read the Book before you ventur’d to make 
 fo fevere a Remark. For your better Information , there¬ 
 fore, Sir, I refer you to p. 19 in the Enquiry , where my 
 Words are plain. 
 
 As to the Worthy Gentleman , xvhofe Caufeyou would have 
 this to be ; you fay this has been bis known Judgement and 
 Pradice feveral Years. 
 
 Tho’ it were true, yet,Sir, this is ho Argument to prove 
 the thing lawful, or to prove that it is not pradifed , e- 
 ven in every part that I have laid down, by others before 
 him, and like to be fo after him ; it only quits him of do¬ 
 ing it againfl his Confcience, to qualifie himfelf for the un¬ 
 profitable Preferment you mention -• and this I never Charg’d 
 him with. 
 
 That he has done the Fad, no Body Difputes; but that 
 he did it againft his Confcience, I never alledg’d ; you put 
 that upon me , Sir, unjujlly: Be his Confcience to God 
 and himfelf, I know better than to judge him , nor can you 
 without a Breach of Charity fuggeft it of me. 
 
 Nor do I any-where fay that others have aded againft 
 their Confcienccs that do fo; poffibly they may by the 
 help of nice Diftingui/hing , Reafon themfelves into a Be¬ 
 lief of their being in the Right. 
 
 But the Point in Debate is. Whether whatever their 0 - 
 pinions may be in the Cafe , the Ad it felf be not, as I have 
 laid, Circnmflantially finful: For I hope you will grant nfe 
 they are never the more in the Right for its being their 
 Opinion: Truth is always unmov’d, fiillen, and the fame, 
 whatever Glofs our Fancy or Intereft puts upon it. 
 
 But fince you will have it be this Gentleman’s pradice, 
 which l think no Reputation to him, nor Defence of the 
 Pradice: Nor do I think you or he can juftifie your Dif- 
 fenting from the Church of England , and that Pradice 
 together: Since, I fay, you will have it be that Gentle¬ 
 man’s pradice; all you gain by that in point of Argu¬ 
 ment,' 
 
( 339 ) 
 
 merit is. That he did not do it againft his Confcience, 
 
 “r to fetvc the prefect Turn, And what then ? I af- 
 firm to vou, I neither meant him nor any Man elfe, but 
 him tha! it Guilty ; and I meant him, and every Body 
 elfe if they are guilty. And what is all this to the pur- 
 rjofe? The Qucftion is not here, who is, or is not guilty 
 of it; but whether the thing in its own Nature, ag¬ 
 gravated with the Circumltances of Turn and Return, ti¬ 
 med for Preferment, with all the black Etcetera 's of it, as 
 ’tis lately praftis’d, and as 1 have laid it down, be a Crime, 
 
 ° r If°this Gentleman you would Embroil me with did for¬ 
 merly live in a generator ordinary Communion,both with 
 the Church of England, and a private Congregation, be¬ 
 fore either the Preferments, I mention, invited,or thePe- 
 nalty of theLaw forced him to it \ Theni he ftands clear or 
 this part of the Charge, that he did it for the protection 
 ofhiVlnterefty but flill the Matter of Faft is true 
 Thus Sir,l have faid what I thought my felt oblig d to by 
 way of Reply to yourConfiderations: And as to your Cen- 
 fures.tho’ / have a greatOpinion of your Charity, however 
 you feem to be out of Temper in this Cafe \ yet I appeal 
 from your Judgment, to the Judgment of Truth i and wa¬ 
 ving all your puzzling Diftin&ions, which my Refpect for 
 vour Perfon and Character, will not permit me to Defcant 
 upon ; give me leave to make this fhort Conclufion. 
 
 Sincerity is the Glory of a Chriftian y the Native Lu- 
 ftre of an honeft Heart is impofllble to be hid y twillftune 
 through all his Life in one Aftion or another, in fpite of 
 Scandal and it wants no Artifice to fet it out. 
 
 If the Practice we Difcourfe of be to be Defended, let 
 it be a Praltice y I mean, let it be Voluntary, let it be Free 
 and Spontaneous; and if Gentlemen, who havefucha 
 Latitude in their Opinions, wou d not have it thought 
 they are mov’d to it by their Interejls, let them pradtife 
 it openly,and not time it fo to the very Eve of anEledhon, 
 as to have it l'peak of it felf, and, as it were, force Men to 
 believe it done on purpofe i nay, let them not put fuch a 
 Reproach in the Mouths of their Enemies, as to have it 
 
( 340 ) 
 
 ESslf :^Z U c fiMCe ‘ thit rt -P the 
 
 ftration. 8 ’ ani1 a,e as Cmvmmi as Demon- 
 
 of yowB^k^wit h a“i®'£ 8 “ "’'“j* the C ‘^n 
 
 you have not Vpoken £ee w ” er = ' *» 
 
 to irs being a 
 
 fay, Enter not into tbeir Secret , O «v W f >Vjf a ° n,/ 
 »« that is hidden from n,» pj« y a , , ,- l ls an 
 
 oas^.T^ncr yo7V^ f e VichXS- 
 
 ;F gt s™net: 
 
 r 9SS^^SS 
 
 tfo’ W we*. 7 brc'tjfl^n RfcZ L^Or^T’ 
 
 E, femi^ me tf™”? 7 '*** 
 
 tho’ it be mtv’d with ^IPWM'Prtfirmem, that Truth, 
 
 ftould thereby be JodelLftd'Isto J ia - the World ’ 
 
 Sir, l had ended T* 1 * £i l anError * 
 
 to Reply to, concerning rh P n?J l G ! aure y° u force me 
 me with abufing • Indeed h ' Puniam » who >' oa tax 
 Thoughts as’twas !l ed £ * as as remote from my 
 treat \ «* 
 
 beyond th^Bounds^of Civihfv ’' SfiffelM [ r3nfp0r£ed 
 
 ror > 1 "*■ *•* -r ®to & r ***s r^xt- 
 
 ’ fuch 
 

 ■I 
 
 Mi ■ 
 
 ^ , C 341 ) 
 
 fuch a Man as you fliould venture to Charge me with what 
 is neither true in Fad, nor can be fuggefted by Confe¬ 
 rence from any thing 7 have wrote: And, Sir, you 
 muft give me leave to fay, 7 am forry you fhou’d lay your 
 felf fo open, and torce me to fo fevere a Remark 
 
 p eple - sM ? a £r m ’ That / induftrioully repre-' 
 fent the Primitive Enghfb Puritans, as if they were gene- 
 rally of my fhngy, narrow Spirit. h 
 
 r Jf d L b r rV run upon me with 1,1 Language, How T 
 could think tolmpofe upon the World in a matter of foment 
 
 Memory-, and, flow I could have the Confidence &c. This 
 is really a new fort of Stile from Mr. flow. * 
 
 Sir, / have induftrioully examin’d the Book I wrote • 
 and, as 7am 1 fore I never entertain’d a Thought in prciu- 
 ice of the beft Charader that can be given thofePrimi 
 tive Reformers; fo 1 cannot find one Word in the whole 
 Boot which can, no, not with the help of an Innuendo bt 
 fo much as pretended to look that way. ’ b 
 
 ™- fore . S f ir > uaJefs y°u can make it out, or, by the 
 help ot fome of your Difiintiions come off from it • T 
 
 Tr'ffZ"/, 1 me f ° m " Cb J “P“' as are a Man'of 
 rKant ;** an# a ctno»ledge 
 
 A " d . thac 1 mayjOT’e it to every body to ledge whe- 
 
 here for what 1 ^ - ‘ 
 
 no«; .1 ? A h f ? ,d reiatln ? t0 rhe Puritans, ancl im¬ 
 partially lay down the Matter of Fad. 
 
 After 1 had given a Ihort abridgment of our Reformat i- 
 
 Bi/hnn i CC I ted r he Ccr 'VT fie bettveen Bifho P Ridley and 
 B (hop hooper, / proceeded tbus,Page the 6th. When Queen 
 
 P fi ° nd tbe Pr ? tefimt Mi i ion ' ™d the Church 
 *$*!■£ C r the Debate reiv'd: Buttle &(f 
 
 E M abl luTu X f f ^ f dward » obtained fo on the Minds of 
 Menyhat the farther Reformation was rejeUed: The other Par 
 ty being not at all Convinc'd, tbo'Over-ruPd, fubmitted their 
 erfons to the Laws , but not their Opinions ; aftirmina That 
 st was the Duty of every Chrifttan to endeavor to ffrve God 
 ™tb the greatefi Purity of Wcrfhip as wa, poffible' andthat 
 tm was the purejl Worfhip which came ntarefi the Divine In. 
 
 fiitution v 
 
^ ( ?42 ) 
 
 flitution, which they believed the Efiablifh'd Liturgy did not j 
 and therefore in Conjcience they ntujl be Diffenters. 
 
 Having made this Quotation, which I have fu/fident 
 Authority to prove genuine, from a Manufcript of a fa¬ 
 mous Man in thofe days, which 1 have feen, and on occa¬ 
 sion am ready to produce: I go on thus: 
 
 It mufl be own'd , that the Original Authors of thefe De¬ 
 putes were Learned , Devout, and Singularly Pious, flriCt in 
 Converfation to Excefs , if that were poffible; and from 
 thence in a fort of happy Derifton , were call'd Puritans : Of 
 whom I fhaU fay nothing , but leave for a Record the lajt Speech 
 of a Famous Foreigner j 
 
 Sit anima mea cum Furitanis Anglicanis. 
 
 This is all the Words that have the lead Retrofped on 
 the Puritans , unlefs you will pretend that a few words, 
 Page 24. is meant of them, which no Man can have any 
 Colour of Rcafon for: But left that Ihou’d be pretended, 
 I /hall quote them alfo, Page 24. 
 
 The Diffenters can never pretend to be Diffenters upon the 
 meer Principle of Purity of Worfhip , as J have related in the 
 beginning of this Difcourfc, if fucb jhallbe receiv'd as blame - 
 lefs into their Communion , who have Deferted them upon oc- 
 cafion of Preferment : 
 
 This refers back to Page 12. where, I fay, / /hall give 
 my EfTay as to what I underftand a real Diffenting Prote- 
 ftant is, nor can it refer to any other place: But if youfhou'd 
 ftill fay it looks back to the Puritans , 'twou’d puzzle a 
 better Head than mine to find out a Reflection on them in 
 it. 
 
 But this is not the only thing in which you are pleafed 
 to injure both me and the Truth: For, Page 28. you tell 
 me,with fome Heat toofThat throughout my Bookffuch as are 
 fo ftingily ( your Favourite word. Sir) bigottedto a Party , as 
 I, are treated with this fort of Charicy, to be ftil’d Paint¬ 
 ed Hypocrites t fuel) as play Bo-peep with God Almighty, That 
 if fuch an Occafion offer it felf to any of th n to frve G "1 '<nd 
 their Country in a publick Station, do mat So. Law requires ,, 
 

 ( w ) 
 
 and which they may finlefly do in order to it , do trefpafs upon 
 their Confciences,and Damn their Souls to fave their Countries. 
 
 Sir, for God fake, how came you to let your Paffion thus 
 out-run your Memory ? 
 
 There is not one word of all this true: Pardon me that 
 1 am oblig'd in my own Defence to fay fo : I refer you to the 
 Original to convince your fclf of it, and I’ll take the pains 
 to go along with you in the Examination. 
 
 Firft, As to Painted Hypocrites, ’tis fpoken of the whole 
 Body of Protellants in England , in thefe words. 
 
 P. 8. I muft acknowledge it fares with the Church 0/Eng¬ 
 land, and with DiJJenters both, as it has always far'd with 
 Chrift's Church in the whole tVorld ; that while fuppreft'd and 
 perfected, their Prof effort were few , and their ProfeJJion more 
 fevere : But when Religion comes to be the Mode of a Coun¬ 
 try, fo many Painted Hypocrites,there’s the Wordier into 
 the Church, that Guile is not to be feen till it arrive to Apoftacy. 
 
 Pray, Sir, who can thefe Painted Hypocrites refer to, 
 that you fhould fay, Innuendo , All thofe that are not of my 
 Party, or that are not fo ftingy as /? 
 
 Thefe Painted Hypocrites mull belong to that Religion 
 which is the Mode of the Country : which mull rather 
 mean the Church of England than the Diflenters: and yec 
 if I meant either of them, it cannot be made a Reflexion 
 becaufe ’tis confin’d only to fuch as are Apoftates from 
 Religion, not fuch .as continue to Conform to both or ei¬ 
 ther of them. 
 
 This is Judging me indeed neither with Charity nor 
 Truth: The next Words are, Such as play Bo-peep with God 
 Almighty. Pray, good Sir, reflect on Solomon, and what is 
 faid of fuch as judge of a Matter before they hear it; 1 am 
 perfwaded you did not read the Claufe; which is thus. 
 
 I had been examining the Woful Excufe of fomc peo¬ 
 ple, and too many fuch we had, who wou’d take the Sacra¬ 
 ment v.t the Church, and pretend ’twas done only as a 
 Civil Adtioni on which 1 made fuch Remarks as, I think, 
 fo prophane a Practice deferv’d j and at lail added. This 
 is playing Bo-peep with God Almighty. 
 
 And, pray Sir, if I may be fo free with you, dolut exa- 
 
 A a min.' 
 
 
( 344 ) 
 
 mine the Circumftance as t have laid it down, and tell 
 me from the Sincerity of your Soul, if you are not of the 
 fame Mind. 
 
 The other Reflexion is on fuch, who, tho it be a- 
 gainft their Confcience*, pretend ’tis to ferve their 
 Country: Ofthefe, / fay. They are Patriots indeed, who 
 will Damn their Souls to fave their Country : Not that 
 thereby I imply, that to take the Sacrament with the 
 Church of England, wou’d Damn any Man’s Soul, if he 
 communicated with a right Principle; buttodo^it to 
 ferve a Turn, which is the Queftion in hand, / won’t an- 
 fwer for, tho’ it were inverted from the Church to a Dif- 
 fenting Congregation. 
 
 Allthefelnftances, Sir, and more which / could reckon 
 up, ferve to make me admire wherein 1 have fo provok’d 
 vou, as to remove you from your wonted Candor: And 
 fince my Writing on a Caufe, which I expefted fairer 
 Quarter in, fo exceedingly moves you, / lhall chufe rather 
 to lay down the Controverfy, than to engage with a Per- 
 fon, who 1 Ihou’d be very much concern’d to fee exceed J 
 the Rules which he has with fo much Succefs, and fo much 
 Applaufe prefcrib’d to others. 
 
 / always thought Men might Difpute without Railing, 
 and Differ without Quarrelling; and that Opinions need 
 not affedt our Tempers; But lince it is not to be, found, 
 
 I leave it to thofe who have a better Talent that way j 
 than I. | 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. j 
 
 Befidcs your Book, Sir, which I think treats me Courfe - 
 ly enough ; I am fince threatned to be worfe us'd by a 
 Gentleman, who thinks hinjfelr concern’d in my affront¬ 
 ing you, as he calls it. . 
 
 I aflure you. Sir, I do not charge you with any part of 
 it: 1 believe you to be more of a Chrijlian , and more of 
 a Gentleman, nor am I fenfible I gave you any affront, I 
 am fare I intended you none. 
 
 , But 
 
„ , , C 34$) 
 
 B'lt becaufe that Gentleman, I underftand, expea s forae 
 Anfwet th, s wait, I have this to fay to him. P 
 
 reGim VI thmkS hm f el f ca P able t0 £ ive ™e Perfonal Cor- 
 
 £&& fXaXr cmuA w ———- 
 
 D. F. 
 
 The Two Great Queftiona 
 
 c OK s I D E 
 
 I. Wbat the French King mil DOi with RefpePl to tbs 
 
 Spanifh Monarchy. 
 
 II. Wbat Meafures the Engli/h ought to Take. 
 
 The PREFACE 
 
 Cj/we the following Sheets were in the Prefs, Jome Letters 
 , Fiance advife , that the King of France has fa- 
 
 luted h ti Grandfon the Duke D’Anjou, at King of Spain 
 Some of the mojl Intelligent Part of Mankind, think He 
 
 has done fo by way of Politicks, to fee bow the reft of 
 Europe will refent ■ tt ; as He once did in a like Cafe, to 
 je rtnee of Conti as King of Poland; whofe Pretentions 
 He did not think fit to purfue. 
 
 The Author therefore thinks the following Sheets are as 
 much to the purpofe as they were before j and without any far¬ 
 ther recommendation refers the Reader to the perufal. 
 
 A a 
 
 THE 
 
THE 
 
 Two Great Queftions 
 
 CONSIDER'D. 
 
 W E are told. That the. Deceafed King of Spain has 
 by hislaft Will, bellow’d his Kingdoms on the 
 Duke D'^njoufi randfon to the Prefent King of France. 
 
 Amongft the many weak Actions of that Effeminate 
 Prince, who hardly ever did a Wife One, This is the 
 moft Ridiculous; if it be proper togivefuchan Epithet 
 to the Actions of Sovereign Princes. 
 
 i. To imagine the Moft Chriftian King wou d give a- 
 ny Regard to, or put any Value upon fuch a Bequeft,any 
 farther than confided with his other Meafurcs, or at leap 
 with his Intereft; rtuft be a Folly none could be guilty 
 of, but fuch as know very little of the King of France, 
 
 or of the Affairs of Europe. 
 
 2 . To think that the Reft of the Princes of Chrtjlen- 
 dom , wou’d fuffer the Spanijh Monarchy to be bequeathed 
 by Will to a French Man, without any Title or other J 
 Right than the Deed of Gift of the late King, and with- 1 
 out any Regard to the Right of the Lawful Pretenders, is 
 
 alfo moft Egregious Nonfenfe. . . 
 
 To make way therefore, to the Cafe in hand ^ and at 
 the Queftions before us with more Clearnefs; tis ne- 
 ceflary to Examine the Nature, and probable Confequen* 
 ces of this Laft Will and Teftaraent of the King ot 
 
 ^ i. As to the Nature of thfe Thing, it feems to be a 
 Tacit Invitation to all the Competitors to a Dangeious 
 and a Bloody War} as if the King of Spain Ibou d have 
 faid to his Privy Council, VU be revenged on them au 
 for attempting to divide qurDominions j for Eli give it to One 
 
( 347 ) 
 
 that has no Title , let the Rejl fight for it , and the longeft 
 Sword take all. 
 
 As to the Duke D'Anjou, he has no manner of Title, 
 but what is prefumptive on the Death of his Father and 
 Elder Brother without Iflue; if they Ihould have Chil¬ 
 dren the Emperor of Morocco has as good, and perhaps 
 a better Title to the Crown of Spain than He. 
 
 The Dauphin of France has an Unqueftion’d Title to 
 the Crown of Spain , if it be True, that the Renunciati¬ 
 on made by his Father and Mother at the Pyrenrean Trea¬ 
 ty, cannot bind the Children fo as to deprive them of 
 their Right, which is the great Argument now us’d to 
 defend their Title: Now if their Right be good, the 
 Crown is the Dauphin's , and after him the Duke of Bur¬ 
 gundy's and his Heirs. 
 
 But I Ihou’d be glad to have it anfwei’d,how the Duke 
 D'Anjou can have a Title while the other are alive ? It 
 cannot be in the Power of the Dauphin to fay, l will give 
 my Right to my Second Son, for / do not think it worth 
 my while to accept of it for my felt or my Eldeft. 
 Becaufe, 
 
 2. The Conlequenceof that will in all Probability be 
 this, that the Duke of Burgundy's Son, when he has One, 
 will fay again, My Grandfather had no Power to give a- 
 way my Right, I am the Undoubted Heir to the Spanifh 
 Monarchy , and fo no Queftion he will be if the prefent 
 Dauphin has a Right} and if Power be in his Hands to 
 fubdue it, he will have it, tho’ the Polfefilon be his Un¬ 
 cle’s ; for Crowns know no Uncles, Brothers, or any 
 Relations ; when Power of PolTeflion joyn’d with Right 
 is before them. 
 
 So that the King of France cannot but fee, that to take 
 the Crown of Spain from the Will and Teftament of 
 the late King, is Difclaiming the Right of his own Son, 
 and Involving his Grandfons in Bloody Wars j the Jfc 
 fee of which a Wifer Head than His cannot forefee. This 
 leads me to Confider 
 
 A a 3 
 
 The 
 
f 
 
 
 ( ms > 
 
 The Firft Queftion. 
 
 What Meafures the King of France will take , with refpctt to 
 
 the Succejfion of the Spanifh Monarchy ? 
 
 By faying what Meafures he will take, I mean, what 
 He will in all Probability take, or what his Intereft will 
 lead him to take \ for / fuppofe no Man will imagine 1 
 am of his Privy Council. 
 
 To debate this Matter, *tis neceflary to confider the 
 King of France , with refpeft to the Terms he Hands in 
 with the reft of Europe. 
 
 If the King of France were abfolute Mafter of his 
 own Meafures, and had no Leagues or Neighbours to 
 regard ; there is no Queftion to be made, but that re¬ 
 jecting all Conditions, he would immediately enter up¬ 
 on the Dominions of Spain as his own undoubted Inheri¬ 
 tance, or at leaft his Sons; annex the fame to the Crown 
 of France , and make it one Entire Empire; and any Man 
 elfe wcu’d do the like. 
 
 But as He has Meafures to take with Powerful Neigh¬ 
 bours, who as Potent as He is, are able to give him Di- 
 verfion enough ; and if He ihou’d embroil himfelf with 
 them, may make it a Hazard whether he Ihould obtain it 
 or no j He is too Wife a Prince not to fee that his Inte- 
 reft will Oblige him to a<ft in Concert with his Neigh¬ 
 bours, as far as conveniently He can. 
 
 The Truth of this Argument is abundantly confirm’d 
 in the Meafures He took, and the Alliances He made be¬ 
 fore the Death of the King of Spain. 
 
 They who think the King of France fo Magnipotent 
 that He values none of his Neighbours, and talk fo big of 
 him, that like his Medal-makers they place him among 
 the Invisibles ; muft have forgot the Siege of Narrwre , 
 and the Vain Effort of the Power of France to relieve it '■> 
 they muft pafs over his Deferting the Late, and Ac¬ 
 knowledging the Prefent King of England at the Peace of 
 Fefwick * they muft overlook the low Steps he was 
 
 oblig’d 
 
. r ( 349 ) 
 
 oblig’d to make, to draw the Duke of Savoy from the 
 Confederacy, how he was unable to fave Cafall , which 
 colt him fo much Mony , how he delivered the Impreg¬ 
 nable Town of Pigneroll, which his Father call’d the Right 
 Hand of France , and which colt him 100 Millions to for- 
 tifie ; how he married the Fortune of France to a Daugh¬ 
 ter of Savoy without a Portion, and bought the Duke'of 
 Savoy at the Price of his Grandfon’s Dilhonour; how he 
 furrendred the large Dominions ot Lor rain and Luxem¬ 
 burg fc, and above ioo Fortified Towns to the Confede¬ 
 rates which though he were always Mailer of the Field, 
 wou’d colt him Seven Years to recover by the Ordinary 
 Courfe of Sieges and Attacks. 
 
 Thcfe are plain Demonltrations, that he found himfelf 
 over-match’d by the Confederacy ; and he is not a Man 
 of fo little Senfe, as not to know it. 
 
 Why elfe in the League now made for the Partition of 
 the Spdni/b Monarchy , Ihou’d he content himfelf with the 
 Dominion the Spaniards had in Italy, and quic the Delici¬ 
 ous Morfel of America to the Houfe of Aiijlria. 
 
 . What Rcafon can any one aflign for it, but that fin¬ 
 ding the Englijh and Dutch never to be brought to con¬ 
 fine, to his being fo very powerful at Sea, as that Addi¬ 
 tion wou’d make him ; he was willing to accept (o large 
 a Portion as the Italian Part afiign’d to him upon Ealie 
 Terms, rather than venture like the Dog in the Fable, 
 to lofe all by coveting too much. 
 
 Upon thefe Terms therefore, in Concert with the En- 
 gltflj and Dutch , his Moll Chrilfian Majefly has agreed, 
 that on the Deceafe of the King of Spain the Spanifh Mo¬ 
 narchy fhould be thus divided. 
 
 All the Dominions which the Spaniards pofiefs in Italy 
 to be given to the French , Millan excepted, which is to 
 be given to the Duke of Lorrain in Confideratien of the 
 Dutchies of Lorrain and Barr, which are to be yiel¬ 
 ded to the French , and all the tell fome few Towns 
 on the Frontiers of Navarre excepted, to be given 
 to the Arch-Duke of Aujlria , with other Particulars 
 needlefs to repeat. 
 
 A a 4 
 
 This 
 
( 35° ) 
 
 r This League being Concluded, the King of Spaih 
 (as if he had linget’d out his Days only ’till it was thus 
 fix’d ) dyes according to our Account on the 22. of Octo¬ 
 ber lath 
 
 The Spaniard, on pretence that they wou’d not have 
 their Monarchy divided, and taking no Notice at all of 
 the Right of any Prince to fucceed; has made a Legacy 
 of his Kingdoms, and given them all away to the Duke 
 D’Anjou, a Prince who has no more Right to it, or Pre¬ 
 tence of Right, except as before, than the Prince of Wales 
 or the Czar of Mufcovy. 
 
 Now ’tis a Mighry Difputed Point among our Politici¬ 
 ans , what the King of France will do in this New Jun¬ 
 cture of Affairs, whether He will ftand by the Partition a- 
 greed on, or accept of the late King of Spain’s Bounty, 
 and take the Kingdom as a Gift to his Grandfon. 
 
 What He will do, as is before noted, cannot pofitively 
 be alferted ; but what Reafon the State and Nature of 
 the Thing, and his own Undoubted Intereft will didate, 
 to be done by any Prince in his Citcumftances, any one 
 may judge. 
 
 If H-: be the fame King of France that He has always 
 been, who has very rarely took falfe Meafures, or baulkt 
 his own Intereft, if He be guided by the fame well-man- 
 nag’d Council as he us’d to be, He will certainly adhere 
 v to the pofiulata of his Alliance, and quietly accept the J 
 Partition of the Spanijb Monarchy , as it is agreed in the 
 before«mentioned League. For, 
 
 By this Acqnificion of Italy He fecures to himfelf the 
 Abfolute Dominion of the Mediterranean Sea, He entire¬ 
 ly excludes the Houfe of Aujtria from any farther Con¬ 
 cern in Italy, he has the Church fo abfolutely in his Clut¬ 
 ches, that He may make himfelf Pope if He thinks fit i 
 and whenever He is pleas’d to be Angry with the Petty 
 Princes of Tufcany, Parma, Modena, Mantua , &c. they 
 fhall lay down their Principalities at his Invincible Feet, i 
 and count it more an Honour to be call’d Princes of the 
 Blood, or Peers of France, than to be Abfolute Lords 
 of their own Dominions. So He fhall whenever He 
 
 thi nks 
 
C 35* ) 
 
 thinks fit, re-eftablilh the Old Kingdom of the Lombardi, 
 and annex it to the Title of trance and Navarre. 
 
 And all this without theExpence of Treafure 01 Hazard 
 of his Armies, without fitting out a Fleet, or fighting at 
 Sea or on Shore; the Englijh and Dutch being affiftant to 
 put him into the Poffeflion of it. 
 
 If the Emperor fhou'd be fo weak to oppofe Him, He 
 mult ftand upon his own Leggs, and in the prefent Cir- 
 cumftance, his Power does not feem formidable enough 
 to make the Matter doubtful. 
 
 And now we are come to mention the Emperor, let us 
 fay a Word or Two to thofe Gentlemen,who in his behalf 
 fpeak big and fay, he is able to baffle all thefe Meafures. 
 
 Ftrjl, They tell you, how powerful the Empire now is 
 by the Acquifition of the Kingdom of Hungary, and the 
 moft advantageous Peace.with the Turk. 
 
 They tell you his Imperial Majefty has an Army of 
 itoThouland Men.befides theTroops of the Circles which 
 are 80 Thoufand more ; that of thefe 50 Thoufand lye 
 ready on the Confines of Italy, and all the reft of his For¬ 
 ces are drawing down to the Rhine, that the Duke of Bran- 
 denburgh -on Condition of being made King of PruQia will 
 join him with all his Forces; that the Duke of Luntnburgh 
 on account of the Ninth Electorate ,will maintain 30 Thou¬ 
 fand Men at his own Charge, and thus all the Princes of 
 Italy are on his fide. 
 
 By thefe they tell you, the Emperor will immediately 
 on the one fide fecure Italy , and on the other fide make 
 fuch a Vigorous Diverfion on the Rhine, that the King of 
 France /hall haveWork enough to fecure his own Domini¬ 
 ons,while in the mean time the Arch-Duke Charles ftiall be 
 fent into Spain, where the Spaniards , who naturally hate 
 the French, will immediately proclaim him King. 
 
 Thofe are great Things indeed, and if the Emperor be 
 fo ftrong,he may cut out a great deal ofWork for theCon-> 
 federates, and I’ll fuppofe, the Emperor fhould be fo blind 
 to his own Intereftas to attempt ir, yet it feems not at all 
 probable, that his Imperial Majefty who has hardly been 
 able to fupport himfdr this War, in Conjunftion with the 
 
 whole 
 
C 35 2 ) 
 
 whole Confederacy of Europe fhould imagine himfelf ca¬ 
 pable of putting a Check to the Power of France , in Con¬ 
 junction with England and Holland ; for whatever he might 
 do in Italy and on th e Rhine, he would never be able to de¬ 
 fend Spain and Flanders if he really had them in Pofleffion. 
 
 Firft, Flanders which has always been maintain’d by the 
 Conjunction of the Dutch , would immediately be entred 
 by the Dutch on one fide, and the French on the other j 
 and mult fall into their hands with little difficulty. 
 
 Secondly, Spain cou’d never hold out againlt the French 
 by Land, affifted with the Naval Forces of the Englijh 
 and Dutch by Sea, the Iflands of the Mediterranean mull 
 fubmit to the Matters of the Sea, and America would 
 lye like the Golden Garland to the Wreftlers, to be given 
 to the Conquerors. 
 
 No Man can imagine, but the Emperor, to whofeSon 
 fo Confiderable a Dominion is allotted, will accept of the 
 Partition for his Part, efpecially when he fees how im- 
 poffible it will be to make better Conditions by force. 
 
 What the Engli/h and Dutch are to do, if he fhould , 
 remains to be debated under another Head. 
 
 1*11 now fuppofe that which to me feemsvery unlikely. 
 That the King of France fhould accept of this Legacy, and 
 claim the Crown of Spain for his Grand fon the Duke D'An¬ 
 jou, and attempt to fet up that Ridiculous Title of a Laft 
 Will and Teftament, as the Foundation of his Pretenfion. 
 
 Let us Calmly confiderthe Confequences. 
 
 1. He inevitably renews the War with the whole Con¬ 
 federacy, that Peace which coft him fo much to procure is 
 immediately broken, upon the firft Invafion he makes on 
 the Territories of Spain. , who are a Branch of the Con¬ 
 federacy. 
 
 2. He renews the War under infuperable Difadvanta- 
 ges, fuch as are infinitely greater than He lay under before, 
 arid fuch as loudly tell the World, He never will venture 
 to-fight the wholeConfederacy again. Viz. The Multitude 
 of ftrong Town^ and Cities which he fur rend red to the 
 Confederates, which are a fufficient Guarantee of the Peace, 
 and the Different Cafe of the Emperor, who is more 
 
 than 
 
( ) 
 
 than twice what he was the laft War, by his Peace with 
 the Turks. 
 
 3. If he fhould make the Duke D'Anjou King, France 
 would really get nothing by the Bargain, for in One Age 
 the Race would be all Spaniards again-, May, in a few 
 Years Property wou’d prevail, and he won’d no more let 
 his Brother the Duke of Burgundy when King of France 
 encroach upon him, than the late King of Spain wou’d the 
 prefent King of France ; We do not want Inftances in the 
 World, that Intereft banifhes all the Ties of Nation and 
 Kindred, when the Duk zD'Anjou had been King of Spain 
 fome time, he would look upon Spain to be his Own his 
 Native, his Peculiar, and be as far from fubjcQing him- 
 felf to France , becaule he was born there j as if he 
 had never feen it: Poflibly he might be willing to 
 join Intereft with France , and it may be join Forces up¬ 
 on Occafion; but it mult be where the Interelts of 
 the two Nations did not clalh then, and that is almoft 
 no where, but if ever France encroach upon him 
 Ihe wou d find him King of Spain, not Duke D'An¬ 
 jou. 
 
 So that all the King of France cou’d get by acceptin' 7 
 the Crown of Spain, would be a little prefent Satisfaction 
 to fee a Son of the Houfe of Bourbon on the Spanifh T hrone* 
 but as King of France he wou’d not be One farthing the 
 better for it. 0 
 
 But this would not be all as is before noted, but when- 
 ever the prefent Duke of Burgundy comes to Enjoy the 
 Crown of France, it will in all Probability be an E- 
 ternal Caufe of Contention between them * For if tht 
 Family of France has any Title to Spain , ’us in tin 
 Eldeft Son of the Family, and there can be no Colour ol 
 a Tide in the Second Son while the Eldeft is alive but 
 what is founded either in the Gift of the One King or the 
 Other. 0 
 
 As to the Gift of the Dauphin to his Second Son tht 
 firft being alive, it cannot be valid * for he has no Powei 
 to give away what is his Son’s by Inheritance, nor car 
 no more give the Crown of Spain from him, than the 
 
 Crow 
 
( $54 ) 
 
 Crown of France ; if Gift could be pleaded, the Grand¬ 
 father gave it away from them all before they were born: 
 Nay, if the Duke of Burgundy Ihould confent to it. His 
 Children if ever he has any, will declare, he had no¬ 
 thing to do to give away their Right, any more than 
 the prefent King of France had Power to give away the 
 Right of the Dauphin for fince the Deficiency of that 
 A&ion in its own Nature is the whole Ground of the 
 Dauphin* s Title now, it will dire&ly deftroy the Title of 
 the Duke £)’ Anjou, for what is a good Argument for him 
 cannot be a bad one againft him. 
 
 As to the Gift of the Defunft King of Spain , I fee no¬ 
 thing in it to build a Pretence of Right on ; If he had be¬ 
 queath’d it to the Right Heir, I prefume, he wou’d not 
 have thought his Title one jot the better for it. And if 
 he had bequeath’d it to the Grand Seignior , the King of 
 France wou’d not have thought his Title the worfe for it: 
 So that it fignifies juft nothing at all. 
 
 We come now to the grand Queftion propofed. 
 
 Qucft. 2. What Meafures the Englifh ought to take in 
 this Jun&ure. 
 
 The Anfwer muft be in Two Parts. 
 
 t. Suppofing the French King adheres to the Partition 
 agreed upon by the League before-mentioned. 
 
 2. Suppofing the French King, for Reafons which we 
 know not, fhould think fit to quit the Treaty, and pulh for 
 the whole,on the Pretence of a Will made by the King of 
 Spain. 
 
 ’Tis confefs’d England, fince her Troops are broke, 
 and her People more divided in Temper than ’twas hop’d 
 they wou’d have been under io mild and gentle a Go¬ 
 vernment, makes but a very mean Figure abroad \ and 
 were any King at the Head of her Councils as well as 
 Forces but King William , hardly any Nation would trou¬ 
 ble their Heads to Confederate with her. 
 
 But all the World does not yet fee our weak Side, and 
 the Reputation of the King makes us more formidable a 
 great deal than we really are. 
 
 But 
 
( 355 ) 
 
 But we are to aft according to the Knowledge we 
 have of what our Circumftances really are, not 
 what other Nations may believe them, left we let 
 them know our Weakncfs at the Price of our De- 
 ftruftion. 
 
 However l’il for the prefent fuppofe what all good 
 Men wilh: That we were in the fame good Pofture as the 
 War lefc us, united in Council, and ready for Aftiu.r, 
 and willing-to preferve the Charafter we had then in the 
 World. 
 
 And Firft, Suppoflng the King of France adheres to the 
 Partition of the SpaniJI) Monarchy. 
 
 If fo, without Qjieftion England ought to put her felf 
 into fuch a pofture as to be able, in Conjunction with the 
 Dutch, to force the Emperor and Princes of Italy to com¬ 
 ply with the Conditions. 
 
 At the fame time fo to maintain the Ballance in the Par¬ 
 tition, as to oblige the King of France to accept of, 
 and reft contented with the Particulars ftipulated in their 
 refpeftive Leagues, without farther Encroachment, and 
 to make themfelves Truftees for the reft, in behalf of the 
 Heir. 
 
 It is already ftarted as a Query, what if the King 
 of France does except of the Partition, and the Em¬ 
 peror Ihou’d continue to Hand out, the King of France 
 is then at Liberty to takesthe whole if he can get it. 
 
 No fuch Matter, I do not pretend to have been pri¬ 
 vy to the Debates, or of the Council, in the contriving 
 this League, nor to be acquainted with what Provifion 
 is made, in cafe the Emperor reiufes to come in, but 
 in order* to give a Judgment as near as can be done 
 without Doors, as we call it. I fhall briefly ftate the 
 Reafons, which in my Opinion (hould move the Engli/h 
 and Dutch to form this League: And the great Reafon 
 which, as l conceive, gave Birth to the firft Project of 
 this League, fetting afrde private Reafons of State, was 
 the maintaining the Ballance of Power in Europe. 
 
 This 
 
This has been the Foundation of all the Wars in our 
 Age againft the French, and in the laft Ages againft the 
 Spaniard and the Emperor. 
 
 ^ j u ft Ballance of Power is the Life of Peace. I queftion 
 whether it be in the Humane Nature to let Bounds to its 
 own Ambition, and whether the belt Man on Earth 
 wou’d not be King over all the reft if he could. Every 
 King in the World would be the Univerfal Monarch if 
 he might, and nothing reftrains but the Power of Neigh¬ 
 bours ; and if one Neighbour is not ftrong enough for a- 
 nother, he gets another Neighbour to join with him, and 
 all the little ones will join to keep the great one from 
 lupprefilng them. Hence comes Leagues and Confedera¬ 
 cies i thus the German Proteftants call’d in the Affiftance 
 of Guftavus Adolphus to match the Power of the Empe- 
 ror Ferdinand the II, and founded the famous League 
 call d the Conclulions of Leipfick , which brought the Im¬ 
 perial Power to the due Ballance which it now ftands at 
 on the Foot of the Treaty of Wefiphalia , fo the French 
 and the Englilh affifted the butch to bring the Spanifh 
 Power to a Ballance in the time of Philip the IL when 
 the Spanifh Greatnefs began to be terrible to Europe, 
 which Ballance was eftabiifhed in the Peace of Aix la 
 Chappel. 
 
 So the Power of Prance was brought to a Ballance, but 
 not fo equal as it might have been, had King Charles II. 
 ftood to his own Propofals at the Treaty of Nimeguen , 
 the Defeats of which Peace were in a great Meafure the 
 Occafion of this late War, which has been the longeft, 
 moft chargeable, and molt bloody that ever the French 
 Nation has been engaged in fincc the Days of Francis the I. 
 their own civil Wars excepted. 
 
 This War has brought the power of France to a Bal¬ 
 lance, fhe had fortified her Frontiers with a continued 
 Rampart, a Line of ftrong Cities from FJunningben on the 
 Confines of the Swifs, down the Rhine , the Mofell, and 
 the A-faes , to the very Sea-fide, the greateft whereof fhe 
 has been oblig J to part witn, to enable her Enemies to 
 be their own Guarantees j by whicn in fome places flie is 
 

 ( 357 ) 
 
 left fo naked, that Ihe is fain to build new Cities, or for- 
 tifie old ones to fupply the Vacancy, as at Brifack, and 
 in other Ihe lyes wholly open, as at Pigmy oil ; Ihe has 
 ftoop’d to fuch a peace, as has made her far lefs formi¬ 
 dable than before. 
 
 Now the precarious Life of the King of Spain gave the 
 King of England juft Umbrage, that this Ballance in 
 which our fifety fo much confifts, Ihould receive a 
 Shock, to the prejudice of the Proteftant Intereft, by 
 the Addition of the Spanilh Dominion to that of France. 
 
 And here / place the Original of the Projeft, as a pro¬ 
 bable Conjecture, at leaft drawn from the Nature of 
 things, according to rational Conclulions from probable 
 premifes, when better Grounds are made publick, I fhall 
 -own my felf miftaken. 
 
 When the pretenders to the Spanifh Succeflion are 
 conlidered, they are found to be the Emperor and 
 the King of France , the Prince of Bavaria being dead 
 before. ' 
 
 To let the Emperor poflefs the Spanilh Dominions, 
 would be the overthrowing the Ballance made at the 
 Weflphalia Treaty, by which the Houfe of Auftria al¬ 
 ready ftrengthened by the Conqueft of Hungaria , and 
 the peace with the Turks would be too potent for the 
 Princes of Germany , nor wou’d the French like well 
 that the Emperor, the Eternal Competitor of France up¬ 
 on the Rhine , (hou’d be ftrengthen’d with fuch an additi¬ 
 on, by which he wou’d ha’ been Lord of almoft half the 
 World. 
 
 To let the French polfefs the Spanilh Dominions,would 
 overthrow the Ballance Purchas’d in this War with fo 
 much Blood and Treafure, and render fruitlefs the 
 Treaty of Ref wick. ’T wou’d efpecially ha’ been Fatal to 
 the Englilh and Dutch, by the encreafe of Wealth from 
 the Mafs of Money returning Yearly from the Empires 
 of Mexico , and Peru y which the French wou’d be better 
 Husbands of than the Spaniards ; by their encreafe of 
 Shipping, which wou’d make them too ftrong for all the 
 World at Sea, and by their ruining the Spanilh Trade, 
 
 which 
 
( *58 ) 
 
 which is the greated and mod profitable in Europe \ 
 ’twould immediately unhinge all the Settlement of our 
 Merchants and Fa&ories, and turn the whole Channel 
 of 1 rade} for the Ports of Spain being free to the 
 French as Subjects, all our Negoce that way wou’d be 
 dedroy’d, then their Neighbourhood in Flanders , and 
 in the Wefi-Indies, would be intolerable and infupnor- 
 table. 1 v 
 
 ’Twould fill a Volume to fet down the Inconveniencies 
 which England and Holland mud expedt to feel, in Cafe 
 the French were Mailers of the Spanifh Monarchy, the 
 Streigbts-Moutb would be like the Sound, and all our 
 Ships fhould pay Toll at Gibralter, as they do at Elfe- 
 neur, your Fifhing Trade from New-England and New¬ 
 foundland wou’d perilh, for the French from the Banks of 
 Newfoundland fhould go free, and you Pay 23 per Cent. 
 
 &c. _We mud eredt an Admiralty in the tVefi. Indies, 
 or maintain a Fleet there, or our Plantations wou’d be 
 always at his Mercy; our Collonies of Virginia, and 
 New-England,would eafily be dedroy’d, while the French 
 would lye on their backs quite thro’ their Country from , 
 Canada to the City of Mexico. 
 
 Thefe are fome of the letter Inconveniencies, whicbj 
 as / prefume, were the fird Motives to the Treaty. 
 
 The Confederates therefore not being willing the 
 French fhou’d luve Spain , and the French being refolv’d 
 the Emperor fhould not have it, a Medium is propofed, 
 that lince it was not convenient for Europe, that either 
 of them fhould have it all, and both of them had a Tide 
 to it, it fhould therefore be divided between them in 
 Manner and Form, as aforefaid. 
 
 1 his is the fhort Hidory of this League, which really 
 has more of Policy than Right in it, for ftriaiy Confi- 
 dered, the Right of Succeflion can devolve but upon one 
 Perron, let that one be who it will, is not the prefent 
 Bufiaefs. But publick good, the Peace of Kingdoms, the 
 General quiet of Europe prevails to fet alide the Poim of 
 nice Judice, and determine in favour of the Pu'olick 
 Tranquility. 
 
 N 
 
 And 
 
( 359 ) 
 
 And I crave leave to make Two Obfervations here 3 
 
 Ftrft, Our Jacobite-Protefiant-Brethren, whole Under- 
 ftandings are fo blind, that they cannot fee the Jntercftof 
 their Native Country, have here fairly reprcfentcd to 
 them the Condition England had now been in, and Eu¬ 
 rope in General, if a Papift and Confederate with France 
 had been on the Engliih Throne; if England had not had 
 a King who cou’d fo far Influence the Ambition of the 
 powerful Prince, as to prevent his feizing that Monar¬ 
 chy of Spam, which none but England cou’d hinder him 
 from. 
 
 Secondly, Our Non-jurants who hold the right Lines of 
 Princes fuch Sacred things, may fee that even among 
 Hereditary Princes themfelves, the Rights of Succeffion 
 are oftentimes infringed, and the private Intercft of 
 Princes and Families fet afide, when the publick Intereft 
 of Nations, the Prefervation of Peace, and the keeping 
 a General Ballance of Power among Princes, comes 
 to be the Qaeftion, and the Hiftories of all Ages 
 and Nations give Inftances to Prove it as well as this 
 
 Having thus run thro’ the Reafons of this League of 
 Partition, the Queftion is anfwered of courfe, that if the 
 Emperor Ihou’d refufe to come into the Partition and 
 pulh for the whole, then the King of France is not there¬ 
 by at Liberty to poflefs the whole, if he can for that 
 wou’d overthrow all the Meafures upon which the League 
 of Partition is built. 6 
 
 The Emperor is not fo weak a Prince to refufe the 
 Kingdom of Spain with all its &c*s in the Ocean Flanders 
 and America, but upon fome Expectation to get more * 
 the Confederates therefore are to preferve that pare 
 which is Deftgn’d him free, and then effeftually to put 
 it out of his Power to obtain the reft, and with all not 
 to admit him into the part Referv’d tor him, till he a- 
 grees, to accept it on the Terms propofed , if he fliou’d 
 ab.olutely refufe it, which is a ridiculous Suppolition 
 there^are other Heirs of that Line to have recourfe to * 
 there $ no doubt the Crown of Spain need not go a beg¬ 
 ging for an Heir. 6 6 
 
 B b 
 
 It 
 
( l 6 °) 
 
 It may be anfwered, If it be thus, it is the Emperoi’s 
 belt Courfe to lay bis Meafures for the whole •, and if he 
 cannot carry it, he may accept of the Partition at lalt. 
 
 That’s more than the Objedor may be able to prove 
 how far the Confederates may think fit to bellow the re¬ 
 mainder, if the Emperor after a War Ihou’d be reduc’d to 
 accept of it, is more than any one can anfwer, and more 
 than the Emperor will try, if he be not infatuated worfe 
 than ever a certain King wasj who, if he had not, might 
 ha* been a King Hill. 
 
 The Second Branch of the Anfwer is fuppofing the 
 King of France (hou’d fo far beget himfelf, as to quit the 
 League of Partition, and Claim the Crown of Spain for 
 his Grandfon PDuk d’ Anjou, by virtue of the Will of the 
 King Defund. 
 
 It mull certainly then be the Intel 11 of England and 
 Holland , firll to put themfelves in fuch a pollute as may 
 prevent the French King feizing of Spain it felf, and 
 Flanders in particular. 
 
 And upon the firll Invafion of the Territories of Spain 
 by the French King, to declare War again!! him in the 
 Name of the whole Confederacy, as an Infringer of the 
 Grand Peace at Refwick. 
 
 And then by appearing on the Frontiers in fuch a for¬ 
 midable manner as lhall give him Diverlion enough, that 
 he may not be able to enter Spain with any confiderable 
 Forces. 
 
 The firll of thefe things is to be done immediately, 
 by fitting out a good Fleer, which Ihould fo fcour the 
 Mediterranean , that the French wou’d not be able to do 
 much on the fide of Catalonia j for Experience has told 
 us a Fleet 3t Sea will make their War in Catalonia very 
 unealle to them, and by landing a fmall Force of about 
 Eight or Ten Thouland Men at Fonterabia , which Ihould 
 be fufficient to Defend that fide of the Country from the 
 Invalions of the French. 
 
 But this Pamphlet is not wrote todired Methods, but 
 to argue the general Point. / 
 
 The Conclulion cf the Argument mull come to that 
 
 fort 
 
FnpllW e ; Wh0 ^ a PP«^fach Champions for our 
 Englifii Liberty, as to damn all kind of force, as ufelefs 
 bimhenfom to the Kingdom, and Badges of flavery and* 
 
 btorTS^",* 0 bC m ' r prcKnces for r “PP««ng Ar- 
 
 E * mi hare b «" ***« *y *»* 
 
 Of nnr thC Fren ? ?ITT thc S P an 'fr Monarchy,for want 
 tellrf„?,* Con ^'t n ,;° P"™>‘ it; im bold ,o 
 tr .ll !| G .™' n Go , d Almighty mnft be pot to the 
 
 IcdS work ‘"8 »n«ber Miracle to fare us, or we are 
 leduc d to a very dangerous Condition. 
 
 arc fife-If W l haV , e a 8 reat Fleer, and in that we 
 ,, . ’ ^ ls truc » Gentlemen, fo we are from Invafioo 
 
 / believe we need not fear all the World ; but what is 
 England without its Trade, without its Plantation Trade 
 
 Writhe T ? dC ’ 3nd Where wiH thac be when a’ 
 
 French Garrifon is planted at Cadiz., and the French Fleet 
 
 brings tome the Plate from Havana. CC 
 
 hat will the Virginia Collony be worth when the 
 French come to be ftrong in the Lakes of * „S 
 
 ^ are * «• ° f «& - 
 
 Kl^ W,fcM /n Cannot P atientl y reflea upon the formida¬ 
 ble power of France , with the Addition of the Spani/h Do¬ 
 minion, and Ihould he at lalt annex it to the Crown of 
 b r ™ Ce t wh ° can . c °nlider without Horrour that all the 
 
 fh™?A°” Flanders , to the Faro MeJJina in Sicily 
 
 fliould be in the Hands of the French, which is a Coaft of 
 
 " f, 3 °°° MlIe ^ Portugal, Genoua and Leghorn excepted; 
 
 /knoJr g f be/ WlU h0ld 0ut ’ is eaIie 10 imagined ’ 
 
 / know God can prevent Humane Contrivances and 
 
 believe he lias plac’d King William on the Entdifa 
 
 narchTn d,1 ' a PP°*nt this Invincible Mo- 
 
 n tl..fe valt Defigns, but no thanks to our Gen- 
 
 ® b 2 tlemen 
 
( 3^2 ) 
 
 tlemen that have fo weakned both his Hands and his In- 
 tereft at home, as to make him lels able to perform for 
 us what is more our own Advantage than his Majefty’s 
 wou’d be, and than the Cafe requir’d. 
 
 As to Ways and Means / meddle not with them,/ leave 
 them to the wife Heads of the Nation, but with Submifll- 
 on to their Judgment, this I am pofitive in, let our Mea- 
 fures be what they will, if we do not keep the Enemy, 
 the French l mean, out of Spain, we are undone. 
 
 In all the Hiftories of Times and Wars,/ never read of 
 a General who would not chufe to be Matter of the Field, 
 and able to fight his Enemy, rather than to be coop’d up, 
 and bound to defend the Walls of a Town. 
 
 If the French get the Spanilh Crown, we are beaten out 
 of the Field as to Trade, and are befieged in our own 
 Ifland, and never let us flatter our felves with our Safety 
 confifting fo much in our Fleet for this I prefume to lay 
 down as a fundamental Axiom, at leaft as the Wars goof 
 late, ’cis not the Iongeft Sword, but the longeft Purfe 
 that conquers.If the French get Spain they get the greateft 
 Trade in the World in their Hands j they that have the 
 moft Trade,will have the moft Money, and they that have 
 the moft Money, will have the moft Ships, the beft Fleet, 
 and the beft Armies i and if once the French matter us at 
 Sea, where are we then ? And though l would not lefien 
 our Fleet, which I believe is now the beft in the World, 
 yet he that looks back to the French Fleet before their Mis¬ 
 fortune, will tell you that all our Englifti was not able to 
 look them in the Face if we had no Dutch on our fide, and 
 hardly with the Dutch and us together. 
 
 I am Anfwer’d by fome, that if the French Ihou d have 
 Spain , we Ihall Trade thither ftill, they cannot do without 
 our Manufactures. . 
 
 To this,! anfwer,time was France could not Trade with¬ 
 out our Manufactures. Now they are fallen into them to 
 'fuch a Degree, that thoy only want Wooll, and they have 
 Hands enough to fupply all the World with Manufactures, 
 and they are lb fupplied with that from onePlace or another, 
 
 that they Buy none of our Goods now, or but a trifle jand 
 
 if 
 
( 3*J ) 
 
 if the Ports of Spam come to be filled with French, they 
 will fill every place with their Goods,as well as People. 
 
 BefideSjthe Laws of Trade when Matters of the Ports will 
 bring all Nations toTrade under-foot with them,and with 
 great difad vantages and hardlhips which will in the end ru¬ 
 in all that T rade that does not run thro’ their own Hands. 
 
 The Prefer King of France , like a wife Governor, puts 
 his People upon all manner of Improvements*, tho» the 
 Spaniards are a fiothfol Nation, if the French Diligence 
 comes once to thrive in Spain , he knows little of Spain 
 that does not know they are capable of Improvements 4 fe¬ 
 deral ways to the difadvantage of the Englifii Trade. * 
 
 I’ll give but one Inftance,£/><*/« is a very hot Country,and 
 yet fuch is theConttancy of the Spaniard to the Old ridicu¬ 
 lous Cuttorn, that they wear their Cloaks of courfe black 
 Englilh Bays, fhould the French King when he is Matter of 
 •tytf/Mjforbid the Spaniards the wearing of Bays, and intro¬ 
 duce fomeantickFrench Druget,or other thin Stuff,fuch as 
 they make inNormandyjt wou’d at oncedeftroy our Trade 
 of Bays, which is thenobleft Manufacture in many refpedts 
 that we have mEngland ,and fend 40 Thoufand People who 
 depend on that Trade to beg their Bread, or feek other 
 work,which other work mutt ofConfequence Ieflen theEm- 
 ploymentofotherPoor Families which it maintain’d before. 
 
 I cou’d give many Inftances of the like Nature, as for 
 one more, fhould they Prohibit the Exportation of Spani/h 
 Wool!, and Manufacture it among themfelves.or intofrawe; 
 let the Weft-Country Clothiers fpeak for themfelves, and 
 fay what ftrange work it wou’d make among them, or our 
 Hamborougb Merchants give an Account what their Trade 
 wou’d come to, where they are out-done already in courfe 
 Cloth, and wou’d ha’ no fine over to fer.d to Market. 
 
 I know not but 1 may prefent the World with a fhort 
 Account by it felf, of all the Senfible Lofles our Trade will 
 come under, if the Kingdom of Spam fhould fail into the 
 Hands of the French, tho’ methinks it fhould be needlefs 
 to run thro’it, the meaaeft Underftanding being capable 
 to know that the greateft Part of the Wealth of this Nati¬ 
 on has been and is ftill rais’d by the Gainful Trade we have 
 wich the Spaniards. B b 3 T H F. 
 
; ( 3*4 ) 
 
 The Two Great Queftions 
 further CONSIDERED . 
 
 With Tome R^ply to the Remarks. 
 
 Non Licet Hominem Muliebriter rixare. 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 T HIS Billinfgate Author fhoifd have gone without any 
 other Notice than the Contempt of Silence \ no jinfvoer 
 being the bejl Reply to fo much fcurrility , had he not made 
 bimfelf fuch a Champion for the Englifh Nation , and Par¬ 
 liament \ who, God knows, need no luch Advocate, and 
 made himfelf a perfonal jintagonifl to the Author of the 
 Pamphlet he Remarks on. 
 
 I/hall fay nothing at all to the ill Language and fcurrilous 
 Terms he bejlows on me , but Conclude with a Remark on if 
 in the Lines of a late Poet. 
 
 That Difputants, when Reafons fail. 
 
 Have one fure Shift, and th3t’s to Rail. 
 
 Since then his PaJJion has put him out of Temper , and 
 tranfported him beyond the bounds of Decency and good Man¬ 
 ners, I (hall leave him to come to bimfelf again , by the helps 
 of Time , Sleep, and fuch other proper Remedies for Men 
 that arc Crazdd and DiJlemper'd, and siddrefs my felf to that 
 part of Mankind who are Alaflers of their Senfes . 
 
 Of 
 
( 3«5 ) 
 
 Of all Men in this Town , the Author of the Two Qucfiions 
 Conftder'd , was never yet fufpedtd of being a Courtier , ah 
 Advocate for Jlanding Armies, an Infulter of Parliaments , 
 but \ufl the contrary , d; will appear, if ever he is call'd to 
 fhew bimfelf. 
 
 But becaufe he took the Liberty to put his Thoughts in Print , 
 on the Extraordinary Junffure of Affairs on Account of the 
 Spanifh Succe/Jion , and he finds that fome People are tyi- 
 flaken both in him , and in the Intent of bis Book ; he there¬ 
 fore Craves leave of the Publick to Explain bimfelf in fome 
 things j in which he little thought any Body wotCd have been fo 
 weak as to ntiflake him. 
 
 \ 
 
 The Two Great Queftions Further 
 CONS I T> E <11 E T>. 
 
 B E F O R E I enter into the Particulars of the Book 
 I am going to vindicate, 1 mull delire the Rea¬ 
 der to obferve that this Book was wrote before 
 the French King had declai’d He would accept the King 
 of Spain's Will, or had receiv’d the Duke a'Anjou as King 
 of Spain. 
 
 And therefore when I fpeak of the King of France's 
 feizing of Spain , or feizing of Flanders , 1 defire to be 
 underftood feizing it for himfelf, to annex it to the 
 Crown of France , a thing that hath all along, by all the 
 Princes and Scates of Europe , been counted, and really is, 
 inconliftent with the Peace of Europe ^ and any Man, but 
 fuch an Author as our Remarker, wou’d underftand me 
 fo, when I fay Page zi. and quoted by liim, Page 9. It 
 tnufl certainly be the Intcrcfl of England and Holland firfl 
 to put tbemjelves in fuch a Poflurc , as may prevent the 
 French King's feizjng of Spain j and the next Words ex- 
 prefs it directly, viz.. And upon the firfl Invafion of the 
 B b 4 Territories 
 
 
 \ 
 
J . . 
 
 'Territories of Spain, to declare War againft him in the Name 
 of the whole Confederacy , as an Infringer of the Grand Peace 
 of Refwick. 
 
 I need but appeal to any Man’s Reafon whether the 
 French King’s ]eiz.ing or invading of Spain can mean any 
 thing, but the French King's feiz.ing or invading of Spain, 
 and is as explicite as Words can make it, and wou’d cer¬ 
 tainly be a Breach of the Peace of Refwick. 
 
 The Remarker, Page 6 . tells the World the Qucftion 
 what the Englijh ought to do , is a Shooing-horn to draw on 
 what fome People mightily want a Handing Army, and 
 then in his rude Dialed runs on againft the Soldiery, and 
 when he has done, to put a Value on his Argument, mag¬ 
 nifies our Nation to fuch a degree, as no Man, who is fen- 
 fible of the Power and Defigns of our Neighbours, can al¬ 
 low to be fo much as rational. 
 
 I muft firftanfwer his prefumptive Suggeftion, and then 
 proceed. 
 
 I take leave to allure all the World that fhall read thefe 
 Sheets, that by all the Exprefiions of Forces, Pojlure of the 
 Nation , and the like,I do mean,and do defire to be under- 
 ftood to mean, fuch Force, and no other, fuch a Pofture of 
 Defence, and no other, as by the King, Lords and Com¬ 
 mons aflembled in Parliament, fhall be thought neceflary 
 for the Safety of the Kingdom,and Support of our Trade 
 and Intereft in the World. 
 
 Why elfe do I fay,E»f land lhou’d put her felfinto fuch 
 a Pofture ? By England , an Englilhman always underHands 
 the Parliament of England , and no Man in hisWits wou’d 
 imagine otherwife. 
 
 Now did ever Parliament in England talk in this Gen¬ 
 tleman’s Dialed! ?. That if we have a Fleet , and no Army, no 
 matter if all the World Confederated againft us j and did ever 
 we get any thing by Foreign Alliances ? Are Confederacies ad¬ 
 vantageous to us ? And che like. 
 
 Surely, they that are of the Opinion that England is 
 able to Fight the whole Workl, know very littl^of the 
 World, and do not remember that in this very War had 
 we had no Confederates, the War had been in our own 
 
 Bowels, 
 
Bowels, whereas this we got by Foreign Alliances, that 
 we carried the War to oar Neighbours Doors; had not 
 the Spaniards, Germans, and Dutch , joined in a Confe¬ 
 deracy, the French King had met with no Work to 
 Divert him from giving King James fuch Powerful 
 Afliftancc as might have prevented our Revolution; 
 none but a Mad Man can deny that ’cwas the Union of the 
 Confederates that was the Protection of England. 
 
 The Remarker tells us the Revolution was a Miracle, 
 and fo it was; but, fays he, 1 Txvas a Miracle that we 
 did not dt> it without Foreign help. I am fure it wou’d ha* 
 been a Miracle if we had; and I Appeal to any Man 
 that has not forgot the State of England at that time to 
 be Judge of it. 
 
 That we Ihou’d not reduce King James to Reafon by 
 our own Native Strength, was a Miracle, fays he ; That 
 is, that we did not rife and pull his Army to pieces ; if 
 this Gentleman had not forgot his own Story,he cou’d ne¬ 
 ver thus contradi& himfelf. 
 
 If our own Native Strength is fo much Superior to an 
 Army,that ’tis a Miracle they did not recover themfdves 
 without other help; then Ridiculus mus , the dreadful 
 Spectrum of a Standing Army is loft, and all our Dan¬ 
 ger of being enllav’d is at an end. 
 
 I have as great an Opinion of the Bravery of the Eng- 
 lilh Nation, as any Man; but it does noc ufe to be 
 the Temper of the Englilh to run on fuch Rhodoman- 
 tado’f. 
 
 ’Tis no difparageing the Englilh Nation, to fay. That 
 as Affairs now Stand, they are not a match for the French 
 Power without the help of Confederates. I am no Trai¬ 
 tor to my Country, as he is pleafed to call me, if l own 
 that our Militia are not able to Fight a French Army. But 
 Grant they were, ’tis not Invafton of our Native Country 
 that we are upon, God forbid we ftiou’d have Occafion 
 to Provide againft that; but’tis always the Intereft of 
 England to keep Danger at a diftance, and it has been the 
 Practice of England to do it by Leagues and Confederacies, 
 as the only proper Method. 
 
 This 
 
This Gentleman upbraids me with Reading; truly I 
 have Read all the Hiftories of Europe, that are extant in 
 our Language, and fome in other Languages, and amongft 
 the reft, I have Read that Queen Elizabeth fupported the 
 Dutch, and fupplied them with Men and Money, that 
 fhe did the like by the Hugonotsof France . and afterwards 
 made a League offenfive with the King of Fance ■, and why ? 
 All our Hiftories agree it was to keep the Forces of Phi¬ 
 lip the Second fo employ’d, that he fliou’d not be at lei- 
 fure to turn all his Power upon her. Thus fhe manag’d 
 a War with him abroad, and kept England from being 
 the Field of Blood j and this England got by a Confede¬ 
 racy abroad. 
 
 And I’ll give another Inftance, which no Man can have 
 the Face to deny \ when the Spanilh Fleet lay at Anchor, 
 and had yet received no fuch conftderable Damage from 
 our Ships, as to prevent their Landing,the Dutch lay with 
 their Fleet on the Flemifh Coaft at the procurement of the 
 Queen, and thereby prevented the Duke of Parma bring¬ 
 ing over 30000 Spaniards into England , which if they had 
 done, the Fate of England muft have been tryed by the 
 Sword, and on. her own Ground. Behold the Benefit 
 of Allies. 
 
 If I have Panegyrick’d on the Reputation of the King 
 at the Head of a War-like Nation, 1 have done nothing, 
 but what all the World own his Due, and what we have 
 the Authority of Parliaments for, who have own’d him 
 for the Saviour of thefe Nations from Popery and Ar¬ 
 bitrary Power, at the Expence of his own Perfonal 
 Hazard. I need not Quote the many Addrefles of Par¬ 
 liament, as the Voice of the whole Nation, for my Au¬ 
 thority : As for places at Court or Penfions, the Author 
 never had nor defired any, but hopes a Man my be al¬ 
 lowed to fpcak what Truth and Honour obliges every 
 Man to do of a King, Chat has deferv’d fo much of 
 the Englifh Nation, without the Reproach of a railing 
 Scribler. 
 
 1 muft further Explain my felf in Defence of what / 
 thought no Man wou’d have had Bafenefs enough to Sug- 
 
 geft. 
 
( J«9 ) 
 
 S e ft- That when I fpeak of a fort of People, who have 
 appear’d fuch Champion* of our Engltjh Liberties, as to damn 
 all fond of Force , as ufelefs , burthenfome to the Kingdom , 
 Badges of Slavery, and all Arguments to be only pretences for 
 fupporting Arbitrary Defsgns , I fliould mean by thefe the 
 Parliament of England. 
 
 Far be it from the Thoughts of any honeft Man to i- 
 magine fuch a thing \ nor is it rational that 1 cou’d Sug- 
 gelt fuch a thing of the Parliament, for as his own Words 
 confutes him. The Parliament , frys he, never did damn 
 all Force as ufelefs. Very true, Sir, how then can you i- 
 magine any Man cou’d mean the Parliament, w T ho never 
 did any fuch thing ? Nothing can be fo abfurd, and there 
 I leave it. 
 
 but fince I am charged with intending thofe whom I 
 ready never thought of, nor no Rational Man cou’d fup- 
 polc, give me leave to tell the World,who it is 1 do mean 
 when 1 fay, There are a fort of People who have appear’d 
 fuch Champtons of our Englifh Liberty , as to damn all kind of 
 Force as ufelefs. I mean the Pampleteering Club, who have 
 let themfelves to Blafpheme God, and Ruin their Native 
 Country, and in Print to fow the Seeds of Mifnnderftand- 
 mg and Diftrult between the King and his People. 
 
 The Club where the Blcfled 1 rinityis openly derided,in 
 Print lampoon d, and fhamefully in the Face of a Prote- 
 ftant Government abus’d and ridicul’d. 
 
 That Club of Men who pretend to guide Parliaments 
 andprefenbe to them what they are to do y who are fo 
 openly agamft Force, that they leave us naked for a Prey 
 even to the moft Contemptible Treafons. * 
 
 1 hat Club that lent ouc a blafphemous Poem lately un¬ 
 der the borrow’d Name of Chto, where the Deity of onr 
 Saviour is denied, and then the very Being of the Englifh 
 Monarchy undcrmin d. 
 
 That Club that denies Englilhmen the ufe of their Rea- 
 
 fon,and will notallow that even the Parliament of England 
 can appoint fuch Powers as are necellary to our Defence 
 
 Thefe are the Champions of ovr Liberty, that 1 dire&'lv 
 mean, who damn all fond of Force as ufelefs. * 
 
 Thefe 
 
( 37° ) 
 
 Thefe are they who have fent out this Pamphlet into 
 the World, and have brought the Author of the Two 
 Queftions to the Bar of the Houfe right or wrong; thefe 
 are the Men who tell us Confederacies and Alliances are 
 nfelefs, and all Forces opprefGve, that fay they are not yet 
 rid of Slavery, becaufe the King has his Guards left; as 
 if Forces in England by confcnt of Parliament cou’d be a 
 Grievance. 
 
 Who tho’ they cry up Parliaments, as thofe by whom 
 Kings reign, yet will not allow them to be Judges of what 
 is, or what is not Convenient, but will have the Lord 
 Treafurer, Lord Chancellor, and Lord Admiral be 
 nam’d by the Parliament, becaufe the Word England is 
 added to their Titles. 
 
 Thefe, and none but thefe, are the Perfons who I mean 
 all along, when 1 fay. They have deluded the People of Eng¬ 
 land by their fpeciout Pretences ; and nothing can be plainer, 
 than that they have carried on a Pen and Ink War againft 
 the Reputation of the King obliquely, and fometimes di- 
 redly reproaching him, with Defigns to enflave the Nati¬ 
 on, whom he came to fet free, and to rob us of thofe 
 Liberties which he ventur’d his Life to fave. 
 
 Thefe are the Men who I mean when I fay, they have 
 makned hit Hands^ and his Interejl at home , which they 
 have certainly done, by endeavouring to leffen his Repu¬ 
 tation, and to fuggeil to his Subjeds, that he will invade 
 their Liberties. 
 
 Thefe are the Men who think they cannot be anfwer- 
 ed, without concerning the Parliament in their Quarrel; i 
 who to bring the King into Contempt with his Subjeds, 
 for whom he has done fo much, and from whom he has 
 received fo many Thanks and Acknowledgments, reprp- 
 fent him attempting to deftroy our Liberties by Standing 
 Armies; and if they are anfwcred, pretend to fright their 
 Adverfaries with the Parliament, as if nothing cou’d 
 be faid to the Point, without receding on the Parlia¬ 
 ment. 
 
 To thefe People let me take the Liberty to fay, tho’ the 
 
 Matter 
 
( ll l ) 
 
 Matter of Armies was no ways the Cafe in this Affair, that 
 this Author does affirm, and will anfwer it any where. 
 
 That a Standing Army in, England in time of Peace is not 
 againft Law , nor inconfiftent with the Conjlitution of England. 
 provided it he by Confent of Parliament. To avoid all 
 manner of Difputes in this Point, my Authority is un- 
 queftionable, being the Parliament of England themfelves, 
 or Convention, which is equivolent in the Sixth Article 
 of the Declaration of the Rights of the People, declar’d 
 by the Commons of England. Thefc are the Words, 
 
 That the raijing and keeping a Standing Army within the 
 Kingdom in time of Peace (unlefs it be by confent .of Par¬ 
 liament) is unlawful. 
 
 This was once urged to thefe Gentlemen before, but as 
 a thing they cou’d never anfwer; they took no notice of 
 it, and here I leave it with this Remark. 
 
 That I do, and every Englifh Proteftant will always con¬ 
 fent to have fuch, and fo many Forces rais’d, maintain’d, 
 and kept up in England , and no more; as the King, Lords 
 and Commons afl'embled in Parliament fhall think needful 
 for our common Prefervation, and the Safety of the Na¬ 
 tion’s Interefts. 
 
 This is the middle way between both Extreams, and no¬ 
 thing in the Book this Remarker treats fo fcurvily,can give 
 any rational Ground to charge me with propofing farther. 
 
 Nor has the King hirafelf attempted to keep up any 
 Forces, but with Confent of Parliament, and has affui’d 
 tis he never will. 
 
 I have done with this railing Author^ and indeed had 
 not meddled with him at all, only to explain my felf in 
 the Perfons I mean thro’out the Book he refledh on; and 
 methinks no Man cou’d imagine any Author wou’d be fuch 
 a Fool to treat the Parliament of England in fuch a man¬ 
 ner, as I have done the People I fpeak of, while he knows 
 the Power of the Parliament to crufh luch a one with the 
 Breath of their Mouth. 
 
 Without troubling the Reader any more with my Re¬ 
 marker, or but by the by, where I am oblig’d to come 
 athwart him, 1 (ball take this Opportunity to fay what I 
 
 wou’d 
 
J (370 
 
 wouM have faid before, had it been known that the King 
 of France wou’d have declar’d his Grandfon King of Spain 
 
 And I fhall lay it down as a further Anfwer to the grand 
 Qoeftion. 
 
 What Meafures England ought to take ? 
 
 The League for the Partition of the Spani/h Monarchy 
 being not made publick, and propos’d to the Englifh p ar - 
 liament fays fome, is no League at all, and therefore 
 England has nothing at all to do with it. 
 
 It what fuch fay be true, which yet I do not believe then 
 whenever his Majefty pleafe to call a Parliament, and ac¬ 
 quaint them of it, tt becomes an Englifh League for no 
 Man ever yet difputed, but that the Power of making 
 Leagues and Treaties, either for Peace or War was 
 committed to the Kings of England , nor can he tell us of 
 a League ever made in England, which was firfb difcufs’d 
 in Parliament, when we had a King to be treated with. 
 
 All that I have yet faid we ought to do, amounts to no 
 more than this, that England ought to put her felf into 
 iuch a Pofture with the reft of her Neighbours, as that 
 me may be able to preferve the Peace lately purchafed at 
 fo dear a Rate, and to preferve her Trade, upon which' 
 the whole Nation fo much depends. 
 
 If People will have me to mean a ftanding Army whe¬ 
 ther I will or no, I cannot help it ; but I fay again it may 
 be done without a Standing Army, and where is your 
 Argument then ? Of which I cou’d fay more, but I have 
 not room for it here. 
 
 I did affirm it was a weak thing of the King of Spain 
 to pretend to give his Kingdom by Will, and I am of the 
 Opinion we fhall hear that he really did not do fo; that 
 is, that there was fome Pra&ices made ufe of to procure 
 fuch a Will, as in the true Senfe of a laft Will and Tefta- 
 ment makes it void in its own Nature. 
 
 But be it which way it will, it is an odd way of devolv- , * 
 ing the Succeilion of Crowns; and here I cannot help 
 meeting our Remarker again: “That notwithftanding 
 
 “ all 
 

 C ) 
 
 “all Deeds of Gift, or other Tides whatever, if the 
 14 good People of Spain own him as their King, and al- 
 “ low him the Soveraignty, he has the molt undoubted 
 “ Tide to the Kingdom of any in the World. 
 
 Though our Author is not worth anfwering, having a 
 right Notion in his Head, but not the Senfe to put it into 
 Englifh, l fliall tell him, 
 
 That in the main his Argument is true, and yet the 
 Confequcnce is falfe. For, 
 
 The good People of Spain , as he calls them, whole 
 Country is their own, have all along agreed that their 
 Crown (hall defeend by the direft Line, to the lawful Ifliie 
 oftheHoufeof Aujlria, SuccelTors to Ferdinands Ifa- 
 belia , in whont the contending Crowns of Arragon and Ca- 
 ftile were united \ this our Author may find ftipulated in 
 the Contract between thofe two Families, and fign’d to 
 by the Council, call’d by them the great Council of Spain 
 which is the fame thing with them as a Parliament. Thus 
 the good People of Spain acquiefc’d, and have all along 
 fubmitted to the SuccelTors of that Family, as their un¬ 
 doubted rightful Kings, 
 
 Now if it be the People’s A& and Deed, that the Sue- 
 cefiion of the Houfeof Arragon or Aujlria lhall poflefs the 
 Crown of Spain, .then the Duke & Anjou, has no more Title 
 to the Crown of Spain than the Czar of Mujcovy , as I laid 
 before, while the Dauphin and the Duke of Burgundy are 
 alive, uni els the People of Spain legally Convocated had 
 Declar’d the Throne vacant. 
 
 And logo on with the Argument, in the fame Notion 
 of the People’s Right to make Kings, which is what thefe 
 Gentlemen are fo fond of. 
 
 When the People of a Nation have by any publick 
 Adf, Legally made , entail’d the Crown, or committed the 
 Government of themfelves, or what he plcafes to call it 
 to fuch or fuch a Family, and fuch and fuch Heirs, I hope 
 they will allow then that fuch and fuch Heirs have aRighc 
 till the fame which gave them their Right, in the fame le¬ 
 gal Manner do publickly refeind, alter, or repeal the for¬ 
 mer Settlement on which that Right was founded. 
 
 If 
 
( m) 
 
 If this be truei then where is this Pnblick aft of the 
 People of Spain to refeind the Former Title of the Houfe 
 of Arragon ? To fay they have not difclaim’d the Duke 
 <f Anjou, what a ridiculous Argument is that, the Settle¬ 
 ment they have agreed to, is not Repeal’d, nor the Great 
 Coui\pil of the State been call’d to Debate it; nor is there 
 any need of it, for the Heirs are in Being, the Throne is 
 not Vacant. 
 
 Now if you will form a Legal Title for the Duke d'An- 
 jou, on this Gentleman’s Notion of the Peoples Right it 
 muft be thus. 
 
 The Dauphin is the Immediate Heir, but he refufes to 
 accept of the Crown for himfelf, and his Eldeft Son; then 
 the Great Council of the State, which is the People of 
 Spam, ought in this Emergency to have been call’d, to 
 Confider to whom they wou’d difpofe of the Crown, or 
 to whom they wou’d Submit; and if this be true, as / am 
 fure by this Do&rine it cannot be otherwife, they may as 
 well beftow their Crown on the Emperor of Morocco, 
 faving his being a Mahometan, as on the Duke d* Anjou. 
 
 Alfo, if all Titles be deriv’d thus from the People, and 
 any one that they will Accept, is Lawful King: Why 
 fhou’d I be blam’d for faying, ’twas a weak thing for the 
 King of Spain to give away his Kingdom by his Will, 
 which he had no Power to do ? 
 
 It had been much wifer to have call’d the Great Coun¬ 
 cil of the Nation together, and have caus’d them to fettle 
 the Succeffion, as they thought fit, as the only Perfons 
 who had a Right to do it. 
 
 Another Confequence 1 muft draw from this Dodtrine 
 of the Peoples Right, which the Gentlemen are not Hi- 
 ftorians enough it feems to know. 
 
 If it be the Peples Right to difpofe of the Government as 
 they fee fit, as in the Cafe of a Viacancy of the Throne No bo¬ 
 dy doubts ; then let the Title to the Crown of Spain t be 
 whofe it will, ’tis none of the Duke d? Anjou *s ; for in the 
 famous 1 reaty of the Pyrenees , where the Match was 
 made, from whence this Title does proceed ; the Renun¬ 
 ciation made by the French to the Crown of Spain ; was 
 
( ?75 ) 
 
 Sign’d on both lides, by the Princes of the Blood on be- 
 halt of the French, and by the Grandees and Plenipoten¬ 
 tiaries on the behalf of Spain ; and this was to fignifie, 
 that it was an Agreement, not Perfonal only, but Natio- 
 na ; and that therein the People of Spain did renounce all 
 Subjedhon to the Iflue of that Marriage. 
 
 Now to pretend this can be refeinded by the Will of 
 the late King, or the Call to the Duke d’Anjou from Six 
 or Seven CounfeUors nominated by the King, this is to 
 deftroy all the Pretence of the Right of the People, and 
 humbly conceive by their Dodtrine, the prefent Title of 
 the Duke d Anjou is fallen to the Ground. 
 
 What the People of Spain may do when a French Power 
 may have put the Duke d* Anjou in Pofleflion, and they fee 
 no body to help them, I cannot tell, but at prefent he 
 has no vinble Title, either from the Call or confent of 
 the People, or by Legal Succefiion. 
 
 ’Tis next proper to Enquire what is all this to us who 
 is King ot Spain ? 
 
 / Confefs 1 fee lefs Caufe to apprehend Danger from 
 Spam, under this way of Succeffion, than I ihou’d have 
 done if the French had attempted to Poflefs it as a Devo¬ 
 lution to their Monarchy, and put it all into one Govern¬ 
 ment, which is what / meant, and what any Man that 
 underftands Englilh mult underfland by it, when l faid. 
 Page and quoted by him, P. 13 . 
 
 If the French cany the Spanifh Monarchy. 
 
 . Trul y» I f the French carry the Spanifh Monarchy, that 
 is, obtain the PolTeinon of it to themielves, I appeal it 
 to all the World if we are not in a dangerous Condition ; 
 and how foolifh is it to fay with our Author, P. 14. J 
 care not who is King of France or Spain, fo the King of 
 England Governs according to Law. ’Tis a barbarous and 
 impudent Reflexion on the King, who never yet has 
 broke any of our Laws, and has no Relation to the Cafe 
 m hand, but to fhow that the Pubiilher wants Manners as 
 well as Senfe. 
 
 Cc 
 
 But 
 
t ./ ( S7 6 ) 
 
 But now the French King has refolv’d to make the Duke 
 cP Anjou King of Spain, what is our Danger from that? 
 
 ii hall not go much on Conjecture, but I lhall go on 
 the fame foot as before. 
 
 France can Propofe no Benefit fairly by it,but thedraw- 
 ing the Spaniards off from the Confederates, and League- 
 ing them with himfelf. 
 
 If he will do thus, he will ftrengthen his Intereft very 
 much, as well as weaken his Enemies i but then he muft 
 be fure not to encroach upon the Spanilh Monarchy ; 
 which if he does, as I laid in the other part of this Dif- 
 courle, he will find the Duke d 1 Anjou King of Spain, as 
 well as a Prince of Bourbon. 
 
 But if the King of France (hou’d put the Duke d 1 Anjou 
 upon fuch Methods of Government, as (hou’d recover 
 the Spanifh Greatnefs, and make that Wealthy Nation 
 Mailers of themfelves again, as they formerly were, and 
 find out ways to Unite the Interefts of the two Nations, 
 the Ballance of Power in Europe is again quite overturn’d, 
 and there is our Danger. 
 
 Before I defcend to Particulars, I’ll explain the Terms 
 to avoid the Impertinence of another Remarker. 
 
 If the King or France (hou’d find out a way toUnite the 
 Intereft of the two Nations, by this I underftand in (hort, 
 making the Profperity of one, neceffary for the Safety of 
 the other, and fo vice verfa. 
 
 1 cou’d explain my felf how this may be done too, but 
 ’tis too large for a Pamphlet, joining Interefts is joyning 
 Nations. Affinities, Leagues, and Treaties, are triflesj 
 where has there been more Intermarriages, than between 
 the two Northern Crowns ? And yet never more Jea- 
 loufies, nor difference of Intereft. 
 
 ^ Where has there been more Antipathies, more contra¬ 
 riety in Temper, and Religion, than between the Dutch 
 and Spaniards ? And yet their Intereft has overcome all 
 Animofities, and made them ftriCt Confederates. 
 
 To fay a ftrift Confederacy and Conjunction of Interefts 
 between Spain and France will do us no harm, is the Ef- 
 fc<fl of a ftnpid ignorance; and no Man can fay it, but 
 
 he 
 
. . . , C 577 3 
 
 to K. at th ' Fa “ fa * Ford S" Alliances arc of no ufc 
 
 Di’r» 4 hC ,J ra(,C dri ,« to Spain, h without 
 we hire* ’riS the | reatef t* and moft profitable Trade 
 
 that Trade rft- 3n ?^ n0W L n t0a!l Men tbat underftand 
 :J5 T e V thaE tls dnvea by way of Factory and rar. 
 
 the prefcnt G°r Ilfhmen ’ and b ? En S lif h Stocks; I’ll lay 
 me pieient Cafe upon one Article only. Y 
 
 t . t,e Frencfl obtain fo much by their Amity with Stain 
 
 r^SnT c r h w i th «**. o- KltaS 
 
 is th- r f c:z " t « Spanilh Dominions, as 
 
 Scare Jr?5 r 0t thc Co “ ntr »: Whenever the French 
 
 Spat> y wT c C 311 becil fo ^nder of a Peace wrh 
 feady to p hy re^ Car h etul n 0 . C f Co Affront them ? Why fo 
 becauffoifr FfTA h l m W1Ch 0Ur FIcct and Forces/but 
 verv Snnl f l ^ ei ^ s there are lo Canfiderable, that the 
 
 there ro h ^ is De P endail t upon it j and is 
 
 there no Danger m having all this lye at the Mercy of the 
 
 ManSmefwIl/J 6 W °[ ,d muft Tradc with us > and <*r 
 nuru^tures will Force their own way, and the French 
 
 “Lori* 5 rh° b r n \ fays 0Ur Wife ^marker, “ If the 
 “ W °“’ d «*= «* » * 
 
 , 0 „ H 'S he7" ha ’ f"™'" th * “P° n tl,c Parliament 
 pre’venred ft. make “ that the have not 
 
 whKfin a! . ht is a Geographer, 
 
 ritnripQ n f? P ' j Port “g«l »s environ'd with the Ter- 
 
 a Foot oftife Tp ^ 5 ^ w « when every Body knows, not 
 he Territories of France conies within a Hun 
 
 ^f go f sof /^; and in the fame Page talks Jf 
 oi ccs Landing in Holland , ancf forcing their wav rhrr • 
 
 : s ATot r, H d i r Ucrm ^ 
 
 tlcman never went up the time info Gelmj£\ And rtCi 
 
 Cc 2 to 
 
( 378 ) 
 
 to mend the matter, tells us that is the Way to come oa 
 the back of Spain, in which he forgets to Confult his Map 
 again, where he wou’d ha’ found the whole Kingdom of 
 France , with the Swifs Cantons , or the Savoyards, between 
 Spain and the neareft part oiGermany,hcMt% the Alps and 
 the Pyrenees to get over, and the French to be fought 
 with : This is fuch a Marcher of an Army,the Devil wou’d 
 not be a Mufqueteer under him. 
 
 And thus infatuated he is inTrade^tho’ there were real¬ 
 ly no Wool went out of England,yet the French,Dutch and 
 Germans would always be advancing upon our Manu-- 
 failures, our Englifh Wooll is a great Commodity in 
 FranceJout in Holland,and at Hamburgh it is not half fo va¬ 
 lu’d, and yet they out-do us in many of our Manufactures. 
 
 Befides, Scotland and Ireland are Back-doors, at which 
 our Wooll manifeftly goes Abroad in quantities, the reft 
 is by Stealth, and what can the Lords of the Treafury do 
 in that. But he that loves to Cavil, will have fomething 
 to fay to every Body. 
 
 I think I have ftated a Cafe wherein a Union of lntereft 
 between France and Spain will be very Fatal to Trade. 
 I Refer the Reader to what I have hinted in the former 
 Book for more of the like. 
 
 I defeend now to Matters of Strength \ all Men muft al¬ 
 low that theProfperity of this,and of moftNations, depends 
 upon Peace ; for if Peace be not preferv’d, Trade muft 
 fijffer and if Trade fuffer, the Poor fuffer, and fo on. 
 
 Now, as is already noted, the Baliance of Power is the 
 Life of Peace, and here is your Baliance brokenas I faid 
 before, /fay again ; it is not enough to fay we have a 
 good Fleet, tho’ it be the belt in the World, and I do 
 not think our Remarker can prove that to be a Contra¬ 
 diction, any more than he can prove that to go by Germany 
 is the way to come on the Back of Spain. 
 
 If our Fleet were Mailers at Sea, *tis true it might pre- 
 ferve us from Invafion, and we are not afraid of it, but a 
 Thoufand Men of War wou’d not entirely fupprefs the 
 Privateers of France and Spain from injuring our Trade, 
 and fnapping up our Merchants} nor wou’d a Fleet ever 
 
 reduce 
 
( 379 ) 
 
 reduce the French in Conjunction with the Spaniard to 
 Peace with you, if they were whole and unbroken in their 
 Land Forces. 
 
 Nor is it enough if a Fleet cou’d fecure our Ships*, if 
 your Peace be precarious, ’tis no Peace; and if you are 
 not a Matter for your Adverfaries, you ihall have no Peace 
 at all any longer than they pleafe. 
 
 Why do all Nations covet to ftrengthen themfelves by 
 Leagues and Confederacies, but to put themfelves into a 
 Condition to be fear'd by their Neighbours; and if we 
 leave our felves without Forces, and without Alliances a- 
 broad, we are like to be very little valued by Neighbours. 
 
 From all thefe Confiderations I think this Conclufion 
 is very natural. That England ought fo to Aft, as to ob¬ 
 lige the French to perform all the Leagues, Articles and 
 Agreements which they have entred into with us, and 
 which the King for Prefervation of our Peace and Trade 
 has thought fit to engage them in for.. 
 
 Of what Value will the French King make any Treaties 
 with the Engltfh Nation, if at hisPleafure they ihall be laid 
 afide, without any Notice taken by us? If he etteems us 
 not in a Condition to refent a Breach of Faith, when our 
 Intereft is fo much engag’d, what Notice can we expeft 
 he fhou’d ever take of us in any Treaty ? 
 
 This is certainly the way to make it true, that no Na¬ 
 tion will trouble their Heads to Confederate with us; if 
 when we have Confederated with them, we let the Ene¬ 
 my infult us all, and bauk ourConfederates in fuch Refent- 
 ments, as the nature of the thing requires. 
 
 If the French King can be reduc’d to Reafon without a 
 War, and an Army or Fleet, no doubt ’tis beit, but any 
 of them are lefs Evils than a Union of Interefts between 
 Spain and France , and fuch a Confederacy, as may here¬ 
 after league againft England, to the Deftruftion of our 
 Confederates, and of our Trade. 
 
 The Debate here is not a Standing Army in England , but 
 the Kingdom of Spam falling into the French Interetts, let 
 the King and the Parliament alone to the Methods, if it 
 may be done by paying Foreign Forces, or by no Forces, in 
 
 C c 3 the 
 
ttc Name of God, Amen : But to lay »cis nothing to us who 
 is King of Spain, is as ridiculous as to lay ’cis no matter 
 to us who has the Kingdom of Ireland. 
 
 And if I were to fpeak of annexing the Spanifh Domi¬ 
 nions to the Crown of France, I believe it wou’d be lefs 
 Lofs to England to give the French the whole Kingdom 
 of Ireland, than to fuffer it* 6 
 
 An Enquiry into Occafional 
 Conformity, 
 
 SHEWING, 
 
 Tlwt the Viffenters are no wap con¬ 
 cern'd in it. 
 
 t ^ a 'v-- 
 
 H E that Oppofes his own Judgment againft the Cur¬ 
 rent of the Times, ought to be back'd with unan- 
 fwerable Truths; and he that has that Truth on 
 his Side, is a Fool, as well as a Coward, if he is afraid 
 to own it, becaufe of the Currency or Multitude of other 
 Mens Opinions. 
 
 ’Tis hard for a Man to lay, all the World is miftaken 
 but himfelf; but if it be fo, who can help it ? 
 
 But fince ’cis not likely a Single Vote fhou’d prevail up¬ 
 on Efpous’d Errors, in an Age when every one is fo fond 
 of themfelves, he that Harts Truth by himfelf, muft ex- 
 pect the World will Hand Hill and look on till they fee 
 the Hiue. 
 
 The A$: depending in the Houfe of Commons about Oc¬ 
 cafional Conformity has fet abundance of Heads to Work 
 in the World ; and be the Houfe in the Right, or in the 
 Wrong, know my own Bufinefs, and iheir Temper too 
 wCil to meddle with it : But I pretend to fay, that all 
 
 Men 
 
( 3 Sl ) 
 
 Men I have met with, who have meddled with the Ar¬ 
 gument, either in Print or otherwife, are manifeftly Mi¬ 
 ftaken. 
 
 With more Humility therefore than I owe to any Man, 
 I ask leave not to be Cenfur’d till I am Heard; and thofe 
 who call me Arrogant before, reprove me with more Ar¬ 
 rogance than is their fhare among their Fellow Creatures. 
 
 But fince I, who was altogether Born in Sin , have under¬ 
 taken to teach my Superiors, I defire to explain my felf 
 before they cafe me out of the Synagogue. 
 
 For as that Blind Man thought ’twas a Marvellous thing 
 they fhould not know whence he came that had opened 
 his Eyes. 
 
 So to me ’tis every jot as wonderful to find no Body 
 of my Mind, and yet be Pofitively allured that I am in 
 the Right. 
 
 The Subject I am upon needs no Introdudion, the Hi- 
 ftory is in every Mans Knowledge 7 the Parliament are 
 upon a Bill to prevent Occafional Conformity, and about 
 that Bill the Prefs fwarms with Pamphlets y the Pulpit 
 founds with Exaltations on one Hand, and Deprecations 
 on the other j every one fpeak their Opinions, fome their 
 Hopes, fome their Fears, and fo it Ihou’d have been to 
 the end of the Chapter, it Icou’d have found but one mid¬ 
 dle Sort, that, free from Prejudice of Parties, cou’d have 
 difeern’d the Native State of the Cafe as it really is, dif- 
 cover’d from the Paflions and Follies of Men. 
 
 About their Ad of Parliament I affirm mod of the Peo¬ 
 ple l have met with are Miftaken , and that I may be as 
 Explicit as I can, I ffiall enquire more particularly who 
 are miliaken, how, and then I doubt not the Sequel of this 
 Paper (hall make it appear that the Fad is true. 
 
 Firft, All thofe People who defign’d the Ad as a Blow 
 to the Diifenting Intereft in England } are miftaken. 
 
 Secondly , All thofe who take it as a Prelude or lntro- 
 dudion to the further Suppreffing of the Difl'enters, and 
 a Step to Repealing the Toleration, or intend it as fuch, 
 are Miftaken. 
 
 Thirdly , All thofe who think theDifientersat at all con- 
 
 C c 4 cern’d 
 
_ ( 3»0 
 
 cern’d in it, or have defign’d to Mortifie them by it, are 
 Miftaken. 
 
 Fourthly , All thofe Hot-Spurs of Divinity who Prophe- 
 fie Deftrudion from the Pulpit, and from this Step pre¬ 
 tend to foretel that the time of Plund’ring their Brethren 
 is at Hand, are Miftaken. 
 
 Fifthly , All thofe Flegmatick Diflenters who fancy them- 
 felves undone, and that Perfecution and Defolation is at 
 the Door again, are Miftaken. 
 
 Sixthly , All thofe Diflenters, who are really at all Di- 
 fturb’d at it, either as an Advantage gain’d by their Ene¬ 
 mies, or as a real Difafter upon themfelves, are Miftaken. 
 
 Seventhly , All thofe Diflenters who Deprecate it as a 
 Judgment, or wou’d Vote againft it, if it were in their 
 Power, are Miftaken. 
 
 Eighthly , That all thofe who begun or promoted this 
 Bill with a Defign to Ruin, Weaken, and Deftroy the In- 
 tereft or Body of the Diflenters in England, are Miftaken. 
 
 Not that l hereby fuppofe the Parliament or the Perfons 
 Originally concern’d in moving this Bill, did it in meer 
 Kindnefs to the Diflenters, in order to Refine and Purge 
 them from the Scandals, which fome People had brought 
 upon them, that ’twas an Action of Chriftian Charity to 
 the DifTenters, to Prevent and Deled Frauds and Hypo- 
 crilie in Religion, and to clear their Reputation. 
 
 I never yet faw or read of a Divifion of Parties in any 
 Nation, but the Hot Heads of both Parties were always 
 for Enflaming the Reckoning; if the Hot Men of the 
 Diflenters have done any Mifchief, I am lorry for it; but 
 let us examine a little what other Hot men wou’d be now 
 a doing. 
 
 No fooner was Queen Ann fettl’d upon the Throne of 
 England , and had declar’d that the Church of England 
 
 SuA* the Mcn of Hcr Fav our, as being the Church 
 bhe had been Educated in, and ever conftant to, but thefe 
 Hot Men fly out upon their Brethren with all the Excefles 
 or tneir furious Temper. 
 
 Nothing wou’d ferve them, but this Queen and Parlia¬ 
 ment muft. Root and Branch, blaft the Diflenters with 
 
 their 
 
PMPU 
 
 ( ? 8 } ) 
 
 their Breath, blow up their Intereft in theNation, and we 
 Ihou’d be all one Church and one People, of a fudden ; 
 ’twas to be done with a Blow all at once, and fo certainly, 
 that no polfible doubt could be made of it. 
 
 But Her Majefty was pleas’d to let thefe People know 
 from her own Mouth, that for as much as concerned Her, 
 they were Miftaken ; in that, upon the Addrefs of the 
 Diflenters to Her, She gave them her Royal Word for 
 Her Protection, and whenever She breaks it, we fhall all 
 be Miftaken. 
 
 Upon this the Pulpit, that DrumEcclefiaftick began the 
 War, and Mr. Sacbavrell , in his Sermon at Oxford , Dooms 
 all the Diflenters to DeftruCtion, wirhout either Bell, 
 Book, or Candle; not regarding common Decency, not 
 refpeCting his good Manners to the Queen, nor his Defe¬ 
 rence to the Parliament; but tells them ’tis their Duty, 
 if they will be true Members of the Church of England , 
 to lift up a Standard againft the Phanaticks, and the like ; 
 as much as to fay, Madam , whatever your Majefty has pro¬ 
 mis’d , Ton muft break Your Word, and Gentlemen of the 
 Houfe of Commons , we will have you do it. 
 
 Now all thefe Gentlemen have liv’d to fee themfelves 
 Miftaken; and if they retain any Expectations of feeing it 
 fulfill’d, they muft exercife their Faith upon it, as a thing 
 in Futuro, and believe that fome time or other Her Ma¬ 
 jefty will break her Word ; but as yet there is no great 
 Probability, for hitherto we have feen we are all miftaken. 
 
 But to revive their Expectations, comes a Bill into the 
 Houfe for preventingOccafional Conformity, this has been 
 matter of great Triumph to fome Gentlemen, who upon 
 this ACt revive their common Difcourfe, and are pleas’d 
 to treat the Diflenters in this manner: Well, Gentlemen, 
 now down you go , the Parliament are a beginning with you, 
 and they don’t ufe to do Buftnefs by halves , they have taken 
 the infulted Church into Confederation , they will reduce you , 
 and this is the fir ft Step , you fisall foon Jee fome more on’t : 
 We have got a Church Parliament now, and down ye go, 
 this Bill will effectually Ruin your Inter eft, and bring all your 1 
 Great Men ojf from you. 
 
 This 
 
o 
 
 C 384 ) 
 
 This brings us dofe to the Point; and ’tis no fmall mat¬ 
 ter for any one to fhow thefe Gentlemen how they are 
 miftaken. 1 
 
 ’Tis time for thefe Gentlemen to tell us what the 
 Parliament will do when they either know it,or the Houfe 
 has declar’d their Intentions j and till they have, ’tis a 
 Prefumption fome Houfes would have taken Notice of for 
 any People to pretend to lead them to their Bufinefs; 
 and therefore when they tell us this is a Tafte of the reft 
 they are preparing for us, I muft fay, either they are too 
 well acquainted with the Mind of the Houfe, or they 
 are all Miftaken; and as to the Blow this Bill is to the Dif- 
 fenters Intereft in England, 
 
 As far as I may beallow’d togive my Judgement, and as 
 the Nature of the Thing feems to fpeak it felf; ’cis plain 
 this Bill is no Damage at all to the Diffenters in England 
 and we hope the Houfe did not intend it as fuch. 
 
 I cannot imagine that fo great a Spirit of Enmity and 
 Contempt can be entertain’d in the Breaft of a Nation a- 
 gainft their Neighbours, their Brethren, People Born in 
 the fame Climate, fubmitting to the fame Government, 
 profefling the fame God, and in moft Fundamental Points 
 of Religion agreeing, People link’d together in the lame 
 common Intereft, by intermarriages continually mixt in 
 Relation, concern’d in the fame Trade, making War with , 
 the fame Enemies, and Allied with the fame Friends j 
 were it not that thefe People call’d Diflenters, are repre- 
 fentcd to them under fome ftrange and untrue Character, 
 or that under the Name of Diflentcr, fome ill Perfons 
 are fhrowded and dilguis’d, who deferve to be thus 
 Treated. 
 
 Wherefore, in order to fet the Diflenters Right in 
 the Eyes of their Brethren, and that they may have com- 
 inon Juftice at leaft, if they can have nothing of Courtelie, 
 chat Peace may be where there is no Occalion for War, 
 and Qmetnefs, and good Manners preferved, ’twill be 
 needful to fet the Matter in a true Light, and examine 
 who this Diflenter is, what the People Diflenters are,and 
 what they have done, for which they are Treated after 
 
 ft 
 

 mmmt 
 
 ( ? 8 5 ) 
 
 fo infamous a Manner by Scurrilous Preachers, and Scan- 
 dalous Pamphleteers,and other ignorant People not a few, 
 
 1 he Dillenter is an Englijhman , that being fomethine 
 defirous of going to Heaven, having heard his Church of 
 England Father, and School-mafter, and the Minifter of 
 the Parifh, talk much of it, begins ferioufly to enquire a- 
 bout the Way thither, and to that Purpofe confolting his 
 Eible and his Confcience,he finds that in his Opinion there 
 are fome Things in the Eftablifh’d Way of Worilnp 
 which do not leem to correfpond with the Rule he has 
 found out in the Scripture, 
 
 Now I fhall not examine here whether the Man thus 
 lei upulous be in the Right, or whether the Church be in 
 the Right, it does not at all belong to the Cafe in Hand 
 
 But the Man being fully convinc’d that he ought to 
 Worflnp Godin that Way, exdufive of all others, which 
 is moft agreeable to the Will of God reveal’d in the 
 Scripture; and being on mature Confideration alfo and af¬ 
 ter fincere Endeavours to be otherwife fatisfied fufiv con¬ 
 vinc’d that this Eflablifh’d Way is not fo near to’ that Rule 
 as it ought to be, ventures the Difpleafure of the Civil 
 Magillrate in Diflenting, in pure Obedience to the Com¬ 
 mands of his Confcience, and of that Rule which bids him 
 obey God rather than Man; firmly believing that ’tis his 
 Duty fo to do; and that the Compafs and Extent of Hu¬ 
 mane Laws do not reach to bind him in Matters of Con¬ 
 fcience ; at the fame time living in Charity with all rh<» 
 reft of the World, whofe ConfcLces do not require Ehe 
 fame Reflridtion, and Peaceably fubmitting to the Laws 
 and Government he lives under, as far as either his 
 Right, as an Engli/bman , or his Duty, as a Chriftian. can 
 require. * 
 
 This is the Englifh Proteflant Qiflenter which 1 have 
 been fpeakmg of, and concerning whom I have ventur’d rr> 
 fay, lo many Men,/o much Wijer than /, are Miflaken 
 o , If .^ere are crept into his Company State Diflenters 
 Politick DifTcnters, or any that give no Reafon or ocher’ 
 or lefs Reafons,for their Diflenting than thefethey are not 
 of thejn, and we wilh they would go out from them 
 
 I 
 
cr 
 
 ( J*6 > 
 
 I fee no Ad of Parliament a making to the Preju¬ 
 dice of this Diflenter; and let Hot Men Preach, Print 
 and fay what they pleafe,it is importable it fhou’d ever en¬ 
 ter into the Breaft of an Englijh Proteftant Parliament, 
 or an Englijh Proteftant Queen, either to Opprefs or 
 Supprefs fuch a Diflenter. 
 
 ’fis for the Protedion of this Honeft, Well-mean¬ 
 ing Diflenter, that in the late Reign the King and 
 Parliament finding their Number Great, thought it 
 was Meet for the Quiet of the Nation, and as an Ac¬ 
 knowledgement of the Superiority of Confidence to all 
 Humane Laws, to Settle their Liberty in an Ad of 
 Parliament; the fame undifputed Authority on which 
 all our Civil, as well as Religious Rights are Efta- 
 blifhed. 
 
 This is the Diflenter to which Her Majefty has pro- 
 mifed Her Protedion, and this Ad of Parliament is the 
 Toleration to Tender Confidences, for which Her Ma¬ 
 jefty openly declat’d Her Self, even to the Hazard of 
 Her Royal Perfion. 
 
 Thefie are the Diflenters who never gave Her Majefty 
 any Reafion to believe they did not Merit Her Protedion, 
 and 1 firmly believe never will. 
 
 From thefie the Church of England has nothing to fear, 
 unlefs their Exemplary Lives, and Unqueftion’d Piety, 
 IhouM prevail to weaken Her Numbers, and we heartily 
 wilh all the Strife were reduc’d to this, m. who Ihou’d 
 Live belt, and who Ihou’d Preach beft. 
 
 If there are among them Vicious Youths,or Grown Hy¬ 
 pocrites; if there are crept in Errors, Herefiesand En- 
 thufiufts; are not the fame among the Church ? If there 
 are among thefie Diflenters, Quakers , Antinomians , 
 Sweet ^Singers, Muggletenians , and the like ; the Church 
 has alfio Her Socinians , Deijls , Anti-Trinitarians , Scepticis, 
 Afgilites ■, and the like ; there can be no Advantage plea¬ 
 ded againft Herefie, and Damnable Heterodox Opinions, 
 from one fide more than another. 
 
 If 
 
( 3 S 7 ) 
 
 If we regard the Matters of State, the Diflcnters, and 
 the Church of England , have fmall Advantage of the Ar¬ 
 gument one againlb another •, and 1 may without Arro¬ 
 gance Challenge the Hot Church-Men, who can Treat 
 them with nothing but the Odious Name of Diftorbers 
 of the Peace, Enemies of Monarchy, and Authors of Con- 
 fufion, to bring the Loyalty of the Church of England , fo 
 much boafted of in the World, to the Tell, with the 
 Loyalty of the DilTenter and it has lately been 
 done to my Hand, it is eafie to prove that the 
 DilTenter has been equally Loyal to Princes, e- V ngl ^>/ 
 qually True to the Government and Conftituti- Loyihy, p. 
 on of England , as the Church ; and the Church 
 has been equally Difloyal,and has as oftenRefifted,and took 
 Arms againlt the Lawful Eftablilh’d Power and Prince, 
 as the DilTenter ; and let them enter into this Difpute 
 whenever they pleafe. 
 
 But what is all this to the prefent Cafe ? What we do 
 as Englijhmen is one thing, and what we do as Chriltians, 
 and DilTenters, is another. 
 
 ’Pis alfo Foreign to our Purpofe to Examine or Reply 
 to Dr. Stubbs,or the Multitude of Pamphleteers, who place 
 themfelves at the forelorn Hope of the Church, and be¬ 
 gin the War in hopes of drawing on that whole Body to 
 an Engagement ■, when they can make it out, that the 
 DilTenter and the Church are as far afunder in Religion as 
 God and Baal, I may poTTibly think they Merit what they fo 
 much Covet, viz., to be Reply’d to. 
 
 Whole Reams of Paper are fpoil’d fince that to prove 
 that this Ad of Parliament is needful, becaufe ’tis fit the 
 Church Ihould be Eftablilh’d •, to which 1 Anfwer with a 
 Queltion ask’d once with much lefs Reafon in another 
 Cafe, What need ad this Waft el 
 
 Gentlemen,Eliablilh your Church with all the Precauti¬ 
 on you can. Build a Fence of ImpregnableLaws about it, 
 you are welcome •, we never did, nor we do not now,Di- 
 fturb you \ leave but us, your Poor Brethren, Libei ty 
 to ferve God according to our Confciences} don’t bind 
 
 us 
 

 3 . 
 
 ( 3 SS ) 
 
 to do as you can do, whether we can or no- take vmr 
 L ac . es > apd Penfions, and Profits, and deferve them of the 
 ation, if you can ; we ask nothing but our Right and 
 what is now become fo by Law; if you claim the CM 
 Power as your own, you confcquently take us into vour 
 Protection; and Jet us fee how Generous you’ll be ^ 
 
 As to thofe among us who can conform to your Churrh 
 for a Place, for a Salary, you are alfo Welcome to tSe 
 
 them among you, and let them be a part of your felves 
 n‘gh?eonfnef Cm y0U Can make by the Mamm <>n of Un- 
 
 off or Fri'hr n<F V /7’ r ° Wn ’ ail y ° U Can Bny < ° r Bribe 
 B, or Fri 0 ht off; to cmgoy we readily Gram that who. 
 
 ever among „ s can> wi[h Satisfaaion ' Q ^ c “ a 'J™£ 
 
 Conform, ought to Conform; and we hearrilv Win* 
 
 r Br^en' * ^32*5 
 
 your Brethren, fuch as might open your Door for us all 
 Conform to you, and then you fhou’d DilTent from 
 Principles of Obftinacy and Ill-Nature, or from a meer 
 Neceflity of Confcience j you Ihould then fee whether the 
 
 K2 “ ^."-ere Schifaatick, b^Natu,"^ 
 Hetrodox by Inclination j or whether their Objections 
 are grounded upon Scripture, and their Diflentine 
 
 then f y0U rh n c £ - ? f '™ enli g h tnedConfcience; you wou’d 
 then try the Spirits whether they be of God 
 
 But fince you are of the Opinion that you are capable 
 
 ? at yo r u C3nno F Reform farther? and 
 therefore will not Condefcend one Step, tho’ ’twould 
 
 iScZstFrl ^ Million of Souls to you, an Eminent 
 
 thlrlc f tk f Cha u y ° fyow Church ' 311 we have to fay in 
 pnd C tf e ft* US t aVe the Protefti °n of the Government, 
 and the Liberty the Laws allow us, and we are S 
 
 U P° n £ 5 is s - c0r f ’ cis that we fa y the Aft againft Occa- 
 
 ffmm for o^cRea^on° eS ^ c ?“ ero us *> the y "*> canCon- 
 to Confoi m K ,nd ,raay COn / 0ri ? withoutTwo,and ought 
 
 SilSd who clnZrr 1 T t,1Crefore conte "t to be diftin- 
 fo boldlv to Conform atall j and if we might offer 
 io oojajy to you, who have any Intereft in rhp £/„»/*, r( 
 
 Commons, wc would humbly propofe to have the Title 
 
C 389 > 
 
 of the Act alter’d, and to have it Entituled, An Afi for 
 the better Vniting the Proteflant DiJJenters, by preventing Oc- 
 caftonal Conformity to the Church of England j and when that 
 is done, letat.pafs with all our Hearts and tho’ we can 
 eafily fee what the Defign is, viz.. That no Diflenter Ihall 
 be employ’d in Place of Trull or Profit in the Govern¬ 
 ment, yet fince'it mull be fo, We hope , Gentlemen, you 
 will be content to take all the Mifcarriaget of the Government 
 on you too-, we Ihall acquiefce, let us alone in our Religi¬ 
 on, let us Wot fhip God as we believe he has directed us, 
 and all the reft is your own. 
 
 But before we part, let us have leave to remind you, 
 that although you are willing to quit all our Civil Right 
 to the Honours, as well as the Advantages, of ferving 
 our Country, when we are cholen to it by a Fair Majority, 
 rather than not enjoy our Religion, and the Profeffion we 
 make, with Peace and Liberty, yet it is no lefs an Op- 
 preffion upon us, and the Hardlhips are fuch as can never 
 be defended by Reafon or Equity. 
 
 We would be glad we had no Caufe to think our 
 felves Injur’d; and to fuch of the Church of England who 
 can judge without Prejudice, we would Appeal whether 
 it is not very Hard ? 
 
 Fir ft. That the Diflenter Ihall be excluded from all Pla¬ 
 ces of Profit, Truft and Honour, and at the fame time 
 (hall not be excufed from thofe which are attended with 
 Charge, Trouble, and Lofs of his Time ? 
 
 Secondly , That a Diflenter Ihall be Prefs’d as a Sailor to 
 Fight at Sea, Lifted as a Soldier to Fight on Shore, and let 
 his Merit be never fo much above his Fellows, Ihall never 
 be capable of Preferment; no, not a Lieutenant at Sea, 
 or fo much as a Halbert in the Army. 
 
 Thirdly , That we muft maintain our own Clergy, and 
 your Clergy j our own Poor, and your Poor pay equal 
 Taxes, and equal Duties and not be thought worthy to 
 be Trufted to fet a Drunkard in the Stocks. 
 
 We Wonder, Gentlenien, you will accept pur Money 
 on your Deficient Funds, our Stocks to help carry on your 
 Wars, our Loans and Credits :o your Victualling Office, 
 and Navy Office. If 
 
 
CT c ? 9 °) 
 
 ]i n you would go on to diftinguifh us, get a Law made 
 we mall Buy no Lands, that we may no: be Freeholders; 
 and lee if you could find Money to Buy us out. 
 
 Tranfplant us into Towns and Bodies, and let usTrade 
 by our felves^ let us Card, Spin, Knit, and Work, with 
 and for one another, and fee how you will maintain your 
 own Poor without us. 1 
 
 Let us Fraight our Ships apart, keep our Money out 
 ot your Bank, accept none of our Bills, and feparate 
 your fclves as abfolutely from us in Civil Matters as 
 we do from you in Religious, and fee how you can go 
 on without us; 6 
 
 If you are not willing to dothis,but we mull live among 
 you, Trade, Work, Receive and Pay together, why may 
 we not do it in Peace, with Love and Unity, withoutdai- 
 ly Reproach : It we have any Knaves among us, take 
 them, if we have any Hypocrites,any who can Conform, 
 and do not, we are free to part with them, that the Re¬ 
 mainder may be all fuch as agree with the Character here 
 given; and when you have Garbl’d us to your Hearts 
 delire, and ours, you need never fear your Church, as 
 to her Politick Intereft in the World ; Pray then let us 
 be quiet. 1 
 
 What have we to do with yourDiftinftions of Whig and 
 r No farther tf ? a ^ I know of than this, that when, 
 dlinnet from our Religious Concerns, we come to talk of 
 ourLiberties, Properties,, and Etiglijh Priviledges, we are 
 not for having themdeftroy’d byAbfolute Authority,Dif- 
 penfing Power, and the like ^ and if this be to be Whigs, 
 ye are Whigs. b * 
 
 As to Kings and Rulers, we are of the Opinion that 
 when they Degenerate into Tyrants, Opprefs their Peo¬ 
 ple, Deftroy the Laws, with all the etcatera' s of Arbi¬ 
 trary Power, ’tis Lawful for the Injur’d People to Re- 
 ? u . c ® , eai r t0 Reafon,'and to feek Protection, and Power¬ 
 ful Help, from any Body, to Affilfc them to Recover their 
 Undoubted Rights and Liberties; if this be to be Traitors, 
 why then. Gentlemen of the Church of England, h jIcJ up 
 youmands j how fay you? Are you Guilty, of nod Guilty ? 
 
 As 
 
 Q 
 
( m ) 
 
 As to Oaths, with which t Gentlemen , ye were the Men 
 that loaded your Allegiance farther than you had any Occa/ion t 
 we are of the Opinion, that they can bind the Subject no 
 longer than the Soveraign continues the Protection of the 
 Executive Power and that the late King by his Defert- 
 ing the Throne, Abfolv’d all his Subjects from the Bond 
 of their Allegiance \ and on this Foot we made no Scru¬ 
 ple to Swear to the Government, as it now Hands on the 
 Foot of the late Revolution; and if you have Sworn with 
 us, and yet do not believe fo, you may get off of the Per¬ 
 jury if you can. 
 
 And what need is there now of running down the Dif- 
 fenters with a full Cry, as if this ACt a coming out was a 
 Machine, to blow them all up^ we fee no Harm in it at 
 all, other than the Hardihips we mention’d before, moll 
 of which we TufTer’d before, and are like only to have 
 them the falter entail’d on our Polterity. 
 
 All thofe Gentlemen therefore who think this Act will 
 weaken the DilTenters, or wilh it would, are manifeltly 
 Millaken j it may diftinguilh them better, and I am per- 
 fwaded willfortifie them in their Honelt Profelfioni ’twill 
 teach them, that if they will hold fall the Truth, they 
 mull learn to live like People under the Power of thofe 
 tvho hate them, and defpitefully ufe them. 
 
 The DilTenters too are llrangely Millaken in their Ap- 
 prehenfions of the 111 Confequences of this ACt. 
 
 To fuch I wou’d fay, I cannot imagine what they have 
 to fear from it, or why they fhou’d oe uneafie with the 
 Honour they are alfo rid of, the Encumbrance of being 
 Mayors, Aldermen, Jurats, and Sheriffs of the Towns 
 and Corporations ; and let them but refleCt what was the 
 Gain that all the Dillenters in England have made by Places 
 and Penlions from the Government fince the late Revo¬ 
 lution, 1 am perfwaded ’twill not all amount to the Sum 
 that one Churchman will be found to have Cheated the 
 Nation of. 
 
 Tiie Church are willing to engrofs all the Knaves to 
 themfelves, and let them doit,and welcome, tho’ they get 
 all the.Money into theBargain;if they would but come to a 
 
 D d fair 
 
\ ( 392 ) 
 
 fair Account with us now,and repay all the DilTenters Mo¬ 
 ney the Nation has been cheated of by Church Knaves, I 
 dare undertake the Dillenters (hall repay all that can be 
 charg’d on their Knaves out of the Ballance. 
 
 The Foundation of the Dillenters Safety is lodg’d by 
 God’s Efpecial Providence,in the Queen’s Veracity; while 
 Her Majefty efteems Her Word Sacred, as She has allur’d 
 us She will, we have no Occafion to be concern’d at all. 
 
 The Safety of the Dillenters confift in their own Ho- 
 nelly and Integrity ; while they do nothing to offend ei¬ 
 ther Her Majefty, or the Laws, if it werepollible to have 
 a Parliament of Church Bigots, or of Pulpit SacbavertUs , 
 there will be no Fear of their Liberty. 
 
 As to the prefent Aft, I doubt not but they will live 
 to fee Caufe to be thankful for the making it, when the 
 Mifcarriages of all People in Publick Offices and Employ¬ 
 ments are fo eminently fix’d upon a Party, and fo openly 
 and fairly taken off from them. . 
 
 They are Miftaken too in the Senfe of the Prefent Par¬ 
 liament ; and they may be affur’d, had not their Enemies 
 feen that an Englifh Proteftant Parliament, as this is, is 
 not to be prevail’d upon to Overthrow fo Subftantial a _ I 
 Part of the Nation’s Liberty as is fetled in the Aft of To¬ 
 leration, they had not relied fo long, but before now had 
 attempted it. 
 
 They have try’d it in the Pulpit, fcatter’d it in Scan¬ 
 dalous Pamphlets from the Prefs, affirmed that Tolera¬ 
 tion is Deftruftive of the Churches, as Well >as the Na¬ 
 tion’s Safety; they have endeavour’d, by Calumny and 
 Reproach, to blacken the Dillenters with Crimes never 
 committed; and which they woii’d never own before, 
 are at laftr come to reprefent them as a formidable Party. 
 
 And yet all thiscou’d never bring fo much as One Mem¬ 
 ber of the Houle to be lb blind to his Countries Intereft,as 
 to make a Motion againft the Aft of Toleration. 
 
 Being thus difappointed, and willing to play at fmall 
 Game rather than Hand out, they fly to the Sanftuary of 
 this Bill, and feign themfelves gratify’d by it more than 
 ever the Bill, or the Houfe it felf, intended; for in all 
 
 their 
 
, . ( ?93 ) 
 
 their Arguments f or the Bill, ’cis fuppos’d to be a Means 
 ' red °cc» humble, and mortific the Diflenters; Ridiculus 
 A us. Is this all ? Why really, Gentlemen, had it been in 
 our Power, you fhould have had all this without an Adtof 
 lament; this will Strengthen, notReduce, us; ’twill 
 p eule not Mortifie or Humble us; and thus you find your 
 le vsall Miftaken,Mi/taken in theHoufe of Commons them- 
 lelves in thinking the Reprefentatives of a Proteftant Na- 
 tion will Repeal the Act of Toleration, upon which the 
 1 ranquility of their Native Country fo much depends,but 
 soove all Miftaken in their Expectation of the Queen, to 
 whom their Behaviour is Prepofterous and Unmannerly. 
 
 J P re P»fterous for People to expedt, that be- 
 caule the Queen was a Friend to the Church, a conftant 
 Member, and always Efpoufed the Intcreft of the Church, 
 that therefore when She came to the Crown, She mult 
 come up to all their extravagant Heights. 
 
 When Her Majefty was Princefs, and a Subject,Ihe con- 
 ltancly adher’d to the Intereft of the Church ; but at the 
 lame time declai’d Her Opinion for tolerating the Dill 
 lenters in their Liberty of Proteftant Worlhip, while they 
 behaved themfelves quietly and obediently under the Go¬ 
 vernment. 
 
 When her Majefty came to the Crown, She became the 
 general Mother, the Guardian, the Refuge of all Her 
 Subjects; She places the Church firft in Her Favour,pro- 
 nnfes them Her fpecial and particular care,as thofe who by 
 Judgment and Inclination She ftands engaged with; but as 
 She finds a great Number of Her People unhappily di- 
 vided in Opinion, yet in all other Refpeds Her good 
 Subjedrs, what can She do lefs than give them Her Pro¬ 
 tection? This She has readily promis’d them, and on this 
 they thankfully depend. 
 
 But here comes the Gentlemen of the Long Gown 
 and they tell her in fo many Words,She cannot,She mull 
 not keep her Word with us ; They tell us She will halt 
 between God and Baal, if She does not lo Declare for the 
 Church, as to her Belt to Supprefs and deltroy all Sepa¬ 
 rate Worlhips, and have all the Priefls of Baal, the bell 
 
 V d 2 Ternu 
 
( 394 ) 
 
 Terms they can beftow on the Diflenting Minifters,hew\l 
 to Pieces before the Lord. 
 
 »Tis Unmannerly that the Church of England -men 
 fhou’d expert the Queen to break Her word with fome 
 of Her Subjefts to oblige others \ and chat whereas She has 
 promis’d themHer Special Favour,they fhou’d not be con¬ 
 tent with that, unlefs She will at the fame time Opprefs 
 Two Millions of her Faithful People to oblige them. 
 
 Let them go on, but let them be afliu’d the Difienters 
 (hall enjoy their Liberty of Confcience, till they can pre¬ 
 vail with Her Majefty to lay afide her Veracity, and for¬ 
 get Her Royal Word, and refufe us Her Protection,which 
 we are refolved never to give Her any Reafon for. 
 
 As to the Bill againft Occafional Conformity, it baulks 
 their Defign on the Diflenters, for ’tis for their Advan¬ 
 tage i they always diflik’d the Praftice \ it has more than 
 once been Protefted againft, and Exploded \ and 1 dare 
 undertake not one Diflenter offers to prefent a Petition 
 to the Houfe againft its palling. 
 
 ’Tis plain, that Occafional Communion is contrary to 
 the very Nature and Being of a Diflenter '■> who, if he can 
 Conform, ought to Conform i and if he can for a Place of 
 Preferment, ought to do it without that Preferment. 
 
 ’Tis plain, that whatever, by the Connivance of Rc- 
 mifs Minifters, and with too much Regard to Parties, 
 may have been flightly pafs’d over, yet by the very Con- 
 flitution and Foundation of a collected, feparate Church 
 or Congregation, no Man can go back to the Communion 
 of the Church of England , and be Received again upon 
 any other Condition but as a Penitent; ’tis an Aft De- 
 ftruftive of all poffible Pretence for Diflenting, and never 
 was, nor never can, be defended by any Difienter, with¬ 
 out over-throwing all the Reafons they cou’d ever give 
 for Diflenting. 
 
 How then can this Bill be aim’d at the Difienters ? ei¬ 
 ther they who think ’tis aim’d at them, are Miftaken} or 
 they that point it at them, are Miftaken, for Supprefling 
 an Error crept in among them, contrary to their Con- 
 ftitution, againft their Judgment, declared by them to 
 
 
( 395 ) 
 
 be a Grievance, can never be their Injury, nor ought to 
 be their Trouble. 
 
 Let them Name us the Difienter that ever vindicated 
 this Pra&ice, one paflionate Author excepted let them 
 tell us the Time when any Congregation received fiich 
 conforming Nonconformatifts without diflatisfa&ion and 
 Difcontentslet them tell us a Time whenever the thing 
 was pra&is’d till the Reign of King James. 
 
 *Tis a Novelty, an Abufe crept in among us, and we 
 are glad to have it Condemn’d by Authority ; at the fame 
 Time not at all thirikingour fclves oblig’d to the Authors 
 for their Good Will. 
 
 ’Twill be objected, this is a Feint, to clofe with a thing 
 when you cannot help it. 
 
 No, Gentlemen, we don’t tell you we like that part 
 of the Bill which Excludes us from the Native Honours 
 and Preferments of our Country, which are our Due, our 
 Birthright, equally with our Neighbours, and to which we 
 ihould be call’d by the Suffrage of the People; and we 
 cannot but think it a Hardfhip beyond the Power of Rea- 
 fon to juftifie-, but fince this Right muft be clogg’d with 
 fo many Inconveniences, tbatwe muft Mortgage our Con¬ 
 fidences to enjoy them, no Man can have any Charity left 
 for us, but muft prefeatly conclude wc Ihill freely forego 
 fuch Trifles for our Confciences, or elfe that we may have 
 no Confciences at all. 
 
 Therefore *tis no Feint •, we are fo content with the 
 Supprefling the Grievance of this Scandalous simbo-dexter 
 Conformity , that we think the Hardlhips put upon us with 
 it not worth naming ; we doubt not the Parliament will 
 one time or other fee Caufe to do us Juflice,and to reftore 
 to us the Privileges of oar Anceftors, ar.d which we have 
 done nothing to forfeit. 
 
 But all the Parliaments that ever were, or will be, can 
 v never Supprefs any thing among us fo Scandalous, to our 
 Reputation, and to that Candour with which we delire to 
 Guide our A&ions, nor fo contrary to, and Deftt uftive of, 
 the very Nature of our feparating from the Church of Fng- 
 /ij«d,and the Conftitution of all our Collected Congrega¬ 
 
 tions. 
 
 D d 3 
 
 We 
 
W e acknowledge, that if this was an allow’d Practice 
 among us, we cou’d not pretend the Charafter of a Dif- 
 fenter l have here given to be Juft; but without Queftion 
 it is a molt Juft Charafter of all thofe Diflenters who are 
 Confciencious and Honeft; ’tis the Original, the Nature 
 of a Diflenter •, what is crept in more, is a Corruption 
 wilh it Extinguifhed } and fince none has faid any 
 thing of this Nature, but what has been faid before, and 
 no Church of England-Man can think or fpeak worle of 
 it than the truly Religious Diflenters have done, we free- 
 ly dilmifs all thofe who can thus Build with one Hand 
 and Pull down with another, to a Liberty of declaring for 
 the future who they are for. 
 
 Only purfuant to what has all along been acknowledg’d, 
 fo far as we handl’d this Argument, if they wou’d ac¬ 
 cept of the Friendly Advice of their Brethren, it (hou’d 
 be, that they wou’d for the future Conform to the Church 
 of England. 
 
 For ’tis plain, he that can Conform to the Church to 
 qualifie himfelf for Preferment, for Employment, or any 
 fuch Reafon, can Conform j if not, he muft be arrived to 
 a Degree of Mafterlhip over his Confcience, fo as to fub- 
 jedt it to his Intereft, and aft againft light j and he rhat 
 can do that, may do any thing, and ’tis no matter what 
 Church he Communicates with ; of fuch a Nan I think I 
 Trefpafs not upon Charity to fay, he has all bis Work of 
 j t0 .^° over a § a ' n > an d he alfo may Conform till 
 God fhall give his Confcience Light enough to chufe by, 
 and him Grace to be Obedient to the Conviftions of his 
 
 own Heart, and whether that be to Conform or Dillcnt 
 let him judge. 
 
 But if any Man who has profeft himfelf a Religious Dif- 
 fenter fhaH, upon the palling this Aft, declare himfelf 
 Refolv d to turn to the Diflenters, I think no Congrega¬ 
 tion of Dili enters, according to the Nature of Religious 
 
 Communion, can receive him upon any other Terms than 
 as a Penitent. 
 
 If be has not Sin'd, vbyJim' dbe Retent' Says a Learned 
 Author in this very Cafe. 
 
 i 
 
( 397 ) 
 
 I anfwer, he either has Sinn’d in Conforming, or he 
 Sinn’d in Difl'enting before, or he Sins in coming off-, for 
 if he did not Sin in Conforming, he ought to have conti¬ 
 nued there, and bis coming off is a plain Schifm j but if 
 he did Sin, he ought to acknowledge the Sin, which is 
 what I mean by being receiv’d as a Penitent. 
 
 I am told after all this, but upon what Authority do 
 you write thus ? You take upon vou to write in the Name 
 of the Diffenters, what Commiflion have you to write in 
 the Plural? And how do we know that the Diffenters 
 difown this Occafional Communion. 
 
 I anfwer, Publication is an Appeal to the World ^ if I 
 have wrote what is not true, or affirm’d that in the Name 
 of the Diffenters which is not their Opinion, I am liable 
 to an eafie Confutation •, but as / have never yet had my 
 Argument refuted, fo tho’ l have not received a Formal 
 Commiffion, Truth is a General Commiflion, and any 
 Man may write it. 
 
 And yet I am not without a general Concurrence of all 
 •the Diffenters I ever converft with : and he that can an- 
 fwer the Argument is welcome to make his Negative as 
 Publick as this, and let the World judge who is in the 
 Right. 
 
 A New Teft of the Church of 
 England's Loyalty: 
 
 Or, Whlggifh Loyalty and Church Loyalty 
 Compar’d. 
 
 I N all the unhappy Contentions among Parties and 
 Fa&ions in this brangling Nation, the Champions 
 of the Church of England , as they rvau'd have them- 
 felves caWd , have laid it down as the diflinguiffiing 
 Mark of their Hierarchy,, that it is her Practice, and 
 
 D d 4 has 
 
has been deriv’d from her very Conftitution, js well as 
 Do&rine, to fix in all her Members Principles of unfliakcn 
 Loyalty to her Prince, entire and undifputed Obedience 
 to all her Commands, and an Abhorrence <of the very 
 Thoughts of thofe Hellifli Principles, That it can be law¬ 
 ful on any Account whatfoever to refift the eftabltftid Power of 
 their Kings , 
 
 ’Twou’d be endlefs toquote the Reverend Dr. B _ ge, 
 
 who from the Text in the 13 th. of the Romans, v. i,z Re¬ 
 fift not the Powers , &c. for whatfoever Powers arc, be or¬ 
 dained of God j wbofever therefore refifleth tbe Power, reftft- 
 eth the Ordinance of God , tells us. That if the King fhou'd 
 by his Royal Command execute the greatejl Violence upon ei¬ 
 ther our Perfon or Eft ate, our Duty was to fubmit by Prayers 
 and Tears firft to God silmigbty, to turn the Wrath of his 
 Vicegerent from his Servant, and by humble Entreaty to 
 beg his Majefties Grace and Pardon, but to lift up the Hand 
 againft the Lord’s Anointed, or refift the Evil of pu* 
 nilhment he thought fit to inflict, this were a Crime unpar¬ 
 donable either before God or Man, and a Crime , (fays the 
 Reverend Dr.) which we blefs God the very Principles of our 
 Ever Loyal IY1 other,f/;c Church of England, abhors anddetefts. 
 
 Let Incendiaries, Phanaticks, and Bloody Peace-breaking 
 Whigs (fays another Learned Divine) nourijh the Viperous 
 Principles of Treafon and Rebellion , and let them meet their 
 due Reward of their Falrious Doings in the refentments of a 
 Righteous, but Provok d Nation: But God be prdifed , our 
 Mother, tbe Church of England, has always brought up her 
 Sons in an unfpotted Loyalty and Obedience none have been 
 found lifting up their Hands againft their Soveraign, or pof- 
 fefting the Rights of tbe Anointed of God, &c. 
 
 The very Being and Life, the Original and Principles of the 
 Church of England, (fays another 50th of January Sermon ) 
 is Loyalty and Fidelity to God, as the Immediate Supream, 
 and to tbe A ing as the lively Image of Divine Authority, 
 whofe Power is immediately deriv'd from, bolds of, and is ac¬ 
 countable to none but to God Himfelf 
 
 To avoid Prolixity of Quotation, the Reader is defired 
 to accept of thefe as fufficient Proofs of what f lay down 
 
 ■jqm 
 
( m ) 
 
 upon this Condition *, nevertbelefs, that befidcs the general 
 Appeal which I make to the Memory of moft Men, I ob¬ 
 lige my felf upon Demand to produce Ten Thoufand fair 
 Quotations of Non-refiftance of Princes, Paflive-Obedi- 
 ence,and Divine Authority of the Kingly Power, is own’d 
 and declar’d to be an Eflential Part of the Profeffion and 
 Practice of the Church of England ; and upon this Foot, 
 which I hold to be fufficient, I think 1 cannot be cenfured 
 if I take it for Granted. 
 
 Now as this too much divided Nation has always been 
 compos’d of two contending Parties, thofe Parties have 
 been diftinguiflfd, as in UkeCaJes ,by Names of Contempt; 
 and tho' they have often chang’d them on either fide, as 
 Cavalier and Roundhead, Royalifts and Rebels, Malig- 
 nants and Phanaticks, Tories and Whigs, yet the Divifion 
 has always been barely the Church and the Dijfenter , and 
 there it continues to this Day. 
 
 As the Church of England Party have boafted of their 
 own Loyalty, fo they have branded the Diffenter with 
 Rebellion and Fa&ion, not only in their Nature, but in 
 their very Principles ; they have laid it down in their 
 Writings and Sermons, and Multitudes of their ignorant 
 Hearers belive it, that the very Ddlrine of the Dijfenter is 
 made up of Principles in their own Nature tending toConfufion 
 and Rebellion ; they wo’n’t be content that we (hou’d own 
 there maybe Men among all Parties of bad Defigns, and 
 who wou’d on all Occafions embroil their Native Country; 
 but it muft be woven with the very Articles of Faith; and 
 that ’tis the Religion of a Diflenter to diftui b Govern¬ 
 ment, kill Kings, and oppofe Laws. 
 
 The Phanatical Enemies of our King and Church , fays the 
 
 Learned Dr. P -w, drink in Rebellion as Water ; ’tis the 
 
 very Subjlance of their Schifmatical DoQrine to overwhelm 
 and deflroy ; and Commonwealths and Confufions are the Do- 
 {Irines they preach. 
 
 He that lays out one Groat with a Diflenter (fays 
 the worthy Sir Roger in one of his Famous Obfcrvators) 
 contributes fo much as the Profits of that Groat amounts 
 to in Trade, towards the Subverfion of the Monarchy, 
 
 and 
 
( 400 ) 
 
 and Ere&ing a Common-wealth, for the very Nature and 
 Tendency of their Profeflion is deftru&ive of Kingly 
 Power, and the Government of the Nation. 
 
 This has been the Opinion of the Church of England , 
 both of themfelves on one Hand, and of the Diflenters on 
 the other Hand. I ftiou’d beglad if I cou’d only fay, It hat 
 been , for we find ’tis ftill too much their Opinion. 
 
 Let no Man fay that the Author of thefe Sheets is either 
 widening or keeping unheal’d the Breaches of this Nati¬ 
 on \ f >r if I can make it appear that there is really no Oc- 
 cafion of fuch unnatural Divifions; and that neither the 
 extraordinary Opinion of themfelves, nor the Contempt 
 of their Neighbours, as to the matter of Loyalty, is a be¬ 
 coming Principle \ no, nor a rational one neither: For 
 that as to Loyalty, Pafiive-Obedience, Non-Refiftance, 
 &c. there is really no great Difference between one fide 
 or other ^ I go as far towards healing the Breach as any 
 Man } for there can be no better way to end the Strife 
 on both Sides, than to prove that neither Side has any juft 
 Caufe to contend. 
 
 To examine the Matter on both Sides, feem very ufe- 
 ful at this time, in order to reconcile Parties, and to fettle 
 the Univerfal Character of the Nation. 
 
 The Government of England , is a limited Monarchy, 
 compofed of King, Lords, and Commons ■, each have their 
 feveral, their feparate, and their conjunctive Powers; 
 which adting in Concert, make the Harmony of the Con- 
 ftitution. 1 fhall not invade the Province of thofe lear¬ 
 ned Gentlemen, who have undertaken to fet forth the 
 Branches of the Conftitution in all their Powers, Limitati¬ 
 ons and Prerogatives: ’Tis enough to fay the Conftituti¬ 
 on is known, the Government is confin’d by Laws, the 
 Crown limited by Statutes, and the Peoples Rights con¬ 
 firm’d by the Conceftion of Ages. 
 
 To t his Government,all DiftinCtion of Names fet apart, 
 I am of the Opinion all Parties have in their Turns been 
 equally Loyal; I was going to lay, equally Difloyal: And 
 if I were to ufe the Language of late Times, it wou’d be a 
 very proper way of fpeaking. 
 
 Affirming 
 
 ■ 
 
( 4 0r ) 
 
 Affirming without demonftrating is an abfurd wav of 
 arguing, and therefore it will be needful to come to Par¬ 
 ticulars, and to examine the feveral Ads and Deeds of 
 both Parties when the Kingly Prerogative has fhock’d or 
 clalh’d with the People. 
 
 In order to this ’cis needful to examine the Date of the 
 Difference, and fo enter a little into Hiftory. 
 
 , Our firft Reformation from Popery was in the Davs of 
 King Edward the VI. I call it the firft, becaufe ’ewas un¬ 
 der him that the whole Nation and the Gcvenment cm 
 brac’d the ProteftantReform’d Religion; this ProteftanJ 
 Religion was eftabhfh’d by that Zealous King, an d bv his 
 Parliament back’d with the force of Laws, and confirm’d 
 by all the Sandionof Authority it was capable of and 
 here it began to be call’d the Church of England. ’ 
 
 Some enquiring Chriftians were for making farther 
 Steps, and carrying on the Reformation to a higher De- 
 gree; and if that good reforming King had liv’d, his Zeal 
 and Integrity was fuch, that there was no doubt he woo’d 
 have gone on to perfed every thing he had begun, as new 
 Light or more Knowledge had encreafed ; but the Return 
 or Popery under Queen Mary put a Stop to the Work in 
 general, and went very far towards overturning the whole 
 Strudure of the Reformation. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth reftoi’d ic again ; but as /he was a Zea¬ 
 lous Proteftant Queen, yet fhe was not for fubjeding the 
 Reformation to any Amendment. Not that fhe behev’d 
 it perfed ; but fhe was a Politick Princefs, furrounded 
 with Enemies that were not to be dally’d with; and fhe 
 was lo th to fuppofe fuch Defeds in the Reformation as 
 were alledg d, becaufe ’ewas to leflen the Reputation of it 
 and confequently her Intereft in the World. 1 
 
 Thofe who infilled upon the furtherReformation were 
 then call d Puritans , becaufe they fee up for a greater Pu- 
 
 Chey re P arated themfelves from the 
 eftablifh d Cnurch, becaufe, as they faid, their Confcien- 
 ces inform d them they cou’d ferveGod more agreeaole 
 to his Will. 
 
 I 
 
' ( 4 02 ) 
 
 I fhall not meddle with the Arguments made ufe of on 
 both Sides, ether to defend or expofe this Principle; *cis 
 fufficient to acquaint my Reader that this is the true Ori¬ 
 ginal of the Diflenters: We are now to examine a little 
 further back. Before this Reformation there was nofuch 
 thing as Church of England, it was then the Church of 
 Rome that was the eftabllfh’d National'Church. 
 
 The Proteftants under the Titles of Lollards , Wiclliffi- 
 ans, Huffites , See. what did they do? Did they, at our Mo¬ 
 dern People fay every Body fhou’d, conform to what the Go¬ 
 vernment commanded ? No, the prefent Church of Eng¬ 
 land Party were the Difientcrs, the Schifmaticks and Pha- 
 naticks, in the Days of King Henry Vlll. were perfecuted 
 for not coming to Church, -many of them put to Death, 
 and always treated with Scorn and Contempt, as Enemies 
 to the Government, Broachers of new Opinions, and Con¬ 
 temners of Authority, as in the Cafe of that Famous 
 Proto-Martyr of Chrift’s Church, John Lambert , and o- 
 thers. 
 
 In the next Ages thefe come to have the Power in their 
 Hands, and forgetting that they had found it Righteous in 
 the Sight of God to obey God rather than Man , they treat 
 thofe whole Confciences oblige them to diflent from them, 
 with the fame Contempt which themfelves had receiv’d 
 from the Roman Government. 
 
 Thus far they are upon even Terms, as to Obedience 
 to their Superiors. 
 
 The Diflenters have the firfl: Occafion after this to 
 fhow their Submiffion under extraordinary Preflures. 
 Queen Elizabeth difcountenanc’d them continually, and as 
 good a Queen as (he was, put fome of them to Death. King 
 James I. hunted them quite out of the Kingdom, made 
 Thoufands of them fly into Holland and Germany , and at 
 Iafl: to New-England. 
 
 During the long Reign of thefe Two Princes we find 
 no charge of Treafon or Rebellion upon them ; they bore 
 the Difpleafure of their Princes with Patience and Palflve 
 Obedience,// 1 may be allow'd that Ridiculous Phrafe ; being 
 perfected in one City,they fled to another; they bore ille¬ 
 gal 
 
( 4°3 ) 
 
 gal Profecutions, and things contrary to their Right, ns.’ 
 Englijh Men, but never took up Arms againft their Pi .nee. 
 
 Under the Reign of King Charles I. the Cafe alter’d, the 
 King andParliament fell out about Matters of Civil Right, 
 and Invafion of the Liberty and Properties of the People, 
 the Puritans or Dilfcnters, call them what we pleale, fell 
 in unanimoufly with the Parliament. 
 
 And here *tis worthy Remaik, that the firft Difference 
 between the King and the Englijh parliament did not Re- 
 fpeft Religion but Civil Property; nor were the Majori¬ 
 ty of the Houfe Puritans , but true Church Proteftants, 
 and Englijh Men, who flood upon the Rights of the Peo¬ 
 ple, as h/Mvlen i and none were more Zealous in the 
 firft Difputes than the Lord Digby, Sir Thomas Went¬ 
 worth^ and fuch as were afterwards deep Sufferers for the 
 
 King. n 1 t r 
 
 But the Parliament finding the Puritan Party fluck clofe 
 
 to their Caufe, they alfo came over them when Things 
 came to a Rupture, and fo the War begun on the Score of 
 Right, Invafion of Liberty, Breach of the Laws, Private 
 Leagues, and Male-Adminiltration, a Game wc have feen 
 play’d over again by the very fame Church of^ England 
 that have exclaim’d fo much againft it, fo damn’d ir, and 
 fo damn’d themfelves, by Oaths, Declarations, Tefts, and 
 God knows what againft it. 
 
 ’Tis allow’d here the Puritan broke thro’ his Loyalty, 
 and his former Obedience, and fought his Way to the Li¬ 
 berty he demanded. Well, the War ended to his Advan¬ 
 tage. he fubdued his Soveraign, and brought him to the 
 Block, to the Aftonifhmcnt of the whole World. 
 
 I won’t difpute here which cr which Party did or did 
 not do it j but to give the Enemy all juft Advantage,! am 
 willing to grant it in the largeft Senfe, that the Diffen- 
 ters, Phanaticks, or Whigs, call them as you pleafe, did 
 embrue their Hands in the Blood of the Lord’s Annoin- 
 ted, put to Death that Blcifed Martyr, King Charles the I. 
 whom the Learned Divine, in a Sermon on the 30th of Ja¬ 
 nuary before the Parliament, compares both in the manner 
 cfhis’sufferings, and the People by whom, to our Saviour 
 
 and 
 
r ( 404 ) 
 
 and the Jews, and boldly runs on in the Blafpemous Pa- 
 rallel, to fiievv that the Indignities and Sufferings of King 
 Charles exceed thofe of Jefus Chrift. 8 
 
 I think I have granted as largely'as a fair Adverfarv 
 can defire for ! have yielded, for Peace-fake, to feveral 
 Things which I cou’d fairly difprove. 
 
 Nor fhall I return to a Repetition of the ill Ufage the 
 Diffenters have receiv’d from the contrary Party on this 
 Account for above 3 o Years; the content Reproaches 
 
 thof/r 1 th i Clr GniId u ren afcer them have met with from 
 thofe Gentlemen, who on all Occafions have (as I hinted 
 
 Particularly taken care to extol their own unfha- 
 ken fidelity to their Prince, till at laft an Occafion pre- 
 fents to touch them in the fame moft fenfible Part, their 
 Rtgbt and Property ; and, alas ! Their Loyalty, what be- 
 n.^ e0 / ' t ' 7 ™ 1 ? t[ ! e PaJJively Obedient, Vn- 
 
 ■fi ^ ii ya l Ghurch » r . et um’d to the Original Nature 
 *1 the,r ^ e, § bou rs, and did the fame thing exactly which 
 
 before^ 5 ’ ** Faiims Rebellious Whigs , had done 
 
 , N 7 -ji hatS l al ^ ^ fay ? 3 Difcipleof Dr. Sherlock’s ) we did 
 not Kill our King , we did not dip our Hands in Royal Blood , 
 nor hurt the Lords Annointed. 
 
 1 • ? truc » but the Lords Annointed may thank 
 
 himfelffor that; for my part I think the Difference only 
 lyes here, the Whigs in 41, to 48, took up Arms againft 
 their King, and having Conquer’d him, and taken him Pri- 
 ioner and ha ving taken him Prifoner, cut off his Head, be- 
 caufe they had begun : The Church of England took up Arms 
 againft theit King in 88, and did not cut off his Head, be¬ 
 cause they bad him not. King Charles loft his Life, becaufcbe 
 
 t d ”°rr,r y ' and his Son > Kin S ?«««, faved his Life, 
 
 becauje he did run away. ’ 
 
 ’Tisfuch a Jeft fuch a Banter to fay, We did take up 
 Arms, but we did not kill him: Blefs us , Kill our King , we 
 have hurt a Hair of his Head l Why, every Bul- 
 
 fir iS aM B3tt » ° f t,ie Boyne was a filing the King; 
 for if you did not, ’twas becaufe you cou’d not hit him 
 
 If 
 
If a Highway-man Fires at you upon the Road, when 
 he is taken, and brought upon his Trial, our Learned Re¬ 
 corder, before he pronounces Sentence of Death, Ha¬ 
 rangues him in this manner : And be fide s ail this , Sir. you 
 are plainly guilty of Murther ; for you not only ajfatdted this 
 Honejt Man in order to take away his Money , but you en¬ 
 deavoured to Murther him } for you {hot at him , in order to 
 kill him i and the Intention of Murther is equally Criminal in 
 the Eyes of God with the All it Jclf 
 
 Now who did we (hoot at, at the Boyne ? ’Tts true Kine 
 James generally flood out of the way : But who did we Shoot 
 at? What/ Was our Orders to fight againjl both fmall 
 and great , and not againjl the King of Ifraei? Had your 
 Bullets Commiflion to fhew their Loyalty, and not to 
 touch the Lords Anointed? If he had charg’d in the firft 
 Squadrons of his Horfe,had you not kill’d him if you cou’d ? 
 1 think this needs no further Proof. 
 
 Nay, if Arguments may be allow’d to have equal 
 Weight on both Tides, the Whigs have been the honefter 
 of the two, for they never profeft any fuch blind, abfo- 
 lute and undifputed Obedience to Princes, as the others 
 have done. 
 
 It has always been their Opinion, That Government 
 was Originally contrived by theConfent, and for the mu¬ 
 tual Benefit of the Parties Govern’d, that the People have 
 an Original Native Right to their Property, the Liberty 
 of their Perfons and Pofiefiions, unlcfs fore-faulted to the 
 Laws ; that they cannot be diverted of their Right but by 
 their own Confent i and that all Invafion of this Right is 
 deftru&ive of theConftitution, and difiblvcs the Compact 
 of Government and Obedience. 
 
 They have always declar’d, That they underftand their 
 Allegiance to their Governors to be, fuppofsng they Govern 
 them according to the Laws of the Land j and that if Princes 
 break this Bond of Government, the Nature of it is in¬ 
 verted, and the Conftitution ceafes of courfe. 
 
 Buchanan in Scotland, Algernoon Sidney in England, have 
 fet their Names, and the latter his Blood, to this Dodrine 
 and the Author of the True-born Englifhman is worth 
 
 quoting in this Cafe. 
 
J ( 406 ) 
 
 The Goircrnmenfs ungirt when Juflice dies , 
 
 And Conjiitutions are Non-Entities : 
 
 The Nations all a Mob , there 1 s no fuch thing 
 As Lords or Commons , Parliament or King : 
 
 A great promifcuous Crowd the Hydra lyes y 
 TiU Laws revive , and mutual Contrail ties: 
 
 A Chaos free to chufe for their own Share y 
 What Cafe of Government they pieafe to wear. 
 
 If to a King they do the Reins commit , 
 
 All Men are bound in Confcience to fubmit y 
 But then that King mujl by his Oath ajfent 
 To Poftulata’a of the Government \ 
 
 Which if he breaks , he cuts off the Entail y 
 And Power retreats to its Original. 
 
 True-Born Englilhman, P. 74. 
 
 This has been the avow’d Doctrine of the Diflenters, 
 and indeed is the true Senfe of the Conftitution it felf ; 
 purfuant to this Dodrine, they thought they had a Right 
 to oppofe Violence with Force; believing that when 
 Kings break Coronation Oaths, the Solemn Compact with 
 their People, and encroach upon their Civil Rights, con¬ 
 trary to the Laws of the Land, by which they are Sworn 
 to Rule, they ceafe to be the Lord’s anointed any longer; 
 the Sandion of their Office is vanifh’d, and they become 
 Tyrants and Enemies of Mankind, and may be treated 
 accordingly. 
 
 Now ’cis no wonder to find People of thefe Principles 
 vigoroufly withftanding their Governours, when they 
 tread upon the tender fore Places of the Conftitution, ’tis 
 nothing but what they all along pretended to, and de¬ 
 clar’d to be their Opinion. 
 
 But to find the Church of England-Men, whofe Loyal¬ 
 ty has been the Subject of a thoufand Learned Authors, 
 and numberlefs Sermons, whofe Charader and Mark of 
 Diftindion has been chofcn more for her fteady Adherence 
 and Fidelity to her Prince than to God Almighty, whofe 
 Obedience to her Monarch has been declar’d to be 
 
 Inviolate 
 
( 4°7 ) 
 
 Inviolate and immoveable, and who pretends to be Fa¬ 
 mous through the whole World for her Faithfulnefs to 
 Kings, for her, as foon as ever the King did bur, as it 
 were, fcem to aim at crulhing her Authority, as foon as 
 be did but begin to call her Clergy to an Account, and 
 clap her Golden Candleflicks for Difobedience, for her to 
 winch and kick,fly to Foreign Princes for Protection, and 
 rife in Arms again her Prince, O Polling! O Brady } O 
 Sherlock ! O Hominem ! O Mores ! 
 
 Where’s the Worthy Dr. B — - ge\ Loyalty now, 
 
 his Immovable Loyalty ? That after all his Abfolute Sub- 
 million, is lo far from being a Martyr to his own Do¬ 
 ctrine, that he could not lofe a frnall Benefice for it? 
 
 Where is the famous Dr. S -£? Who imvingltood 
 
 out long in his old Antiquated Dodtrine of Paflive Obe¬ 
 dience, and confirm’d the Faith of his Suffering Brethren 
 by Itrong and wonderful Arguments, at laft, at the 
 powerful Inftigation of a Wife, and a good Salary, has 
 Sold all his Loyalty for a Mefs of Pottage , folving his Ho- 
 nefty with the wretched Diftindtion of a Power De Facto 
 and a Power De Jure-, as if the Church of England's Cre¬ 
 dit cou’d be fav’d by fuch an impotent Shift, or as if he 
 cou’d make Amends to the Prebendary for his helping 
 him to Sacrifice his Brethren, to Father his Converfion on 
 reading honed: Dr. Overall , whofe Dodtrine, ’cis well 
 known, the Doctor knew before y but that he was loth 
 Dr. South fhou’d have the Honour of bringing him over to 
 fuch Old Phanatick Principles. 
 
 Behold the Loyalty of the Church of England \ now let’s 
 examine their Confcience, as to taking Oaths and if I do 
 not bring them to be all Whigs, and forty-One-Men, or 
 elfe prove them all Perjur’d, then 1 do nothing. 
 
 The Clergy,all the Magiftrates and Officers of the Hou- 
 lhold,of the Civil or Military Government,were Members 
 of the Church of England , otherwife they cou’d not be 
 employ’d ; the Sacramental Tell has done the Diflenters 
 this Kindnefs, that \is plain all the Managing Hands in 
 the Kingdom were Difciples of the Chui tffi; and as 
 an additional Circumstance, the Oath of Allegiance 
 
 E e which 
 
, C 408 ) 
 
 which they took, and which was (God be praifedj of 
 their own making, bound them to that fame Abfolute 
 Blind Obedience which they profeft, and confin’d it to 
 the King, his Heirs and Succefiors. 
 
 If this Oath be confider’d literally, I am content to be 
 filenc’d when one fair Argument can be brought to evade 
 it ■ the Declaration follow’d it, wherein they deteft and 
 abhor that devililh Doftrine, that ’tis lawful on any Pre- 
 fence wbatfoevcr, (Mark the Emphafts) to take up Arms a- 
 gainft the King-, this (equal to an Oath) declar’d in the 
 Prefence of God, and the Particulars being material to our 
 Purpofe are as follows: 
 
 I A. B. do Declare and Believe that it is not Lawful upon 
 any Pretence whatfoever to take up Arms againfl the A mg, 
 and that / do abhor that Traitorous Pofition of taking Arms 
 by bis Authority againfl thofe that are commijftoned by him. 
 
 \ So help me God. 
 
 Notwithftanding this, you have taken up Arms againft, 
 depofed, and as far as you were able, put to Death your 
 lawful King, the very King you fwore Allegiance to. 
 
 Now pray. Gentlemen, give Commiffion to Jome worthy 
 Champion of your Church's Loyalty to bring you fairly off of 
 your Oath and Declaration if you can j and till you do, be 
 not angry with us for making one of thefe Conclulions 
 from the Premifes, and you fhall chufe for your 
 
 Firfi, That this Do&rine of Abfolute, Palfiyeand Non- 
 refiftant Obedience, is an Abfurdity in it felf, contradi¬ 
 ctory to the Nature of Government and Allegiance, and 
 politically introduc’d by State Engines into the Church 
 of England , to abufe her, and betray her Members into 
 unforefeen Mifchiefs and Inconveniences. 
 
 Or, Secondly , That the Members of the Church of Eng¬ 
 land axe. all Apoftatesfromthevery Fundamental Dodtrine 
 
 Notorious Hypocrites, and Deceivers; wno navmg iwu.» 
 Obedience without Referve to their Prince, are become 
 
 Traitors, Rebels, and Murtherers of the Lord’s Anoint¬ 
 ed, 
 
( 4©9 ) 
 
 ecf, and their Lawful Soveraign •, and not having the Fear 
 of God before their Eyes, have depos’d and traiteroufly 
 dethron’d their Rightful King,, God Almightys Vicege¬ 
 rent, accountable to no Earthly Power, Supream under 
 God, Abfohite, and, from Divine Inftitution, Undoubt¬ 
 ed Sole Lord of them and their Country. 
 
 Or, Lajlly, That they only are the true Church of Eng¬ 
 land , who according ro their avow’d Profeffion, have 
 firmly adher’d to their King in all his Sufferings and So¬ 
 litude, have never blacken’d their Confcicnccs. nor gone 
 back from their Obedience, forgotten their Oaths, nor 
 fullied their Reputation with the horrid Crimes of 1 rea- 
 fon and Rebellion, as they think it to be. 
 
 Now, as a fair Difputant, I am willing the Refpon- 
 dent fhall chufc which of thefe three Confequences he will 
 ftand by in Behalf of the Church of England’s Loyalty; 
 but if they wou’d take the Advice of a triend to the fJo- 
 neft Part of them , 1 vvou’d recommend the firft Conclu* 
 lion to be fitteft for them, for the following Reafbr.s. 
 
 1. Becaufe lince Humane infallibility is (and with good 
 Reafon) difown’d by the Church of England , both for her 
 felt and every Body elfc, it can be no Diminution to her 
 Reputation, when (he has found her felf miftaken, and 
 impos’d upon, to acknowledge her Error; a wife Man 
 will always own , rather than defend a Miftake. . 
 
 2 . Becaufe ’cis my Opinion that their Way is hedgd 
 up againft any other Pretence, Evafion, or Refervation, 
 and therefore ’cis with me the only thing that Charity can 
 fay for them, and mufl remain fo, till I find fomething 
 elfe faid thkt is more to the purpofe. 
 
 But the Mifchief of all is, that if this be honeftly ac¬ 
 knowledg’d (as is doubtlefs tnojl true ) that the Church of 
 England was mifUken, and impos’d upon, toefpoufea 
 Senilefs Abfurd Principle, contrary to the Nature of Go¬ 
 vernment and Allegiance, &c. why then they comeovei 
 to this Confequence ; 
 
 ThatGovernmentand Allegiance are both Conditional, 
 and Oaths of Subje&s are always to be confider’d in a 
 Conftru&ive Senfe, with Conditions of Protection, and 
 
 E e 2 the 
 
J ( 4io ) 
 
 the like; a thing which is without queftion the real Mean¬ 
 ing of all Oaths of Allegiance; otherwife Subjedts may be 
 put under an Abfolute Neceflity of Perjury, or State 
 Martyrdom, by often Swearing what may be impoflible 
 for them to perform. 
 
 The Town of Jicth in Flanders has been about Six 
 Times, and tiie Town of Rbinebergb in Gueldre about 
 Twelve Times, taken and Retaken; and as often as new 
 Mafters had Pofleflion of the Place, fo often the poor In¬ 
 habitants have fworn to their new Lords: What can the 
 Meaning of fuch an'Oath be, but that they will be faith¬ 
 ful to them fo long as they keep Pofleflion of the Place? 
 ’Twou’d be ridiculous to imagine the Impofers of the 
 Oath requir’d any more. 
 
 If our Zealous Churchmen worded an Oath contrary to 
 the very Nature of Swearing Allegiance, let them anfwer 
 for it who firft made it, then took it, then broke it: But 
 the Nature of the thing can leave Room for no other 
 Suggeftion that I know of. 
 
 Till then fome further Argument is produc’d, it muft 
 reft here, tf.ar the Church of England was Miftaken, Im¬ 
 peded. upon,drc. that flic finds when the Laws are Broken, 
 the Right of the People Invaded, the Root of the Govern¬ 
 ment Struck at. Church and State Undermin’d, and Def- 
 potick Tyranny at the Door, the Native Right of the 
 People is Superior, and they may afliime a Power to 
 Right themfelves. 
 
 And fo we are brought back to IVhiggifm and Forty-One ; 
 and. Gentlemen , there is no Remedy for ft, help it if ye can. 
 
 Where now is the Difference between Church Loyalty 
 and Whiggifh Loyalty,Round-head or Cavalier, Church¬ 
 man or Diflenter, Whig or Tory ? All are alike; they 
 are pleas’d,when legally Govern’d ; Quarrelfome and Un¬ 
 ruly, if Oppreft; and will Defend themfelves, if A (faul¬ 
 ted, tho’ it be by their Kings, or any Body elfe. 
 
 Why then is the Difference kept up? Methinksthey 
 might all be Friends together, for they are all alike; the 
 Diflenters have been in their times as Loyal, and the 
 Church of England in their time asDifloyal,one as another. 
 
 Vice 
 
( 411 ) 
 
 Vice verfa ; the Diflenters have been as Difloyal, and the 
 Churchmen as Loyal, as one another upon the fame oc- 
 cafion; they have been both SnfFercrs, and have fubmit- 
 ted to the Government ; ay, and to the Oppreffions and 
 PerfecutiOns of their Superiors and Soveraigus; and again 
 upon the like Occafions, they have both of them been Re¬ 
 bels, if their own Language may be fo far ufed ; they have 
 both of them, in their Turn, taken Arms againft, and de¬ 
 pos’d their Rightful and Lawful Kings. 
 
 So that in my Opinion, with a Latitude to all that think 
 otherwife , to think as they pleafe , the Church of England , 
 and their Neighbours the Di(fenters,have nothing to quar¬ 
 rel with one another about, as to Loyalty ; as to other 
 Matters l have nothing to fay to them, nor (hall not min¬ 
 gle it with this Difcourfe. 
 
 Nor do I think 1 am writing a Satyr againft the Church 
 of England , nor is it at all intended to be fo •, and to ftop 
 all Pretences that way, I take the Freedom to fay, here 
 has been no Crime, the Church of England has been in 
 the right of it; not in taking Arms, but the Error was in 
 Efpoufing, Crying up, and Pretending to a Blind Abfo- 
 lute Obedience to Princes, be their Commands never fo 
 Abfolute,Tyrannical or Illegal •, this neither the Doctrine 
 nor Practice of the Church of England^ nor of any Church 
 or People in the Chriftian World, ever pretended to; 
 and therefore the Fault lay in thofe People, who being 
 themfelves Members of the Church of England , fuffer’d 
 themfelves to be deluded by State Minilters, to fofter a 
 Tenent upon the Church, which her Original Conftituti- 
 on never pretended to, and then call it the Doctrine of 
 the Church of England. 
 
 The firft beginning of their pretended Dodtrine was 
 found in Manwaring’s and Sibthorp 1 s Libels, in the Days 
 of King Charles I. cajoling the King; and then to pleafe 
 him, endeavouring to wheedle the People into a Belief of 
 the Divine Right of Kingly Government; and affirming, 
 that the King was not oblig’d by the Laws in the Adrni* 
 niflrration of the Government. 
 
 Upon this preposterous Foundation they built the Ille- 
 E e 3 gitimate 
 
 / 1 
 
( 4 12 ) 
 
 gitimate Stru&ure of Abfolute Undifputed Obedience; 
 for if Kingly Power were once prov’d to be immediately 
 deriv’d from Divine Authority, Abfolute Obedience wou’d 
 be a Confequencejno Body cou’d difpute, fince the fame 
 Obedience without Referve wou’d be due to the Delega¬ 
 ted Power, as to the Power Delegating. 
 
 And tho* this is a Point eafily enough confuted,yet be¬ 
 ing willing to keep the prefent Difpute within as fmall a 
 Compafs as we can, I think our Argument has nothing at 
 all to do with it. 
 
 Whether Government be of Divine Original or not, 
 feems not the Queftion here •, for if it be not fo, then, as 
 before, the Church of England, have been Miftaken, and 
 Impofed upon*, and if it be fo, then the Church of Eng¬ 
 land has trampled under Foot their own Do&rine, turn’d 
 Rebels to God, and Apoftates from the Faith they have 
 profeft, have Sacrilegioufly and Traiteroufly taken up 
 Armsagainft their Prince, alfanlted the Lord’s Anointed, 
 refijled the Powers , which are the Ordinance of God, depofed 
 their Lawful Soveraign, broken their Allegiance, and con- 
 fequently are a Parcel of Perjur'd Rebels } every Jot as bad 
 as the worfl Roundhead Regicide, and Rebel of the Year 
 Forty-One. 
 
 What more or lefs can be faid I profefs I know not,and 
 am in great Expe&ation of fomething new in the Matter} 
 for 1 cannot find in all the Writings I have met with, any 
 thing to contradifb it. 
 
 The bringing Government and Obedience to the pro¬ 
 per Circumftances of mutual Compact between King and 
 People,feems to me to be the only Method to unravel this 
 Skein of entangl’d Principles} the Nature of Govern¬ 
 ment has made it the neccffary Confequence of all Argu¬ 
 ment relating to Power} and 1 cou’d give lnftances in all 
 the Nations in the World, that fome time or other, even 
 the Right of Succeflion to Government, which mufi be as 
 Sacred as the Power , has been Interrupted and Limited by 
 the People, in cafe of Tyranny and Illegal Governing } 
 and every Nation, and this among the reft, has often¬ 
 times Depos’d their Princes for tiie Prcfervation of the 
 
 State, 
 
( 4»3 ) 
 
 State, when either Incapacity for Government, Tyranni¬ 
 cal Ufurpation, or other Male-Adminiftration, has been 
 
 the B« : this I think alfo needlefs here; every one that is 
 vers’d in Hiftory can read the numerous Examples in tne 
 Roman,Grecian and Perftan mboxieyven Sacred\HfmtU 
 where Kings were more particularly of Divine Right than any 
 where , are full of them -, the Hiftoriesct Spam Portugal, 
 France, Lombardy, the Empires of Germany and Mufcovy, 
 even the Papal Chair, have fuffer’d Convulfions and Re¬ 
 volutions, the Depoling and Difplacing their Soveraigns, 
 when the Peoples Good, which is and ever was, the Soul, 
 the Center, the End, and the Caufe of ad Government, came 
 
 ^Butwreturntothe Principles of the Two Parties we 
 are now difeourfing of* the Whigs as before, have always 
 afierted this to be their Notion of Government and Go¬ 
 vernors *, and the Church of England however fame among 
 them have topt an empty N tton upon them , have all along, 
 and now at laft once for all, own’d it by their Practice. 
 
 That Kings when they defeend to Tyranny, 
 
 Diffolve the Bond , and leave the SubjtSJree . 
 
 JJ ’ True-born Eng. Man, P. 47. 
 
 The Aft for the further Limitation of the Crown paft 
 in the laft Parliament, and tne Right of the people there¬ 
 in Declar’d and Recogniz’d, lwou daskmy Opponent 
 whofe Aft and Deed it was ? Will they fay it was a 
 Whiggifh Aft, made by a Phanatical Houfeof Commons. 
 
 I dare fay there was not Ten Deters in the Idoufe, let 
 them defeend with us into Particulars, 1 st them dia*_out 
 a Black Lift of Members, who m that Loyal Honeft E^ 
 lifh Parliament nave their Hands to the laft Swttlemen 
 and Declaration of Right, and let us ted Nofes, and put a 
 
 B w1lUh°e n y that fet 
 
 theCrown utwn The Queen’s Head? 1 hope they will own 
 Her Majeftyjmd theirLoidlhips the B.ftiops^repart pfthe 
 
 Li C 
 
, (4*4 ) 
 
 Church of England ; for if the Head- and the principal 
 Members are not, we know not who are. 
 
 Will they tell us that Sir. E. S. Sir. B. S. Sir J. B t 
 
 iM t. H_ - y, Sir C- - r A1 -w, and a Hundred 
 
 more ot that Side, were Whigs and Common-wealch- 
 Men ? 
 
 How comes is to pafs in England , that no Papt ft can in- 
 nerit. Divine Right ought to fupercede all Precautions 
 and the Toung Prince of Savoy, not the Houfe of Hannover 
 ought to Reign with a Non Obfante to all Humane Li¬ 
 mitation, if all was from Heaven ? Where are our Right- 
 Line-Men now/Why, truly the Reafon is plain, the 
 Church of England, People of England, a Church of England, 
 Parliament of England, have thought fit to Declare, that 
 tor the Good of the People,fo which all Right of Succejfon to 
 Power mufi give way , becaufe from them all Power it felf does 
 derive, and by the Voice of that people fin which Autho¬ 
 rity fufficient is Legally Grounded; it is Unanimoufly a- 
 greed, that we will not have a Papi/t to Reign over us. 
 
 All this is too plain to admit of a Difpute; and now 
 n ^ 1 n fc ^ ms Pr ^oiferous why any Men fhou’d keep up 
 the Difhnttion between Parties as to Loyalty,when indeed 
 there is no manner of Difference in the Cafe. 
 
 1 have talk’d feveral times of Bearing, Suffering, being 
 Perfecuted and Opprefs’d, as the Diffcnters in their time 
 have been more than enough, and again in their Turn the 
 Church of England have been Perfecuted too j for as I no¬ 
 ted before, they were once the Schifmaticks, the Whigs , 
 and the Dif enters. Now I think ’tis not very foreign to 
 my Argument to examine whether of the Two behav’d 
 themfelves under their Sufferings with the greateft Sub- 
 miiLon, who fhowd moft Abfolute Obedience to their Su¬ 
 periors, and who firfi, or oftenef, rebell’d againll their 
 Lawful Soveraign. 
 
 ' The Proteffants under Henry VIII. were the firfi Dif- 
 fenters; they were kept Under, Perfecuted, and put to 
 . ' ca ..! as P- € ^ e | s an( * Schifmaticks. Now upon due Search 
 it wili be found, that under the Procedlion of Two Pro- 
 teffant Queens, Wives of King Henry VJII. they had 
 
 more 
 
( 4*5 ) . 
 
 more than once form’d fuch Intereft at Court, and in the 
 Kingdom, as to begin to be formidable to the Popifli 
 Powers then reigning} 3nd the Fall of the Lord Crom¬ 
 well was thought a neceflary Policy in King Henry, to pre¬ 
 vent the Plots of the Pbanatical Church of England Here- 
 ticks j a long Account of which may be read in the Life of 
 that Prince. 
 
 King Edward the VI. a Zealous and pious Prince,made 
 no Scruple for the Propagation of the Protcjlant Church of 
 England , of which he was the Glorious Founder, to fet a- 
 flde the Lawful and Undifputed Succeflion of his own Si¬ 
 fters, to Eftablifh the Crown in the Lady Jane Grey , who 
 he knew wou’d carry on the. Work of Reformation. 
 
 There's an Inflance of the Zeal for Succejfton in the Right 
 Line in the Firjl Proteflant Head that ever the Church of 
 England had. 
 
 After this, the Gofpellers, that is , the Church 0/England 
 Proteftants of Suffolk, having fome Senfe of Injury done to 
 the Princefs Mary , and willing to have the Succeflion go 
 on in the Right Line, provided they cou’d both preferve 
 their Religion and Loyalty too; Capitulate with her, 
 and promife to ftand by her, provided Ihe wou’d promife. 
 to preferve, and make no Alteration in their Eftablifh’d 
 Church of England. 
 
 Here the Church of England Men own’d the Liberty of 
 their Religion to be Superior to their Loyalty to her } 
 and that they had a Right to Submit, or not to Submit, as 
 their Liberty was, or was nor. Secure: and accordingly 
 Condition’d with her before they wou’d Acknowledge her 
 to be their Queen. 
 
 And we fee how Heaven punifh’d them for venturing 
 on the Word of a Pr<we,when their Religion and Liberty 
 was at Stake. 
 
 In this Queen’s Time the Church having been again 
 Supprefs’d, and Popery Erefted, Sir Thomas lVyat y an hc- 
 neft Church of England Proteftant,with a very good Body of 
 Men, tookup Arms againft their Lawful Princefs for brea¬ 
 king her Word, in Defence of their Dear Religion Efla- 
 llifh'd by Bleffed King Ed ward, which were the very Words 
 
( 416 ) 
 
 of the Manifefto they Publifh’d : The Londoners^ with 
 800 Men fent by the Queen againft them, thought it no 
 Treachery to Defert their Lawful Popilh Queen, and go 
 over to their Proteftant Church of England Brethren. 
 
 We have nothing to do with the juftifkation of this 
 Fad, ’tis fufficient that foit was, and that thefe were Pro- 
 teftants of the Church of England, in the firft and pureft 
 part of their Principles, and let them juftifie the Fad if 
 they pleafe. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth Succeds, and then the Church of Eng¬ 
 land Ihone in its Meridian Glory; and then grew up fome, 
 who aiming, as I faid before , at a further Reformation, 
 and the Church refuting to hearken to it, form’d a new 
 Party of Diflenters, and thefe were call’d Puritans , and 
 lilice that Pbanaticks. 
 
 Now I Challenge the Defender of this Caufe to tell me 
 one Difloyal Ad, one Plot againft the Government, one 
 Difturbance of the Civil Peace, among thefe Dilfenters, 
 from the beginning of this Queen, which was their own 
 beginning, to the Reign of King Charles I. which was a 
 continued Terra of 80 Years; and yet, during this time, 
 they fuffer’d all manner of Indignities, Reproaches, Fining, 
 Imprifonings, Banifhment, Confifcations, and Corporal 
 Punilhments. 
 
 So that hitherto the Paflive Obedience of the Diflenters 
 hath far exceeded that of the Church of England. Thefe 
 had but Five Years Oppreflion under Queen Mary, and 
 in that Five Years they once Capitulated with their Sove* 
 raign to make her Queen upon Conditions, and once took 
 Arms againft her after Ihe was Queen; and by that I mull 
 always underftand, that if they did not Depofe and De- 
 llroy her, it was becaufe they con’d not; and if they had 
 done it, no doubt they bad caufe fufficient to JuJlifie them be¬ 
 fore God and Man. The Puritans after this fuffered all 
 that their too cruel Brethren of the Church of England laid 
 upon them during Three tedious Reigns, before they fo 
 much as made the leaft offer at doing themfelves Juftice; 
 and for 80 Years together exercis’d that Paffive Obedience 
 Which they never pretended to. 
 
 At 
 

 ■ 
 
 
 ( - y 
 
 . . „ . . , A ^afld when they did, they did 
 
 At laft they took Arm' f h fubducli Monarc hy, 
 
 ,t to porpofe, carne^- “ „„ ., M( 
 
 C “ A°kef'theS' 1 ™ Things began torctnrn to their 
 After the Ke Ycars mQre the Dl ft,. nte rs endur d 
 
 Servitude, were Perfected , Plunder d, 
 
 f w d '£,jor?d. Plagu'd with Impofmons, Stigmatizd 
 
 li" ThoSd Repriehcs, their Meeting-Houfe De- 
 
 their Eftates Confifcated, their Perfons Excom- 
 mnnie^ed, and Anathematized, Sworn into W. A* 
 never heard of, and into Crimes they never Com¬ 
 mitted Draggd to Goals, Gibbets and S-aflold., 
 and. 1 the like faU this while pafive-Obedieme, ,f there mrc 
 ... v r uc i } thine, was found among them more than any 
 where elfe ; for here was no Rebellion, no Inforre&ion, 
 nor breaking of the Peace by the Dillenters, notwith- 
 
 ^ After ^hcome^ng Jams the Second to thcCrown, 
 
 its *3? js?S csfiwc; r H o o f f 
 
 he? Trophies, for no Efcntials bad been touch d and how 
 long diddle bear it? Not 80 Years, not 30 Years, no, 
 
 n ° What did fhedoS Truly nothing but what fhe ought to 
 have done : Defend her Liberty and Religion by Force 
 agafnft Unjulb lnvalion and Tyranny : nothing but what 
 all the Nations in the World have done, and wou d do a- 
 
 ga Theo h nly Error we charge upon the Church of England , 
 
 was feuing up pretences of what they really wood not 
 
 nracfice x crying up themfelves for Fools, when we knew 
 they were Wifer Men, calling themfelves humble Slaves,, 
 but when the Trial came, proving Stubborn, Refractory, 
 Liberty Mongers , even as bad as the wont Wing 01 ha- 
 
 tte^future then, if a Humble Mediator might be 
 permitted to give Advice to the Gentlemen of the Church 
 ot England, , it Ihou’d be in thefe fhort and friendly 1 erms. 
 
 Pray 
 
Pray,Gentlemen; nevei - 4 '. 
 
 more Loyalty, and more lfav mpo . u P on * t0 P rete nd to 
 tend to pra&ice. Principles than you in- 
 
 Never pretend to more Obedience b 
 requires. Our Late King, wlio 1 am no? X.° Ur ,^ T T gn 
 as a Pattern for future Ages rean^’H Hham d t0 ftow 
 Majefty, m,hm lli.’TF P r£ft « 
 
 \!aid, requires no fnrtheTobeSe ^ 
 
 than [h e Laws 
 
 rtePeopSr'md'rooh’ 5 *° U ?> isafil11 s “t‘sfaaion to 
 tisfaftion to’ the Soma b r/ 0 al:C T r |i‘ n i S ‘° ^ is a M &- 
 Autknityf and If'Sfi?M? ta * 
 and to pretend to more Obedience than tS =° W ? K; 
 
 P ™“. and .S^onI?eh« re<! '' ,r ' S ’ 
 
 sSSSSeaS 
 
 tet the Scotch Motto be fet upon vour F ihernVc • « a 
 
 TAt'Z d“S coSSS s ’i * 
 
 tune Lacc/Jit. 1 ° “^e it Good, Nemo me Im- 
 
 nf F« d ; 3S J t rCaI,y ncver was the Principle of the Churrh 
 
 aZtt&SSm??«/*•»*£>4* 
 
 ZIZITJ* y o! 
 
 Truth'mean as to Matter of Loyal ,- For ?n 
 
 * " 0t f “ an * R £ aL toe" 
 
 calar a P S faolty Z^yT^rZ^. ™» ** 
 
 the 
 
( 4*9 ) 
 
 The Shorteft way with the 
 Diflenters: 
 
 ! Or, Tropofals for the Eftablijhment of 
 
 the Church . 
 
 S I R Roger VEflrange tells us a Story in his Collecti¬ 
 on of Fables, of the Cock and the Horfes. The 
 Cock was gotten to Rooft in the Stable, among the 
 | Horfes, and there being no Racks, or other Conveniences 
 for him, it feems, he was forc’d to Rooft upon the Ground • 
 the Horfes joftling about for room, and putting the Cock 
 in danger of his Life, he gives them this grave Advice • 
 Pray Gentlefolks let us Jtand JIM, for fear m Jkould tread 
 upon one another. 
 
 There are fome People in the World, who now they 
 are Vnpearcht , and reduc’d to an Equality with other Peo¬ 
 ple, and under ftrong and very juft Apprehenfions of be¬ 
 ing further Treated as they deferve, begin, with ^EfopS 
 Cock, to Preach up Peace and Union, and the Chriftian 
 Duties of Moderation, forgetting, that when they had 
 the Power in their Hands, thofe Graces were Strangers 
 in their Gates. t ° 
 
 It is now near Fourteen Years that the Glory and Peace 
 of the pureft and mod Hourifhing Church in the World 
 has been Eclips’d, Buffet ted, and Difturb'd, by a fort of 
 Men, who God in his Providence has fuffer’d to infult o- 
 ver her, and bring her down ; thefe have been the Days 
 of her Humiliation and Tribulation : She has born with 
 an invincible Patience the Reproach of the Wicked 
 and God has at laft heard her Prayers, and deliver’d her 
 from the Oppreffion of the Stranger. 
 
 And now they hnd their Day is over, their Power gone 
 and the Throne of this Nation pofleft by a Royal, Enghflh 
 True, and ever Conftanr, Member of, and Friend to* the 
 
 Church 
 
Church of England. Now they find that they are in dan : 
 ger of the Church of England ’s juft Refentments; now 
 they cry ouc Peace, Vnion, Forbearance, and Charity , as 
 if the Church had not too long harbour’d her Enemies un¬ 
 der her Wing, and nourifh’d the Viperous Brood, till they 
 hifs and fly in the Face of the Mother that cherifh’d them. 
 
 Nj, Gentlemen, the Time of Mercy is paft, yonr Day 
 of Grace is over • you fhou’d have praftis’d Peace, and 
 Moderation, and Charity, if you expefted any your felves. 
 
 We have heard none of this Leflbn for Fourteen Years 
 paft: We have been huff’d and bully’d with your Aft of 
 Toleration ; you have told us that you are the Church 
 eflablifh'd by Law, as well as others; have fet up your Cant¬ 
 ing Synagogues at our Church-Doors, and the Church and 
 Members have been loaded with Reproaches, with Oaths, 
 Affociations, Abjurations, and what not; where has been 
 the Mercy, the Forbearance, the Charity, you have fhewn 
 to tender Confciences of the Church of England, that cou d 
 not take Oaths as fajl as you made \m ; that having 
 fworn Allegiance to their lawful aad rightful King, cou’d 
 not difpence with that Oath, their King being fill alive , 
 and fwear to your new Hodgepodge of a Dutch Govern - 
 ment? Thefc have been turn’d out of their Livings, and 
 they and their Families left to ftarve; their Eftates dou¬ 
 ble Tax’d, to carry on a War they had no Hand in, and 
 you got nothing by : What Account can you give of the 
 Multitudes you have forc’d to comply, agaiuft their Con¬ 
 fciences, with your new fophijlical Politicks , who like new 
 Converts in France , Sin becaufe they can’t Starve. And 
 now the Tables are turn’d upon you, you tnufl not be Per¬ 
 fected, >tis not a Chrifiian Spirit. 
 
 You have Butcher’d one King, Depos d another King, 
 and made a mock King of a Third; and yet you cou 
 have the Face to expeft to be employ’d and trufted by the 
 Fourth; any Body that did not know theTemper of your 
 Party, wou’d Hand amaz’d at the Impudence as well as 
 Folly, to think of it. 
 
 Your Management of your Dutch Monarch, whom you 
 
 reduc’d to a meer King of Cl - s, is enough to give any 
 
 _ tutuie 
 
( 421 ) 
 
 future Princes fuch an Idea of your Principles, as to Warn 
 them fufficiently from coming into your Clutches; and 
 God be thank’d, the Qjieen is out of your Hands, knows 
 you, and will have a care of you. 
 
 There is no doubt but the fupream Authority of a Na¬ 
 tion has in it felf a Power, and a Right to that Porter^ to 
 execute the Laws upon any parcel that Nation it governs. 
 The execution of the known Laws of the Land, and that 
 with but a gentle Hand neither, was all that the pbanati- 
 cal Party of this Land have ever call’d Perfecution; this 
 they have magnified to a Height, that the Sufferings of 
 the Hugonots in France were not to be compar’d with 
 
 -- Now to execute the known Laws of a Nation upon 
 
 thofe who.tranfgrefs them, after voluntarily confenting 
 to the making thofe Laws, can never be call’d Perfecuti¬ 
 on, but Juftice. But juftice is always Violence to the 
 Party offending, for every Man is Innocent in his own 
 Eyes. The firft execution of the Laws againft Dilfenters 
 in England ? was in the Days of King James the Firft; 
 and what did it amount to, truly, theworft they fuffer’d, 
 was at their own requeft, to let them go to New-England t 
 and ered a new Collony,and give them great Priviledges, 
 Grants, and fuitable Powers, keep them under Protection, 
 and defend them againft all Invaders,and receive no Tax¬ 
 es or Revenue from them. This was the cruelty of the 
 Church of England , fatal ’Lenity/ ’Twas the ruin of that 
 excellent Prince, King Charles the Firft. Had King James 
 fent all the Puritans in England away to the IVeJl-ln- 
 dies , we had been, a national, unmix’d. Church ; 
 the Church of England had been kept undivided and 
 entire. 
 
 To requite the Lenity of the Father,they take up Arms 
 againft the Son; Conquer, Purfue, Take, Imprifon, and 
 at laft put to Death, the Anointed of God, anthDeftroy 
 the very Being and Nacure of Government, fetting up a 
 fordid Jmpoftor, who had neither Title to Govern, nor 
 Underftanding to Manage, but fupplied that wane with 
 Power, bloody and defperate Councils and Craft, without 
 Confcience. 
 
 Had 
 
 I 
 
 
( 422 ) 
 
 Had not King James the Firft withheld the full execu¬ 
 tion of the Laws; had he given them ftrift Juftice, he had 
 clear’d the Nation of them, and. the Confequences had 
 been plain , his Son had never been Murther'd by them , nor 
 the Monarchy overwhelm’d} ’twas too much Mercy fhewn 
 them, was the ruin of his Pofterity, and the ruin of the 
 Nation’s Peace. One would think the Diflenters (hould 
 not have the Face to believe that we are to be wheedl’d 
 and canted into Peace and Toleration, when they know 
 that they have once requited us with a Civil War, and 
 once with an intollerable and unrighteous Perfecution for 
 our former Civility. 
 
 Nay to encourage us to be eafie with them, ’tis appa¬ 
 rent that they never had the Upper-hand of the Church, 
 but they treated Her with all the Severity, with all the 
 Reproach and Contempt as was poflible: What Peace, 
 and what Mercy did they (hew the Loyal Gentry of the 
 Church of England in the Timeof their Triumphant Com¬ 
 monwealth ? How did they put all the Gentry of England 
 to Ranfom, whether they were Actually in Arms for the 
 King or not, making People compound for their Eftates, 
 ahd ftarve their Families? How did they treat the Clergy 
 of the Church of England , fequefter’d the Minifters, de¬ 
 vour’d the Patrimony of the Church, and divided the 
 Spoil, by fharing the Church-Lands among their Soldiers, 
 and turning her Clergy out to ftarve ? juft fuch Meafure 
 as they have meted, fhou’d be meafur’d them again. * 
 
 Charity and Love is the known Doctrine of the Church 
 of England , and ’cis plain She has put it in Pradice to¬ 
 wards the Diflenters, even beyond what they ought, till 
 She has been wanting to Her Self, and in effed, unkind 
 to her own Sons; particularly, in the too much Lenity of 
 King James the firft, mentioned before i had he fo Root¬ 
 ed the Puritans from the Face of the Land, which he had 
 an Opportunity early to have done, they had not had the 
 Power to vex the Church, as fince they have done. 
 
 In the Days of King Charles the Second, how did the 
 Church reward their Bloody Doings with Lenity and Mer¬ 
 cy? 
 
( 4 2 ? ) 
 
 cy, except the barbarous Regicides of the pretended Court of 
 JitJlice: not a Soul fuffer’d for all the Blood in an Unna¬ 
 tural War: King Charles came in all Mercy and Love, 
 cherifh’d them,prefer’d them,employ’d them,withheld the 
 Rigour of the Law, and oftentimes, even againft the Ad¬ 
 vice of his Parliament, gave them Liberty of Confeience ; 
 and how did they requite him with the villanous Contri¬ 
 vance to Depofe and Murther him and his SuccelTor at the 
 Rye-Plot ! 
 
 KING James , as if Mercy was the inherent Quality of 
 the Family, began his Reign with unufual Favour to them: 
 Nor could their joining with the Duke of Monmouth 
 againft him move him to do himfelf Juftice upon them ; 
 but that miftaken Prince thought to win them by Gentle- 
 nefs and Love, Proclaim’d an Univerfal Liberty to them, 
 and rather difcountenanc’d the Church of England than 
 them; how they requited him all the World knows. 
 
 THE late Reign is too frelh in the Memory of all the 
 World to need a Comment; how under Pretence of join¬ 
 ing with the Church in redrelfing fome Grievances, they 
 pulht Things to that Extremity, in Conjunftion with 
 fome miftaken Gentlemen, as to Depofe the late King, as 
 if the Grievance of the Nation cou’d not have been re- 
 drefs’d but by the abfolute Ruin of the Prince: Here’s an 
 Inftance of their Tenner, their Peace and Charity. To 
 what height they carried thcmfelves during the Reign of 
 a King of their own; how they crope into all Places of 
 Truft and Profit; how they Infinuated into the Favour of 
 the King, and were at firft prefer’d to the higheft Places 
 in the Nation ; how they engrofs’d the Miniftry, and a- 
 bove all , how pitifully they Manag'd, is too plain to need any 
 Remarks. 
 
 BUT particularly their Mercy and Charity, the Spirit 
 of Union, they tell us fo much of, has been remarkable 
 in Scotland , if any Man wou’d fee the Spirit of a Diflen- 
 ter, let him look into Scotland : there they made entire 
 Conqueft of the Church, trampled down the Sacred Or¬ 
 ders, and fuppreft the Epifcopal Government, with an 
 abfolute, and, as they' fuppofe, irretrievable Victory, 
 
 F f tho’ 
 
C 4 2 4 ) y 
 
 tho”tis poflible, they may find themfelves Miftaken: Now 
 ’twon’d be a very propei Queftion to ask their Impudent 
 advocate, the-Obfervdtor , Pray how much Mercy and Fa¬ 
 vour did the Members of the Epifcopal Church find in 
 Scotland, from the Scotch Pfesbyterian Government} and 
 
 • I fhall undertake for the Church of England, that the Dif- 
 fe.nters (hall ftill receive as much here, tho’ they deferve 
 but little. 
 
 In a fmall Treatife of the Sufferings of the Epifcopal 
 Clergy in Scotland, ’twill appear what Ufage they met 
 with, how they not only loft their Livings, but in feveral 
 Places, were plunder’d and abus’d in their Perfons j the 
 Minifters that cou’d not Conform, turn’d out with nume¬ 
 rous Families, and no Maintenance, and hardly Charity 
 enough left to relieve them with a bit of Bread; and the 
 Cruelties of the Parties are innumerable, and not to be at¬ 
 tempted in this (liort Piece. 
 
 And now to prevent the diftant Cloud which they per¬ 
 ceiv’d to hang over their Heads from England •, with a true 
 Presbyterian Policy, they putin for a Vnion of Nations, that 
 England might unite their Church with the Kirk of Scot¬ 
 land, and their Presbyterian Members fit in our Houfe of 
 Commons, and their Alfemblyof Scotch canting Long- 
 Cloaks in our Convocation, what might have been 
 if our Phanatick, Whiggilh States-men continu’d, Gcd 
 only knows, but we hope we are out of fear of that 
 now. 
 
 *Tis alledg’d by fome rf the Fa&ion, and they began to 
 Bully us with it* that if wc a on’t Unite with them, they 
 will not fettle the Crown with us again, but when Her 
 Majefty Dies, will cbufe a King for themfelves. 
 
 If they won’t, we muft make them, and *cis not the firft 
 time we have let them know that we are able^The Crowns 
 of thefe Kingdoms have not fo far difowned the Right of 
 Succefiion, but they may retrieve it again, and if Scotland 
 thinks to come off from a SuccefTive to an Elective State 
 of Government, England has not promifed not to aflift 
 ,the Right Heir, and put them into Poffeffion, without any 
 regard to their ridiculous Settlements. 
 
 • ?": • ->l .. THESE 
 
( 4^5 ) 
 
 * ^ ^ ^ are Gentlemen, thefe their ways of trea¬ 
 
 ting the Church, both at home and abroad. Nr w let us 
 exame the Reafons they pretend to give, why we fhou’d be 
 ravouraolc to them, why we Ihould continue and tolerate 
 them among us. 
 
 Ftr fi-> THEY are very Numerous, they fay. They are 
 a greac Parc of Nation, and we cannoc, Supprefs 
 them. 
 
 To this may beanfwei’d, i. T HE Y are not fo Nu¬ 
 merous as the Proteftanfs in France , and yet the French 
 King tfFedually cleai’d the Nation of them at once, and 
 w T e don’t find heMifies them at Home. 
 
 . But * ani n °t of the Opinion they are fo Numerous as 
 is pretended, their party is more Numcious than their 
 Perfons, and thofe miftakep People of the Church who are 
 milled and deluded by their wheedling Artifices, to join 
 with them, make their Party the greater; but thofe will 
 open their Eyes, when the Government fhall fet heartily 
 2 bout the Work, and come off from them, as fome Ani¬ 
 mals, which they fay always defert a Houfc when ’cis like¬ 
 ly to fail. 
 
 idly, i he more Numerous, the more Dangerous, and 
 therefore the more Need to Supprefs them ; and God has 
 fuffei'd us to bear them as Goads in our Sides, for not ut¬ 
 terly cxtinguilhing them long ago. 
 
 %dly. II we are to allow them, only becaufe we cannot 
 Supprefs them, then it ought to be try’d whether we can 
 or no; and 1 am of Opinion ’tis eafie to be done, and 
 cou’d preferibe Ways and Means, if it were proper, 
 but I doubt not the Government will find effectual Me¬ 
 thods for the rooting the Contagion from the Pace of this 
 Land. 
 
 A N O T H E R Argnmcnt they ufe, which is this,That 
 ’tis a Time ot War, and we h^e need to Unite a- 
 gainft the common Enemy. 
 
 Ff 2 
 
 WE 
 
( 4 26 ) 
 
 WE anfwer, This common Enemy had been no Enemy; * 
 if they had not made him fo * he was quiet, in peace, 
 and no way difturb’d, or encroach’d upon us, and we 
 know no reafon we had to quarrel with him. 
 
 But further. We make no queftion but we are able to 
 deal with this common Enemy without their help?, but 
 why mult we unite with them, bccaufe of the Enemy ? 
 Will they go over to the Enemy, if we do not prevent it 
 by a Union with them?——'Weare very well content¬ 
 ed they Ihou’d, and make no queftion we fhall be ready 
 to deal with them and the commonEnemy too,and better 
 without them than with them. 
 
 Befides, if we have a common Enemy,there is the more 
 need to befecure againft our private Enemies; if there is 
 one common Enemy, we have the lefs need to have an 
 Enemy in our Bowels. 
 
 ’Twas a great Argument feme People ufed againft Sup¬ 
 prefling the Old Money, that ’twas a Time of War, and 
 ’rwas too great a Rifque for the Nation to run, if we 
 fhou’d not mafter it, we fliou’d be undone: and yet the 
 Sequel prov’d the Hazard was not fo great, but it might 
 be matter’d, and the Succefs was anfwerable. The Sup« 
 prefling theDiflenters is not a harder Work, nor a Work 
 of lefs Neceflity to the Publick : we can never enjoy a fet¬ 
 tled uninterrupted Union and Tranquility in this Nation, 
 till the Spirit of Whiggifme, Faftion, and Schifra is melt¬ 
 ed down like the Old-Money. 
 
 To talk of the Difficulty, is to Frighten our felves with 
 Chimera’s and Notions of a Powerful Party,which are in¬ 
 deed a Party without Power ; Difficulties often appear 
 greater at a diftance, than when they are fearch’d into 
 with Judgment, and diftinguilh’d from the Vapours and 
 Shadows that attend them. . 
 
 We are not to be frightned with it; this Age is wifer 
 than that, by all our own Experience, and theirs too‘, y 
 King Charles the Firft had early fuppreft this Party, j 
 if he had took more deliberate meafures. In Ihort, 
 ,’cis not worth arguing, to talk of their Arms, their 
 Monmouths and Shaft sburys. and Arpiles are gone, their 
 
 Dutch- 
 
( 427 ) 
 
 Dutcb-SanCtuary is at an end, Heaven has made way for 
 their Deftru&ion, and if we do not clofe with the Divine 
 occafion, we are to blame our felves, and may remember 
 that we had once an opportunity to ferve the Church of 
 England, by extirpating her implacable Enemies, and hav¬ 
 ing let flip the Minute that Heaven prefented, may expe¬ 
 rimentally Complain, Pojl eft Occafio Calva. 
 
 Here are fome popular Objections in the way. 
 
 As Fir ft, THE Queen has promis’d them, to contfcue 
 them in their Tolerated Liberty; and has told us She 
 will be a Religious Obferver of Her Word. 
 
 WHAT Her Majefty will do we cannot help, but 
 what, as the Head of the Church, She ought to do, is a- 
 nother Cafe .• Her Majefty has promifed to Proted and 
 Defend the Church of England , and if She cannot effe&u- 
 ally do that without the Deftru&ionof the Diflenters,She 
 muftof courfe difpence with one Promife to comply with 
 another.Butto anfwer this Cavil more effectually: HerMaje- 
 fty did never promife to Maintain the Toleration, to the 
 deftru&ion of the Church; but it is upon Suppolltion that 
 it may be compatible with the well being and fafety of the 
 Church which She had declar’d She would take efpecial 
 Care of : Now if thefe two Interefts clafh, ’tis plain Her 
 Majefties Intentions are to Uphold, Proteft, Defend, and 
 Eftablilh the Church, and this we conceive is impoflible. 
 
 Perhaps it may be faid, TH A T the Church is in no im¬ 
 mediate danger from the Diflenters, and therefore ’tis 
 time enough: But this is a weak Anfwer. 
 
 For firft , IF a Danger be real, the Diftance of it is no 
 Argument againft, but rather a Spur to quicken us to pre¬ 
 vention, left it be too late hereafter. 
 
 And idly. Here is the Opportunity, and the only one 
 perhaps that ever the Church had to iecure her fell, and 
 deftroy her Enemies. 
 
 F f 3 The 
 
( 4** ) 
 
 The Reprefentatives of the Nation have now an Op¬ 
 portunity, the Time is come which all good Men ha* 
 wifh’d for, that the Gentlemen of England may ferve the 
 Church of England \ now they are protected and encoura¬ 
 ged by a Church of England Queen. 
 
 What wtli you do fur your Sifter in the Day that Sfofhall be 
 /pokea for ? 
 
 If ever you will eftablilh the belt Chriftian Church in 
 t’.e World. 
 
 I Lew;- you will fupprefs the Spirit of Enthufiafm. 
 
 Ir evei you will free the Nation from the viperous 
 Brood that have fo long fuck’d the Blood of their Mo¬ 
 ther. 
 
 If ever you will leave your Polterity free from Fadtion 
 and Rebellion, this is the time. 
 
 This is the time to pull up this Heretical Weed of Sedi¬ 
 tion, that has fo long difthrb’d the Peace of our Church, 
 and poifoned the good Corn. 
 
 BUT, lays another Hot and Cold Objedtor, this is renew¬ 
 ing Fire and Faggot, reviving the Act De Heret.Combu- 
 
 rendo: This will be Cruelty in its Nature, and Barba¬ 
 rous to all the World. 
 
 I anfwer, ’TIS Cruelty to kill a Snake or a Toad in 
 cold Blood, but the Poyfon of their Nature makes it a 
 Charity to our Neighbours, to deftroy thofe Creatures, 
 not for any perfonal Injury receiv’d, but for preventi¬ 
 on ; not for the Evil they have done, but the Evil they 
 may do. 
 
 Serpents, Toads, Vipers, &c. are noxious to the Body, 
 and poiion the fenfative Life ; thefe poyfon the Soul, cor¬ 
 rupt our Polterity, enfnare our Children, deftroy the Vi¬ 
 tals of our Happinefs, our future Felicity, and contami¬ 
 nate the whole Mafs. 
 
 Shall any Law be given to fuch wild Creatures/ 1 Some J 
 Bcafts are tor Sport, and the Huntfmen give them advan¬ 
 tages of Ground; but fome are knock’d on the Head by 
 all poflible ways of Violence and Surprize. * 
 
C 429 ) 
 
 I do not prefcribe Fire and Faggot, but as Scipio faid of 
 Carthage, Delenda eft Carthago, They are to be Rooted 
 Out of this Nation, if ever we will Live in Peace, ferve 
 God, or enjoy our own: As for the Manner, l leave it 
 to thofe Hand\i who have a Right to execute God’s Ju- 
 ftice on the Nations and the Church’s Enemies. 
 
 B U T if we mull be frighted from this Jaftice under 
 the fpecious Pretences, and odious Senfc of Cruelty, no¬ 
 thing will be effected : ’Twill be more Barbarous to out 
 own Children, and dear Pofterity* when they lhall re¬ 
 proach their Fathers, as we do ours, and tell us, ‘ Tou 
 had an Opportunity to Root out this Curfcd Race from the 
 World, under the Favour and Protection of a true Englifii 
 Queen \ and out of your fooli/h Pity you/pared them, bccaufc, 
 for foot h.you would not be Cruel,and notv our Church is Supprtjt 
 and Perfecuted, our Religion trampPd under Foot, our Eflates 
 Plunder'd, our Perfons Imprifoned, and dragg'd to Jails, Gib¬ 
 bets and Scaffolds ■, your /paring this Amelekite Race ts our 
 Deftruttim, your Mercy to them proves Cruelty to your poor 
 
 Pofierity. „ . 
 
 HOW juft will fuch Reflections be, when our Poftert- 
 ty fhall fall under the mercilefs Clutches of thisunchanta- 
 ble Generation, when our Church [hall be twallow d upm 
 Schifm, Fa&ion, Enthufiafm, and Contufionj when our 
 Government fhall be devolv’d upon Foreigners, and our 
 
 Monarchy dwindled into a Republick. 
 
 ’Twou’d be more rational for us, if we muft fpare this 
 Generation, to fummon our own to a general Mafla- 
 rre, and as we have brought them into the World Free, 
 fend them out fo, and not betray them to Deftrutiion by 
 our fa pine Negligence, and then cry it is Mercy. 
 
 Mofes was a Merciful Meek Man, and yet with what 
 Fury did he run thro’ the Camp, and cut the Throats of 
 Three and thirty thoufand of his dear Jfraelites . that 
 were fallen into Idolarry *, what was the rcafon ? 1 was 
 
 Mercy to the reft, to make thefe Examples, to pre¬ 
 vent the Deftrudion of the whole Army. 
 
 How many Millions of future Souls we favefrom »nte- 
 
 F f + n 
 
( 43° ) 
 
 duon and Delufion, if the prefent Race of poifon’d Spirits 
 were purg’d from the Face of the Land. 
 
 ’TIS vain to trifle in this matter,the light foolifh hand¬ 
 ling of them by Mul&s, Fines, &c. ’cis their Glory and 
 their Advantage, if the Gallows inftead of the Counter, 
 and the Gallies inftead of the Fines, were the Reward of 
 going to a Conventicle, to preach or hear, there wou’d 
 not be fo many Sufferers, the Spirit of Martyrdom is o- 
 ver i they that will go to Church to be chofen Sheriffs and 
 Mayors, would go to forty Churches rather than be 
 Hang’d. 
 
 If one fevere Law were made, and punctually executed, 
 that who ever was found at a Conventicle, Ihou’d be Ba- 
 nifh’d,th.' Nation, and the Preacher be Hang’d, we Ihou’d 
 foon fee an end of the Tale,they wou*d all come to Church; 
 and one Age wou’d make us all One again. 
 
 TO talk of y s. a Month for not coming to the Sacra¬ 
 ment, and i s. per Week for not coming to Church,this is 
 fitch a way of converting People as never was known,this 
 is felling them a Liberty to tranfgrefs for fo much Money: 
 If it be not a Crime, why don’t we give them full Li¬ 
 cence? And if it be, no Price ought to compound for the 
 committing it, for that is felling a Liberty to People to 
 fin againft God and the Government. 
 
 If it be a Crime ot the higheft Conlequence both a- 
 gainft the Peace and Welfare of the Nation, the Glory of 
 God, the Good of the Church, and the Happinefs of the 
 Soul, let us rank it among capital Offences, and let it re¬ 
 ceive a Punilhment in proportion to it. 
 
 We Hang Men for Trifles, and Banifli them for things 
 not worth naming, but an Offence againft God and the 
 Church, againft the Welfare of the World, and the Dig¬ 
 nity of Religion, Ihall be bought off for 5 s. this is fuch a 
 fhame to a Chriitian Government, that ’tis with regret I 
 tranfmit it to Pofterity. 
 
 IFMen fin againft God, affront his Ordinances, rebel a- 
 gainft his Church, and difobey the Precepts of their Supe- 
 iiors, let them fufferas fuch capital Crimes deferve, fo will 
 Religion flourilh,and this divided Nation be once again uni- 
 *4- And 
 
C ) 
 
 And yet the Title of Barbarous and Cruel will foon 
 be taken off from this Law too. I am not fuppofing that 
 all the Diflenters in England fhou’d be Hang’d or Ba- 
 nifh’d, but as in cafes of Rebellions and Infurre&ions, if 
 a few of the Ring-leaders fuffer, the Multitude are difmift, 
 fo a few obftinatePcople being made Examples,there’s no 
 doubt'but the Severity of the Law would find a flop in 
 the Compliance of the Multitude. 
 
 To make the reafonablcnefs of this matter out of que- 
 ftion, and more unanfwerably plain, let us examine for 
 what it is that this Nation is divided into Parties and Fa¬ 
 ff ions, and let us fee how they can juftifie a Separation, 
 or we of the Church of England can juftifie our bearing 
 the Infults and Inconveniencies of the Party. 
 
 ONE of their leading Paftors, and a Man of as much 
 Learning as mofl: among them,in his Anfwer to a Pamph¬ 
 let, cntituled, An Enquiry into the Occafional Conformity , 
 hath thefe Words, P. 27. Do the Religion of the Church 
 and the Meeting-boufes make two Religions ? ffherein do they 
 differ ? The Subfiance of the fame Religion is common to them 
 both\ and the Modes and Accidents are the things in which 
 only they differ. P. 28. Thirty nine Articles are given us for 
 the fummary of our Religion , Thirty fix contain the Subfiance 
 of it y wherein we agree \ Three the additional Appendices , a~ 
 bout which we have fome differences. 
 
 Now, if as by their own acknowledgment, the Church 
 of England is a true Church, and the Difference between 
 them is only in a few Modes and Accidents, why fhould 
 we expeft that they will fuffer Gallies, corporal Puni fo¬ 
 ment and Banifhment for thefe Trifles ? There is no que- 
 ftion but they will be wifer, even their own Principles 
 won’t bear them out in it, they will certainly comply 
 with the Laws, and with Reafon,and tho’ at the firft, Se¬ 
 verity may feem hard,the nextAge will feel nothing of it, 
 the Contagion will be rooted out, the Difeafe being cur’d, 
 there will be no need of the Operation, but if they fooujd 
 venture to tranfgrefs, and fall into the Pit, all the Woild 
 muff: condemn their Obftinacy, as being without ground 
 from their own Principles. 
 
 Thus 
 
C 43* ) 
 
 Thus the Pretence of Cruelty will be taken off, and 
 the Party actually fuppreil, and the Difquiets they have fo 
 oft^n bruut upon the Nation, prevented. 
 
 T H EIR Numbers, and their Wealth makes them 
 Haughrv, and that-’t is fo far from being an Argument to 
 perfwade u to forbear them, that *tis a Warning to us, 
 without any more delay, to reconcile them to the Unity 
 of the Church, or remove them from us. 
 
 A r prefent, Heaven be prais’d,they are not fo Formi¬ 
 dable as they have been, and ’tis our own fault if ever we 
 fuffer them to befo; Providence, and the Church of Eng - 
 land) feems to join in this particular, that now the De- 
 lfroyers of the Nation’s Peace may be overturn’d, and to 
 this end the prefent Opportunity feems to be put into 
 our Hands. 
 
 To this end Her prefent Majelly feems referv’d to en¬ 
 joy the Crown, that the Ecclefiaftick as well as Civil 
 Rights of the Nation may be reltor’d by her Hand. 
 
 To this end the Face of Affairs have receiv’d fuch a 
 Turn in the procefs of a few Months, as never has been 
 before 1 , the leading Men of the Nation, the univerfal cry 
 of the People, the unanimous Requell of the Clergy, a- 
 gree in this, that the Deliverance of our Church is at Hand. 
 
 For this end has Providence given fuch a Parliament,fuch 
 a Convocation, fuch a. Gentry, and fuch a Queen as we 
 never had before. 
 
 AND what may be the Confluences of a Negleft of 
 fuch Opportunities? The Succelfion of the Crown has but 
 a dark Pro fpedt, another Dutch Turn may make the Hopes 
 of it ridicuious, and the Pra&ice impolfible : Be the Houfe 
 of our future Princes never fo well inclin’d, they will be 
 Foreigners; and many Years will be fpent in fuiting the 
 Genius of Strangers to this CVojph, and the Intereftsof the 
 Narion; and how many Ages it may be before the Eng- 
 Hfh Throne be fill’d with fo much Zeal and Candour , 
 fo much Tendernels and hearty AfFeflion to the 
 Church, as we lee it now cover’d with, who can i- 
 magine ? 
 
(4?3 ) 
 
 *Tis high time then for the Friends of the Church of 
 England, to think of Building up, and Eftab’ilhing her, 
 in iuch a manner, that She may be no more Invaded by 
 Foreigners, nor divided by Faftions, Schifms, and Error. 
 
 If this cou’d be done by gentle and eafie Methods, I 
 Ihou’d be glad, but the Wound is corroded, the Vitals 
 begin to mortifie,and nothing but Amputation of Members 
 can com pleat the Cure all the ways of Tendernefs and 
 Companion, all perfwalive Arguments have been made 
 ufe of in vain. 
 
 The Humour of the Diflenters has fo encreas’d among 
 the People, that they hold the Church in Defiance, and 
 the Houfe of God is an Abomination among them: Nay, 
 they have brought up their Pofterity in iuch prepofl'eft 
 Averfions to our Holy Religion, that the ignorant Mob 
 think we are all Idolaters, and Worfhippets of Baal-, 
 and account it a Sin to come within the Walls of our 
 Churches. 
 
 The primitive Chriitians were not more ihie of a Hea¬ 
 then-Temple, or of Meat offer’d to Idols, nor the Jews 
 of Swine’s Flefh, than fome of our Diflenters are of the 
 Church, and the Divine Service folemnized therein. 
 
 This obftinacy muft be rooted out with the Piofefllon 
 of it, while the Generation are left at liberty daily to af¬ 
 front God Almighty, and di/honour his Holy Worlhip, 
 we are wanting in our Duty to God, and cur Mother the 
 Church of England. 
 
 How can we anfwer it to God, to the Church, and to 
 our Pofterity, to leave them entangled with Fanaticifm, 
 Error, and Obftinacy, in the Bowels of the Nation; to 
 leave them an Enemy in their Streets, that in titnc may 
 involve them in the fame Crimes, and endanger the u^er 
 Extirpation of Religion in the Nation. ° "• 
 
 What’s the Difference betwixt this, and being filled) - 
 ed to the Power of the Church of Rome, from wuencc 
 we have reform’d ? If one be an extream on one Hand 
 and one on another, ’tis equally Definitive to the Truth 
 to have Errors fettled among us, let them be of what Na¬ 
 ture they will. 
 
( 4?4 ) 
 
 Both are Enemies of our Church, and of our Peace, and 
 why fiiou’d it not be as Criminal to admit an Enthufiaft as 
 a Jefuit? Why (hou’d the Papijl with his Seven Sacraments 
 be worfe than the Quaker with no Sacraments at all? Why 
 fhould Religious-houfes be more intolerable than Meeting- 
 houfes — Alas ! the Church of England What with Popery 
 on one Hand, and Schifmaticks on the other; how has 
 She been Crucified between two Thieves. 
 
 Now let us Crucifie the Thieves. Let her Foundations 
 be Eftablilh’d upon the Deftru&ion of Her Enemies: The 
 Doors of Mercy being always open to the returning Part 
 of the deluded People: Let the Obftinate be rul’d with 
 the Rod of Iron. 
 
 Let all true Sons of fo Holy and Opprefled a Mother, 
 exafperated by her Affli&ions, harden their Hearts againft 
 thofe who have Opprefs’d Her. 
 
 And, may God, Almighty pat it into the Hearts of all 
 the Friends of Truth, to lift up a Standard againft 
 Pride and Antichrift,that the Pofterity of the Sons 
 of Error may be rooted out from the Face of thii 
 Land for ever ■ -■ ■>- ■ . 
 
 J 
 
 
( 435 ) 
 
 A Brief 
 
 EXPLANATION 
 
 O F 
 
 A late Pamphlet, Entituled ' The 
 
 Shortelt Way with the Dif- 
 fenters. # 
 
 T H E Author profeffes he thought, when he wrote 
 the Book, he lhou’d never need to come to an Ex¬ 
 plication, and wonders to find there Ihould be any reafon 
 for it. 
 
 If any Man take the Pains ferioufiy to refleft upon the 
 Contents, the Nature of the Thing, and xhe Manner of the 
 Stile, it feems Impoflible to imagine it ihould pafs for any 
 thing buta Banter upon the High-flyingChutch-Men. 
 
 That it is free from any Seditious defign, either of ftir- 
 ring up the Diffenters to any Evil Pra&ice by way of pre¬ 
 vention i much lefs of animating others to their Deftru&i- 
 on, will be plain, I think, to any Man that underilands the 
 prefent Conftitution of England, and the Nature of our 
 Government. 
 
 But fince Ignorance, or Prejudice has led rnofl: 
 Men to a hafty Cenfure of the Book, and fome People 
 are like to come under the Difpleafure of the Go¬ 
 vernment for it, in Juftice to thofe who are in danger to 
 fuffer for it; in fubmiflion to the Parliament and Coun¬ 
 cil, who may be offended at it •, and in Courtefic to all 
 miftaken People,who it feems have not Penetrated into the 
 
 real 
 
real defign: The Author prefents the World with the - 
 Native Genuine Meaning and Defign of the Paper, which 
 he hopes may allay the Anger of the Government, or at 
 lead fatisfie the minds of fuch as imagine a defign to En- 
 flame and Divide os. 
 
 The Paper, without the Jeaft retrofpeft to, or con¬ 
 cern in the Publick Bills in Parliament,now depending*, or 
 any othe- Prcc .ccLngs of either Houfe, or of the Gc- 
 verr racing to the Dilfenters, whofe Occafional 
 
 Ccz unity the Author has conftantly oppofed, has its 
 immediate Original from the Virulent Spirits of fome 
 Men who h^ve thought fit to exprefs themfelves to the 
 fame Effect, in their Printed Books, tbo’ not in Words fo 
 plain, and at length, and by an Irony not Vnufual , ftands 
 as a fair anfwer to feveral Books Publifhed in this Liberty 
 of the Prefs \ which, if they had been handed to the Go¬ 
 vernment with the fame temper as this has, wou’d no 
 queftion have found the fame Treatment. 
 
 The Sermon Preach’d at Oxford , the New Jjfociation., 
 the Poetical Obfervaior , wich numberlefs others; have faid 
 the fame thing, in terms very little darker, and this Book 
 ftands fair to let thofe Gentlemen know, that what they 
 defign can no farther take with Mankind,than as their real 
 meaning ftands difguis’d by Artifice of words but that 
 when the Perfection and Deftru&ion of the Dijfenters, 
 the very thing they drive at, is put into plain Englifh, the 
 whole Nation will ftart at the Notion, and Condemn the 
 Author to be Hang’d for his Impudence. 
 
 The Author humbly hopes he fhatl find no harder 
 Treatment for plain Englifii, without Defign, than thofe 
 Gentlemen for their Plain Defign, in Duller and Darker 
 Englifh. 
 
 Any Gentlemen who have Patience to perufe the Au¬ 
 thor of the New Affectation. , will find Gallows, Galleys, 
 Perfection and Deft ruction of the DilTenters arc directly 
 
 pointed 
 
■ 
 
 C 437 ) 
 
 pointedat,as fairly intended,and defign’d.as in this fhorteft 
 way, as, had it been real , can be pretended ; there is as 
 much Virulence againft a Union with Scotland, againft King 
 WILLIAM'S Goverment, and againft the Line of 
 Hannover, there is as much Noifc and Pains taken in Mr. 
 S—-lls Sermon to blacken the Diflentcrs, and thereby to 
 qualifie them for the Abhorrence of all Mankind, as is pof- 
 fible. 
 
 The meaning then of this Paper is in fhort to tell thefe 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 1. That ’tis Nonfenfe to go round about, and tell us 
 of the Crimes of the Dijjenters, to prepare the World to 
 believp they are not fit to Live in a Humane Society, that 
 they are Enemies to the Government, and Law. to the 
 QUEEN, and the Publick Peace, and the like , oe fhort - 
 efi way , and the fooneft, wou’d be to tell us plainly chat 
 they wou’d have them all bang’d, Banifh’d and Deftroy’d. 
 
 2. But withal to acquint thole Gentlemen who fancy 
 the time is come to bring it to pals, that they are mi¬ 
 staken, for that when the thing they mean, is put into 
 plain Englifh , the whole Nation replies with the Aj]yrian 
 Captain, Is thy Servant a Dog, that be fhou'd do thefe things ? 
 The Gentlemen are miftaken in every particular, it will 
 not go down, the QUEEN, the Council, the Parliament 
 are all Offended, to have it fo much as fuggefted, that l'uch 
 a thing was poffible to come into their Mindsi and not a 
 Man, but a Learned Mercer , not far from the Corner of 
 Fanchurch-flreet , has been found to approve it. 
 
 Thus a poor Author has ventur’d to have all Mankind 
 call him Villain, and Tray tor to his Country and Friends 
 for making other People’s thoughts fpeak in his Words. 
 
 From this Declaration of his real delign, he humbly 
 hopes the Lords of Her Majefties Council, or the Houfe 
 of Parliament, will be no longer offended, and that the 
 
 poor 
 
( 438 ) 
 
 poor People in trouble on this Account fhall be Pardoned 
 or Excufed. 
 
 He alfo defires that all men who have taken Offence at 
 the Book, miftaking the Authors dellgn will fuffer them- 
 felves to think again,and withhold their Cenfure, till they 
 find themfelves qualified to make a Venture like this for 
 the good of their Native Country. 
 
 As to Exprefiions which feem to refled upon Perfons 
 or Nations; he declares them to be only the Cant of the 
 Nonjuring Party Expos'd, and thinks it very necelfary to 
 let the World know that ’tis their ufual Language with 
 which they Treat the Late KING , the Scotch Vnion , and 
 the Line of Hannover. 
 
 ’Tis hard, after all, that this fhould not be perceived 
 by all the Town, that not one man can fee it, either 
 Churchman or Diffenter. 
 
 That not theDiflenters themfelves can fee that this was 
 the only way to fatisfy them, that whatever the Parlia¬ 
 ment might think fit to do to reftrain Occafional Commu¬ 
 nion, Perfecution and Deftrudion was never in their in¬ 
 tention, and that therefore they have nothing to do but to 
 be quiet and ealie. 
 
 For any thing in the manner of the Paper which may of¬ 
 fend either the Government, or private Perfons, the Au¬ 
 thor begs their Pardon,and proteftingtheHonejly of his intend 
 tion , refolves, if the People now in Trouble may be ex- 
 cufed, to throw himfelf upon the Favour of the Govern¬ 
 ment, rather than others (hall be ruin’d for his miftakes. 
 
 A 
 
THE 
 
 SHORTEST WAY 
 
 T 0 
 
 Peace and Union, &c: 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 c TT was always my Opinion, that whoever Ihould 
 1 ‘go about to widen the Difference, or encreafc 
 ‘ the Mifunderftandings between the Church of England 
 ‘ and the Diflenters, were the real Enemies of both. 
 
 * ’Tis an Unhappinefs that the fober, thinking Men 
 ‘on both fides are fentibleof, that there fhould be any 
 ‘DifFerenccat all-, and 1 am of the Opinion that would 
 ‘ either fide encline a little, the Breach might be ealily 
 
 * leffen’d, tho’ perhaps not quite clos’d. 
 
 4 And if ever a temper of Charity and Love fhould 
 ‘chance to prevail in this contentious unhappy Nation, 
 *1 am fully perfwaded, even’a Capacity as weak as 
 4 mine, might be able to propofe Methods which might 
 ‘ bring the Two Parties much nearer together. 
 
 4 But while there is a breach of Charity, there can 
 ‘never be a union of Principles ; and till the railing 
 ‘Spirit on either fide is fupprefs'd, the Breach widens 
 
 * rather than heals, and all tends to the confulion of the 
 ‘ General Protefbnt Intereft both at Horae and A- 
 
 * broad. G g * That 
 
( 44 ° ) 
 
 * That there arc Perfons oil both (Ides, who either 
 4 from Paflion or Prejudice , Intereft, or other worle 
 1 Raafons, continue to encrealc the unhappy ftrife, by 
 4 rend ring both lides fufpefted, and odious to one 
 1 another, is a Truth too plain to be queftion’d; and 
 4 ’t would be an Impertinence I cannot difpence with, 
 
 4 to fpend time in the proof of it. 
 
 4 Nor is it fo much my defign to examin who they 
 4 are, which in my opinion would be marking Men out 
 4 for the General hatred, and expofmg them to be ftomd 
 4 in the Streets. If 1 could prevail with both lides to 
 4 ceafe and difeourage the pra&ice, the Perfons would 
 4 fee their Errors, and might be forgiven by God and 
 4 the Nation. 
 
 4 You are very much in the right of it, fays a Gen- 
 4 tleman, that in defence of fome angry People, refents 
 4 a late unhappy Book of mine, call’d. The Sborteft Way ; 
 4 Tou are in the right of it to conceal Names^ left your own 
 4 Jhould ft and fir ft in the Catalogue . 
 
 4 Truly I cannot deny but I am very forry I Pub- 
 4 lifh’d that Book, becaufe the ill Management of it, 
 4 has prevented my further Explaining of it 5 and now, 
 4 becaufc I unwarily let lome things flip, at which the 
 4 Government have too much caufc to be Offended \ 
 4 and tho’ to them who judge by outfides, my Defign 
 4 is Condemn’d, yet I cannot but proteft to the 
 4 World, that neither in that Book, nor in any thing 
 4 1 ever wrote, did I ever defign to raife a Feud be- 
 4 tween the Diflentcrs and the Church of England. \ 1 
 4 never faid, or believ’d, the Church of England , as a 
 4 Body, delign'd to ruine and deftroy the DifTenters: 
 4 But that there are lome Men in the Church, who, 
 4 indeed, arc not of her, and who have by theii Wri- 
 4 tings and Preachings tcltified the rancor of their Spi- 
 4 tits, and the earnelt defires of their Souls to have 
 4 the Dilfentcrs ruin’d, is molt true, and at thole I le- 
 4 veil’d \ however, an ill Marks-man I have been thought, 
 4 to ai..: at one thing and Ihoot another. 
 
 4 Nor, 
 
C 441 ) 
 
 * Nor am I making an Apollogy here to move the 
 ‘Mercy of the Government, I have already rcfolv’d 
 
 * in that Cafe, that as a good Subject does not willingly 
 4 offend, fo having by Inadvertancy fallen into the Pub- 
 
 * lick Difpleafure, I fubmit to the Clemency of my Su- 
 
 * perior, with this Rcfblution, It is the Queen, let Her 
 4 Atajefiy do with me, what feems good in Her Eyes* 
 
 ‘ Nor lhall the Apprehenfion of the Severity of Her 
 
 * Majefty’s Refcntment, caufe me to ceafe the endeavour, 
 4 of bringing, as far as writing can do it, a fair Rt- 
 ‘ conciliation of Parties in View.- Wnen a Fray is begun, 
 4 the Standers by may part them, and bring them toge- 
 4 ther v but if they will not ihake Hands, ’tis their 
 4 own Fault. 
 
 4 And that I may inform the World, that as far as l 
 4 have been able, this has always been both my Prin¬ 
 ciple and Pra&ife I Challenge the worft Enemies I 
 4 have to find out, among any thing ever publifh’d by 
 4 me, the lcaft Shaddow of a Temper differing born 
 4 this healing Principle. 
 
 4 To this end, the following Sheets have been 00m- 
 4 pos’d fome Years ago, and have now very fmali Ad¬ 
 ditions, as to Circuit*fiances, and wereddign’d as an 
 4 Introduction to a healing Conjundion of Parties, 
 4 which I had form’d in my Thoughts ■, for 1 doubt 
 4 not, but 1 could ealily lav down Inch a Scheme of a 
 ‘General Union of Proteflants in this Nation, as to 
 ‘politick Intcrcft, as well as Religion, as no Man on 
 4 either iide could oppofe, without being a manifest 
 4 Incendiary, a Dillutber of the Publick Peace, and an 
 4 Enemy to its eftablifli’d Government: But while I ant 
 4 in the Hauds of the Law, 1 think Tis time to have 
 4 done writing and it the Spirit of Peace would but 
 4 pofllfs the Minds of Men , there are better Pens and 
 4 better Heads than mine to make the Propolal. 
 
 4 It isnotforme to tell our Govtvnours they take 
 4 wrong Meafores with theJDillciUcls ; and the Diilcn- 
 4 ters would be angry it 1 fhoutd tell vlv.ni there is id 
 
 G g 2 4 Llocd 
 
( 44* ) 
 
 4 Blood among them •, and fome dhurch Men would 
 1 think themfelves injur’d, if I fhould fay they impru- 
 4 dently Encreafe it: But I heartily wilh 1 could fay, 
 
 4 all thefe Three Things wercfalfe and idle Chimeras 
 
 4 of my own. . ,, a 
 
 « frnd yet I would be content to be condemn d to 
 4 Newgate all the Days of my Life, if I did not lay down 
 4 fuch undeniable Teftimonies of the Truth of thole 
 L Heads as fhould convince all theunbyafs’d Judgments 
 4 in the Nation i and after that, fubjoin fuch a Method 
 4 of Peace, Union, Love and Charity among all the 
 4 Proteftants of this Nation, as no Man but he whole 
 4 Realon was a Slave to Interelt, Paltion, or Ibme ill 
 4 Dcfign, could find in his Heart to dillike. 
 
 4 1 do not fay but any Man of either fide, whofe 
 4 Heart was touch’d from on high, with a Zeal lor the 
 4 good of England , for the Profperity of the Proteftant 
 4 Interelt, and for the Glory of the prefent Govern- 
 4 ment, might add to, amend, and I hope at lalt finifii 
 1 fo definable a Work ; but I am fully perfuaded, I 
 4 could State Preliminaries of fuch a League of Amity, 
 4 fuch a Union of AfTedion, as Ihould make us One 
 4 People, with One Heart, and One Interelt, equally 
 4 Zealous, Loyal, and Affedionate to the Perfon of the 
 4 Queen, and the Eftablifhment of the Government j 
 4 and that Government remain juft the fame , un- 
 4 touch’d, unalter’d Conftitution that it is now. 
 
 4 But as I am not worthy to be the Author or lo 
 4 great a Work, lo neither fliall I venture the farther 
 4 Opprclfion of my private Circumftances, by endea* 
 4 vouring to reconcile Parties thatrelolve not to be re* 
 4 concil’d, unlefs 1 can recieve the Protediou due to a 
 4 Melfienger of Peace. 
 
 I T has often been objeded to the Dilfcnters, by 
 thofewho, with intent to widen our Breaches, are 
 fond of blackening them as a Party, That they are 
 Enemies of Government j That their Principles are in¬ 
 compatible 
 
( 443 ) 
 
 compatible with Monarchy and that they are therefor^ 
 dangerous both to the Church and State, that they mult 
 be continually Plotting againft, bccaufe naturally dis¬ 
 contented with the prefeat Eftablilhment 1 hat they 
 hate the Qiieen bccaufe (he loves the Church, and the 
 like* 
 
 From hence the furious Authors have drawn fiich 
 Confequenccs, as, were the Aflertions true, would be 
 natural enough •, That the Church ought to provide 
 againft them as 3 dangerous Brood hatchd under her 
 Wing, that will lofe no Opportunity to deftroy her ; 
 That they ought to be fo far from being admitted 
 into the Adminiftration, that they ought net to be 
 truftedwith the Priviledge of Freeholders, or to Vote 
 for thofc that are, and the like. New NJfcaanov, Page i. 
 
 But if after all that can be faid on this SuLjC'-t, it 
 will appear that the true Intereft of the DilTenters, is 
 bound up in the Profperity of the prefeat Eftabhlh- 
 ment; that their Safety depends upon the Protection 
 of the Government and that they cannot be guilty 
 of endeavouring the Subverfionof Monarchy, without 
 ftriking at the Door of their own Profperity, and 
 bringing themfelves into all the Confufions and Di- 
 ItrelTes they can wilh to be delivered from; then the 
 Arguments muft ceafe of Courfe , the Confequenccs 
 muft be abfurd, becaufe the Caufes are Untrue \ the 
 DilTenters muft firft be arraign’d for Fools, before they 
 can be indeed for Rebels; and ought to be fcnt t Q 
 
 Bedlam, and not to Newgate. . . 
 
 Mankind at leaft, fuch as are in the, r Wits, are 
 properly faid not to be capable of doing what they 
 cannot do rationally i what they cannot do without 
 Prejudices to their own Intereft they cannot do, that 
 is, they cannot do it without being forfaken ot their 
 Senfes, their common Underftanding and then Honefty, 
 
 Hi order to come to a State ot my Proportion, l 
 muft premife, that when I fpeak of the DilTenters^ 
 
 I mean the General Body of all Sorts of Pvoteftants. 
 
 G g 3 
 
 j 
 
( 444 ) 
 
 who feperate in Worfhip from the efbablifh'd. Church % 
 and when l fpeak of the Church of England, I mean 
 the General Body of Orthodox Conformitts; and I 
 take no Notice of the Private Defigns or Private Tem¬ 
 pers of Men, who may broach their own Opinions, or 
 declare Sentiments quite Differing from the Body of 
 their own Party. 
 
 Thus, when fome hot violent Men have broke the 
 Rules of all Modefty in their Anathema’s on theDif. 
 fenters, and have doom'd them to a worfe Fate than 
 the French Hugonots, it cannot be agreeable to the 
 Juftice of Argument, to brand the Church of England 
 with any Part of their Principles, unlcfs they had ap¬ 
 prov’d them by fome Publick Ad of the Church, or 
 merited a Claim to the Charge by a General Pradife. 
 
 And thus, tho’there may be fome People among the 
 many feveral Seds of Diffenters, who may pofTefs 
 fbmetfiing of Antimonarchical Principles, and may 
 retain the Spirit of Rebellion, the General Body of 
 the Diflenters ought not to be branded with the black 
 Mark of Rebels, Enemies to the Government, and 
 dangerous to theNation,un!efs they had committed fome 
 Crime as a Body which fhould merit fuch a Charader. 
 
 And as on the one Hand, I am fully perfwaded, 
 that the Diffenters of this Nation, taking them in ge¬ 
 neral, except as before excepted, are not defirousof 
 any Change of Government; fo I think‘tis ealie tQ 
 make it out, that while they arc Matters of their Wits, 
 and have their Eyes open to their True Intereft , they 
 can never delire to have any Part of the Government 
 alter d, chang’d, or otherwife fettled than it is. 
 
 . If any Djnenter be of another Mind, or if any Man, 
 to fully their Charader, will fuppofe it of them, I 
 would be glad to fee it made out what fort of Settle¬ 
 ment, fnppofe it were in their Pp-ver, could they make, 
 which would be more to their Advantage. 
 
 To come to make the Para’el, ’tis necefiary to 
 pbferve a State of the Dilfenters Circumttances under 
 phe preftnt Government. Firtt, 
 
( 44? ) 
 
 Firft, They enjoy all their'Civil Rights, their Li¬ 
 berty and Property Rands upon the fame Foot with 
 their Church of England Conforming Neighbours : in 
 Matters of Right or Wrong, ’tis not examin’d whether 
 they are Diflenters or no, but if they are Fnol.fh Men ; 
 ’tis not requir’d of them to concern their fpiritual 
 Capafities, which their Temporal; their Elates are 
 their own, and their Pofleffion of them fecur d by the 
 fame Laws, their Inheritances defeend by uninterrupted 
 SuccefRon to their Poflerity. , 
 
 Secondly, Their Religious Liberty is tolerated by 
 a Law, and no Conformity is exa&cd of them: they 
 are invited to Church , but not driven 1 . Excommuni¬ 
 cations, Confifcations, cs~c. for not coming to Church, 
 are all taken off, the Talons of the Ecclchaftical Har- 
 pyes at DoBcrs Commons are Cut, and thole Birds ot 
 Prey have their Wings pinion’d by the Law. 
 
 Thirdly, This Liberty is Univerfil to all Sorts, 
 Kinds, and feperate Societies of DifTenters, from the 
 Onotpr i-n Wohite Conform ift; the Spirit of Pci- 
 
 would be’fit to be trufted with a Branch ol 
 
 G g 4 t]ie 
 
' (440 
 
 the Government, who were in principle, mortal pro 
 tefs’d Enemies to it, on Account of Religion, and in 
 fuch Cafe a religious Conformity would be a proper 
 Teft of the Party. 
 
 But waving thefe Arguments, we are not to confider 
 what, in right Reafoning, we think ought to be a Law i 
 but what actually is a Law enaded by the Legiflator of 
 the Nation, and to which, as Freeholders, we have 
 given a tacit Confent, and therefore bound ourfelves 
 cither to that Oblervation or the Penalty. 
 
 Befides, What is the publick Poflelfion of Places, 
 or Offices of Truft, in a Government, to the Cafe 
 of Religion? They whofeperate from the Communion 
 of a Church, cannot in Reafon, exped to be enter¬ 
 tain d m the Service of that very Church ; and they 
 that feperatc from the Church, ought to confider 
 Places and Offices beforehand, and to examine, whether 
 they can forego them for their Conferences or not; and 
 it they did fo, they would not be fo frequently fore¬ 
 going their Conferences to poflefs them again. 
 
 . And I cannot but wonder at, and condemn the In¬ 
 justice of fuch Diilenters who would have thofe Peo¬ 
 ple, to whofe Communion they cannot, or will not 
 j°yn, receive them into equal Advantages of Honour 
 and of Profit, of Truft and Management, in the Po¬ 
 litick Concern. 
 
 1 cannot approve the Equity of it, nor I wou’d not 
 have the Dfflenters covet it, nor, had they the Go¬ 
 vernment in their Hands, would they admit it them- 
 felves. 
 
 This Coveting Offices of Truft, Honour and Pro¬ 
 fit in the Government, has been the Caufe of that 
 Occafional Compliance, which to the Difhonour and 
 Shame of the Difientcrs, has branded them with too 
 much Levity and Religion. 
 
 ^ Ut I# . Profeffions, and in all Ages, from the 
 , oung MaaintheGofpcl, whofe Temptation was, that 
 iie had great Pofleffions, Covctoufiiefs and Ambition 
 
 ^ - i, • • i > • ....... have! 
 
 
( 447 ) 
 
 have been Snares to Religion y but neither does this 
 Loofnefs of Principle lie as a Juft Charge upon the 
 whole Body of the Diflenters ^ nor fhou'd they bear 
 the Error as a Brand upon the General Character, any 
 more than the Church of England ought to be branded , 
 with that General Odium of Cruelty, and barbarous 
 deftruftive principles againft their Diflenting Neigh¬ 
 bours, bccaufe fome of their Minifters from the Pulpit, 
 have thundi ed out this Fiery Doctrine to their Hearers. 
 
 And therefore, in equal Juftice to both Sides, 1 
 think 'tis Juft to agree, that neither party ought to be 
 denominated from the Hot deftruftive Latitude of a 
 Few, but from the general Practice, and known 
 Principle of the Body, and Generality on bothSides. 
 
 That the Church of England , as a Church guided 
 by their Genuine Temper, asChriftians and Englijb 
 Men, and govern’d by their known Principles, aud 
 the Canon of their Conftitution have nothing fo An- 
 tichriftian among them, as can leave room to fug- 
 geft, they would be the Deftroyers of their Bre¬ 
 thren, andfet up Fire and Faggot among us, is plain 
 from various Circumftances of Time and Action. The 
 Revolution, the Aft of Toleration , and their pre¬ 
 sent Rcfentment of this Temper lately prefented to 
 them, Unmafq’d, are Modern Teftimonies of it. 
 
 .. That the Diflenters, in general, are fully fatisfy d 
 with the Circumftances of their prefent Settlement, 
 and the Toleration they enjoy, and ho otherwife un- 
 eafie, than as they have induftrioufly been made to 
 apprehend the Privileges and Toleration they enjoy 
 are aim’d- at,- and endeavour’d to be leflen’d or over¬ 
 thrown, is manifeft : , 
 
 Fir ft. Bccaufe all the late Reign, while their 1 o- 
 leration and Privileges Were fecure, they were en¬ 
 tirely Eaiie, fully pleas’d, and had nothing to wifh, 
 more than they enjoy’d : And, Secondly, That un¬ 
 der all the Uneafincfs they have in this Reign exprefs’d, 
 the renew’d Aflurahces of the Continuance ot their 
 . , . ., • • Toleratioq 
 
y ( 448 ) 
 
 Toleration from the Royal Protnifes of the Queen, 
 have been as Life to them from the Dead, and at all 
 times revives their Satisfaction, after it has receiv’d 
 any Shock from the Violence and Threatnings of a 
 Party. 
 
 What, tho’ among the Church of England, or a- 
 mong the Diflenters, there are Incendiaries, fome on 
 one fide, who till they knew it was wrote by a Dif- 
 fen ter, hugg’d the Book, call’d. The Jhortefi Way, like 
 an Oracle, and a new Invention that deferv’d a Pa¬ 
 tent for the Praclife fome that have Preach’d the 
 fame Thing, Printed the fame Thing, and declar’d 
 it to be the belt and propereft way in the World, 
 to fettle the Peace of the Nation, as well as the Peace 
 of the Church *, fome on the one fide, who are angry 
 at being difpoflefs’d of their Hopes of good Places, and 
 can difpence with Sacraments, &c. on Occafion, to 
 enrich themfelves. 
 
 Both Sides, if they would ftudy the Nations Peace, 
 the Queens Honour, and the Profperityof our Com¬ 
 merce would induftrioufly crufh and difcourage the 
 Extreams on either Side, and in the Middle might be 
 found, that blelfed Path of Peace and Union, which 
 would lead the whole Body of the Englifl> Nation, 
 to the full Enjoyment of that univerfal Charity and 
 Love that every honeft Man wifhes for. 
 
 Here would be no Encroaching on one another, no 
 Jealoufie of Parties •, the Diflenters would have no 
 Realbn to feek Places, to keep fuch out as would 
 endeavour to Ruine them •, nor they could no more 
 Grudge the Profits and Advancements of Secular Truft 
 to the Members of the Church, becaufe they would 
 be fatisfy’d -, they wou’d not miflapply their Power 
 to the Injury of their Diflenting Brethren; and the 
 Church Men, when they faw the Diflenters ceafe to 
 Encroach upon them, would have no room for any 
 uncharitable Suggeftions, nor any Ground to Charge 
 them with fedjtious Practices or Defigns to over¬ 
 whelm 
 
( 449 ) 
 
 whelm the Government, fubdue Monarchy, or ereft 
 Confufion and intolerable Anarchy.. 
 
 In order to this happy Regularity, I proceed to 
 ftate my Propolitjon, that ’tis the True Intereftof 
 the Diflenters in England, to be govern’d by a Church 
 of England Magiftracy. 
 
 And as I pretend, in what I write, to as much Im¬ 
 partiality as I can, fo I am not at all careful of dif- 
 pleafing Parties, if I do it in a direft purfuit of Truth. 
 
 And therefore while 1 firft turn upon my Friends 
 the Diflenters, tho’ they may be angry with me, I can¬ 
 not help laying down this as the firft Rcafiii of mv 
 Propofition: wt. That they are not qualified to be 
 trufted with the Government of themfelvcs. 
 
 Nor do I go back to the years of Forty one, about 
 which fuch a potljjcr has been made, as if all the pre- 
 fent Diflenters had been in Arms againft their King, 
 tho’ not one in Five hundred of them was then Born $ 
 or as if they had all a hand in the death of King 
 Charles the Firft} or at leaft, with St. Paul, in the Cafe 
 of St. Stephen , had been confenting to his Death : Bnt 
 as a quarrel, which was ended before i was born, l 
 have nothing to do with it} Let thofe people acuife 
 the Diflenters of that, who have undertaken to jnftif/ 
 the Church of England in a Cafe fomething like it, as 
 the late Revolution. 
 
 I think the Fable of the Countreymen, who made 
 their addrefs to Jupiter for good Weather for their 
 Harveft, is fomething an Emblem of what 1 mean } 
 they who dwelt in the Plains and moift Ground de- 
 fir’d fair Weather, and they who dwelt on the Hills 
 delir’d Rain, upon which the Deity order’d them to 
 go together and confult of it, and when they ''could 
 agree what Weather to ask for that would pleale 
 them all, they fhould come again. 
 
 Now, if on the late, or any Revolution, it had 
 been propofed to the Diflenters to have the Govern¬ 
 ment of this Nation, / mean the Civil as well us Ec- 
 
 clcfiaftical 
 
( 4f° ) 
 
 cleliaftical Authority fettled in their Hands, and in 
 order to fuch a Settlement they were all met to¬ 
 gether to confider of it, I would be glad to be in¬ 
 form’d in what manner they could poflibly have a- 
 greed about it: ’Tis not my prefent Enquiry what 
 manner of Government they would have agreed up¬ 
 on , / have elfewherc fufnciently prov’d, that the 
 Conftitution, Interefl:, and Genius of the whole Na¬ 
 tion would lead them to a Monarchy, and to the 
 fame individual Monarchy now fettled; but my 
 Qu eft ion is, In what manner they would agree in the 
 fettling this very Monarchy ? 
 
 The General body of the Diflenters are compos’d 
 of Four forts, and thofe Four fo oppolitc in their 
 Temper, Cuftoms, Doftrine and Difcipline, that I 
 am of opinion ’tis as probable all Four Ihould Con¬ 
 form to the Church of Ewg/W, as to one another. 
 
 There is the Presbyterian, Indefendant , Anabaptifi 
 and Quaker ; now, if thefe Four were met like a 
 Polijl) Diet on Horfeback to choofe a King, he mult 
 be a great deal wifer than I that can but guefs out of 
 which Party all the other Three could confent to Name 
 a King; or by which Party all the other Three 
 could confent to be Govern’d; for that would be the 
 Enghfh of it. 
 
 The Independant could never bear Presbyterian 
 Government, that has been tryed already; for they 
 once pull’d it down by the Ears as intolerable. 
 
 The Anabaptijls in general, declare the Presbyterian 
 would fet up Perfecution from the old Principle, 
 
 1 hat Presbyteries are Jure Divino , and therefore to 
 them, a Presbyterian Government would be all one with 
 
 popery. 
 
 The Presbyterian would never brook an Independant 
 or Anabaptist Government, bccaufe they count the 
 one Settary, and hardly admit the other to be Ortho¬ 
 dox Chriftians. 
 
C 45* ) 
 
 None of the Three would bear the thought of a 
 Quaker King, the Novelty would make Mankind Laugh 
 at the Propofal, the Splendor and Magnificence ot 
 a Court, and the necelfary Defence and Offence 
 which the Confederacies and IntereflS of Nations re¬ 
 quire, are things fo inconfiftent with this plain deal¬ 
 ing Profeffor, that he mull ceafe to be a Quaker when 
 he began to be a King; and they would then be 
 much indoubt what Religion, and confequently what 
 Patty he wotild choofe } and therefore none ot tne 
 Parties would agree to him. 
 
 So that the whole Body might, like the Countrcy- 
 men. Go home and confiderof it,. and come to the 
 Affembly again when they were agreed upon the 
 
 Point. . . , 
 
 And if the Crown of this Kingdom docs but re¬ 
 main in a Succeflion of Church of England Monarch*, 
 till thefe Four can agree which of them fhall Reign, 
 the Benediction of the Scotch Parfon to King James the 
 Firft may be fulfill’d, That they fhall Reign as long as 
 
 the Sun and Moon endure. . . 
 
 In the next place were the Government fix d in 
 any one of thefe Parties, without the Concurrence ot 
 the reft, it does not appear to me that any tingle 1 ar¬ 
 ty would be ltrong enough to maintain themfelveslor 
 thofewhodid not freely content to, would not wid- 
 inRlv affift the Government •, and every little di.iaus- 
 faftionof Parties would Ihock theConflitution. Re- 
 volutions would be as frequent as Infurredions ; and 
 Mobbing our Governors, be as familiar as a Street 
 Riot ; confequently Property would be never fecur 
 nor Families preferv’d-, for ’tis very rarely ieen in 
 Governments that Crowns flutt tides, but the Pa¬ 
 trons of the laft Government link under the Oppre ; 
 Hons of the prefent^ the Favourites ot one fide, tile 
 upon the ruins of the lafi ; and the next turn wheels 
 them under the Stage, and fets up others •, and ,o on 
 to the General Revolution of ah things. . 
 
 i 1$ 
 
 
( 4f2 ) 
 
 Tis true, there is a thing call’d the People, the 
 Multitude, the Rabble, ©r in a more Modern term, 
 the Mob ; thefe, like a great Raft of Timber in a 
 River which receives the Tides from the Sea, are ever 
 a Float, and drive this way or that, asthey are hurried 
 on by the General Current \ ’tis true alfo that their 
 l orce is irrefiftibly Violent, and nothing can with- 
 flanci them 3 but ftill, like the Raft of Timber, when 
 the force of the Tide is fpent, and’ the Stream turns, 
 they are as certain to Drive back again with the 
 fame Violence of Motion as ever they were to move 
 at all; fo that there is no more advantage from this 
 Crowd to one Party than there is to another .• The 
 fame Mob will Huzza a King to his Throne, and Halloo 
 him out of the Nation. 
 
 . 1 he ftrength therefore of any Party in this Na¬ 
 tion confifts in the power of its real Jntereft for let 
 the bell King that ever Reign’d in England. , be invaded 
 by-the worft, if he beat him in the Field but one Bat¬ 
 tle , he is gone, the Nation is all his own. 
 
 This is too plain from Hiftory William the Conqueror 
 fought but one Battle for the whole Nation \ and I 
 know not one Inltance in all our Hiftory, of any 
 Prince that fought two, except King John. Maud 
 the Emprcls Invaded King Stephen , and in one Battle 
 the whole Qparrel run over to her. In the Cafe of 
 Henry the Sixth, and Edward the Fourth, one iingle 
 Battle, at a time, Ihifted the Crown of England Five 
 or Six times ; the like in the Cafe of Henry the 
 Seventh. In the Duke of Monmouth’s Cafe, one Fight 
 ended the Difpute: And in our late Revolution, no 
 Fight at all, but the appearance of an Army, gain’d 
 the General Concurrence of the People. 
 
 In Cafe therefore of the Government being to be 
 tendred to the Difleatcrs, they would never agree a- 
 mong thcmfelves who lhould have it *, and if any one 
 Party obtain’d it without the content of the other, 
 he would never be able to hold it \ and the Nation 
 
 would 
 
■/ 4->3 ) 
 
 would be expos’d to inevitable Confulions and Di- 
 ltraftions. 
 
 Poflibly the Diflenters may take it ill, if I Ihould 
 lay they are not qualified with a Governing Temper ^ 
 and lince they are not like to be tryed, ’tis nccdlefs 
 to enquire whether they are or no * but l am apt to 
 think the molt fcnfible Men among them will acknow¬ 
 ledge it, thefe Brethren would fall out by the way, they 
 want fome qualifications which are very necefliry to 
 Government, as Charity, Patience, but particularly 
 Penetration and Generoflty. 
 
 I allow this may be from the Accidents of their Cir- 
 cumftanccs, and the Paucity of their Numbers ■, the 
 Men of Confidence being, by the Scripture Direction, 
 not to be look’d for among the Wile or Noble, that is, 
 not among the Politicians nor the Gentry. 
 
 But God Almighty can qualifie, fays a Diffentcr 
 now, and give a Spirit of Government where he plcafes 
 to give a Call to Governing. 
 
 I confefs that freely, and therefore it feems to me ve¬ 
 ry plain, that where he has not bellow’d the Spirit 
 of Government, he has not defign’d to entruft the 
 Power of it ; and therefore 1 would advife the DiTen¬ 
 ters in England not to concern themlelvcs about 
 it, atleaft while they are not ill Treated, Opprefs’d 
 or Perfecuted by thofe who have the Power of Govern¬ 
 ing. 
 
 Upon thefe Coafiderations, and more I could 
 name, if I thought thefe were not fufficient, I verily 
 believe, that were the Four forts of People which 1 have 
 nam’d as conftituting the Body of the DiTenters, en¬ 
 quir’d of feparately, they would all Vote the Govern¬ 
 ment into the hands of the Church of England. What 
 would the Anabaptifl fay, if ’twere enquir’d of them 
 by themfelves; Who will you have to be your King, a 
 Presbyterian or a Church of England Alan ? They 
 would moll certainly anfwer, if their General An- 
 fwers in like Cafes may be regarded, the Church of 
 
 England: 
 
( 454 ) 
 
 England : For under them we lhall have a Toleration; 
 but th’ other will Perfecute us in particular from all 
 the reft of the Difl'enters, and from the old Principle of 
 Jure Divino , will fay of all that are not of their own 
 Opinion, Compell them to come in. 
 
 What will the Presbyterian fay, if the Church or 
 Jndependant were propofed ? They’d all cry out the 
 Church of England: For thefe Independants will be for 
 Levelling us all to their own narrow Principles, till 
 we fhall have no Government left at all, and at laft no 
 Property, but run all into Fifth Monarchy Men, and 
 make us fell our Eftates for the ufe of the Saints. 
 
 If the Anabaptifls and the Church were in Com¬ 
 petition, they’d Cry out again, give us the Church of 
 England Government, for thefe have no Government 
 at all \ we know not what to fay of them, and hard¬ 
 ly know whether fome of them are Chuff ians or 
 no. 
 
 As to the Quakers\ neither would they brook 
 any of the Three, nor any ot the Three them y fo 
 that natural Confequences, the Rcafon of the Thing, 
 the Temper of the feparatc Parties, and in general, 
 the Intereftof the whole, would make all the Dif 
 fenters Unanimous, in defiring to be govern’d by the 
 Church of England Magiltracy. _ _ 
 
 I can yet fee no tolerable Objection againft this 
 Do&rine; and I do not think it betters an Argument 
 *t all, to form trifling Objections, on purpofe to an- 
 fwer them. 
 
 But if this Doctrine be true, then fome Confequen- 
 ecs are to be drawn from it, which would, if well 
 improv’d. Jay the Foundation of an intire Peace, a 
 firm Union and Confidence between the molt oppofite 
 Parties in this Nation \ fo that fpeaking of publick 
 Intereft, thefe fhould never be any Contention, any 
 Strife, Jealoulles, or Animofities more-, the Govern¬ 
 ment fhould for ever efteem the DilTenter, tho’ differ¬ 
 ing in Opinion, yet as Loyal and Affectionate to their 
 
 Interefl 
 
( 455 ) 
 
 Intereft as any of the reft of its Subje&s, fince having 
 devolv'd all their Thoughts into this one Rcfolution , 
 That ’tis bell for the Nation, and belt for their In¬ 
 tereft, that the Church of England party lhould be 
 the governing, ruling Party, and be intrufted with the 
 Civil Powers they could not imagine any Danger 
 from them, becaufe no People ever willingly Adi 
 againft their own Intereft as fuch ; and the Diflcn- 
 ters not knowing where better to fix the Govern¬ 
 ment, than where it is, could never be fo bewitch’d, 
 or forfaken of their Realbn, to endeavour to alter 
 it. _ 
 
 On the other Hand, the Diflenters having no Defire 
 to alter, could have no Advantage to difturb the 
 Government, and confequently could have no Realbn 
 to ftruggle to wind themlelves into any Part of the 
 Magiftracy, cfpecially being fully fatisfy’d, that it was 
 already in the belt Hands it could be for the Benefit of 
 the Whole. 
 
 All thefe little Diflatisfa&ions, and Strife of Parties 
 for Ele&ions, would die as Effects, the Original Strife 
 about the Center of the Government, being once re¬ 
 mov’d astheCaufe. 
 
 Otcafional Conforrtiity would be cafual and indiffe¬ 
 rent, neither worth on# Parties ftraining their Princi¬ 
 ples to comply with, nor the other Parties their Wits 
 to explode; there would be no need of it on one. 
 Hand, nor it would be of no ill Confequence on the 
 other. 
 
 The General Confequences I draw from what I have 
 alleag’d, are fuch as thefe. 
 
 Firft, Thofe warm Gentlemen of the Church of 
 England , who think they do GOD good Service in 
 railing at the Diflenters, as Snbvertcrs of the Church 
 and of the Monarchy, and fhow their Wit in firft 
 Painting the Robe of Rebellion in all its bloody Co¬ 
 ld li lours 
 

 ( 45tf ) 
 
 Fours, and then drefliug up the Diflenter in it, as if 
 the Coit fitted none but him, arc very much to blame; 
 my Charity difpofes me to hope they are unwillingly 
 To •, but certainly they are effectually and eventually 
 Enemies to the Peace of the Church, and the Profperi- 
 ty of the Crown ; all the Averfion of Parties is owing 
 to them; all the ill Blood which is to be found a- 
 mong the Di(Tenters, is owing to the Menaces of thefe 
 furious People, who in Print and in Pulpit, Entitle the 
 whole Church and Government to the Extafiesof their 
 Paflions, and fpeak in the plural Number, as if they 
 were then commanded to Curie Jacob. 
 
 Thefe were the proper Authors of the Shorteft Way , 
 tho’fome Body elfe may fuffer for it; and thefe Gen¬ 
 tlemen, with humble Submiflion to the Government, 
 unlefs of their own accord they Dififc, will, whenever 
 our Rulers fee their own Interefc, be ordered to 
 do it. 
 
 ’Tis farther manifeft, that this Way of treating the 
 Diflenters can have no prefent Signification, for the 
 Government, and Her Majefty in particular, having 
 l'ufficicntly teftify’d their Abhorrance of deftroyiag, 
 hanging, or banilhing all the Diirenters ; To what puf- 
 pofe then can be the Treating them with fo much inde. 
 cent Contempt, and keeping them in conftant Alarms 
 from the perpetual menaces of the Pulpit ? No Indigna¬ 
 tion of the Clctgy, or any Body elfe can hurt them, 
 while Her Majefty thinks Her Self oblig’d to promife 
 them Liberty and Protection. 
 
 Belides, it feems indecent, that when the Crown in¬ 
 dulges them, the Pulpit Ihou’d threaten them ; that the 
 Clergy fhould perfecutc them from the Prels, when the 
 Government tolerates them from the Law ; this Way 
 of thele Gentlemen treating the Diflenters, can have no 
 Signification but what looks difloyal and difrefpeftful to 
 the Queen, and nianifeftly turns to their own Dilad- 
 vantage, as to Character, and to. the Difedvantage of 
 
( 457 ) 
 
 the Government, whole undoubted Interefi: it is, to 
 have a free and intire Love, and uninterrupted Confi¬ 
 dence in all its Subje&s. 
 
 Secondly, If this Doftrine be true, then the Diflenters 
 have been Ill manag’d, and it is in the Power of the 
 Government to make them all Zealous, Hearty and 
 Loyal to the prefent Eftablifhment, in every Part of it, 
 to make the Diilenters eafie, and themfelvcs cade with 
 them; and the Governing power, yet remain, not only 
 by a Right, but by a voluntary, true ConcefTion of Par. 
 ties ; That the DilTenters lhall not only obey the pre¬ 
 fent Authority, but choofe it, love it, and believe it 
 to be the beft, and the belt for them ^ and that if it 
 were diflolv’d to Morrow, would be the firfi Men in 
 the Nation to reftore it to the very fingle, undi¬ 
 vided pofture it now flourilhes in, and to maintain it 
 there. 
 
 The Queen would be ferv’d with an undivided Loy¬ 
 alty , without concerning themfelves who lhall come 
 next \ all Parties will earneftly pray, that Her Ma jelly 
 may continue long, and the Glory Ihc will obtain by 
 bringing about lo happy, fo unexpected a Union of di¬ 
 vided Parties, lhall be greater in Ages vet to come, than 
 all the Conquefts of Her Armies, or the Succcfs of this 
 doubtful War. 
 
 If any Ihou’d be fo weak, as to fay Her Majefly does 
 not defire any fuch Union , tho’ the Notion is too 
 abfurd to merit any Remark, yet it leads me to 
 take Notice, that really, whatever Her Majefly de- 
 iires, there are fome People tirho certainly do not 
 defire it. 
 
 There can be no Body in the Nation but mull delire 
 this Union, but fuch as are for The Shorte/t Way. ’Tis 
 manifefl, the Government underftands the General In- 
 tereflof the Nation too well, not to delire fuch a 
 ljuion : Tis plain, Her Majelty has exprefs’d Her Re- 
 
 H h 2 feutment 
 
( 45 * ) 
 
 fentment at the Suggcflion of any thing Cruel to 
 any of Her Subbjefts ; and Her often expreffing Her 
 Royal Tendernefs for all Her Subjects, puts it out 
 of doubt, She would be glad to fee them all in the 
 fame Path to Heaven with Her felf; but while She 
 cannot Hope for that. She cannot but defire to fee 
 them lhaking Hands, and united in Hearts in the 
 Journey, tho’ the Steps they take are in different 
 parallels. 
 
 And Her Majefty cannot but be pleas’d to fee that 
 all Her Subjefts, of whatfoever Opinion in Matters 
 of Religion, fhould joyn in a more than ordinary 
 Zeal and Affe&ion for both Her Perfbn and Govern¬ 
 ment. 
 
 Another Inference from the Premifes , is this; 
 Thofe Diffcnters who covet Places and Preferment 
 in the Government, and encreafe the Scandal of their 
 Principles, on Account of Occahonal Conformity for 
 that End, are alfo to blame, efpeciallyat fuch a time 
 as this. 
 
 If it be the True Interefl: of the Diflenters to be 
 under the Government of the Church of England Ma- 
 giftracy, let thofe to whom Places, Salaries, and Ho¬ 
 nours arc of more than common Neceffity, and that 
 can conform to qualific themfelves for them, conti¬ 
 nue in the Church; and fo not only help to promote 
 the Government they cfpoufe , but alfo carry on 
 the In ter eft of Peace, General Charity, Loyalty, and 
 Aflc&ion to the Queen, and to the Subject of every 
 fide. 
 
 The Diflenters, as Diflenters, can have no Reafon 
 to' covet Places; the Pretence of keeping out Men 
 that would diflerve the Publick would be over; for 
 where there is but one undivided Interefl in Go¬ 
 vernment, there can be no fubfiftance for Factions and 
 Parties. . , 
 
 ■ 1 
 
 * - ‘ ■ - * 
 
 What 
 
( 45 9 ) 
 
 What then can a Difienter, as a Difienter, covet a 
 publick Employment for ! Tis plain, ’tis his Intereil: 
 the Church Party Ihould have the Government, and 
 that if twas in his Hands, or offer’d to him, he could 
 not tell what to do with it, but would Petition the 
 Church Party to take it again •, he can have nothing to 
 ask, but to be fure of his Liberty and Property, his 
 Toleration and Eftate. 
 
 In order to this, being effe&ually fecur’d,th#*e wants 
 nothing, but that the Church Party be fully fatisfy’d 
 that he never can encroach on the Government, alter 
 or difturb it, which without damage to his owa 
 Jntereff: mult be impofiiblei and the Church-Man be¬ 
 ing allur’d of this, can have no manner of Ground 
 to wilh the Toleration repeal’d, or the Property of 
 the Difienter weaken’d , becaufe he is a willing 
 Subjeft, and always will be a Friend to the Govern¬ 
 ment, from the irrefragable Reafbns of his own Safety 
 and Intereft. 
 
 After this mutual Confidence fettl’d, a Difienter can 
 never delire a Place in the Government, but for the 
 Profit or Honour \ and if he cannot difpenfe with him- 
 felf about that, he mull: bring his Confidence and the 
 Sailary, or his Confidence and the Title together, and 
 iet them make the Bargain as well as they can, the State 
 is no way concern’d in it. 
 
 I fee no difficulty remains, but howto procure this 
 mutual Confidence of Parties, which tho’ it be remote, 
 is far from impoffible ; but I am in Co fair a Way to be 
 ruin’d, for Defcribing the Short eft Way to undo us, that 
 i lhall be very wary how I prescribe more Short Ways , 
 without the Direftion of my Superiors '■> and that 
 Concurring, I doubt not it might ealily be brought 
 to pafs. 
 
 But Two imediate Circumltances would contribute a 
 great deal towards it,' and both thefie I have often 
 driven at $ and while any thing I lhall write, will be 
 • read, 
 
 n 
 
( 4 *>; 
 
 read, fhall continue to aim at it, and^this is a Com¬ 
 munion of Charity and Civility between the Parties ; 
 this would make Way for a right Underloading ; and 
 tho’ there are differences in Religion, there need be 
 none in Afledion, in Society, in Neighbourhood ; Peo¬ 
 ple may be good Neighbours, good Friends, and united 
 in Interefi , tho’ one goes to the Church, and ’tother to 
 the Meeting-Houfe; let the Strife be who lives Belt, 
 and the'Contention of the Clergy who lhall Preach Bell:, 
 and by this make as many Parties and Fadions as they 
 pleafe ; let them Preach one another’s Flearers away, 
 and Increafe and Decreafe according to the Genuine, 
 Honeft Lives and Dodrines of the Party, then the bell 
 Church will be the biggeft Church ; they who Preach 
 Beft, and Pradice Beft, will have the moft of their 
 fide ; and that Church which has the moft of its fide, 
 will foon have the upper Hand, for Number always pre¬ 
 vails. 
 
 Nay, it feems a Refledion on both fides in my Opi¬ 
 nion, that here fhould be fuch ftriving, foch pulhing at 
 Power, and making Intereft by Parties about Religion; 
 let them leave Religion to Her own Methods: The 
 Ccffee-Houfe and the Clubs need not be concern’d about 
 Her, let which fide foever have the Choice of Sheriffs, 
 Mayors and Parliament Men; if it mull be Religion 
 that is in Difpute, let the Difpute be managed as a 
 religious One, and no other wife; let the Lives and 
 Dodrines of the Parties alone to Fight it out; they 
 who have the beft Principles, and live beft up to 
 them, will certainly get the better of it at laft ; 
 and if Governments and Intereft of Parties flood 
 but Neuter , it would quickly appear who are the 
 People. 
 
 But to touch a little the Particulars; If this Union 
 of Intereft be ever attempted, there mull be firft a 
 Union of Charity. 
 
 ^ Firft, 
 
( 4^i ) 
 
 Firft, The Diflenters, in whofe Name I have pre¬ 
 tended to fay, that they are willing to live peaceably 
 and quietly under the cftablifh’d Government, ihould 
 Evidence it by Practice ; they who, among the Diffen- 
 ters, are difturb’d at the Profits and Truft of the 
 Government being taken from them and given to the 
 Churchmen, are to blame, are obftru&ors of their 
 General Peace, if not Enemies to it; for as Diffentcrs, 
 Firft, Tis not a Farthing Advantge to your General 
 Intereft, if it be your Intereft the Church Party 
 fhould have the Government ; and if you would all 
 Vote for a Church of England Magiftracy if it were 
 in your Choice, Who fhou’d have ‘the Places and Pro¬ 
 fits of the Government, but thole to whom you com¬ 
 mit the Government? To defire it otherwile would 
 
 be unreafonable - -But the main Cafe lies here, 
 
 you would not be excluded, as unquallify'd and danger¬ 
 ous People. 
 
 Without Offence, let rac fay one Thing; this pro¬ 
 ceeds from the Jealoufies infus'd in the Church Party, 
 that you covet all, and that you would throw them 
 out of the Saddle, to fet your felvesin ; and this Jea- 
 loufie proceeds from the eagernefs to get into Places, 
 and the Diffatisfaction you exprefs for being Ihut 
 out. 
 
 Convince them that ’tis a Miftake, as indeed it muff 
 be it you are in your Senfes ? and let them know, by 
 the Efeds, that they are in the Wrong, and you will 
 then never be excluded from Places as dangerous 
 People, but, in time, be admitted equally with all the 
 Loyal Subjeds of the Nation. 
 
 I know no Reafon a Diffenter has to defire any 
 Concern in the Government but the Gain of it; for if 
 fince ’twas in his Power to remove the Government, 
 he would place it jult where it is, he can have no 
 defign to do it any Injury ; if then the Profits of Places 
 and Trull: be the Cafe, my Advice to the DilTeuters, 
 
 , is 
 
 
 / 
 
( 4^ 2 ) 
 
 is to convince the Church Men by a General Quietnefs, 
 and Unanimous Concurrence with the Government, 
 that however they are divided in Principles, they 
 arc one Body of EttgUJh Men, under that very Go¬ 
 vernment both of them like, and which both of them 
 would, if it were difiolv’d, voluntarily choofe to Ereft 
 again*, that they have but one Intereft, one End, one 
 Defign, and can never be feparated without an In¬ 
 jury "to both *, have one Crown, one Parliament, and 
 arc but one People, and never defire to be other- 
 wife \ and if both fides came to a fatisfa&ion of this 
 Point, there would be no more excluding of Parties 
 for Religion *, Tells, Sacraments, and occafional Con¬ 
 formities, which are now the Scandal of both fides, 
 • would fink of themfelvcs, the Caufes of them would 
 die, and the Effc&s could not furvive ; ’twould be 
 every Man’s Intereft to fupport what was every Man’s 
 Choice to fet up; every Man would defire to maintain 
 that Government which every Man would endeavour 
 ' to reftore *, and he that injur’d it, would equally be 
 abhor’d by all fides. 
 
 But all the Work does not lie on the Diflcnters 
 fide neither * and fince I have once anger’d both 
 fides, by fpcaking under a difguife, 1 can but run the 
 fame Fate in fpcaking plainly. x 
 
 The Church of England Men muft put their Hand to 
 tills Work, or it will never be brought to pafs. 
 
 Some have ftarted an unkind Objection in the 
 World, That there is no real defire in the Uiurch 
 Party ever to come to an Accomodition with the 
 Diflenters. 
 
 This may be true of fbme People in the Church, but 
 it cannot be true of the General Body of the Enrtfli 
 
 Church, 
 
C 4^1 ) 
 
 Church, of [rthom, as 1 before made a provifional 
 Caution, I am Treatiiig ; nor can it be true of any 
 that call themfelves Church-Men, unlefs one of thofe 
 two Cafes are in it: Firft, that they are only Incen¬ 
 diaries and Difturbers of the Nation, who ad un¬ 
 der the Mask of the Church Profeflion, but are really 
 Enemies of both * Or, Secondly, That they are 
 Mad-men, bercav'd both of their religious and poli¬ 
 tick Senfes. 
 
 We have had it Printed, with an Aflurance I have 
 wonder’d at. That the moderate Members of the 
 Church of England , call’d Low Church .Men , are 
 WOrfe than the Diffenters *, are Fanaticks in Mafque- 
 rade \ and poflibly foch Men as are of that Opinion, 
 would be as much difturbM if all the Qiifenters 
 fhould conform , as if all the the Moderate Church 
 Men lhouM turn Difleuters •, becaufe then their own 
 Principles would be exploded immediately by all 
 good Men/and their Perfons mark’d as the General 
 Incendiaries of the Nation ^ all the Sin of Politick 
 Schifm would plainly lye at their Doors \ and not 
 only fo, but the moderate Gentlemen of the Church 
 of England, are the Men of Temper, and ot Charity, 
 Men of Liberty ,. of Candor, and of Principles, 
 and this makes them aver fe to Oppreffion and Pcr- 
 fecution. 
 
 The Chufch of Erigland is particularly denomi¬ 
 nated from thefe Men"i I call all that Part of .the 
 Church', moderate Men, wV are true Genuine Con* 
 formifts to the Church , in Docfrinc and Difupline, 
 but neither bigotted to their Opinions, nor tainted 
 with Tyranny and Opprcflion, who are of the Chinch, 
 bccaufe they think it’s the trueft Way of Worfhip ; 
 who fpeaking of Religion, are Pror e itenr>, and good 
 Chriflians •, fpeaking ot Politicks, arc Loyal Sbbjcif* 
 
( 4*4 ) 
 
 to the Crown*, but withal, are EngUfa Men, and fill’d 
 with Charity to thofe who differ from them, cautious 
 of Eb<rltfl' Liberty, and forward not to opprefs their 
 
 Neighbours. 
 
 Nay , even Men of higher and | ftraighter Princi. 
 pies, who think hard of thofe who Diffent from them, 
 yet are not for oppreding them, and to make Pretences 
 where they cannot find them, to ruine Families for 
 Opinion in Religion. 
 
 If the Church has the Government , and the 
 Diflenters are pleas’d with its being fo, what have 
 they to defire ? If they have all the Profits of it, 
 and the Diflenters, with Confidence, commit them- 
 felves to their Prote&ion, what can they ask more ? 
 What other Reafon can thofe Gentlemen, who are 
 fo hot againft the Diflenters, give , why they 
 fhou’d be opprefs’d, but their Fear of them as a 
 Party? This Fear is thus prov’d to be abfur’d and 
 groundlefs, and therefore 1 think theConfequence is 
 plain. 
 
 T hofe People who drive at the fuppreffing the 
 Diflenters, cannot be Friends to the Church, nor 
 to tiie Government; ’tis true, it would be better 
 for the Church there was no Schifm, no Breach on 
 Account of Opinion ; but fince there is, and they 
 cannot pretend to bring all the Diflenters back 
 again , unlefs they will let up the Shrnfi Way , it 
 cannot agree with Policy, or publick lntereft, to make 
 them unealie. 
 
 If they won’t Conform to the Church, ’tis im- 
 poflible to make them; but if they will Conform to 
 the Government, if they are not Diflenters in Po¬ 
 liticks, if they Affent and Confent in publick Mat¬ 
 ters, 
 
c 4«n 
 
 tersi if they acquiefce with a Church of England 
 Government, and if it were in their Power would 
 choofe it from all others, as is I think fairly prov’d, 
 then it cannot be the Intereft of the Government 
 to difturb them j and they who would crufli them, 
 expofe them, or widen the Breach between them 
 and the Church, cannot be Friends to the Chord), 
 or to the Government, and ought to be treated accor¬ 
 dingly. 
 
 l 
 
 F t N 1 S. 
 
 
>705